Faculty Research Edition of The Savannah State College Bulletin

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Collection:: Archives of Savannah State University
Title:: Faculty Research Edition of The Savannah State College Bulletin
Creator:: Savannah State College (Ga.)
Publisher:: Faculty Research Edition of The Savannah State College Bulletin, Vol. 28, No. 2 December 1974
Date of Original:: 1974
Subject:: Savannah State College (Ga.)--Faculty
Savannah State College (Ga.)--Faculty--Research
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Description:: Note: The Savannah State College Bulletin is published in October, December, February, March, April and May by Savannah State College. Contributers-- Cochran, Dr. John H.; German, Ruth A.; Menon, Dr. M. P.; Ghuman, Dr. G. S.; Harris, Dr. Lawrence H.; Jackson, Dr. Prince A. Jr.; Johns, Dr. Max Theo; McCarthy, Dr. Joseph M.; McIver, Dr. Isaiah; Nambiar, Dr. Govindan K.; Walton, Dr. Hanes
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http://www.archive.org/details/facultyresear2821974sava

FACULTY

RESEARCH

EDITION

The Savannah State
College Bulletin

Volume 28, No. 2 December, 1974

Published by

SAVANNAH STATE COLLEGE

STATE COLLEGE BRANCH
SAVANNAH, GEORGIA

Editorial Policies Which Govern The
Savannah State College Research Bulletin

1. The Bulletin should contain pure research, as well as
creative writing, e.g., essays, poetry, drama, fiction, etc.

Manuscripts that have already been published or accepted
for publication in other journals will not be included in the
Bulletin.

While it is recommended that the Chicago Manual of Style
be followed, contributors are given freedom to employ
other accepted documentation rules.

4. Although the Bulletin is primarily a medium for the faculty
of Savannah State College, scholarly papers from other
faculties are invited.

FACULTY RESEARCH EDITION

CQ C

S : The Savannah State

^ College Bulletin

' O ';

: H

: J Published by

o The Savannah State College

O Volume 28, No. 2 Savannah, Georgia December, 1974

< Thomas H. Byers Isaiah Mclver

2 Gian Ghuman George O'Neill

J Max Johns

Prince A. Jackson, Jr., President

Editorial Committee

A. J. McLemore, Chairman

X
H

3 Articles are presented on the authority of their writers, and

2 neither the Editorial Committee nor Savannah State College

assumes responsibility for the views expressed by contributors.

Contributors

Dr. John H. Cochran, Jr., Associate Professor,
Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia

Ms. Ruth A. German ind Dr. M. P. Menon, Chemistry Professor,
Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia

Dr. G. S. Ghuman, Professor of Earth Sciences,
Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia

Dr. Lawrence H. Harris, Professor of History and
Political Science, Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia

Dr. Prince A. Jackson, Jr., President,
Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia

Dr. Max Theo Johns, Associate Professor,
Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia

Dr. Elizabeth Lunz, Associate Professor, English Department,
Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia

Dr. Joseph M. McCarthy, Assistant Professor,

Department of Education, College of Liberal Arts,

Suffolk University, Boston, Massachusetts

Dr. Isaiah Mclver, Associate Professor,
Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia

Dr. Govindan K. Nambiar, Professor of Biology and

Yavonne Dashiell, Biology Student,

Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia

Dr. Hanes Walton, Associate Professor and

Dr. Delacy W. Sanford, Instructor,
Savannaih State College, Savannah, Georgia

Table of Contents

Opinions of Black and White Elementary Teachers About Cur-
riculum Development for Economically Deprived Children
John H. Cochran, Jr., Ed.D 5

Use of Metal-Chelate Displacement Reaction in the
Colorimetric Analysis of Nickel
Ruth A. German and M. P. Menon 15

Heavy Metal Ions in the Surface and Subsurface Waters
Around Savannah
G. S. Ghuman 22

The Sino-Soviet Confrontation
Lawrence H, Harris 30

A Mathematician's View^s of School Mathematics
Prince A. Jackson, Jr., Ph.D 47

A Solution to America's Racial Dilemma?
Prince A. Jackson, Jr., Ph.D 54

Income as Determined by Schooling and Race in Savannah:
Multiple Regression Estimate of the Functional Relation-
ship Between Census Trace Median Family Income, Median
Years Schooling, and Racial Proportion, 1970
Max Johns 64

Blessing

Elizabeth Lunz 88

Memphis

Elizabeth Lunz 88

The Catholic University Debate: An Unnecessary
Controversy
Joseph M. McCarthy, Ph.D 89

Negritude and Soul: Romanticism in Black

Isaiah Mclver 94

Homozygous Viability of Polygenes in a Savannah
Population of Drosophila Melanogaster
Govindan K. Nambiar and Yavonne Dashiell 114

Black Governors and Gubernatorial Candidates: 1868-1972

Hanes Walton, Jr. and Delacy W. Sanford 122

OPINIONS OF BLACK AND WHITE

ELEMENTARY TEACHERS ABOUT

CURRICULUM DEVELOPMENT FOR

ECONOMICALLY DEPRIVED CHILDREN

John H. Cochran, Jr., Ed.D.

Associate Professor of Education &

Director of Professional Laboratory Activities

Rationale for the Study

If the primary activity of schools is the teaching of children,
then all children should benefit from an education consistent
with their actual capabilities, regardless of their socio-economic
condition. Teachers who are sensitive to the capabilities and
needs of children can promote learning through a curriculum
planned with these capabilities and needs in mind.

Attempts have been made to assess the sensitivities of
teachers through research which measured attitudes and
opinions. An attitude has a cognitive element and an affective
reaction (White, 1969, p. 95). An opinion is an unverified
judgment, usually used interchangeably with belief and is
directed to the cognitive domain (White, 1969, p. 95). Opinions
often influence attitudes.

Many teachers' attitudes can be modified as a result of
increased awareness, exposure, and knowledge. Teachers should
actively seek the information and experience that will give them
a better understanding of economically deprived children
(Stone, 1969). The development of positive attitudes and
opinions by teachers can significantly affect the learning
opportunities provided these children.

Although teachers may bring positive behaviors to a learning
situation, there may be other problems to encounter. Teachers
who are sincere in their efforts to teach all children, regardless
of their academic levels, sometimes are hindered more through
administrative limitations or blocks than any other source.
Williams (1970), elaborating upon some of the limitations,
asserts, "An analysis of opinions regarding hindrances to
programs for disadvantaged youth reveals that . . . uniform and
large classes throughout the system is number one." He also
suggests that lack of equipment and teacher-denial of per-
mission to try new procedures are hindrances. Elementary
teachers indicated that system-wide policies and procedures
which are inflexible are their second greatest hindrance to
effective programs.

Schools should present the type of program and climate
that will allow their students to learn according to their own
rates (Cochran, 1971, p. 27). Smith, Cohen, and Pearl (1969,

p. 9) stated, "The schools must allow persons with different
capacities to function where they can be most useful." The
school that serves the economically deprived should not be
different from other schools. All schools should provide for the
needs of all their students. In this respect there may be some
minor differences in schools, but there is no need for a special
curriculum for the economically deprived (Havighurst, 1971,
pp. 175-188). The school only has to make some provisions for
the individual differences of its pupils.

This study may provide pertinent data on some of the
opinions of elementary teachers concerning appropriate pro-
cedures for curriculum development for economically deprived
children.

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study was to determine certain opinions
that Black and White elementary teachers had concerning
curriculum development for economically deprived children.

Methodology

Population

The inner city population in this study was composed of the
teachers from five elementary schools in the Atlanta Public
School System and five elementary schools in the City of
Savannah and Chatham County system. The rural population
was composed of teachers from schools located in a North
Georgia shared services area, a Central Georgia shared services
area, and a South Georgia shared services area.

The final numbers in the population were 104 rural
elementary teachers and 171 inner city elementary teachers.
The rural areas, to qualify for this study, had to be located
outside a 50 mile radius of a metropolitan area (100,000 or
more in population).

The teachers that participated in the study taught in
elementary schools whose student population was considered
economically deprived. This condition was determined by the
requirements of a school's having 50 percent or more of its
student population eligible to receive free or partial-pay
lunches.

Fifty-nine percent of the teachers in this study were white.
However, Whites and Blacks in the urban group were almost
identical in percentage, as contrasted to 22 percent Blacks and
78 percent Whites in the rural group. Only 51, or 19 percent,
held the master's degree or had approximately 30 semester
hours beyond that level; 81 percent held the bachelor's degree;
one person did not respond to this question. Seventeen percent
of the inner city group held the master's degree, and nine
percent of the rural group held that degree. In contrast, three

percent of those in the inner city group and eight percent of the
rural population had earned the master's degree plus 30
semester hours.

Instrumentation

The survey instrument for the study consisted of an
opinionnaire totaling 55 items. In order to obtain certain
opinions of teachers about curriculum development it was
necessary for the researcher to develop the instrument, Opinion-
naire on Curriculum Development (OCD).

The Opinionnaire on Curriculum Development (OCD) was
based upon Tyler's (1969), Taba's (1962), and Herman's (1968)
concepts of curriculum development. The OCD consisted of five
categories: (a) sources of the curriculum, seven items; (b) objec-
tives, 11 items; (c) learning opportunities, 16 items;
(d) methods and materials, 11 items, and (e) evaluation, 10
items. The instrument contained 55 items in its final form.

Results

The results of the teachers' responses to the items in the
OCD are appropriately arranged in the accompanying table.
Black and White teachers responded similarly to more than 81
percent of the items. The responses to items in the opinionnaire
have been discussed in two categories, agreed and disagreed.
This was done by combining the percentages in the "strongly
agree" and "agree" columns to form one response, agreed. The
same was done for the "strongly disagree" and "disagree"
columns to form one response, disagreed. Differences in the
responses of Black and White elementary teachers occurred in
approximately 19 percent of the items in the Opinionnaire on
Curriculum Development. Black teachers agreed 10 percent or
more than White teachers on items: 2.7, 2.11, 3.13, 4.1, 4.6,

5.4, and item 5.5. White teachers disagreed 10 percent or more
than Black teachers on items: 2.11, 3.13, 4.1, 4.6, 4.10, 5.4,

5.5, and item 5.8.

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Summary and Conclusions

This study sought to determine certain opinions that Black
and White elementary teachers had relative to curriculum
development for economically deprived children. On the basis
of the findings these conclusions were made:

1. Black and White teachers responded similarly to more
than 81 percent of the items in the OCD.

2. Black and White teachers indicated that persons who are
not professional educators have much to offer in
formulating objectives but Black teachers agreed less
that these people had a right to formulate objectives.

3. The curriculum is more than the sum total of all the
courses of study in the school.

4. Opportunities for expression within the classroom
should be both verbal and non-verbal.

5. Community resources are valuable assets to the instruc-
tional program.

6. Both groups were split as to their opinion on providing
individualized instruction in most schools.

7. White teachers, more than Black teachers, agreed that
pupils could evEiluate their own progress accurately.

8. More White teachers than Black agreed that parents'
participation in the evaluation of their children's
progress in school has value.

Implications

Teachers seem to have some theoretical knowledge and
understanding of curriculum development at the instructional
level. They probably need more opportunity for practical
application and knowledge. This opportunity for knowledge
and experience should be provided by their respective schools
and systems. Teachers should be allowed more opportunities to
engage in decision-making at the instructional level. They
should take part in curriculum planning at most levels, if not all
levels of their concern.

References

Berman, L. M. New priorities in the curriculum. Columbus, O.: Merrill,

1968.
Cochran, J. H., Jr. Opinions of rural and inner city elementary teachers

about economically deprived children and appropriate procedures for

curriculum development. Unpublished doctoral dissertation. The

University of Georgia, 1971.
Havighurst, R. J. Curriculum for the disadvantaged. In W. Van Til (Ed.)

Curriculum. Quest for relevance. New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1971.
Smith, B. O., Cohen, S. B. and Pearl, A. Teachers for the real world.

Washington, D.C.: The American Association of Colleges for Teacher

Education, 1969.
Stone, J. C. Teachers for the disadvantaged. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass,

1969.
Taba, H. Curriculum development theory and practice. New York:

Harcourt, Brace and World, 1962.
Tyler, R. W. Basic principles of curriculum and instruction. Chicago: The

University of Chicago Press, 1969.
White, W. F. Psychosocial principles applied to classroom teaching. New

York: McGraw-Hill, 1969.
Williams, P. V. Education of disadvantaged youth: vs. administrators. The

Educational Forum, 1970, 34 (2).

USE OF METAL-CHELATE DISPLACEMENT
REACTION IN THE COLORIMETRIC
ANALYSIS OF NICKEL
Ruth A. German and M. P. Menon
Department of Chemistry,
Savannah State CoUege, Savannah, Georgia

Much work has been done on the determination of the
structure and stabihty constants of metal chelates' , but no
attempt seems to have been made for the application of
metal-chelate displacement reactions to chemical analysis. It has
been shown, however, that out of two metals which form
similar chelates the one which has a much higher stability
constant will displace the other from its chelate. Since the
chelate stability constants for nickel salt and zinc salt of
ethylenediaminetetraacetate differ by at least two orders of
magnitude' , it was felt that the following reaction may be used
for the determination of traces of nickel:

Ni(H2 0)"^"^ + ZnL-' ^ NIL"' + Zn(H2 O)"^"^ . . . (1)
6 6

where L"^ represents the ethylenediaminetetraacetate ion. If the
zinc ion, displaced from its chelate by an unknown amount of
nickel, can be estimated precisely it will give a measure of the
nickel present initially in the sample. Menon^ '^ has already
demonstrated the use of other organic reactions for the analysis
of trace elements. Although there are several spectrophoto-
metric methods available in the literature for the analysis of
nickel they suffer either from lack of sensitivity or the
interference from foreign elements in the sample. On the other
hand, the extraction of zinc by a solution of dithizone in
carbon tetrachloride as zinc dithizonate (a red-colored species)
and subsequent measurement of its absorbance have been
proved to be very sensitive for the determination of zinc'* . In
this work attempt was made to make use of the nickel-zinc
chelate displacement reaction for the development of a colori-
metric method for the analysis of nickel.

Preliminsiry kinetic studies of the above reaction revealed
that, at the trace level of nickel, the above reaction will go to
near completion only if the zinc chelate is in large excess when
compared with the amount of nickel in the sample. It was also
found that the rate of reaction is dependent on the pH and
temperature of the reaction mixture.^ At a pH of 4.7 the
reaction yield for a reaction period of 30 minutes increases
from 68% at room temperature to about 80% at 40 C. The
absorbance of the blank was also found to be minimum at the
above pH. All the experiments relating to the new method of
analysis were therefore, performed at a pH of 4.7 and a

temperature of 40 C using a ICT^M solution of zinc ethylene-
diaminetetraacetate.

Experimental Procedures

Reagents

Reagent grade nickel sulfate, zinc sulfate, disodium ethyl-
enediaminetetraacetate, carbon tetrachloride, dithizone, sodium
sulfate, dimethyl glyoxime and chloroform were used in this
work. All other chemicals used in this study were also of
reagent grade purity. Stock solutions of nickel sulfate and zinc
sulfate were standardized with a primary standard solution of
oven-dried disodium ethylenediaminetetraacetate (EDTA)
potentiemetrically using a Hg-HgL"^ (Pt wire dipped in a
mercury pool) cathode. Figure 1 shows a typical potentiometric
titration curve for the titration of zinc solution. Solutions of

FIGURE 1

Potentiometric titration curve for the standardization of zinc sulfate.

2.0 4.0 6.0 8.0 10.0 12.0 14.0 16.0
Volume of disodium ethylenediaminetetraacetate (ml)

lower concentrations of nickel were made from the stock
solution. Other solutions used for this work are the following:
Acetic acid-acetate buffer, SxlCT^M and 4x10"^ M solutions of
dithizone in carbon tetrachloride, 1% solution of dimethyl
glyoxime in ethanol, 10% solution of ammonium citrate,
6MHC1, 6M NH4OH and 0.5 M NH4OH. Zinc chelate
(ZnEDTA) was prepared by mixing the appropriate amount of
the stock solution of zinc sulfate with an equimolar quantity of
the standard EDTA (sodium salt) solution and diluting with the
acetic acid-acetate buffer (pH = 4.7) to 100ml to have a final
concentration of 10"^ M.

Equipment

Thermostat, Beckman DB Spectrophotometer, Sargent
Welch Recorder Model SRG and potentiometric titration
assembly.

Simplified Procedure for the Analysis of
Interference Free Samples

After several control experiments changing the parameters
for analysis, one at a time, the following procedure was found
to be most suitable for the colorimetric analysis of nickel in
interference-free samples using the nickel-ZnEDTA displace-
ment reaction. Add 5 ml of the buffer solution (pH = 4.7) to a
25 ml test tube containing less than 10 /^g of nickel standard
and dUute to 9 ml. Add 1 ml of 10"^ M ZnEDTA and keep the
reaction mixture at 40 C for 30 minutes. At the end of the
reaction time transfer the solution to a separatory funnel
containing 5 ml of 3x10"^ M dithizone in carbon tetrachloride
and shake for two minutes. Collect the extract in a small beaker
or test tube and dry it with a small amount of anhydrous
sodium sulfate. Measure the absorbance of the clear solution at
wavelengths 536 mju and 620 mju. Prepare a blank under the
same experimental conditions. Repeat the experiment or run a
calibration curve relating the net absorbance to the concentra-
tion of nickel in the standard. Adjust the pH of the sample
solutions (3-4 ml) to about 4 and treat them in the same
manner as the standard. Measure the absorbance of the samples
at both 536 m^u and 620 mjU. Calculate the nickel content of the
sample using the relation:

A
C = sample x C (2)

sample A , , , standard

standard

or directly from the calibration curve.

Analysis of NBS Reference Standards:

Two reference standards supplied by the National Bureau of
Standards were used to test our procedure for the colorimetric
analysis of traces of nickel. In a similar work conducted in our
laboratory for the analysis of nickel using ZnEDTA labeled with
^^Zn it was revealed that most of the transition metals as well
as aluminum will interfere with the analysis of nickel.^ This is
because most of these metals form stabler chelates with EDTA
than nickel thereby displacing zinc more readily from ZnEDTA
than nickel. Since both of the standards are known to contain a
few of the interfering metals it was thought that the nickel be
separated first from the interferers before carrying out the
analysis. The following procedure was therefore, devised to
measure the nickel content of any sample containing interferers.
Appropriate amounts of the samples are dissolved in HCl-
HNO3 or HF-HNO3 mixtures and diluted to 100 ml in
volumetric flasks. Take 1 ml or an aliquot of the sample
solution containing not more than 10 ^ig of nickel and
precipitate the hydroxides of the interfacing elements with
excess of ammonium hydroxide. Centrifuge, filter and collect
the filtrate in a 25 ml test tube. Wash the precipitate one time
with 0.5 M NH4 OH and add the washing to the original filtrate.
Acidify the filtrate and add 5 ml of 10% ammonium citrate.
Neutralize with cone. NH4 OH, add a few drops in excess
(pH>7.5) and dilute to 20 ml. Add 2 ml of 1% solution of
dimethyl glyoxime in ethanol, mix and extract with two 3 ml
portions of chloroform, shaking for 30 seconds each time. Wash
the combined extract two times with 5 ml of 0.5 M NH4OH.'*
Return nickel to the ionic state by shaking the chloroform
extract with 5 ml of 6 M HCl. Evaporate the back-extract to
dryness and mix the residue with 3 ml of water including
washing. Determine nickel in the separated sample by the
procedure outlined before. Prepare the standards and the blanks
by subjecting them to the same separation, reaction and
extraction procedures as before.

Results and Discussion

In this new procedure the determination of traces of nickel
in the sample is based upon the measurement of the net
absorbance of the released zinc extracted into a solution of
dithizone in carbon tetrachloride, at 536 m/i. Figure 2 gives the
absorption spectra of the solution of dithizone in carbon
tetrachloride (A), of the blank (B) and of the zinc dithizonate
(C) prepared under the previously outlined experimental con-
ditions. It is quite obvious from this figure that the gross
absorbance (Ag(536.S)) of zinc dithizonate at 536 m/i consists
of contributions from the unreacted dithizone, impurities in the
blank as well as from the released zinc. The net absorbance at
536 mju due to the released zinc alone from any sample may,

FIGURE 2

Absorption curves for dithizone solution in CCI4 , blank and for zinc
dithizonate; (A) Dithizone in CCI4, (B) blank and (C) zinc dithizonate.

0.80

0.70
0.60
0.50
0.40
0.30
0.20

/ \<^^^

/ \ /"^ (A)

1 \ / \

/ \ '' \

/ \ '' '^-

' -''""V '"^A-'

^ y^ '- ,y \ \ \

. 1 . \ . 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 \ 1

0.10

400 430 460 490 520 550 580 610 640 670 700
Wave length (milli microns)

however, be obtained from the observed absorbances at 536 mju
and 620 m/j using the following relation:

_ ^536,DZ

V536,S) - Ag(536 s) - Ag(53g ^3) - (%620,S)

'^g(620.b)) (3)

where An(536,S) is the net absorbance of the zinc released by
any given sample at 536 m^u, Ag(536,b) is the gross absorbance
of the blank at 536 m/.(, A536.DZ and A536,DZ are the
measured absorbances of dithizone at 536 m/i and 620 m/^,
respectively and Ag(620,S) and Ag(620,b) are the respective
absorbances of zinc dithizonate and blank at 620 m/z. The
calibration graph relating the net absorbance of the released
zinc and the concentration of the nickel in several standards
containing various amounts of nickel is shown in Figure 3. All
absorbances were measured using 1 cm cells in Beckman DB
spectraphotometer. Although the calibration graph is fairly
linear occasionsQ deviations from linearity have been observed.
These deviations are believed to result from contamination of
the sample from zinc commonly present in glasswares, paper
towels, soap and so forth. Such contamination will not affect
the results in the radiochelometric method reported elsewhere. ^

FIGURE 3

0)
Si

Calibration graph for the colorimetric analysis of nickel using
Ni- ZnEDTA displacement reaction.

0.40

0.35 -

U 0.30 -

5 0.25

0.20 -

0.15 -

0.10 -

0.05

0.4 0.8 1.2 1.6 2.0 2.4

Concentration of nickel (micrograms)

2.8

The sensitivity of the method as observed by our experiments is
about 0.3 jug which is much higher than what has been reported
else wh ere. "* Unless adequate precautions are taken to avoid
contamination, the error of the analysis can, however, run as
high as 10%. With the zinc chelate reagent concentration
specified in this procedure one can measure nickel up to 10 jUg.
For the determination of the higher concentration of nickel in
the sample a more concentrated reagent has to be prepared.

Table 1 shows the results of the analysis of the NBS
reference standards. It is seen from this table that the blank for
the separated samples is much higher than that for unseparated
samples. This appesirs to be the cumulative effect of the metalic
impurities present in the reagents used for separation. Although
significant difference is noticed between duplicate measure-
ments, the average values are in general agreement with the
average values certified by NBS. It is interesting to note,
however, that the analyticEil results reported by different
analysis show considerable deviations.

In summary, this work demonstrates that the metal-chelate
displacent reactions may be used to develop suitable methods of
analysis of certain metals. One of such methods for the analysis
of nickel is presented.

TABLE 1

Results of the Analysis of NBS Reference Standards for Nickel
Using the Metal-Chelate Displacement Reaction

Absorb- Net Ab- Amt. of
Standards ance, gross sorbance Nickel % Nickel % Nickel

Standards Used (536 m^) (536 mju) (jug) (this work) NBS certified

Blank
(Unseparated)

Standard
(Unseparated)

Blank

(Separated)

Standard
(Separated)

Ferrosilicon
SRM 59a

0.469 0.286

0.854 0.461* 5.87

0.727 0.595@

1.153 0.528@ 5.87

1.156
0.931

Aluminum Alley 1.030
SRM 85b 0.995

0.561
0.336

0.435
0.400

6.25
3.72

0.041
0.025

Average: 0.033 0.028-0.039(0.033)

4.83 0.080

4.45 0.074

Average: 0.077

0.077-0.091(0.084)

'The net absorbance of the standards and samples were obtained by sub-
tracting the blank net absorbance from the corrected gross absorbances.

These are averages of duplicate measurements.

Acknowledgement

This work represents part of the research carried out under the
National Science Foundation Research grant GP-39598 awarded to one of
the authors. (M.P.M.)

Footnotes

Calvin, "Chemistry of the Metal Chelate
Inc. Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 5th Edition,

A. E. Martell and M.
Compounds," Prentice-Hall,
1962.

^M. P. Menon, J. Radioanal. Chem., 14, 63 (1973).

^M. P. Menon, Anal. Chem. Acta, 64, 151 (1973).
E. B. Sandell, "Colorimetric Metal Analysis," Interscience Publishers,
Inc., New York, N.Y., Third Edition, 1961.

^ Ruth A. German, David L. Hamilton and M. P. Menon, "A
Radiochelometric Method for the Determination of Traces of Nickel Using
an Inorganic Displacement Reaction." Paper presented at 2nd Rocky
Mountain ACS Regional Meeting, Albuquerque, New Mexico, July 8-9,
1974.

HEAVY METAL IONS IN THE

SURFACE AND SUBSURFACE WATERS

AROUND SAVANNAH

G. S. Ghuman*

In an earlier study, Ghuman^ reported some of the chemical
characteristics of surface and subsurface waters around
Savannah. Characteristics included were pH value, carbonate,
bicarbonate, chloride, and total dissolved solids as well as
qualitative observations regarding the presence of calcium,
sulfate and phosphate in these waters. In the present investiga-
tion, heavy metal ions, including the total dissolved solids, have
been studied. The optimum concentrations of metals such as
calcium, magnesium, sodium, and potassium in the water are
desirable. However, the excessive levels of these metals and very
small amounts of toxic metals such as lead in the waters
intended for domestic, industrial, and irrigation purposes and
for marine life can cause serious hazards.

Ground water, one of the nation's most valuable natural
resources, is defined as that part of the subsurface water in the
zone of saturation. The geology of a certain area has a
tremendous influence on the occurrence of water and its
movement through the area. Obviously, then the geology
determines to a considerable extent what happens to any
contaminant that may be introduced into the habitat of ground
water. Ground water is one phase of the hydrologic cycle. The
hydrologic cycle consists basically of precipitation, runoff (both
direct and ground water), and evaporation; and then the cycle
starts again with precipitation.

Contamination of ground water can occur from a point or
line source in a recharge area. The topography of the land
surface also has a very important influence on ground water
conditions. Water and any attendant contaminant in uncon-
solidated materials move through the interstices of the strata. In
view of these conditions affecting the water quality, the present
study was conducted to achieve the following objectives:

(1) To detect presence and/or buildup, in aquatic systems,
, of potentially hazardous substances.

(2) To evaluate the impact of salty ocean water on the
quality of lake water and ground water supplied by the
Ocala aquifer.

*Professor of Earth Sciences, Savannah State College.

Materials and Methods

Water Samples

In the second week of June, 1974, ten water samples were
collected in polyethylene bottles from Savannah and Thunder-
bolt cities, Lake Mayer, Savannah River and its branches
terminating in the Atlantic Ocean. Sites of sample collections
are shown in the attached map and the exact locations with
their latitudes and longitudes are described as follows:

1. Savannah City water supply sample: Ground water
taken from a house tap in May fair Subdivision. Location
-31 58' 30"N;81 06'W.

2. Thunderbolt City water supply sample: Ground water
taken from a tap in the Earth Sciences Laboratory of
Savannah State College. Location - 32 01' 24"N; 81
03' 20"W.

3. Lake Mayer water: Surface water collected from the
artificial lake filled with rain water one year ago.
Location - 31 59' 08"N; 81 05' 30"W.

4. Savannah River water: Surface water collected from the
vicinity of the river bridge on Highway 17. Location
32 10'N;81 09"W.

5. Savannah River water: Surface water collected from a
point just behind the Kilowatt Room of Savannah
Electric Company. Location - 32 04' 48"N; 81 05'
37"W.

6. South Channel water: Surface water from a site under
the channel bridge for the road leading to Fort Pulaski.
Location - 32 01' 26"N; 80 55' 48"W.

7. Atlantic Ocean water: Surface water collected from the
north end of Savannah Beach. Location 31 59'
30"N;80 50' 38"W.

8. Skidaway River water: Surface water taken at Modena
Plantation Dock of Isle of Hope. Location 31 58'
52"N;81 4' 30"W.

9. Bumside River water: Surface water collected at the
Bumside Island dock site. Location 31 55' 42"N;
81 05' 56"W.

10. Wilmington River water: Surface water collected at the
river boat dock on the Wilmington Island. Location
31 59'N;80 59' 48"W.

In the ensuing discussion, these samples will be referred by their
numbers or by short descriptive names.

IDEALIZED MAP SHOWING SITES OF WATER SAMPLES

#1 TO 10

Coastal Hwy.

Savannah Beach ^

Analytical Methods

The water samples were carried to the School of Geo-
physical Sciences, Georgia Institute of Technology, Atlanta and
were analyzed there by the author as part of the summer, 1974
study. The suspended particulates of samples were removed by
filtration through a fine filter. The Orion Research Digital pH
Meter, Model 801, was used to determine pH. Metal ions of
calcium, magnesium, potassium, sodium, iron, manganese, and
lead were determined with the use of Atomic Absorption
Spectrophotometer, Model 303. In the estimation of major
metals of Ca, Mg, K, and Na, the samples had to be diluted from
10 to 5,000-fold with deionized water to bring within the
proper range of detection by the instrument. One hundred ppm
(parts per million) Li as LiCl was mixed in standard and test
samples to avoid interference with phosphate in the determina-
tion of Mg. Standard settings and flame conditions were used
as recommended by the Perkin-Elmer instrument guide. Total
dissolved solids were estimated in the Earth Science Laboratory
of Savannah State College. The estimation was carried out by
evaporating to dryness on a water bath 25 or 50 ml water
samples in tared porcelain dishes. The drying of the samples was
completed in the air oven at 100 C for one hour and the dried
residues were cooled in a desiccator and then weighed
accurately on a Mettler balance. The loss of weight due to the
decomposition of bic2irbonates during the process of drying was
added to obtain the final estimate of total dissolved solids.

Results and Discussion

Analytical data regarding pH values, metal ions including
calcium, magnesium, potassium, sodium, iron, manganese and
lead, bicarbonate ion and total dissolved solids of water samples
are given in Table 1.

The data indicate that with only one exception, the pH,
bicarbonate content and total dissolved solids of all the surface
and ground water samples are higher as compared to the values
reported in 1969' . This confirms the general and gradual
increase of salt content of waters with the passage of time.
Ground water used for domestic purposes in Savannah and
Thunderbolt cities is supplied by the Ocala aquifer. The aquifer
flows through sedimentary limestone strata at a depth of 250 to
400 feet. Both the ground water samples contain an excess of
sodium and magnesium over calcium and this may bear some
relationships with the health of the people. From health point
of view, greater concentration of Ca than Mg is considered
desirable. Relatively high content of sodium (Na) makes this
area's ground water "soft" as against the common belief of
considering it as "hard" water. Such a composition may be
attributed to the encroachment of ground water with sea water
and also to the chemical nature of limestone layer which

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requires a study. Slightly higher levels of Ca, Mg, K, and Na in
Thunderbolt water as compared to Savannah water is a
manifestation of the effect of distance to the sea coast.
However, low levels of total solids cause no immediate concern
about the quality of ground water as the quality is considered
excellent up to 700 ppm of dissolved material.

Lake Mayer is a man-made lake filled with rain water since
one year ago. Presence of lead (Pb) and high total solids indicate
its contamination either by runoff from the surrounding land or
more probably by leaching from the adjacent Casey Canal
which is filled during the high tide cycle of the ocean.
Continuation of this process for a few years will turn the fresh
lake water into salty water which may become a source of salt
recharge to the ground water. Local government needs to take
early steps to lay the canal bottom with impervious tiles to
prevent the leaching of salty ocean water into the lake.
Chemical contamination may move farther through an aquifer
than bacterial contamination and is generally more difficult and
expensive to remove from the water when it is reclaimed.^

Savanncih River water at Highway 1 7 site has the lowest pH
and tested constituents among the ten samples. The U.S.
Geological Survey^ reported the following chemical composi-
tion of Savannah River water at Clyo in May -June of 1971-72:
Ca = 4.9 mg/1 ; Mg = 1.3 mg/1; K = 1.4 mg/1; Na = 7.8 mg/1; Fe =
1.1 mg/1; Mn = less than 50 microgram/1; alksdinity as CaCOa =
22 mg/1; SO4 = 4.0 mg/1; CI = 5.0 mg/1; nitrite + nitrate = 0.42
mg nitrogen/1; dissolved ammonia nitrogen = 0.03 mg/1. In the
determined elements of Savannah River water taken down-
stream from Clyo (sample #4), Ca and Mg are lower, K and Na
are higher, while Fe and Mn are nearly the same as compared to
those reported for Clyo site. Concentrations of metal ions and
the pH of the river samples (#4 #7 & #8 #10) increase with
the proximity to the Atlantic Ocean. Mn levels in all samples are
0.1 ppm or less as it rarely exceeds 1 mg/1. Natural waters
seldom contain more than 20 ug/1 of lead (Pb), although values
as high as 400 ug/1 have been reported. The concentrations of
lead in the lake and river waters need to be further ascertained."*
Lead is a serious cumulative body poison and must be avoided.

The major constituents calculated as percentages of all
dissolved material in the water samples are listed in Table 2.

The data in Table 2 reveal that Na is the predominant metal
ion in all water samples except the lake water in which calcium
is the most abundant. Magnesium occupies second position
except in the case of samples #3 and #4. The percentage of Ca
is greater in the first four samples, but decreases in the brackish
and salty waters (#5 to #10). Potassium varies within the
narrow limits of 0.97 and 1.71. Metal ions in the fresh waters
(#1 to #4) Eire primarily combined with bicarbonates the
percentage of which ranges from 41.77 to 61.68. These values
agree with those of Livingstone^ who reported 48.6% of

TABLE 2

Distribution of Major Constituents as Percentages of all
Dissolved Material in water samples.

Total Solids Percentage

of Total Solids

No.

Sample description

ppm

Ca K HCO3

Savannah City water

254

5.12

3.14

2.28 0.97 57.68

Thunderbolt City water

285

7.02

3.68

2.11 1.05 61.68

Lake Mayer water

409

3.91

3.05

10.74 1.71 41.77

Savannah River water
(Highway 17 site)

134

13.43

0.45

1.86 1.64 43.72

Savannah River water
(Kilowatt room site)

3995

25.03

2.69

0.83 1.25 2.93

South Channel water

26874

26.04

2.88

0.67 1.19 0.54

Atlantic Ocean water

33126

31.69

3.25

0.71 1.45 0.44

Skidaway River water

26374

28.81

3.32

0.70 1.38 0.55

Burnside River water

26814

29.83

3.26

0.70 1.36 0.54

10.

Wilmington River water

28894

28.55

3.23

0.69 1.29 0.49

bicarbonate (HCO3), and 6.5% of chloride in a river water
sample with 120 ppm of total solids and 0.41% bicarbonate as
well as 55.04% chloride in sea water. The percentage distribu-
tion data for the river and ocean water samples (#5 to #10) are
very much similar to those reported by Sverdrup et al.^

Conclusions

a) All the surface and ground water samples showed an
increase in pH value and total dissolved solids as compared
to those reported in 1969.

b) Ocala aquifer ground water used for domestic purposes in
the Savannah area contains more sodium and magnesium as
compared to calcium, thus indicating its soft nature and
slight contamination with sea water.

c) Lake Mayer water is getting contaminated by sea water
through leaching from the Casey Canal and contains traces
of lead.

d) Savannah River water at Highway 17 site and upstream has
low level of total dissolved solids and can be used for
domestic purposes when necessary.

e) Low levels of lead are present in the ocean water and the
river waters mixed with ocean water. It requires further
investigation.

A systematic monitoring of the chemical composition of
ground and surface waters around Savannah and further inland
is required to determine the rate and extent of encroachment of
sea water and presence of any pollutants. A study of the
health-related effects of magnesium, soft, and hard water will be
highly appropriate.

Footnotes

Ghuman, G. S. 1969. Chemical characteristics of surface and
subsurface waters around Savannah. Fac. Res. Bull. 23, 15-21. Savannah
State College.

Ground water contamination. 1961. Proc. of Symposium, U.S. Dept.
HEW, Robert A. Taft Sanitary Eng. Center, Cincinnati, Ohio.

Livingstone, D. A. 1963. Chemical composition of rivers and lakes.
U.S. Geol. Surv. Prof. Paper 440-G, p. 64.

Standard methods for the examination of water and waste-water.
1971. Published by Amer. Public Health Assoc. 13th ed.

^Sverdrup, H. U., M. W. Johnson, and R. H. Fleming. 1942. The
Oceans. Englewood Cliffs, N.J. Prentice Hall, Inc. p. 166.

^ Water Resources. 1972. U.S. Dept. of Interior, Geol. Survey, p. 48.

Acknowledgements

The author is grateful to the NSF for the summer study grant and to
Dr. C. E. , Weaver, Director, School of Geophysical Sciences, Georgia
Institute of Technology, Atlanta for providing laboratory facilities. Sincere
appreciation is extended to Mr. Gary Cooke and Dr. K. C. Beck for their
assistance in the completion of this work.

THE SINO-SOVIET CONFRONTATION

Dr. Lawrence H. Harris

Professor of History and Political Science

Savannah State College

An analytical view of the relations of Communist China
(C. P. R.) and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
(U.S.S.R.) over the past two decades would confirm that these
former Eillies and leading Communist powers are engaged in a
fierce ideological, political, and economic struggle that has
strategic overtones, which in time could lead to a major war.
The positioning of Chinese armies and armored Soviet divi-
sions' on the Sino-Soviet borderland and the reports of border
incidents in past years near Mongolia and the Chinese northwest
province of Sinkiang confirm the bitterness of the relations
between these giant powers. In addition, countless vitriolic press
attacks have been made by the Soviets against the Chinese, and
the Chinese against the Soviets, each accusing the other of
deviationism and other ideological heresies. The hostility of the
Russians and the Chinese is manifestly both strategic and
ideological in character.

History

The enmity between China and the U.S.S.R. has a long
history, tracing back to the Sixteenth Century when Russian
adventurers, Cossacks, and peasants claimed for the Czar
thousands of square mUes of Siberian territories, that were
formerly part of the domain of Imperial China. Much of this
"lost" Chinese territory is included as national territory on
recent Chinese Communist maps a grim augury of future
relations between the countries. The Soviets, on their part,
having determined to populate that vast area since 1939, have
funneled Russians into Siberia in the greatest single population
movement in the world.

The Russian drive toward the Pacific began about 1580
when the Tatar khanate of Sibir giving its name to Siberia was
conquered by a Russian bandit chieftain. Between the Sixteenth
and Eighteenth centuries, Russians lured by fur trade and land,
expanded toward the Japan and Okhotsk seas. The largely-
voluntary settlers were joined in succeeding centuries by

1 John Erickson, "Soviet Military Power," Strategic Review (Washing-
ton, D.C.: United States Strategic Institute, Spring 1973) pp. xiii & 18.
During the past decade Soviet ground strength in the Far East and
MongoUa has doubled and now stands at 40-44 divisions, about 600,000
troops, with strong missile and tactical air power.

hundreds of thousands of involuntary householders, including
political and criminal offenders exiled by the Czars.

In the course of its expansion, Russia acquired centrsil Asia,
inhabited in part by Moslem tribes and kingdoms; eastern
Siberia, the home of the Mongols and Manchus; and, finally, the
Amur Valley, Sakhalin Island, and a vital littoral on the Pacific
coast that extends to the borders of Manchuria and Korea. The
Russian adventurers did not stop at the Pacific but crossed the
Bering Straits,^ and under Governor Alexander Baranov ex-
ploited Alaska's resources and eventually established some 40
forts and trading posts in North America, including Fort Ross,
north of San Francisco. The Russians, on the basis of a failing
fur business and its exposed position, abandoned its North
American entrepots in 1844. The far-seeing U.S. Secretary of
State, William H. Seward, disregarding the criticism that
attended his initiative, negotiated the purchase of Alaska in
1876 for $7,200,000, or two cents per acre.-^ Russian territorial
ambitions then were focused on the Maritime Province, that
critical zone in eastern Asia where the interests of Russia,
China, Korea, and Japan intermingle and collide.

The Chinese Communists frequently claimed large portions
of Siberia that are now integral portions of the U.S.S.R. and
asserted that old Russia robbed China of its landed possessions
when the other Western powers were collectively despoiling her.
Chinese, both Communists and Nationalists, allege that treaties
consigning territories to Russia were signed during China's
occupation by foreign troops, including Russian, French,
German, English, and, sometimes, American.

The intensive confrontations between the Chinese and
Russians began after the period of 1681-83, when the Russians
under Vasili Poiarkov explored the Amur, which separates
Manchuria from Siberia. Subsequently the Russians built a fort
at Albazin and then mapped Siberia. The Treaty of Nerchinsk
(1689) the first formal Russian treaty with China was vir-
tually the only diplomatic success the Chinese had in their bleak
and unwilling exposure to foreign penetration. As a con-
sequence, the Russians abandoned Albazin and relaxed their
military pressure, in exchange for a trading agent and a Russian
Orthodox Church in Peking, the Chinese Imperial capital. Then
in the Nineteenth Century, the Russians surged against the
moribund Manchu Ch'ing Dynasty, already assailed on all sides
by foreign warships and armies. The energetic explorer. Count
Nikolai Muraviev, established Petropavlask on Kamchatka

2 Samuel Eliot Morison and Henry Steele Commanger, The Growth of
the American Republic. Vol. I. (New York: Oxford University Press,
1942), p. 460.

3 William L. Langer, An Encyclopedia of World History (Cambridge,
Massachusetts: Riverside Press, 1948), p. 798. Also see Thomas A. Bailey,
A Diplomatic History of the American People (New York: Appleton-
Century-Crofts, 1946), pp. 395-99.

Peninsula, Muraviev also founded settlements between the
Amur River and Korea, the latter a Chinese vassal state. As a
sign of China's decline, the Russians did not consider it
imperative to inform the Chinese of their latest expansionist
activities until 1851.

The Treaty of Aigun (1858) between Russia and China-
following the humiliation of the Chinese by the Tientsin treaties
(1858) ceded to the Russians other Chinese territories on the
left bank of the Amur, as far as the Ussuri River. In 1860,
Russia violated its treaty obligations by founding the poten-
tially great naval base of Vladivostok. Count Nikolai Ignatiev at
the signing of the Treaty of Peking (I860) taking advantage of
overwhelming Western armies in China obtained for Russia
both banks of the Amur River to Korea. Russia was now in
position to threaten or occupy Manchuria and Korea and to
begin new adventures against either China or Japan. The Treaty
of Hi (1881) was a further debasement for China, ceding to the
Russians a large area north of Sinkiang.

Other Bases of Sino-Soviet Difference

After the Chinese liberated themselves from the Manchu
Dynasty in 1911, the Bolsheviks dispatched Michael Borodin and
General Galen (V. K. Bluecher) to serve as Soviet advisors to
Sun Yat-sen and the new Kuomintang Party. Soviet Russia, as
friendly gestures, gave up extra-territoriality and its concessions
at Tientsin and Hankow. However, the psychological advantages
gained by the Soviets shortly disappeared, when, in 1927,
Chiang Kai-shek and conservative members of the Kuomintang
established a government at Nanking and drove the Russians
and Communists from the party.'* Purges and a civil war
followed. The Communist remnant fled to Kieingsi ind Fukien
provinces, where peasant reinforcements joined them. The "Ten
Thousand Li March," of 1934-35, a strategic retreat, took the
Communists to their final fastness in northern Shensi Province.
In 1937, the Nationalists and Communists forged an uneasy
alliance to fight the Japanese, who had pushed China into a war
of survival. It is noteworthy that during much of the Sino-
Japanese War that Joseph Stalin took an opportunistic
position, sometimes favorable to the Nationalists, as opposed to
the Chinese Communists. Stalin sought the attainment of Soviet
long-range political objectives rather than the survivEil of the
Chinese Communists.^

^Harold M. Vinacke, A History of the Far East in Modern Times
(London: George Allen & Unwin, 1967), pp. 448-453.

5 Robert C. North, Chinese Communism (New York: McGraw-Hill,
1966) pp. 176-77. Also see Franz Schurmann and Orvill Schell, Com-
munist China: Revolutionary Reconstruction and International Confronta-
tion 1949 to Present (New York: Random House, 1967), pp. 238-40,
254-58.

After the Chinese Communists pushed the Nationalists from
the Mainland in 1949-50, the Soviet Union cooperated with the
People's Republic of China in its industrial and scientific
recovery, until about 1960. At that time. Premier Nikita
Khrushchev terminated his aid to the Chinese nuclear weapons
program^ and may have considered (although it is not abso-
lutely clear) destroying Chinese nuclear installations with a
preemptive strike.''

Causes of the Split

The Western World, in particular the United States, was
apprehensive about the close cooperation between the U.S.S.R.
and Communist China involving the second greatest industrial
power and its Chinese partner, with the largest population in
the world. In 1960 this alliance began falling apart and the
at-first disbelieving world began breathing a sigh of relief. What
had caused the rift between the two Communist monoliths?
The answer is complex but could be simplified into three basic
answers: (a) nationalism (b) a split in ideology, and (c) a
divergence in national interests.

During the period 1949 to 1960, the Chinese regarded their
alliance with the Soviet Union as their principal protection
against the so-called "imperialist camp," as led by the United
States. Yet, the alliance signed between Communist China and
the U.S.S.R. in February 1950 was defensive in character, and,
from the Soviet viewpoint, pointed against Japan, but Stalin
was eager to curb the C.P.R. from any adventures that might
lead to a war between the Soviet Union and the United States.^
During the Korean War, as a deterrent to the Americans
spreading the war into Manchuria, Stalin ordered Russian troops
to remain at Port Arthur beyond 1952, when normally they
would have retired to the U.S.S.R. by 1950. All of this did not
prevent Stalin from indulging in his own adventures in both
Manchuria and Sinkiang.

Following the death of Stalin in 1953, his Politburo
successors altered Soviet strategy. They permitted the Chinese
to sign an unfavorable treaty with the United States and its
allies of the Korean War. After the treaty was in effect, the
Soviet leadership revealed that the U.S.S.R. possessed the
hydrogen bomb, knowledge which could have been a trump
card for the Chinese in the Sino-American negotiations. The
year 1954 brought severe strains to the Sino-Soviet alliance: the
Indo-China crisis became critical, and the United States con-

^ Harold C. Hinton, Communist China in World Politics (Boston:
Houghton Mifflin, 1966), p. 472.

'Erickson, op. cit., pp. 16 & 23. Russian Marshal M. V. Zakharov,
Chief of the General Staff after 1964, reorganized Soviet defenses in the
Far East, and is credited with advising against a preemptive attack on the
Chinese nuclear installations.

8 North, op. cit., p. 177.

ducted important nuclear tests to maintain an overwhelming
strategic superiority over the Soviet Union. Shortly thereafter,
John Foster Dulles announced the doctrine of "massive
retaliation.'"' The Chinese strongly suggested to their Soviet
partner that, as a counterpoise to American policy, it should
work against American naval power near China and should
support the "liberation" of Taiwan.

In the leadership battle in the U.S.S.R. between Nikita
Khrushchev and Georgi M. Malenkov, following the death of
Stalin, the Chinese Communist leaders rallied to Khrushchev
when he advocated a stronger military posture for the U.S.S.R.
and indicated that he would honor the Soviet commitments to
Communist China. The political ascendancy of Khrushchev
produced a welcome Soviet promise to withdraw its troops
from Port Arthur. The Chinese in this period subordinated their
defense programs to internal economic developments, largely
relying for protection on their Soviet ally. Still the Chinese
military structure was modernized and streamlined in a modest
way, and some new equipment was received from the U.S.S.R.

Khrushchev's partial triumph over Malenkov in February
1955 brought warnings that if the Soviet Union was threatened
from abroad, the U.S.S.R. might launch a preemptive attack
against the United States. Subsequently this threat has been
viewed as mirroring a lack of confidence by the Soviet Union to
survive a first strike by the United States. At this historical
juncture the Soviet Union strengthened its bomber force and
missile programs. Despite his rattling of the sword, Khrushchev
made no belligerent statements with regard to the Taiwan
Straits crisis, which reached its peak in 1955.

Khrushchev, who had been exchanging exploratory
messages with the Americans,' ^ made an admission that
offended the militant wing of the Chinese Communists; he
announced his willingness to work toward disarmament or even
the discontinuance of thermonuclear testing.* ' This was an
admission of heresy to the Chinese, who had proclaimed that
they were not unduly fearful of a world war, for it would surely
destroy imperialism but somehow would leave "Socialism"
largely intact so that it would emerge triumphant. Stripped of
the rhetoric, the Chinese apparently had meant to say that they
did not believe in the likelihood of a thermonuclear war.

The Chinese, on the other hand, were concerned about their
own small nuclear complex. This nuclear foundation was based
upon one to three small nuclear research reactors given to China

9 Henry T. Simmons, "U.S. Strategic Power," The Retired Officer
Magazine (September, 1974), p. 34.
iORinton, op. cit, p. 130.
1 1 North, op. cit, pp. 210-11.

by the Soviet Union. ^ ^ China later built an extensive nuclear
complex, with perhaps 40 nuclear reactors in operation.

The Soviet Union apparently had severe misgivings about
contributing to any substantial Chinese Communist nuclear
complex. This much was clear from Khrushchev's endorsing in
1957 of an atom-free-zone in Asia, which would have elimi-
nated China as a nuclear factor and would have left Soviet and
American strategic nuclear forces intact. The Chinese, which at
that time had no nuclear plant, then advocated complete
nuclear disarmament and the destruction of nuclear stockpiles,
which would have left Communist China as the strongest
conventional military power in Asia. While a Soviet-Chinese
agreement on scientific and technical cooperation was signed in
1958, and, in all likelihood, the Soviet Union agreed to furnish
military aid and some missiles, there is no suggestion that the
Soviets wished China to have a nuclear or hydrogen bomb
potential.

Chiang Kai-shek, from his fortress at Taiwan, announced
that a conventional war in the Far East was for him the best
means to defeat Communism. The United States Forces in
Taiwan, aligned with Chiang, were armed with Matador missiles,
capable of firing either conventional or nuclear weapons against
the Mainland. The Chinese Communists were less secure and
could not be certain what actions the Soviet Union would take
in their behalf, even if the Nationalist Chinese undertook a
landing on the Mainland coast with American support. There-
fore, in 1959, Communist China hesitantly endorsed
Khrushchev's proposal for an atom-free-zone in the Far East
and the Pacific Basin, which would have relieved the U.S.S.R. of
risky military commitments in that area.^ ^

One of the great curiosities of history was the Chinese
experiment "the Great Leap Forward," initiated in 1957
which ushered in "backyard furnaces," giant communes (each
with 12 collective farms), and millions of peasants training as
militiamen. Although this anomaly was an enormous failure, it
may have been created, at least in part, with a motive of
dispersing China's industrial capacity in the eventuality of an
atomic war stemming from the Taiwan Straits situation.

The Soviet-Chinese Communist alliance was dying in 1960
and was buried in 1964. The demise of this alliance coincided
with the loss of leadership by Nikita Khrushchev in the U.S.S.R.
Coincidentally it also marked the switch from the Eisenhower-
Dulles foreign policy to that of John F. Kennedy. When
Khrushchev became First Secretary of the Communist Party in
1953, following the death of Joseph Stalin, he ushered in a

i^Hinton, op cit, p. 129. Also see Hugo Portisch, Red China Today
(New York: Fawcett Publications, 1967), p. 324.

Erickson, op. cit., p. 20. Khrushchev matured in the view that a
nuclear war would be a manifestation of insanity.

period of minimal coordination between the U.S.S.R. and the
Chinese Communists on matters of foreign policy. After 1956,
the Chinese challenged Khrushchev's "modern revisionism,"
that is accommodation to the United States for the sake of
world security. Mao and his Chinese coterie also challenged
Khrushchev for the primary leadership of world communism.
This deterioration in relations continued, with 1957 bringing
the end to Soviet long-term financial credits to China. In 1960,
Soviet technical assistance to China finally ended.

The Cuban crisis of October 1962 brought charges by the
Chinese that the U.S.S.R. surrendered its Communist principles
and cravenly prostrated itself before the United States in
removing ballistic missiles from Cuba. The placing of inter-
mediate-range ballistic missiles in Cuba was a Soviet attempt to
neutralize the American lead in strategic weapons. The Chinese
reaction was to accuse the Soviet Union of "adventurism" for
placing the missiles in Cuba and "capitulation" for taking them
out.^^

The embarrassment to the Soviet Union in withdrawing its
missiles from Cuba produced further doubts about Soviet
willingness to defend Mainland China. The ensuing fierce
dialogue between China and the U.S.S.R. touched on Soviet
defense obligations to China, which made it clear to observers
that Moscow regarded its commitments to China to be purely
defensive. Further, the Soviet Union would not use its forces to
"liberate" Taiwan. In chagrin, the Chinese threatened to open
again the question of its frontiers and to demand the return of
Asian areas taken by the Russians over the centuries. The
U.S.S.R.'s position was that it would react with military
strength, only if Manchuria, North China, or cities near the
Soviet Union were violated or an unprovoked general strategic
attack against the Mainland was launched by the United States
or Japan. Khrushchev bent the policy of the U.S.S.R. toward a
detente with the West. Thus, he signed the Test-Ban Treaty,
which the Chinese decried as a betrayal of the Soviet-Chinese
alliance. The Cuban crisis of 1962, thus, lucidly marked the
further destruction of the Chinese-Soviet partnership.

Reasons for Sino- Soviet Differences

The reasons for Soviet-Chinese differences are complex and
involve the long histories of both countries: First, and of some
considerable importance, is the sociological reason, which
includes the clash between the European and the cruder Russian
tradition versus the Asian and highly sophisticated Chinese
tradition. It also involves the historical antagonism between the
Russians and Chinese, nurtured by Russian acquisition of
Chinese-claimed territory in central and eastern Asia, as well as

!* Irwin Isenberg (ed.), The Russian-Chinese Rift (New York: H. W.
Wilson, 1966), p. 32.

the proud and competing nationalisms of the peoples in both
cultural areas.

Second, there is a profound contrast between the respective
historical experiences of the two Communist parties. The Soviet
Party came to power during a period of civil war and foreign
intervention. As a consequence of this and the Communist
doctrines relating to world revolution, the Soviet Union
developed a hostility toward the West, especially the United
States, that in turn created a fear-inspired reaction around the
world, and laid the basis of an Anti-Communist psychosis in
Europe, notably Germany, that was one factor which led to
World War II. Chinese Communism is Asian in character,^ ^
moulded by its reliance on a peasant work force, and, since it
had a long period to experiment with political and social
models, adapted them uniquely for China. China developed no
one-man vendetta, such as was devised by Stalin, although Mao
did authorize the "kill the landlord" program which was a
chilling aspect of Chinese Communism. The Chinese experience
was more national than international in character and generally
inward-looking. Only in 1953, during the Korean War, did
China intervene militarily from its borderlands and become a
major element in a war abroad. Later in 1962, it also invaded
India, but this was an aberration in its foreign policy.' ^

Third, the divergent national positions and interests of the
regimes are irritants in the foreign relations of the two powers.
The Soviet Union, despite its agricultural and internal problems,
is a largely self-contained power. At the present time, it is less
interested in taking great chances that might lead to a world
holocaust.' ^ China, on the other hand, is a relatively poor
country and far more militant and irreconcilable. China, having
the least to lose, has proven to be the most intractable.

Fourth, there was undoubtedly a state of rivalry for
authority and leadership between Mao and Khrushchev, follow-
ing Stalin's death. This personal distaste extended to Mao's wife
who told a visitor that she disliked Khrushchev because he had
bad table manners and smelled bad, and Mao disliked
Khrushchev's shoe-pounding at the United Nations. Mao re-
putedly regarded himself to be the world's senior Communist
after the death of Stalin, and resented Khrushchev's efforts to

15 North, op. cit., pp. 200-204.

16 North, op. cit., pp. 208-9. North emphasizes that Soviet poHcy on
the Sino-Indian border dispute was among the most abrasive causes for the
destruction of the Chinese-Soviet aUiance.

17 Edward L. Warner, III. "The Development of Soviet Mihtary
Doctrine and Capabilities in the 1960's," American Defense Policy
(Second Edition), edited by Mark E. Smith and Claude J. Johns, Jr.
(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1968), p. 318. Soviet aid and encourage-
ment to insurgencies promoted by the Algerian F.L.N. , Castro's Cuban
rebels, and the Viet Minh have, to the Chinese Communist viewpoint, been
both inadequate and timid.

give ideological and strategic guidance to the entire Communist
International movement.

Neither Communist China nor the U.S.S.R. desire a general
war to break out, but it is China that regards with lesser risk
so-called brush-fire wars or wars of national liberation.^ * In a
religious war, the heretic is frequently hated more than the
unbeliever, and both the U.S.S.R. and China have accused the
opposing camp of ideological hersy.

Territorial Disputes

There is an undeniable rivalry between the two large states
for influence in Asia. One key arena of conflict is Outer
Mongolia. Here Chinese activity and influence have increased
since 1952. While the Mongols are no longer direct subjects of
the U.S.S.R., they have remained loyal to the Soviet Union
during the Sino-Soviet dispute. In 1963, the Mongols expelled a
large number of Chinese technicians for distributing anti-Soviet
literature. The Mongols' attitude is attributed, in large part, to
their traditional fear of Chinese imperialism. Thus, while Outer
Mongolia is a buffer state between the U.S.S.R. and China, it is
entirely feasible that Soviet troops are stationed in the
country.* ^

While Soviet policy with other Asian countries, such as
India, Indonesia, and Burma, is based in part upon countering
the influence of the United States, it has a vitEQ secondary
purpose the neutralizing of economic and propaganda pro-
grams initiated by the Communist Chinese. This partially
explains the Soviet recognition of the claims of Indonesia to
West Irian (Dutch New Guinea) and Soviet aid to India during
the Sino-Indian border disputes. Americans were shocked when
India and the U.S.S.R. entered into a defense pact, despite
enormous American economic assistance to India. However, the
Indians may have been over-reacting to fear of China (allied to
Pakistan), rather than to America's "neutrality" with respect to
the Pakistan-India wars, which coincided with the Chinese-
Indian border confrontations.

As indicated, the esirly Sino-Soviet alliance suffered from
Soviet fears of involvement in a Far Eastern war over Taiwan,
Soviet reluctance to see China become a nuclear power, and
Soviet exploration of dissirmament and a detente with the West.

In the spring of 1969, the Sino-Soviet dispute resulted in a
military clash between the two countries near the disputed
island of Chen Pao Tao (Damansky Island), in the Ussuri River

18 North, op. cit., pp. 209-10. Also see Davis B. Bobrow, "Chinese
Views on Escalation," American Defense Policy (Second Edition), edited
by Mark E. Smith and Claude J. Johns, Jr. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
Press, 1968), pp. 327-8.

1 ^Erickson, op. cit., pp. 17-18. About 1967, the Soviet Union assisted
in reorganizing the Defense Ministry of the Mongolian People's Republic.

along the Sino-Soviet eastern frontier. Hostilities then broke out
at other points along the border. In October 1969, however,
high-level talks on the border problems were held in Peking,
localizing the problem.

Another source of friction has been economic. Some
authorities believe that this aspect may have been the principal
cause of the Sino-Soviet rift. The result has been that
Sino-Soviet trade dropped from $2.14 billion in 1956 to $56
million in 1969.^^ Until 1960, the Soviets made a large and
vital contribution to Chinese industrialization, sending to China
over ten thousand advisers.^ ^ The Chinese resented the ending
of Soviet long-term credits in 1957, the withdrawal of Soviet
assistance in 1960, and finally the refusal of the Soviet Union to
give the C.P.R. special assistance. Petroleum exports were made
to China, but recent studies would indicate that currently the
Soviet Union is exporting little or no oil to the Communist
Chinese.

Post-Mortem Analysis

In 1960, unity between the Soviet Union and the Chinese
was almost non-existent. During this phase of the struggle, the
Chinese appear to have had a psychological advantage, for they
were more orthodox and seemed more willing to see unity
killed than compromised. Both sides intervened with key figures
in the opposing country. The Chinese had contacts with
Vyacheslav Molotov, Ambassador to Outer Mongolia from 1957
to 1960, and also with Frol Romanovich Kozlov, First Deputy
Chairman of the U.S.S.R. Council of Ministers in 1958, who
retired in 1963.

China's Nuclear Development

If we disregard all the devious terminology in the dialogue
between the Soviet Union and Communist China, there appears
no doubt that China did not desire a general war. Secret Chinese
papers, dating from 1961, prove that the Chinese Communists
had given much thought to the effect of a thermonuclear
attack.^ ^ Even if the thermonuclear attack was against the
U.S.S.R., China's principal installations, its population, and
agricultural land would suffer fatal damage. If the Chinese
people survived. Communism of the Chinese variety assuredly
would not.

Hugo Portisch, editor of the Vienna Kurier, stated that the
U.S.S.R. released an unknown quantity of enriched uranium to
China and possibly three reactors.^ ^ The U.S.S.R., nevertheless,

2 "Peoples Republic of China," Department of State Background
Notes, Publication 7751 (August 1971), U.S. Department of State.
2 1 Irwin Isenberg (ed.) op. cit., pp. 22-23, 53, 55.
2 2Hinton, op. cit., p. 162.
2 3 Portisch, op. cit., p. 325.

opposed the concept of a separate nuclear complex with a
military character for China. Since 1956, the world knew that
Communist China was working on the development of an
atomic bomb. Great help was rendered by Chinese scientists
trained in America and Europe, including Dr. Shien Hsueh-
shen,^"* who conducted research at Massachusetts Institute of
Technology and California Institute of Technology. In addition,
some idealists that defected to the U.S.S.R. helped create the
Chinese nuclear complex, including the famous Italian nuclear
physicist, Pontecorvo. Men of Pontecorvo's type felt that the
occurrence of a world war would be deterred by the wide
diffusion of nuclear knowledge. Even the United States had
distributed parcels of 13 pounds of enriched uranium to various
world powers, whereas it required only 55 pounds to make an
atomic bomb.

The Chinese have developed both atomic and hydrogen
bombs and have conducted at least 13 experiments on the
surface, underground, and in the air. The first atomic detona-
tion was in 1964. The Chinese assembled their scientists and
initiated their programs in remote Sinkiang Province, where
there was available both uranium and thorium and the expertise
to create hydroelectric installations. The Chinese constructed a
missile range at Lop Nor, which at first was about 500 miles
long, but probably has been enlarged to accommodate experi-
mental models of an ICBM that ultimately may have a range of
6000 miles. Chinese technology is far in advance of early
predictions, as evidenced by a Chinese earth satellite launched
in April 1970. Military estimates in the United States calculated
that the Chinese Communists should have 80 to 100 Medium-
Range Ballistic Missiles in the mid-1970's, with a range of 1,000
miles.^ ^ The ICBM's will be ready by 1975, according to some
estimates.

The major weakness in the Chinese armament may be the
limitations in its delivery system. China was given some rockets
by the Soviet Union, and, apparently these were used in the
early tests. China also has at least one Soviet G- type
diesel-powered submarine capable of firing a Polaris-type
missile, but this reportedly is unarmed. The Chinese possess
few planes, among them British four-engine turboprop Vickers
Viscounts, and Russian two and four-engine Ilyushins. China
has a limited number of TU-16 Badger jet medium-range
bombers and reportedly is able to produce four or five of these
a month. The TU-16 has a range of 1,600 miles and can deliver
a three-megaton thermonuclear warhead, which China currently
may be producing.

24Niu Sien-Chong, "Red China's First Earth SateUite," NATO's
Fifteen Nations, (June-July, 1971), pp. 78-81.

2 5 Alice Langley Hsieh, "China's Nuclear Missile Program: Regional or
Intercontinental," The China Quarterly (March, 1971).

The Chinese showed an amazing capacity for mastering
space and nuclear technology in overcoming sophisticated
hurdles of the greatest difficulty. In spanning the gap between
the atom bomb and the development of a hydrogen bomb, the
Chinese required only two years and eight months, as compared
with the U.S.S.R.'s six years, and America's seven years and
four months.^ ^ Although Chinese capability in the realm of the
ICBM still is to be proved, there is no question about their
development of Medium-Range Ballistic Missiles.^ ^ This
achievement became more significant in 1970, when the
People's Republic placed a 173-kilogram (381 pounds) satellite
into orbit, which demonstrated that the Chinese soon would be
able to deliver a nuclear warhead to any place on earth. Of
course, the spectacular development of a space satellite was
accomplished at a prodigious cost, which if compared with the
$500 million paid by the Japanese for their satellite, cost the
Chinese $4 billion, computed on the basis of the satellite's
weight.^ * The elation of the Chinese population produced by
the news of its atomic explosions and the launching of a
satellite showed a profound satisfaction with the narrowing of
the gap between the technology of the Chinese and their two
great adversaries.

Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird noted on February 20,
1970,^^ that the Chinese had been producing U-235 since
about 1963 and were believed at that time to be producing
plutonium. Plutonium use was reported in the Chinese test in
December 1968 of a thermonuclear device. The Chinese also
demonstrated in these tests that they could produce enriched
lithium and heavy water. In 1970 it was estimated that the
Chinese had only sufficient quantities of U-235 to produce a
few dozen weapons. If a second U-235 plant were built, three
years would be required before production could begin.

China undoubtedly places the utmost importance on its
advanced weapons program. While it is difficult to tell what
restraints China's scarce economic and skilled manpower re-
sources have placed on the development of advanced weapons,
it is certain that research and development in this field have
been given the highest priority. Regardless of whether China's
annual growth is GNP 3 or 4 percent, its economy is able to
support a modern military capability, though one far from
being in the league with that of the United States or the Soviet

2 6 "New Achievements in China's Science and Technology," p. 34, in
Translations on Communist China, Joint PubHcations Research Service,
Washington, D.C., No. 116 (8 September 1960).

2 7Niu, op. cit., p. 32. The destructive power of the hydrogen bomb
warhead is caused by the fusion of hydrogen atoms in a thermonuclear
reaction and is about nine times as powerful as the splitting of atoms in an
atom bomb.

2 8Niu, op. cit.

2 9Hsieh, op. cit.

Union. As the research and development continue and emphasis
is shifted to production and operational deployment, costs are
bound to rise and a broader scientific and industrial base will be
required. This will undoubtedly give rise to debates, such as
took place in 1965, initiated by Lo Jui-Ch'ing, as to what
degree national programs should be sacrificed to develop a
sophisticated nuclear delivery program.^

The launching of China's first earth satellite on April 24,
1970 indicated that a two-stage booster was used, the first
element most likely a Soviet SS-4 or a copy of it, but the
lopsided orbit of the Chinese satellite suggests that guidance was
at a minimal.^ ^ However, this considerable feat does not
compare with the launching of an ICBM, which does require a
complicated guidance system. There is good evidence that the
Chinese are engaged in the development of solid-fuel missiles
and that an appropriate test site for an ICBM is nearing
completion or has already been completed.

The Chinese may be developing a regional strategy, in which
she is giving priority to a nuclear mix of Medium-Range
bombers, Medium-Range Ballistic Missiles and Intercontinental
Ballistic Missiles, as well as tactical nuclear weapons. Although
such a force may invite an attack, particularly in its incipient
stages, the Chinese viewpoint is that the gamble is worthwhile if
it produces the gaining of political prestige, serves to deter the
Soviet Union, Japan, and the United States, and induces Asian
countries to exert pressures to prevent an outbreak of general
war.

Conventional Forces

The Chinese have given no indication that they will
downgrade their conventional forces, despite their nuclear
development. The Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA) is at
least 2.3 million men strong,^ ^ garrisoned in 13 military regions
and 23 districts. The Chinese Air Force, embracing 2500 planes,
while perhaps the world's third largest, is largely obsolete. The
Navy is small but may include some 40 conventional force
submarines.^ ^ This compares with the Soviet force of about
3,375,000 troops divided into an Army of two million; an Air
Force of 550,000; a Navy of 475,000; and, a Strategic Rocket
Force of 350,000.

Do these forces, conventional and unconventional, pose any
great threat to world peace? Apparently there are many
students of China and the U.S.S.R. who are genuinely worried

3 0/bjd.

3 1 Hsieh, op. cit.

3 2 Sin Min Chiu, "China's Military Posture," American Defense Policy,
(Second Edition), edited by Mark E. Smith and Claude J. Johns, Jr.
(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1968), p. 320.

3 3/bjd., pp. 320-21.

over the mounting difficulties of these major powers. Two
well-known reporters, Rowland Evans and Robert Novak, in a
column from Washington, D.C., stated that some experts for
months have said that the odds are 50-50 in favor of a Soviet
strike against the growing Chinese nuclear arsenal.^ "* In my
opinion, if the Soviets seriously considered such a drastic step,
this would have occurred during the period of Khrushchev.
Most experts discount the likelihood of a Sino-Soviet war. But
one of the disclaimers is Secretary of State Henry Kissinger,
who only half-jokingly told a group of scholars that he had two
nightmares: one, that Moscow and Peking would make up; the
other, that they would fight a war.^ ^ Such well-seasoned
politicians as Senators Strom Thurmond and Stuart Symington
have reportedly expressed astonishment over the announcement
of Admiral Thomas Moorer that China could have ICBM's ready
for production as early as 1975-76,^ ^ the warhead to carry to
all major targets in the United States and the Soviet Union. It
was with a background of these solemn warnings that President
Richard Nixon made his historic journey to Mainland China in
February 1972, seeking to open a new era of peaceful relations,
after two decades of recriminations between Peking and
Washington.

Remjirks

I would now like to deviate from doctrines and fairly-
accurate reports on the Soviet-Chinese political and military
situations and policies to make a few speculative remarks. In my
opinion, the "opening" of China stems as much from China's
basic needs as from the initiative of former President Nixon. I
believe that the Chinese are apprehensive about their own
isolation and frightened by the intensity of their confrontation
with the Soviet Union. If we disallow North Korea and North
Vietnam, China has only one close ally in the geographical
sense, namely Pakistan, and that state has already been
dismembered by India, and is separated from China by the most
rugged terrain in the world, and furthermore, is harassed by its
own hunger and poverty. Many Chinese still regard Japan as a
greedy Samurai, who hungers for space and economic domina-
tion, and who in times past took Manchuria, northeast China,
Shantung Province, Formosa, and Korea, all possessions or
former dependencies of China. The Chinese have few reliable
friends and none of them of any significant power exemplified
by such minor entities as Albania in Europe, and Guinea and
Tanzania in Africa.

^'^Savannah Evening News, February 20, 1973.
^^ Newsweek, February 21, 1972, p. 55.
^^Savannah Morning News, January 17, 1973.

The Chinese desire to have their rear protected, while they
are obliged to confront the Soviet Union over serious border^ ^
and ideological problems. The most formidable enemy of the
C.P.R. for 20 years was the United States which in the spirit of
real politik and desire for trade and a more harmonious
relationship, now seeks a detente and a resumption of full
diplomatic relations. Of course, Taiwan remains the thorn in the
relationship and to Chiang Ching Kuo's island-fortress there is
an important U.S. security commitment. However, with the
reduction of the United States military force in Taiwan, the
American presence will be minimal. The Nationalists on Taiwan
do not have the ability to successfully attack the Mainland, even
with a tough Army and Air Force,^ * and the Chinese
Communists appcEir to have no immediate plans to take Taiwan
by force.

The greatest danger for the Chinese Communists is their
growing nuclear capability. While a mature nuclear complex wUl
give the Chinese prestige and the status of a major power, it
poses the most tantalizing target for the Soviet military forces.
If the Soviet Union could destroy this incipient threat with a
preemptive strike, China would be humbled and the fangs
extracted. My own view is that the Soviet Union (since
Khrushchev's leadership), has a ripe appraisal of world realities
and would not embark on such a drastic action, unless it
foresaw that the United States and China were forging a
military pact against the Soviet Union, rather than framing
peaceful agreements for an exchange of commerce and culture.
The American Government has gone to great pains to explain to
the Soviet Union that a rapprochement with China is not
directed against the Soviet Union, and that American efforts
will bring a greater assurance of world peace.

If the Soviet Union, in disregard of America's peaceful
intentions, should recklessly destroy China's installations, it
could obliterate in one blow all the bridges of amity that have
been constructed. The reaction in America would be to prepare
for war with the Soviet Union, possibly bringing in the wake of
such development the immense expense of a complete Anti-
Ballistic Missile System, new weapons, and the psychological
conditions of the old "cold war." The tension produced by such
an irresponsible action could easily spark a conventional or
nuclear war.

While I do not anticipate an immediate war between the
Soviet Union and China, I do perceive that border incidents will
continue, and, in the future, the U.S.S.R. may return some

3 7North, op. cit., pp. 208-9.

3 8 The Nationalist Air Force in skirmishes with the Communist
Chinese over the Taiwan Straits has shown its superiority, with a kill-ratio
better than ten to one. See Sin Min Chiu, op. cit., p. 321. Chiang Kai-Shek,
died in 1975, succeeded by his son Chiang Ching Kuo.

limited areas in Asia to China. ^ ^ As the Chinese nuclear
complex becomes more formidable, I foresee that China's
restraint, so admirably applied to her foreign policy, will also be
applied to her propaganda. Ultimately China and the Soviet
Union will resume a taut respect for each other, based upon the
realities that each has the ability to destroy the other, and with
it, much of the world. If peaceful solutions are not attained, the
results will be too terrifying to dwell upon.

3 9 The Times of India, July 12, 1974, quoting Soviet publications,
indicated that talks between Chinese authorities and Soviet delegate, Mr.
Leonid Ilyiche, on the subjects of territorial and political claims, are again
deadlocked. The Chinese are reportedly engaged in a renewed propaganda
campaign against Moscow, claiming that the Soviet Union is demanding as
its price for normal relations the relinquishing of Chinese territory, even
up to the Great Wall of China.

Bibliography

Books

Bailey, Thomas A. A Diplomatic History of the American People. New

York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1946.
Hinton, Harold C. Communist China in World Politics. Boston: Houghton

Mifflin, 1966.
Isenberg, Irwin (ed.). The Russian-Chinese Rift. New York: H. W. Wilson,

1966.
Langer, William L. An Encyclopedia of World History. Cambridge,

Massachusetts: Riverside Press, 1948.
Morison, Samuel Eliot and Commager, Henry Steele. The Growth of the

American Republic. Vol. I. New York: Oxford University Press, 1942.
North, Robert C. Chinese Communism. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966.
Portisch, Hugo. Red China Today. New York: Fawcett Publications, 1967.
Schurmann, Franz and Schell, Orville. Communist China: Revolutionary

Reconstruction and International Confrontation 1949 to the Present.

New York: Random House, 1967.
Vinacke, Harold M. A History of the Far East in Modern Times. London:

George Allen & Unwin, 1967.

Official Publications

U.S. Department of State. "Peoples Republic of China." Department of
State Background Notes. Publication 7751, August 1971.

Magazines

Newsweek, February 21, 1972.

The Retired Officer Magazine, September 1974.

Newspapers

Savannah Morning News, January 17, 1973.
Savannah Evening News, February 20, 1973.
The Times of India, July 12, 1974.

Articles and Periodicals

Bobrow, Davis B. "Chinese Views on Escalation," American Defense
Policy, Second edition, edited by Mark E. Smith and Claude J. Johns,
Jr. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1968), pp. 327-8.

Erickson, John. "Soviet Military Power," Strategic Review (Washington,
D.C.: United States Strategic Institute), Spring 1973, pp. xiii and 18.

Hsieh, Alice Langley. "China's Nuclear-Missile Programme: Regional or
Intercontinental?" in The China Quarterly (London), No. 45,
January-March 1971.

Niu, Sien-Chong. "Red China's First Earth Satellite," NATO'S Fifteen
Nations (Amsterdam, Netherlands: Jules Perel's Publishing Company,
June-July 1971), pp. 78-81.

Simmons, Henry T. "U.S. Strategic Power," The Retired Officer Magazine
(September 1974), p. 34.

Sin Min Chiu. "China's Military Posture," American Defense Policy,
Second edition, edited by Mark E. Smith and Claude J. Johns, Jr.
(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1968), p. 320.

Warner III, Edward L. "The Development of Soviet Military Doctrine and
Capabilities in the 1960's,'' American Defense Policy, Second edition,
edited by Mark E. Smith and Claude J. Johns, Jr. (Baltimore: Johns
Hopkins Press, 1968), p. 318.

"New Achievements in China's Science and Technology," in Trans-
lations on Communist China (Washington, D.C.: Joint Publications
Research Service), No. 116, 8 September 1970.

A MATHEMATICIAN'S VIEWS OF
SCHOOL MATHEMATICS

by Prince A. Jackson, Jr., Ph.D.
Professor of Mathematics and Physics

One of the continuing American dilemmas today is the
shortage of first-class mathematics teachers at all levels of
elementary and secondary schools. The educational literature
pertaining to school mathematics is replete with references to
the lack of highly trained mathematics teachers. It is simply a
matter of history that prior to Sputnik in October, 1957, the
warning cries of those who were keenly cognizant of our
predicament, were largely if not totally, disregarded. Today, we
are still receiving and reviewing proposals designed to give
school mathematics great improvement by revamping the
content and producing a better-trained teacher.

Since the enactment of the National Defense Education Act
of 1958, we have spend hundreds of millions of dollars each
year in science and mathematics training programs, based on the
premise, that our schools, colleges, and universities, can turn
out more mathematicians and dedicated mathematics teachers if
we put enough money into these programs. Some of the
programs being pursued at present include: scholarships for
mathematics teachers, scholarships for "bright" students, the
construction of modern curricula in mathematics, the writing of
textbooks in modern mathematical vernacular, plus proposals
for the subsidization of mathematics and science teachers'
salaries.

While it is true that money can assist us in solving many of
our problems in the teaching of mathematics, it will not solve
all of them. We must recognize that some of our problems must
be solved by our own attitudes. We are approaching the
moment of decision in the teaching of mathematics. There are
serious doubts, and justifiably so, whether we have received
benefits commensurate with the huge investment of money in
education programs over the past sixteen years. Questions are
being posed which elude answers at present. Criticisms of our
programs are increasing each day. Our programs have been
studied time and time again but no valid conclusions can be
drawn because we lack instruments to measure the effectiveness
of our programs. While many of us believe that our programs
have shown substantial improvement, we must refrain from
making "ex-cathedra" statements about them because we lack
concrete information to make such judgments. Yet, we must
not stop here. We must continue to experiment. We must
continue to develop new programs. We must continue to
improve our existing programs.

The justification for new programs stands on solid grounds.
First, new mathematics have been created; second, the impact
of the computer upon society is legion, and third, the
psychology of learning offers new insights into the teaching of
mathematics. What are some of the programs that have become
regular household words in mathematics education? Let us
briefly review some of them and their objectives.

As a matter of historical fact, the mathematics groups began
to develop programs several years prior to Sputnik in 1957. The
University of Illinois Committee on School Mathematics put its
first textbook in use at the University of Illinois High School in
September, 1952. Since then the UICSM program has been
revised several times.

The School Mathematics Study Group (SMSG), representing
the largest of the mathematics improvement programs, was
formed in 1958. Funded by the National Science Foundation
from its incipiency, this group has sought to improve
mathematics from kindergarten through high school.

The University of Maryland Mathematics Project (UMMaP)
took as its principal objective, to improve mathematics at the
seventh and eighth grade levels. The material developed by this
group has been used in at least ten states.

The Boston College Mathematics Institute was organized by
Reverend Stanley J. Bezuszka, S.J. to develop materials for the
last five years prior to college. The emphasis of the material is
on the structure of mathematics.

The Ball State Teachers College Experimental Program was
planned for grades seven through twelve. This program
emphasizes mathematics through an axiomatic approach.

The Greater Cleveland Mathematics Program has developed
and is now using improved mathematics materials in the lower
grades of Cleveland, Ohio. The ultimate goal of GCMP is to
develop improved materials for all grades in the Cleveland
schools.

The University of Illinios Arithmetic Project was developed
to give children a different view of mathematics. This is, to help
them develop a fascination for work in mathematics. The
project emphasizes "discovery" as its primary teaching tool.

The Stanford Project has as its prime objective the teaching
of mathematics through the notions of sets and operations on
sets. A second project, known as Mathematical Logic, also
sponsored by Stanford University, emphasizes logic for gifted
students of the fifth and sixth grades.

Yet, with all of these dynamic new programs in mathe-
matics, we have not realized their full potential. It is abundantly
clear that we will not derive full benefits from these excellent
programs until we re-examine our teaching of mathematics.
Somehow, we must revitalize the teaching of mathematics in
our schools. When one hears the long list of mathematical facts
handed out in our classrooms, one must reach the conclusion

that children attend classes simply because mathematics is a
required subject. Many of us, in fact too many of us, teach
mathematics dogmatically rather than deductively as it is by
nature. To teach it dogmatically is redundant. The subject itself
is exact. Why not let the student have the actual experience of
discovering this. Using the "teaching is telling" method robs the
student of the opportunity to discover that the mathematical
process is the greatest product ever produced by the human
intellect. To learn mathematics is to discover and understand
the structure of mathematics. What makes a mathematician or
good mathematics student is not the rote memorization of facts
but the actual understanding of the mathematical process. When
students are denied opportunities to discover the structure of
mathematics, they usually fail to appreciate the overw^helming
beauty of mathematics. As a result, many of them remain
mathematically illiterate. Mathematics, as all of us know, is a
difficult subject. So it is imperative that we find new ways to
present mathematical content. In short, we must revitalize our
teaching of mathematics across the entire spectrum from
kindergarten through college.

As teachers of mathematics, we must make many important
decisions each day in the classroom. We must decide what
mathematics should be taught, the method by which it should
be taught, and the time which should be devoted to the material
we select. We must also make decisions about materials and
appropriate activities for students with varying abilities and
goals. We must constantly measure our effectiveness. We must
have good backgrounds in mathematics and we must be able to
express our knowledge in terms which can be understood by
those we teach. In other words, we must be able to communi-
cate. We must make our students know that teaching and
learning are a cooperative undertaking in which the learner is a
co-equal with the teacher. When teacher and learner realize this
or discover this partnership, the whole process of teaching and
learning becomes a wonderful experience for both.

Teaching mathematics is a very unique experience. It runs
the gamut from sheer joy to sheer sorrow. The teaching of
mathematics demands a constant revitalization of the method.
Mathematics is beauty. It is the greatest intellectual achieve-
ment of man. It is a way of thinking a way of solving problems
and reasoning logically. It is the one perfect science when
viewed axiomatically. It is a beautiful language. It is the study
of structure. To infect others with our exuberance we must
constantly remind ourselves that:

(1) Everyone needs to realize that a thorough understanding
of natural phenomena requires an understanding of
mathematics.

(2) Everyone needs to realize that mathematics is needed in
all Eireas of human affairs.

(3) Everyone needs to realize that mathematics is an
integral part of our cultural heritage.

(4) Society is demanding greater numbers of persons with
higher competence in mathematics.

Today, we have many new topics in school mathematics.
Such topics as systems of numeration, sets, mathematical
structures, vectors, probability and statistics, hyperbolic and
Riemannian geometry are staples in many mathematics pro-
grams. The impact of these recent topics has forced changes in
the teaching of mathematics all the way back to the kinder-
garten. These new topics represent a "get-away" from the
traditional mathematics curriculum. Interestingly, the rejection
was based on the way mathematics had been taught and not so
much on the mathematics itself. As we all know, the so-called
"traditional mathematics" differs mainly in language from the
so-called "modern mathematics." The recent topics represent
the view that we have been grossly under-estimating the
capacity of children to learn difficult material. There is much
validity in Jerome Bruner's thesis that "any subject can be
taught effectively in some intellectually honest form to any
child at any stage of development." Then, too, the recent topics
have contributed significantly to the creation of better articula-
tion between high school and college. With the recent topics we
can do much to revitalize the teaching of mathematics. This
revitalization must begin with a study of recent trends in the
area of school mathematics. Some of these are:

(1) New topics will continue to be introduced, pushing
current topics back to lower grade levels for study by
younger students.

(2) Mathematical language will become even more symbolic,
precise, and sophisticated.

(3) The language of sets will become even more extensive.

(4) There will be more emphasis on the use of proofs in
school mathematics.

(5) More teachers will utilize "discovery" and "research" as
their main teaching methods.

(6) Mathematics teachers will take more content courses in
their undergraduate work.

These trends in mathematics suggest that we re -structure
our present several curricula soon. We must begin to place
topics such as numeration systems, space geometry, algebraic
equations, logic, and probability as low as the fifth grade. Then
we must develop these topics at increasing levels of sophistica-
tion as students develop mathematical maturity. That is, we
must operate on the basis of a sort of spiral curriculum. When

the students reach the ninth grade, we can begin to carry out
mathemtaical proofs along with the introduction of advanced
topics in algebra, heretofore reserved for the eleventh and
twelfth grades. In the geometry we can derive a coordinate
system for the number line and introduce some genuine
coordinate geometry.

By the time the students reach the eleventh grade, they will
be sophisticated enough to work with functions and modern
algebra including groups, rings, fields, and transformations. At
this stage they are now ready to study non-euclidean geometry.
In the twelfth grade, we can offer a genuine course in
elementary calculus.

To teach in such a program, teachers must rely heavily on
the axiomatic and research methods. This is necessitated by
recent reforms. The areas which will be emphasized are
elementary set theory, symbolic logic, elementary modem
algebra, and probability and statistics. To teach these topics
effectively is to teach the structure of them. To understand
structure, the student must use intuition. Intuition is developed
through use of the axiomatic method.

The axiomatic method is an approach where conclusions
and results are reached by use of axioms. Use of it strengthens
the students' grasp of intuitive thinking which is so necessary in
"modern mathematics." By introducing mathematics topics
axiomatically, the students will grasp the structure from the
beginning. This means greater understanding. As a result, they
will be able to use deduction at a higher level of sophistication.
Axiomatic methods are not new. They were used by Aristotle.
Euclid's work in geometry remains today a classical example of
the power of an axiomatic system. It is extremely difficult to
imagine how we can be successful in our teaching of the new
topics unless we utilize the axiomatic method.

The research method is another method which must find its
way into our high schools. Mathematical research in high school
does not mean repeating or copying results from mathematics
journals by the students. And at the same time it should not be
expected that a high school boy or girl will come up with a
totally new result. We can use research as a method by assigning
certain problems or questions to high school students within the
context of their background and letting them come up with
results. While these results are probably already known to the
teacher, they are original to the students. This is important,
because it encourages the students to work independently. Most
of the mathematical facts we teach can be discovered by the
students working independently. This method has produced
outstanding results in science. We, in mathematics, must utilize
it too.

What can mathematics teachers do to get their profession
really going? What can they do to really improve the teaching of
mathematics?

There are several things which can be done almost im-
mediately. These are things over which we have absolute
control. The first objective should be self -improvement. To
teach mathematics today requires an excellent background in
mathematics content. The new topics in school mathematics
require real mathematical knowledge as well as the best teaching
techniques. Those who are weak in content must begin to
correct their weaknesses by taking more mathematics courses at
one of our institutions of higher education. This is the least we
can do because we have students who are on the threshold of
great opportunities for the well prepared. Those teachers who
are unable to obtain further formal training must continue their
education through self-study. To remain abreast of the new
developments as they come forth, none of us, not even those
who hold terminal degrees, can afford the luxury of resting on
past knowledge.

The second objective should be to make ourselves a more
effective professional subgroup of our respective State Educa-
tion Associations. As a group, we should be holding periodic
meetings on a county-wide basis to swap ideas and teach each
other. These meetings can do a lot to help elementary school
teachers gain the competencies in mathematics which many of
them now lack. Such a setup with each member holding
membership in the National Council of Teachers of Mathe-
matics could do much to stimulate growth of professional
competence. The once a year regional meeting with a con-
sultant, who many times is not as sharp as the teachers
themselves, is simply not sufficient. If all of the mathematics
teachers in an area met 90 minutes a minimum of three times
per school year to teach each other, it would increase the
mathematical achievements of many students significantly who
are taught by these teachers.

To modernize our mathematics program, we must unify
ourselves. We must sit down together and find out what each of
us is doing. In this way we can come up with a mathematics
curriculum based not on random, disconnected, and sometimes
incoherent topics, but rather on a logical, rational, and coherent
design. By sitting together at the conference table, we can
design a program which will make the articulation among
elementary school, secondary school, and college easier. Such a
program would reflect the thinking and ideas of the whole
spectrum of educators and mathematicians. This would be a
refreshing change from the mathematics program which is
usually handed down and does not reflect any ideas of the
teachers who have to teach in it.

The writer will be the first to admit that his suggestions of
what must be done are not easy. But it is not an impossible
task. It can be done. It must be done. In the final analysis, it is
the students of today who will emerge the winners or losers of
tomorrow depending on our willingness to do what obviously

must be done today. The choice of action is obvious.
RevitaUzed teaching of mathematics is a product of dedication
to the profession, willingness to work hard, renewed interest in
improving ourselves academically, and the desire to give our
students the best to be had.

The writer closes this paper with the following implication:

If the intersection of everything written above and the

readers' ideas is not an empty set, then we should begin to work

immediately for an improved mathematics program in the

schools. The writer is ready. Are you?

A SOLUTION TO
AMERICA'S RACIAL DILEMMA?

by Prince A. Jackson, Jr., Ph.D.
President, Savannah State College

It has been written by philosophers that "those who forget
history are condemned to repeat it," The recent events
surrounding the desegregation of the Boston, Massachusetts
public schools are a tragic verification of the above philo-
sophical and axiomatic implication. Evidently, Bostonians have
forgotten the history of the desegregation efforts of the 1960's
and are well on their way to repeating all of the errors and
sufferings of that decade.

Another event which verified the contrapositive (those who
do not repeat history are those who do not forget it) of the
above axiomatic implication was the treatment received by the
writer at Georgia College at Milledgeville, Georgia during the
ceremonies honoring and establishing a perpetual Chair in the
name of the Honorable Carl Vinson, retired member of
Congress who had served in Washington for fifty years. The
writer^ and his administrative colleague were received warmly
and accorded all of the rights, privileges, honors, and dignity
thereunto appertaining to the Office of the President of
Savannah State College. Twenty -six years ago, President James
A. Colston^ of Georgia State College (now Savannah State
College) and a few of his administrative colleagues were invited
to attend a meeting on the same campus but were not allowed
to remain because they were black men. It was necessary for the
Georgia State Patrol to assure them safe passage to Macon,
Georgia.

The two events involving Boston and Milledgeville show that
Boston has forgotten or never read the history of the
desegregation efforts of the South during the 1960's and that
Milledgeville did not forget what happened twenty-six years
ago. If one were to use the tomato-throwing incident involving
U.S. Senator Edward "Ted" Kennedy in Boston as an indicator
of Boston's attitude towird desegregation, one must conclude
that Boston has taken a path similar to that of a civilization
which has embarked on reinventing the wheel. It would do well
for the "Cradle of Liberty" to study the past efforts expended
on desegregation so that it can avoid many of the same errors,
pains, and traumata. Boston would do well to follow the

1 President Jackson and Dean Wilton C. Scott were the guests of the
Georgia College at Milledgeville for this historical event on September 27,
1974.

2 Dr. James A. Colston was President of Georgia State College during
1947-49.

example of the late President Harry S. Truman, who always
researched Classical Literature as an aid in solving current
problems. Mr. Truman once said that there were no new
problems, only new names. ^

On November 4, 1973, the writer had the honor and
privilege of serving as the keynote speaker for the Teacher
Education Conference For Black Colleges and Universities in
Atlanta, Georgia. The Conference was attended by delegates
representing thirty-one colleges and universities and five pro-
fessional organizations. The title of the address'' was "The
Unfulfilled Promise Black and White Together." The Boston
troubles and the Milledgeville solution have convinced the
writer that he should share some of his thoughts from that
address with the reader because he believes that there is a great
danger that the gap between the "Unfulfilled Promise" and
reality has widened during the past year, and if left unchecked,
may become unbridgable. To reverse this trend and return some
sanity to a potentially explosive situation, professional edu-
cators and citizens must drop their apathy and become
concerned. It has been only seven years since the United States
Commission On Civil Rights warned us about the potential
explosiveness of racial isolation in the public schools through-
out the United States. The Commission On Civil Rights said in
part:

Racial isolation in the public schools is intense throughout
the United States. In the Nation's metropolitan areas, where
two-thirds of both Negro and White population now live, it
is most severe. Seventy -five percent of the Negro elementary
students in the Nation's cities are in schools with enroll-
ments that are nearly sQl -Negro (90 percent or more Negro),
while 83 percent of the white students are in nearly
all-white schools. Nearly nine of every 10 Negro elementary
students in the cities attend majority -Negro schools.^

3 The source of Mr. Truman's belief can be found in the bibUcal book
of Ecclesiastes 1:9-10, "What has been, that will be; what has been done,
that will be done. Nothing is new under the sun. Even the thing of which
we say, 'See this is new!' has already existed in the ages that preceded us."

The writer recalls that during his three and one-half years of study at
Harvard University and Boston College, it was not unusual to hear some of
the Classicists make the claim that "nothing is new under the sun. If one
reads the classics widely, he will find that many of our problems have been
solved before."

* Prince A. Jackson, Jr., "The Unfulfilled Promise Black and White
Together," Proceedings of the Teacher Education Conference For Black
Colleges and Universities, November 4-6, 1973 (Atlanta, Georgia:
Southern Regional Education Board), pp. 12-23.

5 Report of the United States Commission on Civil Rights, Racial
Isolation in the Public Schools, Vol. I (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Govern-
ment Printing Office, 1967), pp. 199.

While some of the statistics of the Commission's report have
changed, its conclusions are probably more applicable today
than seven years ago when they were first published. One year
later some of the deadly effects of racial isolation in public
education were cited in the report of the National Advisory
Commission On Civil Disorders. The Commission On Civil
Disorders said in part:

The bleak record of public education for ghetto children
is growing worse. In the critical skills verbal and reading
ability Negro students are falling further behind whites
with each year of school completed. The high unemploy-
ment and underemployment rate for Negro youth is
evidence, in part, of the growing educational crisis. We
support integration as the priority education strategy; it is
essential to the future of American society. In this last
summer's disorders we have seen the consequences of racial
isolation at all levels, and of attitudes toward race, on both
sides, produced by three centuries of myth, ignorance and
bias. It is indispensable that opportunities for interaction
between the races be expanded . (

The writer has underlined the last sentence because of his
strong convictions that racism will never be solved in America
until there are more contact and communications between
black and white citizens. This thesis has been advanced through
the years by W. E. B. DuBois and others but to no avail. The
great Swedish sociologist Gunnar Myrdal repeated it in his
masterpiece. An American Dilemma^ in 1944. In that book,
Myrdal described vividly the conditions which make it para-
doxical to be black and human, or, to bring it closer to home,
to be black and American. Today, thirty years later, we find
most of the conditions written of by Myrdal, still with us. It
would appear that if we are to have "black and white
togetherness," we must start with today's children enrolled in
the Nation's public school systems because they will be
tomorrow's leaders. To bring about "black and white together-
ness" presents some difficult challenges and the writer will
present several of them at this time.

The first challenge facing us is to recognize the importance
of the recent surge of pride in being black exhibited by blacks
today. Such slogans as "black is beautiful" are good because
they are helping blacks and whites to overcome the automatic
response of assigning evil and distastefulness to the color of

^Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders,
(New York: New York Times Edition, E. P. Button Company, Inc.),
p. 425.

''Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma (New York: Harper and
Brothers, 1944).

black. Even in the Church, we use to associate death with black
and in our story books we always had the witches and bad
men dressed in black. Now we must realize that there are some
black racists who are carrying the "black is beautiful" move-
ment to extremes. Yet, when we look at the good to be gained,
it is worth the risk we take by encouraging the movement but
being ever vigilant that black racism is just as bad as white
racism. A person who espouses black superiority is just as guilty
as the bigot who believes that that whiteness determines
superiority. Despite the negative aspects of the black racist, the
"proud to be black" movement may go down in history as the
most important development of the Twentieth Century.

The second challenge facing us is the recognition of the
disadvantages suffered by blacks because of past historical
events. It is a well known fact that black unemployment rates
are multiples of the country's unemployment rate. Today, there
is still a lot of merit in the old saying, "blacks are the last to be
hired and the first to be fired." Blacks of comparable education
with whites earn only about 60 percent as much as those
whites. Another harsh fact of life for blacks is that there are
very few alternatives. A black cannot run away from danger
because it is everywhere for him as a result of his social and
economic conditions. Being black is the same as being white
because both are human, but it is different from being white
because black is the most highly visible color there is for human
beings. For example, a white whose name is Mutt can change his
identity by becoming "McMutt." Blacks, as a rule, would find
this impossible.

Our third challenge involves our schools. We must recongize
that we are dealing with two cultures in our classrooms when
we have blacks and whites in them. We have to set up inter-
group conferences to foster better understandings of students
and their cultural backgrounds by teachers of the opposite
race. It is absolutely necessary to organize workshops
for teachers to discuss and learn such things as black history and
the effects of ghetto life on IQ examinations. Teachers, white
and black, should examine textbooks to assure fair coverage of
minority groups. If inter-group conferences are conducted well,
they will assist teachers in (1) presenting a more balanced
picture of the history of America, (2) improving race relations
among the black and white students, and (3) helping black
students to improve their self-image. A similar sort of program
should be carried out for parents. They, too, should participate
in inter-group conferences. Perhaps a simple test of how badly it
is needed in our schools is to determine the extent of the
integration of our local parents and teachers association. It is
essential to have integrated parent organizations so that we can
destroy the belief that blacks have which espouses the idea that
they are not a part of the decision-making process. To meet this

challenge, might necessitate asking our present parents and
teachers' associations to integrate their officers.

The fourth challenge facing us is to destroy the myth that
quality education suffers when integration becomes more than
token. This is not true. Research shows that integration leads to
significantly higher achievement levels for black students, and
most importantly, white student achievement does not suffer as
some claim, ^

Our fifth challenge is to achieve significant integration of
the administrative and policy-making bodies of our public
school systems. There are too few black Superintendents of
Education and School Board members throughout the country.
The number of blacks in these bodies must increase dramat-
ically. As long as the current situation exists, black citizens will
believe, and justifiably so, that the position of principal is as
high as a black can go.

Our sixth challenge comes to us from the former U.S.
Commissioner of Education, James E. Allen. Dr. Allen said:

It is the educator who must see to it that debates about
means [of integration] such as busing, neighborhood
schools, district boundaries . . . are not allowed to obscure
the ends begin sought . . . ^

If we want "black and white togetherness" what better way
is there than creating a truly unitary school system?

Our seventh challenge is to find funds to finance projects
and innovations which help bridge the gaps in experiences
black children have as a result of economic deprivation. Some
teachers might be surprised to learn that many of their black
students may be having learning difficulties because they cannot
communicate with them rather than for a lack of ability. This is
why in-service training using the faculties and facilities of
traditionally black colleges can be very important to success in
the integrated classroom. These colleges have the expertise but
have not been fully used in solving the racial problems of
American education.

Our eighth challenge is that we must recognize that blacks
have prejudices as well as whites. Perhaps part of this prejudice
is self-defense but nevertheless, it is prejudice. It is just as wrong
for a black teacher to go into a classroom with preconceived
notions as it is for a white teacher. The poorest science in the
world is to theorize before one has data. Invariably one begins
to shape facts to suit theories, instead of theories to suit facts.

8 Herbert W. Wey, "Desegregation It Works," Phi Delta Kappan (May,
1964), pp. 382-387.

^U.S. Commissioner of Education, James E. Allen, at an April 23,
1970 Congressional hearing.

Our ninth challenge is to stop perpetuating the dual school
system by leaving dilapidated, worn-out school buildings to
blacks in the inner city and building nice new shiny ones for
whites in the suburbs. Such planning in the past has made the
actual achievement of unitary school systems difficult for many
of us today.

If we can meet successfully all of the above challenges, what
will result? Is the unfulfilled dream, "black and white together-
ness," worth our time and efforts? After all, there are many
blacks now saying "We do not want to integrate with you."
Many blacks are now doing what many whites have done for
centuries making ostentatious virtue out of color and absolving
their inadequacies by postulating that "white is might and
right." During the past two decades, a significant number of
blacks have approved of and encouraged separatism as the best
and most rewarding way to black liberation.^ ^

It is for the previously stated reasons that we must bring to
fruition the unfulfilled dream of "black and white together-
ness." There are many benefits for our society not to mention
the moral aspects of our work in this direction.

The first benefit of "black and white togetherness" is an
opportunity to create an open society in our country. We will
have an opportunity to head off the gloomy but true conclusion
of the Commission on Civil Disorders that "our nation is
moving toward two societies, one black, one white separate
and unequal."^ ^ We still have time to reverse this polarization
of our people.

The second benefit is the creation of an atmosphere that
will change attitudes of the future black and white adults of our
country. In our schools, we can change attitudes toward race.
This will prevent the development of prejudice. Much of the
segregation we have today emanates from the "de facto"
segregation we have in housing. Through our schools, we can
reduce this greatly.

The third benefit of "black and white togetherness" is the
opportunity for black and white children to learn, work, and
play together. By learning, working, and playing together,
students will be able to learn about and respect other ethnic
groups. They will learn to judge people on an individual basis
rather than on the basis of race.^ ^ Stereotyping of ethnic
groups, for the most part, is a result of the lack of contact with
these groups. "Black and white togetherness" is an excellent
vehicle for eradicating this hindrance to good race relations.

10 Jack Greenberg, "The Tortoise Can Beat the Hare," Saturday
Review (February 17, 1968), p. 57.

^^ Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders,
op. cit., p. 11.

1 2 Neil V. Sullivan, "Should Administrators Seek Racial Balance in the
Schools?" Phi Delta Kappan (March, 1968), p. 379.

The fourth opportunity offered by "black and white
togetherness" is the academic stimulation offered students by
contact with those from different backgrounds. Without a
doubt, segregated education is just as harmful for whites as it is
for blacks.'^ The human relations experience gained by the
students will be well-worth our efforts to provide such
opportunities. This adventure in human relations will help to
knock down the remaining obstacles to developing open minds
which for many reasons might be closed.

The fifth benefit is the opportunity to bring relevance to
our total school currrculum. A good school system is one that
has a curriculum which is relevant to the several races and
cultures it must serve. Reflecting relevance and fairness to
minority groups will require far more than adding a few black
and brown pictures in current textbooks. Much of the feelings
of worthlessness and poor self-image were instilled in blacks by
years of exposure to biased textbooks and histories. It is very
important that black and white children learn that black people
other than sports heroes such as Hank Aaron, O. J. Simpson,
Muhammed Ali, Wilt Chamberlain, and Arthur Ashe can do and
have done worthwhile things. They must learn of the contri-
butions of Frederick Douglas, Nat Turner, Harriette Tubman,
Crispus Attacks, Dr. Ralph Bunche, Thurgood Marshall, Dr.
W. E. B. DuBois, Malcolm X, Booker T. Washington, George
Washington Carver, Dr. Martin Luther King, and other outstand-
ing blacks.

The sixth benefit offered by "black and white togetherness"
is the opportunity to bring the untapped source of black
leadership into the mainstream of American life, "Black and
white togetherness" means a sharing of leadership roles. This
sharing will bring about a new openness we have yet to
experience. It will restore the faith of the black American in the
American system.

The seventh benefit offered by "black and white together-
ness" is that it will afford white students an opportunity to get
fully acquainted with the black community by using black
school facilities. This will assist in changing the attitude of the
black community. From its very inception desegregation has
meant a handful of blacks leaving black schools and going into
white schools with little or no reciprocity. Since many whites
have been saying that the facilities of the black schools axe
equal to those of the white schools, there is no valid reason why
desegregation of facilities should not be put on a two-way
street. Desegregation on a two-way street at this crucial period
in the history of public education will enhance greatly the belief
and faith in the American dream of fair play.

The eighth benefit offered by "black and white together-
ness" is the opportunity for all students to be exposed to the

Ibid.

same quality of teaching. This has not been the case in the dual
school system. Accumulated data show:

The quality of teaching has been an important influence on
the achievement of students, both advantaged and dis-
advantaged. Negro students are more likely than white
students to have teachers with low verbal achievement, to
have substitute teachers, and to have teachers who are
dissatisfied with their school assignments.^ ^

We can no longer afford to be biased in the quality of
teaching to which students are exposed. In the unitary school
system this bias will not be possible.

The ninth benefit offered by "black and white together-
ness" is the opportunity to restore the faith of the black teacher
in the establishment. In the past, his credentials, no matter how
impressive or impeccable, for the most part, were not quite
good enough to teach white students. As a result, it is difficult
for the black teacher to develop a position of potency. He
cannot be made to feel that he is important as long as he is
token. When he is assigned in significant numbers to teach white
as well as black students in the unitary school system, he will
have an excellent opportunity to show his importance among
white groups. When white students begin to see and study under
a significant number of black teachers, stereotyping will cease
to a significant degree. Seeing the black teacher teach other race
groups will enhance the self-image of black students.

The tenth benefit offered by "black and white together-
ness" is the stemming of the tide of the demise of the black
public school administrator. It is going to be virtually im-
possible to build and maintain the morale of black students and
teachers if they are administered, supervised and manipulated in
all aspects of their work by white people. The predominant
pattern so far in desegregation has been to use former black
principals and supervisors in "Assistant to the Superintendent"
or "Assistant to the Principal" capacities. Everyone knows that
this is a smokescreen to avoid assigning blacks to principalships
in integrated schools. The number of black administrators in the
school system should reflect to a significant degree the
proportion of blacks in the school system. These administrative
positions should range widely. The day of tokenism has passed.

The eleventh benefit offered by "black and white together-
ness" is that many Americans, blacks included, will learn, much
to their surprise and delight or consternation, that blacks are
not nearly as culturally disadvantaged as many think. In many
ways, blacks are culturally advantaged. We have studied and
experienced the works of Rudyard Kipling, Ludwig Van

Report of the United States Commission on Civil Rights, op. cit.,
p. 209.

Beethoven, Socrates, Edgar Allan Poe, Rene Descartes, and
Michelangelo. But more fortunately than most Americans, we
have also studied and experienced the works of the black poet,
Clade McKay, who wrote, "If we must die, let it not be as hogs,
hunted and penned in an inglorious spot." We have also studied
and experienced the compositions of Edward "Duke" Ellington,
the philosophical legacies of Martin Luther King, Jr. and
Malcolm X, the writings of Richard Wright and James Baldwin,
the scientific contributions of George Washington Carver and
Charles Drew, and the artistic works of Issac Hathaway and
Robert Bannister. The list could go on and on. Would not it be
wonderful if others could share the joy of what many of us
understand as the "black experience" when we relax to the
trumpet of Miles Davis or the voice of Aretha Franklin?

The twelfth benefit offered by "black and white together-
ness" is the opportunity to exhibit in action what the
"Fatherhood of God and Brotherhood of Man" means to
Americans. We show our love for God through the manner in
which we treat our fellowman. Jesus told us this many times in
many ways. St. Paul told us that if we should have "faith so as
to remove mountains and not charity, we have nothing." So we
have a moral mandate to bring to realization, the unfulfilled
promise of "black and white togetherness."

The way to our goal is difficult, to say the least. We
professional educators and citizens, black and white, must not
despair. We must continue to work together for the "greater
glory of God," the betterment of mankind, and our mutual
benefit. Sometimes, we do not understand the intentions of
each other but we must continue to seek a common ground
upon which to work. Let us also remember that up through the
sixties, blacks were exhorted to exhibit patience and tolerance
and they performed these tasks admirably. But the time ran out
for their patience and tolerance. The burden of patience and
tolerance is now on the shoulders of white America. The
writer's plea is for white Americans to accept and carry the
burden as did blacks for generations. To those who tire and
become impatient or who doubt the eventual realizations of the
unfulfilled promise of "black and white togetherness," they
should recall the following words of Justice John Marshall
Harlan taken from his eloquent dissent in Plessy v. Ferguson:

. . . But in the view of the Constitution, in the eye of the
law, there is in this country no superior, dominant, ruling
class of citizens. There is no caste here. Our Constitution is
color blind and neither knows nor tolerates classes among
citizens. In respect of civil rights, all citizens are equal
before the law. The humblest is the peer of the most
powerful. The law regards man as man, and takes no

account of his surroundings or his color when his civil rights
as guaranteed by the supreme law of the land are in-
volved.^ ^

Let us remember that while it is no longer true that the
state and federal governments allow race hate to be planted
under the sanction of law, much of Justice Harlan's stinging
rebuke is applicable today, seventy -seven years later. The
unitary school system is our one big opportunity to close the
gap between the theory and practice of Americanism. As
leading Americans in the education world, let us lead the way
by creating a true unitary system of education in America for
Eill Americans. It is indeed the solution to America's racial
dilemma. It is our last great hope.

We can have "black and white togetherness;" we must have
"black and white togetherness;" we shall have "black and white
togetherness."

^ ^Plessy V. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 559 (1896).

Bibliography

Greenberg, Jack. "The Tortoise Can Beat the Hare," Saturday Review
(February 17, 1968), p. 57.

Jackson, Prince A., Jr. "The Unfulfilled Promise Black and White
Together," Proceedings of the Teacher Education Conference for
Black Colleges and Universities. Atlanta: Southern Regional Educa-
tion Board (November 4-6, 1973), pp. 12-23.

Myrdal, Gunnar. An American Dilemma. New York: Harper Brothers,
Publishers (1944).

Plessy V. Ferguson. 163 U.S. 559 (1896.

Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders. Washing-
ton: U.S. Government Printing Office (1967).

Report of the United States Commission Civil Rights. Racial Isolation in
the Public Schools. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office
(1967).

Sullivan, Neil V. "Should Administrators Seek Racial Balance in the
Schools?", Phi Delta Kappan (March, 1948), p. 379.

Wey, Herbert W. "Desegregation It Works," Phi Delta Kappan (May,
1964), pp. 382-387.

INCOME AS DETERMINED BY SCHOOLING

AND RACE IN SAVANNAH: MULTIPLE

REGRESSION ESTIMATE OF THE

FUNCTIONAL RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN

CENSUS TRACT MEDIAN FAMILY INCOME,

MEDIAN YEARS SCHOOLING, AND

RACIAL PROPORTION, 1970

Max Johns

1. Introduction

The most meaningful single measure of a community's
economic well-being is median annual family income. Because
of the usefulness of this measure the 1970 Census of Population
provides median family income estimates in many settings. For
cities large enough to treat as standard metropolitan statistical
areas (SMSA)^ the Census tabulates median family income for
each census tract. The census tract is a small geographical unit
composed by the Census Bureau to correspond to the urban
neighborhood. The 1970 Census groups the 188 thousand
inhabitants of the Savannah area into 55 census tracts and
provides a wealth of economic and social data on each census
tract group.

In last year's Bulletin I analyzed the distribution of family
income within and between Savannah census tracts.^ In that
article I described a future research project as an exploration of
reasons for the striking differences in median family income.
Thus the objective of this work is to ascertain and measure the
fundamental determinants of median family income differences
among Savannah census tracts.

The most important factor influencing income is level of
education. Education increases productivity and productivity
generates income. The specific objective of this analysis is to
answer the compound question: what is the average growth in
census tract family income resulting from an additional year of
schooling, and to what degree does years of schooling con-
tribute to the determination of median family income? In order
to measure the relationship between income and years of
schooling it is necessairy to define the two variables with

1 These are cities with at least 50,000 population. The SMSA covers
the geographic area composing the economic system of the city. Thus it
transcends the city's corporate boundaries. In 1970 the Savannah SMSA
consisted of Chatham County. For future censuses it will include Bryan
and Effingham Counties also.

2 Johns, Max Theo, "Income Profile of Savannah Residents; A
Comparison of the Status of Black and Non-Black Families," Faculty
Research Bulletin, Savannah State College, December, 1973, pp. 83-100.

reference to quantitative data. The data come from the 1970
census of population,^ The operational income variable is
census tract median family annual income. The education
variable is median years schooling for adult (age 25 + years)
residents of the census tract, A detailed description of these
variables for the 46 census tracts analyzed"* is given in Section
2.

Also, Section 2 describes a third variable, percent of census
tract residents who are Black, This variable must be considered
in any study of income determination since Negroes, as a group
in Savannah, enjoy only approximately half the per family
income as Whites.

Methods of correlation and regression are used in Section 3
to analyze relationships between the above variables. That level
of schooling contributes heavily to the determination of median
family income is shown by the high coefficient of correlation,
.87, between the two variables. That the racial composition of
the census tract population is also an important variable in the
determination of income is indicated by the high negative
coefficient of correlation, -.86, measuring the degree of associa-
tion between median family income and percent of Black
population.

In meeting the objectives of this section to work out a
satisfactory measurement of the relationship between income,
education, and racial composition, the encouraging implication
is drawn that income is predominantly a matter of level of
education rather than race. Multiple regression is used with
considerable success to measure this relationship. The following
regression equation explains 83.8 percent of the variation in
median family income among Savannah census tracts. Where Y
= the regression estimate of census tract median family income
given median years schooling, Xj , and its percent Black
population, X2 , the equation is

Y = -$1,985 + $976Xi -$21X2 .

On the average, median family yearly income for census tracts
gains $976 for each additional year of schooling and loses $21
for each percentage point of Black population, Yecirs of
schooling is by far the more powerful of the two variables in
determining median family income. Of the 83.8 percent income
variation explained by the regression equation, 56.8 percent is
attributed to years of schooling, Xi , and 27.0 percent to
percent Black population, X2 .

"^ Census Tracts, Savannah, Georgia, Standard Metropolitan Statistical
Area, PHC (1)-193, U. S. Bureau of the Census, 1970.

'^Most of the socio-economic data are not reported for one downtown
census tract due to its tiny population. Eight other census tracts were
excluded for analytical reasons (see Section 2).

Section 4 argues that the census tract observation unit,
unlike larger geographic units, allows the unqualified use of
income as the dependent variable and education as the
independent variable since there is no ambiguity in the direction
of causation between the variables. With this in mind the small
error in the regression equation represents a successful meeting
of the study's objective to identify the fundamental income
determining variables and to measure their functional relation-
ship with census tract median family income.

2. Data and Variable Measurement

The data are subject to two kinds of limitations beyond
possible omitted subjects^ and the common clerical errors
incurred in data gathering and handling processes. The first
limitation is sampling error, a measurable degree of expected
variation in any information obtained from sampling as opposed
to full coverage. The variables analyzed here come from 20
percent samples, an extremely large percentage compared to
common survey practice. Due to this large sample size, sampling
error is negligible for most observations, presenting a problem
only with census tracts having tiny populations. The census
tract populations used here are large enough for sampling error
to present no obstacle for the objectives of this analysis.

The second limitation results from a characteristic inherent
in the use of aggregate data for regression analysis: lack of
correspondence between observation unit and behavior unit for
certain uses. If one were interested in estimating the income of
an individual family, given the level of education of the income
receiver, the behavior unit would be the individual family. For
this estimation he would need a regression equation derived
from individual family observations. The present regression
equation is derived from aggregate (census tract) observations.
For this reason inferences about individual family income
expectations should be made only with great reservation.

The optimum setting for measuring a relationship obtains
with observation units that are identical in all relevant variables
except those under analysis. In the interest of uniformity eight
anomalous census tract observations were expunged from the
analysis. The percent of census tract wives, husband present,
who are members of the. labor force (designated W), and the
percent of census tract population in the economically pro-
ductive age group of 18 - 64 years (A) are factors which might
be expected to influence median family income, especially in
extreme cases. Extreme values of W and A often indicate
anomalous conditions in which income is to a large degree, not
determined by productivity and schooling. For example, a very

5 Omission is usually no problem in the U. S. censuses except in very
low income populations.

large value of A could reflect the presence in the census tract of
a military installation, a college, or even a prison, while a very
low value of A may represent the presence of a large home for
the aged. In neither of these situations would income come
from earnings of labor, in which productivity would be an
important determinant. Often a very low value of W is found in
the poverty cycle ghetto where there is a comparatively small
amount of gainful employment and income is largely from
public assistance. A very small value of W could also exist at the
other end of the income spectrum, in a very wealthy census
tract, where the working wife might be infra dig. The presence
of anomalous units weakens the analysis and, within limits,
their exclusion is justified.^

Each of the 46 census tracts analyzed is listed in the Data
Appendix with its median family income, median years school-
ing, and percent Black population.

3. Years of Schooling and Racial Proportions as Determinants
of Median Family Income

A. Years of Schooling

The bulk of family income comes from the earnings of
human employment.^ Economic theory teaches that labor
earnings are determined primarily by productivity. Experience
shows that, generally, labor productivity grows with formal
education and training. The Savannah census tract data support
these connections thoroughly.

The scatter diagram of Figure 1 illustrates the high degree of
association between the two variables census tract median
family income and median years schooling. The dots, one for
each census tract, fall into a pattern revealing a strong positive
relationship between the two variables. The coefficient of
correlation between income and schooling measures the
strength of this relationship: R = .89. This is a remarkably high
value for economic variables which are not time-related.
Squaring the correlation coefficient produces R^ = .80, the
coefficient of determination. This statistic shows that 80
percent of the variation in median family income is explained
by median years schooling; that is, years of schooling con-
tributes 80 percent to the determination of median family
income.

This analysis would be comparatively simple if years of
schooling were the only income-determining variable of im-
portance. It is not frequent in economic research to find a
cross-sectional explanatory model so powerful that it accounts

6 See Methodological Appendix A for explanation of exclusion
procedure and discussion of observations excluded.

"7 Approximately 90 percent of family income in the Savannah SMSA
comes from either the sale or the self-employment of labor resources.

FIGURE 1

Scatter Diagram, Median Family Income vs.
Median Years Schooling

iiii i i i iii iii iii i ii ii iHi ii i ii iiii i i E ga

12
11

10;
9

Median Family Income, Thousands of Dollars

-iB

]

tta

11 12 13

Median Years Schooling

for four fifths of the variation in question. In the absence of
additional explanatory variables one would be quite content
with the above analysis, feeling assured that he had established a
reasonably satisfactory explanation of census tract variation in
.median family income. This is not the case, however.

B. Racial Proportions

The scatter diagram of Figure 2 displays a pronounced
negative relationship between median family income and
percent of Black census tract population. The numerical
specifications of this relationship are R = -.856 and R^ = .733.
Thus percent of Black population appears to explain 73.3
percent of the variation in family income, alnfost as much as.

FIGURE 2

Scatter Diagram, Median Family Income vs.
Racial Proportion

Median Family Income, Thousands of Dollars

Percent of Black Population

explained by years of schooling.^ Obviously, any explanation
model without provision for this variable would be most
unsatisfactory. The multiple regression model provides the most
effective means of incorporating an additional explanatory
variable into the analysis.

C. Multiple Regression Analysis

(1) The Model

The following equation represents the linear multiple
regression model used.

8 One obviously cannot have more than 100 percent of variation
explained. Note that 80.0 plus 73.3 equals 153.3 percent. This apparent
contradiction is explained by correlation between the explanatory
variables, to be discussed below.

Y = A + BiXi -B2X2 +E.

The terms of this equation, each with reference to the census
tract observation unit, are defined as follows. Y = the regression
estimate of median family income, given observation values for
Xi and X2 , A = a balancing quantity, without substantive
meaning in this context,^ Xj = median years schooling, and Bj
= the regression coefficient for Xj . This coefficient shows the
amount by which median family income for any observation
can be expected to exceed that of another which has one unit
less median years of schooling and the same racial proportion.
X2 = racial proportion in terms of percent Black population and
B2 = regression coefficient for X2 . This coefficient shows the
amount by which median family income can be expected to fall
short of another which has one percent point less of Black
population and the same median years schooling. Further,
numerical values for these regression coefficients, along with the
value of A, enable one to calculate a regression estimate, Y, for
given values of Xj ^and X2 . This estimate is the average, or
expected, value of Y for all theoretically possible observations
which have the assumed values for Xj and X2 . In other words,
^ is the mean of the conditional probability distribution of
median family income given median years schooling and percent
Black population. The last term in the model equation, E, refers
to unexplained variation in census tract median family income.
Unexplained variation, often called "error" or the "residuals,"
exists in two forms. One form comes from the influence of
variables, other than Xj and X2 , that ire functionsilly related to
Y. The composition of this systematic residual variation is
interesting and often has important implications for regression
work. This topic is treated in Methodological Appendix C-3.
The other form of unexplained variation is random variation, an
element always present in empirical economic explanations.
Random variation comprises the host of individually small
elements that contribute to the determination of income, but
not in any systematic fashion. In the aggregate, residual
variation balances out; that is, the calculated value of E is
zero,^ ^ the mathematical result of the least squares regression
computation.

A regression model of the form

Y = A + BiXi +. . . + BkXk + E

^ A is the Y-intercept of the linear equation. Mechanically
interpreted, it is the level of income to be expected for Xi=0 and X2=0.
Since no census tract would have a median of zero years schooling, the
variable A is without practical meaning.

10 Thus E does not appear in computed regression equations such as
the one in the following section.

which had, somewhere between A and E, an X variable to
represent each systematic determinant of Y, would have
random variation only in the E term. This is doubtlessly a
desirable situation, but regrettably beyond practical reach. The
need for observations increases at a geometric rate as new
explanatory variables are added to the model. The data worked
here cannot support regression of more than two explanatory
variables. In fact, as explained in Methodological Appendix C-1,
the use of the regression equation calculated from these data
has certain constraints arising from data inadequacy.

(2) The Equation

The data yield the following trivariate regression
equation:^ ^

Y = -$1,985 + $976Xi - $21X2 .

The functional relationship between income and schooling,
holding racial proportion constant, is an increase of $976 for
each additional year of schooling. Holding level of schooling
constant, the expected family income drops by $21 for each
additional percentage point of Black population.

A most useful method of bringing out the information this
equation offers is to compare its regression coefficient
Bi = $976 to that of the equation for income regressed on
schooling alone. The latter equation is^ ^

Y = -$6,951 + $l,365Xi.

The size of the multiple regression coefficient for the Xj
variable is considerably smaller than the coefficient for this
equation. The reduction in measured income gains from
schooling results from the account the larger model accords the
other major income-determining variable, percent Black popu-
lation. The advantage furnished this analysis by the multiple
regression model is its capacity to isolate and measure the
contribution made by years of schooling to the determination
of median famOy income. Hence it provides the regression
coefficient for years of schooling, Bj = $976, under the
condition of fixed racial proportions. With the bivariate
regression equation the coefficient for years schooling, Bi =
$1,365, actually overstates the income gains from schooling.
From census tract to census tract, as median years schooling
varies up and down, percent of Black population fairly regularly

1 1 See Data Appendix for computations and Methodological
Appendix B for technical specifications for the regression equation.
1 2 Standard error of the estimate for this equation is $1,147.

varies in the opposite direction. Thus, if you assume an increase
in Xi you take on at the same time a decrease in X2 . Some of
the measured gain in income is produced by the diminished
burden of racial discrimination experienced by the residents of
the favored census tract. The following exercise demonstrates
this relationship.

Assume a one-year increase in Xj , Using Y = -$6,951 +
$l,365Xi a resulting income gain of $1,365 is estimated. How
much of this gain should be attributed to the corresponding
average decrease in percent Black population, X2 ? With the
multiple regression equation, which holds X2 constant, the
calculated gain is $976. Thus the difference between $1,365
and $976, the amount $379, is due to the average decrease in
X2 accompanying the assumed increase in Xj .

Another method of demonstrating the nature of the
achievement of regression analysis shows the increasing
precision with which one measures central tendency of the
distribution of median family incomes. The following discussion
compares the precision for three situations: where no variable
other than the dependent is used (no regression), where the
bivariate model is used, then where the trivariate model is used.
This demonstration uses standard error, the common measure
of unexplained variation. Roughly two thirds of the obser-
vations analyzed can be expected to fall within the distance of
one standard error in each direction from the mean.

All variation is unexplained when there are no explanatory
variables used. The initial measure of unexplained variation is
the standard deviation of Y: SDy= $2,595. Thus, two thirds of
census tract median family incomes can be expected to lie
within an interval $5,190 wide, twice the size of SDy. With the
bivariate regression equation standard error of the estimate
diminishes to $1,147. Thus two thirds of incomes, for a given
level of schooling, can be expected to lie within an interval
$2,294 wide. Then, with the larger regression model, standard
error of the estimate drops to $1,068. Two thirds of the income
observations for a given level of schooling and a given percent
Black population will lie within an interval $2,136 wide. This
narrowing of interval represents the growing estimating pre-
cision gained from the incorporation of additional information
into the analysis which is possible through the use of more
powerful statistical models.

(3) Demonstrations on Actual Observations

It is interesting to calculate the regression estimate for one
of the census tracts and compare the resulting expected median
income with actual income. Census tract 34 has 12.4 median
years schooling and its population is 13.5 percent Black. Thus
Xi = 12.4 and X2 = 13.5, and

Y = -$1,985 + $976(12.4) - $21(13.5) = $9,834.

As with almost any regression estimate which can be checked
against reality, this one differs from the actual value. The latter,
being $10,374, exceeds the regression estimate by $540. This
and all the other deviations between estimated and actual
income in the data set make up the variation left unexplained
by our regression equation. Much of the deviation for this
rather typical observation is probably of the random variety
and, therefore, not traceable to its source.

Turn now to a decidedly atypical observation. Census tract
5, one of the anomalous rejects discussed in Section 2, has
Xi = 8.9,X2 = 71.5, and

Y = -$1,985 + $976(8.9) - $21(71.5) - $5,200.

Actual median family income for this tract is $2,608, showing a
negative deviation of almost $2,600. A look at some character-
istics of the population of this census tract shows substantial
non-random reasons for this deficit. First, only 39 percent of
the population are in the economically productive age group
between 18 and 64 years of age. The average percent for the
Savannah area is 56.3, with a probability of less than 2 percent
of there being a census tract with a percentage as low as 39.
Another contributing factor to the tract's low income is a
relatively small percent of economically productive wives,
husband present. The area's average percent is 38.8, while in
this census tract only 22.9 percent of undivorced and un-
widowed wives work. The probability is less than 5 percent of
there occurring this small a percent of working wives. Regard-
less of the level of education and productivity of the working
population in a census tract, a relatively low family income
should be expected from such a large percentage of the
population not contributing to production.

(4) Relative Importance of Schooling and Racial
Proportion as Income Determinants

The goal of regression analysis as used here is to account
for, or explain, variation in the dependent variable. Of the total
variation in the dependent variable census tract median family
income, the regression Y = -$1,985 + $976Xi - $21X2 explains
83.8 percent, the coefficient of determination being
R^Yi2 - -838. This statistic should be compared to the co-
efficient of determination, Rayx ^ -800, which measures the
explanatory power of the bivariate regression equation
Y = -$6,951 + $l,365Xi . The difference between these two
percents (83.8 - 80.0), 3.8, measures the improvement in
explanatory power as a result of employing multiple regression
and adding the percent Black variable.

The gain in veracity, of course, is more than what is
measured above. The smaller regression equation overstates the
contribution made by years of schooling to the determination
of income. The points made in discussion a few paragraphs back
regarding regression coefficients are valid here, also. It is only
within the context of the other fundamental determinant of
income, percent Black population, that the importance of years
of schooling can be measured. This measure consists of
comparing the coefficient of partial determination for school-
ing, R^Yi ^ .568, with the coefficient of multiple determi-
nation. The coefficient of partial determination measures the
percent of variation in income explained by years of schooling
Eilone, holding percent Black population constant. The
difference between this partial coefficient and the multiple
coefficient (83.8 - 56.8), 27.0, shows the percentage contri-
bution to explanation of income differences made by the
variable percent Black population. These measures indicate that,
as a whole, the contribution made by schooling to the
determination of income greatly exceeds the contribution made
by percent Black. Further consideration of this aspect of the
analysis is pursued in the next section.

The preceding discussion has been predicated on certain
strengths of the regression analysis. The regression also has weak
points which warrant discussion. These points are exposed in
Methodological Appendix C where the regression equation is
evaluated.

4. Conclusion and Implications

The objective of identifying the fundamental determinants
of Savannah census tract median family income and estimating
the functional relationship through which these determinants
work has been reasonably met. The variables which were
isolated, years of schooling and percent Black population,
explain 83.8 percent of the variation in median family income.
The regression equation Y = -$1,985 + $976Xi - $21X2 has an
exceptionally small error for cross-sectional economic variables.
Further, no source other than random variation was found to
account for the remaining 16.4 percent of unexplained variation
in income, although numerous attempts were made to reveal
additional explanatory variables. There is, however, a question
of ambigious causation that needs to be examined.

Census data aren't usually very helpful in providing infor-
mation pertaining to the functional relationship through which
level of education determines income. It is, of course, easy to
find in census data a close regression fit of income on education
using state-by-state, county-by-county, or city-by-city com-
parisons. But for each of these examples the following question
is vital: are incomes higher for some observations because their
years of schooling are greater, or are their years of schooling
greater because of higher incomes? The census tract is not open

to the reverse causation question as are the larger geographic
units. The disaggregation accompHshed with the census tract
makes legitimate the use of the regression model with income
the dependent and education the independent variable.

There are two theories that might explain the statistical
association generally found between family income and level of
education. The first holds that additional education increases
productivity and higher productivity increases earnings and
income. The second theory argues that higher family income
enables people to spend longer periods of time in the
non-earning capacity of student. According to the first theory,
higher education is the cause of higher income; in the second,
higher income is the cause of higher education. On close
examination, however, it becomes clear that these theories are
not simply the same function with a reversal of the variables.
Theory one stands as stated. One's income is largely determined
by his education, since the latter largely determines the type of
work one does. Theory two, however, is not quite correct as
stated. It is not his income that determines ones level of
education. Rather, (to the extent there is a causative relation-
ship in this direction) the amount of time one spends in school
is influenced by the past income of his parents. Low median
family income would, from this relationship, produce low levels
of education only if the observation units contained succeeding
generations. But in our mobile society children often achieve
levels of education beyond the expectation of their parents.
With the resulting higher incomes the younger generations find
residences in different neighborhoods from their parents, where
there are people with similar income levels and consumption
patterns. If the geographic unit is so large that residential
differentiation according to earnings cannot be discerned, then
theory two may have validity. It clearly does not have validity
using the neighborhood specific census tract observation unit.

Elements of the regression equation Y = -$1,985 +
$976Xi - $21X2 can be used to examine various facets
of the relationship between income, education, and racial
proportions. The ratio Bi /B2 measures, in terms of income
gain and loss, the percentage points of Black population which
are offset by one year of schooling. This ratio,
$975/$21 = 46.5, means that, on the average for census tracts,
one year of schooling generates enough extra income to offset
the negative income effect of 46.5 percentage points of Black
population. This same approach, taken from a different angle, is
to calculate the ratio B2(100)/Bi = $2,100/$976 = 2.15 and
interpret it as showing the additional years schooling it would
take to wholly remove the median family income deficit
between a totally Black census tract and a totally White census
tract with the same initial median years schooling.

Another facet of the relationship can be seen by examining
the coefficients of determination for the multiple regression

equation. The coefficient of partial determination of income on
schooling sQone, R^ y i "^ .568, shows that 56.8 percent of the
variation in census tract median family income is explained by
median years schooling. The coefficient of multiple determi-
nation for the equation, R^ y 1 2 = .838, shows that both
variables, schooling and racial proportion together explain 83.8
percent of total income variation. The difference between these
two figures, 27.0 percent, measures the contribution made by
the variable percent Black population to the total explained
variation. Thus the ratio R^ y^ /(^^ Y^ ^ "^^ Y^ ? " .568/.270 =
2.10, shows the importance of schooling relative to race as a
determinant of income. Thus schooling is more than twice as
powerful as racial proportions in determining census tract
median family income.

It would not be legitimate to press this multiple regression
equation into service as an instrument for forecasting future
income levels. There would be more feasible approaches to
forecasting a census tract's future median family income since
factors other than these variables would assuredly emerge over
the passing of time and play a large part in determining the
tract's income trend. At the same time, one can certainly expect
the overall functional relationship between income and school-
ing to hold, if not in the dollar size of its regression coefficient,
at least in the surpassing size of its coefficient of determination.
This suggests a great income potential to be realized through
gains in years schooling.

This discussion has focussed on the predominance of
increased schooling as a means of achieving economic better-
ment. However, the implications discussed should not be made
into a rationale for diminishing political and legal efforts to
eradicate any form of discrimination which creates econom-
ically unjustifiable income deficits. These findings should be
interpreted as showing that persistent devotion to the goal of
improved education can, on the average, lead to notable gains in
economic well-being.

5. Data Appendix

Data Table

Y = census tract median family income.
Xi = census tract median years schooling.

X2 = census tract percent Black population. ^

Y = regression estimate of census tract median family income, given Y

= -$1,985 + $976Xi - $21X2.

Census Tract

Y-Y

$ 8,523

12.0

13.7

$ -916

4,393

8.0

98.9

647

4,290

9.4

37.0

-2,122

7,433

12.8

7.3

-2,922

3,541

6.9

98.6

862

4,884

7.9

76.1

757

Census Tract

Y- Y

$ 4,000

8.5

81.6

$ -597

5,907

11.0

51.0

-1,773

2,890

8.0

95.8

-921

4,453

8.0

97.9

686

4,574

8.9

77.0

-510

4,356

8.3

99.3

423

5,996

10.4

59.9

-912

8,935

12.0

4.6

-695

4,638

10.3

99.6

-1,338

5,887

9.1

92.9

941

7,112

10.9

19.6

-1,130

6,967

11.7

14.4

-2,165

6,760

10.3

68.8

137

11,097

12.9

0.1

494

11,527

12.6

1,214

5,450

9.1

73.9

105

7,069

11.1

99.9

318

10,374

12.4

13.5

540

35.01

8,589

11.5

4.5

-556

35.02

10,205

12.3

185

36.01

7,968

10.6

14.9

-80

36.02

9,407

11.7

5.6

7,744

11.1

0.3

-1,098

9,265

12.3

16.7

-404

10,988

12.4

1.4

900

11,843

12.7

1.5

1,464

5,237

9.7

89.5

-171

107

8,727

10.7

12.4

529

11,646

12.7

1,236

42.01

12,186

12.8

3.1

1,743

42.02

10,701

12.4

0.8

600

6,143

9.2

92.0

1,081

102

8,088

10.9

11.1

-332

105

8,284

10.8

4.6

-175

106.01

9,329

11.1

23.4

972

106.02

6,552

8.4

49.6

1,380

108

8,699

10.5

9.6

638

109

9,221

12.1

5.1

-497

110

10,650

12.5

9.1

626

111

11,389

12.6

1.5

1,108

Source: Census Tracts, Savannah, Georgia, Standard Metropolitan Statisti-
cal Area, PHC (1)-193, U. S. Bureau of the Census, 1970.

Sums, Means, and Sums of Squares and Products

SXi = 493.42 2X2 = 1,738.3 2Y = 353,895

Xi = 10.73 X2 = 37.79 Y = 7,693

LX] = 5,422.71 Zxl = 134,374.03 SY^ = 3,025,524,677

XXjY = 3,973,581.7 SXjY = 9,478,644.5 2Xi X2 = 16,141.72

Glossary

SST = total sum of squares.
SSR = regression sum of squares.
SSE = error (residual) sum of squares.

R = coefficient of correlation. j

R^ = coefficient of determination.
SEE = standard error of the estimate.

Regression Equation Y = A + BXj and Related Computations

B = 2XiY- [(I:Y)(2Xi)] /N-^SX^ -(2:Xi)Vn = 1,365.22
A=l/N [2Y-B(2Xi)] =-6,950.69
Thus Y = -$6,951 -i- $l,365Xi

SSR = B [sXjY- 1/N(2:Y)(2Xi)] =242,352,885
SST = SY^ - 1/N(2Y)^ = 302,879,655
SSE = SST - SSR = 60,526,770

R = ySSR/SST = .89 R^ = .80
SEE = /SSE/ (N - 2) = 1,173

Regression Equation Y = A - BX2 and Related Computations
B = 2X2Y- [(2Y)(i:X2)] /N^SXI -(2X1 )/N = -56.70
A=l/N [2Y-B(2X2)] =9,836.01
Thus Y = $9,836 - $57X2

SSR = B [2X2Y - 1/N (2Y) (2X2)] =220,831,748
SST = 302,879,655
SSE = SST - SSR = 82,047,907

R = ySSR/SST = .85 R^ = .73
SSE = /SSE/ (N - 2) = 1,366

Regression Equation Y = A -1- Bi Xj - B2 X2

Xx] = XX] - N(Xi f = 126.73

2xiX2 = 2X1X2 -N(Xi)(X2) = -2,510.82

2x1 = 2X1 - N(X2 ? = 68,682.35

2xiy = 2XiY - N(Xi) (Y) = 176,470.76

2x2y = 2X2Y - N(X2 ) (Y) = -3,894,405.12

Bi = [(2xi)(Sx,y)-(2xiX2)(2x2y)] - [(Sx^ ) (Exl ) - (Sx,X2 )'] =975.99
B2 = [(2x?)(2x2y)-(2xiX2)(2x,y)] ^ [(2x^ ) (2x^) - ( x,x2)'] =-21.02
A = Y-BiXi -B2X2 = -1,985.02

Thus Y = -$1,985 + $976X, - $21X2

6. Methodological Appendix

A. Data Exclusion Procedure

Any census tract having less than -2 or more than 2 standard
units ^ ^ of either W = percent of wives, husband present, who
are in the labor force, or A = percent of population in the
economically, productive age group, is excluded. Roughly, this
procedure excludes any observation which has a value of one of
the variables either below 97.5 percent or above 97.5 percent of
all expected observations. The excluded census tracts and
relevant characteristics of each are presented below.

Excluded Census Tracts

Census Popul-

Tract

ation

1,051

0.20

-2.29

9.1

98.3

$2,534

66.7

66.9

75.1

557

-3.25

-1.85

9.7

98.4

1,956

64.9

68.8

71.1

2,776

-1.63

-2.09

8.9

71.5

2,608

59.3

64.5

72.9

883

-0.44

-2.25

7.9

99.9

2,297

61.4

66.5

87.2

1,001

1.41

-2.70

9.4

99.4

2,744

65.3

82.4

59.7

1,173

-2.70

0.25

11.2

3.5

6,725

22.7

87.2

17.6

**43

4,236

-1.85

3.04

12.6

8.9

7,929

0.7

5.7

***ioi

3,194

1.16

2.02

11.8

44.4

9,354

11.3

93.9

7.6

Total

14,872

Legend

F = percent of households headed by female.

L = percent of total income earned from employment.

P = percent of families with income below poverty level.

*In standard units.
**Location of Hunter Army Air Field.
***Location of Savannah State College.

What are the limits to the pursuit of uniformity through
exclusion of anomalies? The analysis loses information with
each exclusion. One quantitative representation of this loss is
degrees of freedom, the denominator for the calculation of
standard error, the measure of unexplained variation. In

i^The standard unit of a variable x is: Z^ = (x - yi)/SD^, or the
difference between an observed value of x and the average value, x, of all
the observations, divided by the standard deviation of the x observations.
Thus Z is the number of standard deviations, positive or negative, by
which an observed value of x differs from the mean.

carrying out the exclusion procedure, the following rule of good
judgment should prevail: exclusion of deviant observations
should continue only so long asthe proportional decrease in
unexplained variation, 2(Yj - Y)^/2(Yj - Y)^ , exceeds the
proportional decrease in degrees of freedom. The latter grows
with each exclusion due to declining N. The former can
generally be expected to diminish with each exclusion since the
size of the individual deviation (Yj - Y) should be functionally
related to its standard units of the exclusion variable.

B. Technical Specifications for Regression Equation.

Analysis of Variance

Source of Variance Sum of Squares Degrees of Freedom Variance

Regression 254,094,093 2 127,047,047

Error 49,047,130 43 1,140,631

Total 303,141,223 45 6,736,472

Statistics
R^Yi2 = SSR/SST = .838 R^yi2 "R^yi = -838 - .568 = .270
R^Yi=Bi [sXjY -N(Xi)(Y)] /SST = .568

SEE = /l, 140,631 - 1,068 SDy = ^6,736,472 = 2,595

C. Evaluation of Multiple Regression Equation

(1) Domain of the Regression Equation

The following layout of the forty six observation units
subjects the data to a very important evaluation. The units are
grouped into cells according to rows representing quarter
groups, from low to high, of years schooling, and columns
similarly representing percent Black population. Thus, the seven
census tracts lying in the upper right-hand corner cell are in the
highest quarter of percent Black population and in the lowest
quarter of median years schooling.

Years of Schooling

Percent Black Population

(Xj ) Quarter Group

(X2

) Quarter Group

Total

Total 11 12 12 11 46

The layout shows the presence of cells with a single
observation or no observations at all. Such cells represent data
gaps: areas outside the domain of the regression equation.
Regression rules do not allow free extrapolation beyond the

domain of the data. Allowing any cell with one observation or
less to be considered a data gap, the following combinations of
Xi and X2 are outside the domain: first quarter values of Xj
and first quarter values of Xj , or QjXj and Q1X2 QiXj and
Q2X2,Q2Xi andQiX2,Q4Xi andQ3X2,Q4Xi andQ4X2,
and Q3 Xi and Q4 Xj .

In terms of actual values of Xj and X2 , the following are
the quartile group boundaries for the two variables:

Qi Q2 Q3 Q4

6.9 -9.1

9.2

-10.9

11.0 - 12.3

12.4 - 12.9

0-4.5

4.6-

14.4

14.9 -77.0

81.6-99.9

Thus the following areas of Xi and X2 combinations should be
used with reservation and with the understanding that such use
constitutes extrapolation into regions beyond the domain of
the regression equation.

Xj X2

6.9 - 9.1 and - 4.5

6.9 - 9.1 and 4.6 - 14.4

9.2 - 10.9 and - 4.5

11.0-12.3 and 14.9 -77.0

12.4-12.9 and 14.9 -77.0

12.4-12.9 and 81.6 -99.9

(2) Analysis of Residuals

(a) Approach Explained

The residual is defined as the difference, Y - Y, where Y is
actual median family income for a census tract and Y is the
income regression estimate based on the tract's values for Xi
and X2 . Unexplained variation is composed of the whole
assemblage of these residuals. By exploring the unexplained
variation through examination of residuals one can evaluate the
performance of the regression relative to a number of important
criteria.

The first criteria to be raised are homoscedasticity and
linearity. The former term refers to the necessary condition of
equEd variance in the distribution of actual incomes around the
line of the regression equation. Generalizations regarding error
in regression estimates at various values of the independent
variables are not legitimate unless homoscedasticity holds. The
linearity criterion involves the shape of the functional relation-
ship between independent and dependent variables. The
regression model here assumes, of course, a linear relationship
between income and education and income and racial pro-
portion. If the income observations are not linearly related to
each of the independent variables, then a non-linear regression

model should be used. Both these criteria are addressed with
plots of residuals against the two independent variables in
sections (b).

Residual plots can also be analyzed in searching for
influences on median family income operating through variables
other than years schooling and racial proportion. The variables
introduced in section (c) are theoretically related to average
income. By searching for evidence of the existence of such
relationships in these data it may be possible to identify sources
of the 16.7 percent of the total variation in income which is
unexplained, lying beyond reach of the regression equation.

(b) Plots Against the Explanatory Variables

The absence of linearity in a relationship would be shown
by the grouping of residuals into some regular pattern around
the zero line, such as crossing the latter from either above or
below, forming a half-loop above or below it, or veering away
from the zero line in a clearly discernible pattern. The absence
of any pattern in the deviations of the plots of Figures 3 and 4
indicates the correctness of the linear model.

FIGURE 3

Plot of Residuals Against Median Years Schooling

2,000

1,000

-1,000

-2,000

-3,000

9 10 11 12 13 14

Median Years Schooling

FIGURE 4
Plot of Residuals Against Percent Black Population

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L-X -J J |-i-^ -|--| -L-L 1 1 1 \-ji-j. X ,

:::::::::-:"":ii::!:^^":^-4iiT"r-"-::J^-::::-::T::::-:-::-:::::::::--tU..UT--^

.i..--ullLJ-i^XUi:-.i.lLLilLJ-L*.--.X.-^ ^^.IL^^^ 1 ;....::::

10 20 30 40 50

60 70 80 90

Percent Black Population

The suspicious residual pattern in evaluating for homo-
scedasticity is a cone-shaped grouping of the residuals. Since no
such pattern appears in the plots against Xi and X2 , the homo-
scedasticity assumption can be accepted.

(c) Plots Against Other Theoretical Variables
The following residual analysis attempts to ascertain
whether unexplained variation is generated by variables other
than Xi and X2 that are theoretically related to income and
that contribute, behind the scenes, so to speak, to the
determination of income. Such conditions undermine the
veracity of the regression equation. The regression coefficients
Bi and B2 , then, impute to Xj and X2 changes in income
which are, to some degree, produced by other such variables
instead. On the other hand, if, fortunately, the income-related
elements are randomly distributed among the families in each
census tract their effects cancel and the regression succeeds in
isolating the Xj and X2 effects. The analysis is carried out by
viewing successive scatter plots of the residuals against the
theoretical variables of interest. Any pattern other than random
dispersion suggests new information on the determination of
median family income.

(1) Percent Economically Productive Married Women, Husband

Present

This is a variable which reflects economic values and
motivations for the individual family. The working wife is
frequently found in families where economic goals are held high
and diligently pursued. On the other hand, in the families of
professional or managerial people, one income is frequently
sufficient for the family's goals and, unless the wife chooses to
pursue an independent career, she will not work. Thus one has,
in this variable, contrary causative relationships.

From the residual plot of Figure 5 it is evident that the
contrary forces cancel if they are present within the census
tracts. Any suggestive pattern would consist of a concentration
of observations in two of the four quadrants. These quadrants
are created by the two lines, each of which divides the field into
two sectors, an above mean sector and a below mean sector.

FIGURE 5

Plot of Residuals Against Variable W

y-?

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 [[ 1 I 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 [ 1 1 1 r 1 1 [

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 [[[ 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 [ 1 1 1 1

TTl

1 1 1 1 1 1 1

TTT t 1 1 1 1 1

1 1 '

^_ _. IL___

__._

-i-*

|_i_

--+(f -

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-- -:r--r-r rr-t--

X ""i:::

i--

-^ r^

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::::::::::::::J::j:::::

fft---

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3,000

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= =

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:::! ; :;:;::;;4:::;:i

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- + -

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+ '^ "X T

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"::::::::::: ::;:::::::_;,:

-H

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i^'

_::::::::::: :::;;::::: : :

;:::::::;

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:::: -j^

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::::

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:::::::::::: + :;:::::::

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-p-

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2,000

:::::::" : ":::__":':'- _:: -;

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l~Z

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::::

::::x:g

::::::::::::::::::r_.::H::::::

:-|::::::::::|:::^:||:

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:::::::

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::::::::::::;:::::::::::a::

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:::

::::

::;;;;::::::::;;::;::;:::;;:=

;i:::ili:::i::i:::::::ii:

::::

15 20 25 30 35 40 45

Percent Economically Productive Wives,
Husband Present

Although the four sectors are not equally populated in this
scatter diagram, there is no suggestive concentration. Thus the
conclusion follows that there is no additional information
available from this source.

(2) Relative Size of Economically Productive Age Group

Census tract residents below the age of 18 years and above
64 are deemed economically non-productive. The productivity
of the census tract population should be directly related to the
size of the age group 18-64 years. But there is no pattern in the
plot of Figure 6 to indicate such a functional relationship in
these data.

FIGURE 6

Plot of Residuals Against Variable A

3,000

Y-?

1,000

-1,000

-2,000

50 55 60

Percent of Population in Economically Productive
Age Group

(3) Employment Structure

Figures 7 through 10 present residual plots against the
percentage of total census tract employment found in the
following sectors respectively: construction, manufacturing,
transportation-communication-trade, and finance-services-public
administration. One could discuss the hint of a pattern in a
couple of these plots, i.e., the possible upward drift of residuals
against percent in manufacturing, or the grouping of large

negative residuals at high percentages of finance-services-pubhc
administration, but there is nothing substantial. This is for-
tunate. Sampling error is quite large in these census estimates
and little analysis of employment structure could be pursued
with confidence.

FIGURE 7
Plot of Residuals Against Employment: C

2 4 6 3 10 12 14 16 18

Percent of Total Employment in Construction

-- 1 'Ml

-. S:::::::::::::::::|g:::::::::::::::: ::::::::

1 j LXUj h ^ 1 ' ! '-^ ^-

2,000 ::::::::::::::::::: ::::::::::::

" .,...+..,, j ; , , ; ^

rtrtrt 5 > "* '""i

1 J i LULL 1 1 : , , 1 ^-

_ -jj r -T- 1 ' 1 ^ rr ~-

::::::::::::::::!::;:::i:::: ::::::;::!: ::::::::

,_,_..__. . '_ _ . _..._

' 1 1 '

-1,000 Tt -t.--- --'- -

_L_. - .-1-.- -L|.

9 ! l_j 1 1 pj

;;;;;;;;:;;;;it;.s.;i::;i:i:::::::::;:;:::::::

FIGURE 8

Plot of Residuals Against Employment: M

pl 1 1 iU-| II i [ M ! i-flfU. M-

2,000 - - i

-i--- + -^-^T-#T^-I-^ - r--

""""1" "

L^j

H ' \---^ h-l '-!-^T-r'"-T

3,000 - :::::::::::;:::::::

:::l:::::|:l:g:::::|:::::S:|:;:g^::::

1 1 11 \ J

- -::--- x:i::-:-:-:;;:;;;:;;:;;;;;;:;:;

10 15 20 25

SO 35 40 45 50

Percent of Employment in Manufacturing

FIGURE 9

Plot of Residuals Against Employment: TCT

::::|::i::::::::::: :i:::+

III

l-l-

h^-lh

T - r ? ^-"

2,000 :::::::::::::t::E::

.;:::;:

i,ooo|||[[||[| 1 [|[|[l[[|[|

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:;:

;::::;:::::

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_^_I_^x|_

^.._ ,

_ _ _ _ .

-1,000 -

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1__

L _

-3,000 :: J

:: ::x

::5+::x:::::::

:::::::::::::::::::::;; ::;;;;

lllllllll

ffflW

t#P

Fffff

tffffff

Percent of Employment in Transportation,
Communication, Trade

FIGURE 10
Plot of Residuals Against Employment: FSP

1 3:_x

;i;:;:E:|:::::::#t::#::::::::::::::^::;:::

T-? 1 ! 1 j+^l 1 1

T-H '"'""Ti'" IT

2,000 ++ + + " + """ +

z""j: 5: _^ " _i_"'

-_j 1 1 ^_j-j

-+ -1^- - --

-^^-

-X- ._ ip ^ - - .- -

+_:; + + +

1,000 -- +--^ T zEj

, _-j . 1^

o|nllllllllllllllllllililij||jTnnllllllli||[|||

. ... _ii. . _

^1 { 1 1 Ited m im^ f^^

"t"'^" -L.__,. ^^ _.__

- _^ _L_l_ _ _

::f::::::::+::::: :::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::

H -r -r-

-3,000 i- - --- ---

^j^ijl 1 hMi 1 1 l| 1 1 1 1 1

;i:::=:;=;i:=x:: ::;:;;:::;;;::::;:;::;;::;;:;;;

20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60

Percent of Employment in Finance, Services,
Public Administration

BLESSING

Oh the words unwritten, letters left

unsaid, heartbeats broken as they rise,

eyes unseen as they ask: '

brother where is your blessing?

True, the people of this earth,

Abraham, are many and various;

but the salt is lost except where some

(whom we could name) have turned to it.

Come down the showers of gold, God.

Broaden our shoulders to receive your gifts.

Keep answering and we might hear.

Then we'll lay our time on your table,

our palms in your hands, and

sing the good news together: long live God.

Elisabeth Lunz

MEMPHIS

Gaunt, fragile, spindrift trees
grace winter bareness,
sketching the shape and pattern
of themselves, dark, undisguised.

Rain dampens down the night;
no ice flatters the trees with
elegance. Only silence
breaks the hush of starless cold.

Faces blank, immobile, peer
from out of sleepless nights,
bored by the crush of dreams,
waiting for their erosion.

The power is off. Water freezes,
milk sours, while gas heat
roars outward through raw hole
and plastic patch. Cold kills.

Elisabeth Lunz

THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY DEBATE:
AN UNNECESSARY CONTROVERSY

Joseph M. McCarthy, Ph.D.

Assistant Professor

Department of Education

CoUege of Liberal Arts

Suffolk University
Boston, Massachusetts

The past few years have witnessed a recrudescence of the
debate whether a CathoHc university can or should exist. The
debate flourishes because defenders of the Catholic university
have placed themselves in a false position by unwittingly
conforming to the positivistic presuppositions of their antago-
nists. Critics of the Catholic university assert that Catholicism
constitutes a bias inimical to the pursuit of pure truth, ignoring
the fact that no human person can ever be free of prejudice in
the most basic sense, i.e. perceptual distortion. In conceding
that the university exists to seek truth, one must bear
constantly in mind that no researcher can perceive reality
without imposing upon it. Similarly, in stipulating that truth is
the object of the intellect, one must not facilely assume that the
intellect is the only means to truth. Therefore, in describing the
function of the Catholic intellectual, one must avoid un-
necessarily sacrificing either his Catholicism or his intel-
lectuality.

The Quest for Pure Truth

The first pitfall in considering the rationale of a Catholic
university lies in an uncritical acceptance of the dictum that the
university must be defined in terms of the quest for pure truth.
Even were one to accept the dictum without regard for the
serious challenges recently offered it, one would have to deal
with its underlying assumption that somewhere outside the
mind exists the ultimate prize, the untarnished, uninterpreted
datum, that the true researcher must divest himself of all
presuppositions, especially a religious worldview, in order to
isolate that datum.

In point of fact, any datum must be perceived in order to be
used, and no man perceives without imposing something of
himself on reality. He cannot prescind from all viewpoints; if he
abjures a religious one, he cannot avoid assuming an equally
arbitrsiry secular viewpoint. "Why the religious searcher should
be frisked at the university gate while the secular searcher slips
in unchallenged, no one has ever made clear.'" Nor can it be
made clear.

In pledging allegiance to the quest for truth, we must bear
constantly in mind that our hold on objective reality is quite
tenuous. The rigid scientific methodologies of the various
disciplines are less imposing when we consider that the basis of
our entire structure of knowledge is the unprovable principle of
identity: "a thing is what it is and no other". That con-
sideration is heightened by the fact that our techniques of
investigation interfere with the phoenomenon under investi-
gation. After all, techniques of investigation logically precede
the investigation and attempt to structure extramental reality
to fit minds ceased to be blank slates long before they became
critical. Psychologists can support the proposition, "whatever is
received is received according to the modality of the receiver,"
with an almost infinite number of cautionary tales.

The researcher is not, of course, an uncritical observer. Yet
no amount of training can divest him of all personal and
philosophical biases. Moreover, his methodology itself consti-
tutes a bias. Social scientists must often rely on untrained
observers,^ and Heisenberg's attempt simultaneously to measure
the velocity and position of subatomic particles has, among
other things, demonstrated the vulnerability of physical science
methodology.^

The nature of the quest for pure truth must be evaluated in
the light of such considerations. The notion that the researcher
can divest himself of bias is insidious, providing as it does a
cloak of justification for accepting secular faith in preference to
religious faith, and thus creating the "problem" of the Catholic
university.

Man and the Ways of Knowing

These considerations inevitably suggest that one is on
somewhat shaky ground in asserting that what cannot be
demonstrated empirically cannot adequately be understood.
Perhaps it is time to consider whether the limitations placed on
the quest for truth by the total emphasis on reason as the sole
source of adequate knowledge are not merely arbitrary.
Intellectual apprehension, after all, does not always compel
personal assent. Indeed, personal assent often precedes intel-
lectual apprehension. Especially is this true in the case of values.

"Values are not neutral. They are not achieved as the result
of neutral inquiry. But we desperately need them."^ Is the
university then to prescind from questions of value? How can
it? The very structure and method of the various disciplines
enshrine value choices. There is a contradiction inherent in the
position emphasizing rigid commitment to intellectual method
as the only road to truth.

It is worth suggesting that faith, "intuition," and other
conclusively unscientific means of knowledge have their place in
the search for truth. If we are unwilling to consider their use,

we have delimited our access to data before the search.

To accept only the four-dimensional universe of our rational
comprehension as given is like envisioning the universe as a
dried-out sponge when it may in fact be more like a sponge in
water, simultaneously surrounded and permeated by a further
dimension. Functioning in ignorance of a dimension would be
ludicrous were we to conceive it in terms of a man functioning
in ignorance of extension or time particularly if that man
refused to consider the existence of extension or time because
of an inflexible, self-imposed methodology.^

It should be clear that the general basis for attacking the
existence and function of the Catholic university is the faith of
secular humanism, as uncompromisingly dogmatic a faith as
Catholicism.

The Function of the CathoUc Intellectual

Apologists for the Catholic university thus do violence to
the Catholic intellectual in trying to pass him off as one who
wears the strait jacket of secular humanism everywhere but to
Church. He should be conceived of as qualitatively different in
that he has a real apostolate which is an irreplaceable part of his
function.

Where can we go to discover the nature and vocation of the
Catholic intellectual? Gustave Weigel wrote in 1957, "to date,
no theology of the intellectual life, as we know it, has
appeared,"^ and his remark still appears valid. Perhaps we can
follow Jacques Maritain's lead and rely on that current of
thought which has perennially proposed that man's highest
activity is contemplation.'' While it is true that this tradition has
often concerned itself almost exclusively with the contem-
plation of God, we do it no violence by extending the notion to
the contemplation of all truth. Primacy in intellectual work
must then belong to pure contemplation carried out with
passionate dedication to the truth, truth being construed
broadly.

If we halt here, restricting intellectual work to the confines
of the quest for pure truth, we imprison all intellectuals in an
ivory tower. Yet, pursuing our similitude with the scholastic
notion of contemplation, we find that thought and perception
necessarily flow into action. "It must be conceded," wrote
Suarez, "that no state of life which does not share something of
action and something of contemplation is able to be properly
ordained to obtaining perfection."^ There is more, then, to the
intellectual life that pure thought. There pertains to it also such
action as is truly the overflow of thought, extending and
elucidating it without in any way being cut off from it. This is
to say, in effect, that an intrinsic part of the intellectual
vocation is the communication of thought or its fruit to others.

This should not be any startling discovery; it should already

have been evident from the fact that intellectuals are radical
conservatives. By terming them conservatives, I do not mean to
lump them with the forces of reaction. Their commitment is
not to the "old", nor, in point of fact, to the "new", but to the
"always" which is truth. They are conservatives in the sense
that they have custody of our past, they think within a
tradition, and they live within a community shaped by it. This
tradition they carry on, always extending and perfecting it, and
since this tradition is of vital import to the community, they are
responsible to and for the community. To say this is not to say
that every intellectual is obliged to apply the fruits of his
researches to the practical realm. What it does mean is that no
intellectual can be indifferent to the way in which these are
applied, and that some intellectuals must so apply them.

Essential to our understanding of intellectuals is the
awareness that part of their custodianship of social structures is
critical and evaluative. Like careful gardeners, they must
sometimes prune their favorite plant in order that it may
flourish. In practice, this means social criticism. The intellectual
cannot abandon his role as critic, for when he "withdraws from
society, he leaves its ultimate direction up to the salesman and
the politician, to classes not devoted professionally to the
truth. "^ This creates an obligation on the part of the
community to remain open to intellectuals, to hear their
criticism fairly.

With an ordered understanding of the work of intellectuals,
we can assay a definition of them, and the best seems that
proposed by Merle Curti. To him, intellectuals are "those whose
main interest is the advancement of knowledge, or the
clarification of cultural issues and public problems."' ^

What shall we say now of those intellectuals who are
Catholics? First of all, we must distinguish those whose pursuit
is non-theological from those whose pursuit is theological. The
latter function within a tradition which is one of the sources of
dogma; they are servants of tradition without being its masters.

Let us consider the case of the Catholic intellectuals whose
pursuit is non-theological. Their responsibility to the Church
finds its basic not in custody of a theological tradition but in
the sacraments of initiation by which they are born into and
made responsible for the Church. In this, of course, they do not
differ from other Catholics. Their concern for the Church
sometimes assumes the form of criticism and evaluation of it; it
always assumes the form of a strengthened obligation to the
perfection of the human community. Their vocation is not
specified but intensified by their being Catholics, so that their
work in and for the Church is to be totally dedicated to the
pursuit of truth in their non-theological concerns and in a
non-theological way. By definition. Catholic intellectuals do not
contemplate as a means to an apostolate; their contemplation is,
their apostolate.

It is quite important that we realize that CathoKc intel-
lectuals possess autonomy within their field of study. To submit
their work to the judgment of theology or to force their subject
matter to support the conclusions of theology is to do violence
to both disciplines. Catholic intellectuals bring Christ to their
environs not by forcing an artificial synthesis of their discipline
and theology, but by bearing him about in their persons.
Cardinal Suhard has said of the Christian that "he does not
choose his method. His manner of acting is imposed upon him
by the milieu he lives in: it is the action of leaven.'" ^ Other
than that, we must leave the Catholic intellectual to his
discipline, confident that it is possible for him to build natural
knowledge into the vision of revelation without doing so in any
forced way.

Conclusion

The notion of a Catholic university is not radically different
in basic presumptions from that of a secular university. The
problem is that secular humanism is often insufficiently flexible
in establishing its canons of research methodology. The defense
of the Catholic university must begin at this point.

Footnotes

'"The Church and the University," A menca, CXIV, 5 (January 29,
1966), 165.

2 For some consideration of the problems of history in particular,
one may consult Charles Beard's essays, "That Noble Dream," in Fritz
Stern, ed., The Varieties of History (N.Y., 1956), 315-328 and "Written
History as an Act of Faith," in Han Meyerhoff, ed.. The Philosophy of
History in Our Time (Garden City, N.Y., 1959), 140-151, and Raymond
Aron's "Relativism in History," in Meyerhoff, 153-161.

3Cf. Werner Heisenberg, Physics and Philosophy : The Revolution in
Modern Science (N.Y., 1958) and Physics and Beyond: Encounters and
Conversations (N.Y., 1971).

^W. Seavey Joyce, Notes Toward the Idea of a Catholic University
(Chestnut Hill, Mass., 1969), 7.

sCf. Edwin A. Abbott, Flatland: A Romance of Many Dimensions
(5th ed. rev.;N.Y., 1963).

6 "American Catholic Intellectuals A Theologian's Reflections,"
Review of Politics, XIX (1958), 285.

"^Cf. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, II, Ilae, p. 180-182.

^De Religione, Tract. I, c.5, n.5.

9 Thomas P. O'Neil, "The Social Function of the Intellectual,"
Thought, XXXII (1958), 208.

^ ^ American Paradox (Newark, 1956), 73.

1 1 O. Mueller, "Zum Begriff der Tradition in der Tehologie der letzten
hundert Jahre," Muenchener Theologische Studien, IV (1953), 164-86.

12 The Church Today: Growth or Decline? (Notre Dame, Inc., 1948),
83.

NEGRITUDE AND SOUL:
ROMANTICISM IN BLACK

Dr. Isaiah Mclver

Negritude and soul represent nationalist movements among
Africans and African-Americans designed to mold a new
cultural image and psyche among dominated peoples. Even
though these movements began during slavery and colonization,
they continue to have relevance today. They represent a nice
compromise between the temporal and the spiritual: the past
and the contemporary; the ethics of community solidarity and
the strivings of the individual's ego and superego. These
ideologies view man as the central force and as an elevated
creation that exists by divine decision. Negritude and soul fuse
both negative and positive elements of both Africa and the West
in fostering African and African- American uniqueness. They are
historical, social, and cultural movements related to African and
African- American nationalism. Semantically, negritude predates
soul, but negritude has its essence in African- American soul.
They have aroused considerable controversy and have inspired
reactions ranging from enthusiastic partisanship to outright
hostility. Nonetheless, they are acknowledged as important
historical phenomena, and as such they will be examined and
hopefully their significance appreciated.

Limitation, Definition, and Characteristics

Even though negritude and soul are significant expressions
of cultural nationalism associated with both Africa and
America, this study will deal only with their historical origins,
cultural aspects, literary expressions, and significance as ideo-
logical movements. Negritude and soul represent both revolt
and acceptance of western rationalism and stereotypes of
Africans and African- Americans, They represent the sum total
of all cultural values of the African and the African- American
universe. As ideologies, they are essentially the means toward
the achievement of a sense of cultural identity and normal
self-pride in the cultural context. Soul is African negritude
dressed in American clothing, imbuing with an African-
American hue all the encounters which have fallen within the
province of African and African- American experiences,

Negritude and soul are folk myths that are distinctly
African and American, They are experiential and are not
genetic. They represent African and African- American being
and tradition; the spirit rather than the letter; a certain way of
feeling, expressing oneself, and a certain way of being. They are
both descriptive and esthetic concepts. They can be extended

into the realm of ethics where humane and the inhumane
become interchangeable; where "beautiful" becomes both good
and ugly; or where square and hip may be either good or bad.
Thus the terms soul and negritude serve only as models for what
Africans and African- Americans share and how they share it.^
Both soul and negritude are folk myth concepts that embrace
both lower and middle class characteristics such as personal
attributes and artifacts. Those who embrace negritude and soul
do not all represent a residual category of failures. Rather they
see themselves as connoisseurs and as experts. While they
represent the intellectual and anti-intellectual, there is also
emphasis on rationaJity, excellence, subjectivity, and intuition.

While negritude and soul are not as coherent as they appear
from v^dthout, they are not as incoherent as they appear from
within. No group of people, Africans and African-Americans
included, are held together by a single dimension of experience,
ideology, commitment, or thought. Yet, both negritude and
soul hover somewhere between "nigger" and "Negro". Both
express anguish over the possibility of being whitewashed, both
reject and accept western civilization, and both worship Africa
as the ancestral homeland.^ Soul and negritude represent a will
to Africans and will to power. They are relaxed, noncom-
petitive, spontaneous, nonmechanical, not antitechnological,
and enable the possessor to be happy and sad simultaneously.
Even though they strive for universal brotherhood as an
ultimate goal, until parity is achieved, supporters of negritude
and soul make it a crime to be anything but black, create black
religions, black communities, and black ice cream.

The negritude-soul revolt is*a revolt against western domina-
tion and is a refusal to accept western values and constraints.
Acceptance of these ideologies compels one to denounce the
foundations upon which colonialism and racism rest. They
represent a dialectical progression with white supremacy as the
thesis. Yet, they reject atheistic Marxian materialism. The
antithesis of negritude and soul does not create an African or
African-American dictatorship. Rather, they prepare the ways
for a synthesis represented by the realization of a human
society without racism.^

In contrast to negritude, African- American soul does have
the spirituals and the blues. Africans did not experience a
common suffering in slavery and did not create such songs. But
both Africans and African-Americans are dramatic, sing
lyrically, soul food is common to both, both accept and reject
the noble savage image, and both embrace two levels of ethnic
memory. These ideologies are by nature revolutionary because
they sprang from a need to reverse intolerable situations. Like
other revolutionary romantic movements, negritude and soul
were initially motivated by negative principles, represented a
reaction to humiliation and subjugation by Europeans and
Euro- Americans, and created their own lunatic fringe."*

Historical Antecedents

African- American soul served as an inspiration for negritude
and negritude obtained much of its distinctive characteristics
from African- Americans.^ Even though the terms negritude and
soul were coined recently, they nevertheless represent the
culmination of the complete range of complex psychological
and social factors which form the collective experiences of
western domination of Africans and African-Americans. Their
roots lie far down in the total historical experiences of Africans
and African-Americans with Europeans and Euro-Americans.
The European presence in Africa promoted conflicts first
through the slave trade, enslavement of Africans in the
Americas, and with the establishment of colonial rule. Enslave-
ment and colonization brought with them a drastic reordering
of African institutions and culture. Slavery and colonial rule
substituted new, conflicting poles of referents for African life
and social organization. Thus, colonial rule and slavery created a
state of cultural flux in which tensions were likely to evolve. It
was against this background that negritude and soul evolved as
ideologies attempting to search for new values. Perhaps the
most striking of these reactions to enslavement and colonial rule
have been religious.

Traditional Religious Elements

Negritude and soul are religious, revivalistic, and regenera-
tive. Their communal elements were established by very humble
persons who desired both secular and spiritual unity. Even
though religious missionaries served as important agents of
cultural change, not all religious movements were transformed
into political protests. In some instances they helped their
adherents to escape from the pressures of difficult situations;
and in others represented forms of cultural regression. Africans
and African-Americans generally lived with Europeans and
Euro-Americans in both a state of cultural ambiguity and
symbiosis. This dilemma and psychosocial crisis experienced by
enslaved and colonized Africans can be explained thusly:

Since Africans cannot share the ideals, interests, and full
benefits of co-operative activities with the whites, they
naturally fall back on their own system of belief, value, and
sentiment. To be a mere carbon copy is not satisfactory as a
substitute for all the Africans had to initially give up ... .
The African thus is forced at least spiritually to recross the
first line and to re-affirm many of the tribal values
abandoned at the first crossing.^

A particularly dramatic example of this spiritual recrossing
of the line was the Mau-Mau revolt, a nationalist rebellion

buttressed by a resort to tradition, particularly the oath,
designed to counter the influence of European cultural in-
cursion. That this revolt was effective in its psychological
purpose can be judged from this testimony of a former
Mau-Mau detainee who confessed following participation in the
revolt:

Afterwards in the maize, I felt exalted with a new spirit of
power and strength. All my previous life seemed empty and
meaningless. Even my education, of which I was so proud,
appeared trivial beside this splendid and terrible force that
had been given me. I had been born again. ^

This instinctive falling back on religious tradition in the face
of political domination formed a regular feature among Africans
and African-Americans, especially among the educated. In the
Congo, in western Nigeria, in Haiti, and in the United States,
regression to traditional foundations served as a means of
cultural regroupment, protection from alienation, and gave
birth to action groups.^ The shock of enslavement and colonial
rule reverberated down to the very foundations of African
society. The 1971 Haitian insurrection began as a voodoo
ceremony and Nat Turner summoned his supporters with the
spiritual "Swing Low, Sweet Chariot". Southland spirituals such
as "Go Down Moses" and "Joshua Fit De Battle of Jericho"
were much less innocuous and Bibleistic than slavemasters
realized. Similarly, sermons delivered by enslaved and colonized
Africans and African- American priests had special meanings for
their congregations. African and African-American animistic
religious ceremonies then were among the early forms of
anticolonial protest. Sermons describing Daniel's encounter in
the lion's den or the Hebrew children's experiences in the fiery
furnace were designed to convey double meanings and messages.
Enslaved and colonized Africans drew treasures of vitality from
belonging to a religion different from that of their enslavers and
colonizers.^

During the nineteenth century, African and African-
American congregations often refused to obey the orders of
their colonial masters and slavemasters. They rejected European
practices and suggested in songs and sermons that their rulers
were the pharaohs and Philistines. They made the five wise
virgins black and the five foolish virgins white. Kimbanguist
African priests wrote the following hymn which expresses the
sense of destiny maintained by colonized Africans:

Jesus, Saviour of the chosen and Saviour of us all.
We shall be the victors, sent by your call
The kingdom is ours, we have it for sure
As for the whites, they have it no more.^

As early as 1882 African separatist churches appeared in South
Africa. In 1932 there were 272 such churches. In 1891, Edward
W. Blyden was advocating reUgious freedom from European
Christianity and he along with other prophets convinced
Africans that they could foster change and create cultural
myths. Thus, from the beginning Africans fought valiantly for
their ancestral rights, permitted Europeans to rob them of their
land but retained their culture.^ ^

Initially negritude and soul were almost totally religious and
messianic. Religious art forms served as defenses against
European and Euro-American colonization and enslavement.
The sermons and spirituals of yesterday are the direct ancestors
of contemporary soul language. There is a historical and cultural
continuity between African and African-American religious
protest and contemporary negritude and soul. Both are socially
aggressive and both attempt to place upon a meaningless social
system an order which gives value to terms of existence once
considered valueless and shameful. They serve to create a new
establishment and recast the new order in an African image. ^ ^

Parallel Romantic Reactions

The romantic aspects of negritude and soul closely parallel
European and Euro-American romanticism. Just as Europeans
forced Euro-Americans into an awareness of their racial
differences, this forced awsireness of their social situation made
both Africans and African-Americans divided beings with
double awareness of themselves. This split in the African and
European consciousness fostered psychological conflicts, split
their national consciousness, and created alienation from the
self, Africa, and from Europe. Both Africans and African-
Americans were cast into roles as marginal men burdened with
ethnic and national loyalties.

During the 1920's and 1960's, the Harlem Renaissance and
Black Power Movement represented attempts on the part of
African-Americans to eradicate the ambiguous and symbiotic
social position and psychosocial crises described by W. E. B.
Dubois in his The Souls of Black Folk as:

... a peculiar sensation, this double consciousness, this
sense of always looking at one's self through the eyes of
others, measuring one's soul by the tape of a world that
looks on in amused contempt and pity. One ever feels his
twoness an American, a Negro: two souls, two thoughts,
two unreconciled strivings, two warring ideals in one dark
body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it from being torn
asunder.^ '

The desire to eliminate the torture of cultural twoness and
retain psychological sanity forced Africans, Europeans, and

Euro- Americans to embrace varying degrees of romantic nation-
alism. The dilemma created by the cultural duality and
psychological symbiosis experienced by African-Americans
motivated Dubois to attempt to foster a positive image among
African- Americans as he reminded them that:

... we are Negroes, members of a vast historic race that
from the very dawn of creation has slept, but half
awakening in the dark forest of its African hinterland. We
are the first fruits of this new nation, the harbingers of that
black tomorrow which has yet to soften the whiteness of
the Teutonic today. We are the people whose subtle sense of
song has given America its only American music, its only
fairy tales, its only touch of pathos and humour amid its
mad money-making plutocracy ... it is our duty to con-
serve our physical powers, our intellectual endowments, our
spiritual ideals: as a race we must strive for race-
organization, by race solidarity, by race unity to the
realization of that broader humanity which freely recog-
nizes differences in men, but sternly deprecates inequality
in their opportunities for development.^ ^

Like their European counterparts who had veen victimized
by militaristic imperialism, Africans also desired racial purifi-
cation, a noble destiny, and national sovereignty. Both Africans
and Europeans created prophets who crystallized ambiguous
and troubled cultursQ feelings into definite national conscious-
ness. In an attempt to accentuate Africanism and depose the
myth of European supremacy, romantic negativism of the type
expressed in Walter E. Hawkins' "Credo" admonished African-
Americans to:

. . . oppose all laws of state and country.
All creeds of church and social orders,
All conventionalities of society and system
Which cross the path of light of freedom
or obscure the reign of right. ^ ^

Africans, Europeans, and Euro- Americans attempted to fill
the existential vacuum created by imperialists by engaging in a
romantic nationalistic cultural counteroffensive. Like the
Germans who isolated themselves from England and France,
like the South that attempted to separate into a Confederate
enclave, and like the United States which attempted to make
itself a democratic haven, Africans and African-Americans
maintained:

We are doomed as long as we take our ideals from the white
man. To do so is to seal our internal feeling of inferiority
and self-contempt.^ ^

Africans, African-Americans, Europeans and Euro-
Americans reacted in basically the same manner when they were
stereotyped as inferiors. During the late eighteenth and early
nineteenth centuries leading European intellectuals described all
Euro- Americans as:

. , . lazy, apathetic people, eating coarse food and in-
different to the arts and comforts of life. Backward and
inferior, they have failed to produce a good poet, a capable
mathematician, or a man of genius in a single science.^ ^

These assertions were pcirt of a widely accepted theory of
American degeneration. These contentions were stated simply
by the Dutch scholar, Peter Kalm; the Swedish naturalist, Abbie
Raynal; and the French scientist, Cornelius De Pauw that:

The severe climate of North America led inevitably to
physical and mental retardation and retrogression among
every living thing plants, animals, and humans. No people
could prosper in such in environment; indolence, apathy, ill
health, and stupidity would forever mark Americans.^ ^

In congruence with contemporary negritude-soul tech-
niques, survival motions Euro-Americans reacted to these
charges by claiming that America's main excuse for being was to
repudiate Europe.^ ^ America now conceived of herself as a
model of moral superiority and quarantined herself from
European contact in order to guard her self-imputed democratic
purity lest she become despoiled by European corruption and
authoritarianism. Nonalignment became America's morally
correct policy. In order to defend against European stereotypes,
America during the early nineteenth century isolated herself
from Europe and attempted to smugly enjoy her self -conferred
moral superiority. At home there was to be absolute unity, total
solidarity, pure AmericEinism, and diversity was not tolerated.^ ^

America's reaction to European claims of superiority
motivated Ralph Waldo Emerson to urge Americans to become
self-reliant, motivated Webster to develop an American
language, compelled several presidents to support a national
university, and inspired Henry Clay to promote an "American
System" similar to Friedrich List's German political economy.

In consonance with the tenets of negritude and soul, J. G.
Herder, the German theologian, in his Ideals on the Philosophy
of the History of Mankind maintained:

. . . the French are somewhat frivolous. Imitation of French
ways, or any foreign ways, makes one shallow and artificial.
All true cultures or civilizations must arise from native
roots. It must arise from the life of the common people.
The culture of the peasant is not as denatured as that of the

100

cosmopolitan upper classes ... all peoples have their
geniuses ... a sound civilization must express a national
character or folk ... all peoples should develop their own
geniuses in their own way . . . they should unfold
natursJly.^ ^

According to Herder, there are genuine differences among
peoples. These differences should be emphasized, but unique-
ness and superiority are not synonymous. In accord with the
principles of soul and negritude. Herder maintains that genius
was to be based on intuition rather than reason. In consonance
with the ideals of negritude and soul, Herder's romantically
nationeilistic ideology stressed the superior virtues of the
common people of Germany, decried the ways of aristocrats,
suggested that the inner spirit of the individual creates its own
moral universe, and held that the German folk culture could
foster moral dignity among a disunited and subjugated
people.^ ^

In his National System of Political Economy, published in
1841, Friedrich List like Herder, urged Germany to cease
relying on the English system of free trade and English
industries. List Admonished Germans to develop their own
national culture, their own cities, their own factories, their own
industries, their own capitEil and a system of high protective
tariffs, that would keep the British out. According to List, any
nation desirous of a civilization must become self-reliant.^ ^
Thus, Romantic nationalist of both African and European
variety emphasize sovereignty, separatism, a common ethnic
consciousness, and affection for folk myths as unifying forces.

Ironically, the Southern experience, the very place that
attempted to Anglicize Africans, provides some of the most
salient parallels of both negritude and soul. But African-
Americans, while incorporating some orthodox Southern ele-
ments in soul, are compelled to go beyond the Southern
plantation to Africa in order to retrieve their cultural roots.
African-Americans attempt to exploit traditional Southern
loyalties when they refer to soul. Both Dubois and Martin L. King,
Jr., in their advocacy of an aristocracy of talent cater to
traditioneil Southern mythical loyalties.^ ^ Just as Southern
Euro -Americans resent having Booker T. Washington referred to
as the black George Washington, the black Benjamin Franklin, the
black Thomas Jefferson, the black Robert E. Lee, or the black
Lincoln, soul brothers become equsilly incensed when referred
to as Anglicized-Africans. Both appear to simultaneously yearn
for and deny a distant irretrievable romantic past. They appear
to quest for a distant past and contemporary advantages.

The emulation of soul food and expressed reverence for the
virtues of the noble savage represent a spiritual yearning to
return to the plantation. Attempts to embellish and ennoble
soul food with the virtues of gourmet dishes appear to be a

101

subconscious wish to accept and transform Euro-American
stereotypes into acceptable and virtuous qualities.

Few would refuse to agree that collards, hog maw,
chitterlings, and other soul dishes were the slavemasters scraps
and leftovers. Yet, today among some African-Americans, they
represent cultural rallying points and serve to inspire traditional
loyalties. But before condemning African-Americans for deify-
ing soul dishes as a means of retrieving cultural loyalty, one
must realize that Southern Euro- Americans still reverse defeat
in the Civil War into a glorified cultural rallying point. The stars
and bars and "Dixie" still revive Southern loyalties. "New
South" leaders such as Henry Grady and other political
propagandists often exploited traditional Southern loyalties as
they reversed former liabilities into new assets and political
victories. Both soul adherents and "New South" leaders
returned to traditionEil Southern elements in an attempt to
resurrect themselves economically, politically, and culturally.
Both became obsessed with the past and worshipped both a real
and imagined ancient cultural heritage. While the South
attempted to become a modern Sparta, African-Americans
spiritually and rhetorically returned to ancient Africa.

When the South was being stereotyped as immoral, hedon-
istic, and void of things cerebral. Southerners became diversi-
tarian. Southern literary propagandists ceased being rational,
rebelled against defined, accepted, social conventions, wor-
shipped the individual and emotions, and focused on the past.
Other Southerners reacted to charges of cultural inferiority by
convincing themselves that the South represented a unique and
superior cultural area and invested and alloyed the area and
themselves with both cultural and moral supremacy.
Southerners contended that the rest of the country possessed an
inferior civilization. In 1860, after a London Times corres-
pondent visited the South, its expressions of romantic
nationalism caused him to report:

Believe a Southern man as he believes himself and you must
regard New England and the kindred states as the birthplace
of impurity of mind among men and of unchastity in
women the home of free love, of fourierism, of infidelity,
of abolitionism, of false teaching in political economy and
in social life; a land saturated with the drippings of rotten
philosophy, with the poisonous infections of a fanatic press;
without honor or modesty; whose valor and manhood have
been swsillowed up in corrupt, howling demagogy, and in
the marts of dishonest commerce . . .^ ^

Southern gentlemen, like adherents of negritude and soul,
especially those in South Carolina, perceived themselves as
well-bred gentlemen, courteous, hospitable, well-read, and
endowed with cosmic companionship.

102

The romantic nationsilism of negritude, soul, and the
romantic nationahsm of Euro-Americans are essentially rhetor-
ical positions, but out of them have grown racist propaganda,
self-fulfilling prophecies, race supremacists, racist institutions
and practices, and cultural hyprocrisy. Neither European,
Euro-American, African, nor African-American social myths
demand cultural truth or validity. They survive on culturally
derived symbols and loyalties around which people rally.
"Dixie" appears to excite the adrenalin of Southern Euro-
Americans in much the same way that soul music disquiets
African-Americans and give rise to traditional emotions. They
generally represent irrational myths concerned with and
oriented not so much toward recapturing a past as with
providing an image that will allow the capturing of the
future,^ ^ Romantic nationalism attempts to foster unity and
group solidarity by discovering and rediscovering the group's
heritage or cultural roots. Just as "New South" propagandists
visualize African-Americans as the rootless, invisible enemy,
adherents of negritude and soul maintain that Europeans and
Euro- Americans are the discernable, soullness nemesis.^ "^

Both African and Euro-American romantic nationalism
advocate self-reliance and self-determination. The South did so
through states rights, nullification, interposition, and the
creation of a Confederacy, while African-Americans promoted
separate institutions and communities and a return to Africa.
Ultimately the elements of romantic nationalism enable a group
to refuse to be dominated politically and culturally, enable a
group to ascribe positive qualities to negative stereotypes,
rehabilitate and resurrect in positive forms seemingly negative
concepts, enable the downtrodden to engage in cultural
counteroffensives against ascribed inferior labels, permit self-
avowal, promote self-consciousness, and foster self-acceptance
Eind self-recognition.

Reversals and Literary Elements

Part and parcel of the self-acceptance ritual of dominated
groups and states is the reversal of commonly held cultural
stereotypes. After this is done, those who were once subjugated
isolate themselves and then proceed to declare their superiority.
A significant thrust of negritude, soul, and other romantic
movements has been attempts to use rhetoric to place the once
dominant group in both a symbiotic and subordinate position,
morally and culturally to those questing for liberation. Not only
is the unpleasant past accepted by the emerging group, but
those experiences are represented as capable of enabling the
oppressed to transcend their former persecutors. Not only is the
enslaved made superior to his former master, but the reversals
serve to celebrate stereotypes of Africa in cosmic terms through
the use of conventional Western imagery. Soul and negritude

103

employ the traditional African, African- American, and Western
myths and stereotypes and incorporate them in both traditional
and futuristic movements. From these syncretized myths and
stereotypes are created spiritual adventures that represent
objective standards of thought and behavior that are neither
realistically subjective or objective.^ ^ This reversal process
swells into exaggerated self-aggrandizement, highly optimistic
self-consciousness, and fosters an assidious cultivation of black-
ness. It enables one to confront European racism with zealous
partisanship for Africaness and the exaltation of the Stygian
hue to dizzy elevations.

Ironically, soul and negritude establish Africa's distinctive
and unique qualities through Western rhetoric and through
traditional Western stereotypical assumptions. Acceptance and
the reversal of traditional myths and stereotypes are described
in the following passage by Leopold Senghor:

. . . dicursive reason of the West is inferior to Africa's
intuitive reason. There is African and Western logic. Western
man engages in sight-reason but Africans engage in touch-
reason. Africa's reasoning goes beyond appearances and
takes in total reality . . . classical African reason is intuitive
and participates in the object. Westerners are rational.
Africans are emotive and possess a unique sensibility,
rhythm, and internal dynamism . . . the African mind has an
intensely religious disposition, a sense of the divine,
perceives the supernatural in the natural, possess a mystical
concept of the world which is derived from close links with
the natural world . . . Africans abandon the self for the
other and engage in reason by embrace rather than eye
reason. Africans identify all beings with life-force. The
world represents the manifestation in diverse forms, the
same vital principle. The African world view is a system of
participating forces. The great chain of vital responses in
which man, the personification of life-force, occupies the
central position from God through man, down to the grain
of sand, there is a same less whole. Man is the center of the

Interestingly, the acceptance of these Euro-American stereo-
types are woven in such a way as to make Africans both
superior and exceedingly humane. Traditional Western myths
are annexed. Africanized, and positive attributes are imputed to
them. Such reversals by negritude and soul permit the African
to accept his traditions and therefore himself.

Even though the African during gestures of despair and
during sensations of collective neurosis, desire to remake the
world in an African image, ultimately, after parity is achieved,
Africans and African- Americans see society as an:

104

. . . extension of the clan, a kind of mystical family
consisting of all persons, living and dead who possess a
common ancestor. They represent a communion of souls
and there is emphasis on the group without losing sense of
the individual person.^

But not until parity or equality is achieved are the romantic
nationalistic cries of separatism subdued. Negritude and soul
suggest that adherents assimilate rather than become assim-
ilated. Rather than seek integration, the goal becomes trans-
formation. Negritude and soul begin as accommodative move-
ments, evolve toward increasingly arrogant stances, and culmi-
nate in a search for the universgJ Holy Grail. They begin as
provincial, ethnic, separatist, romantic, and nationalistic move-
ments. Later they become oriented toward the Third World and
ultimately become universal. Their components appear secular,
pseudo-religious, and diversionary to the uninitiated.

Romantic Rituals, Evolutions, and Games

The soul performer's style follows the tradition of the folk
sermonizer or singer of traditional spirituals. He employs
colloquialism, allusions, traditional symbols, makes references
to the familiar, addresses his audiences directly, interweaves
anecdotes with political comments, and carries on a dialogue
with his audience. The performer's grammatical constructs are
repetitive and rhythmical and he appears as an actor who wears
a series of masks. He animates his message and employs other
devices common to the folk style. ^ ^ In the ideology of soul and
negritude, poets serve as both secular leaders and as prophets.
Not only do they politicize, but they also baptize one in
blackness and endow African- Americans, the only humans
capable of apprehending them, with soul. There are few, if any,
negritude-soul rituals in which Europeans can validly participate
since they are intended to purge Africans of Anglicized
endowments.^ ^ They are black men possessions which compel
prospective converts to repudiate those aspects of themselves
that foster humiliation and cause them to deny their traditional
culture and to accept and confront their Africaness. Participa-
tion in ceremonial meals serve to unite converts with the past.
Even though words often represent worthless excrement to
them, colorful rhetoric is important and public hand slapping
serve as a form of ritual, public lovemaking.

Soul and negritude deified both Malcolm X and Martin
Luther King, Jr. Both are saints in the African-American
community. Even though urban hipsters might not have
accepted or understood King's abstractions of universal love and
a blessed community following a night of the blues, they could,
however, anticipate King's millennial dream as an impending
goal. While King taught African- Americans how to dream,

105

Malcolm X excited and inspired African-Americans with his
humane and realistic precepts.^ ^ Both served as soul forces
which sensitized Euro- Americans to their arrogance, immorality
and depravity. Both adorned African- Americans with hope and
a noble destiny.

Prior to the acceptance of soul as a visible force, African-
Americans were considered invisible nonentities. Acceptance of
soul endowed Africans with essence and permitted them to
transcend the trauma of the niggerzone and to realize that their
imperceptibility resulted from self-abnegation and from being
absorbed in alien values. Like the Mau-Mau warrior who
confessed that his military exploits against European im-
perialists gave him new life, African- American entertainers and
others have also confessed that since they went natural and
became incontrovertibly black, they now perceive themselves as
truly beautiful and can express and exhibit more creative
energy. Acceptance of negritude and soul ideals makes the
traditionally obscure African presence highly visible and the
former very highly conspicuous Euro-Americans soulless
automatons not aware that they have lost their most human
qualities. They enable Africans, once with eagle-like attributes,
conditioned to function as chickens, to soar heavenward and to
condemn those who build kingdoms on fractricidal politics,
falsehoods, and human corpses. They render Euro-American
critics irrelevant and deny nonAfricans access to human
endowments.^ *

Negritude and soul are reactions to cultural invisibility.
They represent survival motion, doing one's individual thing,
and anguished happiness. They deflate Euro-American moral
and cultural arrogance, represent a condensed patent folk myth
lived daily, and permit Africans to survive as part of two worlds
without becoming a victim of cultural dualism. They foster
memories that are deeper than grief and create feelings that are
stronger than technology. They fashion black angels, a black
Christ-child, and primal spiritual energy. Soul-negritude over-
load the circuits of nonAfricans and burn them out. They
personify enjoyable encounters with the idesQs of the noble
savage and compel Elvis Presley and Tarzan to pass for black.
Just as soul force cannot accept America until she has been
resurrected, nonAfricans cannot adopt or exploit negritude-soul
sounds until they have been packaged, degraded, and reduced to
a sonorous quality.^ ^

In congruence with the defensive nature of emerging
national loyalties, during the initial stages of their development,
negritude and soul require total conformity. Real issues are not
debated, soladarity is essential, there are collective rationaliza-
tions, there is groupthink and mind guards, there is un-
questioned belief in the group's inherent morality, there are
ethical reversals, deviants are purged, and the group engages in a
shared illusion of unanimity. Like the slave who indulged

106

himself by shuffling, developing semantic complications, look-
ing away, or scratching where it did not itch, parallel games are
played by soul adherents through the use of apologetic
self-indulgent rhetorical exercises that appear to paralize con-
structive action.

Reverberations in Academia

The Black Power Movement created tremendous anguish for
some African- American students. They were compelled, at least
rhetorically, to alter their former cultural commitments. Some
students saw themselves as privileged and advantaged "house
niggers" and felt obligated to at least pretend to behave as
"field niggers" by participating in the blacker than thou games
by rejecting and resisting Anglicization. Thus, they refused to
be hermetically sealed in a sea of whiteness. Students, espeically
those on white majority campuses, appeared to become victims
of structural contradictions. Education became for them both a
desirable tool and an insidious tool of the white man.^ ^

Some African-American students and teachers employ
blacker than thou games as instruments of self-aggrandizement.
Often it is used as an eraser of imaginary feelings of undeserved
security by those who harbor guilt regarding their economic and
other advantages. By playing the game, one survives the
psychological duality and symbiosis that result when one who
emulates the "field nigger" attempts to acquire a university
degree. By dramatizing one's blackness through dress and
behavior one can remain tough, can serve as a blackness
watchdog, and can covert and exploit others.

Aside from possessing elements of romantic nationalism,
negritude-soul embrace both quasi-religious rituals and educa-
tional processes. The preeminent criterion for participating in
the socializing process is being African and the educational
process cannot commence at age twenty-five. One must revere
his Africaness, must listen to sermons preached by African-
Americans, must listen to soul sounds, is obligated to speak and
comprehend soul language, is expected to engage in blacker
than thou games or rituals, and is compelled to embrace the
values and virtues of the noble savage, the pimp and the field
nigger, engage in rap sessions, spend time at the "wall" or the
"place", accept and embrace lower class stereotypes, accept
blacker than thou norms, develop the "bad nigger complex",
and willingly accept the traditionally most despised aspects of
one's Africamess.'^ ^

While some African-Americans seriously embrace soul-
negritude, others merely pretend that they revere Africa so that
their Africaness is not questioned or doubted. Theirs is a
pseudo-commitment to Africa. It appears that there is the
romantic desire on the pEirt of some students to spiritually
return to the plantation cabin of the "field nigger" while they

107

insist that they be permitted to enjoy the educational and other
comforts of the "house nigger" in Academia. Paradoxically,
such a person desires the luxury of Academia's "big house"
while pretending rhetorically or vicariously to yearn for the
plantation cabin of the antebellum South. -^ ^

Ironically, some students who claim to be supporters of the
liberating ideals of negritude-soul also accept and embrace the
ideals of Old South racial myths and stereotypes. They maintain
that Africaness and intellectuality are incompatible and then
proceed to exhibit "field nigger" or "street nigger" norms in the
academic community. In their rhetorical and vicarious romance
with Old South stereotypes, it appears that a subconscious or a
pseudo-link is established with southern plantation stereotypes
through dress and hairdos even though these urges are
consciously denied.

Another personality type that emerged out of the soul-
negritude unfolding process during the 1960's was the academic
pimp-hustler. Such a person promotes African and African-
American studies not out of a desire for knowledge or serious
study, but because of a desire to exploit blackness for selfish
reasons ind to be rewarded by the system without exerting
oneself academically. Should the professor require the academic
pimp-hustler to engage in extensive reading or to write research
papers, he argues:

Academics is a white man's thing. Blacks are oral. If you
understood blacks you would give community assign-
ments . . .^ ^

Thus, many academic pimp-hustlers negotiate grades rather than
engage in serious study. As long as they are permitted to exploit
their blackness, they appear to accept and embrace the Old
South steroetypes that suggest that blacks are inferior to
Euro- Americans academically. They argue that those who
demind serious academic work are either "honkies" or "Uncle
Toms." They attempt and often succeed in getting through the
academic system with the least possible effort with both
administrative and professional blessings. Thus, their acceptance
of traditional stereotypes and utilization of ethical reversals
permit the intellectually weak to be rewarded and to receive
middle class academic credentials primarily because their
mentors perceive the terms "honky" and "Uncle Tom" as
extremely harsh labels. A parallel ethic is embraced at those
white colleges and universities where all gentlemen playboys
merely keep their academic heads above "C" level, maintain test
files for their fraternity sorority members, or confess to
professors that they are too difficult. Thus, intellectual laziness
has no class of ethnic boundaries. Both racial groups may
regress to traditional stereotypic behavior."*

108

Academic pimp-hustlers embrace the stereotypical norms
attributed to the "field nigger" but they do not go through the
mortifying rituals of plantation slaves. Often the pimp-hustler is
obliged to negotiate for grades because much of his out-of-class
leisure is spent psirtying, at whist parties, or playing blacker
than thou or waspier than thou games. If the professor happens
to be African-American, the pimp-hustler attempts to
strengthen his hand by badgering the professor to give him an
"A" solely because he is African- American. The Euro-American
student feigns an ultra-liberal posture. In both instances, the
primary concern is how one can use the color game to maneuver
through the academic system.^ ^ The academic hustler-pimp is
not a part or product of either negritude or soul. Even though
he may use the rhetoric of the game, appear genuine, and wear
the trimmings and disguises of the movement. The academic
pimp-hustler is concerned only with self-aggrandizement.

Even though soul and negritude created a black model
equipped to satisfy the same needs served by the white
paradigm, even though they compel African-Americans to
confront and come to terms with and legitimatize their
Africaness, ind even though they exorcise Africans of ab-
sorption in an alien or Anglicized culture, these ideologies also
contend that following the establishment of parity and trans-
formation African-Americans cannot afford to either harm
themselves or other humans. African- American supporters of
soul and negritude who wear the dashiki, rap and yell right on,
or wear the African- American hairpiece may appear hypocritical
to some. Actually, they are no more exploitive than the
pretentious Euro-Americans who dress as farmers, employ the
rhetorical southern drawl, admit that they support "law and
order" or are a conservative, drink mountain dew, pretend to be
simple minded, or play "Dixie" in order to arouse traditional
southern loyalties. Both groups appear to realize that one of the
few psychological and cultural routes to essence for those
victimized by stereotypes grounded in myths is to regress to
traditional ethnic or national symbols of loyalty."* ^ Unless
individuEils are involved in and identify with a culture, they will
exist in an existential cultural vacuum. In expressing the
alienation of African emigrees in Europe, Leopold Senghor
wrote in 1962:

. . . assimilation was a failure; we could assimilate mathe-
matics or the French language, but we could never strip off
our black skins or root out our black souls. And so we set
out on a fervent quest for the Holy Grail: our collective
soul."* ^

The cultural trauma experienced by Africans and African-
Americans seems to be equally applicable to Europeans and
Euro- Americans. The use of negritude-soul in African or

109

African-American parlance drives toward a sense of ethnic
cohesion based on some sense of ethnic unity or ethnic soul.
Herder, the German romantic nationalist describes this idea in
the following extended metaphor:

As the mineral derives its component parts; its operative
power, and its flaws from the soil through which it flows, so
the ancient characteristics of peoples arose from the family
features, the climate, the way of life and tradition, the early
actions and employments, that were peculiar to them. The
manners of the fathers took deep root and became the
internal prototypes of the descendants.^ ^

NegTitude-soul and romantic nationalism perceive a common
enemy, maintain that the subjugated represent unique beings a
different warmth and a different cold, provide the rationale for
the struggle for self-determination, and proclaim similar rhetor-
ical echoes. They represent movements not so much to protect
against the injustices of an authoritarian state but rather an
attempt to redraw boundaries to fit the contour of ethnic
bodies. Their only demands are culturally-derived symbols
around which people may rally and the development of a
cultural identity around which individual identities can then be
based.

Conclusions

Negritude and soul are by-products of romantic nationism.
Western Cultural arrogance, the enslavement of Africans, and
imperialism in Africa. One cannot long subjugate or discrimi-
nate against a people without generating in them a sense of
isolation, a sense of alienation, a sense of persecution, or
endearing them with a sense of peerlessness or compelling them
to assume that they are invested with Cosmic Companionship.

Negritude and soul represent a symbolic progression from
subordination, to alienation, to revolt, to self-affirmation, and
finally to an affirmation of all humanity. These ideologies
emerged from a desire to cease being an alien in one's own
universe. The misery of the cultural and psychological symbiosis
and ambiguity compel adherents of these concepts to announce
their essence, to build nation states on the myths and
traditions of the past rather than the realities of the present,
and to proclaim Africans as a people apart with a unique
national sense of brotherhood and community.

Soul and negritude began as quests for cultural roots but
gravitate toward expressions of a world view, self -actualization,
and coalescence from diunital elements. Seen in a broad
historical perspective, they represent reactions against Western
cultural domination. Both are inspired by a wish for freedom
from both domination and contempt. Both have evolved

110

ideological constructs and their literature and Paradigms afford
insights into the intimate process of African reactions to
culturgJ tyranny.

In their progression from myth to reality, negritude and
soul have served as mediators of diunital encounters. They are
inspired by African and African- American Messianism and other
historic responses to novel environmental challenges. Initially
they were supernatural, apocalyptic, and eschatological in
orientation. Even today, negritude and soul encompass a
temporal Utopian vision that is spiritually and culturally
authentic. Initially the movement was preoccupied with limited
ethnic interests but will ultimately be animated by an obsession
for universal human fulfillment. They attempt to synthesize
opposites, created useful and reassuring yesteryears, foster love
for all humanity, enable one to transcend national ethnicity,
and compel men to embrace panhumanism and thereby form a
tellurian union with the Universe.

Negritude and soul represent doing and continually coming
into being. Those who adhere to the ideals of negritude and soul
perceive life as a verb process and as a will to essence. They
worship the verb rather than the noun, and they celebrate
essence rather than memoirs. Soul and negritude evolve from
the individual to the social and from individualism to an all
inclusive humanism which unifies all people. They endow
individuals with the capacity to act out God's historical
intentions in a temporal paradise, they maintain that humans
are unfinished products continually becoming, they adorn
individuals with the finer human hungers, they endow in-
dividuals with illusions of grandeur, they demolish the God who
once served as a divine bellhop or credit card in the sky, they
erect the kingdom of God as a state of mind, and they represent
the quest for the Holy Grail: Humanity's collective soul.

Ill

Footnotes

1 Roger D. Abrahams, Positively Black (Englewood Cliff, New
Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1970), p. 147.

2 Leon Damas, "Pigments and the Colonized Personality", Black
World, Vol. XXI, No. 3, January 1972, pp. 4-12.

3 Abiola Irele, "Negritude or Black Cultural Nationalism", Journal of
Modern African Studies, Vol. 11, No. 3, December, 1965, p. 508.

4/&jd., 521.

^Jean Price Mars, Haitian Renaissance writer, is credited with
coining the term negritude in 1939. The African-American Harlem
Renaissance established the precedents for articulating the expression.

^B. Malinowski, The Dynamics of Culture Change (New Haven
Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1961), p. 158.

^Joseph Kariuki, Mau-Mau Detainee (London: Heinemann, 1971, p.
27.

sjrle, "Negritude on Black Cultural Nationalism", Op. cit., p. 324;
Okon E. Uya (ed.).. Black Brotherhood: Afro-Americans and Africa
(Lexington, Massachusetts: D. C. Heath and Company, 1971), pp. 4,
214-228, 241-256.

^Mereer Cook and Stephen E. Henderson, The Black Writer in Africa
and the United States (Madison, Wisconsin: The University of Wisconsin
Press, 1969), pp. 9-10.
^oibid.

11 76 id., pp. 4-6.

12 Abrahams, Op. cit, pp. 141-146.

1 3 W. W. B. Dubois, The Souls of Black Folk (Chicago: The University
of Chicago Press, 1967), pp. 3-4.

i'*E. U. Essien-Udom, Black Nationalism: A Search for an Identity in
America (New York: Dell Publishing Company, Incorporated, 1968), pp.
28-29.

15 Irele, "Negritude and Black Cultural Nationalism," Op. cit., p. 334.
^^Ihid., p. 329.

1 '7 Thomas F. Pettigrew, A Profile of the Negro American (Princeton,
New Jersey: D. Van Nostrand Company, Incorporated, 1964), p. xi; D.
Echeverria, Mirage in the West (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton
University Press, 1957), p. 14.

i8/&/d.

19 John Spanier, American Foreign Policy Since World War II (New
York: Frederick A. Praeger, Publisher, 1965), pp. 6-7.

'^^Ihid., p. 8.

2 1 R. R. Palmer and Joel Colton, A History of the Modern World
(New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1971), pp. 444-445.

^^Ibid., pp. 480-481.

24 Abrahams, Op. cit, pp. 146-147.

2 5Rollin C. Osterweis, Romanticism and Nationalism in the Old
South (Baton Rouge, Louisiana: State University Press, 1967), pp.
134-135; London Times, April 30, 1860.

2 6 Abrahams, Op. cit., p. 150.
^^Ibid., p. 147.

2 8Abiola Irele, "Negritude-Literature and Ideology," Journal of
Modern African Studies, Vol. Ill, No. 4, December, 1965, p. 509.

^^Ibid., pp. 509-511, 517-518.
^oibid., pp. 520-521.

3 1 Ruth Miller (ed.), Blackamerican Literature: 1760-Present (Beverly
Hills, California: Glencoe Press, 1971), pp. 698-699, 641.

3 2 Richard Sennett, The Uses of Disorder: Personal Identity and City
Life (New York: Random House 1971), pp. 3-27; John A. Williams (ed.),
Amistad I (New York: Random House, 1970), pp. 183-225.

112

3 3 Cook and Henderson, Op. cit., p. 16.

^"^Ibid., pp. 8-9.

3 5 Mel Watkins (ed.). Black Review, Number I (New York: William
Marrow and Company, Incorporated, 1971), pp. 103-116.

3 6 George Napper, Blacker Than Thou (Grand Rapids, Michigan:
William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1973), pp. 25-52. 109-119;
Charles Keil, Urban Blues (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press,
1970), pp. 164-190, 198.

3 7/&/d.

3 8Ulf Hannerz, "What Ghetto Males are Like," in Afro American
Anthropology : Contemporary Perspectives, Norman E. Whitten, Jr., (New
York: The Free Press, 1970), pp. 313-330, 347-364; Napper, Op. cit., pp.
25-52.

3 9/6/d.

4 Christina and Richard Milnes, Black Players: The Secret World of
Black Pimps (New York: Paulaum Brooks, 1972), pp. 1-4, 27-35, 42, 423,
47, 123, 160.

^^Ibid., Thomas Sowell, Black Education: Myths and Tragedies (New
York: David McKay Company, Incorporated, 1973), pp. 187-221.

4 2 Paul M. Gaston, The New South Creed: A Study in Southern
Mythmaking (New York: Random House, 1973), pp. 99, 173-174,
207-208.

'*3lrele, "Negritude and Black Cultural Nationalism," Op. cit., p. 334.

44 William A. Wilson, "Herder, Folklore, and Romantic Nationalism."
Unpublished Manuscript, p. 5.

113

HOMOZYGOUS VIABILITY OF POLYGENES

IN A SAVANNAH POPULATION OF

DROSOPHILA MELANOGASTER

A PRELIMINARY REPORT

Govindan K. Nambiar*

and

Yavonne Dashiell**

Department of Biology

Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia

Abstract

Fifteen second chromosomes were extracted from a
Savannah, Georgia population of Drosophila melanogaster
according to the inversion method of Wallace (1956). Viabilities
of homozygotes and heterozygotes were examined by counting
a total of 39,428 flies. The average homozygous viability was
.8258 .0490, the average heterozygote viability being 1,0000
.0411. The genetic load caused by mild detrimentals (Dj^^) was
.185 in terms of lethal equivalents. The phenotypic correlation
coefficient(r) between the viabilities of homozygotes and
heterozygotes was .6349 which was significantly different from
zero at the 5 percent level. The average dominance of the
polygenes was estimated to be .4090 while the average
dominance of the newly arisen mutants was 1.3055.

It is well known that a large amount of genetic variability
with respect to fitness is maintained in equilibrium random
mating population, but the mechanism whereby this is main-
tained has not been completely clarified. Based on our present
knowledge it is reasonable to suppose that the magnitude of
genetic variability in population is determined by the action and
interaction of numerous factors, such as mutant genes, the
mode of interaction among loci, the effect of environment and
the nature of selection, breeding system, and population
structures. In order to arrive at a hypothesis for the main-
tenance of variability in the population, polymorphisms existing
in a large number of populations must be studied. Moreover, in
recent years, various kinds of environmental pollutants have
been known as serious factors affecting natural populations.
Mukai and Yamaguchi (1974) made a detailed analysis of a
population in approximate equilibrium where inversion poly-

*Professor of Biology
**A student enrolled in Biology 407 (Research), 1973-74.

114

morphisms were encountered. It would be useful to know the
present populations so that they might be used as control
populations in estimating the effect of polluting agents in
future.

The present study was carried out to estimate some of the
genetic parameters of a Savannah population of Drosophila
melanogaster in respect of the second chromosome polygenes
controlling viability.

Materials and Methods

Materials: The following two stocks were used in this experi-
ment:

(1) A Savannah population of Drosophila melanogaster
collected from a location about iy2 miles from the down town
area on the Savannah river side.

(2) C160*:+(from W160S);Ins(2) SMI, al^ Cy spVln(2)Pm,
dp b Pm ds33k;+(from W160S); +(from W160S); abbreviated as
Cy/Pm( curly /Plum). For more details see Mukai and Burdick
(1959).

The experimental materials were maintained in a culture
room at about 25 C. Estimation of relative viabilities was
conducted at the same temperature. In the maintenance of
experimental lines, as well as the estimation of relative viability,
3cm X 10cm vials were employed. The medium throughout the
experiment consisted of water 1200ml, dry yeast 50g, agar 14g,
molasses 100ml, commeal 50g, tegosept solution 5ml, and
propionic acid 5 ml.

Experimental procedure: The extraction of the second chromo-
somes from the Savannah population of Drosophila melano-
gaster was according to what is commonly known as the
inversion method (Wallace 1956). As shown in Figure 1, males
from the Savannah population were individually mated to 5
Cy/Pm females in generation 1, and of the resulting progeny,
males of the genotype Cy/+ were again individually mated to
the 5 Cy/Pm females in generation 2 and 15 lines were
established in this way. These chromosome lines were main-
tained at 19 C, balanced with SMI (Cy) chromosomes, which
help maintain less viable or lethal chromosome types.

Homozygote and heterozygote viabilities were estimated as
in Wallace (1956) and Mukai et al. (1974). Crosses were made
between 5 Cy/+j females and 5 Cy/+j males from generation 3
with 4 simultaneous replications in each chromosome line
number. In the offspring (generation 4), Cy/+j and +[/+[ flies
segregate at an expected ratio of 2:1. The viabilities of random
heterozygotes were estimated in a way similar to the above,
combining two successively numbered lines i.e., Cy/+j x

*Received from Dr. Mukai 's laboratory

115

FIGURE 1

Mating scheme for the extraction of chromosomes and testing their
viabilities.

GENERATION

^160

Sav

(59)

(Id)

^160

(59)

X
1

(Id)

1
Cy

1
Cy
Cy

Cy
Pm

1
Pm

^^^^

Die

Discard

(59) +

+ (5d)

Die

Cy/+j+2 ^^ order to secure random combinations of different
chromosome lines. As in the case of homozygotes, five pair
matings were conducted with 4 simultaneous replications. In
both cases, 7 days after crosses were made all 10 flies were
discarded. All emerged flies were counted at 4 different times
until the 18th day after crosses were made. Cy flies and
wild-type flies from the vicil were considered a single observa-
tion. The viability was expressed as the ratio of the number of
wild-type flies to the number of Cy flies plus one (Haldane
1956). Crosses were made at two different times (replications).
There were 5 chromosome lines in the first replication and 10
lines in the second replication. Homozygote and heterozygote
viabilities were estimated at the same time within replications.
Before Einalyses were made all viabilities were standardized to
the average viability of the heterozygote within replications.

The genetic load(s) due to mildly deleterious genes on the
second chromosomes(Dj^), was calculated by the formula
(Teminetal. 1969):

(1) S = e-s
116

where S is the viability estimate of homozygotes relative to
heterozygotes. The average dominance of the polygenes (h) was
estimated by the formula (Mukai and Yamaguchi 1974):

(2) ^Y.X. = h

where iSy.X. is the regression coefficient between the hetero-
zygote viability(Y) and the sum of the corresponding homo-
zygous viabilities(X). The average dominance of the newly
arisen mutants(hjg^) was calculated according to the formula
(Mukai and Yamaguchi 1974):

Variance (Y)

(3) h^ = Covariance (X, Y)

The analysis of the variance of the data was according to
standard statistical procedures (Snedecor and Cochran 1967).

Results and Discussion

In two different experiments, a total of 15 second chromo-
somes were extracted and their homozygote and heterozygote
(random combination of the chromosomes) viabilities were
estimated. The basic statistics and genetic parameters with
respect to the second chromosome viability was presented in
Table 1. Of a total of 39,428 flies counted, 19,905 were

TABLE 1

Basic statistics and genetic parameters obtained in the study of homo-
zygous viability of polygenes in Drosophila melanogaster.

Homozygotes Heterozygotes

Number of chromosome lines
Total number of flies counted
Average number of flies counted for

each chromosome line
Average number of replications in each

line
Average number of flies counted in each

observation (each vial)
Average viability index*
Average viability index (standardized)**
Error variance on line basis
Error variance on individual observation

basis
Genetic variance ( CT G)

19,905

19,523

,327.00

1,301.55

3.9

340.26

333.73

.4177

.4722

.8258

1.0000

.0156

0.0260

.0958

0.0668

.0299

0.0262

Viability index = ++/Cy+ + 1 (Haldane 1956)
**On heterozygote basis

117

homozygotes and 19,523 were heterozygotes. No lethal line was
detected because there was no line which showed a viability less
than 10 percent (< 0.1) in a homozygous condition relative to
the heterozygous condition (Greenberg and Crow 1960). All the
chromosome lines studied showed viabilities more than 50
percent (> 0.5) and therefore they ire considered mUd
detrimentals(Dni). The average viabilities of the homozygotes
and heterozygotes respectively were 0.4177 and 0.4722. The
standardized viability of the homozygotes was .8258 ,0490
(assuming the heterozygote viability to be 1.0000) and it was
1.0000 .0411 for the heterozygotes. The genetic variance of
the homozygotes was .0299 while it was .0262 for the
homozygotes. The analysis of variance for the viabilities of
homozygotes is presented in Table 2. It is evident that there is a

TABLE 2

Analysis of variance for the viabilities of homozygotes with respect to
polygenes on the second chromosome in Drosophila melanogaster.

Sum of Degrees of Mean Expected

Source squares freedom square F mean square

Between lines

2.5534

.1824

Within lines (error)

2.8868

.0656

Total

5.4402

2.78** CrE+ 3.9 0~ G

cr^E

**Significant at the 1 percent level
Cr^G = .0299

significant diversity among these lines with respect to viability
of polygenes. The analysis of variance for the viabilities of the
heterozygotes is shown in Table 3. As seen from the table,
significant differences are shown among the viabilities of
heterozygotes, the estimated- genetic variance, as expected being
slightly smaller than that of homozygotes. The distribution of
heterozygote viabilities is presented in Figure 2 together with
that of homozygotes.

Correlation coefficient between homozygote
and heterozygote viabilities:

The phenotypic correlation between homozygote and
heterozygote viabilities was calculated on line basis. The result
is .6349. This estimate is significant from zero at the 5 percent
level. Since the expectation of correlation between the errors of
homozygote and heterozygote viability is zero, the genetic
correlation between the homozygote and heterozygote viabili-
ties (rQQ') can be calculated by the following formula (Mukai
et. al. 1964):

118

'^^Q' = Gov (Homo and Heterq)
cxG CJG'

where Cov(Homo and Hetero) indicates the covariance between
the homozygote and the heterozygote viabilities. The result
obtained^on the basis of Cov(Homo and Hetero) = .0178 a G =
.1729 a G' = .1618 is .6357.

TABLE 3

Analysis of variance for the viabilities of heterozygotes with respect to
polygenes on the second chromosome in Drosophila melanogaster.

Source

Sum of
squares

Degrees of
freedom

Mean
square

Expected
mean square

Between lines

2.3073

Within lines (error)

2.7625

Total

5.0698

.1648 2.62** O" E + 3.9O" G
.0628 CT^E

**Signif leant at the 1 percent level
Cr^G = .0262

FIGURE 2

Frequency distribution of homozygote and heterozygote Viabilities of
the second chromosomes. The average viability of heterozygotes is
assumed to be 1.0000.

0.4 _

Homozygotes

Heterozygotes

Average dominance of viability polygenes: All the hetero-
zygotes whose constituent chromosomes have both viability
indices larger than 0.6 were chosen for estimating the average
degree of dominance of the viability polygenes. In total there
were 14 heterozygotes which satisfied the above condition
(homozgous viability > 0.6). The average degree of dominance
was estimated by formula (2). The covariance between hetero-
zygote viabilities and the sum of the corresponding homozygous
viabilities is .1352 and the variance of the sum of the
corresponding homozygote viabilities is .3303 giving a re-
gression coefficient of .4093. This estimate of average
dominance for the second chromosome viability polygenes is
within the range of values reported by many authors for natural
populations (Mukai et, al. 1972, Temin et. al. 1969 and Mukai
& Yamaguchi 1974). Similarly, average dominance of newly
arisen mutants (h]s^) was calculated by formula (3). Variance Y
was .1765 and covariance XY was .1352 and therefore the
average degree of dominance of the newly arisen mutants was
1.3055. The value obtained in this study is also within the range
of values obtained by Mukai and Yamaguchi (1974) for the
Raleigh population. The experimental results of Temin et. al.
(1969), Mukai and Yamaguchi (1974) and the present study
indicate that the average dominance of viability polygenes is
much higher than that of "recessive" lethal genes which Crow
and Temin (1964) calculated to be .015 at approximate
equilibrium frequencies in a natural population. Chisholm and
Nambiar (1974) in a recent study concluded on the basis of
Dm/L ratio in a cage population that the dominance of the
mildly detrimental genes is several times larger than the lethal
genes.

Using formula (1) as described in the initial part of this
paper the viability index was translated into Dm load. The value
obtained was .180 which is slightly higher than the values
reported for mildly detrimental genes for natural populations
(Temin et. al. 1969 and Temin 1966). Probably this might be
due to fewer genomes being studied in this investigation.

From the above experimental results it could be concluded
that the few genetic parameters studied on a Savanngih
population are basically the same or within the ranges as other
populations. However, further tests are necessary to understand
fully the state of the present population.

We are grateful to Dr. Terumi Mukai, Professor, Department
of Genetics, North Carolina State University, Raleigh for
providing us with the stock of C160 flies from his laboratory
and to Dr. Margaret C. Robinson, Head of the Department of
Biology, Savannali State College, Savannali for affording us the
facilities to complete this study.

120

References

Chisholm, J. M. and Govindan K. Nambiar, 1974. Preliminary report on

the influence of epistasis on homozygous viability in Drosophila

melanogaster. Submitted to Genetics.
Crow, J. F., F. J. Ayala and G. Temin, 1964. Evidence for partial

dominance of recessive lethal genes in natural populations of

Drosophila melanogaster. Am. Naturalist 98:21-33.
Greenberg, R. and J. F. Crow, 1960. A comparison of the effect of lethal

and detrimental chromosomes from drosophila populations. Genetics

45:1154-1168.
Haldane, J. B. S., 1956. The estimation of viabilities. J. Genet.

54:294-296.
Mukai, T. and A. B. Burdick, 1959. Single gene heterosis associated with a

second chromosome recessive lethal in Drosophila melanogaster.

Genetics 44:211-232.
Mukai, T., S. Chigusa, and I. Yoshikawa, 1964. The genetic structure of

natural populations of Drosophila melanogaster. II. Overdominance of

spontaneous polygenes controlling viability in homozygous genetic

background. Genetics 50:711-715.
Mukai, T., S. I. Chigusa, L. E. Mettler and J. F. Crow, 1972. Mutation rate

and dominance of genes affecting viability in Drosophila melano-
gaster. Genetics 72:335-355.
Mukai, T. and O. Yamaguchi, 1974. The genetic structure of natural

populations of Drosophila melanogaster. XI. Genetic variability in a

local population. Genetics 76:339-366.
Snedecor, G. W. and W. G. Cochran, 1967. Statistical methods. The Iowa

State University Press, Ames, Iowa. 6th edition.
Wallace, B., 1956. Studies on irradiated populations of Drosophila

melanogaster. J. Genet. 54:280-293.

121

BLACK GOVERNORS AND

GUBERNATORIAL CANDIDATES:

1868-1972

Hanes Walton, Jr. & Delacy W. Sanford
Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia

Presently, there are no Black governors or Black lieutenant
governors in America. In fact, Black longevity in these positions
in the past has been short lived or very limited. And the
opportunity for Blacks to obtain these positions in America has
occurred only rarely in the past. Blacks in the governors'
offices^ have always been the exception rather than the rule in
American political life. Those Blacks that did become governors
did so by the rule of succession or on the basis of a technicality
rather than by the sheer political muscle of the Black electorate.
On the other hand, however, Black lieutenant governors did
emerge by sheer strength of Black political muscle, but in the
past and present the lieutenant governor's role had little or no
meaningful political power.

But despite the fact that there has been only a few Black
governors and lieutenant governors, numerous Blacks have
sought the office via regular political entities i.e., the regular
political parties, minor parties, independent political move-
ments and Black political parties.^ In short, the difficulty in
being elected to the governor's office has not stifled the Black
man's efforts to try to get elected in spite of the fact that there
have been no Black governors or lieutenant governors,
technically speaking, since the 1970's. Black political hopefuls
have continuously sought to occupy one of the two positions in
the governor's office. Even with defeat after defeat in the last
100 yecirs. Black politicians continue to try to become
governors or lieutenant governors.

Black Governors and Lieutenant Governors:

The Past

Although Blacks first cast their ballots for candidates for
the governor's office in South Carolina during the 1701 and
1703 elections,^ they didn't get the opportunity to vote for

1 The term governor's office is used in this analysis to refer to
positions of governor and lieutenant governor.

2 On this point see H. Walton, Jr., The Negro in Third Party Politics
(Philadelphia: Dorrance, 1969), and H. Walton, Jr., Black Political Parties:
A Historical and Political Analysis, (New York: Free Press, 1972), Chapter
6.

3Emil Olbrich, The Development of Sentiment on Negro Suffrage to
1860 (Connecticut: Negro University Press, 1969), p. 7.

122

Black candidates for the governor's office until more than
one-hundred-sixty-five (165) years later during the Recon-
struction era. It was after the Civil War and the passage of the
Reconstruction Acts in March, 1867, that reorganized the
South into military districts and gave the loyal inhabitants
(those that had not participated in the act of rebellion) the right
to hold their own constitutional conventions. When those
constitutional conventions were held in each state during 1867
to 1868, new constitutions were drawn up that gave Blacks the
right to vote in each state."*

After the new constitutions were ratified, elections took
place in each southern state for the state legislature, governor's
office and all other sundry political offices. And it was during
these elections in 1867 and 1868 that Black political hopefuls
aimed at the governor's office.

The reason Black political aspirations were so high was the
fact that Blacks were generally a dominant power in the
RepublicEin party ranks. Since the political coalition during this
period was made up of Scalawags, Carpetbaggers and Blacks, the
last was always the largest group of voters. And to appease the
Black leaders, white Republican party organizers and leaders
sponsored Blacks for several top posts to help keep the Black
electorate intact or unified in their support of the Republican
Party.^

The situation vividly expressed itself in Louisiana in 1868.
At the party convention that year two Blacks, P.B.S. Pinchback
and F. E. Dumas, sought the pirty's nomination for Governor.
Pinchback withdrew but Dumas held out for two ballotings
before losing to a white aspirant, Henry Clay Warmoth, by one
vote on the second ballot.^ "As a consolation," however, Oscar
J. Dunn, a former slave, was nominated for lieutenant governor.
He was subsequently elected and served in the post from 1868
to 1871 when he died.

Elsewhere, during 1868, Francis L. Cardozo of South
Carolina refused the Republican Party nomination for
lieutenant governor due to pressure from national Republican
leaders in Washington, D. C. who felt that it was too early for
Blacks to assert themselves or seek such a high post. ^

In 1870, American political observers saw two Blacks
elected lieutenant governor. Alonzo Jacob Ransier was elected
to the post in South Carolina, while in Louisiana, P.B.S.

4 AH of the Southern states had disfranchised free Blacks by 1836.
Before then in some states free Blacks could vote. Ibid., pp. 21-70. See
also S. D. Weeks, "The History of Negro Suffrage in the South," Political
Science Quarterly, Vol. 9, (December, 1894), pp. 673-703.

5 See H. Walton, Jr., The Politics of the Black and Tan Republicans,
(forthcoming book).

6Lerone Bennett, Jr., Black Power U.S.A., (Chicago: Johnson
Publishing Co., 1967), p. 125-126.

7/b/d., p. 126.

123

Pinchback took the job. Ransier served from 1870-1872 after
which he was elected to the U.S. Congress in 1873.

By 1872 to 1873 three Blacks had been elected to the
lieutenant governor's office. C. C. Antoine got the post in
Louisiana, and held it from 1872 to 1876. Richard H. Cleaves,
was elected to the post in South Carolina from 1872 to 1877.
The election of Cleaves, the lieutenant gubernatorial candidate
in South Carolina, is even more illuminating. Although elected
to the lieutenant governor's post three times, he received stiff
opposition from other Black hopefuls. For instance, in 1872, a
sizeable number of Blacks bolted the Regular Republican Party,
coalesced with numerous whites and formed the Reform Party
(Lily-white Republican Party) and opposed the Regular Party in
the 1872 state election. To successfully challenge the Regular
Party the Reform Republicans ran a Black for lieutenant
governor opposing Cleaves. This Black man, James H. Hayne,
was defeated by Cleaves by more than 33,000 votes. ^

In 1874, a new Republican organization, the Independent
Republican Party, which was made up of the old Reform Party
members, ran another Black man, Martin R. Delany (known as
the father of Black Nationalism because he was the first Black
man to advocate a Back to Africa Movement)^ for lieutenant
governor against R. H. Cleaves, The Regular Republican Party
Black candidate for that position. And in the election Cleaves
won, receiving 80,403 votes to Delany 's 68,818.^

However, in 1876 Cleaves was opposed not by a Black man
but a white Democrat, W. D. Simpson. In the first election
Cleaves beat Simpson 86,620 to 82,521. But due to irregulari-
ties and fraud during the election the results were thrown out
and a new election was held. On December 14, 1876, when the
second set of results were in Simpson had defeated Cleaves by a
vote of 91,689 to 19,150. The Republicans at first rejected the
results, but the political deal made by Republican R. B. Hayes
in 1877 to get the Presidency included permitting the
Democrats in South Carolina to remain in power. Thus, Cleaves
was out of office for good.

In terms of other states, Alexander K. Davis held the
lieutenant governor's post in Mississippi from 1873 to 1876.
However, when the curtain dropped in 1877, Black lieutenant
governors had become a part of history. For each year
thereafter Blacks have not been able to get reelected to that
post. Black lieutenant governors at this writing are a thing of
the past.

If there have been six Black lieutenant governors, there have

8 A. A. Taylor, "The Negro in South Carolina During the Recon-
struction," Journal of Negro History, (October, 1924), pp. 462-467.

^Howard Brotz (ed.), Negro Social and Political Thought 1850-1-920,
(New York: Basic Books, 1966), pp. 2-4, 37-100.

lOTaylor, op. cit, p. 468.

124

been only two Black governors within the territorial limits of
the United States.^ ^

The first Black man to become governor in the United
States was P. B. S. Pinchback in Louisiana in 1872. Pinchback,
who was the lieutenant governor, succeeded to the governorship
on December 9, 1872 when the present white governor, Henry
Clay Warmoth was impeached by the House of Representatives
for trying to dictate his successor and the 1872 election
outcome. Pinchback served as governor, according to one
source, thirty-six days,^ ^ another source forty-three days, until
the inauguration of Republican Governor W. P. Kellogg on
January 13, 1872.^^ Upon leaving his office, Pinchback was
elected to the United States Senate but was refused his seat
because of claimed election irregularities which were never
substantiated.

Technically speaking, the next Black man to become a
governor was Jim Noble of Oklahoma. According to the
Oklahoma Constitution, which states that "the capital is where
the state seal is and that the person who has the seal is
governor,"^ ^ Jim Noble became governor in 1910 for a day.
Describing the situation. Professor Waldo Phillips writes that "in
1910 the state (Oklahoma) voted to move the capital from
Guthrie to Oklahoma City. Much hostility had developed
among the people in Guthrie because they did not want the
capital moved. Friction increased to the extent that the national
guards had been placed around the building. This was done
because whispers had spread that interested parties had planned
to steal the seal and take it to Oklahoma City.

Due to the fact that all persons entering and leaving the
capital building in Guthrie were searched with the exception of
Jim Noble, the Black Messenger for the state. Governor Haskell
and Secretary of State W. B. Anthony decided to entrust it to
Jim. The two state officials called Jim and gave him the seal for
its transmittal. "Jim, you have complete freedom in and out of
the bunding. This is the state seal. Take it to Oklahoma City
and we will be waiting for you. Don't ride the bus, train or in
cars of your friends. Walk, run, hitchhike, or hobo. Remember
Jim you are governor of the state of Oklahoma and the future
of your state depends on you."^ ^

Thus, for the time it took Jim Noble to travel the forty
miles to Oklahoma City (about a day) he was technically the

1 1 Virgin Islands, one of America's territories, has a Black governor
but he has been appointed by the President. Ebony, (November, 1970), p.
35.

12 Bennett, op. cit., p. 264.
1 3 See Table I.

14 Waldo B. Phillips, "Jim Noble: Oklahoma's Negor Governor,"
Phylon (Spring, 1959), p. 92.
^5 Ibid.

125

TABLE I

Black Governors and Lieutenant Governors
in the United States

Names

States

Positions

Year

P. B. S. Pinchback

Louisiana

Governor

1872-1873

Jim Noble

Oklahoma

Governor

1910

Oscar J. Dunn

Louisiana

Lieutenant Governor

1868-1870

P. B. S. Pinchback

Louisiana

Lieutenant Governor

1871-1872

Alonzo J. Ransier

South Carolina

Lieutenant Governor

1870-1872

C. C. Antoine

Louisiana

Lieutenant Governor

1872-1876

Richard L. Cleaves

South Carolina

Lieutenant Governor

1872-1877

Alexander K. Davis

Mississippi

Lieutenant Governor

1873-1876

governor of the state. And his main task was the protection of
the state seal.

Two Black governors (or technically only one Black
governor depending on how one views the facts) and six Black
lieutenant governors are the sum total of Blacks who have held
the top positions of power in state government, North and
South. And these individuals were only in the political arena
during the 1870's i.e., Black Reconstruction. Since then no
other Black, except maybe Jim Noble, has been able to hold
power in the governor's office. But even though Blacks have not
been governors or lieutenant governors since the 1870's they
have never given up hope of returning to that office. (See Table
II).

For instance. Dr. J. D. Harris was an unsuccessful regular
Black Republican candidate for lieutanant governor in Virginia
all during the Reconstructionist Era.^ ^ In 1884, D. A. Straker
became the Black candidate for lieutenant governor on the
Republican ticket in South Cirolina.^ ^ Although he
campaigned for the office he received no votes.

Due to declining and decreasing Republican backing after
Reconstruction, Blacks looked to new political parties or began
to form their own to field their candidates. In Ohio, during
1897, Blacks formed their own political party, the Negro
Protective Party, and supported their own Black gubernatorial
candidate, S. J. Lewis. According to one source, he received
5,000 votes for the office,^ ^ while another attributes only 181

16 Bennett, op. cit, p. 296.

1'^ James Welch Patton, "The Republican Party in South Carolina,
1876-1895," in F. M. Green (ed.), Essays in Southern History, (Chapel
Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1949), p. 93.

1 ^H. Aptheker (ed.), A Documentary History of the Negro People in
the United States, (New York: Citadel Press, 1969), p. 852.

126

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127

to him/ ^ The following year, 1898, the Black and Tan wing of
the Republican Party in Alabama in a factional fight with the
"lily-white" wing fielded its own all-Black state ticket. This
group sponsored Rev. A. T. Warner, as their gubernatorial
candidate,^ and he received a total of 422 Black votes.

Four years later, another Black, Ad Wimbs, ran for governor
in Alabama in 1902. He was also supported by the Black and
Tan wing of the Republican Party. But after the election, he
received only one vote from the Huntsville area.^ ^

In 1920, the Black wing of the Republican Party in
Arkansas i.e., the Black and Tan faction bolted from the
Republican Convention because of lily-white Republicanism
and held their own state convention. At the Convention the
Blacks nominated a full state ticket headed by a Black school
principal, J. H. Blount. Blount, in the 1920 state election,
polled 15,677 votes to the Republican candidate's 46,339 and
the Democrat's 123,604.

In 1921, the Black and Tan wing of the Republican Party in
Virginia fielded a Lily-Black ticket in order to protest the white
supremacy policies of the "Lily-White Republicans." The Black
and Tan candidate, A. Mitchell, ran a poor third in the race and
received 5,230 votes. ^ ^ Theodore Nash, another Black from
Newport News, ran with Mitchell for the lieutenant governor's
post. He received the same number of votes as Mitchell.

In 1932, Frank Crosswaith, a Black Socialist, became the
Socialist Party candidate for lieutenant governor in New York
in order to attract more Black supporters to the party. ^ ^ He
failed in his election bid.

Parker, who graduated from Xavier University's School of
Pharmacy, received his financial assistance mainly from Blacks
but also got some ten dollar contributions from white business-
men in the river front section of New Orleans. While not
endorsed by any major Black Political Organization, Parker used
his own organization the Lousisana Democratic Civic Associa-
tion as his vehicle to achieve power.

During his campaign in which he spent 750.00 dollars,
and made campaign speeches in Baton Rouge, Garyville,
Houma, Lake Charles, Laplace, New Orleans, Scotlandville, and
Shreveport. Although he didn't advocate the outlawing of
segregation in the state, he did call for significant social,

19 Theodore Cousens, Politics and Political Organizations in America,
(New York: McMillan Company, 1942), p. 108.

20J. Brittain, "Negro Suffrage and Politics in Alabama Since 1870"
(unpublished Doctoral Thesis, Indiana University, 1958), p. 117.

2 1/b/d., p. 156.

2 2 Paul Lewinson, Race, Class and Party, (New York: Russell &
Russell, Inc., 1963), p. 159.

2 3 Walton, Third Party Politics, p. 65. And Frank Crosswaith, "The
Negro Program of the Socialist," Chrisis, (September, 1931), pp. 279-280.

128

economic and political reform, as well as local and state human
relation commissions.

In 1952, only 86,486 of the 981,093 Blacks in Louisiana
were registered and the primary balloting on January 16, 1952
revealed that Parker received 6,000 votes. He placed seventh in
a field of nine candidates, actually out-polling two white
competitors.^ ^ In some six parishes where no Blacks were
registered Parker received several hundred votes. The total
amount of Black support was less than ten percent. After his
loss he dropped out of politics.

During 1963, Blacks held a mock freedom election in
Mississippi to stimulate Black registration and the state chair-
man of the NAACP, Aaron (Doc) Henry, ran for governor of
the state. In the privately conducted election, Henry polled
nearly 90,333 votes. Some authors accord him 88,000 and
others 90,000.^ ^

In 1964, Blacks formed their own party in Michigan, the
Freedom Now Party, and ran Rev. Albert Cleage for governor.
Cleage made a strong attempt to capture the post but failed in
his election bid. George Romney won the election but Cleage
came in fourth in a five man race and polled 4,767 votes. ^ ^

During 1968, Reginald Hawkins, a Black man, became an
independent candidate for governor in the state of North
Carolina. He waged a vigorous campaign, demanded equal
justice and social welfare for all. However, his efforts were in
vain for he polled only 11,000 votes. Hawkins is presently
running again for governor in 1972. Seemingly his chances are
fairly good.

Black Gubernatorial Candidates: Present

The electorate of more than four states in 1970 saw Blacks
campaign for the governor's office. This was the largest number
ever, and the political aspirants have been spurred on by the
impact of the 1965 Voting Rights Act which had enlarged the
Southern Black electorate, and the politicizing efforts of the
Black Social Revolution of the 1960's and the tremendous
success of numerous other Black politicians.

Therefore, in 1970, Blacks in South Carolina, with their
newly organized Black party. The United Citizens' Party,
supported and sponsored two Black candidates for the governor
and lieutenant governor positions. These individuals were
Thomas Broadwater and Julius McTeer, respectively. Both
candidates were write-in candidates because the party was
finally given a charter by the Secretary of State, when it was

2 4 John E. Rousseau, "1952 Gubernatorial Hopeful Recalls Election
Problems," Louisiana Weekly.

2 5 Walton, Black Parties, Appendix III.
2 6 /bid.

129

too late to get their names printed on the official ballot. The
candidates ran on a platform expressing desire for social,
economic and political justice for Blacks and poor whites in the
state. But they received only a minimal number of votes.

In Alabama, the newly formed National Democratic Party
of Alabama (NDPA), riding on the waves of their 1969 election
successes and the lack of a meaningful alternative white
candidate to A. Brewer and George Wallace, supported the
Party's leader and chairman. Dr. John Cashin, for governor and
Isaiah Hayes, III for lieutenant governor.^ ^ Both men endorsed
the NDPA platform demanding justice in the state. They polled
more than 106,000 votes. In Georgia, Blacks, without the aid of
a Black party but with the backing of a state- wide Black voters'
league, nominated and supported C. B. King for governor and
D. F. Glover for lieutenant governor. In the primary King polled
70,424 votes and Glover 40,993. During the general election
King received some 220 write-in votes. Julian Bond, Lonnie
King and Hosea Williams, Black civil rights leaders in the state,
received some write-in votes for the governor's post, but they
were not seeking the job. C. B. King's brother and campaign
manager, Clennon King, broke with him during the primary
election and launched his own crusade for the governship. He
received 158 votes during the general election. Both men ran on
a social welfare type platform.

In New York, the Democratic nominee, Arthur Goldberg,
selected a Black, Basil A. Paterson, to run as lieutenant governor
with him. This was the first time that a Black had been chosen
by a major Democratic candidate in any northern state.
Goldberg and Paterson, received 2,158,355 votes in the general
election on the Democratic ticket and 263,071 votes on the
liberal ticket. The defeat of Goldberg and Paterson, ended for
1970 the hopes of Blacks to be elected to the second highest
position in any state. ^ *

In the Far West Daniel J. Evans of Washington, selected a
Black, Arthur Fletcher, as his Republican lieutenant governor
running mate. In the general election Evans won but Fletcher
lost to John Cherberg, a Democrat. Fletcher's defeat was a
surprise because he was rated in private polls as a highly
attractive candidate with a potentiilly bright political future.
However, the election revealed that Washingtonians were not
quite ready to install a Negro as an official who would become
the nations' first Black Governor should Evans not complete a
second term.^ ^ Fletcher, a city councilman in East Pasco,

2 7"Cashin Challenges Wallace," The Eagle Eye, (November, 1970), p.
1.

'^^New York Times, (November 13, 1971), p. 33.
^^New York Times, (November 16, 1971), p. 27.

130

Washington, won the primary and polled 49% of the vote in the
general election.^

In the Republican primary in Arkansas in 1970, Rev. R. J.
Hampton ran for governor on the Republican ticket, but polled
only 627 votes; this poor showing in all probability convinced
Hampton not to run as a write-in candidate in the general
election. Thus, ill attempts by Blacks to seek the governorship
and lieutenant governorship in 1970 failed.

In June, 1971, Charles Evers, famed civil rights leader,
brother of slain Medgar Evers, and mayor of Fayette,
Mississippi, launched his own independent campaign for
governor of the state of Mississippi, becoming the first Black
man ever to do so.^ ^ No specific state-wide Black organization
supported Evers' candidacy, but his emerging independent type
of coalition politics tried to corrgil all Black and liberal white
organizations in the state. In other words, Evers was trying to
build a power base during his campaign, of Blacks, poor and
liberal whites. With his folksy wit and urban charm, his
campaign so frightened the white candidates that they had
Senator James Eastland and John C. Stennis come back and
rally whites in their behalf. Evers, however, lost the election,
but received more than 150,000 votes. ^ ^

In Louisiana, Black leadership, in attempting to unite the
Black electorate around Black political candidates and pull it
from under the dominance of the Long machine,^ ^ formed the
BLAC. The Black Louisiana Action Committee (BLAC) which
came into being early in 1971, consisted of 36 representatives,
four from each congressional district, except those serving the
New Orleans areas. They had six each. BLAC set its plans into
motion by calling a state-wide Convention on July 16-17, 1971,
for the purpose of choosing a slate of Black candidates for the
governor, lieutenant governor, attorney general and superin-
tendent of education positions. Charles Evers, mayor of
Fayette, and Black gubernatorial candidate in Mississippi was
supposed to deliver the keynote address on July 16th. But it
was delivered by Julian Bond. The Convention after some
wrangling nominated Samuel Bell, Sr., a 34 year old. New
Orleans housing and urban consultant for the governor's
position and Frederick D. Perkins, a Black minister and
principal of a Black high school, was named by acclamation as

3 0La-^j-ence E. Daves, "Nixon as in 1960 Takes Blacks of the Far
West," New York Times, (November 7, 1968), p. 18.

ii See Charles Evers with Grace Halsell, Evers, (Cleveland: The World
Publishing Company, 1971).

3 2 For a complete discussion of Evers' gubernatorial campaign, see
John Bennett, "Miracle in Mississippi," Sepia Magazine, (January, 1972),
pp. 33-38.

3 3 For information on Blacks and the Long machine, see Hanes
Walton, Jr., Black Politics: A Theoretical and Structural Analysis,
(Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1972), Chapter 3.

131

the candidate for lieutenant governor by the Convention. Bell's
nomination angered some Black leaders at the Convention, and
they subsequently withdrew from the Convention and created
an opposing Black group. ^'* The opposing group naming itself
"SOUL" (Southern Organization of Unified Leadership) refused
to surrender the role of King-maker to Bell and nominated
Harold Lee Bethune, II, a 44 year old Black minister, news
reporter and resident of New Orleans, as their candidate for
governor. Ellis F. Hull, a 53 year old Black contractor in New
Orleans of the United Voters League and "SOUL", group had
the financial backing of white gubernatorial candidate Gillis
Long, a member of the Long family and political machine.^ ^

In short, in 1971 in Louisiana there were two Black
candidates for governor and lieutenant governor, representing
opposing Black organizations. The "SOUL" organization
created by jealousy and factional infighting, was sponsored by
the white Long political machine to keep the Black vote from
being siphoned off completely by the BLAC group. However,
the "SOUL" group was primarily a New Orleans based
operation.^ ^

Before and during the election, BLAC, a state-wide organi-
zation, had promised to deliver to its endorsed Black candi-
dates, 150,000 to 200,000 of the 350,000 registered Black
voters in the state. In the final analysis, however, Bell received
only 72,486 of the Black votes, while Bethune got only 3,032
votes. In essence, Bell received nearly six (6) percent of the
Black vote to Bethune 's V2 percent. And while Bell's running
mate, Perkins received the same number of votes, Bethune's
running mate, Hull, received eight times the number of votes
that he did.

Gillis Long, the white machine candidate, who finished
third, had almost solid backing of the Black political groups
across the state. And such support ensured the failure of
"SOUL" and "BLAC."

In sum, Black candidates failed in their attempts to capture
the governor's office in 1971, but as the political melee began in
1972, one Black dentist, Reginald Hawkins, who tried in 1968,
announced his candidacy for the governor's post in North
Carolina. In the primary, Hawkins, came in third in a six-way
race. He received 64,924 votes for a total of 8.2% of the total

34 Gerald Moses, "Bell Represents Holding Action in Primary,"
Morning Advocate, Tuesday, October 6, 1971, p. 19. Bell received less
than 458 of the 1,410 delegate votes at the Convention. See Ed Cullen,
"Blacks Pick Bell to Run in Top Race," Sunday Advocate.

3 5 Moses, op. cit., p. 19.

3 6 The authors would like to express their gratitude to two outstand-
ing Doctoral candidates in political science, Franklin Jones and Sanders
Anderson for sharing the data on Louisiana. Both men made a close
analysis of the political situation in the Black community in their home
state.

132

votes cast in the primary election. This showing was six times
stronger than his 1968 outing. In Ilhnois, a Black Communist,
Ishmael Flory, tried for the governor's office in 1972 but failed
badly. In fact, 1972 was a repeat of 1971 as far as the
governor's office was concerned for Black political candidates.
But as 1973 gets under way, one can expect to see Blacks once
again preparing their announcement speeches as the state
primaries begin to open. What year will be the year of the Black
Governor is difficult to say, but each year will open or close
with Blacks in the political race for the highest offices in the
state government.

Black Gubernatorial Candidates: The Future

Blacks will have more or at least some gubernatorial
candidates in the 1972 election and thereafter. And while there
have been only two Black governors and six Black lieutenant
governors in the past. Blacks have run for these posts more than
36 times in fourteen different states, ten Southern and five
Northern ones.^ "^

There have been twenty (20) Black gubernatorial candidates
of which five ran in Alabama, two in Arkansas, Mississippi,
Louisiana, Georgia and North Carolina, and one in Virginia,
Illinois, Michigan, Ohio, and South Carolina. Of the seventeen
(17) Black lieutenant gubernatorial candidates, seven ran in
South Carolina, two in Virginia, New York and Louisiana, and
one in Alabama, Georgia, Texas and Washington.

In terms of party affiliation, all Black governors and
lieutenant governors during Reconstruction were Republicans.
Since then, all Black gubernatorial candidates have either run on
Black and Tan Republican tickets. Black parties or as inde-
pendents. The situation is different for lieutenant governors, for
the Republicans have sponsored sic Black lieutenant guber-
natorial candidates and the Democrats one. Three Blacks have
run on Black party tickets, three as independents, and the rest
on minor or third parties organizations.

As far electorgQ support, only one Black gubernatorial
candidate, John Cashin in Alabama with the aid of state-wide
Black party, has received more than 100,000 Black votes. And
only Cashin has received more than 10% of the Black vote. In
Cashin's case he got 16% of the total votes cast. The general
average is 7-8 per cent. On the whole, Black lieutenant
gubernatorial candidates polled less votes than their running
mates and only in one instance has a lieutenant candidate, E. F.

3 "7 The Southern states are South Carolina, North Carolina, Georgia,
Virginia, Alabama, Louisiana, Texas, Oklahoma, Mississippi and Arkansas.
All of the South except Florida and Tennessee. The Northern States are
Ohio, Washington, New York, Michigan and Illinois.

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Hull in Louisiana, out-polled the Black candidate for governor.

Seemingly, Black politicsil parties have been able to turn out
more voters for their Black sponsored candidates than has the
Black statewide voting league. The Georgia's Black Voters
League and Louisiana's Black League pulled out less than
80,000 votes, while the Black party the NDPA coralled
more than a hundred thousand (100,000) votes. Although the
MFDP and the UCP have yet to match the NDPA, they might
achieve such a possibility in 1974. As for Black independent
gubernatorial candidates, all have fared worse than those Black
candidates supported by Black organizations, be they parties or
machines, with the exception of Charles Evers. In Evers case, his
popularity and stature enabled him to rally more votes
personally than any type of Black organization to date, parties,
leagues, and ad hoc coalitions included. And Evers' performance
suggests that a Black candidate with charisma, popularity,
prestige, and personal magnetism may be able to achieve the
governor's chair long before Black organizations have the
electoral muscle to do so.

One of the perennial problems which hound the Black
state-wide voters league and infant Black parties is the
entrenched pocket of "Black power" in the state. Nearly every
state in the union with a sizable Black population has these
Black power enclaves i.e., cities, counties, wards, regions, etc.,
where local Black bosses and leaders have little independent
organizations that have been run for personal gain for decades.
And these enclaves fight stubbornly state-wide or area-wide
organizations that encroach upon their power. For these
state-wide organizations hindered these local and independent
political leagues and civil organizations and clubs from dealing
with white candidates on the make with money and patronage
to bandy about. These little rag-tag Black independent
operations, hungry for political crumbs and slices of the
political pie, sabotaged the state-wide Black political league and
"orgy" by withdrawing and voting with a political big wig in the
final analysis. Since the Black leagues have little coercive power
and rely upon Black unity and emotions and conscience to
motivate local leaders to support them, the confederation
collapsed in the face of self-interest and politics. Thus, Black
voting leagues make poor showings in state-wide elections. The
case of the Louisiana BLAC in 1971 is a perfect example.

Moreover, the Black state-wide political league and organi-
zation do not endorse local candidates but only state-wide
people because they fear alienating any of the local leagues or
groups in the area. (In some cities there are many Black political
groups, etc.)

On the opposite end is the state or regional party. Since the
party has sub-units and organizations in each county and
locality, it then can deliver more votes because of the sheer
strength of organization. The party knows that it has workers in

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the field and is dealing directly with the people, whereas the
state voting league must deal through the local voting league to
get to the people.^ ^ While the parties have more coercive power
and loyalty than the leagues, their greatest difficulties come in
trying to cut maneuver and endure in areas where the Black
power enclave exists. Presently, John Cashin and NDPA in
Alabama have done the best job in overcoming these enclaves.
In some places he won over the leagues to his party, in other
places he crushed the enclaves and in others he either ignored
and out performed the local league. The UCP and MFDP are
still grappling with these problems.

In sum. Black political candidates have not gained the
governor's office since Reconstruction. Generally speaking, the
greatest number of candidates for the office have appeared in
the South, and have for the most part received less than ten
percent of the Black vote in their effort to capture power.

The recent elections indicate that the best chance Blacks
have for a seat in the governor's office is through an
independent Black candidate who has charisma, popular and
personal magnetism, that CEin effect a significant state-wide
coEilition. The next possibility is from either one or the other
major parties sponsoring a Black candidate for the position.
And in this instance a Black lieutenant governor is more
possible than a governor in the near future. The next best
chance stems from Black political parties since they have more
electoral delivery power than the voting league. And in the
future the Black parties, if they continue to grow in efficiency,
strength and power bases, may prove more successful and
sustaining than the independent candidate. The last or the least
presently successful way for Blacks to get to the governor's
office is through a union on confederation of Black local and
regional voting leagues and political organizations. They
generally prove more stifling than helpful. They also seem even
less useful in creating a bargaining strategy for Black com-
munities than the Black party due to their internal divisiveness.

But despite the limitations and weaknesses of these vehicles
for Black gubernatorial candidates, one can expect to see more
in the future, using either the major parties, minor parties.
Black parties. Black state-wide voter leagues or independitism
(ad hoc coalitions). And in terms of the future. Black parties,
minor parties, and major parties will probably compete with
each other in sponsoring Black gubernatorial hopefuls due to
the increasing strength of the Black electorate and intense party
competition in this era of political realignment and new
political colitions.

3 8 For data on specific instances, see Hanes Walton, Jr., Focus on
Georgia, "Black Visibility in the Political Arena," The Black Politician,
(Fall, 1971) pp. 6-9. Hanes Walton, Jr. & Clarence Martin, "The Black
Electorate and the Maddox Administration," The Black Politician, (April,
1971), pp. 31-34.

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