D;ECEiiER nm .i...< ..o.,' : -J .. .J.. -.. ., ...^i^.^.i I. ..li I r Digitized by tine Internet Arciiive in 2011 witii funding from LYRASIS IVIembers and Sloan Foundation http://www.archive.org/details/facultyresear2821974sava FACULTY RESEARCH EDITION Of The Savannah State College Bulletin Volume 28, No. 2 December, 1974 Published by SAVANNAH STATE COLLEGE STATE COLLEGE BRANCH SAVANNAH, GEORGIA I Editorial Policies Which Govern The Savannah State College Research Bulletin 1. The Bulletin should contain pure research, as well as creative writing, e.g., essays, poetry, drama, fiction, etc. Manuscripts that have already been published or accepted for publication in other journals will not be included in the Bulletin. While it is recommended that the Chicago Manual of Style be followed, contributors are given freedom to employ other accepted documentation rules. 4. Although the Bulletin is primarily a medium for the faculty of Savannah State College, scholarly papers from other faculties are invited. FACULTY RESEARCH EDITION of CQ C S : The Savannah State ^ College Bulletin ' O '; : H : J Published by o The Savannah State College O Volume 28, No. 2 Savannah, Georgia December, 1974 O u >- ei UJ O Z >- < Thomas H. Byers Isaiah Mclver 2 Gian Ghuman George O'Neill J Max Johns Prince A. Jackson, Jr., President Editorial Committee A. J. McLemore, Chairman < Z o < z UJ X H >- CO O z 3 Articles are presented on the authority of their writers, and 2 neither the Editorial Committee nor Savannah State College assumes responsibility for the views expressed by contributors. Contributors Dr. John H. Cochran, Jr., Associate Professor, Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia Ms. Ruth A. German ind Dr. M. P. Menon, Chemistry Professor, Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia Dr. G. S. Ghuman, Professor of Earth Sciences, Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia Dr. Lawrence H. Harris, Professor of History and Political Science, Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia Dr. Prince A. Jackson, Jr., President, Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia Dr. Max Theo Johns, Associate Professor, Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia Dr. Elizabeth Lunz, Associate Professor, English Department, Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia Dr. Joseph M. McCarthy, Assistant Professor, Department of Education, College of Liberal Arts, Suffolk University, Boston, Massachusetts Dr. Isaiah Mclver, Associate Professor, Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia Dr. Govindan K. Nambiar, Professor of Biology and Yavonne Dashiell, Biology Student, Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia Dr. Hanes Walton, Associate Professor and Dr. Delacy W. Sanford, Instructor, Savannaih State College, Savannah, Georgia Table of Contents Opinions of Black and White Elementary Teachers About Cur- riculum Development for Economically Deprived Children John H. Cochran, Jr., Ed.D 5 Use of Metal-Chelate Displacement Reaction in the Colorimetric Analysis of Nickel Ruth A. German and M. P. Menon 15 Heavy Metal Ions in the Surface and Subsurface Waters Around Savannah G. S. Ghuman 22 The Sino-Soviet Confrontation Lawrence H, Harris 30 A Mathematician's View^s of School Mathematics Prince A. Jackson, Jr., Ph.D 47 A Solution to America's Racial Dilemma? Prince A. Jackson, Jr., Ph.D 54 Income as Determined by Schooling and Race in Savannah: Multiple Regression Estimate of the Functional Relation- ship Between Census Trace Median Family Income, Median Years Schooling, and Racial Proportion, 1970 Max Johns 64 Blessing Elizabeth Lunz 88 Memphis Elizabeth Lunz 88 The Catholic University Debate: An Unnecessary Controversy Joseph M. McCarthy, Ph.D 89 Negritude and Soul: Romanticism in Black Isaiah Mclver 94 Homozygous Viability of Polygenes in a Savannah Population of Drosophila Melanogaster Govindan K. Nambiar and Yavonne Dashiell 114 Black Governors and Gubernatorial Candidates: 1868-1972 Hanes Walton, Jr. and Delacy W. Sanford 122 OPINIONS OF BLACK AND WHITE ELEMENTARY TEACHERS ABOUT CURRICULUM DEVELOPMENT FOR ECONOMICALLY DEPRIVED CHILDREN John H. Cochran, Jr., Ed.D. Associate Professor of Education & Director of Professional Laboratory Activities Rationale for the Study If the primary activity of schools is the teaching of children, then all children should benefit from an education consistent with their actual capabilities, regardless of their socio-economic condition. Teachers who are sensitive to the capabilities and needs of children can promote learning through a curriculum planned with these capabilities and needs in mind. Attempts have been made to assess the sensitivities of teachers through research which measured attitudes and opinions. An attitude has a cognitive element and an affective reaction (White, 1969, p. 95). An opinion is an unverified judgment, usually used interchangeably with belief and is directed to the cognitive domain (White, 1969, p. 95). Opinions often influence attitudes. Many teachers' attitudes can be modified as a result of increased awareness, exposure, and knowledge. Teachers should actively seek the information and experience that will give them a better understanding of economically deprived children (Stone, 1969). The development of positive attitudes and opinions by teachers can significantly affect the learning opportunities provided these children. Although teachers may bring positive behaviors to a learning situation, there may be other problems to encounter. Teachers who are sincere in their efforts to teach all children, regardless of their academic levels, sometimes are hindered more through administrative limitations or blocks than any other source. Williams (1970), elaborating upon some of the limitations, asserts, "An analysis of opinions regarding hindrances to programs for disadvantaged youth reveals that . . . uniform and large classes throughout the system is number one." He also suggests that lack of equipment and teacher-denial of per- mission to try new procedures are hindrances. Elementary teachers indicated that system-wide policies and procedures which are inflexible are their second greatest hindrance to effective programs. Schools should present the type of program and climate that will allow their students to learn according to their own rates (Cochran, 1971, p. 27). Smith, Cohen, and Pearl (1969, p. 9) stated, "The schools must allow persons with different capacities to function where they can be most useful." The school that serves the economically deprived should not be different from other schools. All schools should provide for the needs of all their students. In this respect there may be some minor differences in schools, but there is no need for a special curriculum for the economically deprived (Havighurst, 1971, pp. 175-188). The school only has to make some provisions for the individual differences of its pupils. This study may provide pertinent data on some of the opinions of elementary teachers concerning appropriate pro- cedures for curriculum development for economically deprived children. Purpose of the Study The purpose of this study was to determine certain opinions that Black and White elementary teachers had concerning curriculum development for economically deprived children. Methodology Population The inner city population in this study was composed of the teachers from five elementary schools in the Atlanta Public School System and five elementary schools in the City of Savannah and Chatham County system. The rural population was composed of teachers from schools located in a North Georgia shared services area, a Central Georgia shared services area, and a South Georgia shared services area. The final numbers in the population were 104 rural elementary teachers and 171 inner city elementary teachers. The rural areas, to qualify for this study, had to be located outside a 50 mile radius of a metropolitan area (100,000 or more in population). The teachers that participated in the study taught in elementary schools whose student population was considered economically deprived. This condition was determined by the requirements of a school's having 50 percent or more of its student population eligible to receive free or partial-pay lunches. Fifty-nine percent of the teachers in this study were white. However, Whites and Blacks in the urban group were almost identical in percentage, as contrasted to 22 percent Blacks and 78 percent Whites in the rural group. Only 51, or 19 percent, held the master's degree or had approximately 30 semester hours beyond that level; 81 percent held the bachelor's degree; one person did not respond to this question. Seventeen percent of the inner city group held the master's degree, and nine percent of the rural group held that degree. In contrast, three 6 percent of those in the inner city group and eight percent of the rural population had earned the master's degree plus 30 semester hours. Instrumentation The survey instrument for the study consisted of an opinionnaire totaling 55 items. In order to obtain certain opinions of teachers about curriculum development it was necessary for the researcher to develop the instrument, Opinion- naire on Curriculum Development (OCD). The Opinionnaire on Curriculum Development (OCD) was based upon Tyler's (1969), Taba's (1962), and Herman's (1968) concepts of curriculum development. The OCD consisted of five categories: (a) sources of the curriculum, seven items; (b) objec- tives, 11 items; (c) learning opportunities, 16 items; (d) methods and materials, 11 items, and (e) evaluation, 10 items. The instrument contained 55 items in its final form. Results The results of the teachers' responses to the items in the OCD are appropriately arranged in the accompanying table. Black and White teachers responded similarly to more than 81 percent of the items. The responses to items in the opinionnaire have been discussed in two categories, agreed and disagreed. This was done by combining the percentages in the "strongly agree" and "agree" columns to form one response, agreed. The same was done for the "strongly disagree" and "disagree" columns to form one response, disagreed. Differences in the responses of Black and White elementary teachers occurred in approximately 19 percent of the items in the Opinionnaire on Curriculum Development. Black teachers agreed 10 percent or more than White teachers on items: 2.7, 2.11, 3.13, 4.1, 4.6, 5.4, and item 5.5. White teachers disagreed 10 percent or more than Black teachers on items: 2.11, 3.13, 4.1, 4.6, 4.10, 5.4, 5.5, and item 5.8. 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CO CO vs -" y y -o ^ > 13 3 Sx -t^ c a CO tj_ CO w x: 3 C C - X3 a u 'c c . a CO _ 3 a^ 3 >> OJ c J= 0) CJ c C3 C '-3 "^ CO CO 0) " o 3 Sx CO .- tM ;2 x: y y y 3: xj y t:. ll re .2 >- i y a S5 S-4 CO cC 01 S^ . - 0) C > t. c o i > u CC C OJ s o c CO 3 c o 0) X3 CO CO 0) CO Qi C IS ^ CO O T3 CO C 0) J2 M 0) c '^ 0) 3 3 CO . s s c 2 s .2 ^ a ^^ "O CO .2 S 1- ^2 CO _c T3 0) 1 C y > ( CO ^ 3 c 03 0) oi ^5 > -a 0) -S>x 2 S is CO y y OJ x; ci y Qh i- 11 3 Si S y C y a, TJ 3 00 Ol T 1 T-H "-^ ^ ^ '^ ^ '^ -1^ ^ ^ -* CO CO CO jtuBia xt^ (N (N CO m papioipufi 05 00 LO (M '^t CO CD CO CD aajgBsiQ 05 LO '^ lO CD CD CD LO 2 S! is 3 - "'-' 'C "-S ID a; u 73 -IJ 2 ^ CO Jh en - en I =-1 c 5 !- Oh OJ CD ^ s: .22 o CD a 3 P o ^ c ij ""I 2 > j3 - to c OJ r:3 -G -5 CO > >> JO S) c o Oh :^ to a, o) S* CO LO a 01 -- > o ^ 2 CO aT3 > -^ ,. o tiC Oi T3 -O -tJ O cc 3 J= s 3 2 CO^ "= 2 0) J3 3 *" ^ H vs o 2 1 = c 0) > .i: a c <^ c to H 3 =-3 _ y 2g c o C I* q; 0) i OS H Si o c c -a CC 0) > & -G 01 Summary and Conclusions This study sought to determine certain opinions that Black and White elementary teachers had relative to curriculum development for economically deprived children. On the basis of the findings these conclusions were made: 1. Black and White teachers responded similarly to more than 81 percent of the items in the OCD. 2. Black and White teachers indicated that persons who are not professional educators have much to offer in formulating objectives but Black teachers agreed less that these people had a right to formulate objectives. 3. The curriculum is more than the sum total of all the courses of study in the school. 4. Opportunities for expression within the classroom should be both verbal and non-verbal. 5. Community resources are valuable assets to the instruc- tional program. 6. Both groups were split as to their opinion on providing individualized instruction in most schools. 7. White teachers, more than Black teachers, agreed that pupils could evEiluate their own progress accurately. 8. More White teachers than Black agreed that parents' participation in the evaluation of their children's progress in school has value. Implications Teachers seem to have some theoretical knowledge and understanding of curriculum development at the instructional level. They probably need more opportunity for practical application and knowledge. This opportunity for knowledge and experience should be provided by their respective schools and systems. Teachers should be allowed more opportunities to engage in decision-making at the instructional level. They should take part in curriculum planning at most levels, if not all levels of their concern. 13 References Berman, L. M. New priorities in the curriculum. Columbus, O.: Merrill, 1968. Cochran, J. H., Jr. Opinions of rural and inner city elementary teachers about economically deprived children and appropriate procedures for curriculum development. Unpublished doctoral dissertation. The University of Georgia, 1971. Havighurst, R. J. Curriculum for the disadvantaged. In W. Van Til (Ed.) Curriculum. Quest for relevance. New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1971. Smith, B. O., Cohen, S. B. and Pearl, A. Teachers for the real world. Washington, D.C.: The American Association of Colleges for Teacher Education, 1969. Stone, J. C. Teachers for the disadvantaged. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1969. Taba, H. Curriculum development theory and practice. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1962. Tyler, R. W. Basic principles of curriculum and instruction. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1969. White, W. F. Psychosocial principles applied to classroom teaching. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1969. Williams, P. V. Education of disadvantaged youth: vs. administrators. The Educational Forum, 1970, 34 (2). 14 USE OF METAL-CHELATE DISPLACEMENT REACTION IN THE COLORIMETRIC ANALYSIS OF NICKEL Ruth A. German and M. P. Menon Department of Chemistry, Savannah State CoUege, Savannah, Georgia Much work has been done on the determination of the structure and stabihty constants of metal chelates' , but no attempt seems to have been made for the application of metal-chelate displacement reactions to chemical analysis. It has been shown, however, that out of two metals which form similar chelates the one which has a much higher stability constant will displace the other from its chelate. Since the chelate stability constants for nickel salt and zinc salt of ethylenediaminetetraacetate differ by at least two orders of magnitude' , it was felt that the following reaction may be used for the determination of traces of nickel: Ni(H2 0)"^"^ + ZnL-' ^ NIL"' + Zn(H2 O)"^"^ . . . (1) 6 6 where L"^ represents the ethylenediaminetetraacetate ion. If the zinc ion, displaced from its chelate by an unknown amount of nickel, can be estimated precisely it will give a measure of the nickel present initially in the sample. Menon^ '^ has already demonstrated the use of other organic reactions for the analysis of trace elements. Although there are several spectrophoto- metric methods available in the literature for the analysis of nickel they suffer either from lack of sensitivity or the interference from foreign elements in the sample. On the other hand, the extraction of zinc by a solution of dithizone in carbon tetrachloride as zinc dithizonate (a red-colored species) and subsequent measurement of its absorbance have been proved to be very sensitive for the determination of zinc'* . In this work attempt was made to make use of the nickel-zinc chelate displacement reaction for the development of a colori- metric method for the analysis of nickel. Preliminsiry kinetic studies of the above reaction revealed that, at the trace level of nickel, the above reaction will go to near completion only if the zinc chelate is in large excess when compared with the amount of nickel in the sample. It was also found that the rate of reaction is dependent on the pH and temperature of the reaction mixture.^ At a pH of 4.7 the reaction yield for a reaction period of 30 minutes increases from 68% at room temperature to about 80% at 40 C. The absorbance of the blank was also found to be minimum at the above pH. All the experiments relating to the new method of analysis were therefore, performed at a pH of 4.7 and a 15 temperature of 40 C using a ICT^M solution of zinc ethylene- diaminetetraacetate. Experimental Procedures Reagents Reagent grade nickel sulfate, zinc sulfate, disodium ethyl- enediaminetetraacetate, carbon tetrachloride, dithizone, sodium sulfate, dimethyl glyoxime and chloroform were used in this work. All other chemicals used in this study were also of reagent grade purity. Stock solutions of nickel sulfate and zinc sulfate were standardized with a primary standard solution of oven-dried disodium ethylenediaminetetraacetate (EDTA) potentiemetrically using a Hg-HgL"^ (Pt wire dipped in a mercury pool) cathode. Figure 1 shows a typical potentiometric titration curve for the titration of zinc solution. Solutions of FIGURE 1 Potentiometric titration curve for the standardization of zinc sulfate. 2.0 4.0 6.0 8.0 10.0 12.0 14.0 16.0 Volume of disodium ethylenediaminetetraacetate (ml) 16 lower concentrations of nickel were made from the stock solution. Other solutions used for this work are the following: Acetic acid-acetate buffer, SxlCT^M and 4x10"^ M solutions of dithizone in carbon tetrachloride, 1% solution of dimethyl glyoxime in ethanol, 10% solution of ammonium citrate, 6MHC1, 6M NH4OH and 0.5 M NH4OH. Zinc chelate (ZnEDTA) was prepared by mixing the appropriate amount of the stock solution of zinc sulfate with an equimolar quantity of the standard EDTA (sodium salt) solution and diluting with the acetic acid-acetate buffer (pH = 4.7) to 100ml to have a final concentration of 10"^ M. Equipment Thermostat, Beckman DB Spectrophotometer, Sargent Welch Recorder Model SRG and potentiometric titration assembly. Simplified Procedure for the Analysis of Interference Free Samples After several control experiments changing the parameters for analysis, one at a time, the following procedure was found to be most suitable for the colorimetric analysis of nickel in interference-free samples using the nickel-ZnEDTA displace- ment reaction. Add 5 ml of the buffer solution (pH = 4.7) to a 25 ml test tube containing less than 10 /^g of nickel standard and dUute to 9 ml. Add 1 ml of 10"^ M ZnEDTA and keep the reaction mixture at 40 C for 30 minutes. At the end of the reaction time transfer the solution to a separatory funnel containing 5 ml of 3x10"^ M dithizone in carbon tetrachloride and shake for two minutes. Collect the extract in a small beaker or test tube and dry it with a small amount of anhydrous sodium sulfate. Measure the absorbance of the clear solution at wavelengths 536 mju and 620 mju. Prepare a blank under the same experimental conditions. Repeat the experiment or run a calibration curve relating the net absorbance to the concentra- tion of nickel in the standard. Adjust the pH of the sample solutions (3-4 ml) to about 4 and treat them in the same manner as the standard. Measure the absorbance of the samples at both 536 m^u and 620 mjU. Calculate the nickel content of the sample using the relation: A C = sample x C (2) sample A , , , standard standard or directly from the calibration curve. 17 Analysis of NBS Reference Standards: Two reference standards supplied by the National Bureau of Standards were used to test our procedure for the colorimetric analysis of traces of nickel. In a similar work conducted in our laboratory for the analysis of nickel using ZnEDTA labeled with ^^Zn it was revealed that most of the transition metals as well as aluminum will interfere with the analysis of nickel.^ This is because most of these metals form stabler chelates with EDTA than nickel thereby displacing zinc more readily from ZnEDTA than nickel. Since both of the standards are known to contain a few of the interfering metals it was thought that the nickel be separated first from the interferers before carrying out the analysis. The following procedure was therefore, devised to measure the nickel content of any sample containing interferers. Appropriate amounts of the samples are dissolved in HCl- HNO3 or HF-HNO3 mixtures and diluted to 100 ml in volumetric flasks. Take 1 ml or an aliquot of the sample solution containing not more than 10 ^ig of nickel and precipitate the hydroxides of the interfacing elements with excess of ammonium hydroxide. Centrifuge, filter and collect the filtrate in a 25 ml test tube. Wash the precipitate one time with 0.5 M NH4 OH and add the washing to the original filtrate. Acidify the filtrate and add 5 ml of 10% ammonium citrate. Neutralize with cone. NH4 OH, add a few drops in excess (pH>7.5) and dilute to 20 ml. Add 2 ml of 1% solution of dimethyl glyoxime in ethanol, mix and extract with two 3 ml portions of chloroform, shaking for 30 seconds each time. Wash the combined extract two times with 5 ml of 0.5 M NH4OH.'* Return nickel to the ionic state by shaking the chloroform extract with 5 ml of 6 M HCl. Evaporate the back-extract to dryness and mix the residue with 3 ml of water including washing. Determine nickel in the separated sample by the procedure outlined before. Prepare the standards and the blanks by subjecting them to the same separation, reaction and extraction procedures as before. Results and Discussion In this new procedure the determination of traces of nickel in the sample is based upon the measurement of the net absorbance of the released zinc extracted into a solution of dithizone in carbon tetrachloride, at 536 m/i. Figure 2 gives the absorption spectra of the solution of dithizone in carbon tetrachloride (A), of the blank (B) and of the zinc dithizonate (C) prepared under the previously outlined experimental con- ditions. It is quite obvious from this figure that the gross absorbance (Ag(536.S)) of zinc dithizonate at 536 m/i consists of contributions from the unreacted dithizone, impurities in the blank as well as from the released zinc. The net absorbance at 536 mju due to the released zinc alone from any sample may, 18 FIGURE 2 Absorption curves for dithizone solution in CCI4 , blank and for zinc dithizonate; (A) Dithizone in CCI4, (B) blank and (C) zinc dithizonate. 0.80 0.70 0.60 0.50 0.40 0.30 0.20 / \<^^^ / \ /"^ (A) 1 \ / \ / \ '' \ / \ '' '^- ' -''""V '"^A-' ^ y^ '- ,y \ \ \ . 1 . \ . 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 \ 1 0.10 400 430 460 490 520 550 580 610 640 670 700 Wave length (milli microns) however, be obtained from the observed absorbances at 536 mju and 620 m/j using the following relation: _ ^536,DZ V536,S) - Ag(536 s) - Ag(53g ^3) - (%620,S) '^g(620.b)) (3) where An(536,S) is the net absorbance of the zinc released by any given sample at 536 m^u, Ag(536,b) is the gross absorbance of the blank at 536 m/.(, A536.DZ and A536,DZ are the measured absorbances of dithizone at 536 m/i and 620 m/^, respectively and Ag(620,S) and Ag(620,b) are the respective absorbances of zinc dithizonate and blank at 620 m/z. The calibration graph relating the net absorbance of the released zinc and the concentration of the nickel in several standards containing various amounts of nickel is shown in Figure 3. All absorbances were measured using 1 cm cells in Beckman DB spectraphotometer. Although the calibration graph is fairly linear occasionsQ deviations from linearity have been observed. These deviations are believed to result from contamination of the sample from zinc commonly present in glasswares, paper towels, soap and so forth. Such contamination will not affect the results in the radiochelometric method reported elsewhere. ^ 19 FIGURE 3 0) Si Calibration graph for the colorimetric analysis of nickel using Ni- ZnEDTA displacement reaction. 0.40 0.35 - U 0.30 - 5 0.25 0.20 - 0.15 - 0.10 - 0.05 0.4 0.8 1.2 1.6 2.0 2.4 Concentration of nickel (micrograms) 2.8 The sensitivity of the method as observed by our experiments is about 0.3 jug which is much higher than what has been reported else wh ere. "* Unless adequate precautions are taken to avoid contamination, the error of the analysis can, however, run as high as 10%. With the zinc chelate reagent concentration specified in this procedure one can measure nickel up to 10 jUg. For the determination of the higher concentration of nickel in the sample a more concentrated reagent has to be prepared. Table 1 shows the results of the analysis of the NBS reference standards. It is seen from this table that the blank for the separated samples is much higher than that for unseparated samples. This appesirs to be the cumulative effect of the metalic impurities present in the reagents used for separation. Although significant difference is noticed between duplicate measure- ments, the average values are in general agreement with the average values certified by NBS. It is interesting to note, however, that the analyticEil results reported by different analysis show considerable deviations. In summary, this work demonstrates that the metal-chelate displacent reactions may be used to develop suitable methods of analysis of certain metals. One of such methods for the analysis of nickel is presented. 20 TABLE 1 Results of the Analysis of NBS Reference Standards for Nickel Using the Metal-Chelate Displacement Reaction Absorb- Net Ab- Amt. of Standards ance, gross sorbance Nickel % Nickel % Nickel Standards Used (536 m^) (536 mju) (jug) (this work) NBS certified Blank (Unseparated) Standard (Unseparated) Blank (Separated) Standard (Separated) Ferrosilicon SRM 59a 0.469 0.286 0.854 0.461* 5.87 0.727 0.595@ 1.153 0.528@ 5.87 1.156 0.931 Aluminum Alley 1.030 SRM 85b 0.995 0.561 0.336 0.435 0.400 6.25 3.72 0.041 0.025 Average: 0.033 0.028-0.039(0.033) 4.83 0.080 4.45 0.074 Average: 0.077 0.077-0.091(0.084) 'The net absorbance of the standards and samples were obtained by sub- tracting the blank net absorbance from the corrected gross absorbances. These are averages of duplicate measurements. Acknowledgement This work represents part of the research carried out under the National Science Foundation Research grant GP-39598 awarded to one of the authors. (M.P.M.) Footnotes 1 Calvin, "Chemistry of the Metal Chelate Inc. Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 5th Edition, A. E. Martell and M. Compounds," Prentice-Hall, 1962. ^M. P. Menon, J. Radioanal. Chem., 14, 63 (1973). ^M. P. Menon, Anal. Chem. Acta, 64, 151 (1973). E. B. Sandell, "Colorimetric Metal Analysis," Interscience Publishers, Inc., New York, N.Y., Third Edition, 1961. ^ Ruth A. German, David L. Hamilton and M. P. Menon, "A Radiochelometric Method for the Determination of Traces of Nickel Using an Inorganic Displacement Reaction." Paper presented at 2nd Rocky Mountain ACS Regional Meeting, Albuquerque, New Mexico, July 8-9, 1974. 21 HEAVY METAL IONS IN THE SURFACE AND SUBSURFACE WATERS AROUND SAVANNAH G. S. Ghuman* In an earlier study, Ghuman^ reported some of the chemical characteristics of surface and subsurface waters around Savannah. Characteristics included were pH value, carbonate, bicarbonate, chloride, and total dissolved solids as well as qualitative observations regarding the presence of calcium, sulfate and phosphate in these waters. In the present investiga- tion, heavy metal ions, including the total dissolved solids, have been studied. The optimum concentrations of metals such as calcium, magnesium, sodium, and potassium in the water are desirable. However, the excessive levels of these metals and very small amounts of toxic metals such as lead in the waters intended for domestic, industrial, and irrigation purposes and for marine life can cause serious hazards. Ground water, one of the nation's most valuable natural resources, is defined as that part of the subsurface water in the zone of saturation. The geology of a certain area has a tremendous influence on the occurrence of water and its movement through the area. Obviously, then the geology determines to a considerable extent what happens to any contaminant that may be introduced into the habitat of ground water. Ground water is one phase of the hydrologic cycle. The hydrologic cycle consists basically of precipitation, runoff (both direct and ground water), and evaporation; and then the cycle starts again with precipitation. Contamination of ground water can occur from a point or line source in a recharge area. The topography of the land surface also has a very important influence on ground water conditions. Water and any attendant contaminant in uncon- solidated materials move through the interstices of the strata. In view of these conditions affecting the water quality, the present study was conducted to achieve the following objectives: (1) To detect presence and/or buildup, in aquatic systems, , of potentially hazardous substances. (2) To evaluate the impact of salty ocean water on the quality of lake water and ground water supplied by the Ocala aquifer. *Professor of Earth Sciences, Savannah State College. 22 Materials and Methods Water Samples In the second week of June, 1974, ten water samples were collected in polyethylene bottles from Savannah and Thunder- bolt cities, Lake Mayer, Savannah River and its branches terminating in the Atlantic Ocean. Sites of sample collections are shown in the attached map and the exact locations with their latitudes and longitudes are described as follows: 1. Savannah City water supply sample: Ground water taken from a house tap in May fair Subdivision. Location -31 58' 30"N;81 06'W. 2. Thunderbolt City water supply sample: Ground water taken from a tap in the Earth Sciences Laboratory of Savannah State College. Location - 32 01' 24"N; 81 03' 20"W. 3. Lake Mayer water: Surface water collected from the artificial lake filled with rain water one year ago. Location - 31 59' 08"N; 81 05' 30"W. 4. Savannah River water: Surface water collected from the vicinity of the river bridge on Highway 17. Location 32 10'N;81 09"W. 5. Savannah River water: Surface water collected from a point just behind the Kilowatt Room of Savannah Electric Company. Location - 32 04' 48"N; 81 05' 37"W. 6. South Channel water: Surface water from a site under the channel bridge for the road leading to Fort Pulaski. Location - 32 01' 26"N; 80 55' 48"W. 7. Atlantic Ocean water: Surface water collected from the north end of Savannah Beach. Location 31 59' 30"N;80 50' 38"W. 8. Skidaway River water: Surface water taken at Modena Plantation Dock of Isle of Hope. Location 31 58' 52"N;81 4' 30"W. 9. Bumside River water: Surface water collected at the Bumside Island dock site. Location 31 55' 42"N; 81 05' 56"W. 10. Wilmington River water: Surface water collected at the river boat dock on the Wilmington Island. Location 31 59'N;80 59' 48"W. In the ensuing discussion, these samples will be referred by their numbers or by short descriptive names. 23 IDEALIZED MAP SHOWING SITES OF WATER SAMPLES #1 TO 10 Coastal Hwy. Savannah Beach ^ Analytical Methods The water samples were carried to the School of Geo- physical Sciences, Georgia Institute of Technology, Atlanta and were analyzed there by the author as part of the summer, 1974 study. The suspended particulates of samples were removed by filtration through a fine filter. The Orion Research Digital pH Meter, Model 801, was used to determine pH. Metal ions of calcium, magnesium, potassium, sodium, iron, manganese, and lead were determined with the use of Atomic Absorption Spectrophotometer, Model 303. In the estimation of major metals of Ca, Mg, K, and Na, the samples had to be diluted from 10 to 5,000-fold with deionized water to bring within the proper range of detection by the instrument. One hundred ppm (parts per million) Li as LiCl was mixed in standard and test samples to avoid interference with phosphate in the determina- tion of Mg. Standard settings and flame conditions were used as recommended by the Perkin-Elmer instrument guide. Total dissolved solids were estimated in the Earth Science Laboratory of Savannah State College. The estimation was carried out by evaporating to dryness on a water bath 25 or 50 ml water samples in tared porcelain dishes. The drying of the samples was completed in the air oven at 100 C for one hour and the dried residues were cooled in a desiccator and then weighed accurately on a Mettler balance. The loss of weight due to the decomposition of bic2irbonates during the process of drying was added to obtain the final estimate of total dissolved solids. Results and Discussion Analytical data regarding pH values, metal ions including calcium, magnesium, potassium, sodium, iron, manganese and lead, bicarbonate ion and total dissolved solids of water samples are given in Table 1. The data indicate that with only one exception, the pH, bicarbonate content and total dissolved solids of all the surface and ground water samples are higher as compared to the values reported in 1969' . This confirms the general and gradual increase of salt content of waters with the passage of time. Ground water used for domestic purposes in Savannah and Thunderbolt cities is supplied by the Ocala aquifer. The aquifer flows through sedimentary limestone strata at a depth of 250 to 400 feet. Both the ground water samples contain an excess of sodium and magnesium over calcium and this may bear some relationships with the health of the people. From health point of view, greater concentration of Ca than Mg is considered desirable. Relatively high content of sodium (Na) makes this area's ground water "soft" as against the common belief of considering it as "hard" water. Such a composition may be attributed to the encroachment of ground water with sea water and also to the chemical nature of limestone layer which 25 IZI * !H ?5 a m a -o c c o pa 'o m W o in oi 00 o -^ !> [> 5 ;d tn Lo 00 ^ i> i> in g S '-^ S ^ I> O ITD o o o o ^ (N (N 3 CO O CD 00 o X. C i-H (J) Oi 00 l> CO in ^ CO ^ ^ Tf as I> (N r- 7 I 05 05 00 I ( co 00 00 CO CD CO CO CD 00 (M CO (N O CO !3 c c u 3 O CO in Tt^ o o CM O o O o o o CM CO t> CM o in o CM CO O 00 in CO in CD CO o 00 CO o in in CD in o o o o o 00 00 CM O o in tr- in in in o in o o in O o o o 00 in CD ^ ^ CM CO CO o 00 CO CD 00 CO 00 CM o 5 ^ ^ requires a study. Slightly higher levels of Ca, Mg, K, and Na in Thunderbolt water as compared to Savannah water is a manifestation of the effect of distance to the sea coast. However, low levels of total solids cause no immediate concern about the quality of ground water as the quality is considered excellent up to 700 ppm of dissolved material. Lake Mayer is a man-made lake filled with rain water since one year ago. Presence of lead (Pb) and high total solids indicate its contamination either by runoff from the surrounding land or more probably by leaching from the adjacent Casey Canal which is filled during the high tide cycle of the ocean. Continuation of this process for a few years will turn the fresh lake water into salty water which may become a source of salt recharge to the ground water. Local government needs to take early steps to lay the canal bottom with impervious tiles to prevent the leaching of salty ocean water into the lake. Chemical contamination may move farther through an aquifer than bacterial contamination and is generally more difficult and expensive to remove from the water when it is reclaimed.^ Savanncih River water at Highway 1 7 site has the lowest pH and tested constituents among the ten samples. The U.S. Geological Survey^ reported the following chemical composi- tion of Savannah River water at Clyo in May -June of 1971-72: Ca = 4.9 mg/1 ; Mg = 1.3 mg/1; K = 1.4 mg/1; Na = 7.8 mg/1; Fe = 1.1 mg/1; Mn = less than 50 microgram/1; alksdinity as CaCOa = 22 mg/1; SO4 = 4.0 mg/1; CI = 5.0 mg/1; nitrite + nitrate = 0.42 mg nitrogen/1; dissolved ammonia nitrogen = 0.03 mg/1. In the determined elements of Savannah River water taken down- stream from Clyo (sample #4), Ca and Mg are lower, K and Na are higher, while Fe and Mn are nearly the same as compared to those reported for Clyo site. Concentrations of metal ions and the pH of the river samples (#4 #7 & #8 #10) increase with the proximity to the Atlantic Ocean. Mn levels in all samples are 0.1 ppm or less as it rarely exceeds 1 mg/1. Natural waters seldom contain more than 20 ug/1 of lead (Pb), although values as high as 400 ug/1 have been reported. The concentrations of lead in the lake and river waters need to be further ascertained."* Lead is a serious cumulative body poison and must be avoided. The major constituents calculated as percentages of all dissolved material in the water samples are listed in Table 2. The data in Table 2 reveal that Na is the predominant metal ion in all water samples except the lake water in which calcium is the most abundant. Magnesium occupies second position except in the case of samples #3 and #4. The percentage of Ca is greater in the first four samples, but decreases in the brackish and salty waters (#5 to #10). Potassium varies within the narrow limits of 0.97 and 1.71. Metal ions in the fresh waters (#1 to #4) Eire primarily combined with bicarbonates the percentage of which ranges from 41.77 to 61.68. These values agree with those of Livingstone^ who reported 48.6% of 27 TABLE 2 Distribution of Major Constituents as Percentages of all Dissolved Material in water samples. Total Solids Percentage of Total Solids No. Sample description ppm Na Mg Ca K HCO3 1. Savannah City water 254 5.12 3.14 2.28 0.97 57.68 2. Thunderbolt City water 285 7.02 3.68 2.11 1.05 61.68 3. Lake Mayer water 409 3.91 3.05 10.74 1.71 41.77 4. Savannah River water (Highway 17 site) 134 13.43 0.45 1.86 1.64 43.72 5. Savannah River water (Kilowatt room site) 3995 25.03 2.69 0.83 1.25 2.93 6. South Channel water 26874 26.04 2.88 0.67 1.19 0.54 7. Atlantic Ocean water 33126 31.69 3.25 0.71 1.45 0.44 8. Skidaway River water 26374 28.81 3.32 0.70 1.38 0.55 9. Burnside River water 26814 29.83 3.26 0.70 1.36 0.54 10. Wilmington River water 28894 28.55 3.23 0.69 1.29 0.49 bicarbonate (HCO3), and 6.5% of chloride in a river water sample with 120 ppm of total solids and 0.41% bicarbonate as well as 55.04% chloride in sea water. The percentage distribu- tion data for the river and ocean water samples (#5 to #10) are very much similar to those reported by Sverdrup et al.^ Conclusions a) All the surface and ground water samples showed an increase in pH value and total dissolved solids as compared to those reported in 1969. b) Ocala aquifer ground water used for domestic purposes in the Savannah area contains more sodium and magnesium as compared to calcium, thus indicating its soft nature and slight contamination with sea water. c) Lake Mayer water is getting contaminated by sea water through leaching from the Casey Canal and contains traces of lead. d) Savannah River water at Highway 17 site and upstream has low level of total dissolved solids and can be used for domestic purposes when necessary. e) Low levels of lead are present in the ocean water and the river waters mixed with ocean water. It requires further investigation. 28 A systematic monitoring of the chemical composition of ground and surface waters around Savannah and further inland is required to determine the rate and extent of encroachment of sea water and presence of any pollutants. A study of the health-related effects of magnesium, soft, and hard water will be highly appropriate. Footnotes Ghuman, G. S. 1969. Chemical characteristics of surface and subsurface waters around Savannah. Fac. Res. Bull. 23, 15-21. Savannah State College. Ground water contamination. 1961. Proc. of Symposium, U.S. Dept. HEW, Robert A. Taft Sanitary Eng. Center, Cincinnati, Ohio. Livingstone, D. A. 1963. Chemical composition of rivers and lakes. U.S. Geol. Surv. Prof. Paper 440-G, p. 64. Standard methods for the examination of water and waste-water. 1971. Published by Amer. Public Health Assoc. 13th ed. ^Sverdrup, H. U., M. W. Johnson, and R. H. Fleming. 1942. The Oceans. Englewood Cliffs, N.J. Prentice Hall, Inc. p. 166. ^ Water Resources. 1972. U.S. Dept. of Interior, Geol. Survey, p. 48. Acknowledgements The author is grateful to the NSF for the summer study grant and to Dr. C. E. , Weaver, Director, School of Geophysical Sciences, Georgia Institute of Technology, Atlanta for providing laboratory facilities. Sincere appreciation is extended to Mr. Gary Cooke and Dr. K. C. Beck for their assistance in the completion of this work. 29 THE SINO-SOVIET CONFRONTATION Dr. Lawrence H. Harris Professor of History and Political Science Savannah State College An analytical view of the relations of Communist China (C. P. R.) and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (U.S.S.R.) over the past two decades would confirm that these former Eillies and leading Communist powers are engaged in a fierce ideological, political, and economic struggle that has strategic overtones, which in time could lead to a major war. The positioning of Chinese armies and armored Soviet divi- sions' on the Sino-Soviet borderland and the reports of border incidents in past years near Mongolia and the Chinese northwest province of Sinkiang confirm the bitterness of the relations between these giant powers. In addition, countless vitriolic press attacks have been made by the Soviets against the Chinese, and the Chinese against the Soviets, each accusing the other of deviationism and other ideological heresies. The hostility of the Russians and the Chinese is manifestly both strategic and ideological in character. History The enmity between China and the U.S.S.R. has a long history, tracing back to the Sixteenth Century when Russian adventurers, Cossacks, and peasants claimed for the Czar thousands of square mUes of Siberian territories, that were formerly part of the domain of Imperial China. Much of this "lost" Chinese territory is included as national territory on recent Chinese Communist maps a grim augury of future relations between the countries. The Soviets, on their part, having determined to populate that vast area since 1939, have funneled Russians into Siberia in the greatest single population movement in the world. The Russian drive toward the Pacific began about 1580 when the Tatar khanate of Sibir giving its name to Siberia was conquered by a Russian bandit chieftain. Between the Sixteenth and Eighteenth centuries, Russians lured by fur trade and land, expanded toward the Japan and Okhotsk seas. The largely- voluntary settlers were joined in succeeding centuries by 1 John Erickson, "Soviet Military Power," Strategic Review (Washing- ton, D.C.: United States Strategic Institute, Spring 1973) pp. xiii & 18. During the past decade Soviet ground strength in the Far East and MongoUa has doubled and now stands at 40-44 divisions, about 600,000 troops, with strong missile and tactical air power. 30 hundreds of thousands of involuntary householders, including political and criminal offenders exiled by the Czars. In the course of its expansion, Russia acquired centrsil Asia, inhabited in part by Moslem tribes and kingdoms; eastern Siberia, the home of the Mongols and Manchus; and, finally, the Amur Valley, Sakhalin Island, and a vital littoral on the Pacific coast that extends to the borders of Manchuria and Korea. The Russian adventurers did not stop at the Pacific but crossed the Bering Straits,^ and under Governor Alexander Baranov ex- ploited Alaska's resources and eventually established some 40 forts and trading posts in North America, including Fort Ross, north of San Francisco. The Russians, on the basis of a failing fur business and its exposed position, abandoned its North American entrepots in 1844. The far-seeing U.S. Secretary of State, William H. Seward, disregarding the criticism that attended his initiative, negotiated the purchase of Alaska in 1876 for $7,200,000, or two cents per acre.-^ Russian territorial ambitions then were focused on the Maritime Province, that critical zone in eastern Asia where the interests of Russia, China, Korea, and Japan intermingle and collide. The Chinese Communists frequently claimed large portions of Siberia that are now integral portions of the U.S.S.R. and asserted that old Russia robbed China of its landed possessions when the other Western powers were collectively despoiling her. Chinese, both Communists and Nationalists, allege that treaties consigning territories to Russia were signed during China's occupation by foreign troops, including Russian, French, German, English, and, sometimes, American. The intensive confrontations between the Chinese and Russians began after the period of 1681-83, when the Russians under Vasili Poiarkov explored the Amur, which separates Manchuria from Siberia. Subsequently the Russians built a fort at Albazin and then mapped Siberia. The Treaty of Nerchinsk (1689) the first formal Russian treaty with China was vir- tually the only diplomatic success the Chinese had in their bleak and unwilling exposure to foreign penetration. As a con- sequence, the Russians abandoned Albazin and relaxed their military pressure, in exchange for a trading agent and a Russian Orthodox Church in Peking, the Chinese Imperial capital. Then in the Nineteenth Century, the Russians surged against the moribund Manchu Ch'ing Dynasty, already assailed on all sides by foreign warships and armies. The energetic explorer. Count Nikolai Muraviev, established Petropavlask on Kamchatka 2 Samuel Eliot Morison and Henry Steele Commanger, The Growth of the American Republic. Vol. I. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1942), p. 460. 3 William L. Langer, An Encyclopedia of World History (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Riverside Press, 1948), p. 798. Also see Thomas A. Bailey, A Diplomatic History of the American People (New York: Appleton- Century-Crofts, 1946), pp. 395-99. 31 Peninsula, Muraviev also founded settlements between the Amur River and Korea, the latter a Chinese vassal state. As a sign of China's decline, the Russians did not consider it imperative to inform the Chinese of their latest expansionist activities until 1851. The Treaty of Aigun (1858) between Russia and China- following the humiliation of the Chinese by the Tientsin treaties (1858) ceded to the Russians other Chinese territories on the left bank of the Amur, as far as the Ussuri River. In 1860, Russia violated its treaty obligations by founding the poten- tially great naval base of Vladivostok. Count Nikolai Ignatiev at the signing of the Treaty of Peking (I860) taking advantage of overwhelming Western armies in China obtained for Russia both banks of the Amur River to Korea. Russia was now in position to threaten or occupy Manchuria and Korea and to begin new adventures against either China or Japan. The Treaty of Hi (1881) was a further debasement for China, ceding to the Russians a large area north of Sinkiang. Other Bases of Sino-Soviet Difference After the Chinese liberated themselves from the Manchu Dynasty in 1911, the Bolsheviks dispatched Michael Borodin and General Galen (V. K. Bluecher) to serve as Soviet advisors to Sun Yat-sen and the new Kuomintang Party. Soviet Russia, as friendly gestures, gave up extra-territoriality and its concessions at Tientsin and Hankow. However, the psychological advantages gained by the Soviets shortly disappeared, when, in 1927, Chiang Kai-shek and conservative members of the Kuomintang established a government at Nanking and drove the Russians and Communists from the party.'* Purges and a civil war followed. The Communist remnant fled to Kieingsi ind Fukien provinces, where peasant reinforcements joined them. The "Ten Thousand Li March," of 1934-35, a strategic retreat, took the Communists to their final fastness in northern Shensi Province. In 1937, the Nationalists and Communists forged an uneasy alliance to fight the Japanese, who had pushed China into a war of survival. It is noteworthy that during much of the Sino- Japanese War that Joseph Stalin took an opportunistic position, sometimes favorable to the Nationalists, as opposed to the Chinese Communists. Stalin sought the attainment of Soviet long-range political objectives rather than the survivEil of the Chinese Communists.^ ^Harold M. Vinacke, A History of the Far East in Modern Times (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1967), pp. 448-453. 5 Robert C. North, Chinese Communism (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966) pp. 176-77. Also see Franz Schurmann and Orvill Schell, Com- munist China: Revolutionary Reconstruction and International Confronta- tion 1949 to Present (New York: Random House, 1967), pp. 238-40, 254-58. 32 After the Chinese Communists pushed the Nationalists from the Mainland in 1949-50, the Soviet Union cooperated with the People's Republic of China in its industrial and scientific recovery, until about 1960. At that time. Premier Nikita Khrushchev terminated his aid to the Chinese nuclear weapons program^ and may have considered (although it is not abso- lutely clear) destroying Chinese nuclear installations with a preemptive strike.'' Causes of the Split The Western World, in particular the United States, was apprehensive about the close cooperation between the U.S.S.R. and Communist China involving the second greatest industrial power and its Chinese partner, with the largest population in the world. In 1960 this alliance began falling apart and the at-first disbelieving world began breathing a sigh of relief. What had caused the rift between the two Communist monoliths? The answer is complex but could be simplified into three basic answers: (a) nationalism (b) a split in ideology, and (c) a divergence in national interests. During the period 1949 to 1960, the Chinese regarded their alliance with the Soviet Union as their principal protection against the so-called "imperialist camp," as led by the United States. Yet, the alliance signed between Communist China and the U.S.S.R. in February 1950 was defensive in character, and, from the Soviet viewpoint, pointed against Japan, but Stalin was eager to curb the C.P.R. from any adventures that might lead to a war between the Soviet Union and the United States.^ During the Korean War, as a deterrent to the Americans spreading the war into Manchuria, Stalin ordered Russian troops to remain at Port Arthur beyond 1952, when normally they would have retired to the U.S.S.R. by 1950. All of this did not prevent Stalin from indulging in his own adventures in both Manchuria and Sinkiang. Following the death of Stalin in 1953, his Politburo successors altered Soviet strategy. They permitted the Chinese to sign an unfavorable treaty with the United States and its allies of the Korean War. After the treaty was in effect, the Soviet leadership revealed that the U.S.S.R. possessed the hydrogen bomb, knowledge which could have been a trump card for the Chinese in the Sino-American negotiations. The year 1954 brought severe strains to the Sino-Soviet alliance: the Indo-China crisis became critical, and the United States con- ^ Harold C. Hinton, Communist China in World Politics (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1966), p. 472. 'Erickson, op. cit., pp. 16 & 23. Russian Marshal M. V. Zakharov, Chief of the General Staff after 1964, reorganized Soviet defenses in the Far East, and is credited with advising against a preemptive attack on the Chinese nuclear installations. 8 North, op. cit., p. 177. 33 ducted important nuclear tests to maintain an overwhelming strategic superiority over the Soviet Union. Shortly thereafter, John Foster Dulles announced the doctrine of "massive retaliation.'"' The Chinese strongly suggested to their Soviet partner that, as a counterpoise to American policy, it should work against American naval power near China and should support the "liberation" of Taiwan. In the leadership battle in the U.S.S.R. between Nikita Khrushchev and Georgi M. Malenkov, following the death of Stalin, the Chinese Communist leaders rallied to Khrushchev when he advocated a stronger military posture for the U.S.S.R. and indicated that he would honor the Soviet commitments to Communist China. The political ascendancy of Khrushchev produced a welcome Soviet promise to withdraw its troops from Port Arthur. The Chinese in this period subordinated their defense programs to internal economic developments, largely relying for protection on their Soviet ally. Still the Chinese military structure was modernized and streamlined in a modest way, and some new equipment was received from the U.S.S.R. Khrushchev's partial triumph over Malenkov in February 1955 brought warnings that if the Soviet Union was threatened from abroad, the U.S.S.R. might launch a preemptive attack against the United States. Subsequently this threat has been viewed as mirroring a lack of confidence by the Soviet Union to survive a first strike by the United States. At this historical juncture the Soviet Union strengthened its bomber force and missile programs. Despite his rattling of the sword, Khrushchev made no belligerent statements with regard to the Taiwan Straits crisis, which reached its peak in 1955. Khrushchev, who had been exchanging exploratory messages with the Americans,' ^ made an admission that offended the militant wing of the Chinese Communists; he announced his willingness to work toward disarmament or even the discontinuance of thermonuclear testing.* ' This was an admission of heresy to the Chinese, who had proclaimed that they were not unduly fearful of a world war, for it would surely destroy imperialism but somehow would leave "Socialism" largely intact so that it would emerge triumphant. Stripped of the rhetoric, the Chinese apparently had meant to say that they did not believe in the likelihood of a thermonuclear war. The Chinese, on the other hand, were concerned about their own small nuclear complex. This nuclear foundation was based upon one to three small nuclear research reactors given to China 9 Henry T. Simmons, "U.S. Strategic Power," The Retired Officer Magazine (September, 1974), p. 34. iORinton, op. cit, p. 130. 1 1 North, op. cit, pp. 210-11. 34 by the Soviet Union. ^ ^ China later built an extensive nuclear complex, with perhaps 40 nuclear reactors in operation. The Soviet Union apparently had severe misgivings about contributing to any substantial Chinese Communist nuclear complex. This much was clear from Khrushchev's endorsing in 1957 of an atom-free-zone in Asia, which would have elimi- nated China as a nuclear factor and would have left Soviet and American strategic nuclear forces intact. The Chinese, which at that time had no nuclear plant, then advocated complete nuclear disarmament and the destruction of nuclear stockpiles, which would have left Communist China as the strongest conventional military power in Asia. While a Soviet-Chinese agreement on scientific and technical cooperation was signed in 1958, and, in all likelihood, the Soviet Union agreed to furnish military aid and some missiles, there is no suggestion that the Soviets wished China to have a nuclear or hydrogen bomb potential. Chiang Kai-shek, from his fortress at Taiwan, announced that a conventional war in the Far East was for him the best means to defeat Communism. The United States Forces in Taiwan, aligned with Chiang, were armed with Matador missiles, capable of firing either conventional or nuclear weapons against the Mainland. The Chinese Communists were less secure and could not be certain what actions the Soviet Union would take in their behalf, even if the Nationalist Chinese undertook a landing on the Mainland coast with American support. There- fore, in 1959, Communist China hesitantly endorsed Khrushchev's proposal for an atom-free-zone in the Far East and the Pacific Basin, which would have relieved the U.S.S.R. of risky military commitments in that area.^ ^ One of the great curiosities of history was the Chinese experiment "the Great Leap Forward," initiated in 1957 which ushered in "backyard furnaces," giant communes (each with 12 collective farms), and millions of peasants training as militiamen. Although this anomaly was an enormous failure, it may have been created, at least in part, with a motive of dispersing China's industrial capacity in the eventuality of an atomic war stemming from the Taiwan Straits situation. The Soviet-Chinese Communist alliance was dying in 1960 and was buried in 1964. The demise of this alliance coincided with the loss of leadership by Nikita Khrushchev in the U.S.S.R. Coincidentally it also marked the switch from the Eisenhower- Dulles foreign policy to that of John F. Kennedy. When Khrushchev became First Secretary of the Communist Party in 1953, following the death of Joseph Stalin, he ushered in a i^Hinton, op cit, p. 129. Also see Hugo Portisch, Red China Today (New York: Fawcett Publications, 1967), p. 324. Erickson, op. cit., p. 20. Khrushchev matured in the view that a nuclear war would be a manifestation of insanity. 35 period of minimal coordination between the U.S.S.R. and the Chinese Communists on matters of foreign policy. After 1956, the Chinese challenged Khrushchev's "modern revisionism," that is accommodation to the United States for the sake of world security. Mao and his Chinese coterie also challenged Khrushchev for the primary leadership of world communism. This deterioration in relations continued, with 1957 bringing the end to Soviet long-term financial credits to China. In 1960, Soviet technical assistance to China finally ended. The Cuban crisis of October 1962 brought charges by the Chinese that the U.S.S.R. surrendered its Communist principles and cravenly prostrated itself before the United States in removing ballistic missiles from Cuba. The placing of inter- mediate-range ballistic missiles in Cuba was a Soviet attempt to neutralize the American lead in strategic weapons. The Chinese reaction was to accuse the Soviet Union of "adventurism" for placing the missiles in Cuba and "capitulation" for taking them out.^^ The embarrassment to the Soviet Union in withdrawing its missiles from Cuba produced further doubts about Soviet willingness to defend Mainland China. The ensuing fierce dialogue between China and the U.S.S.R. touched on Soviet defense obligations to China, which made it clear to observers that Moscow regarded its commitments to China to be purely defensive. Further, the Soviet Union would not use its forces to "liberate" Taiwan. In chagrin, the Chinese threatened to open again the question of its frontiers and to demand the return of Asian areas taken by the Russians over the centuries. The U.S.S.R.'s position was that it would react with military strength, only if Manchuria, North China, or cities near the Soviet Union were violated or an unprovoked general strategic attack against the Mainland was launched by the United States or Japan. Khrushchev bent the policy of the U.S.S.R. toward a detente with the West. Thus, he signed the Test-Ban Treaty, which the Chinese decried as a betrayal of the Soviet-Chinese alliance. The Cuban crisis of 1962, thus, lucidly marked the further destruction of the Chinese-Soviet partnership. Reasons for Sino- Soviet Differences The reasons for Soviet-Chinese differences are complex and involve the long histories of both countries: First, and of some considerable importance, is the sociological reason, which includes the clash between the European and the cruder Russian tradition versus the Asian and highly sophisticated Chinese tradition. It also involves the historical antagonism between the Russians and Chinese, nurtured by Russian acquisition of Chinese-claimed territory in central and eastern Asia, as well as !* Irwin Isenberg (ed.), The Russian-Chinese Rift (New York: H. W. Wilson, 1966), p. 32. 36 the proud and competing nationalisms of the peoples in both cultural areas. Second, there is a profound contrast between the respective historical experiences of the two Communist parties. The Soviet Party came to power during a period of civil war and foreign intervention. As a consequence of this and the Communist doctrines relating to world revolution, the Soviet Union developed a hostility toward the West, especially the United States, that in turn created a fear-inspired reaction around the world, and laid the basis of an Anti-Communist psychosis in Europe, notably Germany, that was one factor which led to World War II. Chinese Communism is Asian in character,^ ^ moulded by its reliance on a peasant work force, and, since it had a long period to experiment with political and social models, adapted them uniquely for China. China developed no one-man vendetta, such as was devised by Stalin, although Mao did authorize the "kill the landlord" program which was a chilling aspect of Chinese Communism. The Chinese experience was more national than international in character and generally inward-looking. Only in 1953, during the Korean War, did China intervene militarily from its borderlands and become a major element in a war abroad. Later in 1962, it also invaded India, but this was an aberration in its foreign policy.' ^ Third, the divergent national positions and interests of the regimes are irritants in the foreign relations of the two powers. The Soviet Union, despite its agricultural and internal problems, is a largely self-contained power. At the present time, it is less interested in taking great chances that might lead to a world holocaust.' ^ China, on the other hand, is a relatively poor country and far more militant and irreconcilable. China, having the least to lose, has proven to be the most intractable. Fourth, there was undoubtedly a state of rivalry for authority and leadership between Mao and Khrushchev, follow- ing Stalin's death. This personal distaste extended to Mao's wife who told a visitor that she disliked Khrushchev because he had bad table manners and smelled bad, and Mao disliked Khrushchev's shoe-pounding at the United Nations. Mao re- putedly regarded himself to be the world's senior Communist after the death of Stalin, and resented Khrushchev's efforts to 15 North, op. cit., pp. 200-204. 16 North, op. cit., pp. 208-9. North emphasizes that Soviet poHcy on the Sino-Indian border dispute was among the most abrasive causes for the destruction of the Chinese-Soviet aUiance. 17 Edward L. Warner, III. "The Development of Soviet Mihtary Doctrine and Capabilities in the 1960's," American Defense Policy (Second Edition), edited by Mark E. Smith and Claude J. Johns, Jr. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1968), p. 318. Soviet aid and encourage- ment to insurgencies promoted by the Algerian F.L.N. , Castro's Cuban rebels, and the Viet Minh have, to the Chinese Communist viewpoint, been both inadequate and timid. 37 give ideological and strategic guidance to the entire Communist International movement. Neither Communist China nor the U.S.S.R. desire a general war to break out, but it is China that regards with lesser risk so-called brush-fire wars or wars of national liberation.^ * In a religious war, the heretic is frequently hated more than the unbeliever, and both the U.S.S.R. and China have accused the opposing camp of ideological hersy. Territorial Disputes There is an undeniable rivalry between the two large states for influence in Asia. One key arena of conflict is Outer Mongolia. Here Chinese activity and influence have increased since 1952. While the Mongols are no longer direct subjects of the U.S.S.R., they have remained loyal to the Soviet Union during the Sino-Soviet dispute. In 1963, the Mongols expelled a large number of Chinese technicians for distributing anti-Soviet literature. The Mongols' attitude is attributed, in large part, to their traditional fear of Chinese imperialism. Thus, while Outer Mongolia is a buffer state between the U.S.S.R. and China, it is entirely feasible that Soviet troops are stationed in the country.* ^ While Soviet policy with other Asian countries, such as India, Indonesia, and Burma, is based in part upon countering the influence of the United States, it has a vitEQ secondary purpose the neutralizing of economic and propaganda pro- grams initiated by the Communist Chinese. This partially explains the Soviet recognition of the claims of Indonesia to West Irian (Dutch New Guinea) and Soviet aid to India during the Sino-Indian border disputes. Americans were shocked when India and the U.S.S.R. entered into a defense pact, despite enormous American economic assistance to India. However, the Indians may have been over-reacting to fear of China (allied to Pakistan), rather than to America's "neutrality" with respect to the Pakistan-India wars, which coincided with the Chinese- Indian border confrontations. As indicated, the esirly Sino-Soviet alliance suffered from Soviet fears of involvement in a Far Eastern war over Taiwan, Soviet reluctance to see China become a nuclear power, and Soviet exploration of dissirmament and a detente with the West. In the spring of 1969, the Sino-Soviet dispute resulted in a military clash between the two countries near the disputed island of Chen Pao Tao (Damansky Island), in the Ussuri River 18 North, op. cit., pp. 209-10. Also see Davis B. Bobrow, "Chinese Views on Escalation," American Defense Policy (Second Edition), edited by Mark E. Smith and Claude J. Johns, Jr. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1968), pp. 327-8. 1 ^Erickson, op. cit., pp. 17-18. About 1967, the Soviet Union assisted in reorganizing the Defense Ministry of the Mongolian People's Republic. 38 along the Sino-Soviet eastern frontier. Hostilities then broke out at other points along the border. In October 1969, however, high-level talks on the border problems were held in Peking, localizing the problem. Another source of friction has been economic. Some authorities believe that this aspect may have been the principal cause of the Sino-Soviet rift. The result has been that Sino-Soviet trade dropped from $2.14 billion in 1956 to $56 million in 1969.^^ Until 1960, the Soviets made a large and vital contribution to Chinese industrialization, sending to China over ten thousand advisers.^ ^ The Chinese resented the ending of Soviet long-term credits in 1957, the withdrawal of Soviet assistance in 1960, and finally the refusal of the Soviet Union to give the C.P.R. special assistance. Petroleum exports were made to China, but recent studies would indicate that currently the Soviet Union is exporting little or no oil to the Communist Chinese. Post-Mortem Analysis In 1960, unity between the Soviet Union and the Chinese was almost non-existent. During this phase of the struggle, the Chinese appear to have had a psychological advantage, for they were more orthodox and seemed more willing to see unity killed than compromised. Both sides intervened with key figures in the opposing country. The Chinese had contacts with Vyacheslav Molotov, Ambassador to Outer Mongolia from 1957 to 1960, and also with Frol Romanovich Kozlov, First Deputy Chairman of the U.S.S.R. Council of Ministers in 1958, who retired in 1963. China's Nuclear Development If we disregard all the devious terminology in the dialogue between the Soviet Union and Communist China, there appears no doubt that China did not desire a general war. Secret Chinese papers, dating from 1961, prove that the Chinese Communists had given much thought to the effect of a thermonuclear attack.^ ^ Even if the thermonuclear attack was against the U.S.S.R., China's principal installations, its population, and agricultural land would suffer fatal damage. If the Chinese people survived. Communism of the Chinese variety assuredly would not. Hugo Portisch, editor of the Vienna Kurier, stated that the U.S.S.R. released an unknown quantity of enriched uranium to China and possibly three reactors.^ ^ The U.S.S.R., nevertheless, 2 "Peoples Republic of China," Department of State Background Notes, Publication 7751 (August 1971), U.S. Department of State. 2 1 Irwin Isenberg (ed.) op. cit., pp. 22-23, 53, 55. 2 2Hinton, op. cit., p. 162. 2 3 Portisch, op. cit., p. 325. 39 opposed the concept of a separate nuclear complex with a military character for China. Since 1956, the world knew that Communist China was working on the development of an atomic bomb. Great help was rendered by Chinese scientists trained in America and Europe, including Dr. Shien Hsueh- shen,^"* who conducted research at Massachusetts Institute of Technology and California Institute of Technology. In addition, some idealists that defected to the U.S.S.R. helped create the Chinese nuclear complex, including the famous Italian nuclear physicist, Pontecorvo. Men of Pontecorvo's type felt that the occurrence of a world war would be deterred by the wide diffusion of nuclear knowledge. Even the United States had distributed parcels of 13 pounds of enriched uranium to various world powers, whereas it required only 55 pounds to make an atomic bomb. The Chinese have developed both atomic and hydrogen bombs and have conducted at least 13 experiments on the surface, underground, and in the air. The first atomic detona- tion was in 1964. The Chinese assembled their scientists and initiated their programs in remote Sinkiang Province, where there was available both uranium and thorium and the expertise to create hydroelectric installations. The Chinese constructed a missile range at Lop Nor, which at first was about 500 miles long, but probably has been enlarged to accommodate experi- mental models of an ICBM that ultimately may have a range of 6000 miles. Chinese technology is far in advance of early predictions, as evidenced by a Chinese earth satellite launched in April 1970. Military estimates in the United States calculated that the Chinese Communists should have 80 to 100 Medium- Range Ballistic Missiles in the mid-1970's, with a range of 1,000 miles.^ ^ The ICBM's will be ready by 1975, according to some estimates. The major weakness in the Chinese armament may be the limitations in its delivery system. China was given some rockets by the Soviet Union, and, apparently these were used in the early tests. China also has at least one Soviet G- type diesel-powered submarine capable of firing a Polaris-type missile, but this reportedly is unarmed. The Chinese possess few planes, among them British four-engine turboprop Vickers Viscounts, and Russian two and four-engine Ilyushins. China has a limited number of TU-16 Badger jet medium-range bombers and reportedly is able to produce four or five of these a month. The TU-16 has a range of 1,600 miles and can deliver a three-megaton thermonuclear warhead, which China currently may be producing. 24Niu Sien-Chong, "Red China's First Earth SateUite," NATO's Fifteen Nations, (June-July, 1971), pp. 78-81. 2 5 Alice Langley Hsieh, "China's Nuclear Missile Program: Regional or Intercontinental," The China Quarterly (March, 1971). 40 The Chinese showed an amazing capacity for mastering space and nuclear technology in overcoming sophisticated hurdles of the greatest difficulty. In spanning the gap between the atom bomb and the development of a hydrogen bomb, the Chinese required only two years and eight months, as compared with the U.S.S.R.'s six years, and America's seven years and four months.^ ^ Although Chinese capability in the realm of the ICBM still is to be proved, there is no question about their development of Medium-Range Ballistic Missiles.^ ^ This achievement became more significant in 1970, when the People's Republic placed a 173-kilogram (381 pounds) satellite into orbit, which demonstrated that the Chinese soon would be able to deliver a nuclear warhead to any place on earth. Of course, the spectacular development of a space satellite was accomplished at a prodigious cost, which if compared with the $500 million paid by the Japanese for their satellite, cost the Chinese $4 billion, computed on the basis of the satellite's weight.^ * The elation of the Chinese population produced by the news of its atomic explosions and the launching of a satellite showed a profound satisfaction with the narrowing of the gap between the technology of the Chinese and their two great adversaries. Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird noted on February 20, 1970,^^ that the Chinese had been producing U-235 since about 1963 and were believed at that time to be producing plutonium. Plutonium use was reported in the Chinese test in December 1968 of a thermonuclear device. The Chinese also demonstrated in these tests that they could produce enriched lithium and heavy water. In 1970 it was estimated that the Chinese had only sufficient quantities of U-235 to produce a few dozen weapons. If a second U-235 plant were built, three years would be required before production could begin. China undoubtedly places the utmost importance on its advanced weapons program. While it is difficult to tell what restraints China's scarce economic and skilled manpower re- sources have placed on the development of advanced weapons, it is certain that research and development in this field have been given the highest priority. Regardless of whether China's annual growth is GNP 3 or 4 percent, its economy is able to support a modern military capability, though one far from being in the league with that of the United States or the Soviet 2 6 "New Achievements in China's Science and Technology," p. 34, in Translations on Communist China, Joint PubHcations Research Service, Washington, D.C., No. 116 (8 September 1960). 2 7Niu, op. cit., p. 32. The destructive power of the hydrogen bomb warhead is caused by the fusion of hydrogen atoms in a thermonuclear reaction and is about nine times as powerful as the splitting of atoms in an atom bomb. 2 8Niu, op. cit. 2 9Hsieh, op. cit. 41 Union. As the research and development continue and emphasis is shifted to production and operational deployment, costs are bound to rise and a broader scientific and industrial base will be required. This will undoubtedly give rise to debates, such as took place in 1965, initiated by Lo Jui-Ch'ing, as to what degree national programs should be sacrificed to develop a sophisticated nuclear delivery program.^ The launching of China's first earth satellite on April 24, 1970 indicated that a two-stage booster was used, the first element most likely a Soviet SS-4 or a copy of it, but the lopsided orbit of the Chinese satellite suggests that guidance was at a minimal.^ ^ However, this considerable feat does not compare with the launching of an ICBM, which does require a complicated guidance system. There is good evidence that the Chinese are engaged in the development of solid-fuel missiles and that an appropriate test site for an ICBM is nearing completion or has already been completed. The Chinese may be developing a regional strategy, in which she is giving priority to a nuclear mix of Medium-Range bombers, Medium-Range Ballistic Missiles and Intercontinental Ballistic Missiles, as well as tactical nuclear weapons. Although such a force may invite an attack, particularly in its incipient stages, the Chinese viewpoint is that the gamble is worthwhile if it produces the gaining of political prestige, serves to deter the Soviet Union, Japan, and the United States, and induces Asian countries to exert pressures to prevent an outbreak of general war. Conventional Forces The Chinese have given no indication that they will downgrade their conventional forces, despite their nuclear development. The Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA) is at least 2.3 million men strong,^ ^ garrisoned in 13 military regions and 23 districts. The Chinese Air Force, embracing 2500 planes, while perhaps the world's third largest, is largely obsolete. The Navy is small but may include some 40 conventional force submarines.^ ^ This compares with the Soviet force of about 3,375,000 troops divided into an Army of two million; an Air Force of 550,000; a Navy of 475,000; and, a Strategic Rocket Force of 350,000. Do these forces, conventional and unconventional, pose any great threat to world peace? Apparently there are many students of China and the U.S.S.R. who are genuinely worried 3 0/bjd. 3 1 Hsieh, op. cit. 3 2 Sin Min Chiu, "China's Military Posture," American Defense Policy, (Second Edition), edited by Mark E. Smith and Claude J. Johns, Jr. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1968), p. 320. 3 3/bjd., pp. 320-21. 42 over the mounting difficulties of these major powers. Two well-known reporters, Rowland Evans and Robert Novak, in a column from Washington, D.C., stated that some experts for months have said that the odds are 50-50 in favor of a Soviet strike against the growing Chinese nuclear arsenal.^ "* In my opinion, if the Soviets seriously considered such a drastic step, this would have occurred during the period of Khrushchev. Most experts discount the likelihood of a Sino-Soviet war. But one of the disclaimers is Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, who only half-jokingly told a group of scholars that he had two nightmares: one, that Moscow and Peking would make up; the other, that they would fight a war.^ ^ Such well-seasoned politicians as Senators Strom Thurmond and Stuart Symington have reportedly expressed astonishment over the announcement of Admiral Thomas Moorer that China could have ICBM's ready for production as early as 1975-76,^ ^ the warhead to carry to all major targets in the United States and the Soviet Union. It was with a background of these solemn warnings that President Richard Nixon made his historic journey to Mainland China in February 1972, seeking to open a new era of peaceful relations, after two decades of recriminations between Peking and Washington. Remjirks I would now like to deviate from doctrines and fairly- accurate reports on the Soviet-Chinese political and military situations and policies to make a few speculative remarks. In my opinion, the "opening" of China stems as much from China's basic needs as from the initiative of former President Nixon. I believe that the Chinese are apprehensive about their own isolation and frightened by the intensity of their confrontation with the Soviet Union. If we disallow North Korea and North Vietnam, China has only one close ally in the geographical sense, namely Pakistan, and that state has already been dismembered by India, and is separated from China by the most rugged terrain in the world, and furthermore, is harassed by its own hunger and poverty. Many Chinese still regard Japan as a greedy Samurai, who hungers for space and economic domina- tion, and who in times past took Manchuria, northeast China, Shantung Province, Formosa, and Korea, all possessions or former dependencies of China. The Chinese have few reliable friends and none of them of any significant power exemplified by such minor entities as Albania in Europe, and Guinea and Tanzania in Africa. ^'^Savannah Evening News, February 20, 1973. ^^ Newsweek, February 21, 1972, p. 55. ^^Savannah Morning News, January 17, 1973. 43 The Chinese desire to have their rear protected, while they are obliged to confront the Soviet Union over serious border^ ^ and ideological problems. The most formidable enemy of the C.P.R. for 20 years was the United States which in the spirit of real politik and desire for trade and a more harmonious relationship, now seeks a detente and a resumption of full diplomatic relations. Of course, Taiwan remains the thorn in the relationship and to Chiang Ching Kuo's island-fortress there is an important U.S. security commitment. However, with the reduction of the United States military force in Taiwan, the American presence will be minimal. The Nationalists on Taiwan do not have the ability to successfully attack the Mainland, even with a tough Army and Air Force,^ * and the Chinese Communists appcEir to have no immediate plans to take Taiwan by force. The greatest danger for the Chinese Communists is their growing nuclear capability. While a mature nuclear complex wUl give the Chinese prestige and the status of a major power, it poses the most tantalizing target for the Soviet military forces. If the Soviet Union could destroy this incipient threat with a preemptive strike, China would be humbled and the fangs extracted. My own view is that the Soviet Union (since Khrushchev's leadership), has a ripe appraisal of world realities and would not embark on such a drastic action, unless it foresaw that the United States and China were forging a military pact against the Soviet Union, rather than framing peaceful agreements for an exchange of commerce and culture. The American Government has gone to great pains to explain to the Soviet Union that a rapprochement with China is not directed against the Soviet Union, and that American efforts will bring a greater assurance of world peace. If the Soviet Union, in disregard of America's peaceful intentions, should recklessly destroy China's installations, it could obliterate in one blow all the bridges of amity that have been constructed. The reaction in America would be to prepare for war with the Soviet Union, possibly bringing in the wake of such development the immense expense of a complete Anti- Ballistic Missile System, new weapons, and the psychological conditions of the old "cold war." The tension produced by such an irresponsible action could easily spark a conventional or nuclear war. While I do not anticipate an immediate war between the Soviet Union and China, I do perceive that border incidents will continue, and, in the future, the U.S.S.R. may return some 3 7North, op. cit., pp. 208-9. 3 8 The Nationalist Air Force in skirmishes with the Communist Chinese over the Taiwan Straits has shown its superiority, with a kill-ratio better than ten to one. See Sin Min Chiu, op. cit., p. 321. Chiang Kai-Shek, died in 1975, succeeded by his son Chiang Ching Kuo. 44 limited areas in Asia to China. ^ ^ As the Chinese nuclear complex becomes more formidable, I foresee that China's restraint, so admirably applied to her foreign policy, will also be applied to her propaganda. Ultimately China and the Soviet Union will resume a taut respect for each other, based upon the realities that each has the ability to destroy the other, and with it, much of the world. If peaceful solutions are not attained, the results will be too terrifying to dwell upon. 3 9 The Times of India, July 12, 1974, quoting Soviet publications, indicated that talks between Chinese authorities and Soviet delegate, Mr. Leonid Ilyiche, on the subjects of territorial and political claims, are again deadlocked. The Chinese are reportedly engaged in a renewed propaganda campaign against Moscow, claiming that the Soviet Union is demanding as its price for normal relations the relinquishing of Chinese territory, even up to the Great Wall of China. Bibliography Books Bailey, Thomas A. A Diplomatic History of the American People. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1946. Hinton, Harold C. Communist China in World Politics. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1966. Isenberg, Irwin (ed.). The Russian-Chinese Rift. New York: H. W. Wilson, 1966. Langer, William L. An Encyclopedia of World History. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Riverside Press, 1948. Morison, Samuel Eliot and Commager, Henry Steele. The Growth of the American Republic. Vol. I. New York: Oxford University Press, 1942. North, Robert C. Chinese Communism. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966. Portisch, Hugo. Red China Today. New York: Fawcett Publications, 1967. Schurmann, Franz and Schell, Orville. Communist China: Revolutionary Reconstruction and International Confrontation 1949 to the Present. New York: Random House, 1967. Vinacke, Harold M. A History of the Far East in Modern Times. London: George Allen & Unwin, 1967. Official Publications U.S. Department of State. "Peoples Republic of China." Department of State Background Notes. Publication 7751, August 1971. Magazines Newsweek, February 21, 1972. The Retired Officer Magazine, September 1974. 45 Newspapers Savannah Morning News, January 17, 1973. Savannah Evening News, February 20, 1973. The Times of India, July 12, 1974. Articles and Periodicals Bobrow, Davis B. "Chinese Views on Escalation," American Defense Policy, Second edition, edited by Mark E. Smith and Claude J. Johns, Jr. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1968), pp. 327-8. Erickson, John. "Soviet Military Power," Strategic Review (Washington, D.C.: United States Strategic Institute), Spring 1973, pp. xiii and 18. Hsieh, Alice Langley. "China's Nuclear-Missile Programme: Regional or Intercontinental?" in The China Quarterly (London), No. 45, January-March 1971. Niu, Sien-Chong. "Red China's First Earth Satellite," NATO'S Fifteen Nations (Amsterdam, Netherlands: Jules Perel's Publishing Company, June-July 1971), pp. 78-81. Simmons, Henry T. "U.S. Strategic Power," The Retired Officer Magazine (September 1974), p. 34. Sin Min Chiu. "China's Military Posture," American Defense Policy, Second edition, edited by Mark E. Smith and Claude J. Johns, Jr. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1968), p. 320. Warner III, Edward L. "The Development of Soviet Military Doctrine and Capabilities in the 1960's,'' American Defense Policy, Second edition, edited by Mark E. Smith and Claude J. Johns, Jr. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1968), p. 318. "New Achievements in China's Science and Technology," in Trans- lations on Communist China (Washington, D.C.: Joint Publications Research Service), No. 116, 8 September 1970. 46 A MATHEMATICIAN'S VIEWS OF SCHOOL MATHEMATICS by Prince A. Jackson, Jr., Ph.D. Professor of Mathematics and Physics One of the continuing American dilemmas today is the shortage of first-class mathematics teachers at all levels of elementary and secondary schools. The educational literature pertaining to school mathematics is replete with references to the lack of highly trained mathematics teachers. It is simply a matter of history that prior to Sputnik in October, 1957, the warning cries of those who were keenly cognizant of our predicament, were largely if not totally, disregarded. Today, we are still receiving and reviewing proposals designed to give school mathematics great improvement by revamping the content and producing a better-trained teacher. Since the enactment of the National Defense Education Act of 1958, we have spend hundreds of millions of dollars each year in science and mathematics training programs, based on the premise, that our schools, colleges, and universities, can turn out more mathematicians and dedicated mathematics teachers if we put enough money into these programs. Some of the programs being pursued at present include: scholarships for mathematics teachers, scholarships for "bright" students, the construction of modern curricula in mathematics, the writing of textbooks in modern mathematical vernacular, plus proposals for the subsidization of mathematics and science teachers' salaries. While it is true that money can assist us in solving many of our problems in the teaching of mathematics, it will not solve all of them. We must recognize that some of our problems must be solved by our own attitudes. We are approaching the moment of decision in the teaching of mathematics. There are serious doubts, and justifiably so, whether we have received benefits commensurate with the huge investment of money in education programs over the past sixteen years. Questions are being posed which elude answers at present. Criticisms of our programs are increasing each day. Our programs have been studied time and time again but no valid conclusions can be drawn because we lack instruments to measure the effectiveness of our programs. While many of us believe that our programs have shown substantial improvement, we must refrain from making "ex-cathedra" statements about them because we lack concrete information to make such judgments. Yet, we must not stop here. We must continue to experiment. We must continue to develop new programs. We must continue to improve our existing programs. 47 The justification for new programs stands on solid grounds. First, new mathematics have been created; second, the impact of the computer upon society is legion, and third, the psychology of learning offers new insights into the teaching of mathematics. What are some of the programs that have become regular household words in mathematics education? Let us briefly review some of them and their objectives. As a matter of historical fact, the mathematics groups began to develop programs several years prior to Sputnik in 1957. The University of Illinois Committee on School Mathematics put its first textbook in use at the University of Illinois High School in September, 1952. Since then the UICSM program has been revised several times. The School Mathematics Study Group (SMSG), representing the largest of the mathematics improvement programs, was formed in 1958. Funded by the National Science Foundation from its incipiency, this group has sought to improve mathematics from kindergarten through high school. The University of Maryland Mathematics Project (UMMaP) took as its principal objective, to improve mathematics at the seventh and eighth grade levels. The material developed by this group has been used in at least ten states. The Boston College Mathematics Institute was organized by Reverend Stanley J. Bezuszka, S.J. to develop materials for the last five years prior to college. The emphasis of the material is on the structure of mathematics. The Ball State Teachers College Experimental Program was planned for grades seven through twelve. This program emphasizes mathematics through an axiomatic approach. The Greater Cleveland Mathematics Program has developed and is now using improved mathematics materials in the lower grades of Cleveland, Ohio. The ultimate goal of GCMP is to develop improved materials for all grades in the Cleveland schools. The University of Illinios Arithmetic Project was developed to give children a different view of mathematics. This is, to help them develop a fascination for work in mathematics. The project emphasizes "discovery" as its primary teaching tool. The Stanford Project has as its prime objective the teaching of mathematics through the notions of sets and operations on sets. A second project, known as Mathematical Logic, also sponsored by Stanford University, emphasizes logic for gifted students of the fifth and sixth grades. Yet, with all of these dynamic new programs in mathe- matics, we have not realized their full potential. It is abundantly clear that we will not derive full benefits from these excellent programs until we re-examine our teaching of mathematics. Somehow, we must revitalize the teaching of mathematics in our schools. When one hears the long list of mathematical facts handed out in our classrooms, one must reach the conclusion 48 that children attend classes simply because mathematics is a required subject. Many of us, in fact too many of us, teach mathematics dogmatically rather than deductively as it is by nature. To teach it dogmatically is redundant. The subject itself is exact. Why not let the student have the actual experience of discovering this. Using the "teaching is telling" method robs the student of the opportunity to discover that the mathematical process is the greatest product ever produced by the human intellect. To learn mathematics is to discover and understand the structure of mathematics. What makes a mathematician or good mathematics student is not the rote memorization of facts but the actual understanding of the mathematical process. When students are denied opportunities to discover the structure of mathematics, they usually fail to appreciate the overw^helming beauty of mathematics. As a result, many of them remain mathematically illiterate. Mathematics, as all of us know, is a difficult subject. So it is imperative that we find new ways to present mathematical content. In short, we must revitalize our teaching of mathematics across the entire spectrum from kindergarten through college. As teachers of mathematics, we must make many important decisions each day in the classroom. We must decide what mathematics should be taught, the method by which it should be taught, and the time which should be devoted to the material we select. We must also make decisions about materials and appropriate activities for students with varying abilities and goals. We must constantly measure our effectiveness. We must have good backgrounds in mathematics and we must be able to express our knowledge in terms which can be understood by those we teach. In other words, we must be able to communi- cate. We must make our students know that teaching and learning are a cooperative undertaking in which the learner is a co-equal with the teacher. When teacher and learner realize this or discover this partnership, the whole process of teaching and learning becomes a wonderful experience for both. Teaching mathematics is a very unique experience. It runs the gamut from sheer joy to sheer sorrow. The teaching of mathematics demands a constant revitalization of the method. Mathematics is beauty. It is the greatest intellectual achieve- ment of man. It is a way of thinking a way of solving problems and reasoning logically. It is the one perfect science when viewed axiomatically. It is a beautiful language. It is the study of structure. To infect others with our exuberance we must constantly remind ourselves that: (1) Everyone needs to realize that a thorough understanding of natural phenomena requires an understanding of mathematics. 49 (2) Everyone needs to realize that mathematics is needed in all Eireas of human affairs. (3) Everyone needs to realize that mathematics is an integral part of our cultural heritage. (4) Society is demanding greater numbers of persons with higher competence in mathematics. Today, we have many new topics in school mathematics. Such topics as systems of numeration, sets, mathematical structures, vectors, probability and statistics, hyperbolic and Riemannian geometry are staples in many mathematics pro- grams. The impact of these recent topics has forced changes in the teaching of mathematics all the way back to the kinder- garten. These new topics represent a "get-away" from the traditional mathematics curriculum. Interestingly, the rejection was based on the way mathematics had been taught and not so much on the mathematics itself. As we all know, the so-called "traditional mathematics" differs mainly in language from the so-called "modern mathematics." The recent topics represent the view that we have been grossly under-estimating the capacity of children to learn difficult material. There is much validity in Jerome Bruner's thesis that "any subject can be taught effectively in some intellectually honest form to any child at any stage of development." Then, too, the recent topics have contributed significantly to the creation of better articula- tion between high school and college. With the recent topics we can do much to revitalize the teaching of mathematics. This revitalization must begin with a study of recent trends in the area of school mathematics. Some of these are: (1) New topics will continue to be introduced, pushing current topics back to lower grade levels for study by younger students. (2) Mathematical language will become even more symbolic, precise, and sophisticated. (3) The language of sets will become even more extensive. (4) There will be more emphasis on the use of proofs in school mathematics. (5) More teachers will utilize "discovery" and "research" as their main teaching methods. (6) Mathematics teachers will take more content courses in their undergraduate work. These trends in mathematics suggest that we re -structure our present several curricula soon. We must begin to place topics such as numeration systems, space geometry, algebraic equations, logic, and probability as low as the fifth grade. Then we must develop these topics at increasing levels of sophistica- tion as students develop mathematical maturity. That is, we must operate on the basis of a sort of spiral curriculum. When 50 the students reach the ninth grade, we can begin to carry out mathemtaical proofs along with the introduction of advanced topics in algebra, heretofore reserved for the eleventh and twelfth grades. In the geometry we can derive a coordinate system for the number line and introduce some genuine coordinate geometry. By the time the students reach the eleventh grade, they will be sophisticated enough to work with functions and modern algebra including groups, rings, fields, and transformations. At this stage they are now ready to study non-euclidean geometry. In the twelfth grade, we can offer a genuine course in elementary calculus. To teach in such a program, teachers must rely heavily on the axiomatic and research methods. This is necessitated by recent reforms. The areas which will be emphasized are elementary set theory, symbolic logic, elementary modem algebra, and probability and statistics. To teach these topics effectively is to teach the structure of them. To understand structure, the student must use intuition. Intuition is developed through use of the axiomatic method. The axiomatic method is an approach where conclusions and results are reached by use of axioms. Use of it strengthens the students' grasp of intuitive thinking which is so necessary in "modern mathematics." By introducing mathematics topics axiomatically, the students will grasp the structure from the beginning. This means greater understanding. As a result, they will be able to use deduction at a higher level of sophistication. Axiomatic methods are not new. They were used by Aristotle. Euclid's work in geometry remains today a classical example of the power of an axiomatic system. It is extremely difficult to imagine how we can be successful in our teaching of the new topics unless we utilize the axiomatic method. The research method is another method which must find its way into our high schools. Mathematical research in high school does not mean repeating or copying results from mathematics journals by the students. And at the same time it should not be expected that a high school boy or girl will come up with a totally new result. We can use research as a method by assigning certain problems or questions to high school students within the context of their background and letting them come up with results. While these results are probably already known to the teacher, they are original to the students. This is important, because it encourages the students to work independently. Most of the mathematical facts we teach can be discovered by the students working independently. This method has produced outstanding results in science. We, in mathematics, must utilize it too. What can mathematics teachers do to get their profession really going? What can they do to really improve the teaching of mathematics? 51 There are several things which can be done almost im- mediately. These are things over which we have absolute control. The first objective should be self -improvement. To teach mathematics today requires an excellent background in mathematics content. The new topics in school mathematics require real mathematical knowledge as well as the best teaching techniques. Those who are weak in content must begin to correct their weaknesses by taking more mathematics courses at one of our institutions of higher education. This is the least we can do because we have students who are on the threshold of great opportunities for the well prepared. Those teachers who are unable to obtain further formal training must continue their education through self-study. To remain abreast of the new developments as they come forth, none of us, not even those who hold terminal degrees, can afford the luxury of resting on past knowledge. The second objective should be to make ourselves a more effective professional subgroup of our respective State Educa- tion Associations. As a group, we should be holding periodic meetings on a county-wide basis to swap ideas and teach each other. These meetings can do a lot to help elementary school teachers gain the competencies in mathematics which many of them now lack. Such a setup with each member holding membership in the National Council of Teachers of Mathe- matics could do much to stimulate growth of professional competence. The once a year regional meeting with a con- sultant, who many times is not as sharp as the teachers themselves, is simply not sufficient. If all of the mathematics teachers in an area met 90 minutes a minimum of three times per school year to teach each other, it would increase the mathematical achievements of many students significantly who are taught by these teachers. To modernize our mathematics program, we must unify ourselves. We must sit down together and find out what each of us is doing. In this way we can come up with a mathematics curriculum based not on random, disconnected, and sometimes incoherent topics, but rather on a logical, rational, and coherent design. By sitting together at the conference table, we can design a program which will make the articulation among elementary school, secondary school, and college easier. Such a program would reflect the thinking and ideas of the whole spectrum of educators and mathematicians. This would be a refreshing change from the mathematics program which is usually handed down and does not reflect any ideas of the teachers who have to teach in it. The writer will be the first to admit that his suggestions of what must be done are not easy. But it is not an impossible task. It can be done. It must be done. In the final analysis, it is the students of today who will emerge the winners or losers of tomorrow depending on our willingness to do what obviously 52 must be done today. The choice of action is obvious. RevitaUzed teaching of mathematics is a product of dedication to the profession, willingness to work hard, renewed interest in improving ourselves academically, and the desire to give our students the best to be had. The writer closes this paper with the following implication: If the intersection of everything written above and the readers' ideas is not an empty set, then we should begin to work immediately for an improved mathematics program in the schools. The writer is ready. Are you? 53 A SOLUTION TO AMERICA'S RACIAL DILEMMA? by Prince A. Jackson, Jr., Ph.D. President, Savannah State College It has been written by philosophers that "those who forget history are condemned to repeat it," The recent events surrounding the desegregation of the Boston, Massachusetts public schools are a tragic verification of the above philo- sophical and axiomatic implication. Evidently, Bostonians have forgotten the history of the desegregation efforts of the 1960's and are well on their way to repeating all of the errors and sufferings of that decade. Another event which verified the contrapositive (those who do not repeat history are those who do not forget it) of the above axiomatic implication was the treatment received by the writer at Georgia College at Milledgeville, Georgia during the ceremonies honoring and establishing a perpetual Chair in the name of the Honorable Carl Vinson, retired member of Congress who had served in Washington for fifty years. The writer^ and his administrative colleague were received warmly and accorded all of the rights, privileges, honors, and dignity thereunto appertaining to the Office of the President of Savannah State College. Twenty -six years ago, President James A. Colston^ of Georgia State College (now Savannah State College) and a few of his administrative colleagues were invited to attend a meeting on the same campus but were not allowed to remain because they were black men. It was necessary for the Georgia State Patrol to assure them safe passage to Macon, Georgia. The two events involving Boston and Milledgeville show that Boston has forgotten or never read the history of the desegregation efforts of the South during the 1960's and that Milledgeville did not forget what happened twenty-six years ago. If one were to use the tomato-throwing incident involving U.S. Senator Edward "Ted" Kennedy in Boston as an indicator of Boston's attitude towird desegregation, one must conclude that Boston has taken a path similar to that of a civilization which has embarked on reinventing the wheel. It would do well for the "Cradle of Liberty" to study the past efforts expended on desegregation so that it can avoid many of the same errors, pains, and traumata. Boston would do well to follow the 1 President Jackson and Dean Wilton C. Scott were the guests of the Georgia College at Milledgeville for this historical event on September 27, 1974. 2 Dr. James A. Colston was President of Georgia State College during 1947-49. 54 example of the late President Harry S. Truman, who always researched Classical Literature as an aid in solving current problems. Mr. Truman once said that there were no new problems, only new names. ^ On November 4, 1973, the writer had the honor and privilege of serving as the keynote speaker for the Teacher Education Conference For Black Colleges and Universities in Atlanta, Georgia. The Conference was attended by delegates representing thirty-one colleges and universities and five pro- fessional organizations. The title of the address'' was "The Unfulfilled Promise Black and White Together." The Boston troubles and the Milledgeville solution have convinced the writer that he should share some of his thoughts from that address with the reader because he believes that there is a great danger that the gap between the "Unfulfilled Promise" and reality has widened during the past year, and if left unchecked, may become unbridgable. To reverse this trend and return some sanity to a potentially explosive situation, professional edu- cators and citizens must drop their apathy and become concerned. It has been only seven years since the United States Commission On Civil Rights warned us about the potential explosiveness of racial isolation in the public schools through- out the United States. The Commission On Civil Rights said in part: Racial isolation in the public schools is intense throughout the United States. In the Nation's metropolitan areas, where two-thirds of both Negro and White population now live, it is most severe. Seventy -five percent of the Negro elementary students in the Nation's cities are in schools with enroll- ments that are nearly sQl -Negro (90 percent or more Negro), while 83 percent of the white students are in nearly all-white schools. Nearly nine of every 10 Negro elementary students in the cities attend majority -Negro schools.^ 3 The source of Mr. Truman's belief can be found in the bibUcal book of Ecclesiastes 1:9-10, "What has been, that will be; what has been done, that will be done. Nothing is new under the sun. Even the thing of which we say, 'See this is new!' has already existed in the ages that preceded us." The writer recalls that during his three and one-half years of study at Harvard University and Boston College, it was not unusual to hear some of the Classicists make the claim that "nothing is new under the sun. If one reads the classics widely, he will find that many of our problems have been solved before." * Prince A. Jackson, Jr., "The Unfulfilled Promise Black and White Together," Proceedings of the Teacher Education Conference For Black Colleges and Universities, November 4-6, 1973 (Atlanta, Georgia: Southern Regional Education Board), pp. 12-23. 5 Report of the United States Commission on Civil Rights, Racial Isolation in the Public Schools, Vol. I (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Govern- ment Printing Office, 1967), pp. 199. 55 While some of the statistics of the Commission's report have changed, its conclusions are probably more applicable today than seven years ago when they were first published. One year later some of the deadly effects of racial isolation in public education were cited in the report of the National Advisory Commission On Civil Disorders. The Commission On Civil Disorders said in part: The bleak record of public education for ghetto children is growing worse. In the critical skills verbal and reading ability Negro students are falling further behind whites with each year of school completed. The high unemploy- ment and underemployment rate for Negro youth is evidence, in part, of the growing educational crisis. We support integration as the priority education strategy; it is essential to the future of American society. In this last summer's disorders we have seen the consequences of racial isolation at all levels, and of attitudes toward race, on both sides, produced by three centuries of myth, ignorance and bias. It is indispensable that opportunities for interaction between the races be expanded . ( The writer has underlined the last sentence because of his strong convictions that racism will never be solved in America until there are more contact and communications between black and white citizens. This thesis has been advanced through the years by W. E. B. DuBois and others but to no avail. The great Swedish sociologist Gunnar Myrdal repeated it in his masterpiece. An American Dilemma^ in 1944. In that book, Myrdal described vividly the conditions which make it para- doxical to be black and human, or, to bring it closer to home, to be black and American. Today, thirty years later, we find most of the conditions written of by Myrdal, still with us. It would appear that if we are to have "black and white togetherness," we must start with today's children enrolled in the Nation's public school systems because they will be tomorrow's leaders. To bring about "black and white together- ness" presents some difficult challenges and the writer will present several of them at this time. The first challenge facing us is to recognize the importance of the recent surge of pride in being black exhibited by blacks today. Such slogans as "black is beautiful" are good because they are helping blacks and whites to overcome the automatic response of assigning evil and distastefulness to the color of ^Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, (New York: New York Times Edition, E. P. Button Company, Inc.), p. 425. ''Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1944). 56 black. Even in the Church, we use to associate death with black and in our story books we always had the witches and bad men dressed in black. Now we must realize that there are some black racists who are carrying the "black is beautiful" move- ment to extremes. Yet, when we look at the good to be gained, it is worth the risk we take by encouraging the movement but being ever vigilant that black racism is just as bad as white racism. A person who espouses black superiority is just as guilty as the bigot who believes that that whiteness determines superiority. Despite the negative aspects of the black racist, the "proud to be black" movement may go down in history as the most important development of the Twentieth Century. The second challenge facing us is the recognition of the disadvantages suffered by blacks because of past historical events. It is a well known fact that black unemployment rates are multiples of the country's unemployment rate. Today, there is still a lot of merit in the old saying, "blacks are the last to be hired and the first to be fired." Blacks of comparable education with whites earn only about 60 percent as much as those whites. Another harsh fact of life for blacks is that there are very few alternatives. A black cannot run away from danger because it is everywhere for him as a result of his social and economic conditions. Being black is the same as being white because both are human, but it is different from being white because black is the most highly visible color there is for human beings. For example, a white whose name is Mutt can change his identity by becoming "McMutt." Blacks, as a rule, would find this impossible. Our third challenge involves our schools. We must recongize that we are dealing with two cultures in our classrooms when we have blacks and whites in them. We have to set up inter- group conferences to foster better understandings of students and their cultural backgrounds by teachers of the opposite race. It is absolutely necessary to organize workshops for teachers to discuss and learn such things as black history and the effects of ghetto life on IQ examinations. Teachers, white and black, should examine textbooks to assure fair coverage of minority groups. If inter-group conferences are conducted well, they will assist teachers in (1) presenting a more balanced picture of the history of America, (2) improving race relations among the black and white students, and (3) helping black students to improve their self-image. A similar sort of program should be carried out for parents. They, too, should participate in inter-group conferences. Perhaps a simple test of how badly it is needed in our schools is to determine the extent of the integration of our local parents and teachers association. It is essential to have integrated parent organizations so that we can destroy the belief that blacks have which espouses the idea that they are not a part of the decision-making process. To meet this 57 challenge, might necessitate asking our present parents and teachers' associations to integrate their officers. The fourth challenge facing us is to destroy the myth that quality education suffers when integration becomes more than token. This is not true. Research shows that integration leads to significantly higher achievement levels for black students, and most importantly, white student achievement does not suffer as some claim, ^ Our fifth challenge is to achieve significant integration of the administrative and policy-making bodies of our public school systems. There are too few black Superintendents of Education and School Board members throughout the country. The number of blacks in these bodies must increase dramat- ically. As long as the current situation exists, black citizens will believe, and justifiably so, that the position of principal is as high as a black can go. Our sixth challenge comes to us from the former U.S. Commissioner of Education, James E. Allen. Dr. Allen said: It is the educator who must see to it that debates about means [of integration] such as busing, neighborhood schools, district boundaries . . . are not allowed to obscure the ends begin sought . . . ^ If we want "black and white togetherness" what better way is there than creating a truly unitary school system? Our seventh challenge is to find funds to finance projects and innovations which help bridge the gaps in experiences black children have as a result of economic deprivation. Some teachers might be surprised to learn that many of their black students may be having learning difficulties because they cannot communicate with them rather than for a lack of ability. This is why in-service training using the faculties and facilities of traditionally black colleges can be very important to success in the integrated classroom. These colleges have the expertise but have not been fully used in solving the racial problems of American education. Our eighth challenge is that we must recognize that blacks have prejudices as well as whites. Perhaps part of this prejudice is self-defense but nevertheless, it is prejudice. It is just as wrong for a black teacher to go into a classroom with preconceived notions as it is for a white teacher. The poorest science in the world is to theorize before one has data. Invariably one begins to shape facts to suit theories, instead of theories to suit facts. 8 Herbert W. Wey, "Desegregation It Works," Phi Delta Kappan (May, 1964), pp. 382-387. ^U.S. Commissioner of Education, James E. Allen, at an April 23, 1970 Congressional hearing. 58 Our ninth challenge is to stop perpetuating the dual school system by leaving dilapidated, worn-out school buildings to blacks in the inner city and building nice new shiny ones for whites in the suburbs. Such planning in the past has made the actual achievement of unitary school systems difficult for many of us today. If we can meet successfully all of the above challenges, what will result? Is the unfulfilled dream, "black and white together- ness," worth our time and efforts? After all, there are many blacks now saying "We do not want to integrate with you." Many blacks are now doing what many whites have done for centuries making ostentatious virtue out of color and absolving their inadequacies by postulating that "white is might and right." During the past two decades, a significant number of blacks have approved of and encouraged separatism as the best and most rewarding way to black liberation.^ ^ It is for the previously stated reasons that we must bring to fruition the unfulfilled dream of "black and white together- ness." There are many benefits for our society not to mention the moral aspects of our work in this direction. The first benefit of "black and white togetherness" is an opportunity to create an open society in our country. We will have an opportunity to head off the gloomy but true conclusion of the Commission on Civil Disorders that "our nation is moving toward two societies, one black, one white separate and unequal."^ ^ We still have time to reverse this polarization of our people. The second benefit is the creation of an atmosphere that will change attitudes of the future black and white adults of our country. In our schools, we can change attitudes toward race. This will prevent the development of prejudice. Much of the segregation we have today emanates from the "de facto" segregation we have in housing. Through our schools, we can reduce this greatly. The third benefit of "black and white togetherness" is the opportunity for black and white children to learn, work, and play together. By learning, working, and playing together, students will be able to learn about and respect other ethnic groups. They will learn to judge people on an individual basis rather than on the basis of race.^ ^ Stereotyping of ethnic groups, for the most part, is a result of the lack of contact with these groups. "Black and white togetherness" is an excellent vehicle for eradicating this hindrance to good race relations. 10 Jack Greenberg, "The Tortoise Can Beat the Hare," Saturday Review (February 17, 1968), p. 57. ^^ Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, op. cit., p. 11. 1 2 Neil V. Sullivan, "Should Administrators Seek Racial Balance in the Schools?" Phi Delta Kappan (March, 1968), p. 379. 59 The fourth opportunity offered by "black and white togetherness" is the academic stimulation offered students by contact with those from different backgrounds. Without a doubt, segregated education is just as harmful for whites as it is for blacks.'^ The human relations experience gained by the students will be well-worth our efforts to provide such opportunities. This adventure in human relations will help to knock down the remaining obstacles to developing open minds which for many reasons might be closed. The fifth benefit is the opportunity to bring relevance to our total school currrculum. A good school system is one that has a curriculum which is relevant to the several races and cultures it must serve. Reflecting relevance and fairness to minority groups will require far more than adding a few black and brown pictures in current textbooks. Much of the feelings of worthlessness and poor self-image were instilled in blacks by years of exposure to biased textbooks and histories. It is very important that black and white children learn that black people other than sports heroes such as Hank Aaron, O. J. Simpson, Muhammed Ali, Wilt Chamberlain, and Arthur Ashe can do and have done worthwhile things. They must learn of the contri- butions of Frederick Douglas, Nat Turner, Harriette Tubman, Crispus Attacks, Dr. Ralph Bunche, Thurgood Marshall, Dr. W. E. B. DuBois, Malcolm X, Booker T. Washington, George Washington Carver, Dr. Martin Luther King, and other outstand- ing blacks. The sixth benefit offered by "black and white togetherness" is the opportunity to bring the untapped source of black leadership into the mainstream of American life, "Black and white togetherness" means a sharing of leadership roles. This sharing will bring about a new openness we have yet to experience. It will restore the faith of the black American in the American system. The seventh benefit offered by "black and white together- ness" is that it will afford white students an opportunity to get fully acquainted with the black community by using black school facilities. This will assist in changing the attitude of the black community. From its very inception desegregation has meant a handful of blacks leaving black schools and going into white schools with little or no reciprocity. Since many whites have been saying that the facilities of the black schools axe equal to those of the white schools, there is no valid reason why desegregation of facilities should not be put on a two-way street. Desegregation on a two-way street at this crucial period in the history of public education will enhance greatly the belief and faith in the American dream of fair play. The eighth benefit offered by "black and white together- ness" is the opportunity for all students to be exposed to the 13 Ibid. 60 same quality of teaching. This has not been the case in the dual school system. Accumulated data show: The quality of teaching has been an important influence on the achievement of students, both advantaged and dis- advantaged. Negro students are more likely than white students to have teachers with low verbal achievement, to have substitute teachers, and to have teachers who are dissatisfied with their school assignments.^ ^ We can no longer afford to be biased in the quality of teaching to which students are exposed. In the unitary school system this bias will not be possible. The ninth benefit offered by "black and white together- ness" is the opportunity to restore the faith of the black teacher in the establishment. In the past, his credentials, no matter how impressive or impeccable, for the most part, were not quite good enough to teach white students. As a result, it is difficult for the black teacher to develop a position of potency. He cannot be made to feel that he is important as long as he is token. When he is assigned in significant numbers to teach white as well as black students in the unitary school system, he will have an excellent opportunity to show his importance among white groups. When white students begin to see and study under a significant number of black teachers, stereotyping will cease to a significant degree. Seeing the black teacher teach other race groups will enhance the self-image of black students. The tenth benefit offered by "black and white together- ness" is the stemming of the tide of the demise of the black public school administrator. It is going to be virtually im- possible to build and maintain the morale of black students and teachers if they are administered, supervised and manipulated in all aspects of their work by white people. The predominant pattern so far in desegregation has been to use former black principals and supervisors in "Assistant to the Superintendent" or "Assistant to the Principal" capacities. Everyone knows that this is a smokescreen to avoid assigning blacks to principalships in integrated schools. The number of black administrators in the school system should reflect to a significant degree the proportion of blacks in the school system. These administrative positions should range widely. The day of tokenism has passed. The eleventh benefit offered by "black and white together- ness" is that many Americans, blacks included, will learn, much to their surprise and delight or consternation, that blacks are not nearly as culturally disadvantaged as many think. In many ways, blacks are culturally advantaged. We have studied and experienced the works of Rudyard Kipling, Ludwig Van Report of the United States Commission on Civil Rights, op. cit., p. 209. 61 Beethoven, Socrates, Edgar Allan Poe, Rene Descartes, and Michelangelo. But more fortunately than most Americans, we have also studied and experienced the works of the black poet, Clade McKay, who wrote, "If we must die, let it not be as hogs, hunted and penned in an inglorious spot." We have also studied and experienced the compositions of Edward "Duke" Ellington, the philosophical legacies of Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X, the writings of Richard Wright and James Baldwin, the scientific contributions of George Washington Carver and Charles Drew, and the artistic works of Issac Hathaway and Robert Bannister. The list could go on and on. Would not it be wonderful if others could share the joy of what many of us understand as the "black experience" when we relax to the trumpet of Miles Davis or the voice of Aretha Franklin? The twelfth benefit offered by "black and white together- ness" is the opportunity to exhibit in action what the "Fatherhood of God and Brotherhood of Man" means to Americans. We show our love for God through the manner in which we treat our fellowman. Jesus told us this many times in many ways. St. Paul told us that if we should have "faith so as to remove mountains and not charity, we have nothing." So we have a moral mandate to bring to realization, the unfulfilled promise of "black and white togetherness." The way to our goal is difficult, to say the least. We professional educators and citizens, black and white, must not despair. We must continue to work together for the "greater glory of God," the betterment of mankind, and our mutual benefit. Sometimes, we do not understand the intentions of each other but we must continue to seek a common ground upon which to work. Let us also remember that up through the sixties, blacks were exhorted to exhibit patience and tolerance and they performed these tasks admirably. But the time ran out for their patience and tolerance. The burden of patience and tolerance is now on the shoulders of white America. The writer's plea is for white Americans to accept and carry the burden as did blacks for generations. To those who tire and become impatient or who doubt the eventual realizations of the unfulfilled promise of "black and white togetherness," they should recall the following words of Justice John Marshall Harlan taken from his eloquent dissent in Plessy v. Ferguson: . . . But in the view of the Constitution, in the eye of the law, there is in this country no superior, dominant, ruling class of citizens. There is no caste here. Our Constitution is color blind and neither knows nor tolerates classes among citizens. In respect of civil rights, all citizens are equal before the law. The humblest is the peer of the most powerful. The law regards man as man, and takes no 62 account of his surroundings or his color when his civil rights as guaranteed by the supreme law of the land are in- volved.^ ^ Let us remember that while it is no longer true that the state and federal governments allow race hate to be planted under the sanction of law, much of Justice Harlan's stinging rebuke is applicable today, seventy -seven years later. The unitary school system is our one big opportunity to close the gap between the theory and practice of Americanism. As leading Americans in the education world, let us lead the way by creating a true unitary system of education in America for Eill Americans. It is indeed the solution to America's racial dilemma. It is our last great hope. We can have "black and white togetherness;" we must have "black and white togetherness;" we shall have "black and white togetherness." ^ ^Plessy V. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 559 (1896). Bibliography Greenberg, Jack. "The Tortoise Can Beat the Hare," Saturday Review (February 17, 1968), p. 57. Jackson, Prince A., Jr. "The Unfulfilled Promise Black and White Together," Proceedings of the Teacher Education Conference for Black Colleges and Universities. Atlanta: Southern Regional Educa- tion Board (November 4-6, 1973), pp. 12-23. Myrdal, Gunnar. An American Dilemma. New York: Harper Brothers, Publishers (1944). Plessy V. Ferguson. 163 U.S. 559 (1896. Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders. Washing- ton: U.S. Government Printing Office (1967). Report of the United States Commission Civil Rights. Racial Isolation in the Public Schools. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office (1967). Sullivan, Neil V. "Should Administrators Seek Racial Balance in the Schools?", Phi Delta Kappan (March, 1948), p. 379. Wey, Herbert W. "Desegregation It Works," Phi Delta Kappan (May, 1964), pp. 382-387. 63 INCOME AS DETERMINED BY SCHOOLING AND RACE IN SAVANNAH: MULTIPLE REGRESSION ESTIMATE OF THE FUNCTIONAL RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CENSUS TRACT MEDIAN FAMILY INCOME, MEDIAN YEARS SCHOOLING, AND RACIAL PROPORTION, 1970 Max Johns 1. Introduction The most meaningful single measure of a community's economic well-being is median annual family income. Because of the usefulness of this measure the 1970 Census of Population provides median family income estimates in many settings. For cities large enough to treat as standard metropolitan statistical areas (SMSA)^ the Census tabulates median family income for each census tract. The census tract is a small geographical unit composed by the Census Bureau to correspond to the urban neighborhood. The 1970 Census groups the 188 thousand inhabitants of the Savannah area into 55 census tracts and provides a wealth of economic and social data on each census tract group. In last year's Bulletin I analyzed the distribution of family income within and between Savannah census tracts.^ In that article I described a future research project as an exploration of reasons for the striking differences in median family income. Thus the objective of this work is to ascertain and measure the fundamental determinants of median family income differences among Savannah census tracts. The most important factor influencing income is level of education. Education increases productivity and productivity generates income. The specific objective of this analysis is to answer the compound question: what is the average growth in census tract family income resulting from an additional year of schooling, and to what degree does years of schooling con- tribute to the determination of median family income? In order to measure the relationship between income and years of schooling it is necessairy to define the two variables with 1 These are cities with at least 50,000 population. The SMSA covers the geographic area composing the economic system of the city. Thus it transcends the city's corporate boundaries. In 1970 the Savannah SMSA consisted of Chatham County. For future censuses it will include Bryan and Effingham Counties also. 2 Johns, Max Theo, "Income Profile of Savannah Residents; A Comparison of the Status of Black and Non-Black Families," Faculty Research Bulletin, Savannah State College, December, 1973, pp. 83-100. 64 reference to quantitative data. The data come from the 1970 census of population,^ The operational income variable is census tract median family annual income. The education variable is median years schooling for adult (age 25 + years) residents of the census tract, A detailed description of these variables for the 46 census tracts analyzed"* is given in Section 2. Also, Section 2 describes a third variable, percent of census tract residents who are Black, This variable must be considered in any study of income determination since Negroes, as a group in Savannah, enjoy only approximately half the per family income as Whites. Methods of correlation and regression are used in Section 3 to analyze relationships between the above variables. That level of schooling contributes heavily to the determination of median family income is shown by the high coefficient of correlation, .87, between the two variables. That the racial composition of the census tract population is also an important variable in the determination of income is indicated by the high negative coefficient of correlation, -.86, measuring the degree of associa- tion between median family income and percent of Black population. In meeting the objectives of this section to work out a satisfactory measurement of the relationship between income, education, and racial composition, the encouraging implication is drawn that income is predominantly a matter of level of education rather than race. Multiple regression is used with considerable success to measure this relationship. The following regression equation explains 83.8 percent of the variation in median family income among Savannah census tracts. Where Y = the regression estimate of census tract median family income given median years schooling, Xj , and its percent Black population, X2 , the equation is Y = -$1,985 + $976Xi -$21X2 . On the average, median family yearly income for census tracts gains $976 for each additional year of schooling and loses $21 for each percentage point of Black population, Yecirs of schooling is by far the more powerful of the two variables in determining median family income. Of the 83.8 percent income variation explained by the regression equation, 56.8 percent is attributed to years of schooling, Xi , and 27.0 percent to percent Black population, X2 . "^ Census Tracts, Savannah, Georgia, Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area, PHC (1)-193, U. S. Bureau of the Census, 1970. '^Most of the socio-economic data are not reported for one downtown census tract due to its tiny population. Eight other census tracts were excluded for analytical reasons (see Section 2). 65 Section 4 argues that the census tract observation unit, unlike larger geographic units, allows the unqualified use of income as the dependent variable and education as the independent variable since there is no ambiguity in the direction of causation between the variables. With this in mind the small error in the regression equation represents a successful meeting of the study's objective to identify the fundamental income determining variables and to measure their functional relation- ship with census tract median family income. 2. Data and Variable Measurement The data are subject to two kinds of limitations beyond possible omitted subjects^ and the common clerical errors incurred in data gathering and handling processes. The first limitation is sampling error, a measurable degree of expected variation in any information obtained from sampling as opposed to full coverage. The variables analyzed here come from 20 percent samples, an extremely large percentage compared to common survey practice. Due to this large sample size, sampling error is negligible for most observations, presenting a problem only with census tracts having tiny populations. The census tract populations used here are large enough for sampling error to present no obstacle for the objectives of this analysis. The second limitation results from a characteristic inherent in the use of aggregate data for regression analysis: lack of correspondence between observation unit and behavior unit for certain uses. If one were interested in estimating the income of an individual family, given the level of education of the income receiver, the behavior unit would be the individual family. For this estimation he would need a regression equation derived from individual family observations. The present regression equation is derived from aggregate (census tract) observations. For this reason inferences about individual family income expectations should be made only with great reservation. The optimum setting for measuring a relationship obtains with observation units that are identical in all relevant variables except those under analysis. In the interest of uniformity eight anomalous census tract observations were expunged from the analysis. The percent of census tract wives, husband present, who are members of the. labor force (designated W), and the percent of census tract population in the economically pro- ductive age group of 18 - 64 years (A) are factors which might be expected to influence median family income, especially in extreme cases. Extreme values of W and A often indicate anomalous conditions in which income is to a large degree, not determined by productivity and schooling. For example, a very 5 Omission is usually no problem in the U. S. censuses except in very low income populations. 66 large value of A could reflect the presence in the census tract of a military installation, a college, or even a prison, while a very low value of A may represent the presence of a large home for the aged. In neither of these situations would income come from earnings of labor, in which productivity would be an important determinant. Often a very low value of W is found in the poverty cycle ghetto where there is a comparatively small amount of gainful employment and income is largely from public assistance. A very small value of W could also exist at the other end of the income spectrum, in a very wealthy census tract, where the working wife might be infra dig. The presence of anomalous units weakens the analysis and, within limits, their exclusion is justified.^ Each of the 46 census tracts analyzed is listed in the Data Appendix with its median family income, median years school- ing, and percent Black population. 3. Years of Schooling and Racial Proportions as Determinants of Median Family Income A. Years of Schooling The bulk of family income comes from the earnings of human employment.^ Economic theory teaches that labor earnings are determined primarily by productivity. Experience shows that, generally, labor productivity grows with formal education and training. The Savannah census tract data support these connections thoroughly. The scatter diagram of Figure 1 illustrates the high degree of association between the two variables census tract median family income and median years schooling. The dots, one for each census tract, fall into a pattern revealing a strong positive relationship between the two variables. The coefficient of correlation between income and schooling measures the strength of this relationship: R = .89. This is a remarkably high value for economic variables which are not time-related. Squaring the correlation coefficient produces R^ = .80, the coefficient of determination. This statistic shows that 80 percent of the variation in median family income is explained by median years schooling; that is, years of schooling con- tributes 80 percent to the determination of median family income. This analysis would be comparatively simple if years of schooling were the only income-determining variable of im- portance. It is not frequent in economic research to find a cross-sectional explanatory model so powerful that it accounts 6 See Methodological Appendix A for explanation of exclusion procedure and discussion of observations excluded. "7 Approximately 90 percent of family income in the Savannah SMSA comes from either the sale or the self-employment of labor resources. 67 FIGURE 1 Scatter Diagram, Median Family Income vs. Median Years Schooling iiii i i i iii iii iii i ii ii iHi ii i ii iiii i i E ga 14 13 12 11 10; 9 Median Family Income, Thousands of Dollars -iB ] li tta 10 11 12 13 14 Median Years Schooling for four fifths of the variation in question. In the absence of additional explanatory variables one would be quite content with the above analysis, feeling assured that he had established a reasonably satisfactory explanation of census tract variation in .median family income. This is not the case, however. B. Racial Proportions The scatter diagram of Figure 2 displays a pronounced negative relationship between median family income and percent of Black census tract population. The numerical specifications of this relationship are R = -.856 and R^ = .733. Thus percent of Black population appears to explain 73.3 percent of the variation in family income, alnfost as much as. 68 FIGURE 2 Scatter Diagram, Median Family Income vs. Racial Proportion Median Family Income, Thousands of Dollars Percent of Black Population explained by years of schooling.^ Obviously, any explanation model without provision for this variable would be most unsatisfactory. The multiple regression model provides the most effective means of incorporating an additional explanatory variable into the analysis. C. Multiple Regression Analysis (1) The Model The following equation represents the linear multiple regression model used. 8 One obviously cannot have more than 100 percent of variation explained. Note that 80.0 plus 73.3 equals 153.3 percent. This apparent contradiction is explained by correlation between the explanatory variables, to be discussed below. 69 Y = A + BiXi -B2X2 +E. The terms of this equation, each with reference to the census tract observation unit, are defined as follows. Y = the regression estimate of median family income, given observation values for Xi and X2 , A = a balancing quantity, without substantive meaning in this context,^ Xj = median years schooling, and Bj = the regression coefficient for Xj . This coefficient shows the amount by which median family income for any observation can be expected to exceed that of another which has one unit less median years of schooling and the same racial proportion. X2 = racial proportion in terms of percent Black population and B2 = regression coefficient for X2 . This coefficient shows the amount by which median family income can be expected to fall short of another which has one percent point less of Black population and the same median years schooling. Further, numerical values for these regression coefficients, along with the value of A, enable one to calculate a regression estimate, Y, for given values of Xj ^and X2 . This estimate is the average, or expected, value of Y for all theoretically possible observations which have the assumed values for Xj and X2 . In other words, ^ is the mean of the conditional probability distribution of median family income given median years schooling and percent Black population. The last term in the model equation, E, refers to unexplained variation in census tract median family income. Unexplained variation, often called "error" or the "residuals," exists in two forms. One form comes from the influence of variables, other than Xj and X2 , that ire functionsilly related to Y. The composition of this systematic residual variation is interesting and often has important implications for regression work. This topic is treated in Methodological Appendix C-3. The other form of unexplained variation is random variation, an element always present in empirical economic explanations. Random variation comprises the host of individually small elements that contribute to the determination of income, but not in any systematic fashion. In the aggregate, residual variation balances out; that is, the calculated value of E is zero,^ ^ the mathematical result of the least squares regression computation. A regression model of the form Y = A + BiXi +. . . + BkXk + E ^ A is the Y-intercept of the linear equation. Mechanically interpreted, it is the level of income to be expected for Xi=0 and X2=0. Since no census tract would have a median of zero years schooling, the variable A is without practical meaning. 10 Thus E does not appear in computed regression equations such as the one in the following section. 70 which had, somewhere between A and E, an X variable to represent each systematic determinant of Y, would have random variation only in the E term. This is doubtlessly a desirable situation, but regrettably beyond practical reach. The need for observations increases at a geometric rate as new explanatory variables are added to the model. The data worked here cannot support regression of more than two explanatory variables. In fact, as explained in Methodological Appendix C-1, the use of the regression equation calculated from these data has certain constraints arising from data inadequacy. (2) The Equation The data yield the following trivariate regression equation:^ ^ Y = -$1,985 + $976Xi - $21X2 . The functional relationship between income and schooling, holding racial proportion constant, is an increase of $976 for each additional year of schooling. Holding level of schooling constant, the expected family income drops by $21 for each additional percentage point of Black population. A most useful method of bringing out the information this equation offers is to compare its regression coefficient Bi = $976 to that of the equation for income regressed on schooling alone. The latter equation is^ ^ Y = -$6,951 + $l,365Xi. The size of the multiple regression coefficient for the Xj variable is considerably smaller than the coefficient for this equation. The reduction in measured income gains from schooling results from the account the larger model accords the other major income-determining variable, percent Black popu- lation. The advantage furnished this analysis by the multiple regression model is its capacity to isolate and measure the contribution made by years of schooling to the determination of median famOy income. Hence it provides the regression coefficient for years of schooling, Bj = $976, under the condition of fixed racial proportions. With the bivariate regression equation the coefficient for years schooling, Bi = $1,365, actually overstates the income gains from schooling. From census tract to census tract, as median years schooling varies up and down, percent of Black population fairly regularly 1 1 See Data Appendix for computations and Methodological Appendix B for technical specifications for the regression equation. 1 2 Standard error of the estimate for this equation is $1,147. 71 varies in the opposite direction. Thus, if you assume an increase in Xi you take on at the same time a decrease in X2 . Some of the measured gain in income is produced by the diminished burden of racial discrimination experienced by the residents of the favored census tract. The following exercise demonstrates this relationship. Assume a one-year increase in Xj , Using Y = -$6,951 + $l,365Xi a resulting income gain of $1,365 is estimated. How much of this gain should be attributed to the corresponding average decrease in percent Black population, X2 ? With the multiple regression equation, which holds X2 constant, the calculated gain is $976. Thus the difference between $1,365 and $976, the amount $379, is due to the average decrease in X2 accompanying the assumed increase in Xj . Another method of demonstrating the nature of the achievement of regression analysis shows the increasing precision with which one measures central tendency of the distribution of median family incomes. The following discussion compares the precision for three situations: where no variable other than the dependent is used (no regression), where the bivariate model is used, then where the trivariate model is used. This demonstration uses standard error, the common measure of unexplained variation. Roughly two thirds of the obser- vations analyzed can be expected to fall within the distance of one standard error in each direction from the mean. All variation is unexplained when there are no explanatory variables used. The initial measure of unexplained variation is the standard deviation of Y: SDy= $2,595. Thus, two thirds of census tract median family incomes can be expected to lie within an interval $5,190 wide, twice the size of SDy. With the bivariate regression equation standard error of the estimate diminishes to $1,147. Thus two thirds of incomes, for a given level of schooling, can be expected to lie within an interval $2,294 wide. Then, with the larger regression model, standard error of the estimate drops to $1,068. Two thirds of the income observations for a given level of schooling and a given percent Black population will lie within an interval $2,136 wide. This narrowing of interval represents the growing estimating pre- cision gained from the incorporation of additional information into the analysis which is possible through the use of more powerful statistical models. (3) Demonstrations on Actual Observations It is interesting to calculate the regression estimate for one of the census tracts and compare the resulting expected median income with actual income. Census tract 34 has 12.4 median years schooling and its population is 13.5 percent Black. Thus Xi = 12.4 and X2 = 13.5, and 72 Y = -$1,985 + $976(12.4) - $21(13.5) = $9,834. As with almost any regression estimate which can be checked against reality, this one differs from the actual value. The latter, being $10,374, exceeds the regression estimate by $540. This and all the other deviations between estimated and actual income in the data set make up the variation left unexplained by our regression equation. Much of the deviation for this rather typical observation is probably of the random variety and, therefore, not traceable to its source. Turn now to a decidedly atypical observation. Census tract 5, one of the anomalous rejects discussed in Section 2, has Xi = 8.9,X2 = 71.5, and Y = -$1,985 + $976(8.9) - $21(71.5) - $5,200. Actual median family income for this tract is $2,608, showing a negative deviation of almost $2,600. A look at some character- istics of the population of this census tract shows substantial non-random reasons for this deficit. First, only 39 percent of the population are in the economically productive age group between 18 and 64 years of age. The average percent for the Savannah area is 56.3, with a probability of less than 2 percent of there being a census tract with a percentage as low as 39. Another contributing factor to the tract's low income is a relatively small percent of economically productive wives, husband present. The area's average percent is 38.8, while in this census tract only 22.9 percent of undivorced and un- widowed wives work. The probability is less than 5 percent of there occurring this small a percent of working wives. Regard- less of the level of education and productivity of the working population in a census tract, a relatively low family income should be expected from such a large percentage of the population not contributing to production. (4) Relative Importance of Schooling and Racial Proportion as Income Determinants The goal of regression analysis as used here is to account for, or explain, variation in the dependent variable. Of the total variation in the dependent variable census tract median family income, the regression Y = -$1,985 + $976Xi - $21X2 explains 83.8 percent, the coefficient of determination being R^Yi2 - -838. This statistic should be compared to the co- efficient of determination, Rayx ^ -800, which measures the explanatory power of the bivariate regression equation Y = -$6,951 + $l,365Xi . The difference between these two percents (83.8 - 80.0), 3.8, measures the improvement in explanatory power as a result of employing multiple regression and adding the percent Black variable. 73 The gain in veracity, of course, is more than what is measured above. The smaller regression equation overstates the contribution made by years of schooling to the determination of income. The points made in discussion a few paragraphs back regarding regression coefficients are valid here, also. It is only within the context of the other fundamental determinant of income, percent Black population, that the importance of years of schooling can be measured. This measure consists of comparing the coefficient of partial determination for school- ing, R^Yi ^ .568, with the coefficient of multiple determi- nation. The coefficient of partial determination measures the percent of variation in income explained by years of schooling Eilone, holding percent Black population constant. The difference between this partial coefficient and the multiple coefficient (83.8 - 56.8), 27.0, shows the percentage contri- bution to explanation of income differences made by the variable percent Black population. These measures indicate that, as a whole, the contribution made by schooling to the determination of income greatly exceeds the contribution made by percent Black. Further consideration of this aspect of the analysis is pursued in the next section. The preceding discussion has been predicated on certain strengths of the regression analysis. The regression also has weak points which warrant discussion. These points are exposed in Methodological Appendix C where the regression equation is evaluated. 4. Conclusion and Implications The objective of identifying the fundamental determinants of Savannah census tract median family income and estimating the functional relationship through which these determinants work has been reasonably met. The variables which were isolated, years of schooling and percent Black population, explain 83.8 percent of the variation in median family income. The regression equation Y = -$1,985 + $976Xi - $21X2 has an exceptionally small error for cross-sectional economic variables. Further, no source other than random variation was found to account for the remaining 16.4 percent of unexplained variation in income, although numerous attempts were made to reveal additional explanatory variables. There is, however, a question of ambigious causation that needs to be examined. Census data aren't usually very helpful in providing infor- mation pertaining to the functional relationship through which level of education determines income. It is, of course, easy to find in census data a close regression fit of income on education using state-by-state, county-by-county, or city-by-city com- parisons. But for each of these examples the following question is vital: are incomes higher for some observations because their years of schooling are greater, or are their years of schooling greater because of higher incomes? The census tract is not open 74 to the reverse causation question as are the larger geographic units. The disaggregation accompHshed with the census tract makes legitimate the use of the regression model with income the dependent and education the independent variable. There are two theories that might explain the statistical association generally found between family income and level of education. The first holds that additional education increases productivity and higher productivity increases earnings and income. The second theory argues that higher family income enables people to spend longer periods of time in the non-earning capacity of student. According to the first theory, higher education is the cause of higher income; in the second, higher income is the cause of higher education. On close examination, however, it becomes clear that these theories are not simply the same function with a reversal of the variables. Theory one stands as stated. One's income is largely determined by his education, since the latter largely determines the type of work one does. Theory two, however, is not quite correct as stated. It is not his income that determines ones level of education. Rather, (to the extent there is a causative relation- ship in this direction) the amount of time one spends in school is influenced by the past income of his parents. Low median family income would, from this relationship, produce low levels of education only if the observation units contained succeeding generations. But in our mobile society children often achieve levels of education beyond the expectation of their parents. With the resulting higher incomes the younger generations find residences in different neighborhoods from their parents, where there are people with similar income levels and consumption patterns. If the geographic unit is so large that residential differentiation according to earnings cannot be discerned, then theory two may have validity. It clearly does not have validity using the neighborhood specific census tract observation unit. Elements of the regression equation Y = -$1,985 + $976Xi - $21X2 can be used to examine various facets of the relationship between income, education, and racial proportions. The ratio Bi /B2 measures, in terms of income gain and loss, the percentage points of Black population which are offset by one year of schooling. This ratio, $975/$21 = 46.5, means that, on the average for census tracts, one year of schooling generates enough extra income to offset the negative income effect of 46.5 percentage points of Black population. This same approach, taken from a different angle, is to calculate the ratio B2(100)/Bi = $2,100/$976 = 2.15 and interpret it as showing the additional years schooling it would take to wholly remove the median family income deficit between a totally Black census tract and a totally White census tract with the same initial median years schooling. Another facet of the relationship can be seen by examining the coefficients of determination for the multiple regression 75 equation. The coefficient of partial determination of income on schooling sQone, R^ y i "^ .568, shows that 56.8 percent of the variation in census tract median family income is explained by median years schooling. The coefficient of multiple determi- nation for the equation, R^ y 1 2 = .838, shows that both variables, schooling and racial proportion together explain 83.8 percent of total income variation. The difference between these two figures, 27.0 percent, measures the contribution made by the variable percent Black population to the total explained variation. Thus the ratio R^ y^ /(^^ Y^ ^ "^^ Y^ ? " .568/.270 = 2.10, shows the importance of schooling relative to race as a determinant of income. Thus schooling is more than twice as powerful as racial proportions in determining census tract median family income. It would not be legitimate to press this multiple regression equation into service as an instrument for forecasting future income levels. There would be more feasible approaches to forecasting a census tract's future median family income since factors other than these variables would assuredly emerge over the passing of time and play a large part in determining the tract's income trend. At the same time, one can certainly expect the overall functional relationship between income and school- ing to hold, if not in the dollar size of its regression coefficient, at least in the surpassing size of its coefficient of determination. This suggests a great income potential to be realized through gains in years schooling. This discussion has focussed on the predominance of increased schooling as a means of achieving economic better- ment. However, the implications discussed should not be made into a rationale for diminishing political and legal efforts to eradicate any form of discrimination which creates econom- ically unjustifiable income deficits. These findings should be interpreted as showing that persistent devotion to the goal of improved education can, on the average, lead to notable gains in economic well-being. 5. Data Appendix Data Table Y = census tract median family income. Xi = census tract median years schooling. X2 = census tract percent Black population. ^ Y = regression estimate of census tract median family income, given Y = -$1,985 + $976Xi - $21X2. Census Tract Y Xi X2 Y-Y 3 $ 8,523 12.0 13.7 $ -916 6 4,393 8.0 98.9 647 8 4,290 9.4 37.0 -2,122 9 7,433 12.8 7.3 -2,922 10 3,541 6.9 98.6 862 11 4,884 7.9 76.1 757 76 Census Tract Y Xi X2 Y- Y 13 $ 4,000 8.5 81.6 $ -597 15 5,907 11.0 51.0 -1,773 17 2,890 8.0 95.8 -921 18 4,453 8.0 97.9 686 19 4,574 8.9 77.0 -510 20 4,356 8.3 99.3 423 21 5,996 10.4 59.9 -912 22 8,935 12.0 4.6 -695 23 4,638 10.3 99.6 -1,338 24 5,887 9.1 92.9 941 26 7,112 10.9 19.6 -1,130 27 6,967 11.7 14.4 -2,165 28 6,760 10.3 68.8 137 29 11,097 12.9 0.1 494 30 11,527 12.6 1,214 32 5,450 9.1 73.9 105 33 7,069 11.1 99.9 318 34 10,374 12.4 13.5 540 35.01 8,589 11.5 4.5 -556 35.02 10,205 12.3 185 36.01 7,968 10.6 14.9 -80 36.02 9,407 11.7 5.6 90 37 7,744 11.1 0.3 -1,098 38 9,265 12.3 16.7 -404 39 10,988 12.4 1.4 900 40 11,843 12.7 1.5 1,464 44 5,237 9.7 89.5 -171 107 8,727 10.7 12.4 529 41 11,646 12.7 1,236 42.01 12,186 12.8 3.1 1,743 42.02 10,701 12.4 0.8 600 45 6,143 9.2 92.0 1,081 102 8,088 10.9 11.1 -332 105 8,284 10.8 4.6 -175 106.01 9,329 11.1 23.4 972 106.02 6,552 8.4 49.6 1,380 108 8,699 10.5 9.6 638 109 9,221 12.1 5.1 -497 110 10,650 12.5 9.1 626 111 11,389 12.6 1.5 1,108 Source: Census Tracts, Savannah, Georgia, Standard Metropolitan Statisti- cal Area, PHC (1)-193, U. S. Bureau of the Census, 1970. Sums, Means, and Sums of Squares and Products SXi = 493.42 2X2 = 1,738.3 2Y = 353,895 Xi = 10.73 X2 = 37.79 Y = 7,693 LX] = 5,422.71 Zxl = 134,374.03 SY^ = 3,025,524,677 XXjY = 3,973,581.7 SXjY = 9,478,644.5 2Xi X2 = 16,141.72 77 Glossary SST = total sum of squares. SSR = regression sum of squares. SSE = error (residual) sum of squares. R = coefficient of correlation. j R^ = coefficient of determination. SEE = standard error of the estimate. Regression Equation Y = A + BXj and Related Computations B = 2XiY- [(I:Y)(2Xi)] /N-^SX^ -(2:Xi)Vn = 1,365.22 A=l/N [2Y-B(2Xi)] =-6,950.69 Thus Y = -$6,951 -i- $l,365Xi SSR = B [sXjY- 1/N(2:Y)(2Xi)] =242,352,885 SST = SY^ - 1/N(2Y)^ = 302,879,655 SSE = SST - SSR = 60,526,770 R = ySSR/SST = .89 R^ = .80 SEE = /SSE/ (N - 2) = 1,173 Regression Equation Y = A - BX2 and Related Computations B = 2X2Y- [(2Y)(i:X2)] /N^SXI -(2X1 )/N = -56.70 A=l/N [2Y-B(2X2)] =9,836.01 Thus Y = $9,836 - $57X2 SSR = B [2X2Y - 1/N (2Y) (2X2)] =220,831,748 SST = 302,879,655 SSE = SST - SSR = 82,047,907 R = ySSR/SST = .85 R^ = .73 SSE = /SSE/ (N - 2) = 1,366 Regression Equation Y = A -1- Bi Xj - B2 X2 Xx] = XX] - N(Xi f = 126.73 2xiX2 = 2X1X2 -N(Xi)(X2) = -2,510.82 2x1 = 2X1 - N(X2 ? = 68,682.35 2xiy = 2XiY - N(Xi) (Y) = 176,470.76 2x2y = 2X2Y - N(X2 ) (Y) = -3,894,405.12 78 Bi = [(2xi)(Sx,y)-(2xiX2)(2x2y)] - [(Sx^ ) (Exl ) - (Sx,X2 )'] =975.99 B2 = [(2x?)(2x2y)-(2xiX2)(2x,y)] ^ [(2x^ ) (2x^) - ( x,x2)'] =-21.02 A = Y-BiXi -B2X2 = -1,985.02 Thus Y = -$1,985 + $976X, - $21X2 6. Methodological Appendix A. Data Exclusion Procedure Any census tract having less than -2 or more than 2 standard units ^ ^ of either W = percent of wives, husband present, who are in the labor force, or A = percent of population in the economically, productive age group, is excluded. Roughly, this procedure excludes any observation which has a value of one of the variables either below 97.5 percent or above 97.5 percent of all expected observations. The excluded census tracts and relevant characteristics of each are presented below. Excluded Census Tracts Census Popul- Tract ation W* A* Xi X2 Y F L P 1 1,051 0.20 -2.29 9.1 98.3 $2,534 66.7 66.9 75.1 2 557 -3.25 -1.85 9.7 98.4 1,956 64.9 68.8 71.1 5 2,776 -1.63 -2.09 8.9 71.5 2,608 59.3 64.5 72.9 7 883 -0.44 -2.25 7.9 99.9 2,297 61.4 66.5 87.2 12 1,001 1.41 -2.70 9.4 99.4 2,744 65.3 82.4 59.7 25 1,173 -2.70 0.25 11.2 3.5 6,725 22.7 87.2 17.6 **43 4,236 -1.85 3.04 12.6 8.9 7,929 0.7 NA 5.7 ***ioi 3,194 1.16 2.02 11.8 44.4 9,354 11.3 93.9 7.6 Total 14,872 Legend F = percent of households headed by female. L = percent of total income earned from employment. P = percent of families with income below poverty level. *In standard units. **Location of Hunter Army Air Field. ***Location of Savannah State College. What are the limits to the pursuit of uniformity through exclusion of anomalies? The analysis loses information with each exclusion. One quantitative representation of this loss is degrees of freedom, the denominator for the calculation of standard error, the measure of unexplained variation. In i^The standard unit of a variable x is: Z^ = (x - yi)/SD^, or the difference between an observed value of x and the average value, x, of all the observations, divided by the standard deviation of the x observations. Thus Z is the number of standard deviations, positive or negative, by which an observed value of x differs from the mean. 79 carrying out the exclusion procedure, the following rule of good judgment should prevail: exclusion of deviant observations should continue only so long asthe proportional decrease in unexplained variation, 2(Yj - Y)^/2(Yj - Y)^ , exceeds the proportional decrease in degrees of freedom. The latter grows with each exclusion due to declining N. The former can generally be expected to diminish with each exclusion since the size of the individual deviation (Yj - Y) should be functionally related to its standard units of the exclusion variable. B. Technical Specifications for Regression Equation. Analysis of Variance Source of Variance Sum of Squares Degrees of Freedom Variance Regression 254,094,093 2 127,047,047 Error 49,047,130 43 1,140,631 Total 303,141,223 45 6,736,472 Statistics R^Yi2 = SSR/SST = .838 R^yi2 "R^yi = -838 - .568 = .270 R^Yi=Bi [sXjY -N(Xi)(Y)] /SST = .568 SEE = /l, 140,631 - 1,068 SDy = ^6,736,472 = 2,595 C. Evaluation of Multiple Regression Equation (1) Domain of the Regression Equation The following layout of the forty six observation units subjects the data to a very important evaluation. The units are grouped into cells according to rows representing quarter groups, from low to high, of years schooling, and columns similarly representing percent Black population. Thus, the seven census tracts lying in the upper right-hand corner cell are in the highest quarter of percent Black population and in the lowest quarter of median years schooling. Years of Schooling Percent Black Population (Xj ) Quarter Group (X2 ) Quarter Group 1 2 3 4 Total 1 4 7 11 2 4 5 3 12 3 3 5 3 1 12 4 8 3 11 Total 11 12 12 11 46 The layout shows the presence of cells with a single observation or no observations at all. Such cells represent data gaps: areas outside the domain of the regression equation. Regression rules do not allow free extrapolation beyond the 80 domain of the data. Allowing any cell with one observation or less to be considered a data gap, the following combinations of Xi and X2 are outside the domain: first quarter values of Xj and first quarter values of Xj , or QjXj and Q1X2 QiXj and Q2X2,Q2Xi andQiX2,Q4Xi andQ3X2,Q4Xi andQ4X2, and Q3 Xi and Q4 Xj . In terms of actual values of Xj and X2 , the following are the quartile group boundaries for the two variables: Qi Q2 Q3 Q4 Xi 6.9 -9.1 9.2 -10.9 11.0 - 12.3 12.4 - 12.9 X2 0-4.5 4.6- 14.4 14.9 -77.0 81.6-99.9 Thus the following areas of Xi and X2 combinations should be used with reservation and with the understanding that such use constitutes extrapolation into regions beyond the domain of the regression equation. Xj X2 6.9 - 9.1 and - 4.5 6.9 - 9.1 and 4.6 - 14.4 9.2 - 10.9 and - 4.5 11.0-12.3 and 14.9 -77.0 12.4-12.9 and 14.9 -77.0 12.4-12.9 and 81.6 -99.9 (2) Analysis of Residuals (a) Approach Explained The residual is defined as the difference, Y - Y, where Y is actual median family income for a census tract and Y is the income regression estimate based on the tract's values for Xi and X2 . Unexplained variation is composed of the whole assemblage of these residuals. By exploring the unexplained variation through examination of residuals one can evaluate the performance of the regression relative to a number of important criteria. The first criteria to be raised are homoscedasticity and linearity. The former term refers to the necessary condition of equEd variance in the distribution of actual incomes around the line of the regression equation. Generalizations regarding error in regression estimates at various values of the independent variables are not legitimate unless homoscedasticity holds. The linearity criterion involves the shape of the functional relation- ship between independent and dependent variables. The regression model here assumes, of course, a linear relationship between income and education and income and racial pro- portion. If the income observations are not linearly related to each of the independent variables, then a non-linear regression 81 model should be used. Both these criteria are addressed with plots of residuals against the two independent variables in sections (b). Residual plots can also be analyzed in searching for influences on median family income operating through variables other than years schooling and racial proportion. The variables introduced in section (c) are theoretically related to average income. By searching for evidence of the existence of such relationships in these data it may be possible to identify sources of the 16.7 percent of the total variation in income which is unexplained, lying beyond reach of the regression equation. (b) Plots Against the Explanatory Variables The absence of linearity in a relationship would be shown by the grouping of residuals into some regular pattern around the zero line, such as crossing the latter from either above or below, forming a half-loop above or below it, or veering away from the zero line in a clearly discernible pattern. The absence of any pattern in the deviations of the plots of Figures 3 and 4 indicates the correctness of the linear model. FIGURE 3 Plot of Residuals Against Median Years Schooling 2,000 1,000 -1,000 -2,000 -3,000 9 10 11 12 13 14 Median Years Schooling 82 FIGURE 4 Plot of Residuals Against Percent Black Population :::::::i:::F::::q::::::::::::::::: ::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: :::::^ .t :;::::::::::::::;: ;ii|--:::::::::i:;:::::::H:::H^^ _I__t._ + t:.x 4: 1--' 2,000- :::::ii:::^:::ii::::i:::::::3:::: :::::::::::::;:::::: :::i:::: -ij:---^--:p n-r T U- I--I 1 M 1 1 {;..-X 1,000 TTri-'-sJ:-'- ^ifT T feff + ----::--i L-X -J J |-i-^ -|--| -L-L 1 1 1 \-ji-j. X , :::::::::-:"":ii::!:^^":^-4iiT"r-"-::J^-::::-::T::::-:-::-:::::::::--tU..UT--^ .i..--ullLJ-i^XUi:-.i.lLLilLJ-L*.--.X.-^ ^^.IL^^^ 1 ;....:::: 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 Percent Black Population The suspicious residual pattern in evaluating for homo- scedasticity is a cone-shaped grouping of the residuals. Since no such pattern appears in the plots against Xi and X2 , the homo- scedasticity assumption can be accepted. (c) Plots Against Other Theoretical Variables The following residual analysis attempts to ascertain whether unexplained variation is generated by variables other than Xi and X2 that are theoretically related to income and that contribute, behind the scenes, so to speak, to the determination of income. Such conditions undermine the veracity of the regression equation. The regression coefficients Bi and B2 , then, impute to Xj and X2 changes in income which are, to some degree, produced by other such variables instead. On the other hand, if, fortunately, the income-related elements are randomly distributed among the families in each census tract their effects cancel and the regression succeeds in isolating the Xj and X2 effects. The analysis is carried out by viewing successive scatter plots of the residuals against the theoretical variables of interest. Any pattern other than random dispersion suggests new information on the determination of median family income. 83 (1) Percent Economically Productive Married Women, Husband Present This is a variable which reflects economic values and motivations for the individual family. The working wife is frequently found in families where economic goals are held high and diligently pursued. On the other hand, in the families of professional or managerial people, one income is frequently sufficient for the family's goals and, unless the wife chooses to pursue an independent career, she will not work. Thus one has, in this variable, contrary causative relationships. From the residual plot of Figure 5 it is evident that the contrary forces cancel if they are present within the census tracts. Any suggestive pattern would consist of a concentration of observations in two of the four quadrants. These quadrants are created by the two lines, each of which divides the field into two sectors, an above mean sector and a below mean sector. FIGURE 5 Plot of Residuals Against Variable W y-? 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 [[ 1 I 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 [ 1 1 1 r 1 1 [ 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 [[[ 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 [ 1 1 1 1 TTl TTl MM 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 TTT t 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 ' - ^_ _. IL___ __._ c _ L -i-* |_i_ 1 --+(f - - .. h'-- -- -:r--r-r rr-t-- X ""i::: -- i-- -^ r^ ^ ' ' ' n -1 _|_ ::::::::::::::J::j::::: fft--- -- - -^ ^ . . -I-- - 3,000 L _ IT _ X _ - q: J _ . ^: --- -I-I--I U- - --.J 1 H r ttnm#ffw ;l;::|:: = = --'i ^-:-] : T- - L ~ ~ 3 - :::! ; :;:;::;;4:::;:i h + ~ ;; '~i -+:, - "* :: : - + - : "":";:" i ;:: li: :.:;:: 1,000 X + '^ "X T -- r-- 1 - ,.__X---^:- r tf---- L- - - X - "::::::::::: ::;:::::::_;,: -H ::: i^' : _::::::::::: :::;;::::: : : ;:::::::; i~ .-.z i:: :::: -j^ : L X___ .---.-T-f -- ::: :::: ' ^S :::::::::::: + :;::::::: TT ; ;: :;:: : -X + - -p- t - :: ::::x: -p 2,000 :::::::" : ":::__":':'- _:: -; : ; : " l~Z ::: :::: ::::x:g : ::::::::::::::::::r_.::H:::::: :-|::::::::::|:::^:||: x^ |ti :: ::: + -- ::::::: : 3,000 ::::::::::::;:::::::::::a:: --'^VzV- .: ::: :::: : ::;;;;::::::::;;::;::;:::;;:= ;i:::ili:::i::i:::::::ii: :: g :::: : 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 Percent Economically Productive Wives, Husband Present 50 55 84 Although the four sectors are not equally populated in this scatter diagram, there is no suggestive concentration. Thus the conclusion follows that there is no additional information available from this source. (2) Relative Size of Economically Productive Age Group Census tract residents below the age of 18 years and above 64 are deemed economically non-productive. The productivity of the census tract population should be directly related to the size of the age group 18-64 years. But there is no pattern in the plot of Figure 6 to indicate such a functional relationship in these data. FIGURE 6 Plot of Residuals Against Variable A 3,000 Y-? 1,000 -1,000 -2,000 50 55 60 Percent of Population in Economically Productive Age Group (3) Employment Structure Figures 7 through 10 present residual plots against the percentage of total census tract employment found in the following sectors respectively: construction, manufacturing, transportation-communication-trade, and finance-services-public administration. One could discuss the hint of a pattern in a couple of these plots, i.e., the possible upward drift of residuals against percent in manufacturing, or the grouping of large 85 negative residuals at high percentages of finance-services-pubhc administration, but there is nothing substantial. This is for- tunate. Sampling error is quite large in these census estimates and little analysis of employment structure could be pursued with confidence. FIGURE 7 Plot of Residuals Against Employment: C 2 4 6 3 10 12 14 16 18 Percent of Total Employment in Construction -- 1 'Ml -. S:::::::::::::::::|g:::::::::::::::: :::::::: 1 j LXUj h ^ 1 ' ! '-^ ^- 2,000 ::::::::::::::::::: :::::::::::: " .,...+..,, j ; , , ; ^ rtrtrt 5 > "* '""i 1 J i LULL 1 1 : , , 1 ^- _ -jj r -T- 1 ' 1 ^ rr ~- ::::::::::::::::!::;:::i:::: ::::::;::!: :::::::: ,_,_..__. . '_ _ . _..._ ' 1 1 ' -1,000 Tt -t.--- --'- - _L_. - .-1-.- -L|. 9 ! l_j 1 1 pj ;;;;;;;;:;;;;it;.s.;i::;i:i:::::::::;:;::::::: FIGURE 8 Plot of Residuals Against Employment: M pl 1 1 iU-| II i [ M ! i-flfU. M- 2,000 - - i -i--- + -^-^T-#T^-I-^ - r-- """"1" " L^j H ' \---^ h-l '-!-^T-r'"-T 3,000 - :::::::::::;::::::: :::l:::::|:l:g:::::|:::::S:|:;:g^:::: 1 1 11 \ J - -::--- x:i::-:-:-:;;:;;;:;;:;;;;;;:;:; 10 15 20 25 SO 35 40 45 50 Percent of Employment in Manufacturing 86 FIGURE 9 Plot of Residuals Against Employment: TCT ::::|::i::::::::::: :i:::+ III l-l- h^-lh T - r ? ^-" 2,000 :::::::::::::t::E:: .;:::;: i,ooo|||[[||[| 1 [|[|[l[[|[| _ __ i*"" :::::: \\\ :: l:::z::: ^" " :;: :: ;::::;::::: :"" ::: :i _^_I_^x|_ y 1 __ 1 ^.._ , , . _ _ _ _ . -1,000 - -- _ _ "^ 1__ L _ -3,000 :: J :: :: ::x ::5+::x::::::: :::::::::::::::::::::;; ::;;;; lllllllll g 1 ffflW t#P Fffff tffffff . 30 40 Percent of Employment in Transportation, Communication, Trade FIGURE 10 Plot of Residuals Against Employment: FSP 50 1 3:_x ;i;:;:E:|:::::::#t::#::::::::::::::^::;::: T-? 1 ! 1 j+^l 1 1 T-H '"'""Ti'" IT 2,000 ++ + + " + """ + z""j: 5: _^ " _i_"' -_j 1 1 ^_j-j -+ -1^- - -- -^^- -X- ._ ip ^ - - .- - +_:; + + + 1,000 -- +--^ T zEj , _-j . 1^ o|nllllllllllllllllllililij||jTnnllllllli||[||| ^ . ... _ii. . _ ^1 { 1 1 Ited m im^ f^^ "t"'^" -L.__,. ^^ _.__ 1^ - _^ _L_l_ _ _ ::f::::::::+::::: ::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: H -r -r- -3,000 i- - --- --- ^j^ijl 1 hMi 1 1 l| 1 1 1 1 1 ;i:::=:;=;i:=x:: ::;:;;:::;;;::::;:;::;;::;;:;;; 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 Percent of Employment in Finance, Services, Public Administration 87 BLESSING Oh the words unwritten, letters left unsaid, heartbeats broken as they rise, eyes unseen as they ask: ' brother where is your blessing? True, the people of this earth, Abraham, are many and various; but the salt is lost except where some (whom we could name) have turned to it. Come down the showers of gold, God. Broaden our shoulders to receive your gifts. Keep answering and we might hear. Then we'll lay our time on your table, our palms in your hands, and sing the good news together: long live God. Elisabeth Lunz MEMPHIS Gaunt, fragile, spindrift trees grace winter bareness, sketching the shape and pattern of themselves, dark, undisguised. Rain dampens down the night; no ice flatters the trees with elegance. Only silence breaks the hush of starless cold. Faces blank, immobile, peer from out of sleepless nights, bored by the crush of dreams, waiting for their erosion. The power is off. Water freezes, milk sours, while gas heat roars outward through raw hole and plastic patch. Cold kills. Elisabeth Lunz 88 THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY DEBATE: AN UNNECESSARY CONTROVERSY Joseph M. McCarthy, Ph.D. Assistant Professor Department of Education CoUege of Liberal Arts Suffolk University Boston, Massachusetts The past few years have witnessed a recrudescence of the debate whether a CathoHc university can or should exist. The debate flourishes because defenders of the Catholic university have placed themselves in a false position by unwittingly conforming to the positivistic presuppositions of their antago- nists. Critics of the Catholic university assert that Catholicism constitutes a bias inimical to the pursuit of pure truth, ignoring the fact that no human person can ever be free of prejudice in the most basic sense, i.e. perceptual distortion. In conceding that the university exists to seek truth, one must bear constantly in mind that no researcher can perceive reality without imposing upon it. Similarly, in stipulating that truth is the object of the intellect, one must not facilely assume that the intellect is the only means to truth. Therefore, in describing the function of the Catholic intellectual, one must avoid un- necessarily sacrificing either his Catholicism or his intel- lectuality. The Quest for Pure Truth The first pitfall in considering the rationale of a Catholic university lies in an uncritical acceptance of the dictum that the university must be defined in terms of the quest for pure truth. Even were one to accept the dictum without regard for the serious challenges recently offered it, one would have to deal with its underlying assumption that somewhere outside the mind exists the ultimate prize, the untarnished, uninterpreted datum, that the true researcher must divest himself of all presuppositions, especially a religious worldview, in order to isolate that datum. In point of fact, any datum must be perceived in order to be used, and no man perceives without imposing something of himself on reality. He cannot prescind from all viewpoints; if he abjures a religious one, he cannot avoid assuming an equally arbitrsiry secular viewpoint. "Why the religious searcher should be frisked at the university gate while the secular searcher slips in unchallenged, no one has ever made clear.'" Nor can it be made clear. 89 In pledging allegiance to the quest for truth, we must bear constantly in mind that our hold on objective reality is quite tenuous. The rigid scientific methodologies of the various disciplines are less imposing when we consider that the basis of our entire structure of knowledge is the unprovable principle of identity: "a thing is what it is and no other". That con- sideration is heightened by the fact that our techniques of investigation interfere with the phoenomenon under investi- gation. After all, techniques of investigation logically precede the investigation and attempt to structure extramental reality to fit minds ceased to be blank slates long before they became critical. Psychologists can support the proposition, "whatever is received is received according to the modality of the receiver," with an almost infinite number of cautionary tales. The researcher is not, of course, an uncritical observer. Yet no amount of training can divest him of all personal and philosophical biases. Moreover, his methodology itself consti- tutes a bias. Social scientists must often rely on untrained observers,^ and Heisenberg's attempt simultaneously to measure the velocity and position of subatomic particles has, among other things, demonstrated the vulnerability of physical science methodology.^ The nature of the quest for pure truth must be evaluated in the light of such considerations. The notion that the researcher can divest himself of bias is insidious, providing as it does a cloak of justification for accepting secular faith in preference to religious faith, and thus creating the "problem" of the Catholic university. Man and the Ways of Knowing These considerations inevitably suggest that one is on somewhat shaky ground in asserting that what cannot be demonstrated empirically cannot adequately be understood. Perhaps it is time to consider whether the limitations placed on the quest for truth by the total emphasis on reason as the sole source of adequate knowledge are not merely arbitrary. Intellectual apprehension, after all, does not always compel personal assent. Indeed, personal assent often precedes intel- lectual apprehension. Especially is this true in the case of values. "Values are not neutral. They are not achieved as the result of neutral inquiry. But we desperately need them."^ Is the university then to prescind from questions of value? How can it? The very structure and method of the various disciplines enshrine value choices. There is a contradiction inherent in the position emphasizing rigid commitment to intellectual method as the only road to truth. It is worth suggesting that faith, "intuition," and other conclusively unscientific means of knowledge have their place in the search for truth. If we are unwilling to consider their use, 90 we have delimited our access to data before the search. To accept only the four-dimensional universe of our rational comprehension as given is like envisioning the universe as a dried-out sponge when it may in fact be more like a sponge in water, simultaneously surrounded and permeated by a further dimension. Functioning in ignorance of a dimension would be ludicrous were we to conceive it in terms of a man functioning in ignorance of extension or time particularly if that man refused to consider the existence of extension or time because of an inflexible, self-imposed methodology.^ It should be clear that the general basis for attacking the existence and function of the Catholic university is the faith of secular humanism, as uncompromisingly dogmatic a faith as Catholicism. The Function of the CathoUc Intellectual Apologists for the Catholic university thus do violence to the Catholic intellectual in trying to pass him off as one who wears the strait jacket of secular humanism everywhere but to Church. He should be conceived of as qualitatively different in that he has a real apostolate which is an irreplaceable part of his function. Where can we go to discover the nature and vocation of the Catholic intellectual? Gustave Weigel wrote in 1957, "to date, no theology of the intellectual life, as we know it, has appeared,"^ and his remark still appears valid. Perhaps we can follow Jacques Maritain's lead and rely on that current of thought which has perennially proposed that man's highest activity is contemplation.'' While it is true that this tradition has often concerned itself almost exclusively with the contem- plation of God, we do it no violence by extending the notion to the contemplation of all truth. Primacy in intellectual work must then belong to pure contemplation carried out with passionate dedication to the truth, truth being construed broadly. If we halt here, restricting intellectual work to the confines of the quest for pure truth, we imprison all intellectuals in an ivory tower. Yet, pursuing our similitude with the scholastic notion of contemplation, we find that thought and perception necessarily flow into action. "It must be conceded," wrote Suarez, "that no state of life which does not share something of action and something of contemplation is able to be properly ordained to obtaining perfection."^ There is more, then, to the intellectual life that pure thought. There pertains to it also such action as is truly the overflow of thought, extending and elucidating it without in any way being cut off from it. This is to say, in effect, that an intrinsic part of the intellectual vocation is the communication of thought or its fruit to others. This should not be any startling discovery; it should already 91 have been evident from the fact that intellectuals are radical conservatives. By terming them conservatives, I do not mean to lump them with the forces of reaction. Their commitment is not to the "old", nor, in point of fact, to the "new", but to the "always" which is truth. They are conservatives in the sense that they have custody of our past, they think within a tradition, and they live within a community shaped by it. This tradition they carry on, always extending and perfecting it, and since this tradition is of vital import to the community, they are responsible to and for the community. To say this is not to say that every intellectual is obliged to apply the fruits of his researches to the practical realm. What it does mean is that no intellectual can be indifferent to the way in which these are applied, and that some intellectuals must so apply them. Essential to our understanding of intellectuals is the awareness that part of their custodianship of social structures is critical and evaluative. Like careful gardeners, they must sometimes prune their favorite plant in order that it may flourish. In practice, this means social criticism. The intellectual cannot abandon his role as critic, for when he "withdraws from society, he leaves its ultimate direction up to the salesman and the politician, to classes not devoted professionally to the truth. "^ This creates an obligation on the part of the community to remain open to intellectuals, to hear their criticism fairly. With an ordered understanding of the work of intellectuals, we can assay a definition of them, and the best seems that proposed by Merle Curti. To him, intellectuals are "those whose main interest is the advancement of knowledge, or the clarification of cultural issues and public problems."' ^ What shall we say now of those intellectuals who are Catholics? First of all, we must distinguish those whose pursuit is non-theological from those whose pursuit is theological. The latter function within a tradition which is one of the sources of dogma; they are servants of tradition without being its masters. Let us consider the case of the Catholic intellectuals whose pursuit is non-theological. Their responsibility to the Church finds its basic not in custody of a theological tradition but in the sacraments of initiation by which they are born into and made responsible for the Church. In this, of course, they do not differ from other Catholics. Their concern for the Church sometimes assumes the form of criticism and evaluation of it; it always assumes the form of a strengthened obligation to the perfection of the human community. Their vocation is not specified but intensified by their being Catholics, so that their work in and for the Church is to be totally dedicated to the pursuit of truth in their non-theological concerns and in a non-theological way. By definition. Catholic intellectuals do not contemplate as a means to an apostolate; their contemplation is, their apostolate. 92 It is quite important that we realize that CathoKc intel- lectuals possess autonomy within their field of study. To submit their work to the judgment of theology or to force their subject matter to support the conclusions of theology is to do violence to both disciplines. Catholic intellectuals bring Christ to their environs not by forcing an artificial synthesis of their discipline and theology, but by bearing him about in their persons. Cardinal Suhard has said of the Christian that "he does not choose his method. His manner of acting is imposed upon him by the milieu he lives in: it is the action of leaven.'" ^ Other than that, we must leave the Catholic intellectual to his discipline, confident that it is possible for him to build natural knowledge into the vision of revelation without doing so in any forced way. Conclusion The notion of a Catholic university is not radically different in basic presumptions from that of a secular university. The problem is that secular humanism is often insufficiently flexible in establishing its canons of research methodology. The defense of the Catholic university must begin at this point. Footnotes '"The Church and the University," A menca, CXIV, 5 (January 29, 1966), 165. 2 For some consideration of the problems of history in particular, one may consult Charles Beard's essays, "That Noble Dream," in Fritz Stern, ed., The Varieties of History (N.Y., 1956), 315-328 and "Written History as an Act of Faith," in Han Meyerhoff, ed.. The Philosophy of History in Our Time (Garden City, N.Y., 1959), 140-151, and Raymond Aron's "Relativism in History," in Meyerhoff, 153-161. 3Cf. Werner Heisenberg, Physics and Philosophy : The Revolution in Modern Science (N.Y., 1958) and Physics and Beyond: Encounters and Conversations (N.Y., 1971). ^W. Seavey Joyce, Notes Toward the Idea of a Catholic University (Chestnut Hill, Mass., 1969), 7. sCf. Edwin A. Abbott, Flatland: A Romance of Many Dimensions (5th ed. rev.;N.Y., 1963). 6 "American Catholic Intellectuals A Theologian's Reflections," Review of Politics, XIX (1958), 285. "^Cf. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, II, Ilae, p. 180-182. ^De Religione, Tract. I, c.5, n.5. 9 Thomas P. O'Neil, "The Social Function of the Intellectual," Thought, XXXII (1958), 208. ^ ^ American Paradox (Newark, 1956), 73. 1 1 O. Mueller, "Zum Begriff der Tradition in der Tehologie der letzten hundert Jahre," Muenchener Theologische Studien, IV (1953), 164-86. 12 The Church Today: Growth or Decline? (Notre Dame, Inc., 1948), 83. 93 NEGRITUDE AND SOUL: ROMANTICISM IN BLACK Dr. Isaiah Mclver Negritude and soul represent nationalist movements among Africans and African-Americans designed to mold a new cultural image and psyche among dominated peoples. Even though these movements began during slavery and colonization, they continue to have relevance today. They represent a nice compromise between the temporal and the spiritual: the past and the contemporary; the ethics of community solidarity and the strivings of the individual's ego and superego. These ideologies view man as the central force and as an elevated creation that exists by divine decision. Negritude and soul fuse both negative and positive elements of both Africa and the West in fostering African and African- American uniqueness. They are historical, social, and cultural movements related to African and African- American nationalism. Semantically, negritude predates soul, but negritude has its essence in African- American soul. They have aroused considerable controversy and have inspired reactions ranging from enthusiastic partisanship to outright hostility. Nonetheless, they are acknowledged as important historical phenomena, and as such they will be examined and hopefully their significance appreciated. Limitation, Definition, and Characteristics Even though negritude and soul are significant expressions of cultural nationalism associated with both Africa and America, this study will deal only with their historical origins, cultural aspects, literary expressions, and significance as ideo- logical movements. Negritude and soul represent both revolt and acceptance of western rationalism and stereotypes of Africans and African- Americans, They represent the sum total of all cultural values of the African and the African- American universe. As ideologies, they are essentially the means toward the achievement of a sense of cultural identity and normal self-pride in the cultural context. Soul is African negritude dressed in American clothing, imbuing with an African- American hue all the encounters which have fallen within the province of African and African- American experiences, Negritude and soul are folk myths that are distinctly African and American, They are experiential and are not genetic. They represent African and African- American being and tradition; the spirit rather than the letter; a certain way of feeling, expressing oneself, and a certain way of being. They are both descriptive and esthetic concepts. They can be extended 94 into the realm of ethics where humane and the inhumane become interchangeable; where "beautiful" becomes both good and ugly; or where square and hip may be either good or bad. Thus the terms soul and negritude serve only as models for what Africans and African- Americans share and how they share it.^ Both soul and negritude are folk myth concepts that embrace both lower and middle class characteristics such as personal attributes and artifacts. Those who embrace negritude and soul do not all represent a residual category of failures. Rather they see themselves as connoisseurs and as experts. While they represent the intellectual and anti-intellectual, there is also emphasis on rationaJity, excellence, subjectivity, and intuition. While negritude and soul are not as coherent as they appear from v^dthout, they are not as incoherent as they appear from within. No group of people, Africans and African-Americans included, are held together by a single dimension of experience, ideology, commitment, or thought. Yet, both negritude and soul hover somewhere between "nigger" and "Negro". Both express anguish over the possibility of being whitewashed, both reject and accept western civilization, and both worship Africa as the ancestral homeland.^ Soul and negritude represent a will to Africans and will to power. They are relaxed, noncom- petitive, spontaneous, nonmechanical, not antitechnological, and enable the possessor to be happy and sad simultaneously. Even though they strive for universal brotherhood as an ultimate goal, until parity is achieved, supporters of negritude and soul make it a crime to be anything but black, create black religions, black communities, and black ice cream. The negritude-soul revolt is*a revolt against western domina- tion and is a refusal to accept western values and constraints. Acceptance of these ideologies compels one to denounce the foundations upon which colonialism and racism rest. They represent a dialectical progression with white supremacy as the thesis. Yet, they reject atheistic Marxian materialism. The antithesis of negritude and soul does not create an African or African-American dictatorship. Rather, they prepare the ways for a synthesis represented by the realization of a human society without racism.^ In contrast to negritude, African- American soul does have the spirituals and the blues. Africans did not experience a common suffering in slavery and did not create such songs. But both Africans and African-Americans are dramatic, sing lyrically, soul food is common to both, both accept and reject the noble savage image, and both embrace two levels of ethnic memory. These ideologies are by nature revolutionary because they sprang from a need to reverse intolerable situations. Like other revolutionary romantic movements, negritude and soul were initially motivated by negative principles, represented a reaction to humiliation and subjugation by Europeans and Euro- Americans, and created their own lunatic fringe."* 95 Historical Antecedents African- American soul served as an inspiration for negritude and negritude obtained much of its distinctive characteristics from African- Americans.^ Even though the terms negritude and soul were coined recently, they nevertheless represent the culmination of the complete range of complex psychological and social factors which form the collective experiences of western domination of Africans and African-Americans. Their roots lie far down in the total historical experiences of Africans and African-Americans with Europeans and Euro-Americans. The European presence in Africa promoted conflicts first through the slave trade, enslavement of Africans in the Americas, and with the establishment of colonial rule. Enslave- ment and colonization brought with them a drastic reordering of African institutions and culture. Slavery and colonial rule substituted new, conflicting poles of referents for African life and social organization. Thus, colonial rule and slavery created a state of cultural flux in which tensions were likely to evolve. It was against this background that negritude and soul evolved as ideologies attempting to search for new values. Perhaps the most striking of these reactions to enslavement and colonial rule have been religious. Traditional Religious Elements Negritude and soul are religious, revivalistic, and regenera- tive. Their communal elements were established by very humble persons who desired both secular and spiritual unity. Even though religious missionaries served as important agents of cultural change, not all religious movements were transformed into political protests. In some instances they helped their adherents to escape from the pressures of difficult situations; and in others represented forms of cultural regression. Africans and African-Americans generally lived with Europeans and Euro-Americans in both a state of cultural ambiguity and symbiosis. This dilemma and psychosocial crisis experienced by enslaved and colonized Africans can be explained thusly: Since Africans cannot share the ideals, interests, and full benefits of co-operative activities with the whites, they naturally fall back on their own system of belief, value, and sentiment. To be a mere carbon copy is not satisfactory as a substitute for all the Africans had to initially give up ... . The African thus is forced at least spiritually to recross the first line and to re-affirm many of the tribal values abandoned at the first crossing.^ A particularly dramatic example of this spiritual recrossing of the line was the Mau-Mau revolt, a nationalist rebellion 96 buttressed by a resort to tradition, particularly the oath, designed to counter the influence of European cultural in- cursion. That this revolt was effective in its psychological purpose can be judged from this testimony of a former Mau-Mau detainee who confessed following participation in the revolt: Afterwards in the maize, I felt exalted with a new spirit of power and strength. All my previous life seemed empty and meaningless. Even my education, of which I was so proud, appeared trivial beside this splendid and terrible force that had been given me. I had been born again. ^ This instinctive falling back on religious tradition in the face of political domination formed a regular feature among Africans and African-Americans, especially among the educated. In the Congo, in western Nigeria, in Haiti, and in the United States, regression to traditional foundations served as a means of cultural regroupment, protection from alienation, and gave birth to action groups.^ The shock of enslavement and colonial rule reverberated down to the very foundations of African society. The 1971 Haitian insurrection began as a voodoo ceremony and Nat Turner summoned his supporters with the spiritual "Swing Low, Sweet Chariot". Southland spirituals such as "Go Down Moses" and "Joshua Fit De Battle of Jericho" were much less innocuous and Bibleistic than slavemasters realized. Similarly, sermons delivered by enslaved and colonized Africans and African- American priests had special meanings for their congregations. African and African-American animistic religious ceremonies then were among the early forms of anticolonial protest. Sermons describing Daniel's encounter in the lion's den or the Hebrew children's experiences in the fiery furnace were designed to convey double meanings and messages. Enslaved and colonized Africans drew treasures of vitality from belonging to a religion different from that of their enslavers and colonizers.^ During the nineteenth century, African and African- American congregations often refused to obey the orders of their colonial masters and slavemasters. They rejected European practices and suggested in songs and sermons that their rulers were the pharaohs and Philistines. They made the five wise virgins black and the five foolish virgins white. Kimbanguist African priests wrote the following hymn which expresses the sense of destiny maintained by colonized Africans: Jesus, Saviour of the chosen and Saviour of us all. We shall be the victors, sent by your call The kingdom is ours, we have it for sure As for the whites, they have it no more.^ 97 As early as 1882 African separatist churches appeared in South Africa. In 1932 there were 272 such churches. In 1891, Edward W. Blyden was advocating reUgious freedom from European Christianity and he along with other prophets convinced Africans that they could foster change and create cultural myths. Thus, from the beginning Africans fought valiantly for their ancestral rights, permitted Europeans to rob them of their land but retained their culture.^ ^ Initially negritude and soul were almost totally religious and messianic. Religious art forms served as defenses against European and Euro-American colonization and enslavement. The sermons and spirituals of yesterday are the direct ancestors of contemporary soul language. There is a historical and cultural continuity between African and African-American religious protest and contemporary negritude and soul. Both are socially aggressive and both attempt to place upon a meaningless social system an order which gives value to terms of existence once considered valueless and shameful. They serve to create a new establishment and recast the new order in an African image. ^ ^ Parallel Romantic Reactions The romantic aspects of negritude and soul closely parallel European and Euro-American romanticism. Just as Europeans forced Euro-Americans into an awareness of their racial differences, this forced awsireness of their social situation made both Africans and African-Americans divided beings with double awareness of themselves. This split in the African and European consciousness fostered psychological conflicts, split their national consciousness, and created alienation from the self, Africa, and from Europe. Both Africans and African- Americans were cast into roles as marginal men burdened with ethnic and national loyalties. During the 1920's and 1960's, the Harlem Renaissance and Black Power Movement represented attempts on the part of African-Americans to eradicate the ambiguous and symbiotic social position and psychosocial crises described by W. E. B. Dubois in his The Souls of Black Folk as: ... a peculiar sensation, this double consciousness, this sense of always looking at one's self through the eyes of others, measuring one's soul by the tape of a world that looks on in amused contempt and pity. One ever feels his twoness an American, a Negro: two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings, two warring ideals in one dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder.^ ' The desire to eliminate the torture of cultural twoness and retain psychological sanity forced Africans, Europeans, and 98 Euro- Americans to embrace varying degrees of romantic nation- alism. The dilemma created by the cultural duality and psychological symbiosis experienced by African-Americans motivated Dubois to attempt to foster a positive image among African- Americans as he reminded them that: ... we are Negroes, members of a vast historic race that from the very dawn of creation has slept, but half awakening in the dark forest of its African hinterland. We are the first fruits of this new nation, the harbingers of that black tomorrow which has yet to soften the whiteness of the Teutonic today. We are the people whose subtle sense of song has given America its only American music, its only fairy tales, its only touch of pathos and humour amid its mad money-making plutocracy ... it is our duty to con- serve our physical powers, our intellectual endowments, our spiritual ideals: as a race we must strive for race- organization, by race solidarity, by race unity to the realization of that broader humanity which freely recog- nizes differences in men, but sternly deprecates inequality in their opportunities for development.^ ^ Like their European counterparts who had veen victimized by militaristic imperialism, Africans also desired racial purifi- cation, a noble destiny, and national sovereignty. Both Africans and Europeans created prophets who crystallized ambiguous and troubled cultursQ feelings into definite national conscious- ness. In an attempt to accentuate Africanism and depose the myth of European supremacy, romantic negativism of the type expressed in Walter E. Hawkins' "Credo" admonished African- Americans to: . . . oppose all laws of state and country. All creeds of church and social orders, All conventionalities of society and system Which cross the path of light of freedom or obscure the reign of right. ^ ^ Africans, Europeans, and Euro- Americans attempted to fill the existential vacuum created by imperialists by engaging in a romantic nationalistic cultural counteroffensive. Like the Germans who isolated themselves from England and France, like the South that attempted to separate into a Confederate enclave, and like the United States which attempted to make itself a democratic haven, Africans and African-Americans maintained: We are doomed as long as we take our ideals from the white man. To do so is to seal our internal feeling of inferiority and self-contempt.^ ^ 99 Africans, African-Americans, Europeans and Euro- Americans reacted in basically the same manner when they were stereotyped as inferiors. During the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries leading European intellectuals described all Euro- Americans as: . , . lazy, apathetic people, eating coarse food and in- different to the arts and comforts of life. Backward and inferior, they have failed to produce a good poet, a capable mathematician, or a man of genius in a single science.^ ^ These assertions were pcirt of a widely accepted theory of American degeneration. These contentions were stated simply by the Dutch scholar, Peter Kalm; the Swedish naturalist, Abbie Raynal; and the French scientist, Cornelius De Pauw that: The severe climate of North America led inevitably to physical and mental retardation and retrogression among every living thing plants, animals, and humans. No people could prosper in such in environment; indolence, apathy, ill health, and stupidity would forever mark Americans.^ ^ In congruence with contemporary negritude-soul tech- niques, survival motions Euro-Americans reacted to these charges by claiming that America's main excuse for being was to repudiate Europe.^ ^ America now conceived of herself as a model of moral superiority and quarantined herself from European contact in order to guard her self-imputed democratic purity lest she become despoiled by European corruption and authoritarianism. Nonalignment became America's morally correct policy. In order to defend against European stereotypes, America during the early nineteenth century isolated herself from Europe and attempted to smugly enjoy her self -conferred moral superiority. At home there was to be absolute unity, total solidarity, pure AmericEinism, and diversity was not tolerated.^ ^ America's reaction to European claims of superiority motivated Ralph Waldo Emerson to urge Americans to become self-reliant, motivated Webster to develop an American language, compelled several presidents to support a national university, and inspired Henry Clay to promote an "American System" similar to Friedrich List's German political economy. In consonance with the tenets of negritude and soul, J. G. Herder, the German theologian, in his Ideals on the Philosophy of the History of Mankind maintained: . . . the French are somewhat frivolous. Imitation of French ways, or any foreign ways, makes one shallow and artificial. All true cultures or civilizations must arise from native roots. It must arise from the life of the common people. The culture of the peasant is not as denatured as that of the 100 cosmopolitan upper classes ... all peoples have their geniuses ... a sound civilization must express a national character or folk ... all peoples should develop their own geniuses in their own way . . . they should unfold natursJly.^ ^ According to Herder, there are genuine differences among peoples. These differences should be emphasized, but unique- ness and superiority are not synonymous. In accord with the principles of soul and negritude. Herder maintains that genius was to be based on intuition rather than reason. In consonance with the ideals of negritude and soul, Herder's romantically nationeilistic ideology stressed the superior virtues of the common people of Germany, decried the ways of aristocrats, suggested that the inner spirit of the individual creates its own moral universe, and held that the German folk culture could foster moral dignity among a disunited and subjugated people.^ ^ In his National System of Political Economy, published in 1841, Friedrich List like Herder, urged Germany to cease relying on the English system of free trade and English industries. List Admonished Germans to develop their own national culture, their own cities, their own factories, their own industries, their own capitEil and a system of high protective tariffs, that would keep the British out. According to List, any nation desirous of a civilization must become self-reliant.^ ^ Thus, Romantic nationalist of both African and European variety emphasize sovereignty, separatism, a common ethnic consciousness, and affection for folk myths as unifying forces. Ironically, the Southern experience, the very place that attempted to Anglicize Africans, provides some of the most salient parallels of both negritude and soul. But African- Americans, while incorporating some orthodox Southern ele- ments in soul, are compelled to go beyond the Southern plantation to Africa in order to retrieve their cultural roots. African-Americans attempt to exploit traditional Southern loyalties when they refer to soul. Both Dubois and Martin L. King, Jr., in their advocacy of an aristocracy of talent cater to traditioneil Southern mythical loyalties.^ ^ Just as Southern Euro -Americans resent having Booker T. Washington referred to as the black George Washington, the black Benjamin Franklin, the black Thomas Jefferson, the black Robert E. Lee, or the black Lincoln, soul brothers become equsilly incensed when referred to as Anglicized-Africans. Both appear to simultaneously yearn for and deny a distant irretrievable romantic past. They appear to quest for a distant past and contemporary advantages. The emulation of soul food and expressed reverence for the virtues of the noble savage represent a spiritual yearning to return to the plantation. Attempts to embellish and ennoble soul food with the virtues of gourmet dishes appear to be a 101 subconscious wish to accept and transform Euro-American stereotypes into acceptable and virtuous qualities. Few would refuse to agree that collards, hog maw, chitterlings, and other soul dishes were the slavemasters scraps and leftovers. Yet, today among some African-Americans, they represent cultural rallying points and serve to inspire traditional loyalties. But before condemning African-Americans for deify- ing soul dishes as a means of retrieving cultural loyalty, one must realize that Southern Euro- Americans still reverse defeat in the Civil War into a glorified cultural rallying point. The stars and bars and "Dixie" still revive Southern loyalties. "New South" leaders such as Henry Grady and other political propagandists often exploited traditional Southern loyalties as they reversed former liabilities into new assets and political victories. Both soul adherents and "New South" leaders returned to traditionEil Southern elements in an attempt to resurrect themselves economically, politically, and culturally. Both became obsessed with the past and worshipped both a real and imagined ancient cultural heritage. While the South attempted to become a modern Sparta, African-Americans spiritually and rhetorically returned to ancient Africa. When the South was being stereotyped as immoral, hedon- istic, and void of things cerebral. Southerners became diversi- tarian. Southern literary propagandists ceased being rational, rebelled against defined, accepted, social conventions, wor- shipped the individual and emotions, and focused on the past. Other Southerners reacted to charges of cultural inferiority by convincing themselves that the South represented a unique and superior cultural area and invested and alloyed the area and themselves with both cultural and moral supremacy. Southerners contended that the rest of the country possessed an inferior civilization. In 1860, after a London Times corres- pondent visited the South, its expressions of romantic nationalism caused him to report: Believe a Southern man as he believes himself and you must regard New England and the kindred states as the birthplace of impurity of mind among men and of unchastity in women the home of free love, of fourierism, of infidelity, of abolitionism, of false teaching in political economy and in social life; a land saturated with the drippings of rotten philosophy, with the poisonous infections of a fanatic press; without honor or modesty; whose valor and manhood have been swsillowed up in corrupt, howling demagogy, and in the marts of dishonest commerce . . .^ ^ Southern gentlemen, like adherents of negritude and soul, especially those in South Carolina, perceived themselves as well-bred gentlemen, courteous, hospitable, well-read, and endowed with cosmic companionship. 102 The romantic nationsilism of negritude, soul, and the romantic nationahsm of Euro-Americans are essentially rhetor- ical positions, but out of them have grown racist propaganda, self-fulfilling prophecies, race supremacists, racist institutions and practices, and cultural hyprocrisy. Neither European, Euro-American, African, nor African-American social myths demand cultural truth or validity. They survive on culturally derived symbols and loyalties around which people rally. "Dixie" appears to excite the adrenalin of Southern Euro- Americans in much the same way that soul music disquiets African-Americans and give rise to traditional emotions. They generally represent irrational myths concerned with and oriented not so much toward recapturing a past as with providing an image that will allow the capturing of the future,^ ^ Romantic nationalism attempts to foster unity and group solidarity by discovering and rediscovering the group's heritage or cultural roots. Just as "New South" propagandists visualize African-Americans as the rootless, invisible enemy, adherents of negritude and soul maintain that Europeans and Euro- Americans are the discernable, soullness nemesis.^ "^ Both African and Euro-American romantic nationalism advocate self-reliance and self-determination. The South did so through states rights, nullification, interposition, and the creation of a Confederacy, while African-Americans promoted separate institutions and communities and a return to Africa. Ultimately the elements of romantic nationalism enable a group to refuse to be dominated politically and culturally, enable a group to ascribe positive qualities to negative stereotypes, rehabilitate and resurrect in positive forms seemingly negative concepts, enable the downtrodden to engage in cultural counteroffensives against ascribed inferior labels, permit self- avowal, promote self-consciousness, and foster self-acceptance Eind self-recognition. Reversals and Literary Elements Part and parcel of the self-acceptance ritual of dominated groups and states is the reversal of commonly held cultural stereotypes. After this is done, those who were once subjugated isolate themselves and then proceed to declare their superiority. A significant thrust of negritude, soul, and other romantic movements has been attempts to use rhetoric to place the once dominant group in both a symbiotic and subordinate position, morally and culturally to those questing for liberation. Not only is the unpleasant past accepted by the emerging group, but those experiences are represented as capable of enabling the oppressed to transcend their former persecutors. Not only is the enslaved made superior to his former master, but the reversals serve to celebrate stereotypes of Africa in cosmic terms through the use of conventional Western imagery. Soul and negritude 103 employ the traditional African, African- American, and Western myths and stereotypes and incorporate them in both traditional and futuristic movements. From these syncretized myths and stereotypes are created spiritual adventures that represent objective standards of thought and behavior that are neither realistically subjective or objective.^ ^ This reversal process swells into exaggerated self-aggrandizement, highly optimistic self-consciousness, and fosters an assidious cultivation of black- ness. It enables one to confront European racism with zealous partisanship for Africaness and the exaltation of the Stygian hue to dizzy elevations. Ironically, soul and negritude establish Africa's distinctive and unique qualities through Western rhetoric and through traditional Western stereotypical assumptions. Acceptance and the reversal of traditional myths and stereotypes are described in the following passage by Leopold Senghor: . . . dicursive reason of the West is inferior to Africa's intuitive reason. There is African and Western logic. Western man engages in sight-reason but Africans engage in touch- reason. Africa's reasoning goes beyond appearances and takes in total reality . . . classical African reason is intuitive and participates in the object. Westerners are rational. Africans are emotive and possess a unique sensibility, rhythm, and internal dynamism . . . the African mind has an intensely religious disposition, a sense of the divine, perceives the supernatural in the natural, possess a mystical concept of the world which is derived from close links with the natural world . . . Africans abandon the self for the other and engage in reason by embrace rather than eye reason. Africans identify all beings with life-force. The world represents the manifestation in diverse forms, the same vital principle. The African world view is a system of participating forces. The great chain of vital responses in which man, the personification of life-force, occupies the central position from God through man, down to the grain of sand, there is a same less whole. Man is the center of the Interestingly, the acceptance of these Euro-American stereo- types are woven in such a way as to make Africans both superior and exceedingly humane. Traditional Western myths are annexed. Africanized, and positive attributes are imputed to them. Such reversals by negritude and soul permit the African to accept his traditions and therefore himself. Even though the African during gestures of despair and during sensations of collective neurosis, desire to remake the world in an African image, ultimately, after parity is achieved, Africans and African- Americans see society as an: 104 . . . extension of the clan, a kind of mystical family consisting of all persons, living and dead who possess a common ancestor. They represent a communion of souls and there is emphasis on the group without losing sense of the individual person.^ But not until parity or equality is achieved are the romantic nationalistic cries of separatism subdued. Negritude and soul suggest that adherents assimilate rather than become assim- ilated. Rather than seek integration, the goal becomes trans- formation. Negritude and soul begin as accommodative move- ments, evolve toward increasingly arrogant stances, and culmi- nate in a search for the universgJ Holy Grail. They begin as provincial, ethnic, separatist, romantic, and nationalistic move- ments. Later they become oriented toward the Third World and ultimately become universal. Their components appear secular, pseudo-religious, and diversionary to the uninitiated. Romantic Rituals, Evolutions, and Games The soul performer's style follows the tradition of the folk sermonizer or singer of traditional spirituals. He employs colloquialism, allusions, traditional symbols, makes references to the familiar, addresses his audiences directly, interweaves anecdotes with political comments, and carries on a dialogue with his audience. The performer's grammatical constructs are repetitive and rhythmical and he appears as an actor who wears a series of masks. He animates his message and employs other devices common to the folk style. ^ ^ In the ideology of soul and negritude, poets serve as both secular leaders and as prophets. Not only do they politicize, but they also baptize one in blackness and endow African- Americans, the only humans capable of apprehending them, with soul. There are few, if any, negritude-soul rituals in which Europeans can validly participate since they are intended to purge Africans of Anglicized endowments.^ ^ They are black men possessions which compel prospective converts to repudiate those aspects of themselves that foster humiliation and cause them to deny their traditional culture and to accept and confront their Africaness. Participa- tion in ceremonial meals serve to unite converts with the past. Even though words often represent worthless excrement to them, colorful rhetoric is important and public hand slapping serve as a form of ritual, public lovemaking. Soul and negritude deified both Malcolm X and Martin Luther King, Jr. Both are saints in the African-American community. Even though urban hipsters might not have accepted or understood King's abstractions of universal love and a blessed community following a night of the blues, they could, however, anticipate King's millennial dream as an impending goal. While King taught African- Americans how to dream, 105 Malcolm X excited and inspired African-Americans with his humane and realistic precepts.^ ^ Both served as soul forces which sensitized Euro- Americans to their arrogance, immorality and depravity. Both adorned African- Americans with hope and a noble destiny. Prior to the acceptance of soul as a visible force, African- Americans were considered invisible nonentities. Acceptance of soul endowed Africans with essence and permitted them to transcend the trauma of the niggerzone and to realize that their imperceptibility resulted from self-abnegation and from being absorbed in alien values. Like the Mau-Mau warrior who confessed that his military exploits against European im- perialists gave him new life, African- American entertainers and others have also confessed that since they went natural and became incontrovertibly black, they now perceive themselves as truly beautiful and can express and exhibit more creative energy. Acceptance of negritude and soul ideals makes the traditionally obscure African presence highly visible and the former very highly conspicuous Euro-Americans soulless automatons not aware that they have lost their most human qualities. They enable Africans, once with eagle-like attributes, conditioned to function as chickens, to soar heavenward and to condemn those who build kingdoms on fractricidal politics, falsehoods, and human corpses. They render Euro-American critics irrelevant and deny nonAfricans access to human endowments.^ * Negritude and soul are reactions to cultural invisibility. They represent survival motion, doing one's individual thing, and anguished happiness. They deflate Euro-American moral and cultural arrogance, represent a condensed patent folk myth lived daily, and permit Africans to survive as part of two worlds without becoming a victim of cultural dualism. They foster memories that are deeper than grief and create feelings that are stronger than technology. They fashion black angels, a black Christ-child, and primal spiritual energy. Soul-negritude over- load the circuits of nonAfricans and burn them out. They personify enjoyable encounters with the idesQs of the noble savage and compel Elvis Presley and Tarzan to pass for black. Just as soul force cannot accept America until she has been resurrected, nonAfricans cannot adopt or exploit negritude-soul sounds until they have been packaged, degraded, and reduced to a sonorous quality.^ ^ In congruence with the defensive nature of emerging national loyalties, during the initial stages of their development, negritude and soul require total conformity. Real issues are not debated, soladarity is essential, there are collective rationaliza- tions, there is groupthink and mind guards, there is un- questioned belief in the group's inherent morality, there are ethical reversals, deviants are purged, and the group engages in a shared illusion of unanimity. Like the slave who indulged 106 himself by shuffling, developing semantic complications, look- ing away, or scratching where it did not itch, parallel games are played by soul adherents through the use of apologetic self-indulgent rhetorical exercises that appear to paralize con- structive action. Reverberations in Academia The Black Power Movement created tremendous anguish for some African- American students. They were compelled, at least rhetorically, to alter their former cultural commitments. Some students saw themselves as privileged and advantaged "house niggers" and felt obligated to at least pretend to behave as "field niggers" by participating in the blacker than thou games by rejecting and resisting Anglicization. Thus, they refused to be hermetically sealed in a sea of whiteness. Students, espeically those on white majority campuses, appeared to become victims of structural contradictions. Education became for them both a desirable tool and an insidious tool of the white man.^ ^ Some African-American students and teachers employ blacker than thou games as instruments of self-aggrandizement. Often it is used as an eraser of imaginary feelings of undeserved security by those who harbor guilt regarding their economic and other advantages. By playing the game, one survives the psychological duality and symbiosis that result when one who emulates the "field nigger" attempts to acquire a university degree. By dramatizing one's blackness through dress and behavior one can remain tough, can serve as a blackness watchdog, and can covert and exploit others. Aside from possessing elements of romantic nationalism, negritude-soul embrace both quasi-religious rituals and educa- tional processes. The preeminent criterion for participating in the socializing process is being African and the educational process cannot commence at age twenty-five. One must revere his Africaness, must listen to sermons preached by African- Americans, must listen to soul sounds, is obligated to speak and comprehend soul language, is expected to engage in blacker than thou games or rituals, and is compelled to embrace the values and virtues of the noble savage, the pimp and the field nigger, engage in rap sessions, spend time at the "wall" or the "place", accept and embrace lower class stereotypes, accept blacker than thou norms, develop the "bad nigger complex", and willingly accept the traditionally most despised aspects of one's Africamess.'^ ^ While some African-Americans seriously embrace soul- negritude, others merely pretend that they revere Africa so that their Africaness is not questioned or doubted. Theirs is a pseudo-commitment to Africa. It appears that there is the romantic desire on the pEirt of some students to spiritually return to the plantation cabin of the "field nigger" while they 107 insist that they be permitted to enjoy the educational and other comforts of the "house nigger" in Academia. Paradoxically, such a person desires the luxury of Academia's "big house" while pretending rhetorically or vicariously to yearn for the plantation cabin of the antebellum South. -^ ^ Ironically, some students who claim to be supporters of the liberating ideals of negritude-soul also accept and embrace the ideals of Old South racial myths and stereotypes. They maintain that Africaness and intellectuality are incompatible and then proceed to exhibit "field nigger" or "street nigger" norms in the academic community. In their rhetorical and vicarious romance with Old South stereotypes, it appears that a subconscious or a pseudo-link is established with southern plantation stereotypes through dress and hairdos even though these urges are consciously denied. Another personality type that emerged out of the soul- negritude unfolding process during the 1960's was the academic pimp-hustler. Such a person promotes African and African- American studies not out of a desire for knowledge or serious study, but because of a desire to exploit blackness for selfish reasons ind to be rewarded by the system without exerting oneself academically. Should the professor require the academic pimp-hustler to engage in extensive reading or to write research papers, he argues: Academics is a white man's thing. Blacks are oral. If you understood blacks you would give community assign- ments . . .^ ^ Thus, many academic pimp-hustlers negotiate grades rather than engage in serious study. As long as they are permitted to exploit their blackness, they appear to accept and embrace the Old South steroetypes that suggest that blacks are inferior to Euro- Americans academically. They argue that those who demind serious academic work are either "honkies" or "Uncle Toms." They attempt and often succeed in getting through the academic system with the least possible effort with both administrative and professional blessings. Thus, their acceptance of traditional stereotypes and utilization of ethical reversals permit the intellectually weak to be rewarded and to receive middle class academic credentials primarily because their mentors perceive the terms "honky" and "Uncle Tom" as extremely harsh labels. A parallel ethic is embraced at those white colleges and universities where all gentlemen playboys merely keep their academic heads above "C" level, maintain test files for their fraternity sorority members, or confess to professors that they are too difficult. Thus, intellectual laziness has no class of ethnic boundaries. Both racial groups may regress to traditional stereotypic behavior."* 108 Academic pimp-hustlers embrace the stereotypical norms attributed to the "field nigger" but they do not go through the mortifying rituals of plantation slaves. Often the pimp-hustler is obliged to negotiate for grades because much of his out-of-class leisure is spent psirtying, at whist parties, or playing blacker than thou or waspier than thou games. If the professor happens to be African-American, the pimp-hustler attempts to strengthen his hand by badgering the professor to give him an "A" solely because he is African- American. The Euro-American student feigns an ultra-liberal posture. In both instances, the primary concern is how one can use the color game to maneuver through the academic system.^ ^ The academic hustler-pimp is not a part or product of either negritude or soul. Even though he may use the rhetoric of the game, appear genuine, and wear the trimmings and disguises of the movement. The academic pimp-hustler is concerned only with self-aggrandizement. Even though soul and negritude created a black model equipped to satisfy the same needs served by the white paradigm, even though they compel African-Americans to confront and come to terms with and legitimatize their Africaness, ind even though they exorcise Africans of ab- sorption in an alien or Anglicized culture, these ideologies also contend that following the establishment of parity and trans- formation African-Americans cannot afford to either harm themselves or other humans. African- American supporters of soul and negritude who wear the dashiki, rap and yell right on, or wear the African- American hairpiece may appear hypocritical to some. Actually, they are no more exploitive than the pretentious Euro-Americans who dress as farmers, employ the rhetorical southern drawl, admit that they support "law and order" or are a conservative, drink mountain dew, pretend to be simple minded, or play "Dixie" in order to arouse traditional southern loyalties. Both groups appear to realize that one of the few psychological and cultural routes to essence for those victimized by stereotypes grounded in myths is to regress to traditional ethnic or national symbols of loyalty."* ^ Unless individuEils are involved in and identify with a culture, they will exist in an existential cultural vacuum. In expressing the alienation of African emigrees in Europe, Leopold Senghor wrote in 1962: . . . assimilation was a failure; we could assimilate mathe- matics or the French language, but we could never strip off our black skins or root out our black souls. And so we set out on a fervent quest for the Holy Grail: our collective soul."* ^ The cultural trauma experienced by Africans and African- Americans seems to be equally applicable to Europeans and Euro- Americans. The use of negritude-soul in African or 109 African-American parlance drives toward a sense of ethnic cohesion based on some sense of ethnic unity or ethnic soul. Herder, the German romantic nationalist describes this idea in the following extended metaphor: As the mineral derives its component parts; its operative power, and its flaws from the soil through which it flows, so the ancient characteristics of peoples arose from the family features, the climate, the way of life and tradition, the early actions and employments, that were peculiar to them. The manners of the fathers took deep root and became the internal prototypes of the descendants.^ ^ NegTitude-soul and romantic nationalism perceive a common enemy, maintain that the subjugated represent unique beings a different warmth and a different cold, provide the rationale for the struggle for self-determination, and proclaim similar rhetor- ical echoes. They represent movements not so much to protect against the injustices of an authoritarian state but rather an attempt to redraw boundaries to fit the contour of ethnic bodies. Their only demands are culturally-derived symbols around which people may rally and the development of a cultural identity around which individual identities can then be based. Conclusions Negritude and soul are by-products of romantic nationism. Western Cultural arrogance, the enslavement of Africans, and imperialism in Africa. One cannot long subjugate or discrimi- nate against a people without generating in them a sense of isolation, a sense of alienation, a sense of persecution, or endearing them with a sense of peerlessness or compelling them to assume that they are invested with Cosmic Companionship. Negritude and soul represent a symbolic progression from subordination, to alienation, to revolt, to self-affirmation, and finally to an affirmation of all humanity. These ideologies emerged from a desire to cease being an alien in one's own universe. The misery of the cultural and psychological symbiosis and ambiguity compel adherents of these concepts to announce their essence, to build nation states on the myths and traditions of the past rather than the realities of the present, and to proclaim Africans as a people apart with a unique national sense of brotherhood and community. Soul and negritude began as quests for cultural roots but gravitate toward expressions of a world view, self -actualization, and coalescence from diunital elements. Seen in a broad historical perspective, they represent reactions against Western cultural domination. Both are inspired by a wish for freedom from both domination and contempt. Both have evolved 110 ideological constructs and their literature and Paradigms afford insights into the intimate process of African reactions to culturgJ tyranny. In their progression from myth to reality, negritude and soul have served as mediators of diunital encounters. They are inspired by African and African- American Messianism and other historic responses to novel environmental challenges. Initially they were supernatural, apocalyptic, and eschatological in orientation. Even today, negritude and soul encompass a temporal Utopian vision that is spiritually and culturally authentic. Initially the movement was preoccupied with limited ethnic interests but will ultimately be animated by an obsession for universal human fulfillment. They attempt to synthesize opposites, created useful and reassuring yesteryears, foster love for all humanity, enable one to transcend national ethnicity, and compel men to embrace panhumanism and thereby form a tellurian union with the Universe. Negritude and soul represent doing and continually coming into being. Those who adhere to the ideals of negritude and soul perceive life as a verb process and as a will to essence. They worship the verb rather than the noun, and they celebrate essence rather than memoirs. Soul and negritude evolve from the individual to the social and from individualism to an all inclusive humanism which unifies all people. They endow individuals with the capacity to act out God's historical intentions in a temporal paradise, they maintain that humans are unfinished products continually becoming, they adorn individuals with the finer human hungers, they endow in- dividuals with illusions of grandeur, they demolish the God who once served as a divine bellhop or credit card in the sky, they erect the kingdom of God as a state of mind, and they represent the quest for the Holy Grail: Humanity's collective soul. Ill Footnotes 1 Roger D. Abrahams, Positively Black (Englewood Cliff, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1970), p. 147. 2 Leon Damas, "Pigments and the Colonized Personality", Black World, Vol. XXI, No. 3, January 1972, pp. 4-12. 3 Abiola Irele, "Negritude or Black Cultural Nationalism", Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 11, No. 3, December, 1965, p. 508. 4/&jd., 521. ^Jean Price Mars, Haitian Renaissance writer, is credited with coining the term negritude in 1939. The African-American Harlem Renaissance established the precedents for articulating the expression. ^B. Malinowski, The Dynamics of Culture Change (New Haven Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1961), p. 158. ^Joseph Kariuki, Mau-Mau Detainee (London: Heinemann, 1971, p. 27. sjrle, "Negritude on Black Cultural Nationalism", Op. cit., p. 324; Okon E. Uya (ed.).. Black Brotherhood: Afro-Americans and Africa (Lexington, Massachusetts: D. C. Heath and Company, 1971), pp. 4, 214-228, 241-256. ^Mereer Cook and Stephen E. Henderson, The Black Writer in Africa and the United States (Madison, Wisconsin: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1969), pp. 9-10. ^oibid. 11 76 id., pp. 4-6. 12 Abrahams, Op. cit, pp. 141-146. 1 3 W. W. B. Dubois, The Souls of Black Folk (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1967), pp. 3-4. i'*E. U. Essien-Udom, Black Nationalism: A Search for an Identity in America (New York: Dell Publishing Company, Incorporated, 1968), pp. 28-29. 15 Irele, "Negritude and Black Cultural Nationalism," Op. cit., p. 334. ^^Ihid., p. 329. 1 '7 Thomas F. Pettigrew, A Profile of the Negro American (Princeton, New Jersey: D. Van Nostrand Company, Incorporated, 1964), p. xi; D. Echeverria, Mirage in the West (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1957), p. 14. i8/&/d. 19 John Spanier, American Foreign Policy Since World War II (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, Publisher, 1965), pp. 6-7. '^^Ihid., p. 8. 2 1 R. R. Palmer and Joel Colton, A History of the Modern World (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1971), pp. 444-445. ^^Ibid., pp. 480-481. 24 Abrahams, Op. cit, pp. 146-147. 2 5Rollin C. Osterweis, Romanticism and Nationalism in the Old South (Baton Rouge, Louisiana: State University Press, 1967), pp. 134-135; London Times, April 30, 1860. 2 6 Abrahams, Op. cit., p. 150. ^^Ibid., p. 147. 2 8Abiola Irele, "Negritude-Literature and Ideology," Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. Ill, No. 4, December, 1965, p. 509. ^^Ibid., pp. 509-511, 517-518. ^oibid., pp. 520-521. 3 1 Ruth Miller (ed.), Blackamerican Literature: 1760-Present (Beverly Hills, California: Glencoe Press, 1971), pp. 698-699, 641. 3 2 Richard Sennett, The Uses of Disorder: Personal Identity and City Life (New York: Random House 1971), pp. 3-27; John A. Williams (ed.), Amistad I (New York: Random House, 1970), pp. 183-225. 112 3 3 Cook and Henderson, Op. cit., p. 16. ^"^Ibid., pp. 8-9. 3 5 Mel Watkins (ed.). Black Review, Number I (New York: William Marrow and Company, Incorporated, 1971), pp. 103-116. 3 6 George Napper, Blacker Than Thou (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1973), pp. 25-52. 109-119; Charles Keil, Urban Blues (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1970), pp. 164-190, 198. 3 7/&/d. 3 8Ulf Hannerz, "What Ghetto Males are Like," in Afro American Anthropology : Contemporary Perspectives, Norman E. Whitten, Jr., (New York: The Free Press, 1970), pp. 313-330, 347-364; Napper, Op. cit., pp. 25-52. 3 9/6/d. 4 Christina and Richard Milnes, Black Players: The Secret World of Black Pimps (New York: Paulaum Brooks, 1972), pp. 1-4, 27-35, 42, 423, 47, 123, 160. ^^Ibid., Thomas Sowell, Black Education: Myths and Tragedies (New York: David McKay Company, Incorporated, 1973), pp. 187-221. 4 2 Paul M. Gaston, The New South Creed: A Study in Southern Mythmaking (New York: Random House, 1973), pp. 99, 173-174, 207-208. '*3lrele, "Negritude and Black Cultural Nationalism," Op. cit., p. 334. 44 William A. Wilson, "Herder, Folklore, and Romantic Nationalism." Unpublished Manuscript, p. 5. 113 HOMOZYGOUS VIABILITY OF POLYGENES IN A SAVANNAH POPULATION OF DROSOPHILA MELANOGASTER A PRELIMINARY REPORT Govindan K. Nambiar* and Yavonne Dashiell** Department of Biology Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia Abstract Fifteen second chromosomes were extracted from a Savannah, Georgia population of Drosophila melanogaster according to the inversion method of Wallace (1956). Viabilities of homozygotes and heterozygotes were examined by counting a total of 39,428 flies. The average homozygous viability was .8258 .0490, the average heterozygote viability being 1,0000 .0411. The genetic load caused by mild detrimentals (Dj^^) was .185 in terms of lethal equivalents. The phenotypic correlation coefficient(r) between the viabilities of homozygotes and heterozygotes was .6349 which was significantly different from zero at the 5 percent level. The average dominance of the polygenes was estimated to be .4090 while the average dominance of the newly arisen mutants was 1.3055. It is well known that a large amount of genetic variability with respect to fitness is maintained in equilibrium random mating population, but the mechanism whereby this is main- tained has not been completely clarified. Based on our present knowledge it is reasonable to suppose that the magnitude of genetic variability in population is determined by the action and interaction of numerous factors, such as mutant genes, the mode of interaction among loci, the effect of environment and the nature of selection, breeding system, and population structures. In order to arrive at a hypothesis for the main- tenance of variability in the population, polymorphisms existing in a large number of populations must be studied. Moreover, in recent years, various kinds of environmental pollutants have been known as serious factors affecting natural populations. Mukai and Yamaguchi (1974) made a detailed analysis of a population in approximate equilibrium where inversion poly- *Professor of Biology **A student enrolled in Biology 407 (Research), 1973-74. 114 morphisms were encountered. It would be useful to know the present populations so that they might be used as control populations in estimating the effect of polluting agents in future. The present study was carried out to estimate some of the genetic parameters of a Savannah population of Drosophila melanogaster in respect of the second chromosome polygenes controlling viability. Materials and Methods Materials: The following two stocks were used in this experi- ment: (1) A Savannah population of Drosophila melanogaster collected from a location about iy2 miles from the down town area on the Savannah river side. (2) C160*:+(from W160S);Ins(2) SMI, al^ Cy spVln(2)Pm, dp b Pm ds33k;+(from W160S); +(from W160S); abbreviated as Cy/Pm( curly /Plum). For more details see Mukai and Burdick (1959). The experimental materials were maintained in a culture room at about 25 C. Estimation of relative viabilities was conducted at the same temperature. In the maintenance of experimental lines, as well as the estimation of relative viability, 3cm X 10cm vials were employed. The medium throughout the experiment consisted of water 1200ml, dry yeast 50g, agar 14g, molasses 100ml, commeal 50g, tegosept solution 5ml, and propionic acid 5 ml. Experimental procedure: The extraction of the second chromo- somes from the Savannah population of Drosophila melano- gaster was according to what is commonly known as the inversion method (Wallace 1956). As shown in Figure 1, males from the Savannah population were individually mated to 5 Cy/Pm females in generation 1, and of the resulting progeny, males of the genotype Cy/+ were again individually mated to the 5 Cy/Pm females in generation 2 and 15 lines were established in this way. These chromosome lines were main- tained at 19 C, balanced with SMI (Cy) chromosomes, which help maintain less viable or lethal chromosome types. Homozygote and heterozygote viabilities were estimated as in Wallace (1956) and Mukai et al. (1974). Crosses were made between 5 Cy/+j females and 5 Cy/+j males from generation 3 with 4 simultaneous replications in each chromosome line number. In the offspring (generation 4), Cy/+j and +[/+[ flies segregate at an expected ratio of 2:1. The viabilities of random heterozygotes were estimated in a way similar to the above, combining two successively numbered lines i.e., Cy/+j x *Received from Dr. Mukai 's laboratory 115 FIGURE 1 Mating scheme for the extraction of chromosomes and testing their viabilities. GENERATION ^160 Cy + Sav 1 (59) Pm X + (Id) ^160 Cy Cy 2 (59) Pm X 1 + (Id) 1 Cy 1 Cy Cy 1 Cy Pm 1 Pm + ^^^^ Die Discard Discard Cy \ Cy 3 (59) + X + (5d) 1 Cy 1 Cy 1 + 4 Cy + + Die 2 1 Cy/+j+2 ^^ order to secure random combinations of different chromosome lines. As in the case of homozygotes, five pair matings were conducted with 4 simultaneous replications. In both cases, 7 days after crosses were made all 10 flies were discarded. All emerged flies were counted at 4 different times until the 18th day after crosses were made. Cy flies and wild-type flies from the vicil were considered a single observa- tion. The viability was expressed as the ratio of the number of wild-type flies to the number of Cy flies plus one (Haldane 1956). Crosses were made at two different times (replications). There were 5 chromosome lines in the first replication and 10 lines in the second replication. Homozygote and heterozygote viabilities were estimated at the same time within replications. Before Einalyses were made all viabilities were standardized to the average viability of the heterozygote within replications. The genetic load(s) due to mildly deleterious genes on the second chromosomes(Dj^), was calculated by the formula (Teminetal. 1969): (1) S = e-s 116 where S is the viability estimate of homozygotes relative to heterozygotes. The average dominance of the polygenes (h) was estimated by the formula (Mukai and Yamaguchi 1974): (2) ^Y.X. = h where iSy.X. is the regression coefficient between the hetero- zygote viability(Y) and the sum of the corresponding homo- zygous viabilities(X). The average dominance of the newly arisen mutants(hjg^) was calculated according to the formula (Mukai and Yamaguchi 1974): Variance (Y) (3) h^ = Covariance (X, Y) The analysis of the variance of the data was according to standard statistical procedures (Snedecor and Cochran 1967). Results and Discussion In two different experiments, a total of 15 second chromo- somes were extracted and their homozygote and heterozygote (random combination of the chromosomes) viabilities were estimated. The basic statistics and genetic parameters with respect to the second chromosome viability was presented in Table 1. Of a total of 39,428 flies counted, 19,905 were TABLE 1 Basic statistics and genetic parameters obtained in the study of homo- zygous viability of polygenes in Drosophila melanogaster. Homozygotes Heterozygotes Number of chromosome lines Total number of flies counted Average number of flies counted for each chromosome line Average number of replications in each line Average number of flies counted in each observation (each vial) Average viability index* Average viability index (standardized)** Error variance on line basis Error variance on individual observation basis Genetic variance ( CT G) 15 15 19,905 19,523 ,327.00 1,301.55 3.9 3.9 340.26 333.73 .4177 .4722 .8258 1.0000 .0156 0.0260 .0958 0.0668 .0299 0.0262 Viability index = ++/Cy+ + 1 (Haldane 1956) **On heterozygote basis 117 homozygotes and 19,523 were heterozygotes. No lethal line was detected because there was no line which showed a viability less than 10 percent (< 0.1) in a homozygous condition relative to the heterozygous condition (Greenberg and Crow 1960). All the chromosome lines studied showed viabilities more than 50 percent (> 0.5) and therefore they ire considered mUd detrimentals(Dni). The average viabilities of the homozygotes and heterozygotes respectively were 0.4177 and 0.4722. The standardized viability of the homozygotes was .8258 ,0490 (assuming the heterozygote viability to be 1.0000) and it was 1.0000 .0411 for the heterozygotes. The genetic variance of the homozygotes was .0299 while it was .0262 for the homozygotes. The analysis of variance for the viabilities of homozygotes is presented in Table 2. It is evident that there is a TABLE 2 Analysis of variance for the viabilities of homozygotes with respect to polygenes on the second chromosome in Drosophila melanogaster. Sum of Degrees of Mean Expected Source squares freedom square F mean square Between lines 2.5534 14 .1824 Within lines (error) 2.8868 44 .0656 Total 5.4402 58 2.78** CrE+ 3.9 0~ G cr^E **Significant at the 1 percent level Cr^G = .0299 significant diversity among these lines with respect to viability of polygenes. The analysis of variance for the viabilities of the heterozygotes is shown in Table 3. As seen from the table, significant differences are shown among the viabilities of heterozygotes, the estimated- genetic variance, as expected being slightly smaller than that of homozygotes. The distribution of heterozygote viabilities is presented in Figure 2 together with that of homozygotes. Correlation coefficient between homozygote and heterozygote viabilities: The phenotypic correlation between homozygote and heterozygote viabilities was calculated on line basis. The result is .6349. This estimate is significant from zero at the 5 percent level. Since the expectation of correlation between the errors of homozygote and heterozygote viability is zero, the genetic correlation between the homozygote and heterozygote viabili- ties (rQQ') can be calculated by the following formula (Mukai et. al. 1964): 118 '^^Q' = Gov (Homo and Heterq) cxG CJG' where Cov(Homo and Hetero) indicates the covariance between the homozygote and the heterozygote viabilities. The result obtained^on the basis of Cov(Homo and Hetero) = .0178 a G = .1729 a G' = .1618 is .6357. TABLE 3 Analysis of variance for the viabilities of heterozygotes with respect to polygenes on the second chromosome in Drosophila melanogaster. Source Sum of squares Degrees of freedom Mean square Expected mean square Between lines 2.3073 14 Within lines (error) 2.7625 44 Total 5.0698 58 .1648 2.62** O" E + 3.9O" G .0628 CT^E **Signif leant at the 1 percent level Cr^G = .0262 FIGURE 2 Frequency distribution of homozygote and heterozygote Viabilities of the second chromosomes. The average viability of heterozygotes is assumed to be 1.0000. 0.4 _ Homozygotes Heterozygotes Average dominance of viability polygenes: All the hetero- zygotes whose constituent chromosomes have both viability indices larger than 0.6 were chosen for estimating the average degree of dominance of the viability polygenes. In total there were 14 heterozygotes which satisfied the above condition (homozgous viability > 0.6). The average degree of dominance was estimated by formula (2). The covariance between hetero- zygote viabilities and the sum of the corresponding homozygous viabilities is .1352 and the variance of the sum of the corresponding homozygote viabilities is .3303 giving a re- gression coefficient of .4093. This estimate of average dominance for the second chromosome viability polygenes is within the range of values reported by many authors for natural populations (Mukai et, al. 1972, Temin et. al. 1969 and Mukai & Yamaguchi 1974). Similarly, average dominance of newly arisen mutants (h]s^) was calculated by formula (3). Variance Y was .1765 and covariance XY was .1352 and therefore the average degree of dominance of the newly arisen mutants was 1.3055. The value obtained in this study is also within the range of values obtained by Mukai and Yamaguchi (1974) for the Raleigh population. The experimental results of Temin et. al. (1969), Mukai and Yamaguchi (1974) and the present study indicate that the average dominance of viability polygenes is much higher than that of "recessive" lethal genes which Crow and Temin (1964) calculated to be .015 at approximate equilibrium frequencies in a natural population. Chisholm and Nambiar (1974) in a recent study concluded on the basis of Dm/L ratio in a cage population that the dominance of the mildly detrimental genes is several times larger than the lethal genes. Using formula (1) as described in the initial part of this paper the viability index was translated into Dm load. The value obtained was .180 which is slightly higher than the values reported for mildly detrimental genes for natural populations (Temin et. al. 1969 and Temin 1966). Probably this might be due to fewer genomes being studied in this investigation. From the above experimental results it could be concluded that the few genetic parameters studied on a Savanngih population are basically the same or within the ranges as other populations. However, further tests are necessary to understand fully the state of the present population. We are grateful to Dr. Terumi Mukai, Professor, Department of Genetics, North Carolina State University, Raleigh for providing us with the stock of C160 flies from his laboratory and to Dr. Margaret C. Robinson, Head of the Department of Biology, Savannali State College, Savannali for affording us the facilities to complete this study. 120 References Chisholm, J. M. and Govindan K. Nambiar, 1974. Preliminary report on the influence of epistasis on homozygous viability in Drosophila melanogaster. Submitted to Genetics. Crow, J. F., F. J. Ayala and G. Temin, 1964. Evidence for partial dominance of recessive lethal genes in natural populations of Drosophila melanogaster. Am. Naturalist 98:21-33. Greenberg, R. and J. F. Crow, 1960. A comparison of the effect of lethal and detrimental chromosomes from drosophila populations. Genetics 45:1154-1168. Haldane, J. B. S., 1956. The estimation of viabilities. J. Genet. 54:294-296. Mukai, T. and A. B. Burdick, 1959. Single gene heterosis associated with a second chromosome recessive lethal in Drosophila melanogaster. Genetics 44:211-232. Mukai, T., S. Chigusa, and I. Yoshikawa, 1964. The genetic structure of natural populations of Drosophila melanogaster. II. Overdominance of spontaneous polygenes controlling viability in homozygous genetic background. Genetics 50:711-715. Mukai, T., S. I. Chigusa, L. E. Mettler and J. F. Crow, 1972. Mutation rate and dominance of genes affecting viability in Drosophila melano- gaster. Genetics 72:335-355. Mukai, T. and O. Yamaguchi, 1974. The genetic structure of natural populations of Drosophila melanogaster. XI. Genetic variability in a local population. Genetics 76:339-366. Snedecor, G. W. and W. G. Cochran, 1967. Statistical methods. The Iowa State University Press, Ames, Iowa. 6th edition. Wallace, B., 1956. Studies on irradiated populations of Drosophila melanogaster. J. Genet. 54:280-293. 121 BLACK GOVERNORS AND GUBERNATORIAL CANDIDATES: 1868-1972 Hanes Walton, Jr. & Delacy W. Sanford Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia Presently, there are no Black governors or Black lieutenant governors in America. In fact, Black longevity in these positions in the past has been short lived or very limited. And the opportunity for Blacks to obtain these positions in America has occurred only rarely in the past. Blacks in the governors' offices^ have always been the exception rather than the rule in American political life. Those Blacks that did become governors did so by the rule of succession or on the basis of a technicality rather than by the sheer political muscle of the Black electorate. On the other hand, however, Black lieutenant governors did emerge by sheer strength of Black political muscle, but in the past and present the lieutenant governor's role had little or no meaningful political power. But despite the fact that there has been only a few Black governors and lieutenant governors, numerous Blacks have sought the office via regular political entities i.e., the regular political parties, minor parties, independent political move- ments and Black political parties.^ In short, the difficulty in being elected to the governor's office has not stifled the Black man's efforts to try to get elected in spite of the fact that there have been no Black governors or lieutenant governors, technically speaking, since the 1970's. Black political hopefuls have continuously sought to occupy one of the two positions in the governor's office. Even with defeat after defeat in the last 100 yecirs. Black politicians continue to try to become governors or lieutenant governors. Black Governors and Lieutenant Governors: The Past Although Blacks first cast their ballots for candidates for the governor's office in South Carolina during the 1701 and 1703 elections,^ they didn't get the opportunity to vote for 1 The term governor's office is used in this analysis to refer to positions of governor and lieutenant governor. 2 On this point see H. Walton, Jr., The Negro in Third Party Politics (Philadelphia: Dorrance, 1969), and H. Walton, Jr., Black Political Parties: A Historical and Political Analysis, (New York: Free Press, 1972), Chapter 6. 3Emil Olbrich, The Development of Sentiment on Negro Suffrage to 1860 (Connecticut: Negro University Press, 1969), p. 7. 122 Black candidates for the governor's office until more than one-hundred-sixty-five (165) years later during the Recon- struction era. It was after the Civil War and the passage of the Reconstruction Acts in March, 1867, that reorganized the South into military districts and gave the loyal inhabitants (those that had not participated in the act of rebellion) the right to hold their own constitutional conventions. When those constitutional conventions were held in each state during 1867 to 1868, new constitutions were drawn up that gave Blacks the right to vote in each state."* After the new constitutions were ratified, elections took place in each southern state for the state legislature, governor's office and all other sundry political offices. And it was during these elections in 1867 and 1868 that Black political hopefuls aimed at the governor's office. The reason Black political aspirations were so high was the fact that Blacks were generally a dominant power in the RepublicEin party ranks. Since the political coalition during this period was made up of Scalawags, Carpetbaggers and Blacks, the last was always the largest group of voters. And to appease the Black leaders, white Republican party organizers and leaders sponsored Blacks for several top posts to help keep the Black electorate intact or unified in their support of the Republican Party.^ The situation vividly expressed itself in Louisiana in 1868. At the party convention that year two Blacks, P.B.S. Pinchback and F. E. Dumas, sought the pirty's nomination for Governor. Pinchback withdrew but Dumas held out for two ballotings before losing to a white aspirant, Henry Clay Warmoth, by one vote on the second ballot.^ "As a consolation," however, Oscar J. Dunn, a former slave, was nominated for lieutenant governor. He was subsequently elected and served in the post from 1868 to 1871 when he died. Elsewhere, during 1868, Francis L. Cardozo of South Carolina refused the Republican Party nomination for lieutenant governor due to pressure from national Republican leaders in Washington, D. C. who felt that it was too early for Blacks to assert themselves or seek such a high post. ^ In 1870, American political observers saw two Blacks elected lieutenant governor. Alonzo Jacob Ransier was elected to the post in South Carolina, while in Louisiana, P.B.S. 4 AH of the Southern states had disfranchised free Blacks by 1836. Before then in some states free Blacks could vote. Ibid., pp. 21-70. See also S. D. Weeks, "The History of Negro Suffrage in the South," Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 9, (December, 1894), pp. 673-703. 5 See H. Walton, Jr., The Politics of the Black and Tan Republicans, (forthcoming book). 6Lerone Bennett, Jr., Black Power U.S.A., (Chicago: Johnson Publishing Co., 1967), p. 125-126. 7/b/d., p. 126. 123 Pinchback took the job. Ransier served from 1870-1872 after which he was elected to the U.S. Congress in 1873. By 1872 to 1873 three Blacks had been elected to the lieutenant governor's office. C. C. Antoine got the post in Louisiana, and held it from 1872 to 1876. Richard H. Cleaves, was elected to the post in South Carolina from 1872 to 1877. The election of Cleaves, the lieutenant gubernatorial candidate in South Carolina, is even more illuminating. Although elected to the lieutenant governor's post three times, he received stiff opposition from other Black hopefuls. For instance, in 1872, a sizeable number of Blacks bolted the Regular Republican Party, coalesced with numerous whites and formed the Reform Party (Lily-white Republican Party) and opposed the Regular Party in the 1872 state election. To successfully challenge the Regular Party the Reform Republicans ran a Black for lieutenant governor opposing Cleaves. This Black man, James H. Hayne, was defeated by Cleaves by more than 33,000 votes. ^ In 1874, a new Republican organization, the Independent Republican Party, which was made up of the old Reform Party members, ran another Black man, Martin R. Delany (known as the father of Black Nationalism because he was the first Black man to advocate a Back to Africa Movement)^ for lieutenant governor against R. H. Cleaves, The Regular Republican Party Black candidate for that position. And in the election Cleaves won, receiving 80,403 votes to Delany 's 68,818.^ However, in 1876 Cleaves was opposed not by a Black man but a white Democrat, W. D. Simpson. In the first election Cleaves beat Simpson 86,620 to 82,521. But due to irregulari- ties and fraud during the election the results were thrown out and a new election was held. On December 14, 1876, when the second set of results were in Simpson had defeated Cleaves by a vote of 91,689 to 19,150. The Republicans at first rejected the results, but the political deal made by Republican R. B. Hayes in 1877 to get the Presidency included permitting the Democrats in South Carolina to remain in power. Thus, Cleaves was out of office for good. In terms of other states, Alexander K. Davis held the lieutenant governor's post in Mississippi from 1873 to 1876. However, when the curtain dropped in 1877, Black lieutenant governors had become a part of history. For each year thereafter Blacks have not been able to get reelected to that post. Black lieutenant governors at this writing are a thing of the past. If there have been six Black lieutenant governors, there have 8 A. A. Taylor, "The Negro in South Carolina During the Recon- struction," Journal of Negro History, (October, 1924), pp. 462-467. ^Howard Brotz (ed.), Negro Social and Political Thought 1850-1-920, (New York: Basic Books, 1966), pp. 2-4, 37-100. lOTaylor, op. cit, p. 468. 124 been only two Black governors within the territorial limits of the United States.^ ^ The first Black man to become governor in the United States was P. B. S. Pinchback in Louisiana in 1872. Pinchback, who was the lieutenant governor, succeeded to the governorship on December 9, 1872 when the present white governor, Henry Clay Warmoth was impeached by the House of Representatives for trying to dictate his successor and the 1872 election outcome. Pinchback served as governor, according to one source, thirty-six days,^ ^ another source forty-three days, until the inauguration of Republican Governor W. P. Kellogg on January 13, 1872.^^ Upon leaving his office, Pinchback was elected to the United States Senate but was refused his seat because of claimed election irregularities which were never substantiated. Technically speaking, the next Black man to become a governor was Jim Noble of Oklahoma. According to the Oklahoma Constitution, which states that "the capital is where the state seal is and that the person who has the seal is governor,"^ ^ Jim Noble became governor in 1910 for a day. Describing the situation. Professor Waldo Phillips writes that "in 1910 the state (Oklahoma) voted to move the capital from Guthrie to Oklahoma City. Much hostility had developed among the people in Guthrie because they did not want the capital moved. Friction increased to the extent that the national guards had been placed around the building. This was done because whispers had spread that interested parties had planned to steal the seal and take it to Oklahoma City. Due to the fact that all persons entering and leaving the capital building in Guthrie were searched with the exception of Jim Noble, the Black Messenger for the state. Governor Haskell and Secretary of State W. B. Anthony decided to entrust it to Jim. The two state officials called Jim and gave him the seal for its transmittal. "Jim, you have complete freedom in and out of the bunding. This is the state seal. Take it to Oklahoma City and we will be waiting for you. Don't ride the bus, train or in cars of your friends. Walk, run, hitchhike, or hobo. Remember Jim you are governor of the state of Oklahoma and the future of your state depends on you."^ ^ Thus, for the time it took Jim Noble to travel the forty miles to Oklahoma City (about a day) he was technically the 1 1 Virgin Islands, one of America's territories, has a Black governor but he has been appointed by the President. Ebony, (November, 1970), p. 35. 12 Bennett, op. cit., p. 264. 1 3 See Table I. 14 Waldo B. Phillips, "Jim Noble: Oklahoma's Negor Governor," Phylon (Spring, 1959), p. 92. ^5 Ibid. 125 TABLE I Black Governors and Lieutenant Governors in the United States Names States Positions Year P. B. S. Pinchback Louisiana Governor 1872-1873 Jim Noble Oklahoma Governor 1910 Oscar J. Dunn Louisiana Lieutenant Governor 1868-1870 P. B. S. Pinchback Louisiana Lieutenant Governor 1871-1872 Alonzo J. Ransier South Carolina Lieutenant Governor 1870-1872 C. C. Antoine Louisiana Lieutenant Governor 1872-1876 Richard L. Cleaves South Carolina Lieutenant Governor 1872-1877 Alexander K. Davis Mississippi Lieutenant Governor 1873-1876 governor of the state. And his main task was the protection of the state seal. Two Black governors (or technically only one Black governor depending on how one views the facts) and six Black lieutenant governors are the sum total of Blacks who have held the top positions of power in state government, North and South. And these individuals were only in the political arena during the 1870's i.e., Black Reconstruction. Since then no other Black, except maybe Jim Noble, has been able to hold power in the governor's office. But even though Blacks have not been governors or lieutenant governors since the 1870's they have never given up hope of returning to that office. (See Table II). For instance. Dr. J. D. Harris was an unsuccessful regular Black Republican candidate for lieutanant governor in Virginia all during the Reconstructionist Era.^ ^ In 1884, D. A. Straker became the Black candidate for lieutenant governor on the Republican ticket in South Cirolina.^ ^ Although he campaigned for the office he received no votes. Due to declining and decreasing Republican backing after Reconstruction, Blacks looked to new political parties or began to form their own to field their candidates. In Ohio, during 1897, Blacks formed their own political party, the Negro Protective Party, and supported their own Black gubernatorial candidate, S. J. Lewis. According to one source, he received 5,000 votes for the office,^ ^ while another attributes only 181 16 Bennett, op. cit, p. 296. 1'^ James Welch Patton, "The Republican Party in South Carolina, 1876-1895," in F. M. Green (ed.), Essays in Southern History, (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1949), p. 93. 1 ^H. 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