Faculty Research Edition of The Savannah State College Bulletin

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DECEMBER 1966

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FACULTY

RESEARCH

EDITION

Of

The Savannah State
College Bulletin

Volume 20, No. 2 December, 1966

Published by
SAVANNAH STATE COLLEGE

STATE COLLEGE BRANCH
SAVANNAH, GEORGIA

Editorial Policies Which Govern The
Savannah State College Research Bulletin

1. The Bulletin should contain pure research, as well as creative
writing, e.g., essays, poetry, drama, fiction, etc.

2. Manuscripts that have already been published or accepted for
publication in other journals will not be included in the Bulletin.

3. While it is recommended that the Chicago Manual of Style be
followed, contributors are given freedom to employ other accepted
documentation rules.

4. Although the Bulletin is primarily a medium for the faculty of
Savannah State College, scholarly papers from other faculties are
invited.

FACULTY RESEARCH EDITION

of

The Savannah State College Bulletin

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Published by

The Savannah State College

Volume 20, No. 2 Savannah, Georgia December, 1966

Howard Jordan, Jr., President

Editorial Committee

Blanton E. Black
Mildred W. Glover
Elonnie J. Josey

J. Randolph Fisher
Joan L. Gordon
Charles Pratt

Forrest O. Wiggins

John L. Wilson, Chairman

Articles are presented on the authority of their writers, and neither
the Editorial Committee nor Savannah State College assumes responsi-
bility for the views expressed by contributors.

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Contributors

Venkataraman Ananthanarayanan, Professor of Mathematics and

Physics

Sarvan K. Bhatia, Professor of Economics, Wesleyan College,
Rocky Mount, North Carolina

Charles I. Brown, Associate Professor of Education,

Fayetteville State College, North Carolina

Johnny Campbell, Jr., Instructor in Business Administration

Richard M. Coger, Instructor in Industrial Arts, Mississippi
Valley State College, Itta Bena, Mississippi

James A. Eaton, Professor of Education (on leave)

Dorothy C. Hamilton Assistant Professor of Education

Phillip Hampton, Assistant Professor of Fine Arts

Thelma M. Harmond, Professor of Education

James H. Hiner, Assistant Professor of English,
Milton College, Milton, Wisconsin

Dorothy B. Jamerson, Assistant Professor and Curriculum and
Serials Librarian

Elonnie J. Josey, Associate Professor and Librarian

Kanwal Kumar, Assistant Professor of Economics,
University of Michigan at Flint

Shia-ling Liu, Professor of History and Political Science,
Fayetteville State College, North Carolina

Isaiah Mclver, Assistant Professor of Social Science

William M. Perel, Professor of Mathematics, Wichita State
University, Wichita, Kansas

Kamalakar B. Raut, Professor of Chemistry

Robert D. Reid, Dean of Faculty

Maurice S. Stokes, Associate Professor of Education

Philip D. Vairo, Associate Professor of Education, The
University of North Carolina at Charlotte

Nazir A. Warsi, Professor of Mathematics and Physics

George L-P Weaver, Assistant Secretary of Labor, United States
Department of Labor

Samuel Williams, Dean of Men and College Minister

Martha W. Wilson, Assistant Professor of Mathematics and Physics

Preface

Savannah State College is once again happy to publish the annual
Faculty Research Bulletin. The prime purpose of this bulletin is to
serve as an outlet for articles on research opinion and practical ex-
periences of those persons whose aim it is to nurture educational
excellence among collegiate youth. Not only are research articles of
Savannah State College faculty and staff members published in this
Bulletin, but also included are research articles by distinguished
scholars from other institutions. This Bulletin seeks to enhance the
profession of college teaching, while at the same time it gives the
readers a ready source of thought-provoking materials on current
problems and issues in education.

The task of the college teacher is to analyze, interpret, reinterpret,
and to suggest societal applications of the accumulated knowledge
of his discipline for his students. This Bulletin is but another attempt
to make evident the scholar's belief that good teaching is based on
creative and imaginative research.

It is hoped that this Bulletin will continue to encourage and stim-
ulate the present contributors and also other members of the faculty
and staff to make studies which will contribute to their fields of
knowledge. Only through scholarly research can a faculty become
distinguished. I express, therefore, the hope that the academic and
cultural interests of the faculty and staff of Savannah State College
will continue to find an outlet in this Bulletin for many years to
come.

Howard Jordan, Jr.

President

Library of Congress Catalog Number: 60-53452

Table of Contents

A Guide to the Study of Current Introduction to
Education Textbooks

Charles I. Brown 7

Synthesis of 4:6 Thio 1,3, 5-triazine Derivatives II

Kamalaker B. Raut 10

The Humanities

James H. Hiner 12

The Influence of Religion on the Political Process in
Burma

Johnny Campbell 22

Creating a National Sense of Direction in Industrial Arts

Richard Coger 34

The Teaching of Mathematical Induction

William M. Perel 36

The Evolutionary Role of the International Labor Organization

Sarvan K. Bhatia 40

What Motivates Students in the Choice of Subject Majors

Dorothy C. Hamilton 48

A Device for the Improvement of Study Habits

Maurice A. Stokes 55

On Variation of Velocity and Pressure Behind and Along a
Shock Surface in Lagrangian Coordinate System

Nazir A. Warsi 65

On Vorticity Behind a Shock Surface in Lagrangian Coordinate
System

Nazir A. Warsi 68

On Gradients of Specific Volume and Pressure Behind a Shock
Surface in Lagrangian Coordinate System

Nazir A. Warsi 71

The Community College: An American Innovation

Philip D. Vairo . 73

Force Field Calculations in Octahedral Water Complexes

Venkataraman Ananthanarayanan 76

The Negro in International Affairs-Prospects for the Future

George L-P Weaver .:. 80

The Law of Karma as Reflected in Hinduism, Buddhism
and Jainism

Samuel Williams 85

Economic Growth and Income Distribution

Sarvan K. Bhatia 92

5

Table of Contents (Continued)

India's Experience in Developmental Planning

Kanwal Kumar 98

Utilizing Emerging New Instructional Materials and Mechanical
Devices-Implications for the Library

Dorothy B. Jamerson 103

The Moynihan Report: A Critical Analysis

Isaiah Mclver 108

Modern Art: The Celebration of Man's Freedom

Phillip J. Hampton 122

A Review of "The Use of Selected Technical Language
as a Means of Discovering Elementary Teachers'
Operational Definitions of Teaching"

Thelma Moore Harmond 128

An Analysis of NTE Scores and Quality Point Ratios of
Selected SSC Graduates from 1961 through 1966

Martha W. Wilson 141

The Man Behind "Trees"

James A. Eaton 147

Watts: A Tragedy of Errors

Elonnie J. Josey 153

Personal Characteristics in Secondary School Social Studies
Student Teachers as Related to Certain Measures of
Potential Teacher Behavior

Shia-lingLiu 159

Some Possible Ways of Improving Instruction in Our Colleges

Robert D. Reid 165

Needed: A Program to Save Freshmen!

James A. Eaton 174

A Guide to the Study of Current
Introduction To Education Textbooks

by
Charles I. Brown

This informational guide has proved its worth in an experiment of
two year's duration. Accordingly, it is now deemed sufficiently ready
for wider utilization. It is hoped that this article has special relevance
for: ( 1 ) in-service teachers who have yet to take the National Teacher
Examinations (NTE); (2) in-service teachers who are presently
dissatisfied with scores made at a previous NTE administering and
who plan to take the NTE again; and (3) students who are attending
colleges that do not administer the survey-diagnostic Teacher Educa-
tion Examination Program (TEEP) prior to the national administer-
ing of the NTE.

The use of the study guide, principally by college students, has
demonstrated that information sufficient to pass the Professional
Information phase of the NTE well within the national median range
can be derived from a thorough and comprehensive reading of several
or more introductory education textbooks of recent publiction. Lest
the directive values of this instrument that purportedly leads to-an-
acquisition-of-professional-information is victimized by inordinate
imaginings, it is suggested that the chart offered here be used in
conjunction with How-To-Pass-High monographs, etc.

A happy circumstance, for the in-service teacher who sees little
opportunity to attend school in the immediate future, is that probably
any four of the diagrammed textbooks can be found in the nearest
municipal library. For the economy-minded college student, who
doubtless will avail himself of the institution's library resources, the
below mentioned textbooks or comparable fascimiles may be secured
in paperbound form.

Finally, the idea inherent within these study techniques may be
used to permit the user to score at least within the range of the
middle fifty percent of scores on other phases of the NTE. In other
words, the in-service teacher and college student may adequately
prepare themselves for testing purposes in their preferred teaching
areas by following similar charting-reading procedures with the ap-
propriate general survey textbooks.

Guide

TOPIC

1 Brembeck
1 (62)

1 Callahan
(61)

Cressmar
(56)

Crow &
Crow
(60)

1 Foff

1 (56)

1 Frasier IFrencr
1 (56) 1 (55)

i Hall
l (63)

History i

6,17-19

2

1-2

! 4

14,11-14 I

Philosophy

6,15

7,12,14-16

1,9

3

5

5 ]

14

'I

Psychology

i 7-8,17

2,4

12

6,13

6

6 !

3

H

-I

Sociology, Community
Influences 1 12-14,16

3-8

14

20-23

! 7

! 7

6

ji,n

Teaching
Profession

1

1-5,18

18-19

5-8

6-10

! 2-3

2-3 |

4-5

jrv

Curriculum

13

10-11

11-12

2

iin

Process or Methods

9-11

10-13

11-16

i 10-14

10-14 l

7

|i

Instructional Materials i

13

17-19

7

a

Evaluation Guidance

9-11,17

12

14-15

! 3,10

|i

Organization I
Administration 1
Finance

9-13

3-4

4,5,10

8

8 i

8-9

1 ii

Contemporary
Problems & Issues

i

i 6,15,17

17

2

12-14 i 2-12 !

Higher Education '

12

2

14

14'

11

i in

Future Courses of
American Education 1

1-2

17

2

1 13 |

Comparative

Education 1

1

16

Scientific Study

24-26

Health, Safety,
Physical Ed.

13

16

1 9

9! !

Haskew
(62) 1

Lee

(57)

! Ree

(5

der
*)

Reinhardt
(60

Riccio

(62)

Richey

(62)

i s

miley

Historv

12 1 1-

1,8-11

1

8-10

9,13

II

Philosophy

7

5-7

2

7

1

17

III

Psychology

3,6 |

7-8

5-7

2

8 i

Sociology, Com-
munity Influences

4 |

18-23

1

,13

1-4

1

15-16

IV

Teaching
Profession

1-2
10-11 1

16-17

i 17

-22

9-11

3-5

1-7,10-12
18-19

I

Curriculum

5 1

8-11

I 13

-14

9-11

1

9 |

Process or Methods

2,9

9

2,5

8,9 i

Instructional

Materials

9 i

13

-16

5

9

III

Evaluation Guidance

2-3,6 |

10

-11

5

8

III

Organization

Administration

Finance

8-9 1

8-11
12-15

3-6

13-14

4

14 i

Contemporary
Problems & Issues

13 | io,;

'4-41

| 23-

41

6

18 I

Higher Education

10

12

6

17 J

Future Course of
American Education

24 ! |

1

! ii

Comparative
Education

! m

Scientific Study

3,9

i 23

-24

I IIIJV

Health Safety
Physical Ed

12 !

1 Brembeck utilizes the case study approach to teaching.

-Haskew and McLendon's book has three sections (a) The regular text (b) Readings

(3) Reference Manual.
^ Arabic numbers are signatory of chapters.
'Roman numbers are used to indicate that within those books set off by Parts readings

appropriate to the Topics may be found in the Part designated.

Authors

1 . Brembeck, Cole S. The Discovery of Teaching. Prentice-Hall,
1962.

2. Callahan, Raymond E. An Introduction to Education in
American Society, 1961.

3. Cressman, George R. and Benda, Harold W. Public Education
in America: A First Course. Appleton, 1956.

4. Crow, Lester D. and Crow, Alice. Introduction to Education.
American, 1960.

5. Foff, Arthur and Grambs, Jean D. Readings in Education.
Harper, 1956.

6. Frasier, George W. An Introduction to the Study of Education.
Harper, 1956.

7. French, William M. Education for All: An Introduction to
American Education. Odyssey, 1955.

8. Hall, Clifton L., et. al Readings in American Education. Scott,
Foresman, 1963.

9. Haskew, Laurence D. and McLendon, Jonathon C. This is
Teaching. Scott, Foresman, 1963.

10. Lee, Gordon C. An Introduction to Education in Modern
America. Holt, 1957.

11. Reeder, Ward G. A First Course in Education. Macmillan,
1958.

12. Reinhardt, Emma. American Education: An Introduction.
Harper, 1960.

13. Riccio, Anthony C. and Cyphert, Frederick R. Teaching in
America. Merrill, 1962.

14. Richey, Robert W. Planning for Teaching: An Introduction
to Education. McGraw-Hill, 1958.

15. Smiley, Marjorie B. and Diekhoff, John S. Prologue to Teach-
ing: Reading and Source Materials with Text. Oxford Univ.
Press, 1959.

Synthesis of 4:6 Thio 1, 3, 5-triazine
Derivatives (II)

by
Kamalakar B. Raut

The interaction of dithiobiurets with aldehydes and ketones was
first reported by Fromm 1 who prepared dithiobiurets by the action of
isopersulphocyanic acid and aromatic amines. Later on Fairfull and
Peak 2 have shown that Fromm's aldurets and" keturets are really
hexahydro-4:6 thio-1, 3, 5-triazine derivatives. In continuation of the
previous work 3 , the present work describes the interaction of 1-
methyl dithiobiuret with different aromatic aldehydes and by analogy
have been shown to be hexahydro 4:6-thio 1, 3, 5-triazines. The
experimental details are as follows.

HN- = C

NH
C=S

Isopersulphocyanic
acid

CHo

1 '

A

S = V H
H-N N-H

V

11

s

+ CH 3 NH, >CHjNH-C-NH-C-NH> + S

II II

s s

Methyl amine Methyl dithiobiuret

+ o

Methyl dithiobiuret

Salisaldehyde

1 -methyl-2-0-hydroxy
phenyl 4:6 dithio
1, 3, 5-triazine

Experimental

A mixture of methyl dithiobiuret and salicylic aldehyde (1:1) in
ethahol was cooled to 0C. Dry hydrogen chloride gas was passed
through this mixture for thirty minutes. The reaction mixture was
poured in IN sodium hydroxide, warmed to 50C. and filtered. The
filtrate was acidified with dilute acetic acid and cooled overnight.
The solid that precipitated was separated by filtration and crystallized
from ethanol or ethyl acetate.

10

Similarly, other derivatives were prepared.

Aldehyde

M.P. of the
4:6 thio 1, 3, 5-triazine
derivatives

1.

Benzaldehyde

198C

2.

Vanillin

132C

3.

Anisaldehyde

95C

4.

Alpha-Toluidin

197C

5.

Alpha-nitrobenzaldehyde

197C

6.

Alpha-dimethylamino benzaldehyde

102C

7.

O-hydroxybenzaldehyde

228C

8.

Veratric aldehyde

73C

9.

2-Hydroxynaphthaldehyde

References

228C

1. Fromm, E., Ann., 384-94.

2. Fairfull, A.E.S. and Peak, D.A., /. Chem. Soc, 1955, 796-802.

3. Raut, K. B., Faculty Research Bulletin, Savannah State Col-
lege, 19, 29 (1965).

11

The Humanities

by

James H. Hiner

Two different applications of "integrity" are sought, evidently, in
courses of study bearing the designation "humanities." One is the
notion of "underlying relationships" between most, or perhaps all,
of the traditional disciplines. According to John E. Dietrich, of
Michigan State University, "We must eradicate the ancient notion
that disciplines are distinct, neatly packaged entities .... We should
seek the underlying relationships which are paramount since we
cannot teach coverage and . . . since we must avoid duplication. We
just cannot afford to waste the students' time." 1 "Integrity" in this
first sense means that there is some kind of unity within subject
matter traditionally broken up and kept in semi- or even total isola-
tion called "disciplines." One intention of a humanities course should
be to discover this subject matter and draw it together. This is a
matter for discovery, however, not fiat.

Another meaning of "integrity" is present in the following argu-
ment: "If humanists do not have the courage to speak out for the
imaginative and the humanistic intelligence (which means, among
other things, making intelligent statements about value), then they
are not humanists at all, but merely technicians of dead and living
languages." 2

I find some ambiguity in Arrowsmith's argument, in that I wonder
how one is to take the phrase: "making intelligent statements about
value." Arrowsmith's tone seems charged with a moralistic fervor,
almost as though he were asking humanities to do the work of ethics
or religion or both. I am not certain, that is, whether the kind of
statements he wants are to be addressed to the critical intelligence
or to the moral will. Does he want the humanists to say that one can
learn about value from study of the humanities; or does he want one
to say that the lessons of such-and-such a work should be learned
because they will lead to good conduct or moral behavior? Other
uncertainties spring to mind. Is Arrowsmith asking that the instructor
be as moral as the imaginative work he's holding up for observation;
and does Arrowsmith expect the instructor to know as much about
value, beauty, and the good as the artist whose work he is presenting
to the class?

Supposing that Arrowsmith does mean something like this that
the instructor himself is to be an agent of moral integrity is he there-
fore to think of himself as a higher authority than the student, telling
the student what values are to be found where?

1 "Education in Transition A Challenge," a speech delivered to the Milton
College faculty, Sept. 1966.

2 William Arrowsmith, "The Shame of Graduate Schools " Harpers, March
1966.

12

In this matter of integrity, then, I draw the following inferences :

1. None of the problems implicit in the relationship of educator
to educated is eliminated by teaching "the humanities" rather, than,
say, art, literature, or history, etc.

2. One can accept the notion of "underlying relationships" among
the disciplines and yet reject the notion that the humanities must
work directly on the moral will of the instructor or the student.

3. I doubt, though, that one can avoid the question of value en-
tirely. I think that there is a postulate of value in the very concept
of "underlying relationships." And certainly the question of value
has entered as soon as one says that it is better to study "relation-
ships" than "neatly packaged entities."

4. Given the likelihood that any curriculum including one desig-
nated "humanities" tends to be tied into neat packages by the edu-
cator, and given the proximity of value to the concept of humanities,
there is a twin source of danger at the very outset of any humanities
course or program: it may be corrupted from the start by the edu-
cator's imposition of arbitrary limits, limits reflecting either the in-
structor's sense of order or his sense of value.

The dangers of "humanities" are reflections of its values. If one
feels that "the destiny of the world is determined less by the battles
that are lost and won than by the stories it loves and believes in," 3
one would naturally like to single out the best "stories" and pass them
on to the student. To think in this way, however, is possibly to ac-
cept the idea of value without the idea of underlying relationships.
When one learns that these "stories" appear in quite unsuspected
places and in forms even quite remote from "stories," one has begun
to think in the terms of the humanities.

Bernard Shaw said something similar to the above quotation, but
said it in a way more compatible to the humanities: "The world is
finally governed by forces expressing themselves in religion and laws
which make epochs rather than by vulgarly ambitious individuals who
make rows." 4 One doesn't have to accept the intelligence's contempt
for the "vulgarly ambitious" to recognize the impact of the notion
of "forces expressing themselves." If one would learn to recognize
and seek out the variety of expressions of those forces the disorderly
as well as the orderly rightly approved by Shaw one would have
the basis for a humanities curriculum as well as a caution against its
abuse; for at least I imagine one would want to handle "forces"
cautiously.

In the absence of some such unifying concept, one falls into hap-
hazard organization. The following description of one of three general

3 H. C. Goddard, The Meaning of Shakespeare (University of Chicago), vol.
11, p. 208.

4 Preface to St. Joan.

13

education programs at Plattsburg State University (New York) seems
to me representative of this kind of hazard:

Humanities: A three-year (Freshman- Junior) 18 semester
credit hour, interdisciplinary, cross-cultural (primarily
Western emphasis) program. The program proceeds pri-
marily in a chronological fashion with special concepts,
topics, etc. identified for the purpose of emphasizing the
relationships among the several humanistic studies and how
the content of these studies speaks to the human condition.
The reading materials are primarily that which is commonly
considered literature, historical description and analysis, and
philosophical. The disciplines integrated are literature, his-
tory, art, music, theatre, and philosophy. 5

The prose, even with the excuse of catalogue jargon, is atrocious:
the alliterations are unconscious and the syntax inexcusable. The
passage could have been written by any practiced educator in a
comatose state, and this in itself tells us perhaps all we need to know
about what to expect from such a course. (Though it goes without
saying that instruction is regularly better than one would be entitled
to expect from course descriptions else all educators would be shot. )
And if the prose betrays the weakness of the impulse in a general
way, the passage's continued appeal to "the disciplines" betrays its
dubious value as a statement about "humanities."

The humanist's temptation to continue thinking in terms of disci-
plines should be put down. "There is a difference," says Russell
Thomas, "between saying that the humanities are philosophy, religion,
literature, the arts, or any combination of these . . . and saying that
humanistic study will find most of its subject matter in the products
of these several arts." 6 This statement seems to be on the way to
freeing the subject matter of the humanities from that of the separate
disciplines.

Yet the attraction of the disciplines lingers on, and the reason it
does is accounted for (usconsciously) in Mr. Thomas' next remark:
"They [i.e. . . . the products of these several arts] are indeed the
works of men which, more than any other of human activities, record
man's aspirations and values." There are two attitudes represented
here, and both lend support to the confusion between "the humani-
ties" and "the separate disciplines": the first is the moralist's concern
for "aspirations and values," a concern that seems capable of thinking
of values in terms of heights only, and that seems to be suppressing
any intrusion of either the swamplands or the great rolling plains of
value. The second is the intellectual's conviction that certain activities
(namely religion, philosophy, literature, the arts) "more than any
other" activity record the values the humanist is looking for.

5 From "News and Views: A Digest of exciting new developments on the
frontiers of General and Liberal Studies." The author of the Digest is not
named.

6 "The Humanities in American Undergraduate Education," College English,
27:93 (Nov., 1965).

14

By keeping company only with the moralist and the intellectual,
the humanist is liable to ignore the popular artists, for example the
"merchants of unfulfilled desires," as one critic has called them. He
might, too, pass over 'the merchants of unfulfillable desires,' that is
the avant garde. He would surely be apt to set aside the virtuoso, the
dandy, and the inventor of the can-opener.

There is, of course, some justification for going in ignorance of all
these. Insofar as man's activities are anchored to necessity or teased
beyond the possible, education has a right to ignore them. But then
the activity intrinsic to a given discipline be it philosophical or tech-
nological or prophetic is not the concern of "the humanities;" this
is the point Mr. Thomas was trying to make and the point I am now
trying to underscore. There is a subject matter for "the humanities"
that is distinct from every separate discipline. Humanities is not a
consort of disciplines, but a different discipline. If this is not the case,
then there is nothing much but the convenience Mr. Dietrich spoke
of to ground the case for humanities. It is a flimsy ground. But if it
is the case that humanities belongs, as it were, to no discipline, but
that it may find its subject matter wherever man has left records of his
"aspirations and values," then probably it can find its subject matter
as often in the design of tools and bathtubs, dreams and demons, as
in all those "higher" activities alluded to by Mr. Thomas and Mr.
Arrowsmith.

One more problem requires some analysis before we can set out
to find the subject matter of the humanities. Once again statements
by Mr. Thomas furnish the argument. There are three propositions:
(1) the products of art may be put to non-humanistic uses, (2) the
products of scientific inquiry have humanistic uses; and, (3) there
is a distinction, nevertheless, between humanistic and scientific ac-
tivities.

Briefly, Mr. Thomas (following Richard McKeon) argues that to
analyze a work of art as a statement of truth is to make a non-
humanistic use of humanistic subject matter: "The kind of analysis
which Freud makes . . . where a work is analyzed as 'a . . . source of
knowledge concerning the operations ... of the human mind and the
subconscious," for example. As an illustration of the opposite the
humanistic use of non-humanistic subject matter one might appeal
to the post-Darwinian universe of discourse in the works of Dreiser
or James T. Farrell. To test the 'truth' of esthetic statements or the
'value' of truths appears to be the discrimination between non-
humanistic and non-scientific uses of the respective subject matter.

We find ourselves committed, then, to the idea of use or activity;
committed, that is, to the idea of the "humanistic use" of a large
perhaps infinitely large and heterogenous subject matter. By the
concept of "humanistic use" we are evidently committing ourselves
first of all to a certain kind of activity rather than to a restricted sub-
ject matter. And perhaps we shall have to say, finally, that we can't
determine our subject matter until we have performed a certain kind
of activity. Perhaps the subject matter of "the humanities" exists only
as a suspicion to be founded or a hypothesis to be examined the

15

examining and the founding to be carried out by the activity we call
"humanistic."

But on what can this activity engage? What facts converge on what
hypothesis? What evidence arouses what suspicions? One cannot study
"everything." But can one study just "anything"?

Before rejecting out of hand the notion of studying just anything,
one should be aware that it contains a high degree of psychological
validity. "The most engrossing way to read is to refuse to have any-
thing to do with prescribed lists, and to read from one thing to the
next," says Harold Taylor. 7 This 'most engrossing way' might con-
ceivably be the most efficient, the least waste of time for the student.
By refusing prescribed lists one might save both the student's interest
and his time, and thereby satisfy the criteria of both Mr. Taylor and
Mr. Dietrich.

But understood as catering to idosyncratic taste, the idea of reading
from one thing to the next is full of dangers. Yet, if this perversion
of the idea can be overcome, it seems to me to contain considerable
value. And the perversion, I believe, is overcome if one reads from
one thing to the next in search of, say, underlying relationships. This
would place the search for that kind of integrity where it properly
belongs: on the student; it would serve to lessen the distance between
the authority of the instructor and the dependence of the student;
and, with luck, it might provide a neat lesson to both to the effect
that relations lie as often in untrodden as in well-trodden ways.

Still, such a method is not to be taken as an adequate definition
of humanistic activity. Humanistic activity cannot be inferred from
pedagogy alone, though one naturally wants any valid activity to sug-
gest or carry with it some implications or method. If, however, one
will think of humanities as something all sentient persons engage in,
rather than as exclusively a subject to be taught, firmer grounds for
both subject matter and method may be discoverable.

"Humanities" in this primary sense of something all sentient per-
sons engage in I take to be 'the calling of man.' s By "sentient per-
sons," I understand those who make commitments, commitments to
implicit or explicit actions; commitments which therefore are hazard-
ous and liable to error. Since these commitments are registered in
man's tastes, aspirations, and values, to study the humanities means
to examine those tastes, aspirations, and values as evidence of the
sort of commitments they contain.

And what do tastes and so on bear witness to besides commitment?
Well, first of all they bear witness to error: to the error entailed in
the present by the past; to the error on the future implicit in the
present. They bear witness to the activity of sentient persons who ac-

7 On Education and Freedom, Abelard-Schuman (1954).

8 See Michael Polanyi. The Study of Man, Chicago Phoenix Books (1963),
pp. 41-70.

9 Bernard Shaw, preface to St. Joan.

16

cept or reject the implications of life prepared in some past and
pointed towards some future; an activity carried on, furthermore, ac-
cording to a series of postulates that acts may be right or wrong,
possible or impossible, desirable or undesirable.

In the primary sense, as defined, humanities is very apt to be car-
ried on not unconsciously but uncritically. "The fashion in which we
think changes like the fashion of our clothes, and ... it is difficult, if
not impossible, for most people to think otherwise than in the fashion
of their own period." 9 The assumption behind Shaw's description of
what Bacon called the idols of the theater is that it would be a good
thing if most people would learn to think in ways different from the
fashion of their own period. To apply that assumption to the teaching
of humanities means to treat the subject or activity as iconoclastic.
Yet the desire to be iconoclastic may itself be one of the idols of our
present theater of ideas. It can, therefore, be thought of as a com-
mitment registering man's tastes and values. But without critical im-
plementation, without other criteria, the iconoclastic approach is not
a sufficient rationale for a study of the humanities. Humanistic ac-
tivity means more than simply man's occasional desire to break
traditional molds. There is no more solid ground under the feet of
the iconoclast than under the traditionalist; perhaps less.

The iconoclast, however, provides a clue to the meaning of human-
istic activity in what I shall now call the secondary sense. For in
setting out to smash the icons, or symbols, of a period or of some
group within that period he tells us indirectly something of the
power of those symbols: they focus and, as it were, perpetrate the
fashions in which men think, aspire, and evaluate. The iconoclast
tells us indirectly what the dandy, the esthete, the philosopher, for
example, tell us directly: that certain expressions or certain objects,
or both, have the force of commitment behind them and call forth
commitment in response. When Shaw's Don Juan says that the artists
"led me at last into the worship of women," he provides one piece of
direct evidence of this force. Another and different sort of evidence
is implicit in Herbert J. Muller's remark: "In the account of the
world given by nineteenth-century science, a machine was a much
more satisfactory thing than a human being." 10 In addition, Muller's
remarks may remind us once again that not all of man's tastes and
aspirations are caught and congealed in art and art's objects.

The distinction between humanities in the primary and the second-
ary senses perhaps can be apprehended in Giedion's "two categories
of historical facts." The one he calls "constituent," the other "transito-
ry." The transitory are those that "lack creative force and invention;"
the constituent are those "marked by creative force and invention." 11
Humanistic activity in the transitory sense is carried on in perhaps all
of man's waking hours, and both plays on and is played on in turn
by "creative force and invention." With sufficiently sophisticated tech-
niques it can be, and has been, studied.

10 Science and Criticism. Yale, 2nd ed., (1963), p. 241.

"Siegfried Giedion, Mechanization Takes Command, Oxford (1948), p. 389.

17

We leave the marks of our culture, with some residue of tastes and
so on, in voice inflection and bodily posture, in practices of greeting
and eating, in syntax as well as in sin. The distinction between transito-
ry and constituent, between what I have called humanities in the
primary and the secondary sense, is not always clearly marked or
easy to determine. One of the things the study of culture is doing is,
in fact, constantly enlarging the area of those forces we learn to call
"constituent." In the study of humanities, we have, as more than one
distressed humanist has admitted, an embarrassment of riches. This
no doubt helps account for the fact that the humanities often follow
the social sciences in constructing "a kind of education grab-bag."
("Though the integration of social studies ... is greatly to be desired,
and has been achieved in certain schools and colleges, it is surely not
accomplished by taking bits of history, economics, government, and
social philosophy and assembling them in a kind of education grab-
bag." 12 ) But this embarrassment is also a challenge to create some-
thing far more integral in the study of humanities.

I said several pages back that I thought there was a postulate of
value in the very concept of underlying relationships. And I have said
that I regard humanities, first of all, as an activity : specifically an ac-
tivity of registering in one's tastes, aspirations, and values, a com-
mitment to further actions carrying additional significance. There
seems to be something circular here, but I doubt that it is totally ob-
scure. The definition of humanities as an activity implying further
activity is not as circular as it sounds. To paint a picture or, for that
matter, to buy one is of course an act; but it also implies or expli-
cates a kind of world in which, presumably, acts like it can be carried
out. In short, in expressing one's taste, one expresses one's purpose
(understanding by "purpose" an intention to realize some end). Of
course I do not mean that all acts or intentions are fully thought out
or finally realized. Their tentativeness is, in fact, their unavoidable
hazard.

And I have said that the humanities is an activity that in parts or
on occasions is "marked by creative force and invention;" and by
its force, therefore, assumes a dominating role whether or not we
are completely aware of the domination in man's life. I want now
to try to draw these three notions closer together and to point to some
further implications for the study of humanities.

I can begin by wondering why there should be something of value
in the very concept of underlying relationships. The thought that
there might be suggests a coherence theory of value. This can be quite
an arid theory. It may lead to the practice of isolating every art,
every activity, from every other art and activity lead, that is, in a
direction just the reverse of what I have been urging. In the effort
to find a value for art in the work of the New Critics, for example
it may be thought necessary to express relationship in terms of self-

12 James Gutman, "Integrity as a standard of valuation," in Schutte and
Steinberg, eds., Personal Integrity, Norton (1961).

18

sufficiency, and to find the justification for any art or activity in the
mechanics underlying and peculiar to that art. That many artists and
critics have felt the need to be this reductive in their application of
underlying relationships is certainly the case, and therefore something
for humanistic study to consider. But it is not what I mean by "under-
lying relationships," and if it is what others mean, it is doubtful
whether it can support anything but the grab-bag arrangement of
studies.

Underlying relationships are sometimes conceived in biological
that is, organic terms. Giedion's practice of distinguishing constitu-
ent and transitory historical facts is founded on a biological metaphor:
"The distinction becomes necessary if . . . one sees history, like biolo-
gy, as concerned with the problem of growth and development not
to be confused with progress." 13 As a matter of fact, one can speak
of underlying relationships as a vitalist or a mechanist, as a Shavian
or a Darwinian; one can also think of it in terms either of idealism
or corporatism and perhaps in still other fashions, each of which
means by "underlying relationships" the determinants of their own
exclusive systems. Muller finds the practice quite marked in present-
day science: "The trend ... is indicated by the constant recurrence
of such terms as 'continuity,' 'evolution,' 'interrelation,' 'integration,'
'systematic,' 'field,' 'pattern' all summed up in the concept of dy-
namic, organic wholes." 14 All such systems may be taken together
as evidence of at least one thing: the considerable value that is as-
signed to the concept, itself, of underlying relationships. The concept
evidently is felt as meaningful or valuable by all who use it; and this
is certainly one reason the humanist takes it as basic to his study,
too.

But in addition it should be possible to justify the concept without
appeal to its uses by any particular art or science. I think this is
possible. "All meaning," says Polanyi, "lies in the comprehension of
a set of particulars in terms of a coherent unity." 15 The discovery
of meaning, in other words, is the discovery of relationships. It is
valuable because it makes choice and therefore acts possible. In-
tentions and purposes, and therefore acts, are fashioned according
to how one discovers meaning. The discovery and assignment of mean-
ing, I suggest, is always an incipient act, providing the grounds for
choice or intention, purpose and end. The charge that some persons
are unable to discover or unwilling to make assignments of meaning
anywhere within their world is not necessarily a contradiction of my
argument. Nevertheless, for their benefit, I can express the argument
in different terms: the discovery of meaning or the failure to make
that discovery, either one is always an incipient act, leading on the
one hand to intention-purpose-end and on the other to the gratuitous
act-absurdity-chaos. In short to metaphysics or 'Pataphysics.' One can
also play a bit loose with "meaning" and simply say that some find

13 Mechanization Takes Command, p. 389.
14 Science and Criticism, p. 241.

15 Michael Polanyi, The Study of Man, Chicago, Phoenix Books (1963), p. 49.

19

meaning in nonsense, just as some discover purpose in absurdity and
ends in chaos. One then probably must revise Polanyi's proposition
to read : 'All meaning lies in the comprehension of a set of particulars
in terms of a coherent or incoherent entity.' At which point one throws
up his hands in despair.

The intrusion into humanistic activity of an art and philosophy,
which in proclamation and practice denies the traditional grounds of
meaning and value to which the humanities appeal for justification,
is nevertheless not an absolute catastrophe. In the first place it serves
as a marked reminder that the humanities' belief meaning lies in
coherence and value in meaning is a hypothesis, not a truth. It puts
hypotheses about "underlying relationships" to the test. If all the
anti-humanists, dadaists, 'Pataphysicians,' and so on are wrong, the
humanists (to paraphrase J. S. Mill) are offered this chance to
strengthen their hypothesis; if right, we may change our error for
what seemed their heresy. If the arts of the absurd are marked as
they seem to be by "creative force and invention," then either we
who supposed this force had to be the product of coherence are
wrong, or the absurdists are wrong in imagining their inventions were
without coherence. In either event, the humanities are in a most en-
viable position; they should flourish on the examination as never
before. For these reasons, the absurd should certainly be included
in the study of humanistic activities.

But there are more reasons than these. For the most part, students
of the humanities have in the past acted like tourists aboard ships
making ports of call. Seeking evidence of man's aspirations and
values, we have, as it were, sailed among the islands of desire. We
have followed guided tours, accepting pretty much without question
our Baedeker's estimate of the height of the islands above sea level.
And we have accepted the peaks as "marked by creative force and
invention" without giving much if any attention to the characteristics
of the ocean floor. I shall say that we should think as oceangraphers
for a while and then abandon the metaphor.

We deserve the challenge and rebuke of the absurd. It is the price
we shall have to pay for our extreme selectivity in the past. We should
bear the charge happily, realizing that what we are being invited to
do is to enlarge our understanding of underlying relationships.

"Two historical phenomena are simultaneous, or have a determin-
able temporal relation to each other, only in so far as they can be
related within one 'frame of reference' . . ." 16 This statement repre-
sents Panofsky's way of warning the art historian against the abuse
of relationship: chronology is not the determinant. Neither as Panof-
sky also warns is subject matter: "The re-creative experience of a
work of art depends . . . not only on the natural sensitivity and the
visual training of the spectator" training, that is, which would enable

16 Erwin Panofsky Meaning in the Visual Arts, Doubleday Anchor Book
(1955), p. 7.

20

him to identify subject matter "but also on his cultural equip-
ment." 17

Panofsky's analysis, though, is capable of much wider application
than to the study of art only. The concept "frame of reference," for
example, must be applicable to determining relations among any
historical phenomena. In addition, "frame of reference" has an in-
teresting doubleness. On the one hand it refers to the "cultural equip-
ment" of anyone as beholder: anyone who is expressing tastes, aspira-
tions, and values is doing so through some perhaps determinable
frame of reference. On the other hand, the work of art and, by ex-
tension, anything marked by creative force and invention is charac-
terized by its own "cultural equipment" or frame of reference. Panof-
sky calls this a work's "content," to distinguish it from its form and
idea: "It is the basic attitude of a nation, a period, a class, a religious
or philosophical persuasion all this unconsciously qualified by one
personality and condensed into one work .... That which a work
betrays but does not parade" (p. 14).

These "basic attitudes" (Panofsky elsewhere calls them "cultural
symptoms" or "symbols" see Meaning, p. 41) are, I believe, the
frame of reference wanted for the study of humanities. This does not
mean that one abandons thinking of the forms or ideas (themes) of
the separate arts, but that one distinguishes, compares and contrasts,
forms and ideas in order finally to identify basic attitudes "of a na-
tion, period, class," and so on. Learning "that which a work betrays
but does not parade" becomes, perhaps, the single best way of finding
out whether one is in the present or has ever left the past. Discovering
that these basic attitudes can turn up (prove to be "underlying rela-
tionships," that is) in works otherwise distinguished by their form,
idea, or both in objects as separate as typewriters and oil paintings,
or in events as distant as art shows and revolutions should be proof
to the student that in expressing tastes, aspirations, and values, he
may be expressing more than merely conscious purpose. Considering
the variety of ways in which basic attitudes conceal themselves should
amount to a demonstration that relationships exist, that neither ob-
jects nor events nor choices are limited to themselves alone; such a
lesson, perhaps, being the value which we began looking for; the
value implicit in the concept of underlying relationships. Perhaps the
only value that can be passed on to the student without turning the
lectern into a pulpit. "Ideas," as Richard Weaver said, "have con-
sequences." 18

17 Meaning in the Visual Arts, p. 16.

18 Richard M. Weaver, Ideas Have Consequences, Chicago, Phoenix Book
(1948).

21

The Influence of Religion on The
Political Process in Burma

by
Johnny Campbell

Introduction

In a traditional society, religion is one of the dominant forces which
tend to weld the society into a cohesive group. Its dogmas, tenets,
and doctrines are accepted largely without questioning and exert
great influence on the lives and behavior of the group. When, however,
a traditional society interacts with a more dynamic society and sub-
sequently undergoes profound socio-economic and political changes,
the influence of religion on the society tends to become less preva-
sive, less encompassing. The degree to which religion, as a binding
social force, is displaced by secularization, depends on a host of fac-
tors, but in most instances, "wherever the modernization process has
had an impact, it has contributed to secularization." 1 Professor Von
der Mehden avers that secularization has meant

a loss of the power of religion in India, Indonesia, and Paki-
stan, and the Middle East. The modern political elite, in
accepting western ideologies and nationalism as guides to
national policy, has tended to erode the influence of the
formerly powerful clerical groups. Burma, as well, can be
described as a nation in which religion is becoming isolated
from political decision-making, but with far less determina-
tion than her neighbors. 2

In Burma the Ne Win Government, which has moved increasingly
toward strong-arm tactics to accomplish its objectives, is finding that
the power of religion is still formidable. "The monks, roughly a tenth
of all Burmese adult men, remain the one substantial element that
resists assimilation into the new military society, and Ne Win has
taken great pains to treat the priesthood with care and overt sympa-
thy, remembering no doubt their important political role before the
war." 3 In 1963, the Ne Win Government passed a National Soli-
darity Act which abolished political parties and required all religious
organizations to register with the Government. According to the New
York Times, "Moslem, Christian and other religious groups agreed
to comply. But the 20,000 member Association of Young Buddhist
Monks threatened to form suicide squads to demonstrate their oppo-

1 James S. Coleman, The Politics of Developing Areas. (Princeton, 1960) p.
537.

-Fred Von der Mehden, "Buddhism and Politics In Burma," The Antioch
Review XXI (Summer, 1961) p. 166.

3 John Ashdown, "Burma's Political Puzzle," Far Eastern Economic Review,
XLV, September 17, 1964, p. 516.

22

sition." 4 The opposition of the monks led to a complete reversal of
policy by the Ne Win Government.

The purpose of this paper is to trace the process of interaction
between religion and politics in Burma. Why has religion remained
such a potent force in Burma? The answer to this question lies, we
believe, in the historical relationship between politics and religion in
Burma. This paper seeks, therefore, to explain the preponderance of
religious influence existing in Burma in terms of historical factors
which are deeply embedded in the consciousness of the Burmese.
Professor Pye writes :

Historically, . . . religion was the very basis of most of the
Burmese social and political structure, and thus it should
be expected that the process of modernization would create
difficult issues about the place religion should continue to
occupy in Burmese life. 5

When one speaks of the religious influence in Burma, one has in
mind the influence of the Buddhist monks the pongyis (monks of
full standing). There has existed, historically, a close relationship
between religion and culture in Burma the relationship has been
so close that Burman and Buddhist are virtually synonymous. Indeed,
for all practical purpose, Buddhism can be said to have always been
the state religion of Burma. 6 The school of Buddhism native to
Burma is called the Theravada or Way of the Elders. Every large
village has its Buddhist monastery and the pongyis are ubiquitous
figures in Burma. "Of all the conservative forces in Burma" writes
King, "The Sangya or order of Buddhist monks, is perhaps the strong-
est." 7

Our analysis of the influence of religion upon politics in Burma
will cover four periods: 1) the pre-British monarchy; 2) the national-
ist movement of the 1920's; 3) the period 1930-1945; and 4) the
post-war period.

The Pre-British Monarchy

According to Cady, "the most important nonpolitical segment of
the society in old Burma was the Buddhist Sangha . . . The monks
were influential because they touched virtually all elements of the
population and because they were reverenced by the people." 8
Though the sangya was a powerful force in old Burma, evidence
seems to indicate that the Burmese king was unchallenged in authori-
ty. As a body, the sangya was apolitical.

4 The New York Times, May 6, 1964, p. 6.

5 Lucian W. Pye, Politics, Personality, and Nation Building. (New Haven,
1963) p. 190.

6 E. Michael Mendelson, "Religion and Authority in Modern Burma," World
Today, XVI (March, 1960) p. 111.

'Winston L. King, "New Forces in an Old Culture," The Antioch Review,
XXI (Summer, 1961) pp. 157-58.

8 John F. Cady, A History of Modern Burma. (Ithaca, 1958) p. 49.

23

. . . the court chronicles contain clear evidence that the
king brooked no clerical challenge to his authority over the
state. He punished summarily any indication of defiance
or rebellion. Neither the personal influence of the that-
hanabaing [royally appointed head of the sangha Bud-
dhists] nor the humanitarian principles of the Buddhist
faith seem to have moderated appreciably the unrestrained
violence which characterized most of the reigns. 9

Although the sangha as a group was apolitical, individual monks
wielded great political influence. Monks were frequently employed
in peace negotiations involving civil strife, their prestige is thought
to have lent sincerity to the proposals. 10 The monks are said to have
led revolts, but "Monkish participation in rebellion was almost in-
variably on an unauthorized and individual basis." 11 At the royal
court, the principal religious personage was the thathanabaing who
was assisted by a council. The thathanabaing was the recognized
leader of the entire Buddhist order. Because of his official standing,
the thathanabaing was used by the king, more or less, to control the
order of monks. "The thathanabaing exercised religious authority
under royal mandate and served also as the channel for making
royal authority effective throughout the monastic community." 12

The Nationalist Movement of the 1920's

When the British annexed Burma to the empire following the
third Anglo-Burman War (1885-86) a clean sweep was made of the
old order. The thathanabaing was relieved of his functions at the
court, along with the other ecclesiastical officials. The period from
1886-1918 witnessed a sharp decline in the influence of the monks.
But the end of World War I saw the upsurge of nationalistic feelings
in Burma. And the monks played a very important role in the na-
tionalists' campaign against the British. If the monks constituted a
potential political force in old Burma, they became an active force
during the aftermath of World War I. Writing about the role of the
monks during this period, Von der Mehden says:

If any period can be called the high tide of sangha sharing
in the political process it was the 1920's . . . their activity
took the form of a politically oriented national sangha as-
sociation, publication of newspapers and tracts, and advice
given to politicians and the lay flock on political, economic,
and social issues. 13

It is to be noted that most of the monks who participated in the
nationalist movement of the 1920's were the younger ones who at the

3 John F. Cady, "Religion and Politics in Modern Burma," Far Eastern Quarter-
ly, XII (February, 1953) p. 151.

L0 See Cady, A History of Modem Burma, p. 52.

ll Ibid., p. 53.

12 1 bid., p. 54.

13 Von der Mehden, op. cit., p. 168.

24

time were not thoroughly indoctrinated to their passive role in society.
A degree of self-interest was inherent in the monks' participation in
the nationalist movement. Perhaps the most significant reason was
the general decline of influence under British rule. For the monk, at
least "until British time, taught every male child in the kingdom
between the ages of six and thirteen and advised him, as well as his
wife, an all matters until his dying day." 14 Under British rule, how-
ever, there was a gradual lessening of influence in point of fact,
there was a discrediting of the monks' learning, with the subsequent
decline in prestige and in their support.

One of the leading personalities to emerge from this period was
a young monk, U Ottama of whom Von der Mehden says, "wore the
robes of the pongyi but spoke the words of a political agitator. The
combination had a profound influence on the Burmese religious com-
munity." 15 U Ottama told his followers that the existence of Bud-
dhism itself was threatened, that it was necessary to leave the
monastery to defend the religion. In 1921 U Ottama was arrested by
British authorities and sentenced to jail for ten months. Again in 1924
he was arrested this time he was given a sentence of three years.
The lasting contribution of U Ottama was that he transformed "an
essentially political problem into a religious one." 16

The principal political organization which emerged during this
period for the articulation of interests and grievances was the General
Council of Buddhist Associations (G.C.B.A.). The G.C.B.A. was the
political offspring of the Young Men's Buddhist Association which
first began operating around 1906.

The Y.M.B.A. was originally social, religious and educa-
tional in purpose ... In spite of its apolitical proclivity,
the interest of the Y.M.B.A. in the religious and social re-
vitalization of Burmese life forced it into conflict with the
government on the issues of closing all schools on Buddhist
religious holidays, and in time it became a general com-
plaint bureau for those seeking redress for social and re-
ligious grievances. 17

In 1921, the Y.M.B.A. was replaced by the G.C.B.A. Furvinal
sees this as a significant step in Burma's rising tide of nationalism. He
writes :

This marked a definite stage in the progress of nationalism :
the severance, if only formal, of politics from religion.
Hitherto Nationalists had been linked together, nominally
at least, on the basis of their common Buddhism, but the
manifesto of the Twenty-one Party was Nationalist, not
Buddhist; political, not religious. 18

14 Mendelson, op. cit., p. 111.

15 Fred Von der Mehden, Religion and Nationalism in Southeast Asia. (Madi-
son, 1963) p. 136.
16 Cady, A History of Modern Burma, p. 232.

17 Von der Mehden, Religion and Nationalism in Southeast Asia, pp. 32-3.
18 J. S. Furnival, Colonial Policy and Practice, (New York, 1956) p. 143-44.

25

Although the appeal of the G.C.B.A. was toward a larger audience
than the Buddhist, on the whole "there remained a close tie between
nationalism and religion, and nationalism still drew much of its
strength from Buddhist sentiment." 19

What was the result of the political agitation on the part of the
monks during this period of heightened political activities? The Eng-
lish Parliament, in 1922, passed the Burma Reforms Bill. The pro-
vision for a legislative council was the chief section of the Bill. But
Cady writes: "The decade of the 1920's was, on the whole, a period
of meagre positive achievement. The welter of political unrest which
attended these governmental changes was aggravated by tangible eco-
nomic grievances and by a rising tide of communal opposition to the
presence and activities of Indian residents of Burma." 20

1930-1945 The Decline of Influence

The period 1930 to 1945 saw the diminishing of the influence of
the monks on the political process in Burma. Von de Mehden writes;
"Before 1927 the pongyis influenced and planned political activities,
while after 1932 the clergy was more and more the tool of the politi-
cian." 21 Two factors contributed to the decline of the monks' in-
fluence in the political arena, 1) the political separation of Burma
from India, and 2) the impact of western material and intellectual
forces. It was during this period that the post-war political leaders
of Burma Aung San, U Nu, Ne Win, Kyaw Nyein, Ba Maw, et. ah,
gained prominence.

Burma capitulated to the Japanese in early 1942. During the
Japanese occupation, many pongyis supported the invaders on the
erroneous assumption that because Japan was a Buddhist country
the monks would be exalted. But the Japanese were not very con-
siderate toward the monks, though they seemed to have been aware
of the potential power which the monks could wield. In fact the
pongyis were subject to a great deal of humiliation under the occu-
pation forces. "The Japanese soldiers were not respectful of Burmese
religious feelings. Soldiers were accused of assorted crimes, including
pongyis to wash the soldiers clothes, using the yellow robes as sad-
dlecloths, . . . desecrating religious shrines, stealing pogada
treasures . . ." 22

Because of the setbacks suffered by the monks at the hands of the
Japanese occupation the conservative elements within the order
gained the upper hand. Subsequently, political activities of the
monks virtually ceased. Their contributions toward repelling the
Japanese were almost nil. At the end of World War II, the political
power of the monks had virtually ceased on the national level. Be-
cause of the pervasiveness of the Buddhist faith in Burma, they con-

10 1 bid., p. 144.

20 Cady, A History of Modern Burma, p. 242.

21 Von der Mehden, Religion and Nationalism in Southeast Asia, p. 148.

22 1 bid., p. 152.

26

tinued to exert a great degree of influence at the local level, but the
end of war witnessed the emergence of secular-minded politicians
who eschewed religion.

Post World War II Developments

The resistance movement in Burma was headed by General Aung
San who was instrumental in the founding of the Anti-Fascist Peoples
Freedom League (A.F.P.F.L.). The A.F.P.F.L. emerged from the
war as the leading nationalist party, and it is worthwhile to note the
attitude of this party toward the monks and religion in general. The
A.F.P.F.L. was definitely a secular-oriented party. In all the official
pronouncements of the party, religion was denied a formal place in
the structure of interests. It was Aung San's belief that the state
should remain neutral on all questions concerning religion.

Burma's new constitution, formulated in 1947 under Aung
San's direction, provided for a secular state with no govern-
ment supported religious establishment. Aung San insisted
that the pongyis should neither vote nor interest themselves
in political affairs. 23

At this point in Burma's history, it seemed as if the divorce between
politics and religion was a definite possibility. The governing elite
was composed of western-oriented, secular-minded individuals. The
monks had virtually retired from the political arena as an organized
group, though their influence, locally, was still great. The seculariza-
tion of religion, however, was short-lived, for Aung San and other
prominent leaders of the A.F.P.F.L. were assassinated prior to the
granting of independence by the British. Aung San's successor was
U Nu, the most religious of statesmen. And with the ascendancy of
U Nu to the premiership, the religious question was no longer mori-
bund, but once more became a dynamic issue which was to exert
profound influence on politics in Burma.

Nu's Religious Personality

To understand the resurgence of religion under U Nu, one must
dwell upon the personality of the man himself. Butwell writes: "Nu
has said that he became strongly religious as a result of World War
II, and that the most important single influence in shaping his re-
ligious outlook was 'the insight I acquired as a consequence of the
growing realization of the knowledge I had acquired in previous
existences.' " 24 U Nu has spent a great deal of his time in the
monastery and has written extensively on the subject of Buddhism.

During his stay in office, U Nu encouraged Buddhism by building
temples, monasteries, by encouraging Buddhist exchanges on an inter-
national level, and by campaigns to convert the hill peoples of Burma
to the Buddhist faith. Nu seemed to have believed that he had to pro-

23 Cady, Religion and Politics in Modern Burma, p. 157.
24 Richard Butwell, U Nu of Burma (Stanford, 1963) p. 64.

27

vide religious leadership to guide the people into the right path.
Guided "morality" might be an apt description of the role which Nu
perceived for himself. Perhaps the greatest official act of U Nu
toward Buddhism was the sponsorship of the Sixth Great Theravada
Buddhist Synod of 1954-56 at a cost estimated in excess of $6 million.

The consequences of Nu's activities on behalf of the Buddhist
faith was, of course, an increase in the political activities of the
monks. This encouragement is a bit paradoxical because Nu himself,
during the Japanese occupation, deprecated the political role of the
monks. He wrote: ". . . to lead the life of a monk is as delicate a
task as to balance a grain of mustard seed on the point of a needle.
So how can a pongyi who must walk so delicately, do the work of a
politician, the roughest of worldly pursuits." 25

During Nu's first premiership three religious acts were passed
which increased the interaction between politics and religions. Firstly,
the Dhamma Chariya Act of 1949 established two government-
sponsored ecclesiastical courts at Rangoon and Mandalay. This
act was designed to weed out the unfit within the sangha and to
restore order with the hierarchy. Secondly, the Pali University Act
of 1950 sought to propagate the Buddhist faith and to supervise
teaching and examinations of the Sacred Buddhist scriptures on
the part of the monastery sayadaws (abbots). Thirdly, the Buddha
Sasana Act established a central Buddhist organization representative
of all Buddhists in the country. "The Buddha Sasana Act" Cady
writes, "committed the Burma government for the first time to
active support of the propagation of the Buddhist faith . . ," 26

After passage of the Pali University Act, the monks entered the
political arena openly. In September 1951, they staged demonstra-
tions demanding the recognition of Buddhism as the state religion,
the removal of the Minister of Religious Affairs (a cabinet-level
position introduced by Nu) and his subordinates, and the convening
of a general synod of monks for the purpose of purifying the faith.

It is quite evident that the increased agitation on the part of
the monks during this period was attributable to the religious per-
sonality of U Nu, a man who believes that he may be a "Buddha-
in-the process-of-becoming." 27 Had Nu steered the secular course
which was outlined by the founders of the A.F.P.F.L., it seems
highly unlikely that the sangha would have become politically active
to the degree they did. But it was the election campaign of 1959
and the subsequent establishment of Buddhism as the state religion
that politics and religion reached the highest degree of interaction.

Religion and the Campaign of 1959

In April, 1958, the AFPFL split into two factions the Clean
faction led by U Nu and Thakin Tin, and the Stable faction under
the leadership of U Ba Swe and U Kyaw Nyein. Because of the

25 Butwell, op. cit., p. 41.

2C Cady, "Religion and Politics in Modern Burma," p. 160.

27 Butwell, op. cit., p. 67.

28

schism in the AFPFL and other internal troubles, the political situa-
tion in Burma deteriorated rapidly. "By September, 1958, the gov-
ernment in Burma had all but come to a standstill, political con-
siderations were seemingly the only ones that influenced official
decision-making, and the public was obviously and increasingly los-
ing confidence in the ability of the Nu-Tin administration to direct
the nation's affairs." 28

On October 28, 1958, General Ne Win took over the government
in a move which was designed to prevent the country from falling
into an utter state of chaos. The Ne Win caretaker government was
originally slated to hold power for a period of six months and then
allow general elections. Elections, however, were not held until
February 6, 1960 but the campaign began in the latter part of
September, 1959.

Prior to the schism in the AFPFL, the party itself generally
eschewed religion in campaigns, but prior to the official opening of
the 1959 campaign, U Nu made the promise that if elected, he would
make Buddhism the state religion of Burma. Immediately thereafter
Nu retired to a monastery. Article 21, Section 24 of Burma's Con-
stitution states:

The abuse of religion for political purposes is forbidden;
and any act which is intended or is likely to promote feel-
ings of hatred, enmity or discord between racial or religious
communities or sects is contrary to this Constitution and
may be punishable by law.

The Stable faction of the AFPFL charged Nu with using the
religious issue for personal political gains. Writing of Nu, Cady
says: "He was immersed in politics, but his heart was in religion." 29
To a considerable extent, Cady's characterization of Nu is correct
and the charges of the Stable AFPFL that Nu interjected the re-
ligious issue solely for the purpose of garnering votes is probably
not the whole truth. In point of fact, "he had been pressing for
making Buddhism the state religion, apparently sincerely, since 1956,
when he stated at the conclusion of the Sixth Great Buddhist Synod
that he had a 'burning desire to do so.' " 30

Nu's promise to make Buddhism the state religion, coupled with
his religious personality, was the key element in the 1959 election
campaign. Leaders of the Stable AFPFL went so far as to try to
emulate the religiousity of Nu during the campaign. But the Burmese
people gave Nu an overwhelming victory at the polls. The extent
to which religion played a role in the election can be guaged from
the fact that the ballot boxes of Nu's faction the Clean AFPFL,
were painted yellow the color of the monks' robes in Burma.

28 Ibid., p. 209.

2D Cady, Religion and Politics in Modern Burma, p. 156.

30 Butwell, op. cit., p. 221.

29

Buddhism The State Religion

In 1961, Buddhism was made the state religion by amending
the constitution to read, "The State shall maintain, protect and
promote Buddhism." A State Religion Promotion Bill designed to
implement the new provision of the constitution also went into
effect. The initial reaction among the non-Buddhist minorities was
adverse therefore, a fourth constitutional amendment, reaffirming
the right of all persons freely to profess, practice and teach their
own religions, was passed.

It seems that U Nu was not merely satisfied with a formal Buddhist
state. He thought "that the inauguration of the Buddhist state would
engender a deeper interest in Buddhism among his people and . . .
suffuse all acts within a religious spirit." 31 One of the immediate
consequences of the elevation of the Buddhist faith to the state
religion was increased political agitation by the monks. Butwell's
account of one incident after Buddhism was made the state religion
is revealing.

Although most monks have generally not been politically
inclined, the more militant pongyis have been and it was
these who led the November 14, 1961, riots in the Ran-
goon surburb of Okkalapa, which resulted in four deaths
and the arrest of 279 persons, including 92 monks . . .
the lynching of two Moslems by a mob led by monks was
the shameful highlight of the disturbances. 32

On March 2, 1962, General Ne Win staged a second coup, abro-
gated the constitution, thereby disestablishing Buddhism as the state
religion in Burma. Paradoxically, in a country where 85 per cent
of the people are Buddhists, the disestablishment of religion may
have been a blessing for "U Nu's elevation of Buddhism as the State
Religion had in the end pleased neither the staunch Buddhists nor
the minority religious groups." 33

Conclusions

In the introduction we pointed out that the Ne Win Government
despite its totalitarian methods, has moved very cautiously in re-
gards to the monks. In the first real confrontation between the
Government and the monks (the National Solidarity Act), the monks
emerged victorious. The monks remain a latent political force in
Burma; yet there are certain operative factors which prevent the
monks from transforming their potential power into a positive factor
which could influence the political process in Burma. We have at-
tempted to point to the interaction between politics and religion
in Burma, employing an historical approach. Yet our analysis fails
to discover much concrete evidence of the monks' seeking to adopt

31 Von der Mehden, Religion and Nationalism in Southeast Asia, p. 107.

32 Butwell, op. cit., p. 226.

S3 The Far Eastern Economic Review. 1963 Yearbook, p. 54.

30

a program of social, economic, and political reform over the years.
In those instances where the monks have demonstrated or entered
the political arena, their demands were mostly short-run ones, in-
volving directly the pongyis themselves e.g., demonstrations in the
1920's to prevent the wearing of shoes around religious shrines,
efforts to retain the Buddhist schools, and the activities to establish
Buddhism as the state religion.

Since the monks hold a great deal of power in Burmese society,
it is legitimate to ask why they have not entered the political arena
with a wider program of social reforms aimed at the development
of their country. Of course, religion in a transitional society is a
conservative force, for the power of religion, in most instances,
derives from tradition itself and the leaders (religious) often regard
the process of modernization as a real threat to their security and
authority. But in a country, such as Burma, where Buddhism is so
intimately related to the consciousness of the people, religion, seem-
ingly could be a force for modernization. Cady writes: "One of
the most important problems which independent Burma faces is
how to establish a basis for constructive cooperation between poli-
tics and religion in meeting the needs of the new state." 34

There have been attempts to form political parties on the part of
the pongyis. One such party was the Buddhist Democratic Party.
King avers that

This was the Buddhist attempt, or more properly the at-
tempt of some Buddhists to develop a social and political
philosophy directly out of Buddhism. Most of these at-
tempts are naive and tentative, sometimes in the extreme;
but are important because they represent a brand new
trend in Buddhism . . . there have been few deliberate
attempts to provide or implement a Buddhist philosophy
of society and government. 35

King attributes the failure of the pongyis to develop a social philoso-
phy to passiveness, fatalism, and concern for the spirit. There is
a degree of truth in this analysis, yet the very fact that the monks
in reference to self-interest, have sought to influence the political
process, partly vitiates the passive, fatalistic, non-mundance argu-
ment. For in the very process of seeking to maintain or to enhance
their personal prestige or influence, the pongyis have demonstrated
their ability to change and to redirect the course of history.

The very structure of Buddhism is a factor which militates against
constructive efforts to evolve a social philosophy. Buddhism is pri-
marily an individual quest for self-development. There exists no
organizational framework, nor objective criteria for the selection of
leaders, through which a positive program could be developed and
given sanction. Pye writes:

34 Cady, Religion and Politics in Modern Burma," p. 149.
35 King op. cit., p. 164.

31

Even within the monastery little uniformity was to be found
in discipline or organization, and the rules that did exist set
minimum standards of individual conduct. Advancement
occurred without any strict system of selection beyond the
general principle that the older the monk, the higher his
station. 36

In Burma, then, religion continues to influence the decision-making
process. But the considerations given to the monks by the politicians
are due to the "potential" political power of the monks and the
deference accorded to them by the Burmese society itself. As an
interest group the monks possess no program, their interests are
not articulated and advanced through the process of confronting
the politicians with demands, but primarily take the form of reac-
tions against specific proposals of the politicians. This reaction to
the politicians can in part be attributed to the structure of Buddhism
itself and in part to the emphasis upon the individual rather than
upon the group or society. The result of this phenomenon is that
Buddhism continues to encompass the daily lives of the Burmese;
deference is accorded to the monks, but their role is primarily a
negative one they hold the power to veto they seldom seek to
propose, to innovate.

Religion permeates the consciousness of the Burmese to such an
extent that even the modernizing elites find it exceedingly difficult
to escape the dilemma between politics and religion in Burma. In
his study, Pye notes what he terms a basic Burmese sense of ambiva-
lence toward religion. The analysis is phychological but penetrating.

At a more fundamental level, the ambivalent feeling toward
religion creates a serious obstacle to national development
and planned social change. The Burmese sense of identity
is so closely associated with his religious identity that he
is likely to feel seriously threatened by the idea of abandon-
ing his religion. Members of the political elite in particular
are likely to find considerable reassurance and comfort from
Buddhist religious teachings ... At the same time, how-
ever, the element of insecurity about religion means that
it is difficult for the Burman to find in his religion-based
sense of identity the necessary security to become a creative
and innovating political person. 37

Finally, we may conclude by pointing out that the secularization
of politics in Burma will, in all probability, evolve at a slower pace
than in other transitional societies, because of the historical inter-
action between politics and religion, the influence of religion on
the lives of the individual Burman, the reverence accorded to the
monks, and the "ambivalent" attitude of the elite toward religion.
This means, in effect, that the process of modernization is likely to
take place at a slower pace in Burma than in other developing

36 Lucian Pye, op. cit., p. 76.
37 Ibid., pp. 194-5.

32

societies, despite Burma's plentiful supply of exploitable resources.
This is the case because the pongyis, though influential, are largely
apolitical. On the other hand, the elites are political, but their re-
ligious commitments make them uncertain concerning the place of
religion in their society and to social and economic development
in general.

33

Creating A National Sense of Direction
In Industrial Arts

by

Richard Coger

Recently, the American Industrial Arts Association stated that
there are nearly 35,000 teachers of industrial arts in the United
States. These teachers are instructing approximately three and one-
half million students daily. One would think that since the field is
a vital part of general education, its purposes and goals would be
understood by almost everyone within the educational circle. How-
ever, if one were to closely examine this country's industrial arts
program in relation to its body of contents, it is expected he would
find that there is no commonly accepted and clearly understood
purpose in the field.

He would also learn that the field does not have a working uni-
versal definition with which to identify itself. The lay public as well
as educational administrators, to a degree, do not know the true
meaning of industrial arts, its origin and purposes. This is the writer's
rationale for the causation of the wide disparity that exist within
the field between "what is" and "what ought to be". John Dewey,
Charles Richards and recently, others too numerous to mention,
have attempted to pave the way to unity. However, there are still
as many variations of the subject as there are men teaching it.
Without some type of national guidelines for continuity, industrial
arts is destined for continuous mediocrity.

An industrial arts program should encompass values and a sense
of direction. Our educational forefathers had such a vision. Since
the era of Woodward and Runkle, industrial arts has been generally
defined as that phase of general education which deals with indus-
try, its organization, materials, occupations, processes, products, and
problems relating to automation. It is one of many instruments of
general education which provides the students with unlimited oppor-
tunities for the development of ingenuity, problem-solving skills,
creativity, resourcefulness, and to a great degree, promotes indi-
vidualism.

In countenance to the written definition of the field, industrial
arts is "many things to many people", nevertheless, educators in
the field have been defending the programs ever since it was intro-
duced into the school system. Is industrial arts a part of general
education? This question first appeared the day industrial arts was
first introduced in the school system. As competition for a place
in the schools' curricula increases, industrial arts is placed deeper
in the defensive area. However, a position of this nature is not
appropriate if the program is to attain and maintain the highest
possible order of educational statesmanship.

34

Being on the defensive side, one tends to conceal his weaknesses
even though he and others are aware of them. He is more likely to
defend "what is" than to propose, work for or try to achieve "what
ought to be." He is more likely to attack the forces which placed
him in the defensive position than he is to examine the inadequacies
in his field of work. If the industrial arts teacher is working in a
weak program, the more vulnerable position will be within the school
system. Programs of high quality are not likely to be vulnerable when
they are attacked. Poorly planned programs in any field will find
it difficult to gain and maintain administrative support.

Objectives and aims for industrial arts have been proclaimed and
studied for aproximately half a century. The earlier concepts have
remained nearly the same throughout the years. This fact suggests
that they were fundamental enough to withstand the test of years.
Whether or not they were, they are still in existence. Research has
shown that a set of regal aims or objectives alone is of little assist-
ance. They must also be utilized within the perimeter of the field
in full unison.

There are many excellent opportunities for students to develop
skills in critical thinking in the laboratories of industrial arts, if
industrial arts teachers, supervisors and administrators would work
together for a cause, which is helping students to understand the
social functions of industry. However, within the present programs,
many students receive limited understanding of materials and
processes. Works that were done in the homes or villages' shops
are now performed in modern factories. At the beginning of this
century, almost every child observed or shared in the work involved
in the production of food, clothing, shelter, and other basic home
needs. Today, many adults, as well as children, know little about
the technology used by American industries in producing these
goods. These industries play a vital role of importance in one's
social, economic, cultural and political life. Therefore, one can say
that the main purpose of industrial arts is to present to its students
a realistic interpretation of American industries.

Sawers of wood and pounders of metal are fast becoming a thing
of the past in industrial arts. Science, with its applications to indus-
trial processes and to industrial products, has come to dominate
industrial arts education. It is the duty of educators to accept this
trend, because of its unique and useful foundation.

The diversity and disparity that exist within the programs of indus-
trial arts must be and can be synthesized, if it is to make a mean-
ingful contribution to general education. If it is to be of some
significance and maintain an inclinable sense of direction, the field
must have a commonly accepted and clearly understood purpose.

Industrial arts must drop its ageless connotation of teaching wood
and metal of antiquity and commence to play a vital role in the
interpretation of modern industry as a part of education. Only by
assuming the responsibility for its new role will Industrial Arts'
educators create a national sense of direction in Industrial Arts.

35

The Teaching of Mathematical Induction

by

William M. Perel

Those of us who teach mathematics have often encountered great
difficulty in teaching a method of proof known as mathematical
induction. This difficulty is found in the high school and also in
the college classroom. Many students are unable to understand the
method when they are junior or senior mathematics majors. Why
should something so important and really so simple be so difficult
to teach?

I propose to examine some of the difficulties in order to see how
they might be overcome.

Let me say at the outset that some theorems are more difficult
to prove than others. Certainly it is more difficult to prove the
binomial theorem than it is to prove that the sum of the first n

n ( r\ I 1 ^

positive integers is J~ , although mathematical induction may

be the method of proof in either case. However, the difficulty our
students encounter is not in the details of a particular proof, but
in understanding what they are supposed to be doing and in really
seeing that anything has been proved by the method.

Unfortunately, many of our students have never encountered the
concept of proof at all when they reach this stage, except perhaps
in geometry. How it happened that geometry became, in the mind
of the student, a field in which a series of statements constituted a
proof, whereas in algebra, proof by assertion is a question that I
will not attempt to answer. But it is true that many of our students
encounter their first non-geometric proof when they are asked to
prove something by induction. Is it not possible that some of the
difficulty is with the very concept of proof itself and not so much
with any particular method of proof? Why then cannot we introduce
some proof in the algebra classroom long before we mention mathe-
matical induction?

Many of our modern courses in algebra begin with a study of
the number system. Thus, students are taught the properties of the
natural numbers, including the inductive property, before they have
very much experience. The student somehow knows that we are
trying to get a particular property of these numbers across to him
and are not really interested in the little theorems that we ask him
to prove in his assignments.

Consider the theorem, to be found as an exercise or example in
almost every algebra test, "For every positive integer n, 1 + 2 + 3

n ( r\ I 1 ~\

. . . -|- n = ~ ." The student may or may not succeed

in proving this result, but as no use is ever made of it, how much
importance will he attach to the method of proof? Cannot we use

36

the method to prove theorems of greater importance in the continuity
of our courses?

There is yet another difficulty. How did we decide that the

n ( n | 1 ^

"answer" was ^ ? Couldn't we give some examples of how

one decides what is to be proved? After all, the student may well
ask you why prove a formula if you already know it is correct.
Couldn't we let the student try to arrive at the correct formula by
trial and error and then make a conjecture which he can either prove
true or false? Isn't this the method which is used to produce new
mathematics, after all?

There is still another difficulty. It is the use of the dots. While I
recognize that there are many inductive theorems which do not
involve dots and while we certainly ought to use more of this type
as examples, many of the elementary theorems do involve them.
What does 1 + 2 + 3 + .. . + n mean to the student? It is a mis-
take to think that a collection of symbols which has meaning to the
teacher necessarily has meaning to the student. Well, the dots mean,
"Don't you see what I mean?" Dots are used very frequently in
mathematics, in sequences, in series, in matrices, and they always
have this meaning. But what if the student answers, "NO!"

A noted mathematician was interviewed by a reporter while
visiting Atlanta, Georgia a number of years ago. The reporter asked
the mathematician to show her a piece of mathematics. He gave her
the problem of summing the first one hundred positive integers,
which he solved in the following way.

Let the answer, s = 1 + 2 + . . . + 99 + 100 and note
that it is also true that s = 100 + 99 + . . . + 2 + 1. Now
add these two equations and obtain, 2s =101 + 101 + ...
+ 101 + 101. Then the mathematician asked the reporter, "How
many 101s are there?" She was supposed to answer 100 and so get
the value of S. But she said, "four" and that is how many she saw.
Her answer to the question, "Don't you see what I mean?" was
quite clearly, "NO." How then can we expect our students to under-
stand what the dots mean with little or no explanation? What do
you think 1+2 + 3 + .. . + n means to a student when n
is 2? If you ask him, his answer will discourage you.

The difficulties I have mentioned are all preliminary. Once these
have been met, we still have the difficulty of inductian itself. What
we are asking the student to do is to prove that something is true
when n = 1, when n = 2, when n = 3, and so on. That is, in
a sense, we are asking him to prove an infinite number of things
in a finite amount of time. No wonder the student gets discouraged.

As an example, we want him to prove that 1 = ^ that

1 + 2 = 2(2 + '> , that 1 + 2 + 3 =2<L+J) , and

so on. (I do not know whether or not the phrase "and so on" is
understandable either to the reader or to the student. I do not pre-

37

tend that it is superior to the dots.). We. teach him to show directly
that the statement we want to prove for all n is true when n = 1.
And then we teach him to show that if the statement is true for
n = k, it is also true for n = k -f- 1.

Professor Allendoerfer explains the method by asking the student
to imagine an endless ladder. The student shows that he "can get his
foot on the first rung" and that if he is on any rung of the ladder,
he can always climb to the next rung. Thus he can climb the ladder.

Professor Apostol asks the student to imagine an endless row of
toy soldiers. You assume that if one soldier falls, the next one in
line will be knocked over. Now, if you knock over the first soldier
in the row, presumably they will all fall down.

I think that each of these stories is cute and one or both may
have some value. However, it seems to me that a student who can
imagine an endless array of toy soldiers or an endless ladder, is
already well on his way to an understanding of induction. Each
teacher must make his own decision, but to me it appears that physi-
cal models of the idea are not helpful, so we may as well do mathe-
matics in a mathematical way. In other words, we may as well think
of the endless array 1,2,3, ... as an endless array of toy soldiers.

Many of our difficulties may be avoided if we first decide to spend
more and not less time on the principle. We begin with some ex-
amples of the inductive definition. In what follows, n represents a
positive integer (natural number).

Definition: a n is defined by a 1 = a and a "" = a .a.

Of course, we must work with this definition and show the stu-
dent how it defines a 2 and a 3 to be what they are supposed to be.
Nothing is more annoying than to read in what is supposed to be
a modern text that a n = a. a. ... a to n factors.

n 1

Definition: X ai is defined by X a,- a x and

i i

k+l k

X a, = X a 3 - + a .

1 1 k + !

Again we must show what this definition means. It is interesting
to point out that the above' definition reduces all addition to the
addition of two numbers, which is the kind of addition dealt with
by the axioms for the real numbers. If the inductive definition of the
2; bothers, let me point out that we introduce the X in order to avoid
dots.

It is truly remarkable how many induction problems really de-
pend on one of these two. definitions. Others require only similar
definitions of, for example, a product of n factors, an nth derivative,
etc. Even the set f 1, 2, 3, . . ., nj may be written 1 l,n I and de-
fined by I 1,1 I = {1} and |l,k+l| = I l,kj U {k+l} . So
again, the dots may be avoided.

It may be argued that what is proposed here is more difficult than
the dots. I doubt that, but if so, perhaps the foregoing may be at
least used to explain what the dots mean.

38

The induction axiom has two forms. Proofs of the equivalence of
these two forms may be found in many books. In what follows, I
shall use the word number to mean positive integer or natural
number.

Form One: If a set of numbers contains the number 1 and con-
tains the number k 4 1 whenever it contains the number k, then the
set contains all numbers.

Form Two: Every non-empty set of positive integers contains a
smallest member.

For some reason almost all texts emphasize the use of form one.
I would like to present here two proofs of the same simple theorem
in order to illustrate the use of each form.

Theorem: For every number n, 2 n > n.

Proof: (Form One) We observe that 2 > 1, so that the result
holds when n = 1. If 2 k > k, then by definition 2 k +* = 2 k .2

> 2k = k -f k > k -f- 1, so the result holds for n = k -f- 1.

Proof: (Form Two) Consider the set of numbers n for which
2 n < n. If this set is non-empty, let h be the smallest element of
this set. Since 2 1 = 2 > 1, the statement is true for n = 1, so
that h =j= 1, hence h > 1. Therefore h 1 is a number and since
h 1 < h and h is the smallest number for which our statement
is false, it follows that the statement is true when n = h 1.
Thus we know that 2 11 " 1 > h 1. Now 2 h = 2< h - 1 > + 1 = 2 M . 2

> 2(h 1) = h -f- (h 2) ^ h, since h > 2. Therefore, 2 h

> h, contradicting our assumption that the statement is false when
n = h, the set of numbers for which the statement is false is empty,
so that the statement is true for all numbers.

The essential difference in the details of these two proofs is the
differing roles played by the numbers h. and k. In the first case, k
is an arbitrary number for which it is assumed that the statement
is true. "Well," asks the student, "Why can you just assume a state-
ment is true when n = k when you don't even know what k is?"
We ought not to put it just that way and I was careful not to put it
that way, but there is a difficulty in this point. However, this diffi-
culty vanishes in the second proof; h is not arbitrary, but a particular
number which the second form of the axiom says must exist. I be-
lieve that the fact that h is a particular number, whereas k is some
arbitrary number is what makes a proof by means of the second form
easier to comprehend. The student is better able to grasp the defi-
niteness of the number h. For this reason, I would recommend the
second form of the proof even if it is longer.

If we are to teach induction with understanding, let us introduce
some other form of proof first; let us use induction to prove theorems
such as the laws of exponents which we really need; let us avoid
the use of the dots, recognizing that most students do not under-
stand them, anyway; and let us try the second form of the induc-
tion axiom rather than the first.

39

The Evolutionary Role of the
International Labor Organization

by
Sarvan K. Bhatia

The causes of social discontent are deep-seated and complex. The
sporadic outbursts in the nature of serious strikes or social unrest
unfold an underlying frustration of the people impatient for social
betterment. In several countries, such outbursts have led to the
formation of totalitarian regimes following a revolution which denies
the legitimacy of the existing social order. The Constitution of the
International Labor Organization (hereinafter referred to ILO) states
that universal peace can be established only if it is based upon
social justice. It draws attention to the existence of conditions of
labor which involve hardship to large numbers of people. It declares
therefore that an improvement in those conditions of work is urg-
ently required by the regulation of hours of work and labor supply,
prevention of unemployment, etc. The ILO is accordingly engaged
in an evolutionary process to bring about social improvement. 1
It has a practical approach to deal with social problems. By bringing
together powerful social forces from different countries, the ILO
provides an opportunity to work out solutions to concrete problems
in a democratic way. The object is "to secure such a number of
reforms that the danger of social revolution will be avoided, that
the nineteenth century capitalistic system will be mellowed by social
justice . . ." 2

Although the ILO is an intergovernmental agency, it differs from
other diplomatic bodies in one important way; its national delega-
tions consist not only of government representatives but also of
workers' and employers' organizations. Thus it is the only interna-
tional organization of its kind which is composed on a tripartite
basis. The International Labor Conference, 3 the supreme body of
ILO, constitutes a world forum for labor and social questions and
each member state is represented by four delegates: two from gov-
ernment and one each from employers' and workers' associations at

iShotwell, James T. THE ORIGINS OF THE ILO, 1934, p. xxi. "The ILO
is the only effort which has yet been made to give universal expression to
this (evolutionary) method."

-Wilson, F. G. "The International Labor Organization" in INTERNATIONAL
CONCILIATION, Nov. 1932, p. 405.

3 The Conference has as one of its primary functions the adoption of inter-
national labor standards which are formulated in treaties called Conventions
and Recommendations. There is a technical difference of legal character
between the two: while the Conventions become, by ratification by govern-
ments concerned, binding international instruments, the Recommendations
are essentially guides to national policy. However, these are not binding
upon ILO members merely by virtue of their adoption.

40

national level. At its first session held in 1919, 40 countries were
represented: 17 each from European and American states, five from
Asia and one from the African continent. Several of the non-Euro-
pean countries however did not attend the subsequent sessions for
many years. Therefore, to all intents and purposes, the ILO at its
inception was an organization of states of "western" world. The
situation since that time has changed drastically. Although the ILO
membership has been growing since 1919, it was only after World
War II when a number of countries from Asia and Africa achieved
independence and joined the ILO that there was a rapid and sig-
nificant increase in membership. By 1950, the ILO membership
stood at 60; today, it has reached 110. And with increased member-
ship, the balance between the continents has been altered profoundly.
Africa, Asia and Latin America have come to assume a greater role
in international affairs.

What has been the impact of this increase in membership on the
ILO? Has a change in emphasis of the ILO's work been brought
about? Has the ILO's traditional work been given a new look? What
new problems has it had to face? Did the situation arising out of the
Second World War exert any pressure on the ILO to give a new look
to its traditional activities? And how far has the ILO been able to
adjust itself to the new responsibilities brought to bear upon it?
These form part of the many questions that have been analyzed in
this article.

In its early days, as stated above, the ILO worked mainly in close
contact with the more industrialized countries. European labor legis-
lation provided the model for international labor Conventions. 4 This
was not surprising in view of the early impact of industrial revolution
in western Europe and the consequent need for national measures
to protect workers and to ensure a greater degree of social justice
in a rapidly expanding industrial economy. 5 The situation, however,
changed after World War II. Various factors contributed to bring
about this change. In the first place, the European economies had
been impaired considerably by war and had to be rehabilitated. Then,
there was the pressing character of labor and social problems in the
newly evolving nations. Some of these countries were already en-
gaged in diversifying their economies while others were impatient
to move on to the road to industrialization. The political revolution
which brought independent status to various countries was not an
end in itself; it had to be supplanted by a successful economic revolu-
tion in order to provide the masses with varied opportunities for a
better life. What has been called by Adlai Stevenson "the revolution
of rising expectations" had gripped the people in the underdeveloped

4 See footnote 3.

5 For details, see ILO, REPORT I TO THE EUROPEAN REGIONAL CON-
FERENCE, 1955.

41

nations. After the achievement of political independence, the gov-
ernments of these countries were determined to shake off conditions
of poverty. Speaking about India, and this is applicable in a true
measure to almost all newly independent nations, India's Prime
Minister Nehru said:

There is a gap between the political revolution which has come
and the economic revolution which ought to take place to fulfil
the needs of political revolution. In western countries, the
economic revolution in effect laid the ground for political ad-
vance and created the resources for it. The two revolutions went
on more or less hand in hand. We have this tremendous dif-
ficulty that, without having created adequate resources through
an economic revolution, we have to face demands of a successful
political revolution. 6

Adaptability to changing circumstances

Before considering the impact on the ILO of increased membership
represented largely by underdeveloped countries, it will be appropriate
to deal first with the decisions to bring about change in emphasis
in the ILO program. These changes were made at the initiative of the
ILO itself with a view to improving its adaptability to varying cir-
cumstances arising from the new role it had to play in the post-
Second World War period. Perhaps the most significant step was the
adoption in 1944 of the Declaration of Philadelphia which asserted
the primacy of social objectives in international policy. It defined
these objectives as the attainment of conditions in which "all human
beings . . . have the right to pursue both their material well-being
and their spiritual development in conditions of freedom and dignity,
of economic security and equal opportunity." At the same session
was adopted a resolution concerning economic policies, international
and national, that should be followed "for the attainment of social
objectives." In the past, the ILO's approach and decisions were limited
by an artificial separation of social and labor policy from economic
and financial policy. The 1944 session emphasized the solemn obliga-
tion of the ILO to further world programs for full employment and to
raise the standards of living of the masses. One of the most significant
developments of 1944 session therefore was the recognition of the
linkage of social and economic problems.

At its 1945 session, it was decided to set up the Conference Dele-
gation on Constitutional Questions charged with the task of reviewing
the past record of the ILO's work and to make proposals for "re-
modelling and re-equipping the ILO" to enable it to discharge with
greater efficiency its increased responsibilities. In view of the far-
reaching decisions taken at the 1944 and 1945 sessions, it has been
remarked that "in the 25 years of the life of the ILO there has never
been a point at which it has discharged heavier responsibilities or

6 Nehru, Jawaharlal in ILO, RECORD OF PROCEEDINGS, 1958, p. 4.

42

responded more readily to the changing requirements of a revolution-
ary epoch." 7

The 1944 and 1945 sessions therefore recognized the importance of
economic stability and social objectives in the light of changed world
situation. Significant differences in emphasis also were noticeable
in the 1919 Preamble to ILO constitution and the Philadelphia De-
claration. Whereas the 1919 Preamble simply declared that "the
failure of any nation to adopt humane conditions of labor is an ob-
stacle in the way of other nations which desire to improve the con-
ditions in their own countries", the Philadelphia Declaration extended
this notion. It broadened the terminology and put it in more positive
form stating that "poverty anywhere constitutes a danger to prosperity
everywhere." 8 It was recognized that if the ILO is to remain true to
its tradition of the promotion of social justice for the advancement
of the cause of peace, it had to pay due attention to the millions of
undernourished people. Social unrest in the underdeveloped nations
was mounting and it was necessary that the new social forces be can-
alized and put to constructive use. Prior to World War II, the ILO
had been engaged in the standard-setting activities and research work.
The changed world situation in the mid 1940's and the importance
and complexity of manpower problems during the post-war period
led the ILO to broaden its field of activity and to take upon itself
enlarged responsibilities.

Growth of operational activities

To be sure, the ILO was undertaking operational activities prior
to World War II also. However, after the war these activities entered
a new and extensive phase of development. The special emphasis on
operational activity was an outgrowth of ILO's development work
and also a logical response to the needs of post-war period. Through
its standard-setting activities, the ILO was laying a basis for practical
achievements in various countries. New developments after the war in
political and economic spheres produced a series of urgent labor
and social problems, throughout the world. These problems were
particularly acute in the newly emergent nations which were embark-
ing on programs of industrialization.

The operational program developed gradually over a number of
years. Initially, it was in the nature of technical assistance missions
sent to various countries, including Canada, England, and the United
States, on the requests of governments concerned. 9 At the end of the
war, various complex and urgent problems were present in war-
devastated areas and the ILO launched a special operational program,
at first directed towards European problems. 10 The first efforts were
concentrated in the manpower field. These problems had arisen, on

7 ILO, REPORT OF THE CONFERENCE DELEGATION ON CONSTITU-
TION QUESTIONS, 1946, p. 6.

8 Italics provided.

9 For a detailed account, see ILO, TECHNICAL ASSISTANCE, 1954.

10 For details, see ILO, RECORD OF PROCEEDINGS, 1945.

43

the one hand, because of an acute shortage of skilled workers and
technicians which proved an obstacle in the European recovery pro-
gram, and on the other, in newly emergent nations, manpower re-
sources were being wasted on account of widespread unemployment
and underemployment. There seemed to be, therefore, two aspects
of these questions: in the first place, there was the question of what
may be called the qualitative adjustment of manpower supply and
demand, and in the second place, the quantitative adjustment of man-
power requirements and resources. On the recommendation of the
European Economic Commission, the ILO launched a special man-
power program to deal with problems of European states.

Thus the manpower problems arising in the European countries
after World War II led to the systematic development of manpower
organization program. This program was therefore the first attempt
to bring the ILO into operational sphere on a large scale. These
technical-cum-advisory activities were expanded greatly and extended
to other regions with the inception in 1950 of the United Nations
Expanded Program of Technical Assistance (EPTA). 11 One of the
basic principles of EPTA is to help underdeveloped countries
strengthen their economies through the development of their industries
and agriculture with a view to promoting their independence, "eco-
nomic and political," and to ensure the attainment of higher levels
of economic and social welfare for the masses. 12 It was recognized
that the assistance to be given to less developed areas of the world
to develop their productive capacity in accordance with modern
scientific ideas in respect of employment and conditions of work "is
a direct challenge to the ILO". 13 This was the new emphasis in the
ILO policy.

Since 1950, the operational program has become a major feature of
the overall activity of the ILO. It now includes work towards raising
productivity, an entirely new departure for the ILO which has become
one of its regular responsibilities, the ILO's traditional concern with
industrial relations has been transformed into a program for the
conscious promotion of better labor-management cooperation, work-
ers' education, problems connected with the peaceful uses of atomic
energy and the social consequences of automation and other forms
of technical change. 14 The evolution of ILO's program according to
major areas of activity can be stated under following sectors: man-
power organization (including vocational training), productivity and
management development, cooperation, social security, and labor

ni The operational program carried out prior to the inauguration of EPTA had
one common characteristic which may be considered as distinguishing it from
operational work carried out in more recent years: it consisted of only
one form of technical assistance experts from ILO. Recent program is
very comprehensive.

12 Walter R. Sharp. INTERNATIONAL TECHNICAL ASSISTANCE, 1959,
p. 60.

13 ILO, REPORT I TO THE 32nd SESSION, 1949,p. 3.

14 For details, see ILO, THE ILO IN A CHANGING WORLD, 1960.

44

conditions. The first category, namely, manpower organization has
been the single most important sector of ILO activity which accounted
for more than one-half of total expenditure out of EPTA funds be-
ginning with 1950 till 1960; its relative share, as a result of increased
available funds, has dropped now to 40 per cent.

In addition to the above projects concerned mostly with social and
economic assistance to the recipient countries, the ILO's Governing
Body in 1958 recommended that increased resources be made
available for programs with social objectives as distinct from the
primarily economic objectives of the EPTA: to increase assistance to
countries which are not eligible under the EPTA and to enable the
ILO to meet its rapidly growing responsibilities towards countries
newly acquiring independence. 15 The Governing Body is guided by
the following main sets of considerations while allocating funds in
ILO's work program:

The first and most important are the basic continuing needs for
social action encountered by the ILO members.

In the second place, there are matters which require urgent atten-
tion on account of economic, social and political developments.

In the third place, there are considerations which are conditioned
by the extent of support for particular activities. 16

The ILO is undertaking technical cooperation programs under the
EPTA, Special Fund (launched in 1959) and its regular budget. 17
Of these three programs, the first still encompasses the greatest num-
ber of projects in the widest geographical area. For example, the
ILO was conducting field projects in more than 80 countries under
the EPTA last year. The number of projects, as compared with 1950,
has increased ten times. The number of experts during the same
period has gone up from 65 to 200 whereas the total expenditure has
increased by almost 20 times. On the other hand, the Special Fund
offers opportunities such as previous programs did not afford for
"concentrated efforts to build up the social and economic infrastruc-
ture of the developing countries in the areas more directly capable
of promoting economic growth." 18 The existence of Special Fund has
made it possible not only to increase substantially the vocational
training program but also to transfer a number of projects originally
under the EPTA so that the funds under this program may be freed
for the expansion of other projects. It has been observed that this
complementary relationship between the Special Fund and the tech-
nical assistance programs financed out of regular and extra-budgetary
resources is "perhaps that most significant factor in renewing con-
fidence on the possibility of further strengthening and improving,

15 ILO, ACTIVITIES OF THE ILO, 1958-59, p. 3.

16 For details, see ILO, ACTIVITIES OF THE ILO, 1959-60.

17 The Special Fund was set up to offer technical assistance "in depth" con-
centrating on a limited number of major projects of key importance.

45

both qualitatively and quantitatively, the multilateral arrangements
for technical cooperation within the United Nations framework." 19

Although both international labor standards technical assistance
activities are essential parts of the ILO's continuing program, put
together these cover only a part of the ever-broadening area of
industrial and labor concerns. The ILO has also been concerned
with findings ways by which it could some nearer to the people it
serves and nearer to the problems with which it deals. This has led
to the evolution of the educational approach and is expected to
supplement other approaches to social problems. In principle, the
educational approach extends over all the fields of activity with which
the ILO is concerned. However, it has been applied so far primarily
in the field of labor-management relations and the related field of
workers' education. A primary factor in the development of con-
structive labor-management relations is the attitude of management
and labor. These attitudes are formed by education and experience
and are modified by current pressures of industrial and social situa-
tion. With rapid technological changes and increasing momentum
of industrialization, both management and labor have been faced with
wider responsibilities and new problems. This has placed "an accent
on adaptation and learning and has given considerable impetus to
management development and workers' education, particularly in the
industrially less advanced countries where the needs are greatest and
the problems most acute." 20

In order to promote workers' education, a program was launched
in 1956 with the primary aim of helping workers to equip themselves
with the knowledge and understanding they need to carry out their
functional and civic responsibilities in modern society and to con-
tribute to the process of economic growth and social development.
The ILO is laying the foundations for a rounded program of activity
on workers' education without seeking to substitute itself for the
trade unions or to undertake tasks which properly belong to the
unions. It has also kept in view the fact that the needs for workers'
education vary from one country to another and therefore the pro-
grams for different countries have been adjusted according to their
needs.

The ILO has been providing technical assistance through the
expansion of its operational activities. So far as its standard-setting
work is concerned, fewer instruments in the form of Conventions and

B ILO, THE ROLE OF THE ILO IN THE PROMOTION OF ECONOMIC
EXPANSION AND SOCIAL PROGRESS IN DEVELOPING COUN-
TRIES, 1962, p. 12.

3 ibid., p. 14. Though the aid being given through the United Nations family
forms only a small fraction of the total aid for economic development, it
is a happy augury that a notable change is reflected, on the part of industri-
lized nations, to recognize the needs of underdeveloped countries. It remains
a sad commentary that in spite of increased amounts of assistance channeled
for the purpose of promoting economic growth, it represents only a fraction
of what is being spent on armaments.

TLO, THE ILO IN A CHANGING WORLD, 1962, p. 31.

46

Recommendations have been adopted by the International Labor
Conference during the last decade than was the case during the first
two decades of the ILO's existence. This may partly be accounted
for by the changing world social situation which has a direct impact
on the standard-setting work of the ILO. The varying needs of the
ever-widening circle of member states have suggested the desirability
of concentrating international labor standards to major social issues
of general practical importance and of giving these standards increased
flexibility. It can be stated that in general more attention has been
given to the implementation of existing standards and rather less to
the formulation of new standards except in the case of special issues
of great international concern, such as the abolition of forced labor,
or of concern to a group of countries. 21 In addition, perhaps the
most significant recent changes in the ILO's standard-setting activities
relate to the machinery for supervising the application of instruments.

In the light of what has been discussed above, the question raised
at the beginning of this article become more clear. The increased
membership, represented largely by the economically less advanced
countries, has had its impact in more than one way upon the ILO and
its activities. The expansion of technical assistance programs and
the launching of the EPTA and Special Fund programs are the direct
result of attempting to meet the problems of these countries. The
holding of regional conferences in these regions is another example.
The increased representation given to the underdeveloped nations on
the Governing Body and other expert committees emanates from their
sheer numbers. The traditional work of the ILO has been modified,
to a considerable extent, in order to favor expansion of technical
assistance activities rather than the formulation of instruments for
ratification by the governments concerned.

However, it remains to be seen how far the ILO will be able to
help these less developed countries in raising the standard of living
of their teeming millions who are living in ignorance. The agrarian
economies of these countries are not, and cannot be for a long time
to come, sufficient to provide the means of subsistence to the millions
of undernourished and diseased people. Industrialization is one sure
way of bringing considerable relief. The significant current develop-
ments in the ILO work can be seen principally in the fields of em-
ployment policy, training and manpower development and the raising
of incomes and living standards. The increased attention being paid
to these fields is a reflection of world-wide preoccupation with the
need to accelerate economic growth in the economically under-
developed areas of the world. It has been recognized that general
improverishment of any area is a matter of concern to all areas and
to world peace and therefore the technical knowledge and experience
acquired in industrially advanced countries should be made available
to underdeveloped countries to diversify and modernize their eco-
nomies. Finally, a beginning has been made. We have yet to bring
it to a successful completion.

Hbid., pp. 34-36.

47

What Motivates Students In The
Choice of Major Subjects

by

Dorothy C. Hamilton*

The Problem. It was the purpose of this study to investigate and
to discover what seemed to be existing reasons for an ethnic minority
group of students living in a segregated southern U. S. A. state to
choose predominantly major areas of concentration at the secondary
level. Answers to why most students majoring in education preferred
a secondary field major over an elementary major when employment
opportunities at the elementary level were more favorable than at
the secondary level were sought.

Need for the Study

That a need for strengthening guidance in teacher education among
this group is obvious. Summer after summer in-service teachers
previously prepared for elementary teaching have returned to the
Savannah State College campus to pursue courses and workshops for
the purpose of changing their secondary certificates to elementary
teaching certificates. Further, the College frequently finds it difficult
to locate enough elementary education graduates of high scholastic
ability. In addition, the local Chatham County School System is able
to employ practically all highly qualified elementary education grad-
uates who seek teaching positions in the Savannah area. Unfortunately,
many high teaching potential secondary education graduates have had
to leave Georgia and at times the South in order to gain employment.

If adequate answers could be found regarding the reasons for such
choices, sounder guidance and limitations from time-loss could be
experienced by students, faculty, and the institutions themselves which
are similarly situated.

Since Civil War days the best professional position for educated
Negroes has been teaching. Not until the period following World
War II did trained Negroes find it easier to gain employment in
other fields than the first half of this century had offered them. They
had been the last to be hired and the first to be fired.

Because high school and college teaching may have seemed a higher
step for them, the Teacher Education Committee of the College re-
cognized a need for studying this problem which had been reinforced
and pointed up by the College's Division of Education and the Geor-
gia State Department of Education. It was then felt that the following
factors might condition the students' selection of a major:

*In carrying out this study, the investigator was assisted by the Savannah
State College SNEA.

48

1. Inadequate communication between staff and students relative
to employment needs.

2. False student assumptions and the circulation of misinforma-
tion.

3. A conception of glamour that students ofttimes attach to other
careers.

4. General low regard assigned to the elementary school teacher
and to elementary school teaching.

Realizing that these suspected factors may not be the direct reason
for the choices made by students, it was felt that first hand contacts
needed to be made with students so that information might be ob-
tained from them.

The specific concerns of the investigation were the following:

1. To provide information needed by the Teacher Education
Committee and the Division of Education staff for the purpose
of giving counseling and guidance to students admitted to the
Teacher Education Program.

2. To give the students an opportunity to plan and conduct re-
search investigations which will give them experience in action
research.

3. To provide meaningful learning experience and program for
the members of the SNEA.

Limitations of the Study

The investigation was limited to Savannah State College students
who for the most part (about 60% ) come from the local county in
which the College is located. All of these student subjects were
elementary or secondary education majors and they were Negroes.
Savannah State College is a state-supported 4-year degree-granting
institution. It confers the B.S. degree in both elementary and second-
ary education and for the 1963-1964 school year enrolled about 1100
students, the majority of whom were Negroes. The College is located
in Chatham County embracing Savannah and Thunderbolt, Georgia.

Table 1 shows the enrollment by departments and divisions when
the study was made.

49

TABLE 1. ENROLLMENT BY DIVISIONS AND

DEPARTMENTS AT SAVANNAH STATE COLLEGE,

FALL QUARTER, 1963-1964

Enrollment

Part

cipation

Curriculum

By
Divi-
sions

Teach-
er Ed
Ma-
jors

%
Teach-
er Ed
Ma-
jors

Non-
Teach-
ing
Ma-
jors

%

Non-
Teach-
ing
Majors

Bv
Divi-
sions

%
Ma-
jors

%
Partici-
pations

Division of Busi-
ness Adm.

160

*56

35

104

65

67

42

12

Dept. of Elem Ed

195

195

100

143

73

25

Dept. of Health,

Phys

Ed and Recreation

71

71

100

Division of
Humanities

87

45

52

.079

Dept. of English
Dept. of Modern
Langs.

60

69

Dept of Fine Arts

27

31

Division of Natural
Sciences

234

103

44

18

Dept. of Biology

77

33

Dept. of

Chemistry

39

17

Dept. of Math &
Physics, Gen Sc

118

50

Division of Social
Sciences

195

195

100

132

68

21

Division of Tech
Sciences

131

**25

19

Division of Eng.
Tech.

54

41

Dept. of Home
Economics

52

40

Division of Home
Study

Total

1073

747

70

326

30

571

53

'"Business Education.
:::: Industrial Arts Education.

50

Survey of the Literature

Before the students undertook the survey they were advised to
make a survey of the literature relative to the problem. This survey
provided them with these insights:

1. That the teacher education degree may sometimes qualify one
for employment in some related fields,

2. That the teacher education curriculum may sometimes serve as
a prerequisite for further study in various fields,

3. That the employment picture, nation-wide, indicates a ready
need, and predicts a steady increase in need for elementary
school teachers, as compared with the declining need for
secondary school teachers.

Methods and Procedure

Trie methodology employed by the researcher was the use of the
questionnaire as the general instrument for the study. A questionnaire
consisting of 18 items was drawn up, and respondents were asked
to place a check mark beside the statements which applied to them.
A copy of this questionnaire is appended to this paper.

Eight hundred fifty of the 1073 students enrolled at Savannah
State College for Fall quarter study in the 1963-64 school term
received questionnaires. Major subject was not a criterion in the
distribution, and the effort netted a 67% return. These 571 answered
the questionnaire which represented 53% of the College's student-
body. Their classification and majors are shown in Table 2.

TABLE 2. CLASSIFICATION AND MAJORS OF
STUDENT PARTICIPANTS

Classification

Majors

Bus

Tech

Adm

Ed

Hum

NatSc

Soc Sci

Sci

Total

Freshmen

19

17

12

19

31

8

106

Sophomores

16

33

7

9

34

18

117

Juniors

12

51

13

33

29

26

164

Seniors

11

37

7

42

34

16

147

No Indication

9

4

6

4

13

36

Unclassified

1

1

Totals

67

143

45

103

132

81

571

Table 3 reveals the number and per cent of checks for 17 items.
It can be seen that item 6-1 am interested in this field - was the
major reason for choice of major while items 12 and 13-1 am
afraid of certain teachers in other areas - and - I believe most teachers
in this major will pass students - were the least reasons for major
choices.

51

TABLE 3. REASONS FOR MAJOR CHOICES

Item

No.

No.
Checking

No.

changing

majors

No. of times
majors
changed

Per cent
Checked

1

13

2.3

2

97

7

3

162

28

4

13

2.3

5

146

26

6

269

47

7

6

1.2

8

13

2.3

9

39

5.7

10

29

5.1

11

39

5.7

12

2

0.3

13

2

0.3

14

6

1.1

15

24

4.2

16

17

230

40.0

18

309

54.0

Noteworthy is the fact that 32% of the Elementary Education
majors recognized the fact their employment opportunities were better
while 10% of the students majoring in that area had changed majors
twice. There seemed to be no significant agreement in item 16 -
other reasons.

Implications and Recommendations for the
Savannah State College Division of Education

Recommendations based on the findings of this study are the fol-
lowing:

1. Definite steps in helping students become better and more
accurately informed about job opportunities could be instituted.

2. Students could be helped relative to considering several pertin-
ent factors in choosing a career.

52

3. Students should be given guidance as early as possible.

4. It is recommended that students be assisted toward practical
decisions and realistic aspirations.

Findings

This study shows that the most predominant factor causing a stu-
dent to select a major filters from his interest in the field. Two hun-
dred sixty-nine or 47 % of the participants in this study were found to
respond to that questionnaire item. By combining items 2 and 6
responses, "Of my fondness for this area," (the two items are very
closely related), it can be seen that 366 or 64% of the subjects
selected majors out of interest and fondness for a particular area.
And 146 or 26% of the subjects chose majors which offered them
better "opportunities for employment after graduation.

Conclusions

The conclusions drawn from this study must be explained in the
light of certain limitations.

The following conclusions are set forth from the findings:

1. Students at Savannah State College placed high value upon
individual interest and fondness for an area.

2. Students at Savannah State College are guided by personal
feelings rather than by career outward influences.

3. Students at Savannah State College consider the employment
outlook to a very small degree.

4. Students at Savannah State College are generally uninformed
as to opportunities for employment.

APPENDIX

A RESEARCH PROJECT

Reasons Why Students At Savannah State College Choose Their
Major Areas of Study Under Sponsorship of the

STUDENT

N
E
A

(Please place a ( ) check beside those statements which apply

to you.)

53

I am a student at Savannah State College, majoring in *

I chose this major because:

1. My parents wanted me to do so.

2. Of my fondness for this area.

3. I feel that I am best suited for this specialty.

4. This area has a reputation for being easy.

5. This area affords better opportunities for employment after
graduation.

6. I am interested in this field.

7. Of my fear of failure in another field.

8. A relative is in this area of specialization.

9. Some other person feels that I am best suited for this area.

10. I know some of the influential people in this field.

11. I wanted to get into something different.

12. I am afraid of certain teachers in other area.

13. I believe that most teachers in this major will pass students.

14. Of limited funds to pursue other possible choices.

15. Of the social status of this area.

16. Other reasons:

a.

b.

c.

17. Have you changed your major since entering Savannah State?

Yes i No

18. If you have, how many times?

54

A Device for the Improvement
of Study Habits

Maurice S. Stokes

From ancient civilizations to the contemporary period, numerous
devices: such as, pictographs, hieroglyphics, numbers and the alpha-
bet have been formed, contrived, and invented for the apprehension
of ideas. Basic devices were used to teach philosophy by Aristotle
in the Lyceum and Plato in the Academy. Early "tools" of learning
that were used in the court school by Alcuin and at the center of
learning in Athens were crude and cumbersome. The Gutenberg Print-
ing Press accelerated learning at Salerno, Oxford University, Heidel-
berg University, Prague University, and other places. Today, tech-
nology and mass media form the means by which we have an ex-
plosion of knowledge at Harvard University, Tuskegee Institute, along
with other colleges and universities. At the present time the utilization
of perceptual devices provides the means to reason and think from the
elementary school to the university.

Objectives and Procedure

In order to improve teaching effectiveness and help students, the
present study has been developed. It is designd to secure a comparison
and contrast of classes taught by the writer over a sixteen year period
from 1950 to 1966. Most of the data were obtained from 842 students
in 38 classes, over three-fourths of them were sophomores enrolled in
Introduction to Teaching. Additional information is presented as re-
lated to an earlier study 1 published in 1958.

Each participating student kept a daily record of the time studied
for a period of ten or more days, during the first part of the quarter.
There were a few students enrolled in each class that were absent
or for other reasons did not participate in the experiment; there were
unusable records, also. After the initial ten or more days period,
members of the class completed a "Study Sheet," which indicated
how time was budgeted for a period of one week. It was to be used
for the remainder of the quarter. Tabulations for the two records
mentioned were started in the Summer Quarter, 1950, to the Summer
Quarter, 1952; the Autumn Quarter, 1954, and the Winter Quarter,
1955; also, from the Winter Quarter, 1964, to the Spring Quarter,
1966.

"Study Habits" as related to interviews, out of class group ex-
periences, residence halls, the home, and libraries are mentioned
in this study. Controlling principles mentioned in the first study form

1 Maurice S. Stokes, "A Device for the Improvement of Study Habits," Peabody
Journal of Education, XXXVI, November, 1958, pp. 158 to 165.

55

/5C36

the basic philosophy, although they are not enumerated; such prin-
ciples are as relevant today, if not more so than when first stated.
The specific instruments used continue to be significant, although this
study does not have a questionnaire to measure interest and attitudes.
Less emphasis is given to the "Study Habit Sheet" with suggestions
about how to read and study. Such terms as Coefficient of Correlation
or Standard Deviation were omitted from the first study, which was
more descriptive, although description continues to be beneficial.
Intra and inter comparisons are given more attention presently.

Objectives are:

1. To present prospective teachers with a functional device for
understanding the grand routes of knowledge and wisdom.

2. To secure a critical evaluation of interest, aspirations, needs,
and inclinations of predominately college sophomore stu-
dents as related to "Study Habits."

A Daily Record of Study Habits

At the beginning of each quarter students were asked to keep a
record of time used in preparation for each class period for ten or
more days. A duplicate record was to be made and given to the
instructor of the class. The record for two sections of Introduction to
Teaching for eight consecutive quarters follows:

56

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u

n

o

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u

c

<L>

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3

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UJ

<

lH

3 M

O 03 T3

ffiG-2

-2P*

O

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52 C

M

^D

2 o

c

o

a

o

3

-a

W

!h

u

l-l

a

3

a

N d rH m" d ri h ri

<N

<N (N

<N <N

r- I rH H H H (S|

t> GO < > en

5 "3

a

#S^

00

(^ (N (N O (N M

CS

*ooooNO\t^oomo

t-h rH rH rH OJ (-s) rH

d

m a

.a s

p -^

a

m a

.a s

a -rj

#^d#<

Oh

go

00
(N

(N

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ON

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i>

a

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GO

57

When the above mentioned table is compared with the earlier
record in 1958 for the same activity, it was found that the actual
time studied daily for 317 members of 13 different classes was 2.10
clock hours per class period. In Table I the results for 260 students
in 18 classes was 2.21 clock hours per class period for 0.11 more
clock hours.

The Study Sheet

It is imperative that those attending college use a device to routinize
to a certain degree activities that are of a managerial nature. The
Study Sheet is such a device. It is a weekly schedule form that is
mimeographed for each day and hour from 6:00 a.m. to 10:00 p.m.
By routinizing such activity the student is free to give thought and
energy to more important cognitive activity. Table II presents the
record for the first five years of the sixteen year period, which is:

TABLE 2. QUARTERLY STUDY SHEET MEANS

Number of
Classes
Quarter Used

Number of
Students
Studied

Hours*

Studied

Per Week

Clock Hours

Per Class

Period

Summer,

1950 2

52

7.62

1.27

Autumn,

1950 2

52

7.30

1.46

Winter,

1951 2

52

9.35

1.87

Spring,

1951 2

32

9.40

1.88

Summer,

1951 2

52

8.34

1.39

Autumn,

1951 2

50

9.75

1.95

Winter,

1952 2

59

10.05

2.01

Spring,

1952 2

44

11.05

2.21

Summer,

1952 2

20

7.20

1.20

Autumn,

1954 2

70

9.80

1.96

Winter,

1955 2

n 2

44

10.25

2.05

Mea

47.79

12.55

1.75

Standard Deviation

0.11

*Summer School was for six days a week rather than five days.

For the eleven quarters studied the mean was 1.75 clock hours
for each class hour. It was 0.10 lower during the first year of the
study in regular academic year of 1950-1951.

For the nine year period from 1955 to 1964 no tabulation was
made. In order to secure a more adequate sampling the record for
eight consecutive quarters follows:

58

TABLE 3. QUARTERLY STUDY SHEET MEANS

Quarter

Number

of classes

used

Number of
Students

Hours

Studied

per week

Clock Hours

per class

period

Winter,

1964

2

46

13.90

2.78

Spring,

1964

2

45

13.30

2.66

Autumn,

1964

2

32

13.70

2.74

Winter,

1965

2

38

15.00

3.00

Spring,

1965

2

40

15.00

3.00

Autumn,

1965

2

46

14.35

2.87

Winter,

1966

2

50

11.80

2.36

Spring,

1966
n

2
2

18

14.10

3.12

Mea

39.37

14.02

2.82

Standard Deviation

0.214

For the last eight consecutive quarters the mean increased to 2.82
hours studied per clock hour or 1.08 hours more. The Spring, 1966,
classes have the largest mean or the best record for studying which
is 3.12 clock hours per class period. The variation for individual
members was from 4.2 hours to 2.00 hours. When asked if their state-
ment was accurate, the answer was always yes. For the entire year
there were six students who reported studying 5.3 clock hours per
class period. The correlation for the last eight consecutive quarters
for the "Study Sheet" and the "Ten or More Days Study Period"
was -J-.97.

A comparison and contrast of the 1958 experiment with the pres-
ent experiment completed in the Spring of 1966, indicates that the
number of students working increased from 30% to 40% ; those
studied over three hours per class period increased from 30 to 44%.
The average student, 60%, reported studying until 10:00 p.m. In
1965-66, less than 5% as in the previous study reported studying
until 12:00 p.m. daily. In the present study, 63% wrote recreation,
leisure time, or listed activities such as games, go to theater on the
Study Sheet. Television was mentioned as the favorite recreational
activity. Choir, the Church board and other experiences were stated
in the recent experiment. In the earlier one, over 40% of the students
indicated that they attend church services on Sunday.

Places for Study

Another educational topic is where should a student study to secure
the most desirable results. Many different views have been presented
by educators on this topic. It is very important. In the present year
the writer has asked students in his classes: "Where do you Study?"
and "where do you think the best place to study is?" Results are as
follows :

59

OC^Ch-H

o

o

CO

OS

on

3

60 .2

WW

ON ON O (S)

1 o

u

\f COH

1 o

1-1

OoomN

>W^TH

^O\^00

C 03

Is

<N

in r-H CN
(N <N

CM

ON

in

ON

>^

eggs

60

American colleges and universities have spent much time discussing
the educational value of housing in residence halls, the home, room
houses, sorority and fraternity houses. In general, studies have re-
cognized the desirability of these places for making grades in the
order given. The last statement is similar to Table IV although not
identical, since Table IV emphasized both actual and preferred places.
It indicates that 49% of the students actually study most of the time
studying in residence halls and 39% study at home. For places the
students preferred to study, the library was first with 44%, and the
home was second with 32%. The rather limited number of experi-
ments on this topic tend to agree with the facts presented here.

Final Examinations

Educators are rendering valuable service to students when they
are helped to reach conclusions and generalize. Such a service is
performed when a member of a class is taught how to bring together
the elements of a course in an examination. About two weeks before
the final examination members of the Introduction to Teaching class
write a paper on "How I Plan to Study for the Final Examination."
When preparing for the Final Examination, Mr. Z. made a schedule.
An example follows:

Day and Date Unit to Study Time Total

Saturday IV 11:00 a.m. to 2 hours

March 5, 1966 1:00 p.m.

Sunday, IV 2:00 p.m. to 1 hour and

March 6, 1966 3:30 p.m. 30 minutes

(This process was continued until March 15th, the day before the
Final Examination)

Another member of the class, Miss L. wrote:

"In studying, I plan to use my book correctly, read rapidly, but
extensively, and intensively. I will include principal ideas, class notes,
films, lectures, and references.

Miss K. wrote:

"Since the Library is about the best place to study, I plan to do
most of my studying for the Introduction to teaching final in the
College Library or the City Library. They are equipped with all the
proper study aids that are necessary for good studying. Such items
as a comfortable chair and a quiet place are important."

Miss R. states:

"I have never made it a habit of studying with a group, because
I find more is gained by studying alone. This is the procedure by
which I will be studying. I will study two hours a day where there
is plenty of light "

In another class on December 8, 1964 the autumn quarter: Miss M.
wrote :

61

I hope to gain a better understanding and improve my

previous record. Studying in groups with residents of the dormitory
who are presently enrolled in Introduction to Teaching, will be one
way of accomplishing my goal. After engaging in group study to
tell my value of knowledge accomplished I plan to attempt to solve
problems alone before taking them to group study."

For the Spring Quarter, 1962, on May 21st, Mr. J. stated:

1 "I plan to study for the final by reading more research books,
by studying my article and making an outline of the work that I do
in class. I will take more notes in class, go to the library to find out
things I do not understand in Introduction to Teaching."

One of the principal values of the above statements actually in-
dicates that in writing papers about the final examination the at-
tention of the student is called to the need and feasibility of planning
for the final; the paper is, theoretically at least to motivate, eliminate
emotional disturbances, and enable one to approach the final ex-
amination with confidence. The Study Habit Sheet, revised in 1964,
included additional aids for preparing for examinations. The follow-
ing are taken from thirty-two principles:

XXIII. For reading "Mental processes involved are:

A. Sensing relationship

B. Analysis and selection

C. Comparison and synthesis

D. Drawing logical conclusions

E. Imaginative, creative treatment of ideas
resulting in discovery."

XXVII. In preparing for examinations review principal ideas,
/ lectures, films, class notes, and reference; also, consider

details as balanced Study Habits are praiseworthy.

XXVIII. Plan your preparation in advance with a separate time
schedule for review and daily study of regular class ac-
tivity.

XXXI. For an objective or essay examination read and study
each question carefully, since it is imperative that you
follow directions.

Interviews and Group Experiences

When using such methods as interviews and group counseling,
"Study Habits" may be improved for securing valuable information;
considering the needs and interests of the counselee; develop rapport
by obtaining approval, acceptance, and ability to observe in a direct
and indirect way. Important facts, revealing statements, desirable in-
ferences, and challenging inquiries are the results of adequately using
such methods. Records of the writer over a period of years indicate
valuable interviews and group experiences with from three to five
students. On May 1, 1957, a group of five students whose final
marks ranged from "C" to "A" decided to concentrate for the re-
mainder of the quarter on the following items:

62

1. Attempt to get facts as given by the instructor.

2. Stop the instructor when you do not understand class discus-
sion and ask questions.

3. Volunteer for class discussion and participate often.

4. Be sure and get acquainted with the Study Habit Sheet and
practice using it often.

In an interview with Miss X., whose final mark was "B", during
the Autumn Quarter, November 7, 1962, a list of activities to be
attained were outlines. The list includes:

1. Participation in class discussion.

2. Use the "Study Habit Sheets."

3. Make reports in class.

4. Keep accurate notes about information discussed in class.

5. Listen attentatively and concentrate on class work.

After the mid-quarter Examination on May 5, 1965, four students
agreed to focus attention on the following:

1. Attend class regularly.

2. Attend the voluntary weekly group meetings.

3. Take good notes and listen critically.

4. Discuss problems with the instructor.

5. Participate more in class.

6. Read more news articles pertaining to the course.

During the fourth week of the Winter Quarter, April 7, 1966, an
academic counselee discussed progress in all classes. The following
items were to be emphasized in Introduction to Teaching:

1. Will study and read at least Wi hours to 2 hours daily.

2. Will form the habit of attending class and film showings
regularly.

3. Getting good notes and understanding them.

4. Will arrange for a conference with the teacher if I am failing
or not getting along well in class.

For the interviews and group experiences mentioned, attention
was focussed primarily on academic progress. It should be noted, also,
that such experiences have more than usual value as cooperative,
therapeutic, tension reducing, personal and social experiences; these
are an integral part of educational progress and without proper de-
velopment of them good "Study Habits" are seriously trammelled.

Conclusions

Evidence assembled in this study indicates that good "Study
Habits are necessary for the proper use of the library, reading ef-
ficiency, satisfactory interviews, group experiences, preparation for
examinations, and the solution of educational problems. From the
view point of securing desirable adjustment, these are most significant.
Tensions and conflicts are eliminated, although confidence is given.
Without good "Study Habits" the entire educational organization is

63

weakened; in fact, it "Breaksdown" completely. Several inferences
are:

1. Data for this study were assembled over a sixteen year period,
1950 to 1966; the facts that one of the most important in-
struments, the "Study Sheet", is reported in two different parts
that are closely related; the same institution, the number of
students, the same instructor and course used, are all factors
that contribute to the reliability of this study. Two of the most
important instruments used: namely, the "Ten or More Days
Study Record" and the "Study Sheet" have a coefficient of
correlation of .97. The high coefficient of correlation of these
two separate instruments indicates validity.

2. Time studied per clock hour in class for the "Ten or More Days
Record" for the study published in 1958, was 2.10 or 2'6"
for 317 students; in 1966, the mean study time was 2.21
or 2'13" for 260 students. For the "Study Sheet" in the
earlier study the mean study time as reported by the students
was 1.75 or 1'45" per class hour for 527 students; the
recent experimental results were 2.82 or 2'49" studied
per clock hour in class for an almost equivalent group.

3. It is difficult or impossible to understand the cultural heritage
or modern technological changes without a satisfactory device
that will improve "Study Habits." A teacher must teach more
in less time because of accumulated new knowledge. As a
result it is the indispensible duty of the teacher to equip youth
and adults with a functional device for understanding the grand
routes of knowledge and wisdom.

4. Personnel work in colleges and universities implies among
other items the giving and securing of the kind of information
that has been presented in this study. A counselor or teacher
must consider teaching and learning that will be helpful in
such phases of education as interviews, group guidance, and
preparation for examinations. Students should have an op-
portunity to improve their written and oral expression as re-
lated to "Study Habits." This will unconsciously improve their
interest and attitudes.

5. Forces presented in this study offer numerous opportunities
for exploration and experimentation about the desirability of
studying in the library, residence halls, or other places, and
what are "Study Habit" potentialities? Although conclusions
are predominantly concerned with college Sophomores there
is a need for more information about all levels and the time
required for progress.

64

On Variation of Velocity and Pressure Behind

and Along A Shock Surface

In Lagrangian Coordinate System

by

Nazir A. Warsi

1. INTRODUCTION

The flow of a perfect gas in Lagrangian coordinate system is
given by [1]

(L1) ui/?-c/ -- u '", . = o

(1.4)a*aty -,/^-t =o

where f^/ is a quantity in the region <,/ and 2/,l/ denote the
regions behind and in front of the shock surface.

Also, the conservation equations across the shock surface are
given by [2]

(i.5) tut] = -*/<// X 1,

d.6) tW= -tfy/w ? a/
(1-7) [r] = -A ^

where % V

2. VARIATIONS *V c lJ

Differentiating (1.3) and applying (1.4)b, we get

(2.1)a Uj\b. = C V /7*

or

(2.2)b U2 / \ <J3 i = - % r "/'- ^y

In consequence of (1.1) and (2.1), we get
(2.3) U^ \ti, U; = ^ U^

Multiplying (1.2) by C(/, and using (2.3), we get

(2 - 4) V "</ V,/= - - u v^

65

Now, let us define quantities L ;
(2.5) C & xf A

such that

and

(2.6) LJ Hf (.U-y-^/ ?y SyV)
If f^l j are quantities such that \ Ly J *o > an d
(2.7)MfcL^=//

(2.8)M2Mi//

then l/y are the inverse of Lj . Hence, we have
(29) |v[- = iQ+ai+or oj.i~ lr\\L il.

Now, from (2.5) and (2.6), we get

-! U Lj

Lj\ = ^ l: Lj

Li L/

IL?

(2.10)

L3 ,

The values of L, > L', > etc - can ^ e substituted from (2.5) and
(2.6) and I Ly can be calculated. Let [_=l Mf

We have the following theorems.
THEOREM 2. 1 : The values of r) are g/v &v

. ( 2,,)a Mt 4^* K (uf- K, aj l j

or

2, 1)b Ml=-t^^(aJ+Ur / 4X H

Where

\. flfe quantities, having values

(i)+l when^ = |, ^3^,
(ii)-l when^.2 ? ^ - /
(iii) when ^ - /?

and cx.^ are the components of an isotropic tensor having num-
erical values

(i) + l when ijk is an even permutation of 123

(ii) 1 when ijk is an odd permutation of 123

(iii) when ijk are the same.

PROOF: From (2.9), we get

(2 12) M^ co ^ 8 " or f t- A ' ri L

66

L

Jn consequence of (2.5), (2.6) and (2.10) we get (2.1 I ) a which
by virtue of the relation -~A^ l ^%/~^h.-^j , gives (2.1 1 ) b.
THEOREM 2.2: Quantities ft J, are given by

(2.i3) v\i =i c e^.x.

where -.^q are the components of a surface tensor skew-symme-
tric in ~{ j & and defined by

PROOF: From (2.9) we have
(2.15) Ml = ^y^^
which with the help of (2.5), (2.6) and (2.10) gives (2.13).

THEOREM 2.3: The variation of velocity along the surface be-
hind the shock is given by

(2.16) u^. x^ = u.: M x\ K +tf* / <v< s 7<V/ r -*rr

(r+o-fU,,<v x

where O. P is a reciprocal tensor of the first fundamental tensor
Q^g of the surface and c, s the second fundamental

tensor of the surface. '

PROOF: Differentiating (1.5) and (1.8) partially with respect to the
surface parameters y^ , we get

(2.17) \Xy,j X ?< ~ Uy,y X' K -fin/ ?1/ St/, K X -tiyO?/ ^&-(X

and *- fy */**< . u * % . v%

By making use of Weingarten equation [3] in (2.17) and applying
(2.18), we get (2.16).

THEOREM 2.4: The variation of pressure along the surface be-
hind the shock, is given

(2.19) fy fi X* t< =/> v ^ - OC/ 3/X (fr/-^/ r V^

PROOF. Differentiating (1.6) partially with respect to -^ >
we get (2.19). '

REFERENCES

1. Warsi, N. A. (1964) On Geometry of Gas Flows in Lagrangian Coordinate

System. Savannah State College Reserach Bulletin, Vol. 18, No. 2.

2. Warsi, N. A. (1965) Flow Parameters Behind Three Dimensional Shock

Wave. Savannah State College Faculty Research Bulletin, Vol. 19, No. 2.

3. Eisenhart, L. P. (1941). Introduction to Differential Geometry. Princeton

University Press.

67

On Vorticity Behind A Shock Surface
In Lagrangian Coordinate System

by

Nazir A. Warsi

1. INTRODUCTION

The author [1] has discussed the variation of velocity and pressure
along and behind the shock surface. The results derived by him will
be used in this paper in finding the vorticity behind the shock wave.

2. DERIVATIVE OF VELOCITY

If *5*>j are the quantities defined by

then we have the following theorems.

Theorem 2.1: Quantities S^- are given by

(2.2) J^ = U IA> JC X ? -h iny r iy Sy d^ p

Proof: Putting ^-^ ,y ayJ in (2.1), we get

(2-3) S<p - U*,^ L^

which, in consequence of (2.5) of [1] gives

(2.4) s <fi = u^ jci *; . ..

On substituting from (2.16) of [1] and using )( x =0,

(2.4) gives (2.2).

Theorem 2.2: Quantities S, 3 are given by

(2.5) S ua ^ y 0+Sy) { t t/i< - (fi, f^ iy - ^ 7 X/

Proof: Putting x. =<^ y 3 in (2.1), we get

(2.6) S^ = U* z; L*

which, with the help of (2.5) and (2.6) of [1] gives
(2.7) S <3 - U,% * (U^-j^Z, Sr/X*).

We get (2.5) if we substitute from (2.16) of [1] in (2.7).
Theorem 2.3: The quantities <5 JmL are given by

68

Proof: Putting ju - 3 , j = < in (2.1 ), we get

(2.9) S M = u* AA Ll Lt,

which, by virtue of (2.5) and (2.6) of [1], gives

(2.io) S 3< = uf /94 . xti (u* - -A w r 2/ SyX*).

using (2.17) of [1], we get (2.8).

Theorem 2.4: The quantity S.33 is given by

(2.11) S 33 = {C? / ~'Q S y (S v +3)ti, V)<I^

Proof: Putting ^^3 3 j-3 in (2.1), we get * J_

(2.12) J3 -U^Ljl4

which, in consequence of (2.6) of [1], gives . ,.

(2.13) S 33 = U^Uy^Z/ScjX+Xuf, -ivZySt/X J
On substitution from (2.17) of [1], (2.13) gives (2.11).
Theorem 2.5: The value of XXy^ is %iven by

Proof: From (2.1), (2.7) and (2.8), we get '

{2A5) U% 9 ^ Szj MX Mi
which, on putting s=r, yields
(2.16)a \L% 9A ^S^ MZ Mi

( 2 .i6)b u*,^ s^ni M+*Sw<<h!i+S*ninL

By virtue of (2.13) of [1], (2.12) and (2.16)b, we get (2.14).

Theorem 2.6: The quantity S 33 j s completely determined in
terms of the quantities of region, in front of the shock surface, with
the help of ( ^ L V { cl-^S w (S T/ +2)ti, &}j&? hJMZ+lSuoPlj Mj]

Proof: Applying (2.14) to (2.11), we get (2.17). J

fa

Theorem 2.7: The components of vorticity vector W x , behind
the shock surface are given by

(2.18) W* e *<* s z Mi M?

Proof: From all the discussions of article 2, it is obvious that
M / , J -c / are completely determined in terms of the
quantities of the region in front of the shock surface. Hence from
(2.1) and (2.7),
(2.8) of [1], we get

(2.19) it*,,- = S t Mi *7

69

The vorticity vector uJjl / is given by

(2.20) LUJ) = fc U */;1

Substituting from (2. 19) for < =2 in (2.20), we get (2.19).

REFERENCES

1. Warsi, N. A. (underpublication) : On Variation of Velocity and Pressure

Behind and Along Shock Surface. Savannah State College Faculty Re-
search Bulletin.

2. Friedrichs-Courants (1948): Supersonic Flow and Shock Waves. Interscience

Publishers, New York.

3. Howarth, L. (1953): Modern Developments in Fluid Dynamics. Vols. 1, 2.

Oxford University Press.

70

On Gradients of Specific Volume and

Pressure Behind A Shock Surface

In Lagrangian Coordinate System

by
Nazir A. Warsi

1. INTRODUCTION

The author [1,2] has discussed the variation of flow parameters
and vorticity behind a shock surface in Lagrangian Coordinate Sys-
tem. This article deals with the gradients of pressure and density
using the results obtained in [1, 2].

2. GRADIENT OF DENSITY

The specific volume shock strength is given by [3]
(2.1)^ = Oj/> y
Differentiating (2.1) partially with respect to ^4- , we get

Also, we have [4, 3] '

(2-3) Uy^ 7 ^- ^=o

(2.4)Cu*J. -^// y z 1/X -
On substitution from (2.3), (2.1) and (2.4), the equation (2.2)
becomes (2.5) Z^ C^-L/^ Sy X=0 = ^/(l+^jut/^
which, in consequence of (2.14) of [2], becomes - \

(2.6) %. (ui r t? v s vX <% rywt &v (*%^agga

Now, let us define quantities JZ; such that /2 - *>*/-- *y V*/ rXfty 2*J

Hence, we have the following theorem.

Theorem 2.1: The quantities Z, are given by the equation
(2.9)7^ = ^0^)^/^

Proof: Putting^. =. < in (2.8), we get

(2.10)^ = ^^'

which, with the help of (2.5) of [1], becomes

Equation (2.9) is readily obtained if we substitute from (2.6) in
(2.11).

71

Theorem: 2.2: The quantity ^ 3 is given by

Proof: Putting -<: = 3 in (2.8), we get 7 y *V^/->

(2.13) 7 3 =?/, / Z.^

which, in consequence of (2.6) of [1], becomes

(2.14) 2/,y (u^-4/ i/4/xO

By virtue of (2.14) and (2.6), we get (2.12).

Theorem 2.3: The gradient of the specific volume <? is given by

(2.15) Z/,y *"/

Proof: From the discussions of section 2, it is obvious that the
quantities ^^ are completely known. From (2.8) and (2.7) of

[1], we, at once, get (2.15).

3. GRADIENT OF PRESSURE

We have the following theorems.
Theorem 3.1: The gradient of pressure behind the shock surface is
given by

(3.D 6/,^= (uj -Ay ? v / V X')S/^ m{ mJ 1 .

Proof: The equation of motion behind the shock is given by [4]

(3-2) U : y U^. ?i +.? y fy >y = o
which, in turn, gives

In consequence of (2.1), (2.4) and (2.19) of [2], the equation
(3.3) easily gives (3.1).

References

1. Warsi, N. A. (underpublication) : On Variation of Velocity and Pressure

Behind and Along A Shock Surface in Lagrangian Coordinate System.
Savannah State College Faculty Research Bulletin.

2. Warsi, N. A. (underpublication) : On Vorticity Behind A Shock Surface

in Lagrangiai Coordinate System. Savannah State College Faculty Re-
search Bulletin.

3. Warsi, N. A. (1965): Flow Parameters Behind Three Dimensional Shock

Wave. Savannah State College Faculty Research Bulletin. Vol. 19, No. 2.

4. Warsi, N. A. (1964): On Geometry of Gas Flow in Lagrangian Coordinate

System. Savannah State College Faculty Research Bulletin. Vol. 18, No. 2.

5. Kanwal, R. P. (1959): On Curved Shock Wave in Three Dimensional Gas

Flows. Quarterly of Applied Mathematics. Vol. XVI, No. 4.

72

The Community College :
An American Innovation

by

Philip D. Vairo

In 1947, President Truman appointed a commission on higher edu-
cation to study the educational opportunities for American youth.
The Commission reported on the community colleges as follows:

As one means of achieving the expansion of educational op-
portunity and diversification on educational offerings it con-
siders necessary, the Commission recommends that the number
of community colleges be increased and that their activities be
multiplied. 1

In 1957, President Eisenhower appointed the Committee on Edu-
cation Beyond the High School. The Committee reported that since
the population of the United States is expected to reach 210 million
by 1970, the nation must expand its present educational facilities;
beyond the high school. 2 Regarding the development and expansion
of two-year colleges the Committee had this to say :

These respond to the increasing demand for a greater variety
of more accessible training and education, while at the same
time helping other colleges and universities to concentrate a
greater portion of their energies than would otherwise be possible
on upper division, graduate, and professional work. 3

The Commission on Goals for Higher Education in the South in
its report recommended that each state develop two-year community
colleges. In 1961, 71 per cent of the Southern students eligible for
college were not enrolled. The Commission argued that comprehen-
sive community colleges would be able to serve a variety of educational
needs of the students. 4

The term, "Community College," refers to a two-year institution
of higher learning which both prepares students for third and fourth
year work in colleges and universities and recognizes needs of students
who will not pursue college work beyond the first two years.

1 Higher Education for American Democracy, A Report Prepared by the Presi-
dent's Commission on Higher Education (Washington: U. S. Government
Printing Office, 1947), p. 67.

2 Second Report to the President, A Report Prepared by the President's Com-
mission on Education Beyond the High School (Washington: U. S. Govern-
ment Printing Office, 1957), p. 59.

Hbid. p. 62.

^-Within Our Reach, A Report of the Commission on Goals for Higher Educa-
tion in the South (Atlanta: The Southern Regional Board, 1961), p. 16.

73

The term, "Junior College," refers to a two-year institution of
higher learning concerned usually with the first two years of a four-
year college program.

Preparation for further study has been the traditional objective of
the junior college; however, the community college has a multiplicity
of purposes. On the one hand, the community college prepares stu-
dents for advanced study; on the other hand, it provides students
with either a general education or specialized training in a specific
occupation. As Arthur S. Adams, former president of the American
Council of Education has said: "We are approaching the time when
two years of college, either to develop or to prepare for further
college education, will be as necessary and common-place as is gradua-
tion from high school." 5

In North Carolina, in 1961, 6400 students, 8.6 per cent of all the
college students in the state were enrolled in 16 private two-year
colleges. During the same year the five public community colleges
enrolled 2,400 students, 3.2 per cent of the total student population.
Although the percentage of students, enrolled in two-year colleges is
relatively small, the Governor's Commission on Education Beyond
the High School points out that in the decade ahead there will be
great need for expanded facilities among the two-year colleges. The
Commission recommended that North Carolina develop a comprehen-
sive two-year college system as the best means of meeting the in-
creased enrollments at the freshman and sophomore levels. 6

The Governor's Commission on Education Beyond the High School
in North Carolina predicted an enrollment of 117,700 students in
two-year and four-year colleges by 1970, an increase of 42,500 in
the next few years. 7 These figures are disconcerting when one con-
siders that perhaps the most critical problem in and obstacle deterring
the expansion of education in the United States is the critical shortage
of qualified teachers. 8 With more and more high school students first
enrolling in the two-year colleges, but with the intention of continuing
in four-year institutions, the mounting shortage of qualified teachers
becomes increasingly serious. There is little doubt that the two-year
college is the most significant development in American higher educa-
tion. It is every bit an American innovation as the "hot dog". During
this decade alone the number of comprehensive community colleges
have at least doubled. There are approximately 800 two-year colleges
in the United States. Blocker, Plummer, and Richardson pointed out
that:

The two-year college has been caught in the middle of this
drive to increase the educational level of the population. The

5 Edwin Knoll. "The Maturing of the Junior College," NEA Journal, I

(February, 1961), 29.
e A Report of the Governor's Commission on Education Beyond the High

School, (Raleigh, North Carolina: 1962), pp. 88-89.
1 A Report of the Governor's Commission on Education Beyond the High

School, op. cit., p. 33.
8 Second Report to the President, op. cit., pp. 91-92.

74

four-year college and the university are ill equipped to cope with
the increasing hordes of education-minded individuals, parti-
cularly when so many of them lack even the most rudimentary
requirements for baccalaureate courses. The comprehensive two-
year college, with its willingness to offer courses of less than col-
legiate level, has been cited as the salvation of low-ability stu-
dents. It must be pointed out, however, that if these courses do
nothing more than promote a higher level of functional illiteracy,
then the two-year college is not fulfilling its function. 9

President John Gardner of the Carnegie Foundation in discussing
the role of the junior and community colleges in an essay prepared
for the President's Commission on National Goals emphasized that not
only are the junior colleges and community colleges becoming an
integral part of American higher education, but these two-year institu-
tions will accommodate approximately fifty per cent of the future
college population. 10 Already one student in every four entering
college is enrolled in a community or junior college. 11 In 1959,
Escambia County in Florida reported that nine out of ten students
beginning their college career in the state entered a two-year college. 12
Medsker indicated that three fifths of all freshmen and sophomores
in all of California's institutions of higher learning are in two-year
colleges. 13 On a nationwide basis, two-year colleges enroll about 12
per cent of the total college enrollment. 14 In another decade the num-
ber of students enrolled in the two-year colleges may total over 2
million. 15

9 Clyde E. Blocker, Robert H. Plummer, Richard C. Richardson, Jr., The
Two-Year College: A Social Synthesis (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey:
Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1965), p. 3.

10 John Gardner, "National Goals in Education," Goals for Americans, The
Report of the President's Commission on National Goals (New York:
Prentice Hall, Inc., 1960), pp. 91-92.

"Knoll, op. cit., 59.

12 Edmund J. Gleazer, Jr., (ed.) American Junior College (Washington:
American Council on Education, 1960), p. 3.

13 Leland L. Medsker, "The Community College," Talks on American Edu-
cation, (ed.) Henry Chauncey (New York: Teachers College, Columbia
University Press, 1962), p. 78.

^Ibid.

15 James W. Thornton, Jr., The Community Junior College (New York: John
Wiley &Sons, I960), p. v.

75

Force Field Calculations In
Octahedral Water Complexes

by

V. Ananthanarayanan

Introduction

The vibrational spectrum of the octahedral water complexes in cry-
stals had been studied by the author in considerable detail (1). In
one of the more recent publications a critical study of the Raman and
Infrared Spectra of the Co (H 2 0) 6 ion in K 2 Co(S0 4 ) 2 . 6H 2 crystal
has been published by the author and Danti (2). A detailed theoreti-
cal analysis of the whole range of the low frequency spectrum of this
crystal has enabled definite assignments of frequencies due to lattice,
hydrogen bond and Co(H 2 0) c modes.

The absence of such data has prevented any rigorous force field
analysis of this ion impossible till now. In view of the changed cir-
cumstances, force field calculations of Co(H 2 0) 6 ion vibrations have
been done by the author and the results are presented.

Symmetry, Selection Rules and
Spectral Data For Co(H 2 0) 6 Ion

The spectrum of Co(H 2 0) 6 ion was analysed by treating it as be-
longing to the octahedral O h (group (xy 6 type: X = C and Y =
H 2 0) and by taking the water molecule as a single unit of mass 18.

The free O h group has six normal vibrations designated as follows :

triply

degenerate) and triply degenerate). Of these

and are Raman active and the rest infrared ac-

tive.

The K 2 Co(S0 4 ) 2 . 6H 2 crystallizes in the monoclinic class space
group C 5 2h with two molecules in the unit cell. The Co(H 2 0) 6 groups
have only a site symmetry Q inside the monoclinic unit cell. But ex-
perimental studies have definitely shown that both the site group
and factor group splittings of the Co(H 2 0) G frequencies are too small
to be detected.

The following wavenumbers (2) have been experimentally ob-
served for the Co(H 2 0) 6 ion:

76

REVISED COPY PAGES 76 - 79

Force Field Calculations In
Octahedral Water Complexes

by
V. Ananthanarayanan

Introduction

The vibrational spectrum of the octahedral water complexes in cry-
stals had been studied by the author in considerable detail (1). In
one of the more recent publications a critical study of the Raman and
Infrared Spectra of the Co (H 2 0) ion in K 2 Co(S0 4 ) 2 . 6H 2 crystal
has been published by the author and Danti (2). A detailed theoreti-
cal analysis of the whole range of the low frequency spectrum of this
crystal has enabled definite assignments of frequencies due to lattice,
hydrogen bond and Co(H 2 0) ; modes.

The absence of such data has prevented any rigorous force field
analysis of this ion impossible till now. In view of the changed cir-
cumstances, force field calculations of Co(H 2 0), ; ion vibrations have
been done by the author and the results are presented.

Symmetry, Selection Rules and
Spectral Data For Co(H 2 0), ; Ion

The spectrum of Co(H 2 0) (! ion was analysed by treating it as be-
longing to the octahedral O h (group (xy, ; type: X = C and Y =
H 2 0) and by taking the water molecule as a single unit of mass 18.

The free O h group has six normal vibrations designated as follows:

2Js( F *.?- tri P J y

degenerate) and Z^, ( I~ xu. triply degenerate). Of these

Jj ~Jj x and X/j. are Raman active and the rest infrared ac-
tive.

The K 2 Co(SO.j) 2 . 6H 2 crystallizes in the monoclinic class space
group C 3 2i, with two molecules in the unit cell. The Co(H 2 0) groups
have only a site symmetry Q inside the monoclinic unit cell. But ex-
perimental studies have definitely shown that both the site group
and factor group splittings of the Co(H 2 0) (i frequencies are too small
to be detected.

The following wavenumbers (2) have been experimentally ob-
served for the Co (H-.O)^ ion: ( n J>t/ -/ S 1 I fon-7\

76

Theoretical Considerations

The most widely applied method for obtaining the normal frequen-
cies of molecules is the one utilizing the Wilson's F G matrix
method, where the elements of a matrix F (related to the potential
energy) and the elements of a matrix G (related to the kinetic energy)
are obtained. From these matrices, equations relating the vibrational
frequencies to the force constants of the molecule are constructed
(3) as follows:

PcA - B 9>~ b tf*'

2 n n

dct

J

t-o^P,

~h

F

//

F\.

2

i.

2.) ^Tx.1.

Where the roots are > ^^ p\ .
Thus we get from the equation above,

<vl

F.

^V*

h^tti-VM

-<r-c -<^c

y-

The definitions of various terms used are given below:

C = velocity of light

^ e l= force between X and Y atoms

77

C _ interaction constant between stretching and
dJt stretching when there is an angle of 90 between
the two stretching bonds

r l - interaction between stretching and stretching when
^dd, the two bonds are opposite

r _ interaction between stretching and bending when
4c the stretching bond is also one of the bending
bonds

r i = interaction between stretching and bending when
^c the stretching bond is perpendicular to both bend-
ing bonds

r // = interaction between stretching and bending when
<^cC the stretching bond is perpendicular to one and
opposite to the other bending bond

r = force associated with bending

x - interaction between bending and bending when
d< one bond is common to both bending pairs and
the two others are perpendicular

L' = interaction between bending and bending when one
^ bond is common to both bending pairs and the
two others are opposite

x " = interaction between bending and bending when
-^ one bond of one pair is opposite to a bond of the

other pair, while the other bonds are perpendicular

to each other

_r "' - interaction between bending and bending when the
"^ two bending angles are opposite each other

A - reciprocal mass of the X atom, i.e. cobalt

= reciprocal mass of the Y atom, i.e. water molecule

A

?

Results

The following numerical values of the force constants (in 10 r>
dynes . cum- 1 units) were obtained by substituting the proper values
of the wave numbers in the equations above, with appropriate ap-
proximations.

(4u>&= a868; ; = 0J98;

(/-#)= a369 or -' 129;
&-i)= 379 or ai06;

h. -jj.) = 0.133 or -0.004 and
-0.030 or -0.099.

UJll)

78

If we neglect J-. . we could make an estimate of Co -0 distance
from the value oi-fj^ using Badger's rule (4). Such a procedure
leads to a value of Jl-la J\ . This agrees favorably with the

bond lengths determined by x-ray structure studies, which report

a

values near 2.1 A in few hydrated cobalt sulfates.

REFERENCES

(1) V. Ananthanarayanan, Z. Phys. Chemie (Leipzig), 222, 102-110, 1963.

(2) V. Ananthanarayanan and A. Danti, J. Mol. Spect., Vol. 20, 88. 1966.

(3) E. B. Wilson, Jr., J. Chem. Phys., 7, 1047 (1939); 9, 76 (1941).

(4) R. M. Badger, J. Chem. Phys., 3, (1935), 710.

79

Theoretical Considerations

The most widely applied method for obtaining the normal frequen-
cies of molecules is the one utilizing the Wilson's F G matrix
method, where the elements of a matrix F (related to the potential
energy) and the elements of a matrix G (related to the kinetic energy)
are obtained. From these matrices, equations relating the vibrational
frequencies to the force constants of the molecule are constructed
(3) as follows:

/u.

^*> >>> G + 2F Q+^G 1 +

n O A- // // ix /2 2 2 v-ll

Where the roots are a ^^ fl .
Thus we get from the equation above,

2 ^V e - : ,

Fen, F.

The definitions of various terms used are given below:

c = velocity of light

jL s f rce between X and Y atoms
77

interaction constant between stretching and
stretching when there is an angle of 90 between
the two stretching bonds

interaction between stretching and stretching when
the two bonds are opposite

interaction between stretching and bending when
the stretching bond is also one of the bending
bonds

interaction between stretching and bending when
the stretching bond is perpendicular to both bend-
ing bonds

interaction between stretching and bending when
the stretching bond is perpendicular to one and
opposite to the other bending bond

force associated with bending

interaction between bending and bending when
one bond is common to both bending pairs and
the two others are perpendicular

interaction between bending and bending when one
bond is common to both bending pairs and the
two others are opposite

interaction between bending and bending when
one bond of one pair is opposite to a bond of the
other pair, while the other bonds are perpendicular
to each other

interaction between bending and bending when the
two bending angles are opposite each other

reciprocal mass of the X atom, i.e. cobalt

reciprocal mass of the Y atom, i.e. water molecule

Results

The following numerical values of the force constants (in 10 5
dynes . cum- 1 units) were obtained by substituting the proper values
of the wave numbers in the equations above, with appropriate ap-
proximations.

= 0.198;

-0.129;

0.106;

-0.004 and

-0.099.

78

= 0.868;

= 0.369

or

= 0.379

or

= 0.133

or

= 0.030

or

If we neglect we could make an estimate of Co -0 distance

from the value of using Badger's rule (4). Such a procedure

leads to a value of . This agrees favorably with the

bond lengths determined by x-ray structure studies, which report
values near 2.1 in few hydrated cobalt sulfates.

REFERENCES

(1) V. Ananthanarayanan, Z. Phys. Chemie (Leipzig), 222, 102-110, 1963.

(2) V. Ananthanarayanan and A. Danti, J. Mol. Spect., Vol. 20, 88, 1966.

(3) E. B. Wilson, Jr., J. Chem. Phys., 7, 1047 (1939); 9, 76 (1941).

(4) R. M. Badger, J. Chem. Phys., 3, (1935), 710.

79

The Negro In International Affairs-
Prospects For The Future*

by

George L-P Weaver

I am deeply appreciative of the honor you bestow on me by your
invitation to address the Savannah State College Chapter of the
NAACP All-College Assembly.

It is a particular pleasure for me to be able to talk to you at this
time in your career. Many of you are completing your formal educa-
tion this year and are preparing to go out into the world and find
your places in the working population of this country.

Today, thanks largely to your generation's efforts, which have
resulted in the passage of various civil and voting rights acts, you
stand on the threshold of expanding opportunity greater than your
predecessors.

The late President Franklin D. Roosevelt, in his last words, wrote :
"The only limit to our realization of tomorrow will be our doubts of
today."

This thought applies to you with more validity than to any preced-
ing generation.

Many of you will shortly be leaving the academic world for another
world with added pressures and competition. You will find your-
selves in the midst of a sometimes bewildering, often frustrating, al-
ways challenging world of change.

The presiding fact of our life is change accelerated change. It
is a time of technology triumphant, of exploding populations where
maps change as fast as women's fashions and where continents are
now closer together in time than county seats were yesterday.

This fact, compounded by the discoveries of the scientific age, has
turned topsy-turvy our traditional relationships with other peoples,
other lands.

Implicit with the fact of change is the necessity for constructive
response. This is especially true in the crucial field of international
affairs.

The traditional diplomat of yesterday is as outdated as the sailing
ship of old. He may have cut a handsome jib like our clipper ships
of the last century, but he can no more represent America today than
sailing ships can compete with nuclear vessels.

What kind of diplomat should speak for the America of today?

First, let us see to whom we are speaking.

*Address on the occasion of the SSC, NAACP all College Assembly, March
25, 1966.

80

-

We are speaking to a world in the throes of social, economic, politi-
cal and ideological change and revolt.

We are speaking to people weighted by centuries of poverty,
ignorance, disease and neglect.

We are speaking to people either freshly emerged, or still struggling
from the oppression of colonial rule.

We are speaking to people demanding national identification, in-
sisting on self-expression, determined to quench the thirst of centuries
of unfulfillment.

We are speaking to people who, with all these desires and yearnings,
frequently do not know the way, who often lack experience.

We are speaking to people whose attention is wooed by totalitarian
states who hope to capitalize on their aspirations and their urgent
needs.

Who, then, should speak for America?

Those who can speak with a creditable voice, who speak from the
depths of their own experience, who can relate to others their own
personal and group struggles from darkness into dawn.

Those who speak for America, whose task it is to communicate to
others the essence of freedom, the democratic experience, must do
so not merely with a cold intellectuality, no matter how brilliant, but
with warmth, empathy, identification.

And what group of Americans today possess better credentials for
this than those who have experienced the great civil rights struggles
in our land during the past few years?

Those who have yearned for their rights, and have struggled for
their rights, by the very nature of their experience, possess a unique
quality of understanding and identification with the yearnings of
others that will cause them to be listened to, and respected, in the
far corners of the world.

The continuing drive toward the realization of full human rights
in the United States has had many positive aspects. One of these
important aspects is that it has endowed America with a voice that
will be listened to in the color-conscious worlds of Asia and Africa.

Our country is the only one in the world with a large group of
citizens of African, Latin and European origin, providing us with
an understanding which gives us a magnificent opportunity for useful
service in all corners of the earth as representatives of the United
States Government.

In the past, the spectre of discrimination in our government gave
reason to discourage young Negroes from preparing themselves for
positions in the international field. Today, that spectre has consider-
ably diminished. Today, as a result, the most important limitation of
opportunities for the Negro in international work is the limitation he
sets for himself.

81

Since 1961, the number of Negroes holding responsible professional
positions in the State Department and in the Foreign Service has
increased by 211 percent - an increase in responsible positions as
well as numbers.

Opportunities for well-trained Negroes, at home and abroad, are
also available through such private organizations as the Rockefeller
Brothers Fund, the Ford Foundation and the African-American In-
stitute.

In addition, the opportunities for qualified Negroes in the De-
partment of State, in the international offices and bureaus of other
Departments, and in the United Nations and its specialized Agencies
such as the International Labor Organization, the Food and Agricul-
tural Organization, the UNESCO, to mention but a few, are un-
precedented.

In recent years, a new dimension has been added to the conduct
of our foreign affairs wherein the expertise of our domestic agencies,
such as the Labor Department and Health, Education and Welfare
are being drawn upon to bolster and enrich the conduct of U. S.
foreign policy. Thus there are excellent opportunities in some of the
domestic agencies for trained young Negroes to become involved in
international affairs.

Indeed, the problem now is not to find important jobs in the
international field for Negroes, but rather to find qualified Negroes
for important international jobs.

The gates are open; the jobs are there. Now the burden is shifting
to the shoulders of the Negro to properly prepare himself to fulfill
the positions of responsibility available to him.

I am frequently asked to explain specifically what type of training
is needed to prepare a person for work in the international field. I
would say that, first and foremost, a good general education is needed,
including emphasis in written and spoken English. It is important to
have a good background in sociology, anthropology, history, gov-
ernment, geography, economics and administration.

But, as I indicated, the greatest weight should be given to English.
This is the most important skill in the arsenal of a Foreign Service Of-
ficer, for he must be able to communicate and, above all, able to
write clearly and succinctly. He will find that a great proportion of
his career is spent writing and sending dispatches.

In addition, we live in an age of growing specialization. So in order
to assure advancement in the foreign field, I would advise a young
person to become thoroughly adept in the fields of history, govern-
ment and economics.

And so that need is there to communicate the experiences and
philosophy of this country in various parts of the world. Today, for
example, the most important message that challenges the skill of
Foreign Service Officers is how to communicate America's position
on Vietnam.

82

I fear there is altogether too much heat and not enough light on
the subject of why the United States is committed to the assistance
of South Vietnam. May I take a moment to review recent history in
order to put this issue in proper perspective.

The World War II alliance which included Russia which defeated
the Axis powers was abruptly shattered by Soviet expansionist moves
immediately after the war. The first major test came in Iran. It had
been agreed that Allied troops would be withdrawn from that country
shortly after the war was ended. The Soviet Union, however, refused
to remove her troops from that country until, under firm pressure by
the United States through the United Nations she grudgingly did so.

Then, in the unforgettable words of Winston Churchill, "from
Trieste in the Adriatic, to Stettin, in the Baltic, an iron curtain . . .
descended across the Continent." Nations fell, one by one, to Com-
munist coups Poland, Hungary, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, Al-
bania, Bulgaria, Estonia, Lativa, Lithuania, Rumania. The Cold
War was upon us.

The United States Government, under the leadership of President
Harry Truman, in 1947 set a basic standard of American foreign
policy which, essentially, has been followed to this day:

"It must be the policy of the United States," said President Tru-
man, "to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjuga-
tion by armed minorities or by outside pressures."

This was the policy that resulted in our country giving aid to
Greece and Turkey in 1947, thus preventing a communist take-over
in those countries.

This was the policy behind the Marshall Plan - a program of eco-
nomic aid resulting in the rebuilding of war-shattered Europe.

This was the policy that resulted in our country's magnificent feat
of supplying West Berlin by an enormous airlift during the bitter
months of the Berlin Blockade imposed by the Communists in 1948.

This was the policy that resulted in our country taking the lead
in the defense of the Republic of Korea after it was overrun by the
Communist forces in 1950.

This is the base of the policy of granting aid and technical assistance
to many Latin American countries under the banner of the Alliance
for Progress.

And, this is the foundation of the policy that results in our support
for the free people of South Vietnam in their struggle to halt aggres-
sion from the North.

This policy was the basis of the statement by President Eisenhower,
in a letter to Prime Minister Winston Churchill in 1954, that "the
imposition on Southeast Asia of the political system of (the) Com-
munist Chinese ... by whatever means, would be a grave threat to
the whole free community, and ... in our view this possibility should
now be met by united action and not passively accepted ..."

83

This policy was the basis of President Kennedy's position when, in
1961, he wrote the President of South Vietnam: "The United States,
like the Republic of Vietnam, remains devoted to the cause of peace
and our primary purpose is to help your people maintain their in-
dependence. If the Communist authorities in North Vietnam will
stop their campaign to destroy the Republic of Vietnam, the measures
we are taking to assist your defense efforts will no longer be neces-
sary."

And, finally, this policy was the basis of our current position in
Vietnam, as enunciated so often and so clearly by President Johnson:

"We do not seek the destruction of any government," President
Johnson has said, "nor do we covet a foot of any territory, but we
insist, and we shall always insist, that the people of South Vietnam
shall have the right of choice, the right to shape their own destiny
in free elections in the South, or throughout all Vietnam under inter-
national supervision. And they shall not have any government im-
posed upon them by force and terror so long as we can prevent it."

So this policy of "support for free peoples resisting attempted sub-
jugation by armed minorities and outside pressures" proved valid
for Europe. It is equally valid for Asia. And accepting its validity, as
the American People have confirmed from time to time, we need but
ask ourselves what else can we do to enforce this policy?

So, this is why we are in Vietnam. This is the message to reiterate
to the world especially, as I mentioned before, to the color-con-
scious worlds of Asia and Africa. It is a message that bright, articulate
young Negro Americans can successfully convey in behalf of the
United States Government.

During an earlier troubled period in the life of this Republic,
Thomas Paine described the times as being of the sort that try men's
souls.

Today, as in times past, we are going through a form of national
recommitment testing again our wisdom, fortitude and perseverance.

Time and time again in recent months, President Johnson has
reminded us of our national commitment in South Vietnam. This is
literally a holy trust to him, for implicit in the U. S. commitment
to South Vietnam is not only a guarantee to that embattled land
but to all embattled peoples who struggle against communist sub-
version and aggression, and who yearn to be free.

Almost two centuries ago Thomas Paine wrote of the American
colonies: "We fight not to enslave, but to set a country free."

This is the task before us. There is no greater challenge than to
strive for peace, freedom, and social and economic justice. For those
of you who are active seekers after this goal, I urge you to equip
yourself for service in behalf of your country, and in behalf of a
humanity sorely in need of the type of strength, idealism and devotion
to justice than you can bring to such endeavors.

84

The Law of Karma As Reflected
In Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism

by

Samuel Williams

The word karma is derived from the Sanskrit Kri, "to do". All ac-
tion is karma. Technically this word also means the effects of actions.
In connection with metaphysics it sometimes means the effects of
which our past actions were the courses. It is in this light that we shall
be concern with the law of karma as reflected in Hinduism, Buddhism,
and Jainism.

The law of karma means "deeds" or "works," the law dictates
good rewards for good deeds, and bad rewards for bad deeds. It is a
doctrine, or belief that every deliberately willed action will receive its
reward or punishment. A man's state in any particular life is deter-
mined by his actions in previous lives. The New Testament makes it
clear that a man shall reap what he sows. In this same light the
Hindu states, "the body is the field, the soul is the cultivator; virtue
and vice are seeds, and the soul must reap as it sows." Thus, this is
an inexorable law, the working of cause and effect. It places emphasis
on the fact that, if there is a balance of good to a man's credit, he
gets the benefit of it by being reborn on a higher plane. However, if
he has given himself up to wickedness, he sinks lower at rebirth.
Each man lays up a stock of good and bad deeds and, so to speak,
accumulates moral capital. Therefore, the debit of vice can be wiped
out by the credit of virtue, and men may thus rise on stepping stones
of their dead selves to higher things.

This belief in the law of karma may be described in threefold as
following: First, it may be described as a working hypothesis of the
riddle of existence. It explains the potent inequalities and enigmas
of life, the fact that one man is born to honour, another to dishonour,
and the wicked so often flourish while the good have to endure
misery and suffering. Secondly, it may be regarded as a pessimistic
doctrine, for a man's presence is fashioned by a past of which he has
no memory or knowledge, and no effort of his can improve it.
Thirdly, it has elements of optimism, for a man can rise to a better
state in future lives by virtuous conduct. In this sense it seems to me
that the person is the captain of his ship and the master of his fate.

According to the pantheistic doctrine emancipation from the long
chain of existences is finally obtained when the human soul loses its
individual existence by being united with and merged in the universal
spirit from which everything comes and to which everything will
eventually return. "The soul enchained", said a modern teacher of
Vendantism, Ramakrishnna Paramhamsa, "is man; free from chains,
it is God ... as a piece of lead, thrown into a basin of mercury, is
soon dissolved therein, so the human soul loses its individual ex-

85

istence when it falls into the ocean of Brahma." 1 However, other
Hindus hold that while salvation consists in the union of the soul
with God, it does not lose its identity. Moreover, spiritual beatitude
and release from rebirths are obtained not by the soul's reabsorption
in the Supreme Spirit, but by its communion with God, whether con-
ceived of as Brahma or as Siva or as Vishnu.

Authorities seem to agree that nothing perhaps has done so much
to maintain the popularity of orthodox Hinduism as the idea of good
works which is part of the belief in karma, that is, the idea of the
efficacy of good deeds in improving a man's chances of having a
higher or happier life in his future terrestrial existences. This is
often described as the acquisition of merit, and its effect is to en-
courage the performance not only of virtuous acts but also of the
observances of orthodox Hinduism. The so called acquisition of merit,
includes such things as worship in temples, where the vision of an
idol is accounted for righteousness, domestic ceremonies, the re-
petition of a god's name, gifts to Brahmans, pilgrimages, fasts, etc. All
of these add to the stock of a man's good deeds and to to his credit
in the record of his lives.

On the other hand, the spiritual value of the belief in karma is
impaired by the teachings of the Brahmans and the superstition of the
people themselves. The former however, have popularized the idea
that certain months, days and places are more sacred than others,
and that worship at such times and places is more efficacious than
worship at other times and places. They contend that pilgrimages have
an extraordinary power to wipe out the record of past offenses.
Moreover, death at Benaves is a short cut to heaven; offerings at Gay a
are sufficient in themselves to take the souls of one's father and
ancestors to heaven. They recognized bathing and expiatory cere-
monies as sufficient atonement for many sins, and they sometimes
allow offences to be compounded for by payment to themselves. The
people for their part consider that the mechanical performance of
rites and ceremonies or the repetition of the name of a god are suf-
ficient for the acquisition of merit. Some even keep birds trained to
say the name of a god, in the belief that the repetition of the sacred
name by the birds will be added to the times it passes their own
lips and so increase the total of their good deeds.

The belief in karma and the transmigration of souls is prevalent in
areas where Brahmanism has established itself, and the ideas of the
people about the life after death have been shaped by Brahmanical
influence. For example, the result of special inquiries made in the
United Provinces during the census of 1901 shows that, "the doctrine
of karma is one of the firmest beliefs of all classes of Hindus", and
that most of them have fairly clear ideas that wrong-doing is displeas-
ing to Parameshuar and that the wrongdoer must suffer for his
misdeeds, possibly in his present existence, but certainly in his future
life or lives. 2

1 L. S. S. O'malley, Poular Hinduism (Cambridge University Press, 1935),
p. 9.

Hbid., p. 29.

86

On the other hand, in some areas where Brahmanical influence is
not operative, and among classes which have no Brahmans to minister
to them, belief in karma cannot be said to be prevalent.

According to Noss, the law of karma carries an ethical consequence
since one's lot in future existences is fixed by one's thoughts, words,
and deeds. Therefore, the respect for the law of karma is a direct
incentive to morality because it encourages the practice of virtues,
such as truth, charity, etc., which add to the stock of man's good
deeds. However, the motive is not so much the desire to do good for
its own sake, or to worship God without thought of self, but the desire
to rise to a higher level in another life. Noss states, "those who are
of pleasant conduct here the prospect is, indeed", so runs the
chandogya upanished, "that they will enter a pleasant womb, either
the womb of a Brahmin, or the womb of a kshatriya, or the womb
of a vaisya. But those who are of stinking conduct here the prospect
is, indeed, that they will enter either the womb of a dog, or the womb
of a swine, or the womb of an outcast." 3 In any case, the law of
karma operates like the law of nature. The process is quite impersonal.
There is no judge and no judgment. There is no punishment, no
repentance or amends, no remission of sins by divine clemency.
The truth of the matter is, the inexorable causal nexus of the eternal
universe itself.

Since Buddhism is an off-shoot of Hinduism, let us look now at
the law of karma as reflected in Buddhism. According to my study
and observation, the law of karma operates very much the same
in Hinduism and Buddhism as well as Jainism. However, there are
differences as to the law of karma in Jainism which are more pointed
than those of Hinduism and Buddhism. This we shall discuss later
in this paper.

The law of karma is a view that belongs to many religions, but it
receives a much deeper significance when combined with the doctrine
of rebirth. Recompense for actions is not always evident, but the
idea becomes conceivable when combined with the belief in a
former existence and the prospect of another life, in which the fruit
of past actions may be reaped. Buddhism has accepted this view and
emphasizes it as follows: "Of no one is the deed destroyed, it comes,
indeed its master meets it; in the next world the sinful fool suffers
in his own self the pain." 4 Moreover, good deeds might lead to
heaven, but even such bliss last only until the accumulated merit is
exhausted, and then the wheel of birth turns again. The problem
then for Buddha was the same that faced everyone. Is there a way
to escape from rebirth? According to E. J. Thomas the teachers of
the upanishads claimed to have a way, which made union with the
one reality the goal. Thomas also states however, that this factor
was never mentioned by the Buddhists, and was probably unknown
to them, because it was a secret doctrine taught to initiates. This is
very strange to me however, that Buddah, or Buddhists would not

3 John B. Noss, Man's Religions (The Macmillan Co., 1963), p. 146.
4 E. J. Thomas, The Road to Nirvana (John Murray, 1950), p. 5.

87

know of this factor since Buddah claimed to have found a better
way. The doctrine of the Jains is aimed at the annihilation of karma.
However, Buddha claimed to have discovered an original way, a
doctrine unheard before. This doctrine of Buddha was not a creed,
but a course of mental training. The great aim is to get rid of all
the evil tendencies of the individual, which hinder him from seeing
things as they are. In this the system was unlike such religions as
aimed at appeasing a deity by sacrifices or at finding salvation by
annihilating karma. Instead it set forth a scheme of self-training
within the reach of everyone. To see things as they really are means
seeing them as taught by the truths of Buddhism, and to this extent
Buddhism involves a creed. It begins with a belief in the imperman-
ence and continual change of everything in the universe including the
gods. But this is combined with the belief in a permanent state of
peace to be attained, the goal of Nirvana. Mere belief however, is
not enough. The truths must be known, meditated upon, and under-
stood, until they are realized with absolute conviction.

Now, let us look at the similarities or differences of the law of
karma in Hinduism and Buddhism. Buddha gave the law of karma
flexibility than most later philosophers were willing to do. According
to Buddah a man of any caste or class could experience so complete
a change of heart or disposition as to escape the full consequence of
sins committed in previous existences. This view of the Buddah is
indifferent to the caste system, so distinctive of Hindu social life
which affects every aspect of society, political, economical, social,
religious or otherwise. The outcastes constitute the dregs of society,
unclean and without the hope of ever rising in the social scale in
this life, or the next existence. On the other hand, the law of karma
in Buddhism operates remorselessly and without remission of one
jot or tittle of the full recompense upon all who go on in the old
way, the way of unchecked desire. However, it cannot lay hold
upon a man completely changed, who had achieved arahatship, "the
state of him that is worthy." The holy man who by steadfast mind
has become exempted from evil desire may feel assured that their
old karma is exhausted. Morever, no new karma is produced, their
hearts are free from the longing after a future life; the cause of
their existence being destroyed, and there is no new springing up
within them, they, the wise are extinguished at death like a lamp.
Furthermore, their will be no rebirth for them. This factor is com-
mon with all three religions Hinduism, Buddhism, and Jainism,
however, Budda's doctrine of rebirth seems more objective and
modern.

Finally, let us look at the law of karma as reflected in Jainism. In
my study of Jainism I was able to ascertain that there are nine
fundamental categories, or truths of the Jaina's faith. Moreover,
the law of karma, the energy accumulated by action, underlay them
all. Five of the categories were concerned entirely with either the
acquisition, prevention, impeding, or destruction of karma, and two
others dealt with bondage to it or freedom from it. Seven out of
nine principles show the enormous importance Jaina is in common
with all other Indian religions attached to karma. From my observa-

88

tion, I would conclude that these nine fundamental truths of Jainism
are factors which parallel with the eightfold path of Buddhaism.

Karma for the Jaina is the key that solves all the riddles of this
unintelligible world. The root of the word karma according to the
Jaina is, the verb "kri" (to do), and they believe it to be the result
of actions springing from four sources. These four sources of karma
in Jainism in my view may be seen as factors that parallel with the
four permissible goals of life in Hinduism.

The first of karma is avirati, or "attachment to the things of this
life such as food rainment, lodging, women, or jewels. The unlimited
use and enjoyment of any of these give rise to karma, and the more
one limits one's indulgence in them, the less karma one acquires.
Secondly, karma is also engendered by giving the rein to anger,
pride, deceit, or greed (kasaya), or any of their sixteen divisions or the
nine principles. Thirdly, karma is produced by uniting one's body,
mind and speech to worldly things (yoga). Fourthly, (mithyatua),
or false belief, is a fruitful source of karma." 5

The Jaina contends that there are nine ways of arresting karma.
Karma can be arrested by not using one's own mind, body or speech;
by being careful not to cause any one else to use their mind, body,
or speech. Moreover, never approving, or in any other way associat-
ing oneself with what another does by mind, body, or speech. Ac-
cording to the Jaina, "as heat can unite with iron, and water with
milk, so karma unites with the soul, and the soul so united with
karma is called a soul in bondage." (i

The Jaina firm faith in karma is due to the inequalities of life and
the desire to account for them. This is also true with Hinduism and
Buddhism. However, the Jaina differs from the Hindus in two main
points. The Hindus, according to the Jaina, believe that God inflicts
punishment for evil karma just as a judge inflicts the penalties pre-
scribed by the law. We must note here however, this is not true of
all Hindus. For Noss states that the law of karma for the Hindus is
quite impersonal. Moreover, there is no judge and no judgement; no
punishment, no repentance or amends, no remission of sins by divine
clemency, just the inexorable causal nexus of the eternal universe
itself. On the other hand, the Jaina and Buddus do not believe in a
Supreme God who takes any active part in the world's governance,
declare that karma accumulates energy and automatically works it
off, without any outside intervention. The second point of difference
stressed is, that while Hindus think of karma as formless, Jaina believe
karma to have shape, and to prove this they argue that karma cannot
be formless, because formless things cannot do us neither good nor
harm. Thirdly, there is difference between Hindus and Jaina with
regard to the remembrance of karma. Some Hindus believe that
it is wrong to illusion that all remembrance of the deeds done in
previous births, which led to the accumulation of karma is forgotten.

5 Sinclair Stevenson, The Heart of Jainism (Oxford University Press), pp.
174-175.

Hbid., p. 179.

89

However, the Jaina holds that it is due to ignorance, and when the
soul by means of austerities and good actions has gotten rid of
ignorance it attains omniscience and remembers all the births it has
undergone and all that happened in them.

The Jaina divide karma according to its nature, duration, essence
and content, quoting the following sioka: "These are the four parts
of karma: its nature, that is, its character, its condition, that is, the
time it will last; its constitution, that is called its essence; its scope, or
the whole of its content." 7

In conclusion, the Jaina claims that there are eight kinds or divi-
sions of karma. The first kind of karma is that which hides know-
ledge from us. Secondly, the karma which prevent us from beholding
the true faith. The third kind causes us to experience either the
sweetness of happiness or the bitterness of misery. The fourth kind
and most dreaded karma, bemuse all one's faculties. The fifth kind
determines the length of time which a soul must spend in the farm
with which his karma has endowed him. The sixth kind of karma
decides which of the four states, a man, a god, an insect, or a hell-
being in which a person shall dwell. The seventh kind determines
one's caste in his next and subsequent lives. The eighth kind of
karma, prevents one from using his will or his bodily strength as he
should like to do.

The Jaina also divide karma according to the period when it was
acquired, is being experienced, or will be experienced.

The age old problem is how can one be liberated from his karma.
The Jaina contends that there are fourteen steps to liberations from
karma. However, we will not discuss these fourteen steps due to their
extensiveness and their similarity in the light of what has already
been said concerning the law of karma in the three religions of India.
However, the Jaina believe that by following these fourteen steps one's
soul may mount to Motesa, or Nirvana.

Even if it is in a poverty-stricken India, with its many religions,
a communistic Russia with no claimed belief in a Supreme being, or
an affluent America in the midst of turmoil and dilemma, or an
ancient China with its belief in yong and yia, the cry may be sum-
marized by Noss in his book Man's Religions, "Oh would that I
could be delivered from the power of my karma over me! Would
that I could find my way into a state of being where misery would
be at an end and only joy remain."

7 Ibid., p. 176.

90

Bibliography

Bahm, A. J. Philosophy of the Buddah. New York: Harper Brothers, 1958.

Eliot, Charles S. Hinduism and Buddhism. London: Edward Arnold and Com-
pany, 1921.

Morgan, Kenneth W. The Religion of the Hindus. New York: The Ronald
Press Company, 1953.

Noss, John B. Man's Religions. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1963.

Radhakrishnan, Sarvepalli. The Hindu View of Life. London: C. Tinling and
Company, 1956.

Radhakrishnan, Sarvepalli. The Principal Upanisads. New York: Harper
Brothers Publishers, 1953.

Stevenson, Sinclair. The Heart of Jainism. London: Oxford University Press,
1915.

Thomas, E. J. The Road to Nirvana. London: Butler and Tanner Ltd., 1950.

91

Economic Growth and Income Distribution

by
Sarvan K. Bhatia

It was Karl Marx, one of the greatest critics of the capitalistic
system, who brought into focus the fundamental role of economic
growth and its interrelationship with the distribution of income.
Marx pointed out that capitalism, like no other economic system
known to man since the early recorded history, had opened new
vistas of technological advance and economic progress. Likewise,
we find that the economic models prepared by socialist and com-
munist writers stressed the necessary connection between capital ac-
cumulation and the realization of profits without which a profit-
based economy could not survive. But such writers also pointed out
(and Marx was the leading critic) that the mechanism productive of
economic progress, which is the crowning glory of capitalism, will
also bring it down, because of the inherent weaknesses in capitalism. 1

Economic growth which has been by and large interpreted as
conveying the increase over time of per capita output and income may
be viewed as a consequence of increased per capita input and of
changes in the production functions relating inputs and outputs. In-
come distribution under any economic system is likely to affect growth
by its influence on inputs. This has usually been seen with regard
to capital inputs. Thus, in a private profit or "capitalistic" economy,
increases in the shares of income going to enterprise, profit recipients,
and upper income groups in general have been believed, through their
effects on investment demand or on saving, to result in increases in
per capita input of capital. The effects of income distribution on
other inputs have been long ignored or obscured in economies
characterized by private investment in the material but not the human
means of production. Yet these other inputs are important, and
their importance has been recognized in socialist economies and in
planning for underdeveloped areas of the world. The industrially
advanced nations of the world have only recently paid increasing
attention to this question.

It has been recognized that income distribution may determine
economic growth by its implications for the increase of labor input
through technical training, general education and research. It may
also determine economic growth by its role in inducing or permitting
varying proportions of the population, particularly among women,
to participate in productive activity. Changes in the distribution of
income will therefore alter economic growth insofar as these changes
induce income recipients to alter the per capita inputs of productive
services. Some redistribution of income, by affecting investment in
skills and research, may induce technological advance. It should be
recognized further that major effects on both income distribution and

iFor details, see Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, THE MANIFESTO OF THE
COMMUNIST PARTY, 1848.

92

growth may stem from changes in the shares of income or input
taken by governmental bodies or the public sector of the economy
as it has come to be called in respect of developmental planning in
the underdeveloped nations. We have already observed that the
governments in developing countries have already, in certain cases,
by direction prescribed a different composition of output involving
different rates of production of inputs for future production than
would have been the case if the private recipients of income had
spent their resources according to their own choice. Government may
also reduce private income by conventional measures, as for example
through taxation or inflation, and use its "income" to invest in edu-
cational services, technical research, public health services, dams,
roads, or building the infrastructure for a nation's economy. On the
other hand, government may reduce private incomes and use its own
increased income for public consumption; one of the examples of
increased government spending is the bulk of military expenditures
undertaken by some countries in modern times.

Work of Modigliani, Friedman and others has raised serious doubt
as to the extent to which permanent redistribution of income between
upper and lower income groups would per se affect aggregative con-
sumption. 2 Whereas failure to utilize some form of permanent in-
come concept has resulted in varied estimates of the relation between
income and propensity to consume, there may remain some grounds
for expecting positive association between the marginal propensity
to save and a relevant measure of income. In any event, aside from
differences in incomes, different individuals may have different pro-
pensities to save and these propensities themselves may, furthermore,
be altered by variation of parameters at the control of governmental
authorites to which a reference has been made above. Thus, aggregate
saving and growth may conceivably be affected both by redistribution
of income among individuals and by alteration of individual saving
functions. The results may differ also depending upon a host of
factors, other than economic (as for example, social, cultural, politi-
cal, etc.) as well as the stage of economic development of a nation
just as we find today in respect of different countries engaged in the
process of economic growth.

On a theoretical level, at least, Modigliani's models suggest lower
marginal propensities to consume out of current income and out
of wealth for the young than for the old inasmuch as the young
must allocate any increase in resources over a longer expected re-
maining life. Since, in western countries, there is certainly a positive
correlation over most of the age span between income and wealth
on the one hand and age on the other, a redistribution of current
income or wealth in favor of the poor seem to imply a higher rate
of aggregate saving. However, there is disagreement among econo-
mists whether it is always true, or holds good and there is no

2 For details, see Franco Modigliani and R. Brumberg, "Utility Analysis and the
Consumption Function" in K. K. Kurihara, ed., POST-KEYNESIAN
ECONOMICS, 1954 and Milton Friedman, A THEORY OF CONSUMP-
TION FUNCTION.

93

unanimity of point of view. In respect of emerging nations, however,
the situation is different inasmuch as the young are hardly able to
meet their growing demands out of their limited income and to that
extent the question of their being able to make any large savings
simply does not arise. In this latter category we can place almost
two-thirds or over of the world population in practically all the con-
tinents of the world.

On the other hand, a case can be made that the upper income
groups have higher marginal propensities to save than lower income
groups and that a redistribution of income in favor of the wealthy
given the assumption of full employment, may yet further increase
investment and consequently the rate of economic growth. Whether
it will in fact increase investment and economic growth, that is,
whether the assumption of full employment is maintainable under
these conditions is analysed below.

The problem of the maintenance of full employment in a private
capitalistic economy may be reduced to that of the existence of an
acceptable expected marginal profitability of investment at the rate
of saving consistent with free individual choice and full employment.
The attainability of such an acceptable expected marginal profitability
of investment depends upon both the lower bound of what enter-
preneurs would consider acceptable in the way of profit on invest-
ment and the production function or production possibilities which
underly the expected profitability. What determines the lower bound
of acceptable profits relates to expected returns and risks in the
alternatives to investment in income-producing property. Thus, for
example, high real rates of return on money, land, jewels etc. will
all imply high lower bounds to the acceptable rate of profits on income
producing property in the economy. 3 To the extent that there is
on balance an aversion to risk and uncertainty, the lower bound to
the acceptable rate of return on income-producing property will be
lower where the risk and uncertainty attached to alternative uses of
funds are higher. This lower bound to the acceptable rate of return
on investment will be higher to the extent that the risk and uncertain-
ty attached to investment in income-producing property itself is
higher.

The relation between the expected marginal productivity or margin-
al profitability of investment and the rate of saving may be seen as
relating to the usually assumed declining marginal net productivity
of factors of production. With the added assumption of linear homo-
geneity of the production function we find that the marginal produc-
tivity of capital is a function only of the ratios of capital and other
factor inputs. In the simplified, two-input case involving capital and
labor we may then see the marginal productivity of capital as a
unique function of the capital-labor ratio declining as the capital-
labor ratio increases. For a given rate of growth of the labor supply

3 This argument would appear basically familiar to those who recall Keynes'
analysis of chapters 16 and 17 of THE GENERAL THEORY OF EMPLOY-
MENT, INTEREST AND MONEY.

94

and a given ratio of saving to income there is a uniquely determined
capital-labor ratio to which corresponds a uniquely determined
marginal productivity of capital. Whether a particular saving ratio
is consistent with full employment then depends on whether, given the
rate of growth of labor supply, this saving ratio implies a capital-
labor ratio for which the marginal productivity of capital is equal to
or above the minimum acceptable rate of profit on investment. 4 These
considerations therefore suggest that the recommended stimuli to
economic growth to be achieved by increasing the share of profits or
generally increasing the shares of upper income groups may prove
self-defeating. We may in fact be back with the old Keynesian
"paradox of thrift" that redistributing income in such a way as to
increase the propensity to save may reduce saving and investment by
reducing income. If the increased share of profits lowers consumption
demand and yet cannot generate increased investment demand be-
cause of the bottom stop provided by the acceptable rate of return in
the face of declining marginal productivity of investment, the drop
in aggregate demand may reduce the derived demand for capital
goods. It may therefore appear to be an appropriate proposition that
measures to increase consumption under normal conditions will stim-
ulate business activity and hence economic growth of a nation.

We have alluded to the difficulties in stimulating business invest-
ment by increasing the share of income going to property owners or
the upper income groups. One may perhaps doubt that in view of
this whether much of the support for various presumed incentives to
business investment (which take the form of increased shares of in-
come for upper income groups) has any greater rationale than the
self interest of such groups. This doubt seems all the more justified
when one reflects that efforts to increase business investment by in-
creasing upper income shares may be at the cost of other forms of
investment which have greater effects in the direction of increasing
output. Thus, first of all, it must be recognized that much of what is
usually called consumption is actually private, non-business invest-
ment in durables. For example, changes in income distribution which
have the effect of increasing current purchase of durable goods by
consumers may have long-run effects on both growth and income
distribution by increasing future output in the form of consumer
services produced and received in the household sector of the
economy. Anti-recession measures involving cuts in personal income
taxes to stimulate consumption may thus property be viewed as
stimuli to investment and growth. A major component of investment
in the sense we have interpreted the term, i.e., of adding to the stock
of "inputs" for future production, is investment in education. Recent
work on the production function by Solow and others suggesting that
a major portion of output changes remains unexplained by changes
in inputs of labor and physical capital may be interpreted as further
evidence of the contribution to output by other factors among which

4 See for example R. M. Solow, "A contribution to the theory of economic
growth", QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS, Feb. 1956, pp. 65-94,
and James Tobin, "A dynamic aggregative model", JOURNAL OF POLITI-
CAL ECONOMY, April 1955, pp. 103-115.

95

education is widely believed to bulk large. On an individual level,
it would appear that investment in educating the undereducated would
do much to increase both total output and the share of output re-
ceived by lower income groups who tend to be precisely these under-
educated. It is in this context that we can explain the great emphasis
being placed by developing nations to provide educational facilities for
their masses who have been steeped in ignorance for generations.
In the United States, the very great inequality of income as between
Negroes and whites can certainly be reduced substantially, if Negroes
are endowed by means of better education with greater amounts of
non-material but income-producing capital. One may therefore expect
considerable complementarity between investment in education and
in physical plant and equipment. After all, one can easily visualize
the relationship between labor skills and productivity if only we
bring in the question of education received by the labor force.

It may be added that a great deal of important non-property in-
vestment is undertaken by both business enterprise and government
in the form of what is called "research and development" expendi-
tures. There are strong arguments against leaving responsibility for
all such expenditures to individual firms in that the unavoidable
externalities of return from technological advance might well lead to
sub-optimum expenditures for research on the part of individual
firms. Moreover, one should be concerned if efforts to encourage in-
vestment in physical property such as have been undertaken in many
western countires, including the United States, should imply a sub-
stitution of investment in physical plant for investment in research
and development.

This brief article has attempted to show that there may indeed be
a connection between the distribution of income and economic growth.
The common notion that an increased share of profits must lead to
greater investment or capital accumulation is however subject to
serious dispute. In an economy subject to the possibility of inadequate
effective demand, just as it happened during the late 1920's through-
out the whole world, an increased share for profits may actually re-
duce investment demand by reducing the aggregate demand for out-
put from which the demand for capital good is derived. It may
therefore be suggested that in situations where the minimum accept-
able rate of return is high as may be true in most of the developing
economies because of risk attached to individual investment in income
producing property, high premiums attached to other forms of in-
vestment, etc., social measures may well be taken to reduce the
minimum acceptable rate of return. This might involve social planning
and insurance to reduce risk, to eliminate preference for non-income
producing assets (along with reduction in the rate of interest) and
transfer of command over resources to those more capitalistically
inclined members of society. Such a task can only be undertaken by
the governments of the developing countries. Furthermore, in both
advanced and underdeveloped economies, it is most important to
bear in mind that economic growth may be achieved by an accumu-
lation of resources of all inputs of future production, including ma-
terial and non-material wealth of individuals and business enter-

96

prises. Substantial investment in human beings, in their physical and
mental abilities, would contribute heavily to economic growth. It
is in this context that Galbraith refers to "investment in human be-
ings" as one of the primary forces leading to accelerated economic
growth, and this is the reason why the governments in developing
nations are paying a great deal of attention to the provision of ed-
ucational facilities in their development plans.

.

; gninlil " vULLtut LiDixnUI

s!?\ state college branch

97

India's Experience In
Developmental Planning

by

Kanwal Kumar

Since the end of World War II a remarkable change has come
about in the world. Many countires which had been under the yoke
of imperalism have regained their freedom. A new awakening has
come that poverty, ignorance, and disease are not inevitable and can
be wiped away by purposeful efforts. The accumulated store of
knowledge and techniques and the continuing advance in science and
technology provide the basis for a rapid transformation of the ma-
terial conditions. The valuable experience of many countries in evolv-
ing political and economic organizations required to deal with such
problems and an atmosphere of international cooperation have made
the task easier. With greater awareness of the possibilities of desirable
change and realization of the vast and growing gulf separating the
living standards of the people of the developed countries from that
of the developing countries, there is increasing popular demand and
pressure for rapid economic development in the poor countries of
Asia, Africa, and Latin America.

In Asia, for instance, the emergence of India as a free, democratic
country in 1947 was a significant event in many ways. It struck the
dealth knell of colonialism and one after another new nations emerged,
freed from colonial bondage. Political freedom had been considered
as a necessary conditions in India for launching on a course of rapid
transformation of an under-developed, feudal socio-economic order
into a dynamic, progressive society. Soon after independence was
achieved, India decided to deal with this vast and complex task boldly,
in a planned manner, within the framework of its democratic institu-
tions. The aim was nothing less than a peaceful revolution brought
about with maximum consensus of people. 1 This was an undertaking
for which there was no clear precedent. It was a bold experiment,
sustained by faith in rationality and trust in democracy.

The argument is sometimes heard that centralized planning is in-
consistent with individual freedom and inimical to democracy. This
may be true in specific cases. But in general there is inherently no
basic antagonism between planning and freedom, properly inter-
preted.- Indeed, planning is for the enlargement of freedom rather
than for its restrictions. There are impediments to the exercise of
freedom by the individual and to the better functioning of the economy
which planning seeks to overcome. There are restraints and sacri-
ficies to be made, but these are, to be sure, meant only to remove
greater constraints anticipated in the future. For the mass of the
people freedom becomes meaningful only when there is better life
and wider opportunities for fruitful endeavour, which is the central
aim of planning for economic development. 3 Political democracy

98

is incomplete and indeed vulnerable, without democracy in the eco-
nomic and social sphere.

In India, the formulation of the Plans is preceded by extensive
discussions and consultations: there is a free and open discussion
of the Plans by various interested groups, the people in general, and
their elected representatives. This is a distinctive feature of the
Indian Plans as compared to central planning in the Soviet Union.
The performance of the Plans is open to close and constant scrutiny.
Openness is a vital feature of Indian planning, and deliberately en-
couraged not only as a protection against misjudgment and abuse
of power but as a means of exposing, and hence checking waste and
inefficiency. Frequent criticism, widely publicized in the press may
give an exaggerated impression of inadequacies, but on the whole the
advantage of open dscussion of faults and failures is regarded as being
greater than the imagined benefits of suppression of information
resorted to by some countries.

The First Five-Year Plan (1951-1956), was a modest effort in
planning. It was largely a collation of public investment projects in
the field of agriculture, irrigation, power and transport, which had
been prepared earlier as part of the post-war reconstruction program.
The growth of income aimed at over the plan period was only 10
per cent. The actual performance of the economy turned out to be
far better. This created a feeling of confidence and popularized the
concept of planning in the country.

Encouraged by the success of First Five-Year Plan, the Second
Five-Year Plan, 1956-61, was a serious effort at a fuller articulation
of the country's long-term objectives and strategy, and at formulating
a comprehensive program for the whole economy, both in the public
and private sectors. The programs were designed to yield an increase
in national income of 25 per cent as the first phase of a long term
goal of doubling aggregate income in 15 years and per capita income
in a little over 20 years.

Though as a whole it was successful, the Second Plan did not meet
all the targets: national income rose by about 20 per cent as against
25 per cent as planned. However, during this period, it became ap-
parent that population was growing at a much faster rate than as-
sumed earlier. The population growth rate was about 2.3 per cent
compared to 1.25 per cent assumed earlier. Consequently, the overall
rate of growth needed to fulfill the target of doubling per capita income
in about 20 years had to be readjusted. Another important develop-
ment of this period was the emergence of balance of payments dif-
ficulties. The need for external resources increased sharply with
growing investments and industrial production. Exports could not be
raised correspondingly. The foreign exchange gap had to be bridged
with foreign aid. Towards the end of the Second Plan inflow of
foreign capital from all sources amounted to about 2 dollars per
capita of Indian population; although in absolute amount, India
received the highest aggregate amount. Low per capita foreign as-
sistance, nevertheless, acted as a catalytic agent in mobilizing addi-
tional internal resources.

99

These considerations weighed heavily in the formulation of the
approach and in setting the targets for the Third Plan. There was a
greater appreciation of the need and urgency of planned effort at
developing indigenous production of metals, machinery, oil, and
chemical fertilizers as a crucial element of a long term strategy for
achieving a viable balance of payments and to reduce dependence on
foreign resources.

Launched in 1961, the Third Five-Year Plan, 1961-66, has been
one of considerable strain. Agricultural production remained virtually
stagnant during 1961-62, 1962-63 and 1963-64. The general price
level, which had remained fairly stable over several years, went up
because of a spurt in food prices. Despite sizeable foreign aid for
plan projects, the balance of payments difficulties continued, ham-
pering production and construction of new projects. The armed ag-
gression by China in October 1962 only worsened the already deteri-
orating situation. Progress was however maintained in industry,
power, transport, education, and health.

Notwithstanding the many difficulties the picture is, however, one
of all round progress. Though some of the important targets of the
Third Plan will be realised only after a delay of one or two years,
the achievements of the Third Plan are better than of the previous
Plans. 4 More than the direct increase in incomes, the Third Plan
has created the basis for a faster progress in the future by strengthen-
ing the base and capabilities of the country for increased capital
formation. 5

In short, despite set backs and hinderances, the progress achieved
by India during the three Plan Period, 1950-51 to 1965-66, con-
stitutes an impressive record for growth and development. An over-
all view of progress is presented in the table below.

Thus the overall index of agricultural production at the end of the
Third Plan is about 60 per cent higher than 15 years ago. Industrial
output, produced in modern factory establishments, has nearly trebled
since 1951. What is more significant, this expansion has been ac-
complained by rapid diversification of the industrial base. India had
hardly any machine building industry; the value of machine tools
production was about Rs. 3.4 million ($0.7 million) per year. An-
nual production of machine tools is now 90 times greater and it is
expanding at the rate of 20 per cent per year. Capital equipment
valued at nearly Rs. 6 billion ($1.4 billion) is expected to be pro-
duced this year ranging from ball bearing and motors to boilers and
heavy turbines and generators, transport equipment including railway
locomotives, wagons and coaches and automobiles, ships and aero-
planes, industrial machinery for textile, metallurgical and mining
equipment, instruments, etc. etc.

Industrial expansion in other fields is also notable. There has been
rapid growth in the output of electricity and in the volume of trans-
port activity.

Similarly, during this period, there has been remarkable improve-
ment in public health and services and education facilities. Malaria

100

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and small pox, which were widespread in India 15 years ago, have
been practically wiped out. A network of primary health centres,
which forms the base for providing integrated health services to the
rural population, has been created. The average mortality rate has
fallen from 25 per 1,000 in 1951 to 16 in 1966. Over the same
period, average expectation of life at birth has risen from 35 years
to 50 years.

Total enrolment in educational institutions rose from 24 million
in 1951 to 68 million in 1966. The proportion of children between
the ages of 6 and 1 1 years attending school has increased from about
43 per cent at the beginning of the First Plan to about 78 per cent
in 1966. Enrolment in universities has increased from 0.32 million
to 1.08 million during the same period. Facilities for professional
and technical education have expanded even faster. The annual ad-
mission to medical colleges and to engineering institutions (degree
and diploma) is now about 89,500 compared to 12,500 in 1951.

The significance of the achievements during this period has been
that they have infused a new dynamism into the economy, and have
created a capacity for accelerated growth. The steady rise in the
rate of investment from about 5 per cent (in 1950-51) of national
income has risen to approximately 13.5 per cent in 1965-66. The
diversification of industrial base and in particular the rapid expan-
sion of industries producing basic raw materials and capital goods
have strengthened India's capacity for sustained development in the
future.

While foreign aid has played and continues to play an important
role in India's development, primarily as balance of payment support,
India's own efforts at mobilizing resources have been significant. The
rate of domestic savings has nearly doubled from 5 per cent of
national income in 1950-51 to over 10 per cent in 1965-66. During
the last fifteen years, 80 per cent of total investment has been fi-
nanced from internal savings. With economic diversification and rapid
increases in investment the country is now poised for more rapid
advance in the Fourth Plan which went into operation in April 1966.

Finally, it would be seriously unwise to assume that there are no
unresolved problems. India today is very much alive to the problem
of her population growth which, if uncontrolled, can cancel all gains
of planning. The family planning program must be given top priority.

References

1 Planning Commission, First Five-Year Plan, 1951-56, Government of India
Press, Delhi, 1951.

2 John P. Lewis, Quiet Crisis in India: Economic Development and American
Policy, Brookings Institution, Washington, D. C, 1962.

3 Planning Commission, op. cit.

4 Government of India, Economic Survey 1965-66, Government of India Press,
Delhi, 1966.

5 Walter C. Neale, The Economic Status of India in 1970; (Technical Military
Planning Opertion, GEC), Canta Barbara, California, December 31, 1958.

102

Utilizing Emerging New Instructional

Materials and Mechanical Devices

Implications for the Library*

by
Dorothy B. Jamerson

"Teaching Machines and programmed learning are the
greatest educational innovations of our time." 1 Theodore
Waller (President, Teaching Materials, Inc.)

"Programed instruction, limited or not, is here to stay, cer-
tainly not as a substitute for the teacher but as an indi-
spensable and powerful ally in the classroom." 2 Benjamin
Fine (Educator and Author)

"The impetus of the movement will not soon die out." 3
Leslie J. Briggs (American Institute for Research Instruc-
tional Materials Division)

These options were echoed with little variation in thirty-three of
the thirty-five sources consulted in the preparation of this paper. The
two differing opinions labeled programed instruction as a fad or as a
threat to humanism (Chambers 4 ; Mumford 5 ;). The majority opinion
based its conclusions on:

( 1 ) application of the psychology of learning which underlies every
program inside every machine;

(2) favorable results of trial projects in schools and colleges;

(3) success achieved through its use by industry, the military,
and government;

(4) increase in the number of programs available;

(5) improvements being made in the performance of new ma-
chines;

(6) research in the area being carried out by educators as well
as industry; and

(7) the tremendous sums which have been poured into the pro-
duction of machines and the development of programs.

So, whatever our feelings may be concerning programed instruc-
tion, we are faced with the reality of its existence. How do we stand
up to its challenge? The extent to which you as individuals or as
departmental units decide to incorporate programed instruction into
the classroom will affect, in direct proportion, one phase of the
library's program. This phase of the library's program consists of

*Presented at the Savannah State College Faculty Fall Institute September
14, 1965.

103

the purchasing of materials requested by faculty, administration and
students; processing these items; and administering their use by
library patrons. Should programed instruction come to be used
extensively at Savannah State College then we can expect to add to
the library collections all types of materials in this field, including
teaching machines. Should programed instruction be ignored, then
our library collections will be poor in this area.

The implications for that portion of the library's program directly
affected by faculty decision indicate a period of waiting. On the
other hand, the objectives of the library damand that we take im-
mediate action. Theodore C. Hines says, "The goals of libraries
frequently have been summed up as the provision of information,
education and recreation." 6 This is a concise presentation of some
of the objectives of the Savannah State College Library. The nature
of our college's commitment to teacher education also requires that
the library provide information about programed instruction.

At this point let us examine what the experts on programed in-
struction in relation to libraries have to say. Theodore C. Hines,
Professor at the Graduate School for Library Service, Rutgers, states
that:

1. "The size, scope and nature of the programed instruction
movement show that it is a major social and educational
phenomenon. Librarians need to inform themselves about it and
to provide informative materials for their users.

2. "The wide spread availability of machines and printed materials
specifically intended for home use means that libraries should
be prepared to assist their users to evaluate them. To do this
libraries need to have criteria for purchase as well as samples
of Encyclopedia Britanica TEMAX materials, TMI Grolier
texts, and World Book's Cyclo Teacher for examination by
users.

3. "Libraries ought to provide for themselves and their users, the
basic lists of programs.

4. "Libraries should provide printed programs (requiring no
machine) whenever they meet the needs of the library clientele
and if program format makes this feasible.

5. "Many teachers and industries are doing their own programing.
Libraries should consider providing material on how to pro-
gram, either for use by programers, or simply because manuals
on programing constitute good explanations of the programing
method of instruction even for readers who do not intend to
try the technique.

6. "Libraries should consider the use of programed instruction
as a method of teaching people to use libraries. At least three
commerical programs are being written.

7. "Libraries should experiment with programed instruction, then
evaluate the results of experiments and when necessary adopt

104

library procedures to user needs and conveniences, in this field
as in all others." 7

Stanley J. Slote says:

1. "We should be prepared to answer reference questions in this
area.

2. "We should train our staffs, librarians and non-librarians,
through this technique.

3. "Storage and use patterns should be developed.

4. "Areas and equipment for in library use of programed instruc-
tion should be designed and experimented with." 8

These and other writers would have libraries become totally in-
volved in all aspects of programed learning. We might well ask what
are libraries really doing? To shed some light on this query, a ques-
tionnaire was sent to the libraries of the twenty units of the Univer-
sity System of Georgia. We received fourteen replies. A summary
of the three questions directly concerning libraries reveals:

1. Eleven libraries contain classified materials on programed in-
struction; two do not, and one respondent failed to answer the
question. The classified material referred to consists of general
and background works, selection and use of programed ma-
terials, how to construct a program, guides to programed in-
structional materials, and bibliographies. Four libraries reported
the number of items in their collection. These libraries include
Abraham Baldwin Agricultural College 5; Augusta College 8;
Savannah State College 21; and University of Georgia 68.

2. In reply to the question, "Are programed texts included in your
library collections?" four answered yes, ten answered no. It
was indicated that in the near future 7 libraries plan to add
programed texts to their collection while 7 do not plan to do so.

3. The questionnaire revealed that there is one teaching machine
located in the library of a Unit of the University System
Savannah State College Library has a Cyclo-Teacher in the
Curriculum Materials Center.

4. One library, that of Georgia State College, reported the use
of programed instruction material on cards for teaching use
of the library and library materials.

These findings indicate that eleven of the fourteen responding
libraries do contain classified materials about programed teaching.
In the near future, half of the fourteen libraries will include on their
shelves programed textbooks. The one library containing a teaching
machine plans to add others to its holdings.

We have examined the implications for libraries as outlined by
experts in the field. We have briefly inquired into the activities in
this area on the part of libraries in some of the Units of the Univer-
sity System. We find that correlation between the two is low. However,

105

on one implication, that of providing information about programed
learning, most of the libraries that were examined have already
become involved. From this beginning it is but a series of small steps
to the point of total involvement. Whether or not this road is followed
depends upon decisions made by faculty, administration and librarians
in the individual units.

At Savannah State College, one professor has purchased an Honor
Teaching Machine from his own funds. It was used in the classroom
with his students in English. A report of the results of this experiment
entitled "A Preliminary Report on Teaching Methods Used in a
Remedial English Class," is published in The Quarterly Review of
Higher Education among Negroes, January, 1965. James A. Eaton is
the researcher and author.

As has been said, Savannah State College Library holdings rank
second on classified materials about programed learning when com-
pared with schools in the University of Georgia System. It is our
intent to continue to acquire this type of resource material.

Another implication, that of using programed teaching in the
area of instruction in the use of the library and library materials,
appears to merit consideration as a possible solution to alleviating
some of the inadequacies of our students. It is hoped that cooperation
between faculty and library staff will produce an effective program.

The extent to which the Savannah State College Library will be-
come involved in the utilization of emerging new instructional ma-
terials depends upon the attitudes and efforts of each individual in-
structor in the classroom. Each instructor should ask himself "How
am I meeting this challenge?"

References

1 Fine, Benjamin. Teaching Machines. New York: Sterling Publishing Company,
1962. p. 19.

Hbid., p. 25.

3 Briggs, Leslie J., "Instructional Aids" in his column, TRENDS AND TAN-
GENTS. Journal of Higher Education, v. 36, March 1965, p. 165.

4 Chambers, Barbara, "An Evaluation of Programed Instruction," Education,
v. 85, November 19, p. 173.

5 Mumford, Lewis, "The Automation of Knowledge," AV Communication Re-
view, v. 12, Fall 1964, p. 270.

6 Hines, Theodore C, "Programed Materials, Shall we let Them in the Library?"
Library Journal, v. 88, May 15, 1963, p. 2055.

''Ibid., p. 2058, 2065.

8 Slote, Stanley J., "Pigeons in the Library," School Libraries, v. 13, March
1964, p. 18.

106

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Briggs, Leslie J. "Instructional Aids" in his column, TRENDS AND TAN-
GENTS. Journal of Higher Education, v. 36, March 1965, pp. 165.

Center for Programed Instruction, Inc. Programs, '63. Washington: U. S.
Government Printing Office, 1963, pp. 814.

Chambers, Barbara. "An Evaluation of Programed Instruction." Education.
v. 85, November 19, pp. 172-6; December 1964, pp. 245-9.

DeCecco, John P. Educational Technology, New York: Holt, 1964, p. 479.

Fine, Dr. Benjamin. Teaching Machines. New York: Sterling Publishing Com-
pany, 1962. pp. 176.

Frey, Sherman H. and Shinkichi Shimabukuro. "Programed Instruction: Im-
plications for Change." Clearing House, v. 39, December 1964. pp. 242-46.

Hines, Theodore C, "Programed Materials, Shall we let Them in the Library?"
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v. 36, February 1962, pp. 464.

Lysought, Jerome P. and Clarence M. Williams. A Guide to Programmed
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Reed, Gerald. "Programmed Instruction: A Challenge to Librarians." Pacific
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107

The Moynihan Report:
A Critical Analysis

by
Isaiah Mclver

Some Reservations

It is the firm conviction of this writer that the Moynihan Report
is merely a combination of paradoxes, contradictions, and rationali-
zations undergirded by statistical and historical data to support
traditional myths and stereotypes which make Negroes subhuman
savages.

This report revives some dying myths and creates the myth of
family instability so as to perpetuate the notion of Negro inferority.
In the report, the status quo is historically and statiscally justified.
According to Moynihan, slavery produced the hydra from which the
present indolent, shiftless, intellectually inferior, and immoral savage
emerged.

I will not attempt to refute Moynihan's statistical and historical
argument that instability of the Negro family is responsible for the
pathological predicament in which Negroes find themselves.

Before attempting to point out the fallacies, paradoxes and con-
tradictions which victimize the Moynihan study, an attempt will be
made to summarize the major contentions and conclusions presented
in the study.

In this presentation, Moynihan is not being branded as a subtle
racist, a creator of vacuums, or as a researcher who diagnoses and
then refuses to prescribe cures for the illnesses discovered.

Like Moynihan, I shall not attempt to create panaceas. This pre-
sentation is merely an attempt to criticize some of Moynihan's con-
tentions and offer counter proposals and amendments which may
or may not lead to desirable solutions. I would like also to suggest
amendments to contentions made by him.

By criticizing some of the implications and conclusions suggested
in the report, it is hoped that more interest will be created in the
problem diagnosed and that individuals more familiar with the prob-
lem will offer what they consider valid approaches toward solutions.

It is realized that this paper presents only an approximation of
the truth, that very often truth is subject to revision, that truth may
be relative, that the mind has an enormous capacity for error, confu-
sion and silliness and that criticism is an extremely valid means of
testing and validating truth.

The Report

One of the basic contentions presented in the Moynihan Report is
that Negroes are victims of a pathological tangle and that this current

108

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pathological predicament in which the Negro finds himself resulted
from three centuries of chattel slavery and inhumane treatment and
experiences. These experiences robbed the Negro male of his man-
hood and culminated in the destruction of the Negro structure.

The Moynihan Report traces the origins of the matriarchial
structure of the Negro family and its pathology back to slavery and
recommends that a program be implemented which will compel
Negroes to embrace the common ideals of the American family.

According to the Moynihan Report, American slavery was pro-
foundly different from any other type of slavery recorded in history.
The lasting effects of American slavery on American Negroes and
their descendants have been and continue to be indescribably disastr-
ous.

The founding fathers compromised away forty percent of the
Negro's humanity. Myths and stereotypes created by slavemasters
and others transformed the Negro into an omnisexual savage. His-
torical tragedies made him into a creature whose stages of develop-
ment became unique in human annuals.

Negro males emerge from an infant to "boy". They may spend a
lifetime as boys or they may become "Sam," "John," "Jim," "Uncle,"
or "Preacher," but never "mister." His acquired intellectual, financial,
or marital status does not make him father. Instead of becoming fath-
er, the Negro male becomes after marriage "Hattie's Sam" or
"Mandy's Jim."

In 1863 the Emancipation Proclamation freed Negroes from chattel
slavery and made them miserable indigents who were not permitted
to obtain saleable skills. Freedom from chattel slavery did not guar-
antee Negroes economic, social, and political equality. Emancipation
from slavery meant economic, psychological, social, and political
castration.

Moynihan finds a direct and close relationship between unem-
ployment of Negro males and broken homes. Moynihan contends
that before the Negro unemployment profile can improve, the Negro
family must be stabilized.

The Moynihan Study indicates that in one out of every four Negro
families where the husband is present and working, and someone
else in the family works, the husband is not the principal earner.

Negro females, according to the Report, stay in school longer
and are better students than Negro males. From 75 to 90 per cent
of all Negro honor students are girls. Statistical data supplied in the
Report indicate that nearly 25 per cent of all Negro births are illegi-
timate and that one half of all Negro children who reach age 1 8 have
not lived all their lives with both parents.

Negro Youths represent only one twentieth of the total United
States population, but they commit thirty-four per cent of the crimes
committed by juvenile offenders. Moynihan says that Negroes commit
a majority of the crimes against the person such as rape, murder,

109

and aggravated assault. According to Moynihan's analysis, Negroes
on the urban frontier are arrested in three out of every five cases for
rape, murder, and aggravated assault. In Detroit and Chicago during

1963, three-fourths of those arrested for murder, rape, and aggravated
assault were Negroes.

In 1960, fifty-six per cent of the homicide and fifty-seven per cent
of the assault offenders committed to state penal institutions were

Negroes.

Moynihan concludes that the combined impact of poverty, failure,
and isolation are factors which contribute to the Negro's precarious
delinquency predicament. But the primary cause of this pathological
tangle in Moynihan's view is the instability of the Negro family.

Statistical data extracted from the 1960 census report and data
from other sources in the Moynihan Report indicate that 88 percent
of the white families in the United States had both mother and father
present. Among Negroes, only 74 per cent of the families had both
mother and father present.

When the 1960 census was taken, the Negro divorce rate was
5.1 per cent. The divorce rate for whites during this same period
was 3.6 per cent. These figures presented in the Moynihan Report
represent a 40 per cent increase in Negro divorces between 1940 and

1964. Broken families among Negroes ranged from 38.2 per cent
in the South to a high of 45.5 per cent in the Northeast. Simply
stated, more than 34 per cent of the Negro families in the United
States in 1960 had matriarchial heads while only 10 per cent of the
white families had matriarchial heads.

Many unemployed Negro youths studied in New York lacked
motivation, minimal competence, and had such a low tolerance for
frustration that they could not absorb minor setbacks. These youths,
according to Moynihan, magnified minor irritants out of proportion
to reality. Very often they were aware of their inabilities and this
knowledge became extremely devastating to them. Knowledge of
their inability to cope with the environment forced many to alcoholism,
sex, or drugs. In 1963, Negroes made up 54 per cent of the people
in the United States addicted to drugs even though they comprise
not more than 1 1 per cent of the total population.

Two per cent of the white population were welfare dependents in
1960 while 14 per cent of the Negro population were welfare de-
pendents.

The Moynihan Report further implies that many of those Negro
youths who fail to make a satisfactory score on the Armed Forces
Qualification Test, are inadequately prepared for successful adjust-
ment. This test employed by the military attempts to determine
whether potential military personnel possess sufficient ability to per-
form at a level of competence acceptable to the various branches of
the military. This test, according to Moynihan, roughly measures
ability expected in 7th and 8th grade students. Fifty-six per cent
of the Negroes who take this test made an unacceptable score. Only

110

23 per cent of the whites who take this test made an unacceptable
score.

Studies cited in this report indicate that the presence of the father
in the home can increase the intelligence quotient from 1 to 9 points,
depending upon the grade level and the socio-economic level of the
child.

During 1964, twenty-nine percent of the Negro males in the United
States were unemployed 15 weeks or more. This significant unem-
ployment profile resulted from a lack of internal cohesion, the Negro's
inability to absorb frustrations, the lack of minimal competence and
motivation, his low tolerance for frustration, and his assumption of
the "Sambo Syndrome" transmitted to him from the days of chattel
slavery.

The Report Analyzed

The assignment and solution suggested by Moynihan seem simple
and quite possible in print, but the task becomes herculean when one
realizes that society has not seen fit to fully restore to Negroes the
40 per cent of humanity the founding fathers compromised away from
them.

Society expects Negroes to be inferior, submissive and omnisexual.
Moynihan adds to the assignment by demanding that Negroes be
strong patriarchs while maintaining all the traditional inhibitions.

Are historic injustices really responsible for the Negro's present
plight? Could not 100 years of emancipation change the Negro into
a stable human being desirous of social and economic rewards, if
the power structure made an honest effort to treat the Negro as a
fellow human with normal responsibilities? Is not an end to social,
economic, and political injustices a basic prerequisite for individual
and family stability?

The logic employed in the Moynihan Report is dangerously close
to the type of thinking employed by those who urge bootless Negroes
to rise up by their bootstraps. Such an admonition reminds one of
the Booker T. Washington injunction to his recently emancipated
fellows, already on the outskirts of hope, to let down their buckets
where they were. Some Negroes accepted the Washington injunction,
and some will probably follow Moynihan's commands. As the
victims of starvation wages, separate but unequal facilities, police
brutailty, unemployment, and discrimination, was it possible for the
Negro to join the band wagon and absorb middle-class sensibilities?
This indeed would have been the miracle of the century!

Those who would have all men embrace uniform moral standards
must also create the type of society which permits all citizens to
enjoy uniform privileges. A society which destroys or diminishes
humanity cannot realistically challenge subhumans to ascend to
heights of human respectibility. Social critics cannot realistically
admonish bootless Negroes or wearers of imaginary boots to stabalize
their family structure in the same manner this is achieved by their
more affluent bretheren. Centuries of chattel slavery and an Em-
Ill

ancipation Proclamation which created the semi-slave did not per-
petuate Protestant Anglo-Saxon family ideals.

Negro males in 1966 are but 20th century victims of chattel
slavery. Many abuses common to chattel slavery have been erased.
If today's Negro is not a victim of dehumanization, he is a victim
of the present semi-slave roles, and expectations.

This report asserts that American slavery was profoundly different
from, and its lasting effects on individuals and their children were
indescribably worse than any other type of slavery recorded in An-
cient or Modern history.

Many people familiar with slavery in the United States will probably
agree that slavery in the United States was an extremely savage ex-
ample of man's inhumanity to his fellowman but few reasonable people
will accept the thesis that the effects of cruel and inhumane treatment
can become a gene-like substance to be transmitted to all generations
of Negroes.

The implication is present in this report that historic injustices are
responsible for the Negro's present predicament. Such an implication
leads one to infer that the Negro is currently apathetic, indolent,
irresponsible, and omnisexual because slavemasters implanted these
characteristics centuries ago and present-day Negroes dare not refuse
to loose these characteristics.

Present unemployment deteriorates the Negro's self esteem and
the inability to secure rewards for being manly, courageous, or as-
sertive, destroys the patriarchial drive. Negroes are expected to be
accommodating and fulfill desired myths and stereotypes in a world
dominated by males. The Negro family structure is not in its present
precarious predicament because the father is absent. The problem
exists because American society will not permit Negro males to grow
up and assume the patriarchial role.

Negro males cannot assume their expected roles until they are given
the same or better economic opportunities than their wives and racial
counterparts. Family stability must be undergirded by equal economic,
social, and political opportunities for all American citizens. The
mere presence of the economically unstable husband cannot implant
the ideals of Anglo-Saxon institutions. Before one can assume an
equal sharing of responsibilities, there must be an equal sharing of
rewards.

Moynihan contends that the Negro is in a pathological tangle
primarily, because of the weaknesses inherent in the family structure.
Much of this pathology, he feels, is due to the destruction of the
Negro's will during the period of servitude. One wonders if the
continual destruction of his will since emancipation should not be
considered? The Moynihan Report leads one to believe that present
day Negroes inherited from their enslaved forebears a will which
cannot assert itself. Moynihan concludes that before the Negro can
assert himself, the family structure must be improved and, through-
out the report is the ever present implication that experiences realized

112

in the more than 100 years since emancipation did nothing to crush
the Negro's will to assume the patriarchial role today.

Society condemned Negro males to an enuch-like existence in a
culture which venerates the primacy of masculine characteristics.
Negroes like all other human organisms are products of the past and
present. They are moulded by past and present experiences. If
Negroes are still being victimized, it is not their historical experiences
which plague them. Experiences today which are similar to those
of yesterday prevent Negroes from realizing their full humanity.

God is not blamed for the Negro's inferiority. Negroes were not
born inferior, but historical experiences made him a savage. Even
though Negroes are not victims of a creative mistake, they do possess
the unique ability to transmit to all generations this savagery they
acquired during chattel slavery.

The Negro, according to Moynihan is incapable of growth and
developing into a first class citizen. Even when presented equality
of opportunity, there will not be equality of results where Negroes
are involved. He concluded that equality of opportunity will not
unwind the Negro's pathological tangle. Negroes are condemmed to
defeat before they are given an equal chance at the starting line, and
Moynihan refuses to accept the notion that Negroes are awkwardly
set in this gruesome situation.

Before Negroes can gain their humanity or secure the rewards
offered by society, Negroes must stabilize their families. .After they
have stabilized their families, possibly they will be able to dream the
American dream.

Moynihan implies that Negroes do not doubt their worth because
of contemporaneous factors. Inferior racial, economic, social, and
political status ascribed to them does not destroy their egos. Negroes
are merely victims of the past and are unable to adapt in today's
world. Historians and sociologists admit that the Negro matriarch
has been the stabiling force in the Negro family, but Negroes are
condemned to inferior roles because they are products of a matri-
archial household living in a patriarchial world.

The writer contends that Negroes can eliminate unemployment,
improve their intelligence quotients, become equal, locate desirable
housing, and become good citizens if they would only stabilize their
family structure.

Moynihan is simply saying that if the Negro stabilizes his family,
he can make the American dream a reality. But, can Negro males
really emerge into the mainstream of Americanism and stabilize their
families if their median income constantly falls 47 per cent below
the average income for other Americans?

Moynihan asserts that the Negro is disproportionately unemployed
because his frustration tolerance is too low. The matriarchial struc-
ture of his family has forced him out of line with American patriarchial
ideals and he has become an unsuccessful competitor in the job
market. The present matriarchial tangle in which the Negro finds

113

himself stiffles his motivation, retards his progress, and makes him
incapable of absorbing normal frustrations.

Negro males are not magicians adept in the art of disappearing
after creating a legal or common-law marriage. The present economic
structure does not permit Negroes to work and support a family.
Unable to locate employment, they simply disappear or desert in
order to make their families eligible for welfare payments and a more
affluent existence. Negroes will not be able to create stable families
if jobs are not provided for males, and only domestic tasks are made
available for females. The Negro male is not underemployed and
unemployed because his mother preferred a succession of temporary
lovers to a permanent husband.

Negroes are not unemployed because the family structure has
deteriorated. Even if employment were available, his salary would
not provide economic stability. In 1963 the median salary for Negroes
14 and over was $2444. During the same period, Caucasians realized
a median salary of $4800.

American Negroes are not economic weaklings by choice. The
economic status forced upon Negroes compel them to accept as their
National Anthem "I Can't Give You Anything But Love Baby."
Negroes do not have access to affluence, but they are expected to be
highly motivated and embrace all the sensibilities of the affluent.

In far too many instances of illegitimacy, it is economically ad-
vantageous for welfare purposes to consider the father who voluntari-
ly absents himself as a deserter.

Those of us who posses only a limited knowledge of psychology
realize that modern therapists consider the entire patient before
presenting a diagnosis or prognosis. Not only is the patient's past
history studied, analyzed, evaluated, and synthesized, but con-
temporary factors are also considered.

This report is telling an extremely gullible public, that Negroes
are omnisexual and barbaric and that the Negro's life-space consists
merely of the limited home environment. Certainly the world outside
the home must have some significance in the adjustment process even
for Negroes.

History alone is not the Negro's problem. Negroes are tied up
just as tightly in contemporaniety as they are in the past and the
future. Their life spaces present them with more than family disor-
ganization. Very often denials based on color help to destroy the
democratic ideals and values that society and the home attempt to
implant. Much personality disintegration must occur when Negroes
are disqualified for jobs, decent housing, and human interaction on
the basis of color.

Studies cited in the Moynihan Report imply that children from
fatherless homes seek immediate gratification of their desires, whereas
children from homes with fathers present seek long-term goals. In
Freudian terms, the implication is that the Negro has an overdeveloped
id and an underdeveloped ego, and is minus a super ego.

114

One's ego or self-concept is not molded in the limited environs of
the home or at some distant point in history or centuries in the past.
Of what value is it for a Negro parent to develop and nurture in her
child a desirable self-image and later watch the power structure;
demolish that creation?

Very often Negro children enter schools with bright expectations
only to be informed by society subtly and blatantly that they are
not equal and do not belong. The accepted idealistic educational
theories are not essential for ghetto survival and in far too many
instances our educational systems help to weave the webb which
entangles the Negro.

This report implies that Negro students lack motivation, because
a chaotic home fails to prepare them for meaningful educational ex-
periences. Since Moynihan is an alien trying to diagnose in a foreign
land, he cannot visualize the fact that imaginary jobs after graduation
cannot be a source of motivation. Negro youths who live in ghettoes
are more concerned with developing capability than in excelling
scholastically. The ghetto youth believes he needs just enough edu-
cation to foster survival.

Moynihan fails to mention that when psychological tests are
culturally unbiased one's present life space and his previous condition
will not significantly affect his score.

But the various psychological tests are culturally biased and the
typical Negro high school only imparts a seventh grade education to
many youths. Negroes do poorly on tests, because the tests they
encounter were standardized on an alien group. Even if Negro
families are stabilized and scholarship becomes the thing Negroes
desire most, motivation will not continue for a long period if their
education provides relevant skills for imaginary jobs.

Psychological studies cited in the report indicate that students
who live with their fathers and mother have higher intelligence
quotients than those from broken homes.

At John Hopkins University a psychology professor is in the
process of constructing and standardizing a culturally unbiased intel-
ligence test which indicates that one's environment has little or no
effect on his test performance.

It is doubtful that a study has been conceived which will support
Moynihan's contention that a psychologically unstable, uneducated,
and unemployed patriarch will cause a child's intelligence quotient
to rise.

Well-rounded citizens will not be created by the presence of jobless
patriarchs alone. Instead, Negroes must be aided by the application
of all the ideals that proceed from the United States Constitution.

According to the Moynihan Report, the Negro only has to reduce
the birth rate and stabilize his family and all the wonders of a de-
mocratic society will be his. Segregation and discrimination in hiring
practices need not be eliminated or equality of opportunity established.
Statistical compilations and psychological experiments may confirm

115

the implication that a larger proportion of Negro children seek im-
mediate gratification and are little concerned about future con-
sequences, but the mere presence of a father who cannot secure a job
will not erase the problem.

Negro children do not seek immediate gratification of their desires
without concern about future consequences because the father is
absent. The Negro child and his father have merely experienced a
longer period of starvation. The mere presence of the unemployed
patriarch, be he any color in the universal spectrum, will not end the
misery that accompanies hunger.

Very vivdly illustrated and documented in the report is the as-
sertion that nearly 25 per cent of Negro births are illegitimate. It is
revealed that illegitimacy is 8 times greater among Negroes than
among Whites. Many first born children are products of post-pre-
gnancy marriages. The figures range from 20 to 25 per cent. Because
of the Negro's economic plight and other factors, those organisms
conceived illegitimately by him prior to marriage often remain illegiti-
mate.

Members of both races hide illegitimacy through abortions with
the aid of sympathetic physicians and through adoption agencies.
Twenty-five to 40 percent of those securing abortions are unmarried
and there is a close relationship between economic status and the
number of abortions requested and secured. Reporting may account
for the wide ratio between White and Nonwhite illegitimacy rates.
Reporters may believe the myth that Negroes are sexually promis-
cuous and use their position to confirm this attitude. Very often the
more affluent, illegitimate mother can afford the services of private
hospitals, sympathetic doctors, and can secure the conscious and
unconscious help of social agencies to conceal illegitimacy and en-
hance the traditional myth.

Educational and economic deprivation tend to increase the Negro's
illegitimacy profile. Many Negroes are not aware of available con-
traceptives. The separated but not legally divorced Negro parent who
secures a Common Law arrangement becomes illegitimate because
a legal divorce is not economically possible. Many Americans believe
and they have brainwashed Negroes to believe that their only mascu-
line trait is embodied in their omnisexuality. Much more must be
known about the family structure of those in the lower class before
their predicament can be labeled pathological. A researcher reared
on a value system alien to the values embraced by the lower group
cannot honestly and objectively diagnose the illness of the disad-
vantaged group that supports different ideals which are not adhered
to by the advantaged group. If sex symbol continues to be the only
masculine symbol with which Negroes feel they can associate or
identify as masculine, then the males who father illegitimate children
will continue this practice.

Even though some columnists contend that the Negro family
resembles a harem more than it does a legal marriage, it is doubtful
that the Negro family structure is actually as pathological as the
Moynihan report suggests. Moynihan is evidently victimized by the

116

feminine mystique, and his ideal family is the typical middle class,
Anglo-Saxon family which embraces the prevailing sensibilities.

Families do not always disintegrate because of historical, economic,
or racial factors. Families disintegrate for many reasons. Families
may disintegrate because of cultural and personality differences among
parents, economic difficulties, or mental illnesses.

The Moynihan Report attempts to tie family stability to family
composition. Moynihan's statistical analysis and historical regression
may prove that inhumane experiences made Negroes inferior during
chattel slavery, and these factors were transmitted into the 20th
century. But he does not attempt to prove Negroes are incapable
of growth.

The all-time favorite savage is the sexually promiscuous Negro
mother who produces a litter of illegitimate brats in order to reap
an abundant harvest from aid to dependent children. This savage
throws garbage out of the window and stores coal in her bathtub.
Twentieth century Negro savages may have emerged from chattel
slavery but they cannot become humans today because they are still
victimized by the immorality, inhumanity, and savagery of today.

To contend that the savagery of contemporary Negroes resulted
from centuries of inhumane treatment is a noble attempt to escape
present realities. God is not responsible for a creative mistake. He
created all men equal, but Negroes assimilated their inferiorty during
slavery and were unable to eliminate or find a cure for this disease.

One reporter accuses Moynihan of employing sociological fakery to
give America an escape from the present. America, according to
the report, should plead guilty to the crimes of yesterday, but need
not admit that similar crimes are still being committed today.

Mankind equates his worth on the basis of his cumulative ex-
periences with others. Historical experiences minus contemporary
experiences could not create for the Negro his present pathological
statistical profile. One cannot justify the Negro's present precarious
plight on the basis of historical determinism and at the same time
ignore contemporary economic political, social, and educational de-
privation.

Negroes are admonished by Moynihan to stabilize their families.
But stability cannot be achieved until there is economic, social, and
political parity. Far too many Negro Americans are on, or below
the poverty line and cannot enter into the mainstream of American
existence. But Moynihan suggests that families be stabilized before
Negroes can start toward equality. According to the Moynihan Re-
port, unless families are stabilized, equality of opportunity will not
secure for Negroes equality of results.

Moynihan would have his readers believe that family stability is
automatically achieved when both parents are present, and that the
structure is stabilized by the mere presence of the male. If such
was the case one might conclude that a moron, imbecile, or idiot
male could bring stability to the family and that the matriarchial

117

structure rather than the attitude of the matriarch becomes destructive
for males.

One critic contends that Moynihan presents 125 different blocks
of information to support conclusions. There are 47 tables, 18
charts, and 60 pieces of data in the text. But only 9 pieces or 7 per
cent of the data presented deal with the problem of family instability.
Of the 9 pieces of data related to the problem, only 6 are reports of
studies showing a relationship between broken homes and delinquen-
cy.

When Moynihan's statistical data is translated from census indexes
to human lives, one discovers that more poor people tend to be
economically oppressed and exploited and that the impoverished
experience an enormous amount of social, mental, and physical suffer-
ing. A disproprotionate share of Negroes are poor, and they share
disproportionately in the nations crimes.

Negroes make up not more than 11 per cent of the Nation's
population. Since they comprise such a small part of the total popu-
lation, relatively small number of crimes committed by this group
will cause the Negro crime percentage profile to spiral to extremely
high levels.

Negroes realize a disproportionate exposure to crime, and they
are still being victimized by criminally inefficent education and racial
segregation. Improverishment compels the poor to waste away in
our prisons because our legal system has failed to provide uniform
justice for all economic classes in our society. Race prejudice en-
courages law officers to maintain double legal standards. To many
policemen, Negroes represent a threat to the status quo that policemen
feel they are obliged to protect.

The prospect of a hopeless future and unjust laws may lead one
to become enveloped in the types of escapes provided by drugs, sex,
alcohol, and crime. Federal job training programs which promise no
jobs at their conclusion do not enable one to cope with the harsh
realities that humans must encounter. The unrealistic prevailing at-
titudes communicated to the Negro frustrate him and push him
toward unsocial escapes. When Negroes employ unrealistic defenses
or escapes in an attempt to cope with an impossible situation, they
are accused of exhibiting the behavior of savages. Actually, Negroes
are only using what might seem to be savage escape techniques in
an attempt to cope with the savagery and inhumane experiences en-
countered in their comtemporary life spaces.

Implications and Conclusion

The Moynihan study may seem to paint an incomprehensibly dark
picture of the disease victimizing the Negro family. But at some point
the unfathomable must be approached, attacked, and conquered.

Possibly President Lyndon Johnson's Great Society's War on
Poverty is a step toward a desired solution. President Johnson's
social, economic, political and educational proposals and programs
are massive, quite comprehensive, and extremely idealistic. Yet they

118

probably fall far short of a desired solution. Great Society proposals
are probably only aspirin type remedies being offered as remedies
to a type of ghetto pathology and psychosomatic illness which demand
major surgery.

But very often extremely intricate solutions to perplexing problems
confronting sensible and ivory-tower thinkers may be so enmeshed
in the clouds until such viewers fail to comprehend or to suggest
practical solutions.

A realistic prescription for the illness diagnosed by Moynihan
might be the utilization of a major portion of the energy and funds
at the disposal of the supporters of the Great Society programs be
employed to improve education, to construct adequate houses, to
provide and promote fair employment and to make honest efforts in
the enforcement of existing laws.

The Federal government cannot be expected to establish a pattern
of family relationship which will embrace all the ideas of Anglo-Saxon
Protestantism, but the Federal Government can support, enforce and
encourage the effective application of the basic existing ideals of our
religious, political, social, economic and educational ideologies. Far
too many empty civil rights measures have been legislated and then
promptly ignored.

If the Negro family is in a pathological tangle and their family
structure is rapidly crumbling, only the Negro can cure the disease
and mend the cracks. Before Negroes can improve their family
profile, they must have the support of just laws fairly applied and
enforced, by the honest efforts of a concerned public, and the un-
compromising efforts of governmental officials on all levels. The
cancer will remain and the pathology will intensify, if society refuses
to restore to Negroes the large measure of humanity compromised
away from them by the founding fathers and later denied them by
racial supremacists.

One segment of society cannot be permitted to wallow on the
outskirts of hope in proverty, while another segment is embellished
by affluence.

The Negro problem is not completely imaginary nor are the
statistical tables, psychological studies, and historical data presented
in the Moynihan Report a determined attempt to keep Negroes out-
side the Great Society. It may not represent a pedestal of truth or a
paved route to paradise, but it does remind us that our society is the
victim of a disease which transcends family instability historically
and statistically documented on the basis of racial injustice.

Solutions are easily found when all seek and desire solutions.
Unless solutions are honestly sought immediately, this and future
generations may inherit a society incapable of remediation. The
Breakdown in Negro family life suggested by Moynihan may only
be a reflection of a broader breakdown in American society.

Despite a miserable past and an equally horrible present, relatively
few Negroes feel that they have only chains to loose. American
people are indeed fortunate to have been able to suppress and to

119

continue to suppress such a significant portion of her citizens and
only inherit family instability in return. Negroes continue to starve
dreamlessly and the continued denial of human gratification is akin
to spiritual genocide. Spiritual impoverishment and an environment
which creates a ghettorized mentality prevent their spirits from
soaring to the heights of human respectability.

Moynihan would have his readers believe that Negroes are victims
of postinjustices. But Negroes are just as awkwardly set in the
gruesome now as any of their counterparts. The savagery which
the Moynihan Report discovers in temporary Negro ghettoes was
not created centuries ago and suddenly swept into the twentieth cen-
tury.

Before granting Negroes an equal chance at the starting line, the
Report predicts defeat. Once again let me underscore the fact that
Moynihan's Negro is not inferior because the Creator made a mistake
when man was created. Negroes became inferior as a result of their
experiences as victims of chattel slavery. The means are somewhat
different, but the end product is the same inferior Negro who will
not be able to utilize equality of opportunity and enjoy equality of
results.

Is the Negro family really in the pathological tangle depicted in
the Moynihan Report? Can it be that Moynihan is a victim of the
feminine mystique and desires all elements in the Great Society to
possess those sensibilities embraced by middle class, Anglo-Saxon
Protestants?

120

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Gans, J. H. "Negro Family; Refections on the Moynihan Report," Commonweal
83:47-51, October 15, 1965.

Harrod, H. L. "Moynihan Report: Negro Family, The Case for National Ac-
tion," Christian Century 83: 180-182, February 9, 1966.

Lincoln, C. E. "Absent Father Haunts the Negro Family," New York Times
Magazine, P. 60, November 28, 1965.

Moynihan, D. P. "Negro Family: Visceral Reaction," Newsweek, 66:38-40,
December 6, 1965.

Moynihan, D. P. "Negro Family," New Yorker, 41:116, September 11, 1965.

Stern, T. N. Reply; "T. R. B. from Washington; Negro Breakdown; Family
Collapse," New Republic, 153:30, September 11, 1965. T. R. B. from
Washington; Negro Family Breakdown; Family Collapse," New Republic,
153:30, September 11, 1965.

"American Negro Family," America, 113:492, October 30, 1965.

"Negro Family, The Case for National Action," Christian Century, 82:15,
31-32, December 15, 1965.

"Negro Family Life," Commonweal, 83:229, November 26, 1965.

"Negro Family," Commonweal, 82-649-650, September 17, 1965.

Moynihan Report, New Republic, 153:8-9, September 11, 1965.

"New Crisis: The Negro Family," Newsweek, 66:32, August 9, 1965.

"The Negro Family; The Case for National Action," State of the Union
Message of President Lyndon B. Johnson, January 4, 1965. Office of
Policy Planning and Research United States Department of Labor.
Washington, D. C: Government Printing Office, March 1965.

121

Modern Art: The Celebration
of Man's Freedom*

by

Philip Hampton

Modern art is a nightingale's song, it is newly mown hay, it is the
feel of a soft summer breeze and it is the rising of a golden moon
across the bay. Modern art is a paradox it is not new nor is it
ancient. Modern art began before history, for sights, sounds, feeling
and smells have always been with man. Therefore, the summation of
all of man's experiences makes modern art. It is difficult for man to
have only a single experience, and if he did, it would hardly be worth
expressing in an art form.

It is not the beauty of the bird's song or the enchantment of the
moonrise that the artist must express, but it is rather the complete
freedom that God has given man, which allows him the enjoyment
of the sights and sounds of things around him. If man could not
experience sensory things and sing songs of praise or dramatize the
ritual of the wondrous sights and feeling, man would indeed be a
prisoner in a nightmare of ugliness.

But there are times when men refuse to look, though they have
eyes, they refuse to understand what they hear; and, as Aeschylus
said, they fashion all things like confused shapes in dreams.

For many centuries, wise men knew that a civilization is measured
by the "aesthetic test that this measurement is as Toynbee said, the
"surest as well as the subtlest."

Man's first "aesthetic test" was passed before civilization. It was
an expression of freedom, for man's first aesthetic expression was his
celebration of freedom from want. Some 10,000 years ago prehistoric
man made a mark that was to express his freedom from want, or,
indeed, his desire to be free from want. He drew upon his cavern
walls pictures of animals that represented his food supply. These
cave paintings served as a ritual, a commemoration, a purger of his
fears, and as a personal statement about a transitory experience.
For the most part, art has served these purposes every since.

One of the earliest developments of the ancient Egyptian was the
picture plane. It showed to all men that the Egyptian had achieved
a degree of freedom from primeval cultures. The ancient Egyptian
must have been elated to know that he had discovered a system for
living that offered man so many rewards, and it also offered liabi-
lities. But men learn sometimes slowly that freedom and responsi-
bility travel the same paths.

* Address delivered at Lincoln University, Jefferson City, Mo., February
24, 1966.

122

At first, the Egyptian artists must have experienced much delight
in discovering means and modes of expression in their art. But too
quickly were they disposed to settle for an only way to depict an
idea.

In their great urgency to express their ideas, they denied themselves
a latitude of individual freedom, for the authorities of Egypt de-
manded that all art comply with rigid regulations. The images of
gods in ancient societies impelled their artists to suppress original
thoughts. The Egyptian priest, for example, demanded of the artist,
for the most part, that they reveal the human form in an unnatural
position, that is, the head was almost always shown in profile while
the torso was shown in a frontal position. The legs were shown in
a profile plane parallel to the head. The Greeks were less restricted,
and they sought to gain truth but in its most idealistic form. This point
reminds me that it was Picasso who said that art must be a lie if
truth is to be found.

When one destroys the love of excitement and discovery of in-
dividual practice and thought, one will have unwittingly destroyed all
that is complete to the individual. Contain the thoughts and actions
of the writers, painters, poets, composers, sculptors and architects,
and you have locked up some of the more significant prodders,
antagonist, motivators and harassers of our civilized consciences.

Centuries after the fall of Rome, art followed a path of flat decora-
tive design or a frenzy of curves that for the most part had no relation
to realism. These forms, unrelated to realism as they were, reflected
man's innermost desires, and they were the dominating force of their
day.

It is natural for men to react to the dominating fears, ideals ojr
fantasies of their day. When men were dominated by the fear of
loosing their souls, they built cathedrals. When they were dominated
by the fear of loosing their bodies, they built castles. But, even
then, they never lost an opportunity to decorate their surroundings.
Their castles and churches gave them a feeling of security a feeling
of freedom. And they commemorated this feeling of being free with
stained glass windows, tapestries, scultpture, organic architecture and
illuminations.

Men of today have fears, too. They fear losing their bodies and
their souls. But their fear is the possibility of loosing their freedom.
To be sure, there are today men who have contracted the fear syn-
drome and have sought surcease in the worship of numbers, over-
productivity, conformity and destruction. They are members of the
robot-thermo-annihilation cult; their chief products are fear, hate, and
bombs; their goal is a lock-step march to nonentity.

There are other men of today who are not responders to program-
med punched cards. These men do not respond to the black magic
of push-buttoned machines, which think for people but not of people.
People are not machines; they cannot live for long with machine-like
thoughts; people need sustenance in the broadest sense, for men do not
live by bread alone. A man may surely eat well and still feel empty;
he may set his stomach free but leave his mind imprisoned.

123

Throughout the world, the modern artists of today, are refuting
the effects of the machine and those who blindly worship machine-
like thinking. In one country, a poet was sentenced to five years
at "useful labor," i. e., hauling manure, simply because he wrote
poems that appealed to his own emotions. It was Plato who advised
that the artist be controlled, because, as he implied, the persuasive
powers of the artist were often greater than the politician. It might
be that the power of the artist lies in his closeness to human con-
ditions.

The human condition must be free. Freedom to think what one
wishes to think and freedom to be responsible for what one thinks
are natural rights of modern man. Man is obliged to maintain the
freedom to think as he wishes; he is further obliged to reserve all
other men's right to this same freedom. If he fails to champion the
rights of other men, then he has automatically given up his last
vestige of freedom. For no man can hold another man in bondage
and be free himself.

Responsible freedom means discipline, self-control, character and
orderly conduct. Freedom in one sense of the word can imply that
one man has a priestly and exalted privilege over another.

Notwithstanding the gift of life, freedom is man's most precious
gift. It is a gift which too often must be seized by those who are not
yet free. It is nonetheless, whether a gift or not, a valuable possession.
Indeed, it would seem self-evident that most men eventually prefer
death to enslavement.

So frequently during the sundry epochs of man in his quest for
freedom, art has been a force, directly or indirectly, reflecting his
determination to be free. Art has been an inspiration which has
guided man on to his greatest ideal. Art has been produced by man
as an expression of gratitude, and as a joyous song to his gods for
being free. Man's destiny lies in his ability to keep alive his creative
throughts. No thought can be creative unless it comes from a mind
that is unfettered, unshackled and free.

Art is the articulation of feeling. It is also the articulate symbol
of freedom. It symbolizes man's freedom to entertain whatever ideas
that suit his fancy, and also his right to reject whatever ideas his
fellow men propose. This license only belongs to free men. In a
free society, art is freely explored, although it has not been accepted
by the masses. This is the highest example of individual freedom.
Stop one artist from creating and you stop the very spirit of freedom,
for what you do unto the least you do unto all. Stifle one individual,
and you have begun to stifle all individuals. Individual activity cannot
be tolerated in a closed society, for in a totalitarian society, artists
are told what is acceptable to the masses. The artists must then pro-
duce what is expected of them or simply not produce at all. What
new visions can be created under these conditions? Solomon said it
best about this kind of condition when he said, "Where these is no
vision, the people perish." It is our hope that our society does not
perish for lack of vision.

124

We must prepare to throw off the old when it has lost its usefulness,
for it is better to consider the new with bewilderment than to rot in
contentment with the old. But we can expect nothing new or good
if we do not prepare our citizens of tomorrow to respect the creative
mind and assume the responsibility for keeping alive the spirit and
the ritual of creative exploration. For if the spirit of man is neglected,
his spirit like an electrical short circuit, will cause the light of civiliza-
tion to suddenly go off.

It has become the obligation of the modern artist to prevent this
short circuit. It is his obligation to attack the visual complacency of
our time. It has become the obligation of the musical composer to
thwart aural obtuseness. The modern poet must arouse man with
a verbal earthquake.

The modern artist has too often been accused of being ludicrous,
ridiculous, and striving to chock. Or, put in another way, the modern
artist seeks to be glaringly evident. He has had to use a very con-
spicuous art to call attention, not to himself, but to his cause. His
cause is a non-verbal message which purports to save man from
his most portentous enemy himself.

It is not so important that we read the message of a singular modern
artist as it is for us to understand the communication of all modern
art in its totality. For this purpose, we might briefly and schematically
look into a few of the developments of modern art. It must be re-
membered that modern art is not new, nor is it ancient, and it cer-
tainly is not always non-objective. For the sake of clarity here, modern
art is confined to the twentieth century, and to periods just prior to
the twentieth century. It is about this time in the history of art that we
notice the arousal of human curiosity in what the artist was doing.
It is also here that the artist learned, without doubt, that he could
shock.

Certainly, the direct influences of twentieth century art did not
begin exactly in 1900. It might be safe to say that 1878 marked one
of the beginnings of an art that shocked human beings. It was this
year that marked the end of Cezanne's exhibiting with the group, that
is Monet, Pissarro, et al. It was at this time that Cezanne isolated
himself from the group and began abstracting landscapes with inter-
locking planes.

It was in 1880 when twenty-seven year-old Van Gogh began to
paint. He was a precursor of the twentieth cenutry mode of expres-
sion. He was a man who valued freedom for others as well as for
himself. And, his greatest contribution to freedom was the style
that he used to express his deepest feeling. His "Red Vineyards" was
the only painting that sold during his life.

Synthetism was partly a contribution of Paul Gauguin near the
year of 1889. It dealt with intensified, exotic colors, flattened forms
and heavy outlines.

Matisse, about 1905 realized the impact of color and recognized
that it could be free from mere additional description of a thing;
for example, a face, to Matisse, could be red or green or indeed both.

125

Finally, as a test of these ideas, a nebulous group known as the
"Wild Beast" evolved. It was a shortlived group, to be sure, but
Matisse was part of it and his contribution was important.

At about the same time of the "Wild Beast", the Bridge group
was founded in Germany. The work of the Bridge was highly emo-
tional and personal. It made many sociological, biological, political
and religious statements. Their work was often ugly, revolting and
extremely antagonistic. The power of the movement lasted only two
years. Some of its members were Emile Nolde, Edvard Munch, and
James Ensor.

Some years after the Bridge, the Blue Rider group was established
in Germany. Their work very quickly became non-objective and
indeed more cheerful than the Bridge group. Kandinsky is an example
of this group. In 1912, he published his treatise, Concerning the
Spiritual in Art, and in 1920 he produced his first completely non-
representational work. Painting became free of subject matter and
yet Kandinsky never thought of his paintings as completely divorced
from nature.

The Blue Rider group was international in scope, for example,
the "Four Blues" were Kandinsky, who was born in Moscow, studied
and taught in Germany and finally went to France; Jawlensky, a
Russian; Feininger, an American who taught in Germany, and Paul
Klee, a Swiss who taught in Germany.

The man with eighty styles of painting, as one critic stated, was
Picasso. Picasso discovered the impact of African sculpture, the
volumes of Cezanne, and a bizarre savagery. Picasso's style finally
came to be known as Cubism.

It is not known where the collage began, but Georges Braque used
it in his search for textures. Braque probably pursued collage in an
effort to establish his right to paint as he pleased and not to paint
after the slavish convention that only stressed technical skill. It was
Braque, more than any other artist, who made the harmonious fusion
of Fauvist color with Cubist form.

Duchamp, speaking of an art form, Dadiasm, declared it as
"... a way to get out of a state of mind to avoid being influenced
by one's immediate environment, or by the past; to get away from
cliche's to get free." In brief, the essence of this statement re-
presents what all men desire. But all men cannot express or share
the same freedom as does the artist. Most men are forced to find
freedom in a vicarious sense, and collectively, the artist provides
this condition. The modern artist, sensing, with an intense perceptive
quality, that he alone is responsible for having kept alive the in-
fluences that caused, for example, the creative designing of a build-
ing, a chair, a book jacket or a trinket, shares with all men the sym-
bols that remind them that their spirits are free. Illustratively, all
men are reminded of their free choices of ideas when the blinking
qualities of an op art, a painting, which magnetically demands their
attention for a fleeting moment. Man is reminded that he is free
to pursue that which others might call bizarre. Whether it is Pop,

126

Op or Kinetic art, it is good art simply because it opens the door to
adventure; it permits man to entertain his most haphazard ideas.

Modern art also reminds this generation that haphazard thinking
is a birthright of man. In spite of itself, it is a practice that is enjoyed
by many. We are warned that the day haphazard or accidential dis-
covery is stifled, is the day we all have induced a terrible microbe
into the peculiarly human structure of things. It will be a day when
we will have caused deliberative and eruditional activities to dry
up forever. The pride of men will seldom allow them to admit that
the precursor to many great ideas have been accidental and hap-
hazard thoughts. It was the late John Kennedy whose statement
helped us understand so much about our attitudes, when he said:

"When power leads man toward arrogance, poetry reminds
him of his limitations."

The poet, William Stafford must have been thinking along those
same lines when he wrote:

"Quiet in the earth a drop of water came,

and the little seed spoke: "Sequoia is my name."

It is the challenge of free men everwhere to look for the peculiar
qualities of all things. It is incumbent upon men to rejoice when they
experience new ideas, not because all new ideas are good but be-
cause new ideas mean that man is still alive and subjected to the
task peculiar to all free men that of making individual decisions.

Let us hope while we evaluate the symbols of our freedom and
the humans who produce them that we will allow no one to tell us
what we must accept as an art form. Let no one tell us how we
must make a human expression. Let not the critics, the government,
the snobs, nor the nextdoor neighbor tell us how we must fashion
and create a true work of art.

The seed of man's freedom and the hope for the harvest there-
after, lies in the breast of the creative mind. Let all the world stand
and cheer when the modern artist rises to offer his own individualistic
soul, which truly, is his ode to man's freedom.

Modern art, in its timeless continuum, is the sum of all men's
greatness. When it ceases to be heard, the birds will have stopped
singing, when it can no longer be felt, the breezes will have come to
naught. Man will have become imprisoned in an irrefutable ignorance
he will have been snared in a horrible trap of ugliness forever.
By the grace of God, long live modern art! Long live the symbol
of freedom! Long live the celebration!

127

A REVIEW

of

"The Use of Selected Technical Language

As A Means of Discovering Elementary

Teachers' Operational Definitions

of Teaching"*

by
Thelma Moore Harmond

An Overview

The Problem: The major purpose of this study was to discover
meanings which elementary teachers assign in classroom practice
to the specialized language of teaching. Through varied experiences
with prospective and in-service teachers, the writer had formed the
opinion that many persons, engaged in public school teaching and
professional education, had accepted the technical language of teach-
ing because of the familiarity of the words without having had full
awareness of the meaning of the language in its specilized sense.
Services to teachers could be upgraded, the writer believed, if more
knowledge were discovered about the meanings which teaching
principles, embodied in technical language, had for teachers as they
operated in classroom settings. From this background of thinking,
the problem of using selected technical language as a medium for
eliciting operational defintions of teaching from teachers evolved.

The Procedure: Investigative procedures involved three categories
of activity: devolping and using materials, selecting participants, and
obtaining judges. The first step in the development of a data-gather-
ing device was the selection of educational terminology.

Professional literature was the primary source from which tech-
nical expressions were obtained. Additional terminology was ob-
tained during contact with persons engaged in teaching. Fifty ex-
pressions were compiled, edited, and submitted to a panel of judges
who ranked items in terms of frequency of teacher-use and degree
of teacher-understanding. The judges worked independently in the
selection of items. The twelve most frequently selected were used in
the data-gathering instrument called, The Teacher-Incident Form.
The Teacher Incident Form was a self-reporting device on which
teachers defined the twelve selected expressions* through anecdotal
descriptions of teacher-pupil classroom behavior.

K (Ph. D. dissertation by author of the article, College of Education, The
Ohio State University, 1965.)

128

For assessment of teacher responses, definitions of the selected
items were formulated, and a rating instrument was constructed.
Dictionaries of education and research handbooks were utilized for
these tasks.

Study participants, fifty-eight in number, were senior-level ele-
mentary education majors at Savannah State College, Savannah,
Georgia and in-service teachers from three school systems. Table 1
reveals the number of pre-service and in-service participants.

TABLE 1. PRE-SERVICE AND IN-SERVICE
PARTICIPANTS

School System

or

Course

Number of

Pre-Service

Teachers

Number of
In-Service
Teachers

Brunswick-Glynn

10

Liberty

17

Savannah-Chatham

13

Education 429

7

Student Teaching

11

Total

1!

40

58

Judges who assessed participant responses were college directors
of elementary education, professional education teachers, elementary
school principals and supervisors. Judges rated responses as highly
relevant, somewhat relevant, and irrelevant in terms of response
consistency with item definitions.

The Results: From the fifty-eight respondents, a total of 696
responses to the twelve expressions was possible. Of these, judges
found 100 to be highly relevant, 368 somewhat relevant, and 89
irrelevant. Responses were omitted for 139 items. Table 2 reveals the
frequency of rated responses.

*The twelve selected expressions were I. Using Teacher-Pupil Planning,
II. Meeting the Needs of Children, III. Providing for Individual Differences,
IV. Starting Where Children Are, V. Teaching the Whole Child, VI. Develop-
ing a Sense of Belonging, VII. Using the Problem-Solving Approach, VIII.
Motivating the Child to Learn, IX. Learning by Doing, X. Using the Demo-
cratic Process, XL Improving Human Relationships, XII. Developing Ability
to Do Critical Thinking.

129

TABLE 2. FREQUENCY OF RATED RESPONSES

RATINGS

Item

Highly
Relevant
3 (f)

Somewhat
Relevant
2 (f)

Irrelevant
1 (f)

No
Response
(f)

Number

I.

13

38

1

6

58

II.

3

38

9

8

58

III.

9

34

9

6

58

IV.

11

30

5

12

58

V.

5

24

9

20

58

VI.

7

36

3

12

58

VII.

7

21

14

16

58

VIII.

10

33

7

8

58

IX.

15

30

6

7

58

X.

6

31

9

12

58

XI.

11

27

5

15

58

XII.

3

26

12

17

58

Total

100

368

89

139

58

As a group, in-service teachers received a greater percentage of
highly relevant ratings than did prospective teachers, but this dif-
ference, assumed attributable to experience, was not statistically
significant. *

For several items, there were statistically significant differences in
the meaningfulness of definitions provided by upper grade teachers
over primary teachers and from urban teachers over teachers in
town and rural systems.

The responses provided evidence of excellent teacher understand-
ing of the language of teaching, limited understanding, misunder-
standing, and verbal inadequacy. Despite the probability of other
factors, it appears safe to assume that a percentage of response
omissions resulted from teacher inability to interpret certain items
in terms of classroom behavior. Further study of this assumption
seems to be indicated.

''To determine significance at the 5 per cent and 1 per cent levels, the data
were subjected to the X 2 or Chi-Square Test by The Ohio State University
Statistics Laboratory. An extension of Fisher's Exact Probability Test, as
found in Siegel, Non-Parametric Statistics was applied to X 2 's that showed
significance.

130

Analysis of the data provided insight into the adequacy of ele-
mentary education at Savannah State College. The findings seem
to indicate, also, the need for teacher education offerings to be so
meaningful that teachers will no longer use technical langauge pre-
tentiously but will develop genuine understanding of the language of
teaching.

The Review

Although the major purpose of this study was to discover meanings
which elementary teachers assign in practice to the specialized lan-
guage of teaching, the writer believed that assessment of the findings
of the study would (1) reveal clues which Savannah State College
might use to evaluate and upgrade its total program of teacher
education and (2) provide considerable data for further exploration
on teaching. In this section, therefore, the first four chapters of the
study are reviewed; possible implications of findings are examined,
and recommendations are made in much the same format as they
were treated in the fifth and final chapter of the dissertation.

Chapter One

In the first chapter of this investigation it was noted that man
has sought during several centuries, either philosophically or func-
tionally, for adequate definition of teaching. Despite this long search,
until the present decade there was very limited research on teaching
as a total process. In the research which is being currenty reported,
the teacher has rarely been an active participant. Rather, he has been
observed, or he has been asked to react to the structured instruments
of an investigator. This writer believed that valuable insights about
teaching could be gained if the nature of perceptions which teachers
themselves have about the teaching process could be ascertained.

The writer is employed in a program of teacher education in a
state-supported institution located in Savannah, Georgia. Her work
at Savannah State College includes teaching students who are pre-
paring to become teachers, supervising student teaching, and work-
ing in a variety of situations with public school teachers. In the
course of professional communication with prospective and in-service
teachers, the writer has had occasion to question the extent to which
true communication has gone on, even though she and the individual
teacher or group of teachers were using the same "language of teach-
ing". The following anedotes reflect what is sometimes happening
when individuals use or listen to language which speaker and listener
believe to be mutually understood:

A parent told the story of her six-year old daughter who an-
nounced, after a few days of school, that she did not like her
teacher. The parent was naturally concerned and probed into
reasons for the dislike. "Because", said the six-year old, "on
the first day of school teacher told me to sit 'there' for the
present, and she hasn't given me a present yet".

A very young child, under two years of age, had been intro-
duced to nursery rhymes. He enjoyed the rhythm though the

131

words meant little in terms of his limited experiences. He had
experienced much pleasure with a teddy bear, however, which
accounted for his rendition of "Old Mother Hubbard":

"Old Mother Hubbard went to the cupboard

To get her poor dog a bone,

But when she got there,

The cupboard was a bear

And so the poor dog had none."

It was highly probable, the writer believed, that many persons
in professional education have accepted the technical language of
teaching because of the familiarity of the words without having been
aware of the meaning of the language in its specialized sense. She
believed that the quality of her services to teachers could be improved
if she were to discover more about the meanings which teaching
principles, couched in specialized language, had for teachers as they
operated in classroom settings. From this background of thinking
the problem of using selected technical language to elicit from teach-
ers their operational definitions of teaching evolved.

Chapter Two

Literature which appeared to bear some pertinence to this invest-
igation was reviewed in Chapter Two. The literature examined was
grouped in three categories: related research, writings on teaching
in general, and the language of education.

According to reviewers of educational research, there is a shortage
of research on teaching. The writer found that studies related to direct
teacher-involvement in defining teaching were virtually non-existent.
Therefore, in the related research section of the review of the litera-
ture, the writer examined studies which dealt with (1) value in teacher
education; (2) professional understandings; (3) the use of varied
observational techniques to determine what teachers do, and (4)
the use of self-reporting devices for gathering data. It appeared that
studies in the preceding categories were related to the present investi-
gation in terms of rationale and possible study approaches to be
employed.

Since there was no dearth of articles and books on teaching in
general, the writer did not attempt a comprehensive review for this
category. Writings around these concerns were examined:

1. The individuality of "quality teaching".

2. Formulas for good teaching.

3. Human relations approaches to teaching.

4. The need for research to provide additional understandings
about teaching.

To the writer, there appeared to be a fundamental aspect of dif-
ference between the literature in teaching through the mid-nineteen
fifties and that which has been written since the late nineteen-fifties.

132

In the former period, teaching was defined and described, and teach-
ing methodology was prescribed with a surety that has not been
evident in the writings on teaching during this latter period. There
seems to be the general recognition that much more research on
teaching is needed.

Regarding the language of teaching, the evidence seems to indicate
that educators are very much concerned with meaning. Teaching is
viewed by many, B. Othanel Smith among them, as largely a linguistic
function. The presently accepted language of teaching is being ex-
amined, and there appears to be a growing belief that teacher educa-
tion must provide the means whereby teachers develop greater under-
standing of the structure and meaning of language.

Chapter Three

In Chapter Three the methods for conducting the inquiry were
described. Three broad categories of activity were engaged in during
the conduct of the investigation: (1) development and use of ma-
terials; (2) selection of study participants; and (3) obtainment of
judging teams.

Three instruments were developed for gathering and assessing
data. These were the Teacher-Incident Form, a definition sheet, and
a rating scale. The Teacher-Incident Form was the data-gathering
device on which study participants made their responses. Judging
teams used the definition sheet and ratting scale to assess responses
of participants.

Study participants were (1) in-service elementary teachers em-
ployed in three school systems within a hundred-mile radius of Sa-
vannah State College and (2) prospective elementary teachers en-
rolled in the last prefield course and in student teaching at Savannah
State College. The writer believed that comparative analysis of re-
sponses from the in-service and pre-service groups would reveal
superiority of responses made by in-service teachers because of their
greater experience and training. She also believed that upper grade
elementary teachers would make more meaningful responses to items
than would primary teachers, but that no significant difference would
be noted among responses made by teachers in an urban, a large
town, and a rural school system.

The individuals who assessed the responses of the participants
were college directors of elementary education, members of college
departments of education, elementary school principals and super-
visors. These persons had backgrounds of rich personal and profes-
sional experience, and they either held doctor's degrees or had studied
for at least a year beyond their master's degree programs.

Data from teachers about themselves and assessments of responses
by judges were tabulated into a master chart called the Summary
Chart. This device was employed as a ready source of data for
analysis of the findings.

Chapter Four

Chapter Four was devoted to the report and the interpretation of
study findings. Fifty-eight persons eighteen prospective and forty

133

in-service teachers returned data sheets, The Teacher-Incident
Forms. There were twelve items on the Teacher-Incident Form, and
teachers had been requested to write incidents illustrating the meaning
of each item. Judges rated the incidents as highly relevant, somewhat
relevant, and irrelevant. A summary of judges' ratings of the incidents
submitted by the fifty-eight participants showed that there were 100
highly relevant responses, 368 somewhat relevant responses, and 89
irrelevant responses. For 139 items, no responses were given.

Although in-service teachers, as a group, received a slightly greater
number of highly relevant ratings on items than did prospective
teachers, analysis of the data did not reveal that the experience of the
in-service teachers made a statistically significant difference in their
ability to interpret study items more adequately than the pre-service
group.

As a group, upper grade teachers excelled primary teachers in the
ability to interpret specialized language meaningfully. However, for
only one item was this superiority statistically significant.

A comparison of response ratings among teachers working in a
rural, a large town, and an urban school system indicated that the
urban group reported the largest per cent of highly relevant responses.
However, for only two items was there statistical significance.

Possible Implications of Findings

Reports from teachers, termed "anecdotes", and more recently
"incidents", have been widely used as sources of information for
child study. There is recognition that such reports are often as much
the reflection of a teacher's outlook as of a child's behavior, but de-
spite this possible limitation, anecdotal records are considered to be
potentially excellent sources of data for child study. Much of their
value lies within the fact that they can be consulted again and again.

This writer believed that this type of report, if done by teachers
in regard to their classroom behavior, could yield a supply of data
which could be used for increased understanding of teacher-perception
of the meaning of teaching. She believed that increased understanding
of the teacher's interpretation of the teaching role should be the
working basis for providing assistance to the teacher toward improve-
ment of his teaching.

Inasmuch as teacher-narratives given as responses to items on the
Teacher-Incident Form gave evidence of ( 1 ) excellent teacher-under-
standing of the language of teaching. (2) misunderstanding, (3)
limited understanding, and (4) inadequate communication skills, it
appears that the nature of understandings which teachers have in
regard to meanings of certain technical language can be revealed
through the use and analysis of structured self-reports. Omissions of
responses to items might be interpreted in several ways, and some of
the factors involved may never be known. It is assumed, however,
that at least some percentage of omissions resulted from teacher-
inability to interpret certain items in terms of classroom behavior.
Even if it is assumed that failure to respond sometimes resulted from

134

teacher indifference, lethargy, or refusal to do what is not admini-
stratively commanded, there appear to be fertile fields for exploration
and study.

A second implication of findings from this investigation involves
possible insights into the adequacy of the program of elementary
education at Savannah State College. There were fifty-eight respond-
ents in the present study. Eighteen of them were students enrolled
in the Department of Elementary Education at Savannah State Col-
ege, and forty were in-service teachers.

Examination of the Summary Chart data reveals that twenty-eight
of the in-service respondents were graduates of the College. This
figure represents 70 per cent of the in-service study population.
Among the 30 per cent who were not graduates of the College were
those (1) who have attended workshops and conferences on the
College campus; (2) who have been participants in the program of
student teaching, and (3) who have used College facilities and the
services of College staff members. Directly and indirectly, therefore,
the College has exerted widespread influence upon the teaching
population working in the geographical area included in this study.
For this reason, it appears apparent that the strengths and weaknesses
revealed by participants as they attempted to define teaching through
actual or observed practice are, at least, reflections of certain ad-
equacies and inadequancies in the program of teacher education at
Savannah State College.

There is possibly a variety of factors implied in the finding that
in-service teacher-experience revealed no statistically significant dif-
ference in teacher-interpretation of the selected technical language.
The writer noted with surprise, as she analyzed findings, that prospec-
tive teachers had a higher percentage of highly relevant ratings on
their incidents involving teacher-pupil planning, learning by doing,
and developing critical thinking then did in-service teachers. The per
cent of irrelevant responses to the item on problem-solving was six
times greater for in-service teachers than for the pre-service group
although the prospective teachers, as a group, had larger percentages
of irrelevant responses and omitted responses than did the in-service
group.

On the positive side of the "experience ledger", responses of stu-
dent teachers revealed their understanding of the meaning of teaching
language to be superior to that of their pre-student teaching counter-
parts.

Among the factors which might be examined to determine why
in-service teacher experience did not significantly affect teacher-defi-
nition of the technical language are those of teacher selection and the
quality of in-service education programs.

Conclusions

Implicit, at least, in the present study is the question of whether
teachers really understand the language of teaching in terms of class-
room operation or whether they merely verbalize phrases which they

135

have heard applied to the teaching process. Certain results of the
study appear to give even greater pertinence to this question.

First of all, of the possible 696 responses which the fifty-eight
subjects could have made to the twelve items on the data-gathering
device, only 100 were rated as highly relevant. Secondly, the frequent
occurance of inappropriate word choices and obvious limitations in
interpretation seem to indicate the probability of language disabilities
ranging from moderate to severe among a large number of respond-
ents. Examples of the foregoing are such items as:

1 . ... "a strick, rigid atmosphere" . . .

2. "Since a smile costs so little I encourage smiles as a friendly
jester."

3. ... "They are taught now to appreciate the beauty of nature
and how to conserve it. When one becomes emotionally dis-
turb, he knows what to do because he has learned how to
conquer his emotional probelms."

4. . . . "the teacher helped a group of fourth graders become
socially adjusted by providing experience in which the pupils
dramatized a short play."

It appears that such responses indicate that teachers have learned
words and expressions without always understanding what they
signify. According to Bontrager, it is the failure to learn signification
which causes "parrot-like reproduction that we are so familiar with
today". Bontrager differentiates between the sign and symbol in
language development. The sign is meaningless; the symbol stands
for something. For example, when one issues a check on a zero
bank account, the check is a sign which stands for nothing. He
continues :

The penalty for such use of these particular signs as symbols
is usually jailing. This analogy applies to the oral noises we
make, which occasionally become symbols and at other times
do not; as yet, no penalty is enacted for such a fraud. 1

Bontrager believes that many methodological practices provide a
favorable climate for the growth of verbalism. He states that the
prevailing teaching procedures are almost exclusively verbal 2 , and
this point is made by McGrath in reference to instruction carried
on in predominantly Negro colleges and universities. Referring to
Negro colleges and universities, McGrath states that "instructional
procedures in all institutions should be more diversified to enrich the
present dominant use of lectures, recitations, and assigned readings
in textbooks". 3

In view of study findings and authoritative suggestion, the writer
makes the recommendations which follow.

1 0. R. Bontrager, "Some Possible Origins of the Prevalence of Verbalism,"
Elementary English, XXVIIII (February, 1951), pp. 98, 150.

2 Ibid, p. 101.

3 Earl J. McGrath, The Predominantly Negro Colleges and Universities in
Transition, New York: Bureau of Publications, Teachers College, Columbia
University, 1965, p. 166.

136

Recommendations

1. The writer recommends that courses in all phases of the
program for educating teachers at Savannah State College be under-
girded with varied, meaningful experiences.

Up to this point, students attending Savannah State College have
been members of the American Negro sub-culture and have largely
come from a region of the country which lags economically, educa-
tionally, and culturally. As members of a sub-culture in a disadvan-
taged region, they have not been exposed to the types of experiences
which develop language competency in listening, speaking, reading,
and writing. Therefore, it appears evident that the College should as-
sume responsibility for developing reasonable proficiency in these
(and other) skills that the vicious cycle of language inadequacy will
not continue to repeat itself. Increased breadth in reading assignments,
wider use of visual, auditory, and automated devices, planned trips
and personal contacts, more frequent use of verbal illustration by
instructors, and increased opportunity for student verbalization are
among the possible activities which might lead toward realization of
this recommendation.

2. It is recommended that Savannah State College consider a
revision of its grading system that students with teaching potential,
who need longer than four years for growth toward minimum pro-
ficiency standards, would not be academically penalized.

Because the possibilities for a "good" economic life have been
limited largely to the Negro's going into the traditional professions
and because teaching is one of the easier of these professions to
enter, many students who have neither ability for nor genuine interest
in teaching enter the teacher education program at Savannah State
College. For such students, there is the obvious need for the College
to attempt to make its selective admissions program more adequate.
On the other hand, there are students with excellent potential for
teaching in several ways, who enter or wish to enter teacher education,
but they suffer restricting academic deficiencies. It is for this large
group of students that the foregoing recommendation is made.

Consideration of this recommendation might mean addition of
some such letter as P to the present grading scale of A, B, C, D, F.
P (or some such symbol) could stand for progress. This symbol
would be administered only if evidence were available to indicate a
student's measurable growth toward, but non-attainment of, minimum
proficiency during a given quarter. Thus, the prospective teacher
could be assisted toward acquirement of needed understandings and
skills without the penalty of a D or F on his record.

3. The writer recommends that the College, in addition to the
experience-enrichment of courses, provide an enlarged program of
extra-class activities and seek ways of encouraging each student to
participate in, at least, one such activity.

Culturally deprived college students need exposure to diverse op-
portunities which will help them compensate for social and esthetic
inadequacies.

137

4. It is recommended that greater emphasis be placed on the
study of personality development and exceptionality in the profes-
sional courses for teacher education majors, or that courses in these
areas (particularly in exceptionality) be offered as guided electives.

In the State of Georgia, teacher education for working with excep-
tional children is conceived of as graduate work. However, it is recom-
mended that Savannah State College enrich its undergraduate program
of teacher education in exceptionality because in this study in-service
and prospective teachers revealed limited understandings and miscon-
ceptions about individual differences, the teacher's responsibility in
meeting needs of pupils, and in specific instances of exceptionality,
as emotionally disturbed children. Regarding the challenge for in-
stitutions offering teacher education to become aware of needs in
this area, Berlin writes:

The failure of many teachers colleges to recognize the need
for new methods to deal with today's problem children continues
to handicap teachers. The problems which confront our teachers
today need to be realistically understood and assessed by teacher
education institutions. They can help their students learn new
methods of dealing with their parents. They might also help
plan in-service training for teachers designed to help these
disturbed and difficult students to learn. 4

Research Possibilities

Reviewers of studies on teaching are consistent in their statements
concerning the need for more research on teaching. Regarding re-
search in teacher education, J. Stanley Ahmann states:

. . . The greatest shortage in education today is not that of
qualified teachers, or adequate buildings, or tax dollars. Instead
it is a shortage of facts about the educational process, specifically
facts about learning processes, the learner and the teacher. 5

While Ahmann does not dismiss the value of action research, he
believes that through it we tend to solve today's problems tomorrow
because action research often stems from a problem which already
bears heavily upon education. He sees basic research as usually a
better procedure than action research though the line of demarcation
between the two is blurred. To Ahmann basic research is that inquiry
with a strong theoretical orientation. It is characterized "by a specific
theoretical orientation, far-reaching research effort, and the presence
of interlocking problems, the solution of which will place us in a
position to identify causality" 6 . He gives as an example of basic re-
search the Exploration in Personality work done in 1938 by Henry
Murray. Growing from Murray's "need-press" theories have been

*I. N. Berlin, "The Atomic Age - The Nonlearning Child - The Parent",
Educational Leadership, XXI (April, 1964), 447.

5 J. Stanley Ahmann, Educational Research Today ("Association Student
Teaching Bulletin No. 20: Research and Professional Experiences in Teacher
Education; Cedar Falls, Iowa: AST, 1963), pp. 4-5.

Hbid, p. 8.

138

mm, STATE COLLEGE L.BKAKT

\ STATE COLLEGE BRANCH

developed such instruments as the Thern^tiSAVj^^Nfcf^ioQ^Test and
the Edwards Personal Preference Schedule. Ahmann 'believes that
"it is possible that this type of research will ultimately allow us to
approach the causality problem and hence permit us, within limits,
to solve tomorrow's problems today". 7

Despite the limitations of the present study in terms of diversity
of study population, time, money, and research skills, the writer
believes that in it are to be found clues for further research. She
ventures to suggest those which follow.

1. In educational research, as the investigator analyzes his find-
ings to solve designated problems or to evaluate tentative be-
liefs, it is not unusual for him to discover that his data have
raised pertinent questions to which answers should be sought.
The writer suggests that continuation of the present study by
a researcher could provide data for increased understanding
of teachers and teaching.

2. The twelve items included in the data gathering device for
this study were selected empirically. It appears that a meaning-
ful contribution to knowledge could be made through a study
of certain intercorrelations among these items.

3. Although there were similarities in the training and cultural
backgrounds of participants in the present study, some of the
operational definitions were "rich" in meaning, others were
"poor". What kinds of persons wrote "rich" definitions; what
kinds wrote "poor" ones? Analysis of available personal and
professional data from these two groups might yield information
which would help those responsible for teacher education pro-
grams to enrich or to revise programs with more accuracy
in terms of teacher-needs.

4. Experts are not in agreement about the adequacy of the present
language of teaching. One school of thought holds that the
language is ambiguous, antiquated, and unsuited to the pace
of late twentieth century living. Another believes that the
slogan-like-use of teaching language will be reduced if students
study the works of John Dewey instead of studying about
Dewey. The writer believes that studies centering around the
adequancy of presently used teaching language could make a
worthwhile contribution to teacher education.

5. Findings from the present study seem to suggest, at certain
points, that teachers need to acquire much more facility in
language and logic. Current research on teaching appears to
indicate that productive teacher behavior in the logical opera-
tions "requires the facility of language and knowledge of facts,
concepts and prinicples which comprise an area of instruction
and the rules and abilities to handle the logical operations". 8

ybid, p. 8

8 Herbort F. LaCrons, A Proposal for the Revision of the Pre-Service Profes-
sional Component of a Program of Teacher Education, (Washington, D. C:
The American Association of College for Teacher Education, 1964), p. 22.

139

Research of certain individuals, as B. Othanel Smith, is being
included in new content for professional education which
attempts to relate language and knowledge with rules and
abilities. The writer suggests the need for experimental research
with new content as the AACTE proposals 9 or studies in-
dependently conceived which stress linguistics and logic to be
carried on by those involved in teacher education programs.

6. Participants in this study, particularly in-service teachers, re-
vealed glaring weaknesses in their understanding of "critical
thinking" and "problem-solving 1 ' either through irrelevant nar-
ratives or omissions of responses to these items. There is dis-
agreement among educational writers concerning whether
critical thinking can better be taught directly or indirectly.
However, the goal of helping pupils to develop ability to do
critical thinking remains a constant in educational literature.
Persons engaged in teacher education might do well to involve
themselves in experiments to help them determine excellent
approaches to the development of problem-solving and /or
critical thinking skills among prospective and in-service teach-
ers.

7. Values are the large forces which give direction to lives, both
personal and professional. They are sometimes called the
catalysts which change knowledge and skill into responsible
behavior. Expressed American educational values are said to
be those representative of a specific class group of Americans.
The writer ventures to suggest that a value-study might be at-
tempted with the population participating in this investigation.
Meyers and Torrance 10 in a study on creativity concluded that
teachers can encourage creative thinking only if their values
support creativeness. It appears that research into the values
of the respondents to this investigation (or a similar group)
might yield a large number of the insights needed to assist
teachers in their struggle to give meaning to teaching.

9 Ibid.

10 R. E. Meyers and E. Paul Torrance, "Can Teachers Encourage Creative
Thinking?" Educational Leadership, XIX (December. 1961) pp. 156-59.

140

An Analysis of NTE Scores and Quality

Point Averages of Selected SSC

Graduates from 1961 through 1966

by

Martha W. Wilson

The National Teacher Examinations are required at Savannah
State College as senior comprehensive examinations for students ma-
joring in the Division of Education. Each senior is required to take
both the Teaching Area Examination in his major area of concentra-
tion and the Common Examinations. The Common Examinations
are included in this requirement on the assumption that every prospec-
tive teacher should be able to demonstrate reasonable competence
with respect to professional knowledge, general culture, English us-
age, and mathematics skills. Their value as a comprehensive is en-
hanced by the fact that scores on the various parts of the Common
Examinations are scaled so that comparisons may be made among
them for a given student or among groups in a given institution from
year to year. The Teaching Area Examinations cover subject matter
areas such as areas of major concentration. For the most part, these
tests are devoted to problems of teaching the subject matter, but
concern is also shown for subject matter competence. The National
Teacher Examinations do not purport to assess anything other than
knowledge assimilated and few experts deny that they achieve this
objective. In general, it may be said that, in these tests, understandings
are emphasized rather than rote recall of information. While, knowl-
edge of subject matter is not sufficient to assure teacher competence,
certainly it is necessary to the attainment of true competence. To this
extent, then, performance on this test becomes an important con-
sideraion for college seniors in the field of Education. In addition,
many geographical areas have established minimum scores on NTE
as prerequisites for teacher employment.

This study was made to determine (1) whether there does exist
any significant relationships between NTE scores of SSC graduates
and their academic achievement as measured by quality point aver-
ages in the subject matter areas with which the tests are concerned
and (2) whether there are significant differences among groups of
students classified according to area of major concentration with re-
spect to NTE scores and quality point averages.

Included in the sample studied were SSC graduates from 1961
to 1966 for whom all desired items of data were available. Since
their part scores on the Common Examinations were not available,
graduates of the year 1963 and 1965 were excluded. Music education
majors were omitted in classifying students according to area of con-
centation since there were too few for consideration.

NTE data utilized for each student included these scaled part scores
on the Common Examinations: professional information, mathematics

141

and science, and English; the composite scaled score on the Common
Examinations; and the scaled score on the Teaching Area Examina-
tion. Cumulative quality point averages were computed for each
student on the basis of grades earned in college courses in each of
the following subject matter areas: education, mathematics and sci-
ence, English and the student's major area. These were considered
in addition to the over all cumulative quality point average at gradua-
tion. Intercorrelations between NTE scores and the related quality
point averages were computed. All mathematical computations for this
study were made on the IBM 1620 Computer at Savannah State
College. The composite scores on the Common Examinations have
a possible range from 300 to 900. The part scores and scores on the
Teaching Area Examinations may range from 30 to 90 and the
quality point averages range from (F) to 4.0 (A).

TABLE 1. STATISTICS NTE SCORES OF
1961-62-64-66 SSC GRADUATES

N = 272

Prof. Math & Composite Teaching

Info. Science English NTE Area

Mean 45.0 44 43 436 47

S. D. 4.7 7.1 8.1 57 6.4

TABLE 2. STATISTICS ON QUALITY POINT AVERAGES

OF 1961-62-64-66 SSC GRADUATES

N =

272

Education

Av.

Math &

Science

Eng.
Comp.

Cum.
QPA

Major

Av.

Mean
S. D.

2.8
.48

2.4
.59

2.2
.54

2.5
.38

2.7
.43

TABLE 3. INTERCORRELATIONS BETWEEN NTE

SCORES AND QUALITY POINT AVERAGES OF

1961-62-64-66 SSC GRADUATES

N = 272

Education

Math &

Eng.

Cum

Major

Average

Science

Comp. Av.

QPA

Average

Prof. ^ ^

Info.

^ .46

.51

.23

.58

.36

Math &

^ ^

Science

.25

^.36

.14

.40

.33

English

*" s "

Score

.45

.50

^.32

.61

.37

Composite

^

Score

.50

.57

.27

-.66

.46

Teaching

~

Area

.28

.27

.05

.30

^.34

142

One might expect that quality point averages in the respective
academic areas would have a high positive correlation with scores on
the related sections of the Common Examinations. Table 3 shows
the results of these computations. The correlation coefficients (r)
located on the diagonal represent the strength of the relationships
between academic achievement in given areas and scores on the
related tests. The correlation between the 4 year cumulative quality
point average and the composite score on the Common Examinations
was found to be .66 with a standard error of .06. This "r" is highly
signficant statistically as well as from a practical point of view. How-
ever, the other values of "r" on the diagonal of Table 3, although in-
dicating definite positive relationships between the variables, are too
low for the purpose of prediction.

The total group was then classified according to major areas of
concentration and the following measurements on each student were
considered: composite NTE score, cumulative quality point average,
and score on the Teaching Area Examination. Table 4, Table 5, and
Table 6 show the means and standard deviations computed for each
major area.

TABLE 4. STATISTICS ON NTE COMPOSITE
SCORES BY MAJOR AREAS

Phys. El.
Ed. Ed.

Ind.
Ed.

Bus.
Ed.

Gen. Soc.
Sci. Sci. Math English Total

N

Mean
S. D.

25 90

410 418

59 44

20

419

47

19

431
60

18 32 32 32 268

445 449 476 480 438

45 59 55 60 57

TABLE 5. STATISTICS

ON

QPA BY MAJOR AREAS

Phys. El.
Ed. Ed.

Ind.
Ed.

Bus.
Ed.

Gen. Soc. Eng-

Sci. Math lish Total

N

Mean
S. D.

25 90

2.44 2.45
.25 .28

20
2.36
.26

19

2.61

.55

18 32 32 32 268
2.49 2.57 2.80 2.79 2.56
.40 .38 .48 .45 .40

TABLE 6. STATISTICS ON TEACHING AREA SCORE
BY MAJOR AREAS

Phys.

El.

Ind.

Bus.

Gen.

Soc.

Ed.

Ed.

Ed.

Ed.

Sci.

Sci.

Math English Total

N

25

90

20

19

48

32

32 32 268

Mean

49

48

48

48

44

46

45 46 47

S.D.

5.6

5.4

5.1

6.3

4.8

5.3

5.5 6.0 5.7

The data in Table 4 and Table 5 seem to indicate that there may
be among these major groups differences that are significant. On the

143

basis of their mean NTE scores, elementary education, physical edu-
cation and industrial arts education seemed to be similar enough
to be grouped together (PIE). Similarly, general science, social sci-
ence and business education were combined (GSB) and in the same
way, mathematics and English majors (ME). Table VII shows the
means and standard deviations calculated for the three combined
groups PIE, GSB, and ME.

TABLE 7. STATISTICS ON NTE, QPA, AND
TEACHING AREA SCORES

PIE = Phys Ed + Ind Ed + El Ed GSB = Gen Sci + Soc Sci +
Bus Ed ME = Math + English

Mean

PIE

S.D.

GSB

Mean

S.D.

ME
Mean

S.D.

N

135

69

64

NTE

417

46

443

56

479

57

OPA

2.48

.28

2.56

.44

2.81

.46

Teach.

48

5.4

46

5.6

46

5.7

Area

In order to determine whether the mean composite scores on NTE,
mean quality point averages or mean scores on Teaching Area Ex-
aminations differ significantly among these three combined groups,
the technique of analysis of variance was employed. The author
tested the hypothesis that there were no significant differences among
these means. Table 8 shows the analysis of variance of the three
combined groups of majors with respect to NTE composite scores.

TABLE 8. ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF THE THREE

COMBINED MAJOR GROUPS WITH RESPECT

TO NTE COMPOSITE SCORES

Degrees of
Source of Variation Freedom Sum of Squares Mean Square

Among Means of Groups 2 170,944 85,472

Within Groups 265 691,173 2,608

85,472 = 32g p < Q5

2,608

The F ratio has the value 32.8 which corresponds to a probability
of less than .05. Therefore, we may reject the null hypothesis at the
5 % level of significance and state that the variation among the mean
NTE composite scores of these three groups is significant.

TABLE 9. ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF THE THREE

COMBINED MAJOR GROUPS WITH RESPECT TO

QUALITY POINT AVERAGES

Source of Variation

Degrees of
Freedom

Sum of Squares Mean Squares

Among Means of Groups
Within Groups

2
265

6.52 3.26
36.95 .14

3.26 = 23.3
F = -14

P < .05

144

Table IX shows the analysis of variation among the mean quality
point averages of the three combined major groups. The F ratio
has the value 23.3 which corresponds to a probability of less than
.05. Again, we may reject the null hypothesis at the 5% level and
state that there appear to be some significant differences existing
among these mean quality point averages.

TABLE 10. ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF THE THREE

COMBINED MAJOR GROUPS WITH RESPECT TO

SCORES ON TEACHING AREA EXAMINATIONS

Degrees of
Source of Variation Freedom Sum of Squares Mean Squares

155.5
31

Among Means of Groups
Within Groups

2 311
265 8210

155.5 = 5.0
F= -31"

P is > .05

Table 10 shows the analysis of variation among the means of the
scaled scores made on the Teaching Area Examinations by the three
combined major groups. The F ratio of 5.0 is inconclusive since its
corresponding probability of chance occurrence is greater than .05.

Since the three combined groups are mutually independent, the
decision was made to test the significance of the differences between
the means of the respective groups for NTE composite scores, quality
point averages, and scaled scores on Teaching Area Examinations.
When the critical ratio of the difference between successive means to
its standard error was computed, in every case except one the value
of "t" ranged from 2.2 to 3.3 with corresponding probabilities of
chance occurrence from .03 to .002. The difference which was not
statistically significant was that between mean scores of GSB and
ME on the Teaching Area Examinations.

The results of this analysis seem to indicate that there is little
correspondence between quality point averages achieved by students
in certain subject matter areas and scores attained on related sections
of the National Teacher Examinations. However, the cumulative
quality point average at graduation has a high positive correlation
with the composite score made by the student on the Common Ex-
aminations. It seems also that there are significant differences among
students in the several areas of major concentration with respect to
mean composite scores on NTE, mean quality point averages, and
mean scores on Teaching Area Examinations. It is interesting to
note that the combined groups having the lowest mean composite
NTE scores and lowest mean quality point averages had the signifi-
cantly higher mean scores on the Teaching Area Examinations.

Implications

The results of this study are by no means conclusive; however, the
need for further investigation seems to be definitely indicated in order
that questions such the following may be answered.

145

1. Is the lack of correlation between quality point averages in
subject matter areas and scores on related sections of NTE due
to the notorious unreliability of teachers' grades or do the goals
of the classroom differ from those tested in NTE?

2. Are there factors operating at Savannah State College which
cause the student body to be stratified with respect to these
measures considered here and perhaps others?

3. Is it significant that each of the major groups having the highest
mean score on the Teaching Area Examinations also includes
wihtin its curriculum at least one course in special methods of
teaching area subject matter?

146

The Man Behind "Trees"

by

James A. Eaton

If Joyce Kilmer is remembered today, the frame of reference is
not in the context of a man who once was a minor star in American
social thought; his immortality seemingly rests upon a military post,
now turned Job Corps Center, near New Brunswick, in New Jersey.

It is not difficult to understand why Kilmer is so little remembered.
If one reads the Memoirs included with The Complete Works of
Joyce Kilmer, Volumes I and II, and intended to be a biography of
Kilmer, one finds very little beyond sentimental dribble from a loyal
friend who seeks to immortalize his friendship via the printed page.
Furthermore, literary critics seem to ignore Kilmer, nor are his works
included in such volumes as The Oxford Book of American Essays.

In spite of these attempts to bury Kilmer as a writer and as a person,
it is still a fact that as one procedes to glean some ideas from the
writings and speeches of Joyce Kilmer, one finds something upon
which to reflect in the life of this man who was tremendously popular
among some groups in America for a brief hour before he kept his
"rendezvous with death" on a battleship during World War I.

The plaque of commemoration at Camp Kilmer, New Jersey, states
that Sergeant Alfred Joyce Kilmer was born 6 December 1886 in
New Brunswick, New Jersey, and was killed in action near Ourcg,
France, 30 July 1918. It further states that this army camp is dedi-
cated to his memory in respect for his contributions to American
freedom and his heroic death in the call of duty. Perhaps that is a
good point of departure, for in many ways, Kilmer's importance,
rests upon his being "an American" at a time when being an American
probably meant something a little nicer than it now does. "If there
is one word which more than any other should be linked with the
name of this gallant figure now claimed (and rightly) by so many
elements of the nation, that word certainly is 'American'. A character
and a career so racy, typical of all that everybody likes to believe that
at our best we are, can hardly be matched, I think, outside of stories."
In this manner Robert Cortes Holliday characterizes Joyce Kilmer. 1

Perhaps the justification for trying to revive interest in Joyce Kilmer
as a representative of American social thought is to be found some-
where in the above two paragraphs. There is a distinct disadvantage
in not having available copies of many of the lectures Kilmer gave
before groups prior to his becoming a Roman Catholic in 1913. Most
likely these lectures, given before literary groups, for the most part,
could supply some evidence of how he felt about some of the social
issues of his time. Unfortunately, in those early days of his career,
he was not prone to pay much attention to the preparation of his

1 "Memoirs" Joyce Kilmer's Complete Works, Vol. One, p. 17.

147

lectures. Holliday gives an interesting sidelight on this aspect of
Kilmer's character:

On frequent occasions, at any rate in his early talks, he
neglected altogether to prepare any outline before hand, and
even sometimes to choose a subject. Every now and then, I
have known him repeatedly to say to his companion at din-
ner, without, however, any trace of nervousness: "Now, look
here: Put your mind on this. Stop all that gossip. Tell me,
what I'm to talk about. I have to begin" (looking at his watch)
"in twenty-five minutes." 2

In spite of not having much written evidence available to substanti-
ate the facts, it seems certain that for the first few years after his
graduation from Columbia University in 1908, Kilmer was a "burn-
ing young radical". In those days, being a radical meant putting'
one's political faith in socialism. As a young socialist, Kilmer sub-
scribed for and wrote articles for the Daily Worker. He has been
described as being at "the height of his offervescence" while deliver-
ing addresses at meetings of the proletariat.

As a socialist, it is assumed that he believed in government control
of the railways, women's suffrage, labor unions, and all of the other
things for which the party of Eugene Debs stood at that time. As
a result he seemed to have been joyously conscious of his "radicalism"
and cultivated friends and jargon from his movement which afforded
him immense delight, and which caused his old friends to agree that
he was merely enamoured of an intellectual idea, not the socialist
movement.

Perhaps it is just as well that there are no political statements
included here as being pronouncements of the Socialist Kilmer. For
Kilmer was not long a socialist; before too many moons had passed,
Joyce Kilmer was transferred from a political speaker to a "man of
letters." He passed from the proletariat to the literati quietly. From
thence forth until the entrance of the United States into World War
I, Kilmer could be safely called a neutral in the political sense.

If Kilmer's influence was not political, then what was it? Perhaps
the first lasting important effect of Kilmer on his age was his biased
affinity for the "Irish Cause." The second was his position as a
Catholic writer and speaker.

Whether or not Kilmer was a cultural pluralist is a debatable ques-
tion. However, it is positively true that Kilmer identified himself
with the Irish and considered the Irish people and Irish culture as
something apart which should remain apart to prevent its being spoiled
by outside contamination.

Perhaps Kilmer's interest in Ireland her literature, her lore, her
traditions, and her people was due in part to his ease of identifying
himself with the "under dog." The immigration laws were being
drawn tighter to keep more and more Catholic Irish out of the

Hbid., p. 40.

148

country. Ireland itself was experiencing sorrow and bloodshed in
its old struggle to win political independence from England. This
psychological indentification rather than the doubtful "one-fourth
Irish" he claimed, probably accounted for his feelings of superiority
of the Irish and Ireland. The Irish, themselves, felt that the fact that
they were Irish accounted for Kilmer's interest in them and whatever
they wrote. He liked all manners of Irish fairies, Lady Gregory,
and most especially, the poor Irish people who went to the Catholic
Church. But his special favorites were Irish fighting men.

And yet to call Kilmer a cultural pluralist is not exactly true. The
significance of his affection for the Irish is to be found in his own
poetical nature. Speaking of this, Christopher Morley has this to say
about Kilmer:

In him, as in many idealists, the Irish theme had become
legendary; it was part of his religion and his dream-life, and
cropping out many times in his verses. The Irish Problem as it
is reflected in this country is not always clearly understood.
Ireland, in the minds of our poets, is a mystical land of green
hills, saints, and leprechauns, and its political problems are
easy. 3

A more definite position which had a more widespread effect was
Kilmer's position on religion. Until six years prior to his death,
Kilmer had been an Anglican. As a result of the sickness and death
of a daughter, Kilmer decided he should become Catholic. From
then on, in his time and place, he was poet laureate of the Catholic
Church. "In all matters of religion, art, economics and politics, as
well as in all matters of faith and morals, his point of view was
obviously and unhesitatingly Catholic." 4

This point of view he stressed not only in his poetry but in his
lectures. His lectures took him all over the country and through
them he developed into a quickening influence in the Catholic world.
To audiences at educational insitiutions and at clubs and societies, he
carried his point of view to "seekers after that real but elusive thing
called beauty, a thing which they found in their submission to her who
is the mother of all learning, all culture, and all the arts, the Catholic
Church." 5

But not only was the Catholic Church these things to Kilmer, but
it was the ideal of democracy. In his essay, "The Poetry of Hilaire
Belloc," he says: "And therein is Hilaire Belloc most thoroughly and
consistently a democrat. For in this twentieth century it happens
that there is on earth only one genuine democratic institution. And
that institution is the Catholic Church."

That Kilmer carried his love for the Catholic Church to the point
of making it a near-vocation becomes clear from a few lines taken
from a letter he wrote to Father James Daly, June 15, 1915. Speaking

^Modern Essays Selected by Christopher Morley, p. 67.
4 Holliday, op. Cit., p. 54.
5 Ibid., p. 56.

149

of his coming lecture tour, he said, "I have delight chiefly in talking
veiled Catholicism to non-Catholics, in humbly endeavoring to be an
Apostle to Bohemia. I have no real message to Catholics; I have
Catholicism's message to modern pagans. So I want to lecture chiefly
to Pagans."

It seems highly doubtful that Kilmer is noteworthy simply because
he took a fling at socialism (fortunately before the day of loyalty
witch hunts, and also fortunately, he died before having to account
for his youthful interest in socialism before a Congressional Inquis-
tion). It can be doubted also that Kilmer's love for the Irish or the
Catholic Church (psychologically one love) was such as to bring
him fame, except as any well-known man can bring honor to the
things he loves by extolling their virtues in public. It is to be con-
ceded, however, that being a spokesman for the Irish and for the
Catholic Church at a period in this country's history when both the
Irish and the Catholic Church were looked upon as foreign and un-
welcome, might have been an important role for him to play.

But Joyce Kilmer probably left his greatest mark on American
social thinking by epitomizing the "holy warrior," the bright-faced
American soldier who went forth singing, if not "Onward, Christian
Soldiers" (that was Protestant), at least a hymn in recognition that.

Poems are made by fools like me,
But only God can make a tree.

Americans were engaged in a foreign war. It was a terrible, bloody,
costly thing which caused many to pause and reflect not just upon
its causes and consequences but upon its deeper implications in re-
gard to the things America had always thought she held dear
political freedom, personal integrity, religious convictions about the
sacredness of human life, and other ideas like these. The incongruity
of it all needed more than Liberty Bonds and more than political
slogans to give meaning to this inner yearning for a sort of "spiritual
rationale" for the mass murder of the world's young manhood and
the utter destruction of much which to the Americans had symbolized
culture, even though it was European culture.

Joyce Kilmer supplied this basic need for a rationale by send-
ing back from the battle fields of France lines of poetry which spoke
words Americans of all sorts wanted so desperately to hear and to be-
lieve. What could have done a better job of answering questions and
solving consciences than did this poem, "The Peacemaker?"

Upon his will he binds a radiant chain,

For Freedom's sake he is no longer free.

It is his task, the slave of Liberty,
With his own blood to wipe away a stain.
That pain may cease, he yields his flesh to pain.

To banish war, he must a warrior be.

He dwells in Night, eternal Dawn to see,
And gladly dies, abundant life to gain.
What matters Death, if Freedom be not dead?

No flags are fair, if Freedom's flag be furled.

150

Who fights for Freedom, goes with joyful tread
To meet the fires of Hell against him hurled,

And has for captain Him whose thorn-reathed head
Smiles from the Cross upon an unconquered world.

It is through giving the war a "holy cause" and by paying his own
life as part of that cause that Kilmer finds justification as a social
influence in America during a period when he was uniquely adapted to
be a spokesman not just for the underdog, but for a nation which
sought to justify its religious and moral beliefs while participating in
World War I. Joyce Kilmer sanctified the fight for freedom.

Is Freedom only a Will-o'-the-wisp
To cheat a poet's eye?

Be it phantom or fact, it's a noble cause
In which to sing and die! ("Apology")

151

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Boas, Ralph Philip, and Katherine Burton. Social Backgrounds of American
Literature. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1933.

Holliday, Robert Cortes. Joyce Kilmer's Complete Works. Volumes One and
Two. Garden City: Doubleday, Doran and Company, Inc., 1935.

Markham, Edwin. Editor. The Book of American Poetry. New York: William
H. Wise and Company, 1936.

Morley, Christopher, Editor. Modern Essays Selected by Christopher Morley.
New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1927.

152

Watts: A Tragedy of Errors*

by

E. J. Josey

Today marks the end of Negro History Week. Since our last cele-
bration of Negro History Week in 1965, the most devastating and
destructive race riot ever to strike America transpired last August.
Much has been said and written about this catastrophe. I submit
that a great deal more will be said and written about this riot, before
the end of this decade. Since Watts will be a significant chapter in the
history of the Negro, it may very well be fitting that we close the 1966
celebration of Negro History Week by re-examining Watts. Let us
consider the subject: "Watts: A Tragedy of Errors."

Watts is a section of Los Angeles. It was once known as Midtown. It
is a black ghetto for most of the Los Angeles' 420,000 Negroes.
Essentially, it is the Harlem of Los Angeles. All persons of color
like ourselves, who do not live in Califorina were dismayed and
disheartened, when we first learned of the Watts' riot. But after sober
reflection and study, we reached the conclusion that our nation is
guilty of serious errors of judgment.

The first tragic error is the fact that President Johnson in his historic
Howard University Commencement address last June forewarned
the nation about the plight of the Negro's existence in this county.

President Johnson said, "In far too many ways American Negroes
have been another nation, deprived of freedom, crippled by hatred,
the doors of opportunity closed to hope." Continuing, he said "free-
dom is the right to share, share fully and equally in American society,
to vote, to hold a job, to enter a public place, to go to school. It is
the right to be treated in every part of our national life as a person
equal in dignity and promise to all others.

"But freedom is not enough. You do not wipe away the scars of
centuries by saying now you're free to go where you want and do
as you desire and choose the leaders you please. You do not take
a person who for years has been hobbled by chains and liberate
bring him up to the starting line of a race and then say, you're free
to compete with all the others, and still justly believe that you have
been completely fair." Thus it is not enough just to open the gates
of opportunity.

"All of our citizens must have the ability to walk through those
gates and this is the next and the more profound stage of the battle
for civil rights."

In spite of the wisdom of the President in assessing the plight of
the Negro, most Americans, including those in Los Angeles, went
about their business as-usual-way and closed their eyes to Negroes.

* Address delivered at Vespers Savannah State College, February 20, 1966.

153

They shrugged their shoulders and said those Negroes have won the
passage of the Civil Rights Bill, the Economic Opportunity Act, and
the Voting Rights Bill. What more do they want? But is the words of
Lyndon Johnson, "Thus it is not enough just to open the gates of
opportunity. All of our citizens must have the ability to walk through
those gates."

The second tragic error committed by the well meaning liberal
white citizens of Los Angeles was their failure to view the Negro
community as being cut off from the mainstream of American life
or to borrow the president's label, view the Negro community as
"another nation." Not really knowing the Negro community or the
"another nation," they did not know how the Negro felt. Oh yes, the
Negro in great northern centers, including Watts, had been reminded
that he had made terrific progress in the past twelve years, beginning
with the Supreme Court Decision of 1954, the Civil Rights Bills in
1957, 1960, 1964, the Voting Rights Bill of 1965, but in spite of these
historic pieces of legislation, the Negro did not observe any real
substantive changes in his day-to-day life. He continued to live in
decayed ghetto housing. He realized that he did not have a real stake
in the economic life of the nation, i.e., he does not own any of the
means of production; he does not participate in the distribution and
sale of goods that he must purchase in order to live. As he looked
around in his community, he is made aware of the fact that his
children are being educated in inferior schools, and he is still denied
certain jobs, not withstanding that Title VII is now operative in
the 1964 Civil Rights Bill. As he examined his community, he dis-
covered that 90% of the Negroes in Los Angeles were hurdled to-
gether in Watts, a congrested area that holds most of the black
Americans in Los Angeles in a square of 25 blocks.

The third tragic error may be seen in the police brutality that had
been practiced in Watts. Negro citizens were tired of the beastly acts
they had to suffer at the hands of the white policemen. Dr. Kenneth
B. Clark points out that "to say as Police Chief William Parker did
of the Los Angeles Negroes, 'we are on top and they are on the
bottom,' is to prove to Negroes that their deep fears and hatred of
established law and order are justified." No wonder the California
Advisory Committee to the United States Commission on Civil Rights
accused the Mayor of Los Angeles, Samuel W. Yorty and Chief of
Police, William H. Parker of "gross negligence" of their duties in
advance of the riot last August.

The New York Times of January 23, 1966 reports that "for years,
police officials and particularly Chief Parker, have turned a deaf ear
to the complaints of Negro citizens of Los Angeles . . . Chief Parker
has constantly refused to meet with Negro leaders, has challenged
their right to represent their community and has disparaged the Civil
Rights movement. 1 Thus, you can clearly see that the Los Angeles
police department and its chief of police were insensitive to the feelings
of Negroes, and their attitudes were those of racists.

1 Kenneth B. Clark, "The Wonder is There Have Been So Few Riots," New
York Times Magazine, September 5, 1965, p. 10.

154

One account of police brutality is as follows: "a 22 year old Watts
man told a reporter that 'police brutality is like when they arrest you
where it cannot be seen and whip on you. Then they grab you when
you walk down the street. They pull over and beat on you. That aint
right. It don't happen to white people." 2 Hence, it is clearly evident
that the police use excessive force, are abusive, and are inhumane
in their treatment of the Negro in Watts.

It is easy to comprehend why the arrest of the young Negro man
and the striking of his mother set off the violence which lasted for
six days with 34 people being killed, 1,032 injured, 3,438 jailed, and
$40 million worth of property lost by burning and wrecking. In the
words of one commentator, "Nor have the residents of Watts for-
gotten that 27 of the dead were Negroes, almost all of the wounded
were Negroes even though the war between the 'disestablished' and
the 'establishment' was seen by millions of people around the world
as a nightmare of Negroes burning and stealing property as they killed
innocent white citizens."

Yes, I deplore the violence which rocked Los Angeles, but I join
Senator Robert Kennedy in his observations, after the riot, as reported
by Dr. Clark. "There is no point in telling Negroes to observe the
law ... It has almost always been used against [them] . . . All these
places Halem, Watts, Southside are riots waiting to happen." 3
While I deplore the riots and feel that there are suitable alternatives,
I must hasten to add that oppressed people who have been humiliated,
maltreated, and frustrated for so long, do not look for rational
alternatives.

Why would these people destroy $40 million worth of property?
Were they insane? I am incontestably certain that these Negroes were
not insane! To answer this question I turn once more to Kenneth,
Clark who says that "the inmates of the ghetto have no realistic stake
in respecting property, because in a basic sense they do not possess
it. They are possessed by it. Property is, rather, and instrument
for perpetuation of their own exploitation. Stores in the ghetto
which they rarely own overcharge for inferior goods. They may
obtain the symbols of America's vaunted high standard of living
radios, TV's, washing machines, refrigerators but usually only
through usurious carrying costs, one more symbol of the pattern of
material exploitation. They do not respect property because prop-
erty is almost invariably used to degrade them." 4

All the available evidence shows that Dr. Clark's thesis regarding the
attitude of "no realistic stake in respecting property because in a
basic sense they do not possess it is irrefutable, for they destroyed the
property that did not belong to them and they destroyed property that
was the symbol of the oppressors. On the other hand, Edith P. Bishop,
Director of Branch Libraries of the Los Angeles Public Library

2 Harry Bernstein, "Watts," Agenda, January, 1966, vol, 2 p. 10.

3 Kenneth B. Clark, op, cit, p. 10.

Hbid.

155

reports in the January 15th issue of Library Journal that "when the
riot leveled the buildings along the length of South Central Avenue
in Los Angeles, the Vernon Branch Library was almost alone on
that street to remain intact. Its survival in this devastation is an
indirect tribute, perhaps, to the program of community service that
started three years ago, when, ironically, the Vernon Branch was to
have been closed." My friends, because this branch of the public
library had instituted an antipoverty program which reached the
people of the Watts community, even in their anger and fury, they
identified with this library building as belonging to them and having
contributed to their community rather than having stolen from their
community as did the stores and businesses that they destroyed and
looted during the riot.

There is a startling contrast between the economic conditions of
the Negro community and the economic conditions of the white com-
munity. This is the fourth tragic error that is found in Watts and all
over America.

The New York Times of August 29 reports that "about 30 per
cent of those living in the Watts district are unemployed. Many are
young men born in Watts; many are unskilled persons who have
migrated from the South. An estimated total of 1,000 Southern
Negroes reach Watts monthly.

"They quickly find that there are not enough unskilled jobs. The
city has a strong Civil Service System and even the minimum standards
for laborers are too high for many in Watts.

"The choices then are to return home disillusioned, to settle for
anything with the hope of better prospects, or to become permanent
members of the Watts unemployment pool. Most stay and add to the
congrestion." These people are rejected. They are not a part of the
economy. Watts has a vast army of unemployed whose numbers are
far greater than the proportion of jobless in the white community.
These are people who are citizens of the wealthiest and the most
affluent nation in the world.

I have drawn for you a picture of poverty and misery. In spite
of the passage of the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964, Los Angeles
did not have an Anti-Poverty program functioning. This fact is the
fifth tragic error.

Why didn't Los Angeles have an anti-poverty program? Well,
politics played an ugly role. There was a political dispute that pre-
vented funds from going to Los Angeles, and in the long run, the
Negro citizens who were in desperate need of help were denied
assistance, and this was a contributing cause of their frustrations.

My discussion so far has been about lamentable factors in terms
of poverty, unemployment, undereducation, and deprivation generally
existing in Watts, the predominant Negro riot area of about 50
square miles. On the other side of the coin, a Negro middle-class lives
in Los Angeles. When the Negro reached middle class status in edu-
cation, in employment, and in outlook, he moved out of Watts and

156

left the poor Negroes in the ghetto by themselves. Thus, we come to
our sixth tragic error, i.e., middle class Negroes who escape the
ghetto and, at the same time, quickly forget their black brothers
who continue to live in misery and squalor. The black bourgeoise has
not learned that if one black man is at the bottom of the ladder, all
black men are at the bottom of the ladder.

I challenge all of you who will undoubtedly finish college and join
that middle-class group, to never forget your black brothers. Some
students on this campus who have not even finished college yet, and
already they now possess middle-class values; thus, making it impos-
sible for them to even join the College Chapter of the NAACP and
making it impossible for them to sign a petition in behalf of Julian
Bond. Yet whites belong to the NAACP, and white students at the
University of Florida stood at the Georgia-Florida border for one day
in behalf of Julian Bond and carried signs which read "You are now
entering the American sector."

Returning from my digression, that I make no apologies for The
New York Times reveals that these thousands of Negroes who lived
in Watts "felt rejected and isolated, even from the humming middle-
class Negro community 'on the other side of the freeway.' "

A tragedy of errors occurred in Los Angeles. It is difficult to rectify
tragedy, but several steps have been taken. A presidential task force
from Washington quickly moved into Los Angeles. A massive pro-
gram assisted by federal funds has begun. The governor's commission
led by John A. McCone, former head of the Central Intelligence
studied the situation and has made its report. The McCone report
has been called "a bitter disappointment" by Negro Civil Rights
leaders and the California Advisory Committee to the United States
Commission on Civil Rights.

The Advisory Committee, which is chaired by the Right Reverend
James A. Pike, Episcopal Bishop of San Francisco, accepted the
McCone's Commission's recommendations in education, employment
and housing to prevent a recurrence of rioting. The Advisory Com-
mittee's recommendation, in my opinion, goes more to the root of
the problem, for they suggest the following steps to be taken:

"1. Immediate assignment of a Federal official to make decisions
on allocations of Federal funds. Among other things, he
would establish a crash program to help the unemployed find
jobs, including new jobs created with federal funds.

2. Immediate expansion of the Presidential Executive order re-
lating to discriminating in housing.

3. That the new Department of Housing and Urban Development
designates Los Angeles as an area for top priority attention.

4. That the U. S. Commission on Civil Rights schedule hearings
in Los Angeles at the earliest possible date." 5

5 New York Times, January 23, 1966.

157

Finally, there are hundreds of potential Watts in America. The
fires of protest and explosion do not have to be ignited, if com-
munities all over America accept President Johnson's admonition that
". . . it is not enough just to open the gates of opportunity. All of
our citizens must have the ability to walk through those gates and
this is the next and the more profound stage of the battle of Civil
Rights."

The urgent problem today is America must muster the courage to
abandon racism and avoid a future tragedy of errors.

158

Personal Characteristics In Secondary

School Social Studies Student Teachers

As Related To Certain Measures of

Potential Teaching Behavior

by

Shia-ling Liu*

In recent years, as attested by the large number of extensive
studies, citizenship education has become a major concern. The
unique responsibilities of social studies teachers and their optimum
personal, social, and professional qualities have been widely discussed.
Throughout this discussion, one of the most persistent speculations
centers around the importance of the role that the teacher in educa-
tion especially in citizenship education plays in the development
of desirable character and attitudes of their pupils. Beck, Cook, and
Kearney (1953) said that the teacher is the most influential person-
ality in a classroom situation. Thompson (1952) asserted that the
teacher's "psychological needs, attitudes, conflicts and personal-
social values are transmitted into behavior patterns which become
potent influences on his pupils' growth".

While there is much agreement on the importance of the teacher's
personality and there is even some agreement on the effect of the
teacher's personality on the behavior and achievement of pupils,
there is less agreement as to the specific impact of certain combina-
tions of characterisics in the teacher upon pupil groups under his
direction. Even less researched is the unique influence of an indivi-
dual teacher upon the individual pupil. Lagey (1957) found that
"teaching per se does not necessarily produce attitude change". Sy-
monds (1954) found no direct relationship between teacher per-
sonality or teaching techniques and the attitudes of the students at
the college level.

Washburne and Hell (1960), and Bush (1958), however, have
found some evidence to conclude that different kinds of teachers
may get varying responses from different kinds of children. Cogan's
study (1956) lent support to a general proposition that the more
friendly and warm the teacher is the more pupils are inclined to be
successful in self-initiated and required work.

If it can indeed be accepted that the teacher himself has a primary
influence upon the actual nature of the learnings of pupils, parti-

*This is a part of doctoral research at the North Texas State University,
Denton, Texas. This author wants to express his appreciation for the co-
operation of the faculty and the student body of this institution. Special thanks
are due to Dr. Charles M. Clarke, Director of Teacher Education, for his
advice.

159

cularly in attitude development, and if social education can be con-
ceived to extend beyond verbal learnings, then it becomes important
to understand what specific effect the social studies teacher's status
with respect to critical dimensions of personality would have upon
his teaching. As an effort in the over-all field of much needed re-
search, this study was undertaken to investigate certain interrela-
tionships of teacher personality and behavior in the hope of providing
some useful documentaion for further exploration.

The Problem

The current investigation was directed at the discovery of relation-
ships between certain characteristics in social studies student teachers
and certain behavior patterns in their respective secondary school
classrooms. Specifically, the investigation undertook to determine:

(1) relationships of measures of certain personal characteristics
(degree of authoritarianism, philosophy of social education, and
instructional preferences) of a representative group of social studies
student teachers to (a) cooperating teachers' reports of those stu-
dents' classroom behavioral traits, (b) student teachers' self -reports
of their classroom teaching activities, and (c) college coordinators'
appraisals of pupil behavior in the student teachers' classrooms;

(2) interrelationships among the several measures of personal
characteristics of this representative group; and

( 3 ) interrelationships among the several measures of the teaching
behavior of this representative group.

Hypotheses

The following hypotheses were investigated:

(1). There will be signifcant relationships between certain mea-
sures of the personal characteristics (authoritarianism, philosophy of
social education, and instructional preferences) of social studies stu-
dent teachers and their classroom behavioral traits, classroom teach-
ing activities, and their pupils' classroom behavior.

(2). There will be significant relationships among the authori-
tarianism, philosophy of social education, and the stated preferences
for instructional procedures of social studies student teachers.

(3). There will be significant relationships among the student
teachers' classroom behavioral traits, classroom teaching activities, and
their pupils' classroom behavior.

Method and Procedure

The subjects included in this study consisted of 42 male and 18
female (60) secondary school social studies student teachers at North
Texas State University, Denton, Texas, during the spring term of the
1962-63 academic year. This group included all prospective social
studies teachers in this semester with the exception of three for whom
complete returns were unattainable.

160

The instruments used in this study included ( 1 ) Webster, Sanford,
and Freedman's New Instrument for Studying Authoritarianism in
Personality which was chosen to measure authoritarianism in per-
sonality (1955); (2) Philosophy of Social Education Inventory
(1963) which was constructed for the purpose of this study to measure
the student teacher's philosophy regarding the secondary school
social studies program; (3) Patterson's Student Teacher's Instruc-
tional Preference Scale (1959) which was chosen to measure pre-
sident teaching attitudes toward classroom instructional methods;
(4) Del Popolo's Observation Check Sheet for Student Teachers
(1960) which was used to obtain cooperative teachers' assessments
of the classroom behavioral traits of student teachers; (5) Student
Teacher's Self -Check List of Classroom Teaching Activities (1963)
which was developed for trie use of the student teachers to report
their own classroom teaching activities; (6) Ryans' Classroom Be-
havior Record (1960) which was used to record college coordinator's
judgments of the pupils' behavior in the student teachers' classroom.

The relationships between "authoritarianism" and the five other
measures were calculated in two ways. In one procedure, students
in the top third in terms of scores on the Authoritarianism Scale were
defined as "authoritarians", while those with scores in the bottom
third were defined as "nonauthoritarians". The mean scores made by
"authoritarians" and "nonauthoritarians" on the other five instru-
ments were analyzed by t tests. On the alternative procedure, Pearson
r's were calculated between all possible pairs of scores by all sixty
student teachers on all six measures. Tests of significance were then
made all t values and Pearson r's. The results of Pearson r's and
measures of their respective levels of significance are shown in the
Table.

TABLE

Pearson Correlations Between Pairs of Instruments

Philosophies

Instructional
Preferences

Teacher
Behavior

Teacher
Activity

Pupil
Behavior

Authorita-

-.08

(1)

-.32

-.02

-.04

(2)
-.25

rianism
Philosophies

(3)
.59

.11

.19

-.08

Instructional
Preferences

.08

(4)
.26

.08

Teacher
Behavior

(5)
.25

(6)
.38

Teacher

Activity

.17

N = 60

(1) & (6): Significant at .01

(2), (4), & (5): Significant at .05

(3): Significant at .001

161

Results

The findings of this study were summarized as follows:

Two measures of the relationship between the personal characteris-
tics of secondary school social studies student teachers and their
classroom teaching behavior or their pupils' reactions were found to
be significant. A significant relationship was found between the stu-
dent teachers' stated preferences for instructional procedures and their
own reports of their classroom teaching activities (at the .02 level of
confidence). The student teacher who stated that he preferred more
group-oriented instructional procedures tended to plan classroom
teaching activities freer from textbook or teacher domination. It was
also found that authoritarianism in personality was significantly cor-
related with the assessments of pupils' behavior (at the .05 level of
confidence). The more "authoritarian" a student teacher was the
less desirable his pupils' behavior appeared to be. No significant re-
lationship was found between other measures of personal character-
istics of the student teachers and their classroom teaching behavior.

In the determination of relationships among the levels of au-
thoriatarianism, philosophies of social education, and stated prefer-
ences for instructional procedures of the secondary school social
studies student teachers, significant relationships were found between
authoritarianism in personality and their stated preferences for instruc-
tional procedures (at the .01 level of confidence) and between the
student teachers' philosophies of social education and their stated
preferences for instructional procedures (at the .001 level of con-
fidence). The more "authoritarian" a student teacher was the more
likely he preferred lecture-oriented instructional procedures. Student
teachers leaning more toward a "progressivist" viewpoint tended more
to state preferences for group-oriented instructional procedures.
However, no significant relationship was found between authori-
tarianism in personality and philosophies of social education of the
student teachers.

In the determination of the relationships among the student teach-
ers' classroom behavioral traits, classroom teaching activities, and
their pupils' classroom behavior, it was found that cooperating teach-
ers' reports of the student teachers' classroom behavioral traits were
significantly correlated to both the student teachers' own description
of their classroom teaching activities (at the .05 level of confidence)
and their pupils' classroom behavior (at the .01 level of confidence).
Thus the more desirable (appropriate, varied, and effective) a stu-
dent teacher's behavioral traits were reported to have been the
more he tended to report that he planned classroom teaching activities
free from textbook or teacher domination, and the more desirable
his pupils' classroom behavior appeared to be. However, the student
teachers' self-reporting of classroom teaching activities was found
not significantly related to their coordinators' evaluation of their
pupils' classroom behavior.

Conclusions

From the results of this study the following conclusions could be
made:

162

1. There was no clear-cut composite support for the conclusion
that personal characteristics in student teachers are related to
certain measures of teaching behavior. With two exceptions,
student teachers with different personal characteristics did not
differ consistently in measures of their teaching behavior.

2. In general, supervisory evaluations were fairly consistent with
each other and with student teachers' responses on a more
projective measure. Similarly, student teachers were fairly con-
sistent in their responses on measures of their own perceptions
and recollections.

3. In most cases, student teachers' responses on measures of
their personal perceptions did not coincide with their responses
on measures of projective nature or with supervisory judgments
based on objective observations. It is possible that in the
measures of personal perceptions the subjects tended to give
what they believed to be approved responses or to express
learned verbalizations which were inconsistent with the factors
which conditioned their actual teaching behavior.

4. The fact that the less rigid, dominating, dogmatic, and/or
autocratic a student teacher was, the more alert, responsible,
confident, and/or self-initiating his pupils were; and the fact
that the more friendly, flexible, sympathetic, and/ or under-
standing a student teacher's behavioral traits were, the more
positively his pupils reacted lent support to two of the basic
hypotheses of this study. These two basic propositions con-
firmed the findings of a number of other recent studies (Cogan,
1956; Del Popolo, 1960; Ryans, 1960), which could have
important implications in teacher education. In cultivating more
desirable social attitudes in the nation's youth, it would appear,
therefore, to be better to select those students in social educa-
tion who are found to possess less authoritarian and more
democratic characteristics on valid pre-service inventories.

In general, however, the findings of this study were encouraging
but inconclusive. Because of the size of subject group and limitations
upon the scope of the study, there are a number of questions left
unanswered regarding the exact nature of the relationships between
what teachers are and how they behave as teachers. A number of
additional studies in this area would be highly desirable. For instance,
the design and procedures of this study might profitably be duplicated
on a larger number of social studies teachers and/or student teachers
in order to check the actual significance of several relationships found
to exist in this group at levels below the point of acceptable signifi-
cance. The assumption is frequently made that social studies teachers
bear an unique responsibility for the development of readiness for
productive citizenship. It would be useful to discover to what extent
with regard to these relationships social studies teachers differ from
teachers in other academic areas. Further, a study involving employed
teachers would avoid some of the limitations imposed upon the
present study in that their personal characteristics and qualities of
teaching behavior would be more stable than is true of student
teachers.

163

REFERENCES

Ardorno, T. W. and others, The Authoritarian Personality, New York, Harper
and Brothers, 1950.

Beck, R. H., Cook, W. W., and Kearney, W. C, Curriculum in the Modern
Elementary School, New York, Prentice-Hall, Co., 1953.

Bush, Robert N., "Human Relations Factor: Principles of Successful Teacher-
Pupil Relationships," Phi Delta Kappan, XXXIX (March, 1958) 271-273.

Cogan, Morris L., "Theory and Design of a Study of Teacher-Pupil Interaction,"
Harvard Education Report, XXVI (Fall, 1956) 315-342.

Del Popolo, Joseph A., "Authoritarian Trends in Personality as Related to
Attitudinal and Behavioral Traits of Student Teachers," Journal of Edu-
cational Research, LIII (September, 1960) 252-257.

Lagey, Joseph C, "Does Teaching Change Attitude?" Journal of Educational
Research, L (December, 1957) 307-312.

Liu, Shia-ling, "Personal Characteristics in Secondary School Social Studies
Student Teachers as Related to Certain Measures of Potential Teaching
Behavior," Unpublished doctoral dissertation, North Texas State Univer-
sity, Denton, Texas, 1963.

Patterson, Howard R., "The Relationship Between Personality Traits and
Preferences for Instructional Methods," unpublished doctoral dissertation,
North Texas State College, Denton, Texas, 1959.

Ryans, David G., Characteristics of Teachers, Their Description, Comparison,
and Appraisal, Washington, D. C, American Council on Education, 1960.

Symonds, Percival M., "Teaching as a Function of the Teacher's Personality,"
Journal of Teacher Education, V (March, 1954) 78-84.

Thompson, George E., Child Psychology, New York, Houghton Mifflin Co.,
1952.

Washburne, Carleton and Hell, Louis, M., "What Characteristics of Teachers
Affect Children's Growth?" School Review, LXVIII (Winter, 1960) 420-
428.

Webster, H., Sanford, N., and Freedman, M., "A New Instrument for Study-
ing Authoritarianism in Personality," Journal of Psychology, XL (July,
1955) 78-84.

164

Some Possible Ways of Improving
Instruction In Our Colleges

by
Robert D. Reid

Introduction

Enlightened colleges and universities throughout the country are
grappling with the problem of how best to reach young people through
instructional innovations. Such agencies as The Fund for the Ad-
vancement of Education, The Association for Higher Education, and
The American Association of Colleges for Teacher Education, as
well as individual educators and organized college and university
groups are addressing themselves to this vital matter. While no hard
and fast consensus has been reached (and it would be undesirable
and unfortunate if this ever happened), certain tentative conclusions
have been developed in regard to possible ways and means of more
effectively preparing students in a rapidly changing world.

Before we comment about some of the new techniques, theories,
and technology that have caused a ferment in higher education during
the past decade, it would seem well to make some observation about
minimum essentials that should be found in any institution that is
interested in maintaining an acceptable academic climate. Faculty
members should be provided reasonable academic freedom and ten-
ure, adequate salaries and fringe benefits, realistic teaching loads,
office space in surroundings which enable them to carry out their
teaching, counseling, and research duties in an effective manner,
sufficient secretarial assistance, and enough equipment and supplies
so that they can fulfill their responsibilities with efficiency and dis-
patch. They should participate fully in the planning and evaluation
of instruction. Sufficient travel funds should be made available to
enable them to attend some professional meetings. They should not
be given excessive committee assignments. There should be a con-
sistently followed policy in regard to leaves of absence which would
make it possible for faculty members to do research or engage in
further study, travel, or relaxation. New faculty members should be
properly oriented. Wholesome relationships should exist among facul-
ty members, between faculty and administrative officers, faculty and
students, and administrative officers and students. The library staff
should inform the faculty regularly regarding accessions and it should
promote effective library use among the college family. There should
be provisions for the systematic collection, organization, and dis-
semination of background information about students in order that
faculty members may know as much as possible about their back-
grounds and ability levels.

The admissions policies of the college should be so conceived as
to offer the prospect that an acceptable climate for learning can be
established. In this connection, T. R. McConnell has asserted: "The

165

character and atmosphere of the college are in large part the reflec-
tion of the quality and motivation of its students." 1 A well-conceived
testing program should be in operation during the four college years
for diagnostic purposes and in order that the students may be com-
pared with those who attend their institutions. One of the major
objectives of the co-curricular program should be to undergird and
strengthen curricular experiences. There should be follow-up studies
of graduates to discover the degree to which the college is fulfilling
its mission. Curriculums should be under constant review and scrutiny
in order that administrators and faculty members may be reasonably
sure that their programs are providing meaningful and up-to-date
experiences for the students whom they teach.

According to McGrath and Meeth, college curriculums should be
so structured as to "provide both a broad base of knowledge in the
major area of learning and enough specialization to accustom the
student to intellectual work of a high order within a narrow branch
of scholarship or to prepare him in the specialized activities of the
practice of a profession." 2 While the establishment of curriculums
in accordance with the above guidelines could not in itself result in
effective and appropriate programs, at least a necessary first step
would be taken.

Some machinery should be established in our colleges for contin-
uous institutional research in order that administrators and faculty
members may have sound assessments of what they are attempting
to do.

Whether information about college and university operations is
collected, organized, and disseminated by a specific officer of in-
stitutional research, by committees, or by designated individuals will
have to be determined by each institution. It is vitally important,
however, that institutional research be carried out in an organized
and sustained manner in order that it will not be necessary for per-
sons who work with students to rely on hunches or conjectures.

Persistent Problems and Suggested Solutions

While faculty members at times justly criticize chief administrative
officers for being autocratic and unimaginative, in far too many
instances they are unwilling to institute needed innovations in cur-
riculums and in teaching techniques. Alvin C. Eurich bluntly stated
that "a very large majority of our institutions of higher learning have
no commitment to change or to improve college and university
teaching." 3 The Committee on Utilization of College Teaching Re-
sources, which was sponsored by The Fund for the Advancement of
Education, concluded:

1 Nicholas C. Brown, editor, Orientation to College Learning, American Coun-
cil on Education, Washington, D. C, 1961, p. 73.

2 Samuel Baskin, editor, Higher Education: Some Newer Developments, New
York, 1965, p. 34.

3 Alvin C. Eurich, "The Commitment to Experiment and Innovate in College
Teaching," The Educational Record, Vol. 45, No. 1, p. 50.

166

In most colleges and universities we have acted on the as-
sumption that there is not effective learning unless a profes-
sor offers a course "packaged" in quarter or semester units
of a given number of hours per week and the student is ex-
posed to direct instruction in the required number of hours.
Content must be padded out or trimmed down to fit neatly
into the credit hour unit prescribed for a course and, gen-
erally speaking, innovations which would disturb the com-
plex scheduling of classes are discouraged. 4

In too many instances, some faculty members insist upon teaching
a maximum of twenty to twenty-five students and rely exclusively
upon lecturing to their students day after day. These persons use
the same stale lecture notes and examinations year after year and
they expect their students periodically to regurgitate the pearls of
wisdom which they believe they are expounding to a receptive au-
dience. They have little or no conception of how learning takes place
or may be facilitated, are hostile to the idea of experimenting with
different teaching methods, rely exclusively upon making assignments
from a basic textbook, and make few, if any, outside reading as-
signments. From the beginning to the end of the school term they
are classroom autocrats whose impact on the lives of young people
is limited if not completely nil.

Some of these persons never make available course outlines or
syllabi for student use or, if they do, never bother to revise the
outlines or syllabi that they developed early in their teaching careers.
When hastily constructed examinations are given at irregular intervals,
the examinations may never be returned to students or they may be
returned long after students could derive any benefits from reexamin-
ing their handiwork. Many oppose the idea of giving students any
notion of what their expectations are in terms of performance or the
criteria that they use in evaluating them. Some are constant clock-
watchers whose chief satisfactions come only when they receive their
paychecks. For administrators to suggest that students might secure
some worthwhile assistance from counselling, if only faculty members
would maintain fairly regular office hours, is considered by some of
these persons to be a clearcut example of administrative highhanded-
ness and impertinence and a violation of their "rights" as members
of the teaching profession.

On the other hand, highhandedness, unfairness, and downright
inefficiency on the part of some college administrative officers have
made it exceedingly difficult for conscientious faculty members to
carry out their instructional duties in an effective manner. All of us
are familiar with instances of class schedules being released too late
to allow faculty members to make proper plans for their courses. We
are acquainted with the needless errors that are made in some in-
stitutions in the registration of students which lead to so much chaos
and confusion at the beginning of each quarter or semester. And

^Better Utilization of College Teaching Resources, A Report by the Com-
mittee on Utilization of College Teaching Resources, New York, p. 12.

167

finally, we have at least heard about the delays that are experienced
in certain colleges and universities in receiving books, equipment, and
supplies because of administrative red tape or procrastination.

Particularly since World War II, the upsurge in college enrollments,
problems encountered in adequately financing higher education,
Sputnik, increasing societal demands, marked changes in the science
of technology, and other dramatic developments have placed greater
demands on college teaching. It is more important than ever before
for the college teacher to be a highly creative and resourceful director
of student learning rather than a mechanical drill master or, for that
matter, a brilliant lecturer.

Academic deans and department heads are frequently accused of
"snoopervision" when they visit classes in order to observe instruc-
tional procedures. Particularly in regard to novice teachers, this may
be a necessary responsibility which cannot be shirked completely by
college administrators. Other less offensive approaches would in-
clude various forms of assistance by senior instructors to relatively
inexperienced teachers and a policy of encouraging faculty members
to visit the classes of their colleagues.

In addition, since it has been established that student appraisals
of instruction are more reliable than some of us would like to admit,
a faculty committee could prepare an appraisal form for distribution
by teachers to students in their classes near the close of each quarter
or semester. Students could fill out these forms and return them un-
signed to their instructors who would record the responses of their
charges. Since student appraisals would be examined only by the
individual teacher, the possibility of administrative action if significant
numbers of the evaluations are unfavorable would not exist.

Two persistent barriers which make it difficult to effect badly
needed instructional improvements in many of our institutions of
higher learning should be singled out. One results from the prolifera-
tion of courses and the attendant duplication and fragmentation of
subject matter. The other is the constant tendency to increase the
number of major fields which is all-too-often accompanied by the
step-by-step elimination of a balanced program of liberal education.
In many institutions which offer teacher education programs, profes-
sional education courses may be extended at the expense of a strong
liberal arts core curriculum as well as sufficient supporting courses
in major and minor fields. We are all familiar with the old saw about
teacher education majors who know all about how to teach but who
acquire very little information to teach. I am afraid that instruction
in some of our teacher education courses has been so sterile that the
unfortunate students often never obtained too much useful informa-
tion of any kind.

Curricular imbalances frequently exist in small colleges as well as
in major universities. Such imbalances can dissipate faculty energies,
rob students of the opportunity to receive meaningful educational
experiences and to be exposed to the broad outlines of knowledge,
cause educational costs to soar, and render significant improvements
in instruction an impossibility.

168

There should be required exposure of all students in the human-
ities, the behavioral and social sciences, mathematics, and the natural
sciences. Comprehensive examinations should be given at the end of
each academic year and there should be systematic employment of
standardized tests during the four college years. Since knowledge
cannot be fitted into neat little compartments, students of all ability
levels can profit from interdisciplinary courses, especially during the
first two years. Such courses should not be of the survey variety
and they should explore in depth certain problems or issues. They
should be offered by highly experienced and unquestionably com-
petent faculty members rather than by teaching novices. While it
may be necessary for these faculty members to be retooled or at
least to broaden their areas of understanding, the outcomes can be
most gratifying to students and instructors.

Carefully coordinated tutorial instruction should be made available
to college students. The worthwhileness of employing retired and
junior instructors as tutors has been demonstrated by Parsons College
and a handful of other institutions. These schools have discovered
that student mortality can be dramatically reduced and that classroom
performances by students greatly improve when the services of faculty
tutors are engaged to work with individual students or with small
student groups. Institutions which cannot afford to employ full-time
tutors should explore the possibility of using able upperclassmen for
this purpose.

Too many of our institutions require too little of their students.
Faculty members frequently assume that the students are dumb any-
way and they accordingly justify their minimal efforts. Sometimes
we are in for pleasant surprises as we work with these young people.
We should be willing to try any method or procedure that offers
even the remotest possibility of improving their lot and lifting their
sights. Our institutions should have academic polices which would
allow any student to achieve exemption from any course if he demon-
strates that he can meet the requirements without attending class.
Too many of our curriculums are filled with academic trivia which
can bore even the most retarded student. We should include pro-
cedures for the acceleration and enrichment of able students through
placement and comprehensive examinations and honors programs in
order to avoid the unfortunate consequences of "lockstep" education.
Honors programs should be initiated in the freshman year and con-
tinued throughout the college experience. We should institute or
expand field projects that enmesh with or supplement instruction,
exchange programs that are mutually beneficial to our students and
to those who come to our campuses from other institutions, seminars
and colloquia, and planned reading experiences for students and
faculty members.

Since most of us would probably agree that no one really teaches
another person anything, I would strongly recommend that we care-
fully examine the possibility of instituting more student-centered learn-
ing or independent study in all of our instruction. One of the out-
comes that we should expect from four or more years of enrollment

169

at our institutions is that students will become sufficiently motivated
to continue to learn as long as they live. Unfortunately, some ad-
ministrators and faculty members seem to have the notion that some-
how college curriculums should include all of the knowledge and
skills that students will require for the rest of their lives.

Independent study experiences should be included in all formal and
informal instruction throughout college for students of all ability
levels. While ill-conceived independent student projects can be frust-
rating and wasteful in terms of institutional resources, and faculty
and student time, careful planning can avoid such pitfalls and can
lead to more gratifying college experiences. "Lockstep" education
and academic spoonfeeding are avoided, and instructors can be freed
from many of the humdrum routines and have more time for re-
search and more creative work with students. Independent study can
be carried on away from the college as well as on the college campus
during regular terms or on an interim term basis. It can involve in-
dividual students as well as groups of students. A specified number
of class meetings may not be held during which students are expected
to cover a prescribed amount of work. Again, students may be as-
signed projects or readings outside the classroom singly or in groups
which they are expected to complete. Sometimes programmed ma-
terials, audio and video tapes, films, film strips, and other materials
are made available for student use during out-of-class time. A
number of other approaches may be used which will cause students
to depend upon their own resources in the learning process.

It has been indicated that there must be careful planning by faculty
members if independent study is to be successful. Course outlines,
syllabi, laboratory manuals, and other study guides must be developed
in a precise and logical manner. Directions and directives for carrying
out assignments must be clear and positive. Periodic accountability
on the part of students must be established. If faculty assistants or
student tutors are used, their roles must be carefully defined and
their relationships with instructors who bear the major responsibility
for conducting such programs must be well delineated.

Much research is still necessary to ascertain how best to employ
independent study opportunities in various subject matter areas.
There are indications that independent study is more effective in
the social sciences and humanities than in mathematics and the
natural sciences, although the last word has not been spoken in this
regard. It is possible that below average students will benefit as
much, if not more than, superior students since the independent
study approach can increase mastery and confidence on the part
of students. A few institutions, however, have allowed highly superior
students to complete all requirements in specific courses through
independent study.

It has been suggested that student-centered methods of learning
"tend to produce greater gains in insight and problem-solving ca-
pacities and to promote more attitudinal changes" than conventional
teaching methods. Some persons believe that students can more
readily apply what they have learned to new situations, and that they

170

continue to display intellectual curiosity long after they have com-
pleted the requirements for an undergraduate study course. On the
other hand, it is believed that instructor-centered teaching may enable
students to recall more isolated facts for a period of time and "tends
to produce greater gains in information and better performance on
conventional tests of subject matter mastery." 5 If these conclusions
are valid, instructors will have to decide at what points student-
centered and instructor-centered procedures are to be employed.

Mention should be made of the tremendous possibilities and op-
portunities for enrichment of instruction through the appropriate and
judicious use of audio-visual aids including highly sophisticated au-
tomated instructional devices. According to C. R. Carpenter and
L. P. Greenhill of Pennsylvania State University, "The problem is to
select these media which, when used singly or in combination with
other teaching and learning procedures, will stimulate in students the
desired kinds of learning responses. 6

Audio-visual aids have been employed by some institutions mainly
because of the current teacher shortage or to effect budgetary savings.
Important as these objectives may be, the chief reason for their use
should be that they can offer opportunities for the enrichment of in-
struction which may not be afforded through continuous use of
conventional teaching methods. It is likewise well to remember that
the flippant or thoughtless use of any or all of these media can lead
to boredom, loss of time, disappointments, and frustrations among
teachers and students, as well as to needless expense.

Usually faculty members must be given some training in the use
of the new teaching devices and students must be acquainted with
the different study techniques and procedures that are required.
Faculty seminars or institutes followed by intensive planning on di-
visional or departmental basis represent one approach in giving
faculty members an understanding and appreciation of the new
media. Demonstrations and suggested readings may usefully be em-
ployed. Hopefully, some of the resistance to change on the part of
faculty members and administrators will in time be overcome.

While no significant differences in student learning have taken
place when some teachers have employed audio-visual aids, the re-
sults have been different in other situations. Audio-tape recorders
containing lecture tapes which have been prepared by faculty mem-
bers were found to be useful in speech, literature, psychology, and
other courses, in the teaching of scientific terms, and in conducting
laboratory experiments. Such recorders have been synchronized with
slide projectors and test-scoring machines in the teaching of biology
courses. They have also been used by teachers in evaluating their
own instructional efforts. Video-tape recorders and television have
been used with profit in language and science instruction. Instruc-
tional films have been successfully employed in portraying the be-

5 Higher Education: Some Newer Developments, pp. 64-65; "Better Utilization
of College Teaching Resources," p. 18.

^Higher Education: Some Newer Developments, p. 130.

171

havior of peoples and the lives of outstanding personalities, in de-
picting and analyzing historic events, and in replacing or supplement-
ing laboratory work in the sciences.

Programmed instructional materials have been developed for stu-
dents who perform at various levels, and they enable students to have
immediate knowledge of the extent to which they have mastered in-
formation. Use of linear and branching programs makes it possible
to provide for students of different learning rates. Concept films and
short programs are effective in teaching complex concepts. Particular-
ly in the teaching of mathematics and statistics, programmed learning
has been a valuable addition to the arsenal of teaching techniques.
Even though additional research is required to determine the most
beneficial formats, sequencing, and drill techniques, as well as the
type of equipment that should be purchased, language laboratories
can be adapted for use in other courses.

Closed and open circuit television, as well as the somewhat neg-
lected radio, can play important roles in the learning process. In-
struction via television may be too costly, however, in small or
medium-sized colleges. Telelectures, film strips, overhead projectors,
transparencies, and our old standbys the blackboard and the chart
can enliven learning and increase understanding. Practically, all of
these media can be employed in providing opportunities for review
and repetition on the part of students and in enabling faculty mem-
bers to vary their teaching procedures. While their widespread use
will occasion problems of space and scheduling and will necessitate
different approaches in designing classrooms, dormitories, and li-
braries, these are not insurmountable obstacles. Some initial faculty
opposition and student skepticism should be anticipated.

In an age which is discovering increased use of computers, col-
leges which can afford to do so will develop many opportunities for
employing these mechanical marvels in speedily ascertaining student
learning and in recording, classifying, and disseminating all kinds
of useful information. The possible uses of relatively simple and
complex computers in instruction and in research have not all been
determined, but from what we already know about their value and
merit it is apparent that they can aid us immensely in our instructional
programs.

Conclusion

It is highly unlikely that instructional improvements will auto-
matically result from the acquisition of computers, the widespread
use of audio and visual aids, curriculum tinkering, or the introduction
of instructional innovations. Good support must be established be-
tween the teacher and the student and the latter must be motivated
to study and learn. Russell M. Cooper, Dean of the College of Arts
and Sciences at the University of South Florida, was correct when
he asserted that "improvement can come only as those persons im-
mediately responsible for college teaching are moved to reassure and
reorganize the quality of their effort." 7

7 Higher Education: Some Newer Developments, p. 220.

172

Even though we frequently bemoan the fact that many of our stu-
dents are not ready to perform acceptably in our classes and in truth
some cannot despite our best efforts we should make certain that
any failures and shortcomings on their part are not due to a lack
of perseverance and imagination on our part. In our labors with our
students, we should be both demanding and considerate. Somehow
we must develop high but realistic standards and quality programs
in all of our nation's colleges.

173

Needed: A Program To Save
Freshmen !

by

James A. Eaton

In the young, dreams that must die should die with gradual ease,
not with abruptness. But it is usually with a traumatic jolt that the
dream of what college life is going to be, dies for the freshman com-
ing into many of our colleges. Somewhere in the space of a few short
days, the dream about college life as something truly great is smashed
to bits by archaic systems of doing things in the usual confused man-
ner that characterizes many college activities. It is at this point, when
the freshman first confronts the operations of the college, that the
greatest possible impressions of a positive nature should be made.
To the contrary, often it is here that the college begins a long series
of planned activities that turn the freshman from an idealist who
might become a being worthy of the name "college student" into a
cynic who has no loyalty to his alma mater and no real desire to be
a scholar just to be a student who by hook or crook must "beat
the system" or fall by the wayside. This is not the way it ought to be.

What is the cause of the great breach between the "is" and the
"ought"? During the first ten days of a student's stay on the campus,
there are many factors which make notable contributions to this
breach. Many of them are overlooked because they have become
part of the hallowed "way we do things", and this endowed with a
sacredness that cannot be touched by change.

A good example of what does happen is to be found in the plight
of an actual group of freshmen who were discussing with me their
experiences during their first week on campus. With tones of voice
still colored by the emotions produced by the events they were dis-
cussing ,the group talked about that "terrible long day of test after
test" (referring to freshmen placement tests; the results of only two
or three of the battery administered would have any practical use
to the college): the manner in which "we were herded from place
to place in such an impersonal manner"; the matter-of-fact way in
which the rules and regulations affecting their lives were spelled out
to them, each additional rule robbing them of the precious freedom
they had hoped that college would bring. Then there were the usual
stories, perhaps slightly exaggerated, of how freshmen in the men's
dormitories were subjected to various stunts of "initiation" by re-
turning upperclassmen. Finally, there were the admissions of feeling
homesick and lonely and disappointed. These were their first impres-
sions of their alma mater less than two weeks after they had come
to college.

Actually, this was only the beginning of a series of things that
can happen to a freshman student helping to create negative im-
pressions against a college and reducing his effectiveness as a student
and as a person. Some of these factors, perhaps most of them, hap-
pen to exist not so much by design as out of a custom a custom

174

which predates (at least in concept) both functional educational
theories and generally accepted student personnel practices.

Many of the faults with the present "system" begin with the be-
ginning: admissions. Admission practices vary with the colleges, but
there are many instances when a student has been admitted with
little or no respect for the student's welfare. Should a college admit
a student if there is sufficient amount of relatively objective data
available to indicate that the student is not "college material"? Should
a student be admitted to a college which does not offer his choice
of major but tells him that he might substitute something else? (Or
better still, should a student be required to state a major preference
before completing at least a year of general college work?) What,
in addition to a high school diploma, is taken into consideration when
the student's application is being studied?

Once he is on the campus, the student is then assigned to a dormi-
tory room (providing he is able to get a room on campus, of course).
Often, there is little or no thought given to the assignement of room-
mates. "Students are assigned to rooms in order of the receipt of their
reservation fees." So state many college catalogs. And that is often
just about all that determines the matter. Attempts at compatible
room assignments requires work on somebody's part, and so the work
is often left undone.

Registration days are usually well-remembered by freshmen. Long
lines, confusion, closed classes (after having been told by the adviser
that it was necessary to take these classes), jostling with staff mem-
bers of the business office who could forget freshman registration
day? And who can forget the tired, vacant look in a freshman's face
after the ordeal is finished?

If the lot of the student who enters college in September is difficult,
pity the poor freshman who enters the second or third quarter! In
one day, he is given about a half hour of orientation to the rules
and regulations, herded through placement examinations, and then,
if time permits, given classes to put on his registration card (which
he often finds "closed" when he tries to register the next day). This
student is really the "lost one" who wanders around campus from then
on, trying to find the names of buildings, trying to discover the rules
for using the library, and often not even remotely aware of college
regulations he should know before he begins his student career.
Many of these freshmen victims have said that if they had not had
"home boys" or "home girls" on campus, they would have been
completely lost.

Then comes that first day of classes. The freshman meets his
teachers for the first time. If he is fortunate, the experience is at
least promising. If he is unfortunate, the experience is at least de-
pressing. Teachers of freshman courses are not always the best re-
presentatives of the teaching profession.

Before long, the freshman can find many things about which he
would like to register complaints. The dormitory is noisy and not
conducive to studying. And so is the library. Studying seems to be a

175

minor pasttime on the campus, according to many upper classmen.
Rules and regulations regarding signing in and signing out are too
strict, say the girls. Social life is too limited (they are treated like
children by teachers and student personnel workers. The food is
terrible. The books cost too much. The instructors give too much
work. And so the list grows and grows. The freshman, by this time,
has found no reason to love with a passion his new alma mater. After
all, when he looks at the upperclassman, he sees no such love; if
indeed upperclassmen love anything, it seems to be some fraternity
or sorority.

Thus, brainwashed by very subtle influences, a hopeless victim of
a syndrome of practices and regulations, the freshman begins to con-
form to his surroundings, and the little dreams he once had in his heart
about what college was supposed to mean to him die one by one. It
is no wonder that in some colleges as many as fifty per cent of the
students do not return for the sophomore year.

It is time that someone came to the aid of the freshman! While
that is easy to say, it will be more difficult to do. It will be difficult
to do because to give the freshman the kind of aid he needs, many
colleges will have to scrap their "freshman handbooks", redesign their
"general education" curricula, fire some of their teachers, create a new
student personnel program (and hire more people to execute it), and
in general, become more "humanized" than they are at present. Is it
worth all of that activity just to create a few freshmen who can feel
emotions of love swelling within their throats as they sing the alma
mater? Many persons would say or imply an emphatic "no". But if
one could sincerely say "yes", what would he have to do to come
to the aid of the freshman?

Perhaps the most important thing indeed, the only thing that
would be necessary would be a change in attitude toward both the
freshman and the significance of this first year of college. The typical
freshman is an eighteen year old adolescent - not really the "man"
many college officials want to make him. As an adolescent, he is
still in the process of becoming a man, and he still has some thing of
the child lingering. Consequently, he looks with excitement to the
anticipated freshman college will bring, but if he is sensible, he does
not want his freedom to be his undoing. Therefore, the first item
in a changed attitude by college officials would be a recognition of
the freshman's need for "freedom within restraint", to use the words
of Dean E. G. Williamson. This means that many of the rules in the
handbooks will have to go, and freshman students will be given a
voice in setting up their own rules of conduct and will be given power
to discipline themselves when they break these rules. This freedom
would be kept within sensible bounds, but this would hardly be a
problem; students can be much more severe with themselves when
given the opportunity than their elders often realize.

College officials must expect their freshmen to rebell at times against
authority figures. This is only natural. Adolescence, even late adole-
scence, is a time for rebellion. Student growth can come from being
rebellious if the rebellion is matched by understanding, sincerely con-

176

SAVANNAH STATE COLLEGE LIBRARY

^ 6TATE COLLEGE BRANCH

v SAVANNAH. GA
ceraed college officials who are able to reason with their young
charges without allowing their own egos to become too involved or
allowing the young charges to believe that they alone must decide
their own destiny. There are times when firmness on the part of the
college officials will be essential; yet, it, too, must be done not to
protect his own ego but out of understanding concern for the fresh-
man.

This corrected attitude towards the freshman will extend to under-
standing that most freshmen are incapable of making a sufficient ap-
praisal of their abilities and potentialities, and therefore unable to
know when they enter college what occupation they are really fitted
for. Consequently, the first year of college will truly be what it is
often declared to be one of general education, arranged in such
a manner as to enable the student to enter any major field he may
desire when the time comes that he knows himself well enough to
decide. All during that year, counselors and advisors will use coun-
seling, objective tests, and friendly conversation to help him know
himself better and thus become in a better position to make a choice
of a major.

The terrifying experience of registration will be reduced to a mini-
mum when college officials get the right attitude that will send them
to the aid of the freshman. His individual schedule will be made out
for him before he registers. He will not have the frustration of being
frozen out of closed classes because a sufficient number of classes in
each course will be set up to handle him and his classmates. He will
not have the frustration of being thrown to a teacher who hates fresh-
men; the best, most experienced teachers will be selected to teach
him. He will discover in class what college classes are really like,
and he will be helped in trying to discover if this academic world is
really where he belongs.

Finally, he will find fellowship in this community of scholars. That
awful distance between faculty member and student will be bridged
by faculty and administration trying to functionalize Whitehead's
statement that "education involves an intimate relationship." Faculty,
administration, student personnel worker will all strive to be to the
freshman that mature friend who helps him through this period of try-
ing to attain maturity. As Dean Williamson often points out, the
freshman needs the friendly objectivity of faculty and counselors
who understand his need for freedom. He needs someone to hold up
standards who is outside the family relationship. He needs a friendly
ear to listen as he tries to talk through his puzzling problems. He
needs the best teachers teachers who, in addition to their profi-
ciency in subject areas, have had counseling training at the expense
of the college. These teachers will form the bulwark of a thorough
counseling and evaluation program to help the student get to know
himself as he seeks to take advantages of a college education.

The above ideas are given as a possible working solution to the
specific problems mentioned. Beneath those problems are some solid
facts which can be found in situations other than the purely local.

177

t*

It is a fact, for example, that student mortality is a major problem
in American Colleges. It has been found from various studies that
from 40% to 60% of the students who enter college do not remain
to graduate. Why? Studies also show that many who do not survive are
just as competent as those who remain. Why do they drop out? It
is a fact that many students are under-achievers, one study showed
that one-half of the top one-tenth of the students fail to make a B
average. Closely related is the under-achieving average student who
flunks out. Among the reasons given for this type of behavior is
that many students came to college expecting experiences that did
not materialize.

It is equally a fact that recent studies indicate that the problems
mentioned above are well high universal among freshmen. A study
by Myers, for example, indicates that more than 50% of the fresh-
men studied had the following problems: 1) inability to study ef-
fectively, 2) fear of examinations, 3) lack of preparation for academic
life, 4) inability to state own ideas, 5) inability to say anything in
class about the work, 6) confusion at registration, and 7) lack of
personal contact with teachers. Other problems held by fewer than
50% included: 1) confusion in the library, 2) adjustment to housing,
3) too much or too little social activity, 4) adjustment to new room-
mate, 5) lack of financial means, and 6) procrastination.

These are normal problems in normal situations. Give to them the
exaggeration often commonplace on many campuses and it becomes
readily apparent why somebody must work out a program to save
the poor freshman!

REFERENCES

1. Arbuckle, Dugald S., Counseling: Philosophy, Theory and Practice.
Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1965.

2. Kemp, Charles F.. Counseling with College Students.
Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1964.

3. Myers, Kent E., "College Freshmen: A Faculty Responsibility."
Improving College and University Teaching. Vol. XII, No. 1, Winter
1964, 9-10.

4. Tournier, Paul, The Whole Person in A Broken World.
New York: Harper and Row, Publishers, 1964.

5. Williamson, E. G., Vocational Counseling.

New York: McGraw Hill Book Company, 1965.

178

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