[Letter] 1842 Apr. 9, Washington, [D.C. to] Thatcher T. Payne, New York / J[ohn] H[oward] P[ayne]

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Thatcher T. Payne Esquire, New York.


Washington
April 9. 1842
Dear Thatcher,
Before I got your letter, my friends here (the President's family included) had all come to the same conclusion you did about the lying paragraph concerning which I asked your opinion, -- that it would be best to take no notice of it. The paper has but a small circulation and is well understood to have been established merely to blackguard the administration and its friends. The article was meant to decoy me into a newspaper brawl. My eyes were opened to this by an anonymous letter received through the post office, signed "a friend", quoting the most offensive epithets and impressing upon me the necessity for publickly [publicly] discussing an "attack so unprovoked ". It reached me on the very evening the article appeared, but with a previous date erased, as if the paragraphist and the "friend" were the same person & the slander &


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the letter had been ready earlier, but delayed. I have reason to think that the true object was to charge other things upon me, in the course of the expected correspondence, and principally to accuse me of writing for
the Herald
and of interfering otherwise in politics. I have been too well known personally for the imputations to have any effect; had they not been so extravagant they might not have been so hurtless. I have discovered that an attack upon me has been sometime in contemplation; it was intended to have made it on the score of my absence from duty when in New York, but the ground was changed when resolutions were moved in congress to inquire into certain payments to General Scott by the Department. I believe General Scott to be at the bottom of the conspiracy and that he has intrigued thus against me in consequence that I have directly caused the investigation of these affairs of his in congress, through a charge against him in
the Herald
. He & Spencer seem to be combining and those who know more of those matters than I, think the President very wrong to retain Spencer, which I do not think he will do any great while- Almost simultaneously with the publication of the libel against me, Spencer sent for me, and very politely intimated that as I had marked out a course for carrying forward the business upon which I was engaged, so clearly that any one else could finish it; - and as none of the difficult part remained, -- he could not feel himself authorised [authorized] to continue the charge of an extra salary for it on the contingent fund, especially as there was no probability of doing any thing in Cherokee affairs this session. I have expected such a move for some time and probably if Spencer had not abolished my office, Congress would have docked it off yet more ungraciously & unceremoniously among their retrenchments. Two or


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three days after this interview, I obtained the following official conge :
"


War Department
April 5. 1842
Sir
Believing the business connected with the proposed treaty with the Cherokees on which you have been employed has been so far arranged by you, that it can hereafter be managed by the permanent clerks of the Indian Bureau, this Department does not feel authorized to continue the extra expense which would compensate a gentleman of your talent and experience in such service.
Your pay accounts may be made up to the end of the second quarter, which will be on the 12th instant.
I have requested the Commissioner of Indian Affairs to converse freely with you, and make himself acquainted with all the details of the business on which you have been engaged.

Very respectfully,
Your obed. Servt. [obedient Servant]

[Signed] J. [John] C. Spencer
John Howard Payne Esqr.
"
Since this, however, I learn that Ross is expected here hourly. If he comes, there must be something done, and I may be wanted again. Meanwhile, the Secretaryships of Legation are distributed with a view to political influences, and I am offered a choice between the consulates of Cowes, Isle of Wight, and Bristol. The latter, they say at the President's, is worth $2000 a year, and the former $2500. Others say Bristol is best; but that the Bristol fees are not worth more than an average of $800 a year. So they inform me from the State Department books. Robert Tyler insists that the fees are the smaller share of the advantages. Cowes, one person assured me, yields only $350 a year in fees, but is a delightful place of residence.


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I promised to write immediately to New York and have some inquiry made. Can you learn something on the subject for me? Sam Isaacs might give you some hints about Bristol, as, I believe, that is the great place for the iron trade. I should be glad of your earliest answer. -- Probably I should be likely to retain a consulate longer than a Secretaryship, but, if it would not pay its way, I would rather be spared such a compliment. The Tylers seemed to wonder at my indifference and protested there was not one person in fifty thousand whose application for the places would be listened to and that there were plenty, who, if they knew they could be got, would be eager to have either of them.
In answer to one of your questions about Congress, -- I myself doubt whether any move will be made concerning a Fiscal Project, although at the President's they yet have hopes. Upon the tariff, something will be settled, and the southern members are supposed to be changing in their views regarding it, though I rather question whether the alteration can be called extensive. The vital interests of the country seem nearly forgotten in the desire of the immoderates on both sides to embarrass and ultimately to crush the President. It is not believed by some who ought to know, that the mission of Lord Ashburton is to settle all, if any, of the various points in dispute between us and England; but it is supposed by members that the discussions will be very much protracted and that war, if it comes, will not occur for a couple of years. I myself think that the real disposition at the President's own house, is for war, whatever public policy may induce him to say; and war both with England & Mexico. It is thought that England is urging Mexico to irritate and insult us, and that it is from


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British gold, lent by merchants with the countenance of the English government, that Santa Anna derives his confidence. It is supposed, meanwhile, that it will very soon be attempted to bring an intrigue of England for Cuba to a consummation, but that neither our country, nor Cuba, will submit to such a transfer. The Governor of Cuba has declared that he will hoist the American flag at the Moro if England attempts to raise her banner there. One thing is certain. England is dunning Spain very strongly for a settlement of her heavy claim for loans and services and munitions of war; and that, of the three possessions which have been at various times proposed for payment, -- the Philippines, -- the Balearic Islands, -- and Cuba, -- Cuba is the one on which England sets her heart.
I am grieved to hear of the illness of Eloise, but trust it is by this time almost even forgotten. I will write to Mrs Payne very soon. My love to her and tell her the sarcophagus and monument are established in all their glory at the Executive Mansion, as I am at my own; but all my things have not arrived here yet; and it would almost seem as though they were scarcely to be gathered again, ere I myself shall be obliged to go elsewhere.
I saw Palfrey and was to have taken him to the President's, but I fear he has gone. It rained so that I could not get out last evening. I mean to seek him today. I shall write to Mrs Osborn presently.

Love to all & believe me
Ever yours truly
[Signed] JHP [John Howard Payne] . /