f *M\ m no. DECEMBER 1966 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2011 with funding from LYRASIS Members and Sloan Foundation http://www.archive.org/details/facultyresear2021966sava ^VT&TE CO A/ 3 7? FACULTY RESEARCH EDITION Of The Savannah State College Bulletin Volume 20, No. 2 December, 1966 Published by SAVANNAH STATE COLLEGE STATE COLLEGE BRANCH SAVANNAH, GEORGIA Editorial Policies Which Govern The Savannah State College Research Bulletin 1. The Bulletin should contain pure research, as well as creative writing, e.g., essays, poetry, drama, fiction, etc. 2. Manuscripts that have already been published or accepted for publication in other journals will not be included in the Bulletin. 3. While it is recommended that the Chicago Manual of Style be followed, contributors are given freedom to employ other accepted documentation rules. 4. Although the Bulletin is primarily a medium for the faculty of Savannah State College, scholarly papers from other faculties are invited. FACULTY RESEARCH EDITION of The Savannah State College Bulletin < o u >- Q Z >- < CQ < z o I- < z Published by The Savannah State College Volume 20, No. 2 Savannah, Georgia December, 1966 Howard Jordan, Jr., President Editorial Committee Blanton E. Black Mildred W. Glover Elonnie J. Josey J. Randolph Fisher Joan L. Gordon Charles Pratt Forrest O. Wiggins John L. Wilson, Chairman Articles are presented on the authority of their writers, and neither the Editorial Committee nor Savannah State College assumes responsi- bility for the views expressed by contributors. >- CQ Q Z O CO 75036 Contributors Venkataraman Ananthanarayanan, Professor of Mathematics and Physics Sarvan K. Bhatia, Professor of Economics, Wesleyan College, Rocky Mount, North Carolina Charles I. Brown, Associate Professor of Education, Fayetteville State College, North Carolina Johnny Campbell, Jr., Instructor in Business Administration Richard M. Coger, Instructor in Industrial Arts, Mississippi Valley State College, Itta Bena, Mississippi James A. Eaton, Professor of Education (on leave) Dorothy C. Hamilton Assistant Professor of Education Phillip Hampton, Assistant Professor of Fine Arts Thelma M. Harmond, Professor of Education James H. Hiner, Assistant Professor of English, Milton College, Milton, Wisconsin Dorothy B. Jamerson, Assistant Professor and Curriculum and Serials Librarian Elonnie J. Josey, Associate Professor and Librarian Kanwal Kumar, Assistant Professor of Economics, University of Michigan at Flint Shia-ling Liu, Professor of History and Political Science, Fayetteville State College, North Carolina Isaiah Mclver, Assistant Professor of Social Science William M. Perel, Professor of Mathematics, Wichita State University, Wichita, Kansas Kamalakar B. Raut, Professor of Chemistry Robert D. Reid, Dean of Faculty Maurice S. Stokes, Associate Professor of Education Philip D. Vairo, Associate Professor of Education, The University of North Carolina at Charlotte Nazir A. Warsi, Professor of Mathematics and Physics George L-P Weaver, Assistant Secretary of Labor, United States Department of Labor Samuel Williams, Dean of Men and College Minister Martha W. Wilson, Assistant Professor of Mathematics and Physics Preface Savannah State College is once again happy to publish the annual Faculty Research Bulletin. The prime purpose of this bulletin is to serve as an outlet for articles on research opinion and practical ex- periences of those persons whose aim it is to nurture educational excellence among collegiate youth. Not only are research articles of Savannah State College faculty and staff members published in this Bulletin, but also included are research articles by distinguished scholars from other institutions. This Bulletin seeks to enhance the profession of college teaching, while at the same time it gives the readers a ready source of thought-provoking materials on current problems and issues in education. The task of the college teacher is to analyze, interpret, reinterpret, and to suggest societal applications of the accumulated knowledge of his discipline for his students. This Bulletin is but another attempt to make evident the scholar's belief that good teaching is based on creative and imaginative research. It is hoped that this Bulletin will continue to encourage and stim- ulate the present contributors and also other members of the faculty and staff to make studies which will contribute to their fields of knowledge. Only through scholarly research can a faculty become distinguished. I express, therefore, the hope that the academic and cultural interests of the faculty and staff of Savannah State College will continue to find an outlet in this Bulletin for many years to come. Howard Jordan, Jr. President Library of Congress Catalog Number: 60-53452 Table of Contents A Guide to the Study of Current Introduction to Education Textbooks Charles I. Brown 7 Synthesis of 4:6 Thio 1,3, 5-triazine Derivatives II Kamalaker B. Raut 10 The Humanities James H. Hiner 12 The Influence of Religion on the Political Process in Burma Johnny Campbell 22 Creating a National Sense of Direction in Industrial Arts Richard Coger 34 The Teaching of Mathematical Induction William M. Perel 36 The Evolutionary Role of the International Labor Organization Sarvan K. Bhatia 40 What Motivates Students in the Choice of Subject Majors Dorothy C. Hamilton 48 A Device for the Improvement of Study Habits Maurice A. Stokes 55 On Variation of Velocity and Pressure Behind and Along a Shock Surface in Lagrangian Coordinate System Nazir A. Warsi 65 On Vorticity Behind a Shock Surface in Lagrangian Coordinate System Nazir A. Warsi 68 On Gradients of Specific Volume and Pressure Behind a Shock Surface in Lagrangian Coordinate System Nazir A. Warsi 71 The Community College: An American Innovation Philip D. Vairo . 73 Force Field Calculations in Octahedral Water Complexes Venkataraman Ananthanarayanan 76 The Negro in International Affairs-Prospects for the Future George L-P Weaver .:. 80 The Law of Karma as Reflected in Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism Samuel Williams 85 Economic Growth and Income Distribution Sarvan K. Bhatia 92 5 Table of Contents (Continued) India's Experience in Developmental Planning Kanwal Kumar 98 Utilizing Emerging New Instructional Materials and Mechanical Devices-Implications for the Library Dorothy B. Jamerson 103 The Moynihan Report: A Critical Analysis Isaiah Mclver 108 Modern Art: The Celebration of Man's Freedom Phillip J. Hampton 122 A Review of "The Use of Selected Technical Language as a Means of Discovering Elementary Teachers' Operational Definitions of Teaching" Thelma Moore Harmond 128 An Analysis of NTE Scores and Quality Point Ratios of Selected SSC Graduates from 1961 through 1966 Martha W. Wilson 141 The Man Behind "Trees" James A. Eaton 147 Watts: A Tragedy of Errors Elonnie J. Josey 153 Personal Characteristics in Secondary School Social Studies Student Teachers as Related to Certain Measures of Potential Teacher Behavior Shia-lingLiu 159 Some Possible Ways of Improving Instruction in Our Colleges Robert D. Reid 165 Needed: A Program to Save Freshmen! James A. Eaton 174 A Guide to the Study of Current Introduction To Education Textbooks by Charles I. Brown This informational guide has proved its worth in an experiment of two year's duration. Accordingly, it is now deemed sufficiently ready for wider utilization. It is hoped that this article has special relevance for: ( 1 ) in-service teachers who have yet to take the National Teacher Examinations (NTE); (2) in-service teachers who are presently dissatisfied with scores made at a previous NTE administering and who plan to take the NTE again; and (3) students who are attending colleges that do not administer the survey-diagnostic Teacher Educa- tion Examination Program (TEEP) prior to the national administer- ing of the NTE. The use of the study guide, principally by college students, has demonstrated that information sufficient to pass the Professional Information phase of the NTE well within the national median range can be derived from a thorough and comprehensive reading of several or more introductory education textbooks of recent publiction. Lest the directive values of this instrument that purportedly leads to-an- acquisition-of-professional-information is victimized by inordinate imaginings, it is suggested that the chart offered here be used in conjunction with How-To-Pass-High monographs, etc. A happy circumstance, for the in-service teacher who sees little opportunity to attend school in the immediate future, is that probably any four of the diagrammed textbooks can be found in the nearest municipal library. For the economy-minded college student, who doubtless will avail himself of the institution's library resources, the below mentioned textbooks or comparable fascimiles may be secured in paperbound form. Finally, the idea inherent within these study techniques may be used to permit the user to score at least within the range of the middle fifty percent of scores on other phases of the NTE. In other words, the in-service teacher and college student may adequately prepare themselves for testing purposes in their preferred teaching areas by following similar charting-reading procedures with the ap- propriate general survey textbooks. Guide TOPIC 1 Brembeck 1 (62) 1 Callahan (61) Cressmar (56) Crow & Crow (60) 1 Foff 1 (56) 1 Frasier IFrencr 1 (56) 1 (55) i Hall l (63) History i 6,17-19 2 1-2 ! 4 14,11-14 I Philosophy 6,15 7,12,14-16 1,9 3 5 5 ] 14 'I Psychology i 7-8,17 2,4 12 6,13 6 6 ! 3 H -I Sociology, Community Influences 1 12-14,16 3-8 14 20-23 ! 7 ! 7 6 ji,n Teaching Profession 1 1-5,18 18-19 5-8 6-10 ! 2-3 2-3 | 4-5 jrv Curriculum 13 10-11 11-12 2 iin Process or Methods 9-11 10-13 11-16 i 10-14 10-14 l 7 |i Instructional Materials i 13 17-19 7 a Evaluation Guidance 9-11,17 12 14-15 ! 3,10 |i Organization I Administration 1 Finance 9-13 3-4 4,5,10 8 8 i 8-9 1 ii Contemporary Problems & Issues i i 6,15,17 17 2 12-14 i 2-12 ! Higher Education ' 12 2 14 14' 11 i in Future Courses of American Education 1 1-2 17 2 1 13 | Comparative Education 1 1 16 Scientific Study 24-26 Health, Safety, Physical Ed. 13 16 1 9 9! ! Haskew (62) 1 Lee (57) ! Ree (5 der *) Reinhardt (60 Riccio (62) Richey (62) i s miley Historv 12 1 1- 1,8-11 1 8-10 9,13 II Philosophy 7 5-7 2 7 1 17 III Psychology 3,6 | 7-8 5-7 2 8 i Sociology, Com- munity Influences 4 | 18-23 1 ,13 1-4 1 15-16 IV Teaching Profession 1-2 10-11 1 16-17 i 17 -22 9-11 3-5 1-7,10-12 18-19 I Curriculum 5 1 8-11 I 13 -14 9-11 1 9 | Process or Methods 2,9 9 2,5 8,9 i Instructional Materials 9 i 13 -16 5 9 III Evaluation Guidance 2-3,6 | 10 -11 5 8 III Organization Administration Finance 8-9 1 8-11 12-15 3-6 13-14 4 14 i Contemporary Problems & Issues 13 | io,; '4-41 | 23- 41 6 18 I Higher Education 10 12 6 17 J Future Course of American Education 24 ! | 1 ! ii Comparative Education ! m Scientific Study 3,9 i 23 -24 I IIIJV Health Safety Physical Ed 12 ! 1 Brembeck utilizes the case study approach to teaching. -Haskew and McLendon's book has three sections (a) The regular text (b) Readings (3) Reference Manual. ^ Arabic numbers are signatory of chapters. 'Roman numbers are used to indicate that within those books set off by Parts readings appropriate to the Topics may be found in the Part designated. Authors 1 . Brembeck, Cole S. The Discovery of Teaching. Prentice-Hall, 1962. 2. Callahan, Raymond E. An Introduction to Education in American Society, 1961. 3. Cressman, George R. and Benda, Harold W. Public Education in America: A First Course. Appleton, 1956. 4. Crow, Lester D. and Crow, Alice. Introduction to Education. American, 1960. 5. Foff, Arthur and Grambs, Jean D. Readings in Education. Harper, 1956. 6. Frasier, George W. An Introduction to the Study of Education. Harper, 1956. 7. French, William M. Education for All: An Introduction to American Education. Odyssey, 1955. 8. Hall, Clifton L., et. al Readings in American Education. Scott, Foresman, 1963. 9. Haskew, Laurence D. and McLendon, Jonathon C. This is Teaching. Scott, Foresman, 1963. 10. Lee, Gordon C. An Introduction to Education in Modern America. Holt, 1957. 11. Reeder, Ward G. A First Course in Education. Macmillan, 1958. 12. Reinhardt, Emma. American Education: An Introduction. Harper, 1960. 13. Riccio, Anthony C. and Cyphert, Frederick R. Teaching in America. Merrill, 1962. 14. Richey, Robert W. Planning for Teaching: An Introduction to Education. McGraw-Hill, 1958. 15. Smiley, Marjorie B. and Diekhoff, John S. Prologue to Teach- ing: Reading and Source Materials with Text. Oxford Univ. Press, 1959. Synthesis of 4:6 Thio 1, 3, 5-triazine Derivatives (II) by Kamalakar B. Raut The interaction of dithiobiurets with aldehydes and ketones was first reported by Fromm 1 who prepared dithiobiurets by the action of isopersulphocyanic acid and aromatic amines. Later on Fairfull and Peak 2 have shown that Fromm's aldurets and" keturets are really hexahydro-4:6 thio-1, 3, 5-triazine derivatives. In continuation of the previous work 3 , the present work describes the interaction of 1- methyl dithiobiuret with different aromatic aldehydes and by analogy have been shown to be hexahydro 4:6-thio 1, 3, 5-triazines. The experimental details are as follows. HN- = C NH C=S Isopersulphocyanic acid CHo 1 ' A S = V H H-N N-H V 11 s + CH 3 NH, >CHjNH-C-NH-C-NH> + S II II s s Methyl amine Methyl dithiobiuret + o Methyl dithiobiuret Salisaldehyde 1 -methyl-2-0-hydroxy phenyl 4:6 dithio 1, 3, 5-triazine Experimental A mixture of methyl dithiobiuret and salicylic aldehyde (1:1) in ethahol was cooled to 0C. Dry hydrogen chloride gas was passed through this mixture for thirty minutes. The reaction mixture was poured in IN sodium hydroxide, warmed to 50C. and filtered. The filtrate was acidified with dilute acetic acid and cooled overnight. The solid that precipitated was separated by filtration and crystallized from ethanol or ethyl acetate. 10 Similarly, other derivatives were prepared. Aldehyde M.P. of the 4:6 thio 1, 3, 5-triazine derivatives 1. Benzaldehyde 198C 2. Vanillin 132C 3. Anisaldehyde 95C 4. Alpha-Toluidin 197C 5. Alpha-nitrobenzaldehyde 197C 6. Alpha-dimethylamino benzaldehyde 102C 7. O-hydroxybenzaldehyde 228C 8. Veratric aldehyde 73C 9. 2-Hydroxynaphthaldehyde References 228C 1. Fromm, E., Ann., 384-94. 2. Fairfull, A.E.S. and Peak, D.A., /. Chem. Soc, 1955, 796-802. 3. Raut, K. B., Faculty Research Bulletin, Savannah State Col- lege, 19, 29 (1965). 11 The Humanities by James H. Hiner Two different applications of "integrity" are sought, evidently, in courses of study bearing the designation "humanities." One is the notion of "underlying relationships" between most, or perhaps all, of the traditional disciplines. According to John E. Dietrich, of Michigan State University, "We must eradicate the ancient notion that disciplines are distinct, neatly packaged entities .... We should seek the underlying relationships which are paramount since we cannot teach coverage and . . . since we must avoid duplication. We just cannot afford to waste the students' time." 1 "Integrity" in this first sense means that there is some kind of unity within subject matter traditionally broken up and kept in semi- or even total isola- tion called "disciplines." One intention of a humanities course should be to discover this subject matter and draw it together. This is a matter for discovery, however, not fiat. Another meaning of "integrity" is present in the following argu- ment: "If humanists do not have the courage to speak out for the imaginative and the humanistic intelligence (which means, among other things, making intelligent statements about value), then they are not humanists at all, but merely technicians of dead and living languages." 2 I find some ambiguity in Arrowsmith's argument, in that I wonder how one is to take the phrase: "making intelligent statements about value." Arrowsmith's tone seems charged with a moralistic fervor, almost as though he were asking humanities to do the work of ethics or religion or both. I am not certain, that is, whether the kind of statements he wants are to be addressed to the critical intelligence or to the moral will. Does he want the humanists to say that one can learn about value from study of the humanities; or does he want one to say that the lessons of such-and-such a work should be learned because they will lead to good conduct or moral behavior? Other uncertainties spring to mind. Is Arrowsmith asking that the instructor be as moral as the imaginative work he's holding up for observation; and does Arrowsmith expect the instructor to know as much about value, beauty, and the good as the artist whose work he is presenting to the class? Supposing that Arrowsmith does mean something like this that the instructor himself is to be an agent of moral integrity is he there- fore to think of himself as a higher authority than the student, telling the student what values are to be found where? 1 "Education in Transition A Challenge," a speech delivered to the Milton College faculty, Sept. 1966. 2 William Arrowsmith, "The Shame of Graduate Schools " Harpers, March 1966. 12 In this matter of integrity, then, I draw the following inferences : 1. None of the problems implicit in the relationship of educator to educated is eliminated by teaching "the humanities" rather, than, say, art, literature, or history, etc. 2. One can accept the notion of "underlying relationships" among the disciplines and yet reject the notion that the humanities must work directly on the moral will of the instructor or the student. 3. I doubt, though, that one can avoid the question of value en- tirely. I think that there is a postulate of value in the very concept of "underlying relationships." And certainly the question of value has entered as soon as one says that it is better to study "relation- ships" than "neatly packaged entities." 4. Given the likelihood that any curriculum including one desig- nated "humanities" tends to be tied into neat packages by the edu- cator, and given the proximity of value to the concept of humanities, there is a twin source of danger at the very outset of any humanities course or program: it may be corrupted from the start by the edu- cator's imposition of arbitrary limits, limits reflecting either the in- structor's sense of order or his sense of value. The dangers of "humanities" are reflections of its values. If one feels that "the destiny of the world is determined less by the battles that are lost and won than by the stories it loves and believes in," 3 one would naturally like to single out the best "stories" and pass them on to the student. To think in this way, however, is possibly to ac- cept the idea of value without the idea of underlying relationships. When one learns that these "stories" appear in quite unsuspected places and in forms even quite remote from "stories," one has begun to think in the terms of the humanities. Bernard Shaw said something similar to the above quotation, but said it in a way more compatible to the humanities: "The world is finally governed by forces expressing themselves in religion and laws which make epochs rather than by vulgarly ambitious individuals who make rows." 4 One doesn't have to accept the intelligence's contempt for the "vulgarly ambitious" to recognize the impact of the notion of "forces expressing themselves." If one would learn to recognize and seek out the variety of expressions of those forces the disorderly as well as the orderly rightly approved by Shaw one would have the basis for a humanities curriculum as well as a caution against its abuse; for at least I imagine one would want to handle "forces" cautiously. In the absence of some such unifying concept, one falls into hap- hazard organization. The following description of one of three general 3 H. C. Goddard, The Meaning of Shakespeare (University of Chicago), vol. 11, p. 208. 4 Preface to St. Joan. 13 education programs at Plattsburg State University (New York) seems to me representative of this kind of hazard: Humanities: A three-year (Freshman- Junior) 18 semester credit hour, interdisciplinary, cross-cultural (primarily Western emphasis) program. The program proceeds pri- marily in a chronological fashion with special concepts, topics, etc. identified for the purpose of emphasizing the relationships among the several humanistic studies and how the content of these studies speaks to the human condition. The reading materials are primarily that which is commonly considered literature, historical description and analysis, and philosophical. The disciplines integrated are literature, his- tory, art, music, theatre, and philosophy. 5 The prose, even with the excuse of catalogue jargon, is atrocious: the alliterations are unconscious and the syntax inexcusable. The passage could have been written by any practiced educator in a comatose state, and this in itself tells us perhaps all we need to know about what to expect from such a course. (Though it goes without saying that instruction is regularly better than one would be entitled to expect from course descriptions else all educators would be shot. ) And if the prose betrays the weakness of the impulse in a general way, the passage's continued appeal to "the disciplines" betrays its dubious value as a statement about "humanities." The humanist's temptation to continue thinking in terms of disci- plines should be put down. "There is a difference," says Russell Thomas, "between saying that the humanities are philosophy, religion, literature, the arts, or any combination of these . . . and saying that humanistic study will find most of its subject matter in the products of these several arts." 6 This statement seems to be on the way to freeing the subject matter of the humanities from that of the separate disciplines. Yet the attraction of the disciplines lingers on, and the reason it does is accounted for (usconsciously) in Mr. Thomas' next remark: "They [i.e. . . . the products of these several arts] are indeed the works of men which, more than any other of human activities, record man's aspirations and values." There are two attitudes represented here, and both lend support to the confusion between "the humani- ties" and "the separate disciplines": the first is the moralist's concern for "aspirations and values," a concern that seems capable of thinking of values in terms of heights only, and that seems to be suppressing any intrusion of either the swamplands or the great rolling plains of value. The second is the intellectual's conviction that certain activities (namely religion, philosophy, literature, the arts) "more than any other" activity record the values the humanist is looking for. 5 From "News and Views: A Digest of exciting new developments on the frontiers of General and Liberal Studies." The author of the Digest is not named. 6 "The Humanities in American Undergraduate Education," College English, 27:93 (Nov., 1965). 14 By keeping company only with the moralist and the intellectual, the humanist is liable to ignore the popular artists, for example the "merchants of unfulfilled desires," as one critic has called them. He might, too, pass over 'the merchants of unfulfillable desires,' that is the avant garde. He would surely be apt to set aside the virtuoso, the dandy, and the inventor of the can-opener. There is, of course, some justification for going in ignorance of all these. Insofar as man's activities are anchored to necessity or teased beyond the possible, education has a right to ignore them. But then the activity intrinsic to a given discipline be it philosophical or tech- nological or prophetic is not the concern of "the humanities;" this is the point Mr. Thomas was trying to make and the point I am now trying to underscore. There is a subject matter for "the humanities" that is distinct from every separate discipline. Humanities is not a consort of disciplines, but a different discipline. If this is not the case, then there is nothing much but the convenience Mr. Dietrich spoke of to ground the case for humanities. It is a flimsy ground. But if it is the case that humanities belongs, as it were, to no discipline, but that it may find its subject matter wherever man has left records of his "aspirations and values," then probably it can find its subject matter as often in the design of tools and bathtubs, dreams and demons, as in all those "higher" activities alluded to by Mr. Thomas and Mr. Arrowsmith. One more problem requires some analysis before we can set out to find the subject matter of the humanities. Once again statements by Mr. Thomas furnish the argument. There are three propositions: (1) the products of art may be put to non-humanistic uses, (2) the products of scientific inquiry have humanistic uses; and, (3) there is a distinction, nevertheless, between humanistic and scientific ac- tivities. Briefly, Mr. Thomas (following Richard McKeon) argues that to analyze a work of art as a statement of truth is to make a non- humanistic use of humanistic subject matter: "The kind of analysis which Freud makes . . . where a work is analyzed as 'a . . . source of knowledge concerning the operations ... of the human mind and the subconscious," for example. As an illustration of the opposite the humanistic use of non-humanistic subject matter one might appeal to the post-Darwinian universe of discourse in the works of Dreiser or James T. Farrell. To test the 'truth' of esthetic statements or the 'value' of truths appears to be the discrimination between non- humanistic and non-scientific uses of the respective subject matter. We find ourselves committed, then, to the idea of use or activity; committed, that is, to the idea of the "humanistic use" of a large perhaps infinitely large and heterogenous subject matter. By the concept of "humanistic use" we are evidently committing ourselves first of all to a certain kind of activity rather than to a restricted sub- ject matter. And perhaps we shall have to say, finally, that we can't determine our subject matter until we have performed a certain kind of activity. Perhaps the subject matter of "the humanities" exists only as a suspicion to be founded or a hypothesis to be examined the 15 examining and the founding to be carried out by the activity we call "humanistic." But on what can this activity engage? What facts converge on what hypothesis? What evidence arouses what suspicions? One cannot study "everything." But can one study just "anything"? Before rejecting out of hand the notion of studying just anything, one should be aware that it contains a high degree of psychological validity. "The most engrossing way to read is to refuse to have any- thing to do with prescribed lists, and to read from one thing to the next," says Harold Taylor. 7 This 'most engrossing way' might con- ceivably be the most efficient, the least waste of time for the student. By refusing prescribed lists one might save both the student's interest and his time, and thereby satisfy the criteria of both Mr. Taylor and Mr. Dietrich. But understood as catering to idosyncratic taste, the idea of reading from one thing to the next is full of dangers. Yet, if this perversion of the idea can be overcome, it seems to me to contain considerable value. And the perversion, I believe, is overcome if one reads from one thing to the next in search of, say, underlying relationships. This would place the search for that kind of integrity where it properly belongs: on the student; it would serve to lessen the distance between the authority of the instructor and the dependence of the student; and, with luck, it might provide a neat lesson to both to the effect that relations lie as often in untrodden as in well-trodden ways. Still, such a method is not to be taken as an adequate definition of humanistic activity. Humanistic activity cannot be inferred from pedagogy alone, though one naturally wants any valid activity to sug- gest or carry with it some implications or method. If, however, one will think of humanities as something all sentient persons engage in, rather than as exclusively a subject to be taught, firmer grounds for both subject matter and method may be discoverable. "Humanities" in this primary sense of something all sentient per- sons engage in I take to be 'the calling of man.' s By "sentient per- sons," I understand those who make commitments, commitments to implicit or explicit actions; commitments which therefore are hazard- ous and liable to error. Since these commitments are registered in man's tastes, aspirations, and values, to study the humanities means to examine those tastes, aspirations, and values as evidence of the sort of commitments they contain. And what do tastes and so on bear witness to besides commitment? Well, first of all they bear witness to error: to the error entailed in the present by the past; to the error on the future implicit in the present. They bear witness to the activity of sentient persons who ac- 7 On Education and Freedom, Abelard-Schuman (1954). 8 See Michael Polanyi. The Study of Man, Chicago Phoenix Books (1963), pp. 41-70. 9 Bernard Shaw, preface to St. Joan. 16 cept or reject the implications of life prepared in some past and pointed towards some future; an activity carried on, furthermore, ac- cording to a series of postulates that acts may be right or wrong, possible or impossible, desirable or undesirable. In the primary sense, as defined, humanities is very apt to be car- ried on not unconsciously but uncritically. "The fashion in which we think changes like the fashion of our clothes, and ... it is difficult, if not impossible, for most people to think otherwise than in the fashion of their own period." 9 The assumption behind Shaw's description of what Bacon called the idols of the theater is that it would be a good thing if most people would learn to think in ways different from the fashion of their own period. To apply that assumption to the teaching of humanities means to treat the subject or activity as iconoclastic. Yet the desire to be iconoclastic may itself be one of the idols of our present theater of ideas. It can, therefore, be thought of as a com- mitment registering man's tastes and values. But without critical im- plementation, without other criteria, the iconoclastic approach is not a sufficient rationale for a study of the humanities. Humanistic ac- tivity means more than simply man's occasional desire to break traditional molds. There is no more solid ground under the feet of the iconoclast than under the traditionalist; perhaps less. The iconoclast, however, provides a clue to the meaning of human- istic activity in what I shall now call the secondary sense. For in setting out to smash the icons, or symbols, of a period or of some group within that period he tells us indirectly something of the power of those symbols: they focus and, as it were, perpetrate the fashions in which men think, aspire, and evaluate. The iconoclast tells us indirectly what the dandy, the esthete, the philosopher, for example, tell us directly: that certain expressions or certain objects, or both, have the force of commitment behind them and call forth commitment in response. When Shaw's Don Juan says that the artists "led me at last into the worship of women," he provides one piece of direct evidence of this force. Another and different sort of evidence is implicit in Herbert J. Muller's remark: "In the account of the world given by nineteenth-century science, a machine was a much more satisfactory thing than a human being." 10 In addition, Muller's remarks may remind us once again that not all of man's tastes and aspirations are caught and congealed in art and art's objects. The distinction between humanities in the primary and the second- ary senses perhaps can be apprehended in Giedion's "two categories of historical facts." The one he calls "constituent," the other "transito- ry." The transitory are those that "lack creative force and invention;" the constituent are those "marked by creative force and invention." 11 Humanistic activity in the transitory sense is carried on in perhaps all of man's waking hours, and both plays on and is played on in turn by "creative force and invention." With sufficiently sophisticated tech- niques it can be, and has been, studied. 10 Science and Criticism. Yale, 2nd ed., (1963), p. 241. "Siegfried Giedion, Mechanization Takes Command, Oxford (1948), p. 389. 17 We leave the marks of our culture, with some residue of tastes and so on, in voice inflection and bodily posture, in practices of greeting and eating, in syntax as well as in sin. The distinction between transito- ry and constituent, between what I have called humanities in the primary and the secondary sense, is not always clearly marked or easy to determine. One of the things the study of culture is doing is, in fact, constantly enlarging the area of those forces we learn to call "constituent." In the study of humanities, we have, as more than one distressed humanist has admitted, an embarrassment of riches. This no doubt helps account for the fact that the humanities often follow the social sciences in constructing "a kind of education grab-bag." ("Though the integration of social studies ... is greatly to be desired, and has been achieved in certain schools and colleges, it is surely not accomplished by taking bits of history, economics, government, and social philosophy and assembling them in a kind of education grab- bag." 12 ) But this embarrassment is also a challenge to create some- thing far more integral in the study of humanities. I said several pages back that I thought there was a postulate of value in the very concept of underlying relationships. And I have said that I regard humanities, first of all, as an activity : specifically an ac- tivity of registering in one's tastes, aspirations, and values, a com- mitment to further actions carrying additional significance. There seems to be something circular here, but I doubt that it is totally ob- scure. The definition of humanities as an activity implying further activity is not as circular as it sounds. To paint a picture or, for that matter, to buy one is of course an act; but it also implies or expli- cates a kind of world in which, presumably, acts like it can be carried out. In short, in expressing one's taste, one expresses one's purpose (understanding by "purpose" an intention to realize some end). Of course I do not mean that all acts or intentions are fully thought out or finally realized. Their tentativeness is, in fact, their unavoidable hazard. And I have said that the humanities is an activity that in parts or on occasions is "marked by creative force and invention;" and by its force, therefore, assumes a dominating role whether or not we are completely aware of the domination in man's life. I want now to try to draw these three notions closer together and to point to some further implications for the study of humanities. I can begin by wondering why there should be something of value in the very concept of underlying relationships. The thought that there might be suggests a coherence theory of value. This can be quite an arid theory. It may lead to the practice of isolating every art, every activity, from every other art and activity lead, that is, in a direction just the reverse of what I have been urging. In the effort to find a value for art in the work of the New Critics, for example it may be thought necessary to express relationship in terms of self- 12 James Gutman, "Integrity as a standard of valuation," in Schutte and Steinberg, eds., Personal Integrity, Norton (1961). 18 sufficiency, and to find the justification for any art or activity in the mechanics underlying and peculiar to that art. That many artists and critics have felt the need to be this reductive in their application of underlying relationships is certainly the case, and therefore something for humanistic study to consider. But it is not what I mean by "under- lying relationships," and if it is what others mean, it is doubtful whether it can support anything but the grab-bag arrangement of studies. Underlying relationships are sometimes conceived in biological that is, organic terms. Giedion's practice of distinguishing constitu- ent and transitory historical facts is founded on a biological metaphor: "The distinction becomes necessary if . . . one sees history, like biolo- gy, as concerned with the problem of growth and development not to be confused with progress." 13 As a matter of fact, one can speak of underlying relationships as a vitalist or a mechanist, as a Shavian or a Darwinian; one can also think of it in terms either of idealism or corporatism and perhaps in still other fashions, each of which means by "underlying relationships" the determinants of their own exclusive systems. Muller finds the practice quite marked in present- day science: "The trend ... is indicated by the constant recurrence of such terms as 'continuity,' 'evolution,' 'interrelation,' 'integration,' 'systematic,' 'field,' 'pattern' all summed up in the concept of dy- namic, organic wholes." 14 All such systems may be taken together as evidence of at least one thing: the considerable value that is as- signed to the concept, itself, of underlying relationships. The concept evidently is felt as meaningful or valuable by all who use it; and this is certainly one reason the humanist takes it as basic to his study, too. But in addition it should be possible to justify the concept without appeal to its uses by any particular art or science. I think this is possible. "All meaning," says Polanyi, "lies in the comprehension of a set of particulars in terms of a coherent unity." 15 The discovery of meaning, in other words, is the discovery of relationships. It is valuable because it makes choice and therefore acts possible. In- tentions and purposes, and therefore acts, are fashioned according to how one discovers meaning. The discovery and assignment of mean- ing, I suggest, is always an incipient act, providing the grounds for choice or intention, purpose and end. The charge that some persons are unable to discover or unwilling to make assignments of meaning anywhere within their world is not necessarily a contradiction of my argument. Nevertheless, for their benefit, I can express the argument in different terms: the discovery of meaning or the failure to make that discovery, either one is always an incipient act, leading on the one hand to intention-purpose-end and on the other to the gratuitous act-absurdity-chaos. In short to metaphysics or 'Pataphysics.' One can also play a bit loose with "meaning" and simply say that some find 13 Mechanization Takes Command, p. 389. 14 Science and Criticism, p. 241. 15 Michael Polanyi, The Study of Man, Chicago, Phoenix Books (1963), p. 49. 19 meaning in nonsense, just as some discover purpose in absurdity and ends in chaos. One then probably must revise Polanyi's proposition to read : 'All meaning lies in the comprehension of a set of particulars in terms of a coherent or incoherent entity.' At which point one throws up his hands in despair. The intrusion into humanistic activity of an art and philosophy, which in proclamation and practice denies the traditional grounds of meaning and value to which the humanities appeal for justification, is nevertheless not an absolute catastrophe. In the first place it serves as a marked reminder that the humanities' belief meaning lies in coherence and value in meaning is a hypothesis, not a truth. It puts hypotheses about "underlying relationships" to the test. If all the anti-humanists, dadaists, 'Pataphysicians,' and so on are wrong, the humanists (to paraphrase J. S. Mill) are offered this chance to strengthen their hypothesis; if right, we may change our error for what seemed their heresy. If the arts of the absurd are marked as they seem to be by "creative force and invention," then either we who supposed this force had to be the product of coherence are wrong, or the absurdists are wrong in imagining their inventions were without coherence. In either event, the humanities are in a most en- viable position; they should flourish on the examination as never before. For these reasons, the absurd should certainly be included in the study of humanistic activities. But there are more reasons than these. For the most part, students of the humanities have in the past acted like tourists aboard ships making ports of call. Seeking evidence of man's aspirations and values, we have, as it were, sailed among the islands of desire. We have followed guided tours, accepting pretty much without question our Baedeker's estimate of the height of the islands above sea level. And we have accepted the peaks as "marked by creative force and invention" without giving much if any attention to the characteristics of the ocean floor. I shall say that we should think as oceangraphers for a while and then abandon the metaphor. We deserve the challenge and rebuke of the absurd. It is the price we shall have to pay for our extreme selectivity in the past. We should bear the charge happily, realizing that what we are being invited to do is to enlarge our understanding of underlying relationships. "Two historical phenomena are simultaneous, or have a determin- able temporal relation to each other, only in so far as they can be related within one 'frame of reference' . . ." 16 This statement repre- sents Panofsky's way of warning the art historian against the abuse of relationship: chronology is not the determinant. Neither as Panof- sky also warns is subject matter: "The re-creative experience of a work of art depends . . . not only on the natural sensitivity and the visual training of the spectator" training, that is, which would enable 16 Erwin Panofsky Meaning in the Visual Arts, Doubleday Anchor Book (1955), p. 7. 20 him to identify subject matter "but also on his cultural equip- ment." 17 Panofsky's analysis, though, is capable of much wider application than to the study of art only. The concept "frame of reference," for example, must be applicable to determining relations among any historical phenomena. In addition, "frame of reference" has an in- teresting doubleness. On the one hand it refers to the "cultural equip- ment" of anyone as beholder: anyone who is expressing tastes, aspira- tions, and values is doing so through some perhaps determinable frame of reference. On the other hand, the work of art and, by ex- tension, anything marked by creative force and invention is charac- terized by its own "cultural equipment" or frame of reference. Panof- sky calls this a work's "content," to distinguish it from its form and idea: "It is the basic attitude of a nation, a period, a class, a religious or philosophical persuasion all this unconsciously qualified by one personality and condensed into one work .... That which a work betrays but does not parade" (p. 14). These "basic attitudes" (Panofsky elsewhere calls them "cultural symptoms" or "symbols" see Meaning, p. 41) are, I believe, the frame of reference wanted for the study of humanities. This does not mean that one abandons thinking of the forms or ideas (themes) of the separate arts, but that one distinguishes, compares and contrasts, forms and ideas in order finally to identify basic attitudes "of a na- tion, period, class," and so on. Learning "that which a work betrays but does not parade" becomes, perhaps, the single best way of finding out whether one is in the present or has ever left the past. Discovering that these basic attitudes can turn up (prove to be "underlying rela- tionships," that is) in works otherwise distinguished by their form, idea, or both in objects as separate as typewriters and oil paintings, or in events as distant as art shows and revolutions should be proof to the student that in expressing tastes, aspirations, and values, he may be expressing more than merely conscious purpose. Considering the variety of ways in which basic attitudes conceal themselves should amount to a demonstration that relationships exist, that neither ob- jects nor events nor choices are limited to themselves alone; such a lesson, perhaps, being the value which we began looking for; the value implicit in the concept of underlying relationships. Perhaps the only value that can be passed on to the student without turning the lectern into a pulpit. "Ideas," as Richard Weaver said, "have con- sequences." 18 17 Meaning in the Visual Arts, p. 16. 18 Richard M. Weaver, Ideas Have Consequences, Chicago, Phoenix Book (1948). 21 The Influence of Religion on The Political Process in Burma by Johnny Campbell Introduction In a traditional society, religion is one of the dominant forces which tend to weld the society into a cohesive group. Its dogmas, tenets, and doctrines are accepted largely without questioning and exert great influence on the lives and behavior of the group. When, however, a traditional society interacts with a more dynamic society and sub- sequently undergoes profound socio-economic and political changes, the influence of religion on the society tends to become less preva- sive, less encompassing. The degree to which religion, as a binding social force, is displaced by secularization, depends on a host of fac- tors, but in most instances, "wherever the modernization process has had an impact, it has contributed to secularization." 1 Professor Von der Mehden avers that secularization has meant a loss of the power of religion in India, Indonesia, and Paki- stan, and the Middle East. The modern political elite, in accepting western ideologies and nationalism as guides to national policy, has tended to erode the influence of the formerly powerful clerical groups. Burma, as well, can be described as a nation in which religion is becoming isolated from political decision-making, but with far less determina- tion than her neighbors. 2 In Burma the Ne Win Government, which has moved increasingly toward strong-arm tactics to accomplish its objectives, is finding that the power of religion is still formidable. "The monks, roughly a tenth of all Burmese adult men, remain the one substantial element that resists assimilation into the new military society, and Ne Win has taken great pains to treat the priesthood with care and overt sympa- thy, remembering no doubt their important political role before the war." 3 In 1963, the Ne Win Government passed a National Soli- darity Act which abolished political parties and required all religious organizations to register with the Government. According to the New York Times, "Moslem, Christian and other religious groups agreed to comply. But the 20,000 member Association of Young Buddhist Monks threatened to form suicide squads to demonstrate their oppo- 1 James S. Coleman, The Politics of Developing Areas. (Princeton, 1960) p. 537. -Fred Von der Mehden, "Buddhism and Politics In Burma," The Antioch Review XXI (Summer, 1961) p. 166. 3 John Ashdown, "Burma's Political Puzzle," Far Eastern Economic Review, XLV, September 17, 1964, p. 516. 22 sition." 4 The opposition of the monks led to a complete reversal of policy by the Ne Win Government. The purpose of this paper is to trace the process of interaction between religion and politics in Burma. Why has religion remained such a potent force in Burma? The answer to this question lies, we believe, in the historical relationship between politics and religion in Burma. This paper seeks, therefore, to explain the preponderance of religious influence existing in Burma in terms of historical factors which are deeply embedded in the consciousness of the Burmese. Professor Pye writes : Historically, . . . religion was the very basis of most of the Burmese social and political structure, and thus it should be expected that the process of modernization would create difficult issues about the place religion should continue to occupy in Burmese life. 5 When one speaks of the religious influence in Burma, one has in mind the influence of the Buddhist monks the pongyis (monks of full standing). There has existed, historically, a close relationship between religion and culture in Burma the relationship has been so close that Burman and Buddhist are virtually synonymous. Indeed, for all practical purpose, Buddhism can be said to have always been the state religion of Burma. 6 The school of Buddhism native to Burma is called the Theravada or Way of the Elders. Every large village has its Buddhist monastery and the pongyis are ubiquitous figures in Burma. "Of all the conservative forces in Burma" writes King, "The Sangya or order of Buddhist monks, is perhaps the strong- est." 7 Our analysis of the influence of religion upon politics in Burma will cover four periods: 1) the pre-British monarchy; 2) the national- ist movement of the 1920's; 3) the period 1930-1945; and 4) the post-war period. The Pre-British Monarchy According to Cady, "the most important nonpolitical segment of the society in old Burma was the Buddhist Sangha . . . The monks were influential because they touched virtually all elements of the population and because they were reverenced by the people." 8 Though the sangya was a powerful force in old Burma, evidence seems to indicate that the Burmese king was unchallenged in authori- ty. As a body, the sangya was apolitical. 4 The New York Times, May 6, 1964, p. 6. 5 Lucian W. Pye, Politics, Personality, and Nation Building. (New Haven, 1963) p. 190. 6 E. Michael Mendelson, "Religion and Authority in Modern Burma," World Today, XVI (March, 1960) p. 111. 'Winston L. King, "New Forces in an Old Culture," The Antioch Review, XXI (Summer, 1961) pp. 157-58. 8 John F. Cady, A History of Modern Burma. (Ithaca, 1958) p. 49. 23 . . . the court chronicles contain clear evidence that the king brooked no clerical challenge to his authority over the state. He punished summarily any indication of defiance or rebellion. Neither the personal influence of the that- hanabaing [royally appointed head of the sangha Bud- dhists] nor the humanitarian principles of the Buddhist faith seem to have moderated appreciably the unrestrained violence which characterized most of the reigns. 9 Although the sangha as a group was apolitical, individual monks wielded great political influence. Monks were frequently employed in peace negotiations involving civil strife, their prestige is thought to have lent sincerity to the proposals. 10 The monks are said to have led revolts, but "Monkish participation in rebellion was almost in- variably on an unauthorized and individual basis." 11 At the royal court, the principal religious personage was the thathanabaing who was assisted by a council. The thathanabaing was the recognized leader of the entire Buddhist order. Because of his official standing, the thathanabaing was used by the king, more or less, to control the order of monks. "The thathanabaing exercised religious authority under royal mandate and served also as the channel for making royal authority effective throughout the monastic community." 12 The Nationalist Movement of the 1920's When the British annexed Burma to the empire following the third Anglo-Burman War (1885-86) a clean sweep was made of the old order. The thathanabaing was relieved of his functions at the court, along with the other ecclesiastical officials. The period from 1886-1918 witnessed a sharp decline in the influence of the monks. But the end of World War I saw the upsurge of nationalistic feelings in Burma. And the monks played a very important role in the na- tionalists' campaign against the British. If the monks constituted a potential political force in old Burma, they became an active force during the aftermath of World War I. Writing about the role of the monks during this period, Von der Mehden says: If any period can be called the high tide of sangha sharing in the political process it was the 1920's . . . their activity took the form of a politically oriented national sangha as- sociation, publication of newspapers and tracts, and advice given to politicians and the lay flock on political, economic, and social issues. 13 It is to be noted that most of the monks who participated in the nationalist movement of the 1920's were the younger ones who at the 3 John F. Cady, "Religion and Politics in Modern Burma," Far Eastern Quarter- ly, XII (February, 1953) p. 151. L0 See Cady, A History of Modem Burma, p. 52. ll Ibid., p. 53. 12 1 bid., p. 54. 13 Von der Mehden, op. cit., p. 168. 24 time were not thoroughly indoctrinated to their passive role in society. A degree of self-interest was inherent in the monks' participation in the nationalist movement. Perhaps the most significant reason was the general decline of influence under British rule. For the monk, at least "until British time, taught every male child in the kingdom between the ages of six and thirteen and advised him, as well as his wife, an all matters until his dying day." 14 Under British rule, how- ever, there was a gradual lessening of influence in point of fact, there was a discrediting of the monks' learning, with the subsequent decline in prestige and in their support. One of the leading personalities to emerge from this period was a young monk, U Ottama of whom Von der Mehden says, "wore the robes of the pongyi but spoke the words of a political agitator. The combination had a profound influence on the Burmese religious com- munity." 15 U Ottama told his followers that the existence of Bud- dhism itself was threatened, that it was necessary to leave the monastery to defend the religion. In 1921 U Ottama was arrested by British authorities and sentenced to jail for ten months. Again in 1924 he was arrested this time he was given a sentence of three years. The lasting contribution of U Ottama was that he transformed "an essentially political problem into a religious one." 16 The principal political organization which emerged during this period for the articulation of interests and grievances was the General Council of Buddhist Associations (G.C.B.A.). The G.C.B.A. was the political offspring of the Young Men's Buddhist Association which first began operating around 1906. The Y.M.B.A. was originally social, religious and educa- tional in purpose ... In spite of its apolitical proclivity, the interest of the Y.M.B.A. in the religious and social re- vitalization of Burmese life forced it into conflict with the government on the issues of closing all schools on Buddhist religious holidays, and in time it became a general com- plaint bureau for those seeking redress for social and re- ligious grievances. 17 In 1921, the Y.M.B.A. was replaced by the G.C.B.A. Furvinal sees this as a significant step in Burma's rising tide of nationalism. He writes : This marked a definite stage in the progress of nationalism : the severance, if only formal, of politics from religion. Hitherto Nationalists had been linked together, nominally at least, on the basis of their common Buddhism, but the manifesto of the Twenty-one Party was Nationalist, not Buddhist; political, not religious. 18 14 Mendelson, op. cit., p. 111. 15 Fred Von der Mehden, Religion and Nationalism in Southeast Asia. (Madi- son, 1963) p. 136. 16 Cady, A History of Modern Burma, p. 232. 17 Von der Mehden, Religion and Nationalism in Southeast Asia, pp. 32-3. 18 J. S. Furnival, Colonial Policy and Practice, (New York, 1956) p. 143-44. 25 Although the appeal of the G.C.B.A. was toward a larger audience than the Buddhist, on the whole "there remained a close tie between nationalism and religion, and nationalism still drew much of its strength from Buddhist sentiment." 19 What was the result of the political agitation on the part of the monks during this period of heightened political activities? The Eng- lish Parliament, in 1922, passed the Burma Reforms Bill. The pro- vision for a legislative council was the chief section of the Bill. But Cady writes: "The decade of the 1920's was, on the whole, a period of meagre positive achievement. The welter of political unrest which attended these governmental changes was aggravated by tangible eco- nomic grievances and by a rising tide of communal opposition to the presence and activities of Indian residents of Burma." 20 1930-1945 The Decline of Influence The period 1930 to 1945 saw the diminishing of the influence of the monks on the political process in Burma. Von de Mehden writes; "Before 1927 the pongyis influenced and planned political activities, while after 1932 the clergy was more and more the tool of the politi- cian." 21 Two factors contributed to the decline of the monks' in- fluence in the political arena, 1) the political separation of Burma from India, and 2) the impact of western material and intellectual forces. It was during this period that the post-war political leaders of Burma Aung San, U Nu, Ne Win, Kyaw Nyein, Ba Maw, et. ah, gained prominence. Burma capitulated to the Japanese in early 1942. During the Japanese occupation, many pongyis supported the invaders on the erroneous assumption that because Japan was a Buddhist country the monks would be exalted. But the Japanese were not very con- siderate toward the monks, though they seemed to have been aware of the potential power which the monks could wield. In fact the pongyis were subject to a great deal of humiliation under the occu- pation forces. "The Japanese soldiers were not respectful of Burmese religious feelings. Soldiers were accused of assorted crimes, including pongyis to wash the soldiers clothes, using the yellow robes as sad- dlecloths, . . . desecrating religious shrines, stealing pogada treasures . . ." 22 Because of the setbacks suffered by the monks at the hands of the Japanese occupation the conservative elements within the order gained the upper hand. Subsequently, political activities of the monks virtually ceased. Their contributions toward repelling the Japanese were almost nil. At the end of World War II, the political power of the monks had virtually ceased on the national level. Be- cause of the pervasiveness of the Buddhist faith in Burma, they con- 10 1 bid., p. 144. 20 Cady, A History of Modern Burma, p. 242. 21 Von der Mehden, Religion and Nationalism in Southeast Asia, p. 148. 22 1 bid., p. 152. 26 tinued to exert a great degree of influence at the local level, but the end of war witnessed the emergence of secular-minded politicians who eschewed religion. Post World War II Developments The resistance movement in Burma was headed by General Aung San who was instrumental in the founding of the Anti-Fascist Peoples Freedom League (A.F.P.F.L.). The A.F.P.F.L. emerged from the war as the leading nationalist party, and it is worthwhile to note the attitude of this party toward the monks and religion in general. The A.F.P.F.L. was definitely a secular-oriented party. In all the official pronouncements of the party, religion was denied a formal place in the structure of interests. It was Aung San's belief that the state should remain neutral on all questions concerning religion. Burma's new constitution, formulated in 1947 under Aung San's direction, provided for a secular state with no govern- ment supported religious establishment. Aung San insisted that the pongyis should neither vote nor interest themselves in political affairs. 23 At this point in Burma's history, it seemed as if the divorce between politics and religion was a definite possibility. The governing elite was composed of western-oriented, secular-minded individuals. The monks had virtually retired from the political arena as an organized group, though their influence, locally, was still great. The seculariza- tion of religion, however, was short-lived, for Aung San and other prominent leaders of the A.F.P.F.L. were assassinated prior to the granting of independence by the British. Aung San's successor was U Nu, the most religious of statesmen. And with the ascendancy of U Nu to the premiership, the religious question was no longer mori- bund, but once more became a dynamic issue which was to exert profound influence on politics in Burma. Nu's Religious Personality To understand the resurgence of religion under U Nu, one must dwell upon the personality of the man himself. Butwell writes: "Nu has said that he became strongly religious as a result of World War II, and that the most important single influence in shaping his re- ligious outlook was 'the insight I acquired as a consequence of the growing realization of the knowledge I had acquired in previous existences.' " 24 U Nu has spent a great deal of his time in the monastery and has written extensively on the subject of Buddhism. During his stay in office, U Nu encouraged Buddhism by building temples, monasteries, by encouraging Buddhist exchanges on an inter- national level, and by campaigns to convert the hill peoples of Burma to the Buddhist faith. Nu seemed to have believed that he had to pro- 23 Cady, Religion and Politics in Modern Burma, p. 157. 24 Richard Butwell, U Nu of Burma (Stanford, 1963) p. 64. 27 vide religious leadership to guide the people into the right path. Guided "morality" might be an apt description of the role which Nu perceived for himself. Perhaps the greatest official act of U Nu toward Buddhism was the sponsorship of the Sixth Great Theravada Buddhist Synod of 1954-56 at a cost estimated in excess of $6 million. The consequences of Nu's activities on behalf of the Buddhist faith was, of course, an increase in the political activities of the monks. This encouragement is a bit paradoxical because Nu himself, during the Japanese occupation, deprecated the political role of the monks. He wrote: ". . . to lead the life of a monk is as delicate a task as to balance a grain of mustard seed on the point of a needle. So how can a pongyi who must walk so delicately, do the work of a politician, the roughest of worldly pursuits." 25 During Nu's first premiership three religious acts were passed which increased the interaction between politics and religions. Firstly, the Dhamma Chariya Act of 1949 established two government- sponsored ecclesiastical courts at Rangoon and Mandalay. This act was designed to weed out the unfit within the sangha and to restore order with the hierarchy. Secondly, the Pali University Act of 1950 sought to propagate the Buddhist faith and to supervise teaching and examinations of the Sacred Buddhist scriptures on the part of the monastery sayadaws (abbots). Thirdly, the Buddha Sasana Act established a central Buddhist organization representative of all Buddhists in the country. "The Buddha Sasana Act" Cady writes, "committed the Burma government for the first time to active support of the propagation of the Buddhist faith . . ," 26 After passage of the Pali University Act, the monks entered the political arena openly. In September 1951, they staged demonstra- tions demanding the recognition of Buddhism as the state religion, the removal of the Minister of Religious Affairs (a cabinet-level position introduced by Nu) and his subordinates, and the convening of a general synod of monks for the purpose of purifying the faith. It is quite evident that the increased agitation on the part of the monks during this period was attributable to the religious per- sonality of U Nu, a man who believes that he may be a "Buddha- in-the process-of-becoming." 27 Had Nu steered the secular course which was outlined by the founders of the A.F.P.F.L., it seems highly unlikely that the sangha would have become politically active to the degree they did. But it was the election campaign of 1959 and the subsequent establishment of Buddhism as the state religion that politics and religion reached the highest degree of interaction. Religion and the Campaign of 1959 In April, 1958, the AFPFL split into two factions the Clean faction led by U Nu and Thakin Tin, and the Stable faction under the leadership of U Ba Swe and U Kyaw Nyein. Because of the 25 Butwell, op. cit., p. 41. 2C Cady, "Religion and Politics in Modern Burma," p. 160. 27 Butwell, op. cit., p. 67. 28 schism in the AFPFL and other internal troubles, the political situa- tion in Burma deteriorated rapidly. "By September, 1958, the gov- ernment in Burma had all but come to a standstill, political con- siderations were seemingly the only ones that influenced official decision-making, and the public was obviously and increasingly los- ing confidence in the ability of the Nu-Tin administration to direct the nation's affairs." 28 On October 28, 1958, General Ne Win took over the government in a move which was designed to prevent the country from falling into an utter state of chaos. The Ne Win caretaker government was originally slated to hold power for a period of six months and then allow general elections. Elections, however, were not held until February 6, 1960 but the campaign began in the latter part of September, 1959. Prior to the schism in the AFPFL, the party itself generally eschewed religion in campaigns, but prior to the official opening of the 1959 campaign, U Nu made the promise that if elected, he would make Buddhism the state religion of Burma. Immediately thereafter Nu retired to a monastery. Article 21, Section 24 of Burma's Con- stitution states: The abuse of religion for political purposes is forbidden; and any act which is intended or is likely to promote feel- ings of hatred, enmity or discord between racial or religious communities or sects is contrary to this Constitution and may be punishable by law. The Stable faction of the AFPFL charged Nu with using the religious issue for personal political gains. Writing of Nu, Cady says: "He was immersed in politics, but his heart was in religion." 29 To a considerable extent, Cady's characterization of Nu is correct and the charges of the Stable AFPFL that Nu interjected the re- ligious issue solely for the purpose of garnering votes is probably not the whole truth. In point of fact, "he had been pressing for making Buddhism the state religion, apparently sincerely, since 1956, when he stated at the conclusion of the Sixth Great Buddhist Synod that he had a 'burning desire to do so.' " 30 Nu's promise to make Buddhism the state religion, coupled with his religious personality, was the key element in the 1959 election campaign. Leaders of the Stable AFPFL went so far as to try to emulate the religiousity of Nu during the campaign. But the Burmese people gave Nu an overwhelming victory at the polls. The extent to which religion played a role in the election can be guaged from the fact that the ballot boxes of Nu's faction the Clean AFPFL, were painted yellow the color of the monks' robes in Burma. 28 Ibid., p. 209. 2D Cady, Religion and Politics in Modern Burma, p. 156. 30 Butwell, op. cit., p. 221. 29 Buddhism The State Religion In 1961, Buddhism was made the state religion by amending the constitution to read, "The State shall maintain, protect and promote Buddhism." A State Religion Promotion Bill designed to implement the new provision of the constitution also went into effect. The initial reaction among the non-Buddhist minorities was adverse therefore, a fourth constitutional amendment, reaffirming the right of all persons freely to profess, practice and teach their own religions, was passed. It seems that U Nu was not merely satisfied with a formal Buddhist state. He thought "that the inauguration of the Buddhist state would engender a deeper interest in Buddhism among his people and . . . suffuse all acts within a religious spirit." 31 One of the immediate consequences of the elevation of the Buddhist faith to the state religion was increased political agitation by the monks. Butwell's account of one incident after Buddhism was made the state religion is revealing. Although most monks have generally not been politically inclined, the more militant pongyis have been and it was these who led the November 14, 1961, riots in the Ran- goon surburb of Okkalapa, which resulted in four deaths and the arrest of 279 persons, including 92 monks . . . the lynching of two Moslems by a mob led by monks was the shameful highlight of the disturbances. 32 On March 2, 1962, General Ne Win staged a second coup, abro- gated the constitution, thereby disestablishing Buddhism as the state religion in Burma. Paradoxically, in a country where 85 per cent of the people are Buddhists, the disestablishment of religion may have been a blessing for "U Nu's elevation of Buddhism as the State Religion had in the end pleased neither the staunch Buddhists nor the minority religious groups." 33 Conclusions In the introduction we pointed out that the Ne Win Government despite its totalitarian methods, has moved very cautiously in re- gards to the monks. In the first real confrontation between the Government and the monks (the National Solidarity Act), the monks emerged victorious. The monks remain a latent political force in Burma; yet there are certain operative factors which prevent the monks from transforming their potential power into a positive factor which could influence the political process in Burma. We have at- tempted to point to the interaction between politics and religion in Burma, employing an historical approach. Yet our analysis fails to discover much concrete evidence of the monks' seeking to adopt 31 Von der Mehden, Religion and Nationalism in Southeast Asia, p. 107. 32 Butwell, op. cit., p. 226. S3 The Far Eastern Economic Review. 1963 Yearbook, p. 54. 30 a program of social, economic, and political reform over the years. In those instances where the monks have demonstrated or entered the political arena, their demands were mostly short-run ones, in- volving directly the pongyis themselves e.g., demonstrations in the 1920's to prevent the wearing of shoes around religious shrines, efforts to retain the Buddhist schools, and the activities to establish Buddhism as the state religion. Since the monks hold a great deal of power in Burmese society, it is legitimate to ask why they have not entered the political arena with a wider program of social reforms aimed at the development of their country. Of course, religion in a transitional society is a conservative force, for the power of religion, in most instances, derives from tradition itself and the leaders (religious) often regard the process of modernization as a real threat to their security and authority. But in a country, such as Burma, where Buddhism is so intimately related to the consciousness of the people, religion, seem- ingly could be a force for modernization. Cady writes: "One of the most important problems which independent Burma faces is how to establish a basis for constructive cooperation between poli- tics and religion in meeting the needs of the new state." 34 There have been attempts to form political parties on the part of the pongyis. One such party was the Buddhist Democratic Party. King avers that This was the Buddhist attempt, or more properly the at- tempt of some Buddhists to develop a social and political philosophy directly out of Buddhism. Most of these at- tempts are naive and tentative, sometimes in the extreme; but are important because they represent a brand new trend in Buddhism . . . there have been few deliberate attempts to provide or implement a Buddhist philosophy of society and government. 35 King attributes the failure of the pongyis to develop a social philoso- phy to passiveness, fatalism, and concern for the spirit. There is a degree of truth in this analysis, yet the very fact that the monks in reference to self-interest, have sought to influence the political process, partly vitiates the passive, fatalistic, non-mundance argu- ment. For in the very process of seeking to maintain or to enhance their personal prestige or influence, the pongyis have demonstrated their ability to change and to redirect the course of history. The very structure of Buddhism is a factor which militates against constructive efforts to evolve a social philosophy. Buddhism is pri- marily an individual quest for self-development. There exists no organizational framework, nor objective criteria for the selection of leaders, through which a positive program could be developed and given sanction. Pye writes: 34 Cady, Religion and Politics in Modern Burma," p. 149. 35 King op. cit., p. 164. 31 Even within the monastery little uniformity was to be found in discipline or organization, and the rules that did exist set minimum standards of individual conduct. Advancement occurred without any strict system of selection beyond the general principle that the older the monk, the higher his station. 36 In Burma, then, religion continues to influence the decision-making process. But the considerations given to the monks by the politicians are due to the "potential" political power of the monks and the deference accorded to them by the Burmese society itself. As an interest group the monks possess no program, their interests are not articulated and advanced through the process of confronting the politicians with demands, but primarily take the form of reac- tions against specific proposals of the politicians. This reaction to the politicians can in part be attributed to the structure of Buddhism itself and in part to the emphasis upon the individual rather than upon the group or society. The result of this phenomenon is that Buddhism continues to encompass the daily lives of the Burmese; deference is accorded to the monks, but their role is primarily a negative one they hold the power to veto they seldom seek to propose, to innovate. Religion permeates the consciousness of the Burmese to such an extent that even the modernizing elites find it exceedingly difficult to escape the dilemma between politics and religion in Burma. In his study, Pye notes what he terms a basic Burmese sense of ambiva- lence toward religion. The analysis is phychological but penetrating. At a more fundamental level, the ambivalent feeling toward religion creates a serious obstacle to national development and planned social change. The Burmese sense of identity is so closely associated with his religious identity that he is likely to feel seriously threatened by the idea of abandon- ing his religion. Members of the political elite in particular are likely to find considerable reassurance and comfort from Buddhist religious teachings ... At the same time, how- ever, the element of insecurity about religion means that it is difficult for the Burman to find in his religion-based sense of identity the necessary security to become a creative and innovating political person. 37 Finally, we may conclude by pointing out that the secularization of politics in Burma will, in all probability, evolve at a slower pace than in other transitional societies, because of the historical inter- action between politics and religion, the influence of religion on the lives of the individual Burman, the reverence accorded to the monks, and the "ambivalent" attitude of the elite toward religion. This means, in effect, that the process of modernization is likely to take place at a slower pace in Burma than in other developing 36 Lucian Pye, op. cit., p. 76. 37 Ibid., pp. 194-5. 32 societies, despite Burma's plentiful supply of exploitable resources. This is the case because the pongyis, though influential, are largely apolitical. On the other hand, the elites are political, but their re- ligious commitments make them uncertain concerning the place of religion in their society and to social and economic development in general. 33 Creating A National Sense of Direction In Industrial Arts by Richard Coger Recently, the American Industrial Arts Association stated that there are nearly 35,000 teachers of industrial arts in the United States. These teachers are instructing approximately three and one- half million students daily. One would think that since the field is a vital part of general education, its purposes and goals would be understood by almost everyone within the educational circle. How- ever, if one were to closely examine this country's industrial arts program in relation to its body of contents, it is expected he would find that there is no commonly accepted and clearly understood purpose in the field. He would also learn that the field does not have a working uni- versal definition with which to identify itself. The lay public as well as educational administrators, to a degree, do not know the true meaning of industrial arts, its origin and purposes. This is the writer's rationale for the causation of the wide disparity that exist within the field between "what is" and "what ought to be". John Dewey, Charles Richards and recently, others too numerous to mention, have attempted to pave the way to unity. However, there are still as many variations of the subject as there are men teaching it. Without some type of national guidelines for continuity, industrial arts is destined for continuous mediocrity. An industrial arts program should encompass values and a sense of direction. Our educational forefathers had such a vision. Since the era of Woodward and Runkle, industrial arts has been generally defined as that phase of general education which deals with indus- try, its organization, materials, occupations, processes, products, and problems relating to automation. It is one of many instruments of general education which provides the students with unlimited oppor- tunities for the development of ingenuity, problem-solving skills, creativity, resourcefulness, and to a great degree, promotes indi- vidualism. In countenance to the written definition of the field, industrial arts is "many things to many people", nevertheless, educators in the field have been defending the programs ever since it was intro- duced into the school system. Is industrial arts a part of general education? This question first appeared the day industrial arts was first introduced in the school system. As competition for a place in the schools' curricula increases, industrial arts is placed deeper in the defensive area. However, a position of this nature is not appropriate if the program is to attain and maintain the highest possible order of educational statesmanship. 34 Being on the defensive side, one tends to conceal his weaknesses even though he and others are aware of them. He is more likely to defend "what is" than to propose, work for or try to achieve "what ought to be." He is more likely to attack the forces which placed him in the defensive position than he is to examine the inadequacies in his field of work. If the industrial arts teacher is working in a weak program, the more vulnerable position will be within the school system. Programs of high quality are not likely to be vulnerable when they are attacked. Poorly planned programs in any field will find it difficult to gain and maintain administrative support. Objectives and aims for industrial arts have been proclaimed and studied for aproximately half a century. The earlier concepts have remained nearly the same throughout the years. This fact suggests that they were fundamental enough to withstand the test of years. Whether or not they were, they are still in existence. Research has shown that a set of regal aims or objectives alone is of little assist- ance. They must also be utilized within the perimeter of the field in full unison. There are many excellent opportunities for students to develop skills in critical thinking in the laboratories of industrial arts, if industrial arts teachers, supervisors and administrators would work together for a cause, which is helping students to understand the social functions of industry. However, within the present programs, many students receive limited understanding of materials and processes. Works that were done in the homes or villages' shops are now performed in modern factories. At the beginning of this century, almost every child observed or shared in the work involved in the production of food, clothing, shelter, and other basic home needs. Today, many adults, as well as children, know little about the technology used by American industries in producing these goods. These industries play a vital role of importance in one's social, economic, cultural and political life. Therefore, one can say that the main purpose of industrial arts is to present to its students a realistic interpretation of American industries. Sawers of wood and pounders of metal are fast becoming a thing of the past in industrial arts. Science, with its applications to indus- trial processes and to industrial products, has come to dominate industrial arts education. It is the duty of educators to accept this trend, because of its unique and useful foundation. The diversity and disparity that exist within the programs of indus- trial arts must be and can be synthesized, if it is to make a mean- ingful contribution to general education. If it is to be of some significance and maintain an inclinable sense of direction, the field must have a commonly accepted and clearly understood purpose. Industrial arts must drop its ageless connotation of teaching wood and metal of antiquity and commence to play a vital role in the interpretation of modern industry as a part of education. Only by assuming the responsibility for its new role will Industrial Arts' educators create a national sense of direction in Industrial Arts. 35 The Teaching of Mathematical Induction by William M. Perel Those of us who teach mathematics have often encountered great difficulty in teaching a method of proof known as mathematical induction. This difficulty is found in the high school and also in the college classroom. Many students are unable to understand the method when they are junior or senior mathematics majors. Why should something so important and really so simple be so difficult to teach? I propose to examine some of the difficulties in order to see how they might be overcome. Let me say at the outset that some theorems are more difficult to prove than others. Certainly it is more difficult to prove the binomial theorem than it is to prove that the sum of the first n n ( r\ I 1 ^ positive integers is J~ , although mathematical induction may be the method of proof in either case. However, the difficulty our students encounter is not in the details of a particular proof, but in understanding what they are supposed to be doing and in really seeing that anything has been proved by the method. Unfortunately, many of our students have never encountered the concept of proof at all when they reach this stage, except perhaps in geometry. How it happened that geometry became, in the mind of the student, a field in which a series of statements constituted a proof, whereas in algebra, proof by assertion is a question that I will not attempt to answer. But it is true that many of our students encounter their first non-geometric proof when they are asked to prove something by induction. Is it not possible that some of the difficulty is with the very concept of proof itself and not so much with any particular method of proof? Why then cannot we introduce some proof in the algebra classroom long before we mention mathe- matical induction? Many of our modern courses in algebra begin with a study of the number system. Thus, students are taught the properties of the natural numbers, including the inductive property, before they have very much experience. The student somehow knows that we are trying to get a particular property of these numbers across to him and are not really interested in the little theorems that we ask him to prove in his assignments. Consider the theorem, to be found as an exercise or example in almost every algebra test, "For every positive integer n, 1 + 2 + 3 n ( r\ I 1 ~\ . . . -|- n = ~ ." The student may or may not succeed in proving this result, but as no use is ever made of it, how much importance will he attach to the method of proof? Cannot we use 36 the method to prove theorems of greater importance in the continuity of our courses? There is yet another difficulty. How did we decide that the n ( n | 1 ^ "answer" was ^ ? Couldn't we give some examples of how one decides what is to be proved? After all, the student may well ask you why prove a formula if you already know it is correct. Couldn't we let the student try to arrive at the correct formula by trial and error and then make a conjecture which he can either prove true or false? Isn't this the method which is used to produce new mathematics, after all? There is still another difficulty. It is the use of the dots. While I recognize that there are many inductive theorems which do not involve dots and while we certainly ought to use more of this type as examples, many of the elementary theorems do involve them. What does 1 + 2 + 3 + .. . + n mean to the student? It is a mis- take to think that a collection of symbols which has meaning to the teacher necessarily has meaning to the student. Well, the dots mean, "Don't you see what I mean?" Dots are used very frequently in mathematics, in sequences, in series, in matrices, and they always have this meaning. But what if the student answers, "NO!" A noted mathematician was interviewed by a reporter while visiting Atlanta, Georgia a number of years ago. The reporter asked the mathematician to show her a piece of mathematics. He gave her the problem of summing the first one hundred positive integers, which he solved in the following way. Let the answer, s = 1 + 2 + . . . + 99 + 100 and note that it is also true that s = 100 + 99 + . . . + 2 + 1. Now add these two equations and obtain, 2s =101 + 101 + ... + 101 + 101. Then the mathematician asked the reporter, "How many 101s are there?" She was supposed to answer 100 and so get the value of S. But she said, "four" and that is how many she saw. Her answer to the question, "Don't you see what I mean?" was quite clearly, "NO." How then can we expect our students to under- stand what the dots mean with little or no explanation? What do you think 1+2 + 3 + .. . + n means to a student when n is 2? If you ask him, his answer will discourage you. The difficulties I have mentioned are all preliminary. Once these have been met, we still have the difficulty of inductian itself. What we are asking the student to do is to prove that something is true when n = 1, when n = 2, when n = 3, and so on. That is, in a sense, we are asking him to prove an infinite number of things in a finite amount of time. No wonder the student gets discouraged. As an example, we want him to prove that 1 = ^ that 1 + 2 = 2(2 + '> , that 1 + 2 + 3 =2 n. Proof: (Form One) We observe that 2 > 1, so that the result holds when n = 1. If 2 k > k, then by definition 2 k +* = 2 k .2 > 2k = k -f k > k -f- 1, so the result holds for n = k -f- 1. Proof: (Form Two) Consider the set of numbers n for which 2 n < n. If this set is non-empty, let h be the smallest element of this set. Since 2 1 = 2 > 1, the statement is true for n = 1, so that h =j= 1, hence h > 1. Therefore h 1 is a number and since h 1 < h and h is the smallest number for which our statement is false, it follows that the statement is true when n = h 1. Thus we know that 2 11 " 1 > h 1. Now 2 h = 2< h - 1 > + 1 = 2 M . 2 > 2(h 1) = h -f- (h 2) ^ h, since h > 2. Therefore, 2 h > h, contradicting our assumption that the statement is false when n = h, the set of numbers for which the statement is false is empty, so that the statement is true for all numbers. The essential difference in the details of these two proofs is the differing roles played by the numbers h. and k. In the first case, k is an arbitrary number for which it is assumed that the statement is true. "Well," asks the student, "Why can you just assume a state- ment is true when n = k when you don't even know what k is?" We ought not to put it just that way and I was careful not to put it that way, but there is a difficulty in this point. However, this diffi- culty vanishes in the second proof; h is not arbitrary, but a particular number which the second form of the axiom says must exist. I be- lieve that the fact that h is a particular number, whereas k is some arbitrary number is what makes a proof by means of the second form easier to comprehend. The student is better able to grasp the defi- niteness of the number h. For this reason, I would recommend the second form of the proof even if it is longer. If we are to teach induction with understanding, let us introduce some other form of proof first; let us use induction to prove theorems such as the laws of exponents which we really need; let us avoid the use of the dots, recognizing that most students do not under- stand them, anyway; and let us try the second form of the induc- tion axiom rather than the first. 39 The Evolutionary Role of the International Labor Organization by Sarvan K. Bhatia The causes of social discontent are deep-seated and complex. The sporadic outbursts in the nature of serious strikes or social unrest unfold an underlying frustration of the people impatient for social betterment. In several countries, such outbursts have led to the formation of totalitarian regimes following a revolution which denies the legitimacy of the existing social order. The Constitution of the International Labor Organization (hereinafter referred to ILO) states that universal peace can be established only if it is based upon social justice. It draws attention to the existence of conditions of labor which involve hardship to large numbers of people. It declares therefore that an improvement in those conditions of work is urg- ently required by the regulation of hours of work and labor supply, prevention of unemployment, etc. The ILO is accordingly engaged in an evolutionary process to bring about social improvement. 1 It has a practical approach to deal with social problems. By bringing together powerful social forces from different countries, the ILO provides an opportunity to work out solutions to concrete problems in a democratic way. The object is "to secure such a number of reforms that the danger of social revolution will be avoided, that the nineteenth century capitalistic system will be mellowed by social justice . . ." 2 Although the ILO is an intergovernmental agency, it differs from other diplomatic bodies in one important way; its national delega- tions consist not only of government representatives but also of workers' and employers' organizations. Thus it is the only interna- tional organization of its kind which is composed on a tripartite basis. The International Labor Conference, 3 the supreme body of ILO, constitutes a world forum for labor and social questions and each member state is represented by four delegates: two from gov- ernment and one each from employers' and workers' associations at iShotwell, James T. THE ORIGINS OF THE ILO, 1934, p. xxi. "The ILO is the only effort which has yet been made to give universal expression to this (evolutionary) method." -Wilson, F. G. "The International Labor Organization" in INTERNATIONAL CONCILIATION, Nov. 1932, p. 405. 3 The Conference has as one of its primary functions the adoption of inter- national labor standards which are formulated in treaties called Conventions and Recommendations. There is a technical difference of legal character between the two: while the Conventions become, by ratification by govern- ments concerned, binding international instruments, the Recommendations are essentially guides to national policy. However, these are not binding upon ILO members merely by virtue of their adoption. 40 national level. At its first session held in 1919, 40 countries were represented: 17 each from European and American states, five from Asia and one from the African continent. Several of the non-Euro- pean countries however did not attend the subsequent sessions for many years. Therefore, to all intents and purposes, the ILO at its inception was an organization of states of "western" world. The situation since that time has changed drastically. Although the ILO membership has been growing since 1919, it was only after World War II when a number of countries from Asia and Africa achieved independence and joined the ILO that there was a rapid and sig- nificant increase in membership. By 1950, the ILO membership stood at 60; today, it has reached 110. And with increased member- ship, the balance between the continents has been altered profoundly. Africa, Asia and Latin America have come to assume a greater role in international affairs. What has been the impact of this increase in membership on the ILO? Has a change in emphasis of the ILO's work been brought about? Has the ILO's traditional work been given a new look? What new problems has it had to face? Did the situation arising out of the Second World War exert any pressure on the ILO to give a new look to its traditional activities? And how far has the ILO been able to adjust itself to the new responsibilities brought to bear upon it? These form part of the many questions that have been analyzed in this article. In its early days, as stated above, the ILO worked mainly in close contact with the more industrialized countries. European labor legis- lation provided the model for international labor Conventions. 4 This was not surprising in view of the early impact of industrial revolution in western Europe and the consequent need for national measures to protect workers and to ensure a greater degree of social justice in a rapidly expanding industrial economy. 5 The situation, however, changed after World War II. Various factors contributed to bring about this change. In the first place, the European economies had been impaired considerably by war and had to be rehabilitated. Then, there was the pressing character of labor and social problems in the newly evolving nations. Some of these countries were already en- gaged in diversifying their economies while others were impatient to move on to the road to industrialization. The political revolution which brought independent status to various countries was not an end in itself; it had to be supplanted by a successful economic revolu- tion in order to provide the masses with varied opportunities for a better life. What has been called by Adlai Stevenson "the revolution of rising expectations" had gripped the people in the underdeveloped 4 See footnote 3. 5 For details, see ILO, REPORT I TO THE EUROPEAN REGIONAL CON- FERENCE, 1955. 41 nations. After the achievement of political independence, the gov- ernments of these countries were determined to shake off conditions of poverty. Speaking about India, and this is applicable in a true measure to almost all newly independent nations, India's Prime Minister Nehru said: There is a gap between the political revolution which has come and the economic revolution which ought to take place to fulfil the needs of political revolution. In western countries, the economic revolution in effect laid the ground for political ad- vance and created the resources for it. The two revolutions went on more or less hand in hand. We have this tremendous dif- ficulty that, without having created adequate resources through an economic revolution, we have to face demands of a successful political revolution. 6 Adaptability to changing circumstances Before considering the impact on the ILO of increased membership represented largely by underdeveloped countries, it will be appropriate to deal first with the decisions to bring about change in emphasis in the ILO program. These changes were made at the initiative of the ILO itself with a view to improving its adaptability to varying cir- cumstances arising from the new role it had to play in the post- Second World War period. Perhaps the most significant step was the adoption in 1944 of the Declaration of Philadelphia which asserted the primacy of social objectives in international policy. It defined these objectives as the attainment of conditions in which "all human beings . . . have the right to pursue both their material well-being and their spiritual development in conditions of freedom and dignity, of economic security and equal opportunity." At the same session was adopted a resolution concerning economic policies, international and national, that should be followed "for the attainment of social objectives." In the past, the ILO's approach and decisions were limited by an artificial separation of social and labor policy from economic and financial policy. The 1944 session emphasized the solemn obliga- tion of the ILO to further world programs for full employment and to raise the standards of living of the masses. One of the most significant developments of 1944 session therefore was the recognition of the linkage of social and economic problems. At its 1945 session, it was decided to set up the Conference Dele- gation on Constitutional Questions charged with the task of reviewing the past record of the ILO's work and to make proposals for "re- modelling and re-equipping the ILO" to enable it to discharge with greater efficiency its increased responsibilities. In view of the far- reaching decisions taken at the 1944 and 1945 sessions, it has been remarked that "in the 25 years of the life of the ILO there has never been a point at which it has discharged heavier responsibilities or 6 Nehru, Jawaharlal in ILO, RECORD OF PROCEEDINGS, 1958, p. 4. 42 responded more readily to the changing requirements of a revolution- ary epoch." 7 The 1944 and 1945 sessions therefore recognized the importance of economic stability and social objectives in the light of changed world situation. Significant differences in emphasis also were noticeable in the 1919 Preamble to ILO constitution and the Philadelphia De- claration. Whereas the 1919 Preamble simply declared that "the failure of any nation to adopt humane conditions of labor is an ob- stacle in the way of other nations which desire to improve the con- ditions in their own countries", the Philadelphia Declaration extended this notion. It broadened the terminology and put it in more positive form stating that "poverty anywhere constitutes a danger to prosperity everywhere." 8 It was recognized that if the ILO is to remain true to its tradition of the promotion of social justice for the advancement of the cause of peace, it had to pay due attention to the millions of undernourished people. Social unrest in the underdeveloped nations was mounting and it was necessary that the new social forces be can- alized and put to constructive use. Prior to World War II, the ILO had been engaged in the standard-setting activities and research work. The changed world situation in the mid 1940's and the importance and complexity of manpower problems during the post-war period led the ILO to broaden its field of activity and to take upon itself enlarged responsibilities. Growth of operational activities To be sure, the ILO was undertaking operational activities prior to World War II also. However, after the war these activities entered a new and extensive phase of development. The special emphasis on operational activity was an outgrowth of ILO's development work and also a logical response to the needs of post-war period. Through its standard-setting activities, the ILO was laying a basis for practical achievements in various countries. New developments after the war in political and economic spheres produced a series of urgent labor and social problems, throughout the world. These problems were particularly acute in the newly emergent nations which were embark- ing on programs of industrialization. The operational program developed gradually over a number of years. Initially, it was in the nature of technical assistance missions sent to various countries, including Canada, England, and the United States, on the requests of governments concerned. 9 At the end of the war, various complex and urgent problems were present in war- devastated areas and the ILO launched a special operational program, at first directed towards European problems. 10 The first efforts were concentrated in the manpower field. These problems had arisen, on 7 ILO, REPORT OF THE CONFERENCE DELEGATION ON CONSTITU- TION QUESTIONS, 1946, p. 6. 8 Italics provided. 9 For a detailed account, see ILO, TECHNICAL ASSISTANCE, 1954. 10 For details, see ILO, RECORD OF PROCEEDINGS, 1945. 43 the one hand, because of an acute shortage of skilled workers and technicians which proved an obstacle in the European recovery pro- gram, and on the other, in newly emergent nations, manpower re- sources were being wasted on account of widespread unemployment and underemployment. There seemed to be, therefore, two aspects of these questions: in the first place, there was the question of what may be called the qualitative adjustment of manpower supply and demand, and in the second place, the quantitative adjustment of man- power requirements and resources. On the recommendation of the European Economic Commission, the ILO launched a special man- power program to deal with problems of European states. Thus the manpower problems arising in the European countries after World War II led to the systematic development of manpower organization program. This program was therefore the first attempt to bring the ILO into operational sphere on a large scale. These technical-cum-advisory activities were expanded greatly and extended to other regions with the inception in 1950 of the United Nations Expanded Program of Technical Assistance (EPTA). 11 One of the basic principles of EPTA is to help underdeveloped countries strengthen their economies through the development of their industries and agriculture with a view to promoting their independence, "eco- nomic and political," and to ensure the attainment of higher levels of economic and social welfare for the masses. 12 It was recognized that the assistance to be given to less developed areas of the world to develop their productive capacity in accordance with modern scientific ideas in respect of employment and conditions of work "is a direct challenge to the ILO". 13 This was the new emphasis in the ILO policy. Since 1950, the operational program has become a major feature of the overall activity of the ILO. It now includes work towards raising productivity, an entirely new departure for the ILO which has become one of its regular responsibilities, the ILO's traditional concern with industrial relations has been transformed into a program for the conscious promotion of better labor-management cooperation, work- ers' education, problems connected with the peaceful uses of atomic energy and the social consequences of automation and other forms of technical change. 14 The evolution of ILO's program according to major areas of activity can be stated under following sectors: man- power organization (including vocational training), productivity and management development, cooperation, social security, and labor ni The operational program carried out prior to the inauguration of EPTA had one common characteristic which may be considered as distinguishing it from operational work carried out in more recent years: it consisted of only one form of technical assistance experts from ILO. Recent program is very comprehensive. 12 Walter R. Sharp. INTERNATIONAL TECHNICAL ASSISTANCE, 1959, p. 60. 13 ILO, REPORT I TO THE 32nd SESSION, 1949,p. 3. 14 For details, see ILO, THE ILO IN A CHANGING WORLD, 1960. 44 conditions. The first category, namely, manpower organization has been the single most important sector of ILO activity which accounted for more than one-half of total expenditure out of EPTA funds be- ginning with 1950 till 1960; its relative share, as a result of increased available funds, has dropped now to 40 per cent. In addition to the above projects concerned mostly with social and economic assistance to the recipient countries, the ILO's Governing Body in 1958 recommended that increased resources be made available for programs with social objectives as distinct from the primarily economic objectives of the EPTA: to increase assistance to countries which are not eligible under the EPTA and to enable the ILO to meet its rapidly growing responsibilities towards countries newly acquiring independence. 15 The Governing Body is guided by the following main sets of considerations while allocating funds in ILO's work program: The first and most important are the basic continuing needs for social action encountered by the ILO members. In the second place, there are matters which require urgent atten- tion on account of economic, social and political developments. In the third place, there are considerations which are conditioned by the extent of support for particular activities. 16 The ILO is undertaking technical cooperation programs under the EPTA, Special Fund (launched in 1959) and its regular budget. 17 Of these three programs, the first still encompasses the greatest num- ber of projects in the widest geographical area. For example, the ILO was conducting field projects in more than 80 countries under the EPTA last year. The number of projects, as compared with 1950, has increased ten times. The number of experts during the same period has gone up from 65 to 200 whereas the total expenditure has increased by almost 20 times. On the other hand, the Special Fund offers opportunities such as previous programs did not afford for "concentrated efforts to build up the social and economic infrastruc- ture of the developing countries in the areas more directly capable of promoting economic growth." 18 The existence of Special Fund has made it possible not only to increase substantially the vocational training program but also to transfer a number of projects originally under the EPTA so that the funds under this program may be freed for the expansion of other projects. It has been observed that this complementary relationship between the Special Fund and the tech- nical assistance programs financed out of regular and extra-budgetary resources is "perhaps that most significant factor in renewing con- fidence on the possibility of further strengthening and improving, 15 ILO, ACTIVITIES OF THE ILO, 1958-59, p. 3. 16 For details, see ILO, ACTIVITIES OF THE ILO, 1959-60. 17 The Special Fund was set up to offer technical assistance "in depth" con- centrating on a limited number of major projects of key importance. 45 both qualitatively and quantitatively, the multilateral arrangements for technical cooperation within the United Nations framework." 19 Although both international labor standards technical assistance activities are essential parts of the ILO's continuing program, put together these cover only a part of the ever-broadening area of industrial and labor concerns. The ILO has also been concerned with findings ways by which it could some nearer to the people it serves and nearer to the problems with which it deals. This has led to the evolution of the educational approach and is expected to supplement other approaches to social problems. In principle, the educational approach extends over all the fields of activity with which the ILO is concerned. However, it has been applied so far primarily in the field of labor-management relations and the related field of workers' education. A primary factor in the development of con- structive labor-management relations is the attitude of management and labor. These attitudes are formed by education and experience and are modified by current pressures of industrial and social situa- tion. With rapid technological changes and increasing momentum of industrialization, both management and labor have been faced with wider responsibilities and new problems. This has placed "an accent on adaptation and learning and has given considerable impetus to management development and workers' education, particularly in the industrially less advanced countries where the needs are greatest and the problems most acute." 20 In order to promote workers' education, a program was launched in 1956 with the primary aim of helping workers to equip themselves with the knowledge and understanding they need to carry out their functional and civic responsibilities in modern society and to con- tribute to the process of economic growth and social development. The ILO is laying the foundations for a rounded program of activity on workers' education without seeking to substitute itself for the trade unions or to undertake tasks which properly belong to the unions. It has also kept in view the fact that the needs for workers' education vary from one country to another and therefore the pro- grams for different countries have been adjusted according to their needs. The ILO has been providing technical assistance through the expansion of its operational activities. So far as its standard-setting work is concerned, fewer instruments in the form of Conventions and B ILO, THE ROLE OF THE ILO IN THE PROMOTION OF ECONOMIC EXPANSION AND SOCIAL PROGRESS IN DEVELOPING COUN- TRIES, 1962, p. 12. 3 ibid., p. 14. Though the aid being given through the United Nations family forms only a small fraction of the total aid for economic development, it is a happy augury that a notable change is reflected, on the part of industri- lized nations, to recognize the needs of underdeveloped countries. It remains a sad commentary that in spite of increased amounts of assistance channeled for the purpose of promoting economic growth, it represents only a fraction of what is being spent on armaments. TLO, THE ILO IN A CHANGING WORLD, 1962, p. 31. 46 Recommendations have been adopted by the International Labor Conference during the last decade than was the case during the first two decades of the ILO's existence. This may partly be accounted for by the changing world social situation which has a direct impact on the standard-setting work of the ILO. The varying needs of the ever-widening circle of member states have suggested the desirability of concentrating international labor standards to major social issues of general practical importance and of giving these standards increased flexibility. It can be stated that in general more attention has been given to the implementation of existing standards and rather less to the formulation of new standards except in the case of special issues of great international concern, such as the abolition of forced labor, or of concern to a group of countries. 21 In addition, perhaps the most significant recent changes in the ILO's standard-setting activities relate to the machinery for supervising the application of instruments. In the light of what has been discussed above, the question raised at the beginning of this article become more clear. The increased membership, represented largely by the economically less advanced countries, has had its impact in more than one way upon the ILO and its activities. The expansion of technical assistance programs and the launching of the EPTA and Special Fund programs are the direct result of attempting to meet the problems of these countries. The holding of regional conferences in these regions is another example. The increased representation given to the underdeveloped nations on the Governing Body and other expert committees emanates from their sheer numbers. The traditional work of the ILO has been modified, to a considerable extent, in order to favor expansion of technical assistance activities rather than the formulation of instruments for ratification by the governments concerned. However, it remains to be seen how far the ILO will be able to help these less developed countries in raising the standard of living of their teeming millions who are living in ignorance. The agrarian economies of these countries are not, and cannot be for a long time to come, sufficient to provide the means of subsistence to the millions of undernourished and diseased people. Industrialization is one sure way of bringing considerable relief. The significant current develop- ments in the ILO work can be seen principally in the fields of em- ployment policy, training and manpower development and the raising of incomes and living standards. The increased attention being paid to these fields is a reflection of world-wide preoccupation with the need to accelerate economic growth in the economically under- developed areas of the world. It has been recognized that general improverishment of any area is a matter of concern to all areas and to world peace and therefore the technical knowledge and experience acquired in industrially advanced countries should be made available to underdeveloped countries to diversify and modernize their eco- nomies. Finally, a beginning has been made. We have yet to bring it to a successful completion. Hbid., pp. 34-36. 47 What Motivates Students In The Choice of Major Subjects by Dorothy C. Hamilton* The Problem. It was the purpose of this study to investigate and to discover what seemed to be existing reasons for an ethnic minority group of students living in a segregated southern U. S. A. state to choose predominantly major areas of concentration at the secondary level. Answers to why most students majoring in education preferred a secondary field major over an elementary major when employment opportunities at the elementary level were more favorable than at the secondary level were sought. Need for the Study That a need for strengthening guidance in teacher education among this group is obvious. Summer after summer in-service teachers previously prepared for elementary teaching have returned to the Savannah State College campus to pursue courses and workshops for the purpose of changing their secondary certificates to elementary teaching certificates. Further, the College frequently finds it difficult to locate enough elementary education graduates of high scholastic ability. In addition, the local Chatham County School System is able to employ practically all highly qualified elementary education grad- uates who seek teaching positions in the Savannah area. Unfortunately, many high teaching potential secondary education graduates have had to leave Georgia and at times the South in order to gain employment. If adequate answers could be found regarding the reasons for such choices, sounder guidance and limitations from time-loss could be experienced by students, faculty, and the institutions themselves which are similarly situated. Since Civil War days the best professional position for educated Negroes has been teaching. Not until the period following World War II did trained Negroes find it easier to gain employment in other fields than the first half of this century had offered them. They had been the last to be hired and the first to be fired. Because high school and college teaching may have seemed a higher step for them, the Teacher Education Committee of the College re- cognized a need for studying this problem which had been reinforced and pointed up by the College's Division of Education and the Geor- gia State Department of Education. It was then felt that the following factors might condition the students' selection of a major: *In carrying out this study, the investigator was assisted by the Savannah State College SNEA. 48 1. Inadequate communication between staff and students relative to employment needs. 2. False student assumptions and the circulation of misinforma- tion. 3. A conception of glamour that students ofttimes attach to other careers. 4. General low regard assigned to the elementary school teacher and to elementary school teaching. Realizing that these suspected factors may not be the direct reason for the choices made by students, it was felt that first hand contacts needed to be made with students so that information might be ob- tained from them. The specific concerns of the investigation were the following: 1. To provide information needed by the Teacher Education Committee and the Division of Education staff for the purpose of giving counseling and guidance to students admitted to the Teacher Education Program. 2. To give the students an opportunity to plan and conduct re- search investigations which will give them experience in action research. 3. To provide meaningful learning experience and program for the members of the SNEA. Limitations of the Study The investigation was limited to Savannah State College students who for the most part (about 60% ) come from the local county in which the College is located. All of these student subjects were elementary or secondary education majors and they were Negroes. Savannah State College is a state-supported 4-year degree-granting institution. It confers the B.S. degree in both elementary and second- ary education and for the 1963-1964 school year enrolled about 1100 students, the majority of whom were Negroes. The College is located in Chatham County embracing Savannah and Thunderbolt, Georgia. Table 1 shows the enrollment by departments and divisions when the study was made. 49 TABLE 1. ENROLLMENT BY DIVISIONS AND DEPARTMENTS AT SAVANNAH STATE COLLEGE, FALL QUARTER, 1963-1964 Enrollment Part cipation Curriculum By Divi- sions Teach- er Ed Ma- jors % Teach- er Ed Ma- jors Non- Teach- ing Ma- jors % Non- Teach- ing Majors Bv Divi- sions % Ma- jors % Partici- pations Division of Busi- ness Adm. 160 *56 35 104 65 67 42 12 Dept. of Elem Ed 195 195 100 143 73 25 Dept. of Health, Phys Ed and Recreation 71 71 100 Division of Humanities 87 45 52 .079 Dept. of English Dept. of Modern Langs. 60 69 Dept of Fine Arts 27 31 Division of Natural Sciences 234 103 44 18 Dept. of Biology 77 33 Dept. of Chemistry 39 17 Dept. of Math & Physics, Gen Sc 118 50 Division of Social Sciences 195 195 100 132 68 21 Division of Tech Sciences 131 **25 19 Division of Eng. Tech. 54 41 Dept. of Home Economics 52 40 Division of Home Study Total 1073 747 70 326 30 571 53 '"Business Education. :::: Industrial Arts Education. 50 Survey of the Literature Before the students undertook the survey they were advised to make a survey of the literature relative to the problem. This survey provided them with these insights: 1. That the teacher education degree may sometimes qualify one for employment in some related fields, 2. That the teacher education curriculum may sometimes serve as a prerequisite for further study in various fields, 3. That the employment picture, nation-wide, indicates a ready need, and predicts a steady increase in need for elementary school teachers, as compared with the declining need for secondary school teachers. Methods and Procedure Trie methodology employed by the researcher was the use of the questionnaire as the general instrument for the study. A questionnaire consisting of 18 items was drawn up, and respondents were asked to place a check mark beside the statements which applied to them. A copy of this questionnaire is appended to this paper. Eight hundred fifty of the 1073 students enrolled at Savannah State College for Fall quarter study in the 1963-64 school term received questionnaires. Major subject was not a criterion in the distribution, and the effort netted a 67% return. These 571 answered the questionnaire which represented 53% of the College's student- body. Their classification and majors are shown in Table 2. TABLE 2. CLASSIFICATION AND MAJORS OF STUDENT PARTICIPANTS Classification Majors Bus Tech Adm Ed Hum NatSc Soc Sci Sci Total Freshmen 19 17 12 19 31 8 106 Sophomores 16 33 7 9 34 18 117 Juniors 12 51 13 33 29 26 164 Seniors 11 37 7 42 34 16 147 No Indication 9 4 6 4 13 36 Unclassified 1 1 Totals 67 143 45 103 132 81 571 Table 3 reveals the number and per cent of checks for 17 items. It can be seen that item 6-1 am interested in this field - was the major reason for choice of major while items 12 and 13-1 am afraid of certain teachers in other areas - and - I believe most teachers in this major will pass students - were the least reasons for major choices. 51 TABLE 3. REASONS FOR MAJOR CHOICES Item No. No. Checking No. changing majors No. of times majors changed Per cent Checked 1 13 2.3 2 97 7 3 162 28 4 13 2.3 5 146 26 6 269 47 7 6 1.2 8 13 2.3 9 39 5.7 10 29 5.1 11 39 5.7 12 2 0.3 13 2 0.3 14 6 1.1 15 24 4.2 16 17 230 40.0 18 309 54.0 Noteworthy is the fact that 32% of the Elementary Education majors recognized the fact their employment opportunities were better while 10% of the students majoring in that area had changed majors twice. There seemed to be no significant agreement in item 16 - other reasons. Implications and Recommendations for the Savannah State College Division of Education Recommendations based on the findings of this study are the fol- lowing: 1. Definite steps in helping students become better and more accurately informed about job opportunities could be instituted. 2. Students could be helped relative to considering several pertin- ent factors in choosing a career. 52 3. Students should be given guidance as early as possible. 4. It is recommended that students be assisted toward practical decisions and realistic aspirations. Findings This study shows that the most predominant factor causing a stu- dent to select a major filters from his interest in the field. Two hun- dred sixty-nine or 47 % of the participants in this study were found to respond to that questionnaire item. By combining items 2 and 6 responses, "Of my fondness for this area," (the two items are very closely related), it can be seen that 366 or 64% of the subjects selected majors out of interest and fondness for a particular area. And 146 or 26% of the subjects chose majors which offered them better "opportunities for employment after graduation. Conclusions The conclusions drawn from this study must be explained in the light of certain limitations. The following conclusions are set forth from the findings: 1. Students at Savannah State College placed high value upon individual interest and fondness for an area. 2. Students at Savannah State College are guided by personal feelings rather than by career outward influences. 3. Students at Savannah State College consider the employment outlook to a very small degree. 4. Students at Savannah State College are generally uninformed as to opportunities for employment. APPENDIX A RESEARCH PROJECT Reasons Why Students At Savannah State College Choose Their Major Areas of Study Under Sponsorship of the STUDENT N E A (Please place a ( ) check beside those statements which apply to you.) 53 I am a student at Savannah State College, majoring in * I chose this major because: 1. My parents wanted me to do so. 2. Of my fondness for this area. 3. I feel that I am best suited for this specialty. 4. This area has a reputation for being easy. 5. This area affords better opportunities for employment after graduation. 6. I am interested in this field. 7. Of my fear of failure in another field. 8. A relative is in this area of specialization. 9. Some other person feels that I am best suited for this area. 10. I know some of the influential people in this field. 11. I wanted to get into something different. 12. I am afraid of certain teachers in other area. 13. I believe that most teachers in this major will pass students. 14. Of limited funds to pursue other possible choices. 15. Of the social status of this area. 16. Other reasons: a. b. c. 17. Have you changed your major since entering Savannah State? Yes i No 18. If you have, how many times? 54 A Device for the Improvement of Study Habits Maurice S. Stokes From ancient civilizations to the contemporary period, numerous devices: such as, pictographs, hieroglyphics, numbers and the alpha- bet have been formed, contrived, and invented for the apprehension of ideas. Basic devices were used to teach philosophy by Aristotle in the Lyceum and Plato in the Academy. Early "tools" of learning that were used in the court school by Alcuin and at the center of learning in Athens were crude and cumbersome. The Gutenberg Print- ing Press accelerated learning at Salerno, Oxford University, Heidel- berg University, Prague University, and other places. Today, tech- nology and mass media form the means by which we have an ex- plosion of knowledge at Harvard University, Tuskegee Institute, along with other colleges and universities. At the present time the utilization of perceptual devices provides the means to reason and think from the elementary school to the university. Objectives and Procedure In order to improve teaching effectiveness and help students, the present study has been developed. It is designd to secure a comparison and contrast of classes taught by the writer over a sixteen year period from 1950 to 1966. Most of the data were obtained from 842 students in 38 classes, over three-fourths of them were sophomores enrolled in Introduction to Teaching. Additional information is presented as re- lated to an earlier study 1 published in 1958. Each participating student kept a daily record of the time studied for a period of ten or more days, during the first part of the quarter. There were a few students enrolled in each class that were absent or for other reasons did not participate in the experiment; there were unusable records, also. After the initial ten or more days period, members of the class completed a "Study Sheet," which indicated how time was budgeted for a period of one week. It was to be used for the remainder of the quarter. Tabulations for the two records mentioned were started in the Summer Quarter, 1950, to the Summer Quarter, 1952; the Autumn Quarter, 1954, and the Winter Quarter, 1955; also, from the Winter Quarter, 1964, to the Spring Quarter, 1966. "Study Habits" as related to interviews, out of class group ex- periences, residence halls, the home, and libraries are mentioned in this study. Controlling principles mentioned in the first study form 1 Maurice S. Stokes, "A Device for the Improvement of Study Habits," Peabody Journal of Education, XXXVI, November, 1958, pp. 158 to 165. 55 /5C36 the basic philosophy, although they are not enumerated; such prin- ciples are as relevant today, if not more so than when first stated. The specific instruments used continue to be significant, although this study does not have a questionnaire to measure interest and attitudes. Less emphasis is given to the "Study Habit Sheet" with suggestions about how to read and study. Such terms as Coefficient of Correlation or Standard Deviation were omitted from the first study, which was more descriptive, although description continues to be beneficial. Intra and inter comparisons are given more attention presently. Objectives are: 1. To present prospective teachers with a functional device for understanding the grand routes of knowledge and wisdom. 2. To secure a critical evaluation of interest, aspirations, needs, and inclinations of predominately college sophomore stu- dents as related to "Study Habits." A Daily Record of Study Habits At the beginning of each quarter students were asked to keep a record of time used in preparation for each class period for ten or more days. A duplicate record was to be made and given to the instructor of the class. The record for two sections of Introduction to Teaching for eight consecutive quarters follows: 56 g-4 *3 O) K G .2 ^ ^ o cl< -2Ph u n o CO h p-t CO O a! t3 ffiG-2 ^ u " O SPL, ,2Ph U ,S M |Q1 III i-; vd CI u c o l-c 03 S 3 u O 3 UJ < lH 3 M O 03 T3 ffiG-2 -2P* O .5 en 60 52 C M ^D 2 o c o a o 3 -a W !h u l-l a 3 a N d rH m" d ri h ri GO < > en 5 "3 a #S^ 00 (^ (N (N O (N M CS *ooooNO\t^oomo t-h rH rH rH OJ (-s) rH d m a .a s p -^ a m a .a s a -rj #^d#< Oh go 00 (N (N C4 O ON n o i> a o Cj > W^TH ^O\^00 C 03 Is ^ eggs 60 American colleges and universities have spent much time discussing the educational value of housing in residence halls, the home, room houses, sorority and fraternity houses. In general, studies have re- cognized the desirability of these places for making grades in the order given. The last statement is similar to Table IV although not identical, since Table IV emphasized both actual and preferred places. It indicates that 49% of the students actually study most of the time studying in residence halls and 39% study at home. For places the students preferred to study, the library was first with 44%, and the home was second with 32%. The rather limited number of experi- ments on this topic tend to agree with the facts presented here. Final Examinations Educators are rendering valuable service to students when they are helped to reach conclusions and generalize. Such a service is performed when a member of a class is taught how to bring together the elements of a course in an examination. About two weeks before the final examination members of the Introduction to Teaching class write a paper on "How I Plan to Study for the Final Examination." When preparing for the Final Examination, Mr. Z. made a schedule. An example follows: Day and Date Unit to Study Time Total Saturday IV 11:00 a.m. to 2 hours March 5, 1966 1:00 p.m. Sunday, IV 2:00 p.m. to 1 hour and March 6, 1966 3:30 p.m. 30 minutes (This process was continued until March 15th, the day before the Final Examination) Another member of the class, Miss L. wrote: "In studying, I plan to use my book correctly, read rapidly, but extensively, and intensively. I will include principal ideas, class notes, films, lectures, and references. Miss K. wrote: "Since the Library is about the best place to study, I plan to do most of my studying for the Introduction to teaching final in the College Library or the City Library. They are equipped with all the proper study aids that are necessary for good studying. Such items as a comfortable chair and a quiet place are important." Miss R. states: "I have never made it a habit of studying with a group, because I find more is gained by studying alone. This is the procedure by which I will be studying. I will study two hours a day where there is plenty of light " In another class on December 8, 1964 the autumn quarter: Miss M. wrote : 61 I hope to gain a better understanding and improve my previous record. Studying in groups with residents of the dormitory who are presently enrolled in Introduction to Teaching, will be one way of accomplishing my goal. After engaging in group study to tell my value of knowledge accomplished I plan to attempt to solve problems alone before taking them to group study." For the Spring Quarter, 1962, on May 21st, Mr. J. stated: 1 "I plan to study for the final by reading more research books, by studying my article and making an outline of the work that I do in class. I will take more notes in class, go to the library to find out things I do not understand in Introduction to Teaching." One of the principal values of the above statements actually in- dicates that in writing papers about the final examination the at- tention of the student is called to the need and feasibility of planning for the final; the paper is, theoretically at least to motivate, eliminate emotional disturbances, and enable one to approach the final ex- amination with confidence. The Study Habit Sheet, revised in 1964, included additional aids for preparing for examinations. The follow- ing are taken from thirty-two principles: XXIII. For reading "Mental processes involved are: A. Sensing relationship B. Analysis and selection C. Comparison and synthesis D. Drawing logical conclusions E. Imaginative, creative treatment of ideas resulting in discovery." XXVII. In preparing for examinations review principal ideas, / lectures, films, class notes, and reference; also, consider details as balanced Study Habits are praiseworthy. XXVIII. Plan your preparation in advance with a separate time schedule for review and daily study of regular class ac- tivity. XXXI. For an objective or essay examination read and study each question carefully, since it is imperative that you follow directions. Interviews and Group Experiences When using such methods as interviews and group counseling, "Study Habits" may be improved for securing valuable information; considering the needs and interests of the counselee; develop rapport by obtaining approval, acceptance, and ability to observe in a direct and indirect way. Important facts, revealing statements, desirable in- ferences, and challenging inquiries are the results of adequately using such methods. Records of the writer over a period of years indicate valuable interviews and group experiences with from three to five students. On May 1, 1957, a group of five students whose final marks ranged from "C" to "A" decided to concentrate for the re- mainder of the quarter on the following items: 62 1. Attempt to get facts as given by the instructor. 2. Stop the instructor when you do not understand class discus- sion and ask questions. 3. Volunteer for class discussion and participate often. 4. Be sure and get acquainted with the Study Habit Sheet and practice using it often. In an interview with Miss X., whose final mark was "B", during the Autumn Quarter, November 7, 1962, a list of activities to be attained were outlines. The list includes: 1. Participation in class discussion. 2. Use the "Study Habit Sheets." 3. Make reports in class. 4. Keep accurate notes about information discussed in class. 5. Listen attentatively and concentrate on class work. After the mid-quarter Examination on May 5, 1965, four students agreed to focus attention on the following: 1. Attend class regularly. 2. Attend the voluntary weekly group meetings. 3. Take good notes and listen critically. 4. Discuss problems with the instructor. 5. Participate more in class. 6. Read more news articles pertaining to the course. During the fourth week of the Winter Quarter, April 7, 1966, an academic counselee discussed progress in all classes. The following items were to be emphasized in Introduction to Teaching: 1. Will study and read at least Wi hours to 2 hours daily. 2. Will form the habit of attending class and film showings regularly. 3. Getting good notes and understanding them. 4. Will arrange for a conference with the teacher if I am failing or not getting along well in class. For the interviews and group experiences mentioned, attention was focussed primarily on academic progress. It should be noted, also, that such experiences have more than usual value as cooperative, therapeutic, tension reducing, personal and social experiences; these are an integral part of educational progress and without proper de- velopment of them good "Study Habits" are seriously trammelled. Conclusions Evidence assembled in this study indicates that good "Study Habits are necessary for the proper use of the library, reading ef- ficiency, satisfactory interviews, group experiences, preparation for examinations, and the solution of educational problems. From the view point of securing desirable adjustment, these are most significant. Tensions and conflicts are eliminated, although confidence is given. Without good "Study Habits" the entire educational organization is 63 weakened; in fact, it "Breaksdown" completely. Several inferences are: 1. Data for this study were assembled over a sixteen year period, 1950 to 1966; the facts that one of the most important in- struments, the "Study Sheet", is reported in two different parts that are closely related; the same institution, the number of students, the same instructor and course used, are all factors that contribute to the reliability of this study. Two of the most important instruments used: namely, the "Ten or More Days Study Record" and the "Study Sheet" have a coefficient of correlation of .97. The high coefficient of correlation of these two separate instruments indicates validity. 2. Time studied per clock hour in class for the "Ten or More Days Record" for the study published in 1958, was 2.10 or 2'6" for 317 students; in 1966, the mean study time was 2.21 or 2'13" for 260 students. For the "Study Sheet" in the earlier study the mean study time as reported by the students was 1.75 or 1'45" per class hour for 527 students; the recent experimental results were 2.82 or 2'49" studied per clock hour in class for an almost equivalent group. 3. It is difficult or impossible to understand the cultural heritage or modern technological changes without a satisfactory device that will improve "Study Habits." A teacher must teach more in less time because of accumulated new knowledge. As a result it is the indispensible duty of the teacher to equip youth and adults with a functional device for understanding the grand routes of knowledge and wisdom. 4. Personnel work in colleges and universities implies among other items the giving and securing of the kind of information that has been presented in this study. A counselor or teacher must consider teaching and learning that will be helpful in such phases of education as interviews, group guidance, and preparation for examinations. Students should have an op- portunity to improve their written and oral expression as re- lated to "Study Habits." This will unconsciously improve their interest and attitudes. 5. Forces presented in this study offer numerous opportunities for exploration and experimentation about the desirability of studying in the library, residence halls, or other places, and what are "Study Habit" potentialities? Although conclusions are predominantly concerned with college Sophomores there is a need for more information about all levels and the time required for progress. 64 On Variation of Velocity and Pressure Behind and Along A Shock Surface In Lagrangian Coordinate System by Nazir A. Warsi 1. INTRODUCTION The flow of a perfect gas in Lagrangian coordinate system is given by [1] (L1) ui/?-c/ -- u '", . = o (1.4)a*aty -,/^-t =o where f^/ is a quantity in the region <,/ and 2/,l/ denote the regions behind and in front of the shock surface. Also, the conservation equations across the shock surface are given by [2] (i.5) tut] = -*/ an d (2.7)MfcL^=// (2.8)M2Mi// then l/y are the inverse of Lj . Hence, we have (29) |v[- = iQ+ai+or oj.i~ lr\\L il. Now, from (2.5) and (2.6), we get -! U Lj Lj\ = ^ l: Lj Li L/ IL? (2.10) L3 , The values of L, > L', > etc - can ^ e substituted from (2.5) and (2.6) and I Ly can be calculated. Let [_=l Mf We have the following theorems. THEOREM 2. 1 : The values of r) are g/v &v . ( 2,,)a Mt 4^* K (uf- K, aj l j or 2, 1)b Ml=-t^^(aJ+Ur / 4X H Where \. flfe quantities, having values (i)+l when^ = |, ^3^, (ii)-l when^.2 ? ^ - / (iii) when ^ - /? and cx.^ are the components of an isotropic tensor having num- erical values (i) + l when ijk is an even permutation of 123 (ii) 1 when ijk is an odd permutation of 123 (iii) when ijk are the same. PROOF: From (2.9), we get (2 12) M^ co ^ 8 " or f t- A ' ri L 66 L Jn consequence of (2.5), (2.6) and (2.10) we get (2.1 I ) a which by virtue of the relation -~A^ l ^%/~^h.-^j , gives (2.1 1 ) b. THEOREM 2.2: Quantities ft J, are given by (2.i3) v\i =i c e^.x. where -.^q are the components of a surface tensor skew-symme- tric in ~{ j & and defined by PROOF: From (2.9) we have (2.15) Ml = ^y^^ which with the help of (2.5), (2.6) and (2.10) gives (2.13). THEOREM 2.3: The variation of velocity along the surface be- hind the shock is given by (2.16) u^. x^ = u.: M x\ K +tf* / v ^ - OC/ 3/X (fr/-^/ r V^ PROOF. Differentiating (1.6) partially with respect to -^ > we get (2.19). ' REFERENCES 1. Warsi, N. A. (1964) On Geometry of Gas Flows in Lagrangian Coordinate System. Savannah State College Reserach Bulletin, Vol. 18, No. 2. 2. Warsi, N. A. (1965) Flow Parameters Behind Three Dimensional Shock Wave. Savannah State College Faculty Research Bulletin, Vol. 19, No. 2. 3. Eisenhart, L. P. (1941). Introduction to Differential Geometry. Princeton University Press. 67 On Vorticity Behind A Shock Surface In Lagrangian Coordinate System by Nazir A. Warsi 1. INTRODUCTION The author [1] has discussed the variation of velocity and pressure along and behind the shock surface. The results derived by him will be used in this paper in finding the vorticity behind the shock wave. 2. DERIVATIVE OF VELOCITY If *5*>j are the quantities defined by then we have the following theorems. Theorem 2.1: Quantities S^- are given by (2.2) J^ = U IA> JC X ? -h iny r iy Sy d^ p Proof: Putting ^-^ ,y ayJ in (2.1), we get (2-3) S

y Differentiating (2.1) partially with respect to ^4- , we get Also, we have [4, 3] ' (2-3) Uy^ 7 ^- ^=o (2.4)Cu*J. -^// y z 1/X - On substitution from (2.3), (2.1) and (2.4), the equation (2.2) becomes (2.5) Z^ C^-L/^ Sy X=0 = ^/(l+^jut/^ which, in consequence of (2.14) of [2], becomes - \ (2.6) %. (ui r t? v s vX <% rywt &v (*%^agga Now, let us define quantities JZ; such that /2 - *>*/-- *y V*/ rXfty 2*J Hence, we have the following theorem. Theorem 2.1: The quantities Z, are given by the equation (2.9)7^ = ^0^)^/^ Proof: Putting^. =. < in (2.8), we get (2.10)^ = ^^' which, with the help of (2.5) of [1], becomes Equation (2.9) is readily obtained if we substitute from (2.6) in (2.11). 71 Theorem: 2.2: The quantity ^ 3 is given by Proof: Putting -<: = 3 in (2.8), we get 7 y *V^/-> (2.13) 7 3 =?/, / Z.^ which, in consequence of (2.6) of [1], becomes (2.14) 2/,y (u^-4/ i/4/xO By virtue of (2.14) and (2.6), we get (2.12). Theorem 2.3: The gradient of the specific volume y = o which, in turn, gives In consequence of (2.1), (2.4) and (2.19) of [2], the equation (3.3) easily gives (3.1). References 1. Warsi, N. A. (underpublication) : On Variation of Velocity and Pressure Behind and Along A Shock Surface in Lagrangian Coordinate System. Savannah State College Faculty Research Bulletin. 2. Warsi, N. A. (underpublication) : On Vorticity Behind A Shock Surface in Lagrangiai Coordinate System. Savannah State College Faculty Re- search Bulletin. 3. Warsi, N. A. (1965): Flow Parameters Behind Three Dimensional Shock Wave. Savannah State College Faculty Research Bulletin. Vol. 19, No. 2. 4. Warsi, N. A. (1964): On Geometry of Gas Flow in Lagrangian Coordinate System. Savannah State College Faculty Research Bulletin. Vol. 18, No. 2. 5. Kanwal, R. P. (1959): On Curved Shock Wave in Three Dimensional Gas Flows. Quarterly of Applied Mathematics. Vol. XVI, No. 4. 72 The Community College : An American Innovation by Philip D. Vairo In 1947, President Truman appointed a commission on higher edu- cation to study the educational opportunities for American youth. The Commission reported on the community colleges as follows: As one means of achieving the expansion of educational op- portunity and diversification on educational offerings it con- siders necessary, the Commission recommends that the number of community colleges be increased and that their activities be multiplied. 1 In 1957, President Eisenhower appointed the Committee on Edu- cation Beyond the High School. The Committee reported that since the population of the United States is expected to reach 210 million by 1970, the nation must expand its present educational facilities; beyond the high school. 2 Regarding the development and expansion of two-year colleges the Committee had this to say : These respond to the increasing demand for a greater variety of more accessible training and education, while at the same time helping other colleges and universities to concentrate a greater portion of their energies than would otherwise be possible on upper division, graduate, and professional work. 3 The Commission on Goals for Higher Education in the South in its report recommended that each state develop two-year community colleges. In 1961, 71 per cent of the Southern students eligible for college were not enrolled. The Commission argued that comprehen- sive community colleges would be able to serve a variety of educational needs of the students. 4 The term, "Community College," refers to a two-year institution of higher learning which both prepares students for third and fourth year work in colleges and universities and recognizes needs of students who will not pursue college work beyond the first two years. 1 Higher Education for American Democracy, A Report Prepared by the Presi- dent's Commission on Higher Education (Washington: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1947), p. 67. 2 Second Report to the President, A Report Prepared by the President's Com- mission on Education Beyond the High School (Washington: U. S. Govern- ment Printing Office, 1957), p. 59. Hbid. p. 62. ^-Within Our Reach, A Report of the Commission on Goals for Higher Educa- tion in the South (Atlanta: The Southern Regional Board, 1961), p. 16. 73 The term, "Junior College," refers to a two-year institution of higher learning concerned usually with the first two years of a four- year college program. Preparation for further study has been the traditional objective of the junior college; however, the community college has a multiplicity of purposes. On the one hand, the community college prepares stu- dents for advanced study; on the other hand, it provides students with either a general education or specialized training in a specific occupation. As Arthur S. Adams, former president of the American Council of Education has said: "We are approaching the time when two years of college, either to develop or to prepare for further college education, will be as necessary and common-place as is gradua- tion from high school." 5 In North Carolina, in 1961, 6400 students, 8.6 per cent of all the college students in the state were enrolled in 16 private two-year colleges. During the same year the five public community colleges enrolled 2,400 students, 3.2 per cent of the total student population. Although the percentage of students, enrolled in two-year colleges is relatively small, the Governor's Commission on Education Beyond the High School points out that in the decade ahead there will be great need for expanded facilities among the two-year colleges. The Commission recommended that North Carolina develop a comprehen- sive two-year college system as the best means of meeting the in- creased enrollments at the freshman and sophomore levels. 6 The Governor's Commission on Education Beyond the High School in North Carolina predicted an enrollment of 117,700 students in two-year and four-year colleges by 1970, an increase of 42,500 in the next few years. 7 These figures are disconcerting when one con- siders that perhaps the most critical problem in and obstacle deterring the expansion of education in the United States is the critical shortage of qualified teachers. 8 With more and more high school students first enrolling in the two-year colleges, but with the intention of continuing in four-year institutions, the mounting shortage of qualified teachers becomes increasingly serious. There is little doubt that the two-year college is the most significant development in American higher educa- tion. It is every bit an American innovation as the "hot dog". During this decade alone the number of comprehensive community colleges have at least doubled. There are approximately 800 two-year colleges in the United States. Blocker, Plummer, and Richardson pointed out that: The two-year college has been caught in the middle of this drive to increase the educational level of the population. The 5 Edwin Knoll. "The Maturing of the Junior College," NEA Journal, I (February, 1961), 29. e A Report of the Governor's Commission on Education Beyond the High School, (Raleigh, North Carolina: 1962), pp. 88-89. 1 A Report of the Governor's Commission on Education Beyond the High School, op. cit., p. 33. 8 Second Report to the President, op. cit., pp. 91-92. 74 four-year college and the university are ill equipped to cope with the increasing hordes of education-minded individuals, parti- cularly when so many of them lack even the most rudimentary requirements for baccalaureate courses. The comprehensive two- year college, with its willingness to offer courses of less than col- legiate level, has been cited as the salvation of low-ability stu- dents. It must be pointed out, however, that if these courses do nothing more than promote a higher level of functional illiteracy, then the two-year college is not fulfilling its function. 9 President John Gardner of the Carnegie Foundation in discussing the role of the junior and community colleges in an essay prepared for the President's Commission on National Goals emphasized that not only are the junior colleges and community colleges becoming an integral part of American higher education, but these two-year institu- tions will accommodate approximately fifty per cent of the future college population. 10 Already one student in every four entering college is enrolled in a community or junior college. 11 In 1959, Escambia County in Florida reported that nine out of ten students beginning their college career in the state entered a two-year college. 12 Medsker indicated that three fifths of all freshmen and sophomores in all of California's institutions of higher learning are in two-year colleges. 13 On a nationwide basis, two-year colleges enroll about 12 per cent of the total college enrollment. 14 In another decade the num- ber of students enrolled in the two-year colleges may total over 2 million. 15 9 Clyde E. Blocker, Robert H. Plummer, Richard C. Richardson, Jr., The Two-Year College: A Social Synthesis (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1965), p. 3. 10 John Gardner, "National Goals in Education," Goals for Americans, The Report of the President's Commission on National Goals (New York: Prentice Hall, Inc., 1960), pp. 91-92. "Knoll, op. cit., 59. 12 Edmund J. Gleazer, Jr., (ed.) American Junior College (Washington: American Council on Education, 1960), p. 3. 13 Leland L. Medsker, "The Community College," Talks on American Edu- cation, (ed.) Henry Chauncey (New York: Teachers College, Columbia University Press, 1962), p. 78. ^Ibid. 15 James W. Thornton, Jr., The Community Junior College (New York: John Wiley &Sons, I960), p. v. 75 Force Field Calculations In Octahedral Water Complexes by V. Ananthanarayanan Introduction The vibrational spectrum of the octahedral water complexes in cry- stals had been studied by the author in considerable detail (1). In one of the more recent publications a critical study of the Raman and Infrared Spectra of the Co (H 2 0) 6 ion in K 2 Co(S0 4 ) 2 . 6H 2 crystal has been published by the author and Danti (2). A detailed theoreti- cal analysis of the whole range of the low frequency spectrum of this crystal has enabled definite assignments of frequencies due to lattice, hydrogen bond and Co(H 2 0) c modes. The absence of such data has prevented any rigorous force field analysis of this ion impossible till now. In view of the changed cir- cumstances, force field calculations of Co(H 2 0) 6 ion vibrations have been done by the author and the results are presented. Symmetry, Selection Rules and Spectral Data For Co(H 2 0) 6 Ion The spectrum of Co(H 2 0) 6 ion was analysed by treating it as be- longing to the octahedral O h (group (xy 6 type: X = C and Y = H 2 0) and by taking the water molecule as a single unit of mass 18. The free O h group has six normal vibrations designated as follows : triply degenerate) and triply degenerate). Of these and are Raman active and the rest infrared ac- tive. The K 2 Co(S0 4 ) 2 . 6H 2 crystallizes in the monoclinic class space group C 5 2h with two molecules in the unit cell. The Co(H 2 0) 6 groups have only a site symmetry Q inside the monoclinic unit cell. But ex- perimental studies have definitely shown that both the site group and factor group splittings of the Co(H 2 0) G frequencies are too small to be detected. The following wavenumbers (2) have been experimentally ob- served for the Co(H 2 0) 6 ion: 76 REVISED COPY PAGES 76 - 79 Force Field Calculations In Octahedral Water Complexes by V. Ananthanarayanan Introduction The vibrational spectrum of the octahedral water complexes in cry- stals had been studied by the author in considerable detail (1). In one of the more recent publications a critical study of the Raman and Infrared Spectra of the Co (H 2 0) ion in K 2 Co(S0 4 ) 2 . 6H 2 crystal has been published by the author and Danti (2). A detailed theoreti- cal analysis of the whole range of the low frequency spectrum of this crystal has enabled definite assignments of frequencies due to lattice, hydrogen bond and Co(H 2 0) ; modes. The absence of such data has prevented any rigorous force field analysis of this ion impossible till now. In view of the changed cir- cumstances, force field calculations of Co(H 2 0), ; ion vibrations have been done by the author and the results are presented. Symmetry, Selection Rules and Spectral Data For Co(H 2 0), ; Ion The spectrum of Co(H 2 0) (! ion was analysed by treating it as be- longing to the octahedral O h (group (xy, ; type: X = C and Y = H 2 0) and by taking the water molecule as a single unit of mass 18. The free O h group has six normal vibrations designated as follows: 2Js( F *.?- tri P J y degenerate) and Z^, ( I~ xu. triply degenerate). Of these Jj ~Jj x and X/j. are Raman active and the rest infrared ac- tive. The K 2 Co(SO.j) 2 . 6H 2 crystallizes in the monoclinic class space group C 3 2i, with two molecules in the unit cell. The Co(H 2 0) groups have only a site symmetry Q inside the monoclinic unit cell. But ex- perimental studies have definitely shown that both the site group and factor group splittings of the Co(H 2 0) (i frequencies are too small to be detected. The following wavenumbers (2) have been experimentally ob- served for the Co (H-.O)^ ion: ( n J>t/ -/ S 1 I fon-7\ 76 Theoretical Considerations The most widely applied method for obtaining the normal frequen- cies of molecules is the one utilizing the Wilson's F G matrix method, where the elements of a matrix F (related to the potential energy) and the elements of a matrix G (related to the kinetic energy) are obtained. From these matrices, equations relating the vibrational frequencies to the force constants of the molecule are constructed (3) as follows: PcA - B 9>~ b tf*' 2 n n dct J t-o^P, ~h F // F\. 2 i. 2.) ^Tx.1. Where the roots are > ^^ p\ . Thus we get from the equation above, dynes . cum- 1 units) were obtained by substituting the proper values of the wave numbers in the equations above, with appropriate ap- proximations. (4u>&= a868; ; = 0J98; (/-#)= a369 or -' 129; &-i)= 379 or ai06; h. -jj.) = 0.133 or -0.004 and -0.030 or -0.099. UJll) 78 If we neglect J-. . we could make an estimate of Co -0 distance from the value oi-fj^ using Badger's rule (4). Such a procedure leads to a value of Jl-la J\ . This agrees favorably with the bond lengths determined by x-ray structure studies, which report a values near 2.1 A in few hydrated cobalt sulfates. REFERENCES (1) V. Ananthanarayanan, Z. Phys. Chemie (Leipzig), 222, 102-110, 1963. (2) V. Ananthanarayanan and A. Danti, J. Mol. Spect., Vol. 20, 88. 1966. (3) E. B. Wilson, Jr., J. Chem. Phys., 7, 1047 (1939); 9, 76 (1941). (4) R. M. Badger, J. Chem. Phys., 3, (1935), 710. 79 Theoretical Considerations The most widely applied method for obtaining the normal frequen- cies of molecules is the one utilizing the Wilson's F G matrix method, where the elements of a matrix F (related to the potential energy) and the elements of a matrix G (related to the kinetic energy) are obtained. From these matrices, equations relating the vibrational frequencies to the force constants of the molecule are constructed (3) as follows: /u. ^*> >>> G + 2F Q+^G 1 + n O A- // // ix /2 2 2 v-ll Where the roots are a ^^ fl . Thus we get from the equation above, 2 ^V e - : , Fen, F. The definitions of various terms used are given below: c = velocity of light jL s f rce between X and Y atoms 77 interaction constant between stretching and stretching when there is an angle of 90 between the two stretching bonds interaction between stretching and stretching when the two bonds are opposite interaction between stretching and bending when the stretching bond is also one of the bending bonds interaction between stretching and bending when the stretching bond is perpendicular to both bend- ing bonds interaction between stretching and bending when the stretching bond is perpendicular to one and opposite to the other bending bond force associated with bending interaction between bending and bending when one bond is common to both bending pairs and the two others are perpendicular interaction between bending and bending when one bond is common to both bending pairs and the two others are opposite interaction between bending and bending when one bond of one pair is opposite to a bond of the other pair, while the other bonds are perpendicular to each other interaction between bending and bending when the two bending angles are opposite each other reciprocal mass of the X atom, i.e. cobalt reciprocal mass of the Y atom, i.e. water molecule Results The following numerical values of the force constants (in 10 5 dynes . cum- 1 units) were obtained by substituting the proper values of the wave numbers in the equations above, with appropriate ap- proximations. = 0.198; -0.129; 0.106; -0.004 and -0.099. 78 = 0.868; = 0.369 or = 0.379 or = 0.133 or = 0.030 or If we neglect we could make an estimate of Co -0 distance from the value of using Badger's rule (4). Such a procedure leads to a value of . This agrees favorably with the bond lengths determined by x-ray structure studies, which report values near 2.1 in few hydrated cobalt sulfates. REFERENCES (1) V. Ananthanarayanan, Z. Phys. Chemie (Leipzig), 222, 102-110, 1963. (2) V. Ananthanarayanan and A. Danti, J. Mol. Spect., Vol. 20, 88, 1966. (3) E. B. Wilson, Jr., J. Chem. Phys., 7, 1047 (1939); 9, 76 (1941). (4) R. M. Badger, J. Chem. Phys., 3, (1935), 710. 79 The Negro In International Affairs- Prospects For The Future* by George L-P Weaver I am deeply appreciative of the honor you bestow on me by your invitation to address the Savannah State College Chapter of the NAACP All-College Assembly. It is a particular pleasure for me to be able to talk to you at this time in your career. Many of you are completing your formal educa- tion this year and are preparing to go out into the world and find your places in the working population of this country. Today, thanks largely to your generation's efforts, which have resulted in the passage of various civil and voting rights acts, you stand on the threshold of expanding opportunity greater than your predecessors. The late President Franklin D. Roosevelt, in his last words, wrote : "The only limit to our realization of tomorrow will be our doubts of today." This thought applies to you with more validity than to any preced- ing generation. Many of you will shortly be leaving the academic world for another world with added pressures and competition. You will find your- selves in the midst of a sometimes bewildering, often frustrating, al- ways challenging world of change. The presiding fact of our life is change accelerated change. It is a time of technology triumphant, of exploding populations where maps change as fast as women's fashions and where continents are now closer together in time than county seats were yesterday. This fact, compounded by the discoveries of the scientific age, has turned topsy-turvy our traditional relationships with other peoples, other lands. Implicit with the fact of change is the necessity for constructive response. This is especially true in the crucial field of international affairs. The traditional diplomat of yesterday is as outdated as the sailing ship of old. He may have cut a handsome jib like our clipper ships of the last century, but he can no more represent America today than sailing ships can compete with nuclear vessels. What kind of diplomat should speak for the America of today? First, let us see to whom we are speaking. *Address on the occasion of the SSC, NAACP all College Assembly, March 25, 1966. 80 - We are speaking to a world in the throes of social, economic, politi- cal and ideological change and revolt. We are speaking to people weighted by centuries of poverty, ignorance, disease and neglect. We are speaking to people either freshly emerged, or still struggling from the oppression of colonial rule. We are speaking to people demanding national identification, in- sisting on self-expression, determined to quench the thirst of centuries of unfulfillment. We are speaking to people who, with all these desires and yearnings, frequently do not know the way, who often lack experience. We are speaking to people whose attention is wooed by totalitarian states who hope to capitalize on their aspirations and their urgent needs. Who, then, should speak for America? Those who can speak with a creditable voice, who speak from the depths of their own experience, who can relate to others their own personal and group struggles from darkness into dawn. Those who speak for America, whose task it is to communicate to others the essence of freedom, the democratic experience, must do so not merely with a cold intellectuality, no matter how brilliant, but with warmth, empathy, identification. And what group of Americans today possess better credentials for this than those who have experienced the great civil rights struggles in our land during the past few years? Those who have yearned for their rights, and have struggled for their rights, by the very nature of their experience, possess a unique quality of understanding and identification with the yearnings of others that will cause them to be listened to, and respected, in the far corners of the world. The continuing drive toward the realization of full human rights in the United States has had many positive aspects. One of these important aspects is that it has endowed America with a voice that will be listened to in the color-conscious worlds of Asia and Africa. Our country is the only one in the world with a large group of citizens of African, Latin and European origin, providing us with an understanding which gives us a magnificent opportunity for useful service in all corners of the earth as representatives of the United States Government. In the past, the spectre of discrimination in our government gave reason to discourage young Negroes from preparing themselves for positions in the international field. Today, that spectre has consider- ably diminished. Today, as a result, the most important limitation of opportunities for the Negro in international work is the limitation he sets for himself. 81 Since 1961, the number of Negroes holding responsible professional positions in the State Department and in the Foreign Service has increased by 211 percent - an increase in responsible positions as well as numbers. Opportunities for well-trained Negroes, at home and abroad, are also available through such private organizations as the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, the Ford Foundation and the African-American In- stitute. In addition, the opportunities for qualified Negroes in the De- partment of State, in the international offices and bureaus of other Departments, and in the United Nations and its specialized Agencies such as the International Labor Organization, the Food and Agricul- tural Organization, the UNESCO, to mention but a few, are un- precedented. In recent years, a new dimension has been added to the conduct of our foreign affairs wherein the expertise of our domestic agencies, such as the Labor Department and Health, Education and Welfare are being drawn upon to bolster and enrich the conduct of U. S. foreign policy. Thus there are excellent opportunities in some of the domestic agencies for trained young Negroes to become involved in international affairs. Indeed, the problem now is not to find important jobs in the international field for Negroes, but rather to find qualified Negroes for important international jobs. The gates are open; the jobs are there. Now the burden is shifting to the shoulders of the Negro to properly prepare himself to fulfill the positions of responsibility available to him. I am frequently asked to explain specifically what type of training is needed to prepare a person for work in the international field. I would say that, first and foremost, a good general education is needed, including emphasis in written and spoken English. It is important to have a good background in sociology, anthropology, history, gov- ernment, geography, economics and administration. But, as I indicated, the greatest weight should be given to English. This is the most important skill in the arsenal of a Foreign Service Of- ficer, for he must be able to communicate and, above all, able to write clearly and succinctly. He will find that a great proportion of his career is spent writing and sending dispatches. In addition, we live in an age of growing specialization. So in order to assure advancement in the foreign field, I would advise a young person to become thoroughly adept in the fields of history, govern- ment and economics. And so that need is there to communicate the experiences and philosophy of this country in various parts of the world. Today, for example, the most important message that challenges the skill of Foreign Service Officers is how to communicate America's position on Vietnam. 82 I fear there is altogether too much heat and not enough light on the subject of why the United States is committed to the assistance of South Vietnam. May I take a moment to review recent history in order to put this issue in proper perspective. The World War II alliance which included Russia which defeated the Axis powers was abruptly shattered by Soviet expansionist moves immediately after the war. The first major test came in Iran. It had been agreed that Allied troops would be withdrawn from that country shortly after the war was ended. The Soviet Union, however, refused to remove her troops from that country until, under firm pressure by the United States through the United Nations she grudgingly did so. Then, in the unforgettable words of Winston Churchill, "from Trieste in the Adriatic, to Stettin, in the Baltic, an iron curtain . . . descended across the Continent." Nations fell, one by one, to Com- munist coups Poland, Hungary, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, Al- bania, Bulgaria, Estonia, Lativa, Lithuania, Rumania. The Cold War was upon us. The United States Government, under the leadership of President Harry Truman, in 1947 set a basic standard of American foreign policy which, essentially, has been followed to this day: "It must be the policy of the United States," said President Tru- man, "to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjuga- tion by armed minorities or by outside pressures." This was the policy that resulted in our country giving aid to Greece and Turkey in 1947, thus preventing a communist take-over in those countries. This was the policy behind the Marshall Plan - a program of eco- nomic aid resulting in the rebuilding of war-shattered Europe. This was the policy that resulted in our country's magnificent feat of supplying West Berlin by an enormous airlift during the bitter months of the Berlin Blockade imposed by the Communists in 1948. This was the policy that resulted in our country taking the lead in the defense of the Republic of Korea after it was overrun by the Communist forces in 1950. This is the base of the policy of granting aid and technical assistance to many Latin American countries under the banner of the Alliance for Progress. And, this is the foundation of the policy that results in our support for the free people of South Vietnam in their struggle to halt aggres- sion from the North. This policy was the basis of the statement by President Eisenhower, in a letter to Prime Minister Winston Churchill in 1954, that "the imposition on Southeast Asia of the political system of (the) Com- munist Chinese ... by whatever means, would be a grave threat to the whole free community, and ... in our view this possibility should now be met by united action and not passively accepted ..." 83 This policy was the basis of President Kennedy's position when, in 1961, he wrote the President of South Vietnam: "The United States, like the Republic of Vietnam, remains devoted to the cause of peace and our primary purpose is to help your people maintain their in- dependence. If the Communist authorities in North Vietnam will stop their campaign to destroy the Republic of Vietnam, the measures we are taking to assist your defense efforts will no longer be neces- sary." And, finally, this policy was the basis of our current position in Vietnam, as enunciated so often and so clearly by President Johnson: "We do not seek the destruction of any government," President Johnson has said, "nor do we covet a foot of any territory, but we insist, and we shall always insist, that the people of South Vietnam shall have the right of choice, the right to shape their own destiny in free elections in the South, or throughout all Vietnam under inter- national supervision. And they shall not have any government im- posed upon them by force and terror so long as we can prevent it." So this policy of "support for free peoples resisting attempted sub- jugation by armed minorities and outside pressures" proved valid for Europe. It is equally valid for Asia. And accepting its validity, as the American People have confirmed from time to time, we need but ask ourselves what else can we do to enforce this policy? So, this is why we are in Vietnam. This is the message to reiterate to the world especially, as I mentioned before, to the color-con- scious worlds of Asia and Africa. It is a message that bright, articulate young Negro Americans can successfully convey in behalf of the United States Government. During an earlier troubled period in the life of this Republic, Thomas Paine described the times as being of the sort that try men's souls. Today, as in times past, we are going through a form of national recommitment testing again our wisdom, fortitude and perseverance. Time and time again in recent months, President Johnson has reminded us of our national commitment in South Vietnam. This is literally a holy trust to him, for implicit in the U. S. commitment to South Vietnam is not only a guarantee to that embattled land but to all embattled peoples who struggle against communist sub- version and aggression, and who yearn to be free. Almost two centuries ago Thomas Paine wrote of the American colonies: "We fight not to enslave, but to set a country free." This is the task before us. There is no greater challenge than to strive for peace, freedom, and social and economic justice. For those of you who are active seekers after this goal, I urge you to equip yourself for service in behalf of your country, and in behalf of a humanity sorely in need of the type of strength, idealism and devotion to justice than you can bring to such endeavors. 84 The Law of Karma As Reflected In Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism by Samuel Williams The word karma is derived from the Sanskrit Kri, "to do". All ac- tion is karma. Technically this word also means the effects of actions. In connection with metaphysics it sometimes means the effects of which our past actions were the courses. It is in this light that we shall be concern with the law of karma as reflected in Hinduism, Buddhism, and Jainism. The law of karma means "deeds" or "works," the law dictates good rewards for good deeds, and bad rewards for bad deeds. It is a doctrine, or belief that every deliberately willed action will receive its reward or punishment. A man's state in any particular life is deter- mined by his actions in previous lives. The New Testament makes it clear that a man shall reap what he sows. In this same light the Hindu states, "the body is the field, the soul is the cultivator; virtue and vice are seeds, and the soul must reap as it sows." Thus, this is an inexorable law, the working of cause and effect. It places emphasis on the fact that, if there is a balance of good to a man's credit, he gets the benefit of it by being reborn on a higher plane. However, if he has given himself up to wickedness, he sinks lower at rebirth. Each man lays up a stock of good and bad deeds and, so to speak, accumulates moral capital. Therefore, the debit of vice can be wiped out by the credit of virtue, and men may thus rise on stepping stones of their dead selves to higher things. This belief in the law of karma may be described in threefold as following: First, it may be described as a working hypothesis of the riddle of existence. It explains the potent inequalities and enigmas of life, the fact that one man is born to honour, another to dishonour, and the wicked so often flourish while the good have to endure misery and suffering. Secondly, it may be regarded as a pessimistic doctrine, for a man's presence is fashioned by a past of which he has no memory or knowledge, and no effort of his can improve it. Thirdly, it has elements of optimism, for a man can rise to a better state in future lives by virtuous conduct. In this sense it seems to me that the person is the captain of his ship and the master of his fate. According to the pantheistic doctrine emancipation from the long chain of existences is finally obtained when the human soul loses its individual existence by being united with and merged in the universal spirit from which everything comes and to which everything will eventually return. "The soul enchained", said a modern teacher of Vendantism, Ramakrishnna Paramhamsa, "is man; free from chains, it is God ... as a piece of lead, thrown into a basin of mercury, is soon dissolved therein, so the human soul loses its individual ex- 85 istence when it falls into the ocean of Brahma." 1 However, other Hindus hold that while salvation consists in the union of the soul with God, it does not lose its identity. Moreover, spiritual beatitude and release from rebirths are obtained not by the soul's reabsorption in the Supreme Spirit, but by its communion with God, whether con- ceived of as Brahma or as Siva or as Vishnu. Authorities seem to agree that nothing perhaps has done so much to maintain the popularity of orthodox Hinduism as the idea of good works which is part of the belief in karma, that is, the idea of the efficacy of good deeds in improving a man's chances of having a higher or happier life in his future terrestrial existences. This is often described as the acquisition of merit, and its effect is to en- courage the performance not only of virtuous acts but also of the observances of orthodox Hinduism. The so called acquisition of merit, includes such things as worship in temples, where the vision of an idol is accounted for righteousness, domestic ceremonies, the re- petition of a god's name, gifts to Brahmans, pilgrimages, fasts, etc. All of these add to the stock of a man's good deeds and to to his credit in the record of his lives. On the other hand, the spiritual value of the belief in karma is impaired by the teachings of the Brahmans and the superstition of the people themselves. The former however, have popularized the idea that certain months, days and places are more sacred than others, and that worship at such times and places is more efficacious than worship at other times and places. They contend that pilgrimages have an extraordinary power to wipe out the record of past offenses. Moreover, death at Benaves is a short cut to heaven; offerings at Gay a are sufficient in themselves to take the souls of one's father and ancestors to heaven. They recognized bathing and expiatory cere- monies as sufficient atonement for many sins, and they sometimes allow offences to be compounded for by payment to themselves. The people for their part consider that the mechanical performance of rites and ceremonies or the repetition of the name of a god are suf- ficient for the acquisition of merit. Some even keep birds trained to say the name of a god, in the belief that the repetition of the sacred name by the birds will be added to the times it passes their own lips and so increase the total of their good deeds. The belief in karma and the transmigration of souls is prevalent in areas where Brahmanism has established itself, and the ideas of the people about the life after death have been shaped by Brahmanical influence. For example, the result of special inquiries made in the United Provinces during the census of 1901 shows that, "the doctrine of karma is one of the firmest beliefs of all classes of Hindus", and that most of them have fairly clear ideas that wrong-doing is displeas- ing to Parameshuar and that the wrongdoer must suffer for his misdeeds, possibly in his present existence, but certainly in his future life or lives. 2 1 L. S. S. O'malley, Poular Hinduism (Cambridge University Press, 1935), p. 9. Hbid., p. 29. 86 On the other hand, in some areas where Brahmanical influence is not operative, and among classes which have no Brahmans to minister to them, belief in karma cannot be said to be prevalent. According to Noss, the law of karma carries an ethical consequence since one's lot in future existences is fixed by one's thoughts, words, and deeds. Therefore, the respect for the law of karma is a direct incentive to morality because it encourages the practice of virtues, such as truth, charity, etc., which add to the stock of man's good deeds. However, the motive is not so much the desire to do good for its own sake, or to worship God without thought of self, but the desire to rise to a higher level in another life. Noss states, "those who are of pleasant conduct here the prospect is, indeed", so runs the chandogya upanished, "that they will enter a pleasant womb, either the womb of a Brahmin, or the womb of a kshatriya, or the womb of a vaisya. But those who are of stinking conduct here the prospect is, indeed, that they will enter either the womb of a dog, or the womb of a swine, or the womb of an outcast." 3 In any case, the law of karma operates like the law of nature. The process is quite impersonal. There is no judge and no judgment. There is no punishment, no repentance or amends, no remission of sins by divine clemency. The truth of the matter is, the inexorable causal nexus of the eternal universe itself. Since Buddhism is an off-shoot of Hinduism, let us look now at the law of karma as reflected in Buddhism. According to my study and observation, the law of karma operates very much the same in Hinduism and Buddhism as well as Jainism. However, there are differences as to the law of karma in Jainism which are more pointed than those of Hinduism and Buddhism. This we shall discuss later in this paper. The law of karma is a view that belongs to many religions, but it receives a much deeper significance when combined with the doctrine of rebirth. Recompense for actions is not always evident, but the idea becomes conceivable when combined with the belief in a former existence and the prospect of another life, in which the fruit of past actions may be reaped. Buddhism has accepted this view and emphasizes it as follows: "Of no one is the deed destroyed, it comes, indeed its master meets it; in the next world the sinful fool suffers in his own self the pain." 4 Moreover, good deeds might lead to heaven, but even such bliss last only until the accumulated merit is exhausted, and then the wheel of birth turns again. The problem then for Buddha was the same that faced everyone. Is there a way to escape from rebirth? According to E. J. Thomas the teachers of the upanishads claimed to have a way, which made union with the one reality the goal. Thomas also states however, that this factor was never mentioned by the Buddhists, and was probably unknown to them, because it was a secret doctrine taught to initiates. This is very strange to me however, that Buddah, or Buddhists would not 3 John B. Noss, Man's Religions (The Macmillan Co., 1963), p. 146. 4 E. J. Thomas, The Road to Nirvana (John Murray, 1950), p. 5. 87 know of this factor since Buddah claimed to have found a better way. The doctrine of the Jains is aimed at the annihilation of karma. However, Buddha claimed to have discovered an original way, a doctrine unheard before. This doctrine of Buddha was not a creed, but a course of mental training. The great aim is to get rid of all the evil tendencies of the individual, which hinder him from seeing things as they are. In this the system was unlike such religions as aimed at appeasing a deity by sacrifices or at finding salvation by annihilating karma. Instead it set forth a scheme of self-training within the reach of everyone. To see things as they really are means seeing them as taught by the truths of Buddhism, and to this extent Buddhism involves a creed. It begins with a belief in the imperman- ence and continual change of everything in the universe including the gods. But this is combined with the belief in a permanent state of peace to be attained, the goal of Nirvana. Mere belief however, is not enough. The truths must be known, meditated upon, and under- stood, until they are realized with absolute conviction. Now, let us look at the similarities or differences of the law of karma in Hinduism and Buddhism. Buddha gave the law of karma flexibility than most later philosophers were willing to do. According to Buddah a man of any caste or class could experience so complete a change of heart or disposition as to escape the full consequence of sins committed in previous existences. This view of the Buddah is indifferent to the caste system, so distinctive of Hindu social life which affects every aspect of society, political, economical, social, religious or otherwise. The outcastes constitute the dregs of society, unclean and without the hope of ever rising in the social scale in this life, or the next existence. On the other hand, the law of karma in Buddhism operates remorselessly and without remission of one jot or tittle of the full recompense upon all who go on in the old way, the way of unchecked desire. However, it cannot lay hold upon a man completely changed, who had achieved arahatship, "the state of him that is worthy." The holy man who by steadfast mind has become exempted from evil desire may feel assured that their old karma is exhausted. Morever, no new karma is produced, their hearts are free from the longing after a future life; the cause of their existence being destroyed, and there is no new springing up within them, they, the wise are extinguished at death like a lamp. Furthermore, their will be no rebirth for them. This factor is com- mon with all three religions Hinduism, Buddhism, and Jainism, however, Budda's doctrine of rebirth seems more objective and modern. Finally, let us look at the law of karma as reflected in Jainism. In my study of Jainism I was able to ascertain that there are nine fundamental categories, or truths of the Jaina's faith. Moreover, the law of karma, the energy accumulated by action, underlay them all. Five of the categories were concerned entirely with either the acquisition, prevention, impeding, or destruction of karma, and two others dealt with bondage to it or freedom from it. Seven out of nine principles show the enormous importance Jaina is in common with all other Indian religions attached to karma. From my observa- 88 tion, I would conclude that these nine fundamental truths of Jainism are factors which parallel with the eightfold path of Buddhaism. Karma for the Jaina is the key that solves all the riddles of this unintelligible world. The root of the word karma according to the Jaina is, the verb "kri" (to do), and they believe it to be the result of actions springing from four sources. These four sources of karma in Jainism in my view may be seen as factors that parallel with the four permissible goals of life in Hinduism. The first of karma is avirati, or "attachment to the things of this life such as food rainment, lodging, women, or jewels. The unlimited use and enjoyment of any of these give rise to karma, and the more one limits one's indulgence in them, the less karma one acquires. Secondly, karma is also engendered by giving the rein to anger, pride, deceit, or greed (kasaya), or any of their sixteen divisions or the nine principles. Thirdly, karma is produced by uniting one's body, mind and speech to worldly things (yoga). Fourthly, (mithyatua), or false belief, is a fruitful source of karma." 5 The Jaina contends that there are nine ways of arresting karma. Karma can be arrested by not using one's own mind, body or speech; by being careful not to cause any one else to use their mind, body, or speech. Moreover, never approving, or in any other way associat- ing oneself with what another does by mind, body, or speech. Ac- cording to the Jaina, "as heat can unite with iron, and water with milk, so karma unites with the soul, and the soul so united with karma is called a soul in bondage." (i The Jaina firm faith in karma is due to the inequalities of life and the desire to account for them. This is also true with Hinduism and Buddhism. However, the Jaina differs from the Hindus in two main points. The Hindus, according to the Jaina, believe that God inflicts punishment for evil karma just as a judge inflicts the penalties pre- scribed by the law. We must note here however, this is not true of all Hindus. For Noss states that the law of karma for the Hindus is quite impersonal. Moreover, there is no judge and no judgement; no punishment, no repentance or amends, no remission of sins by divine clemency, just the inexorable causal nexus of the eternal universe itself. On the other hand, the Jaina and Buddus do not believe in a Supreme God who takes any active part in the world's governance, declare that karma accumulates energy and automatically works it off, without any outside intervention. The second point of difference stressed is, that while Hindus think of karma as formless, Jaina believe karma to have shape, and to prove this they argue that karma cannot be formless, because formless things cannot do us neither good nor harm. Thirdly, there is difference between Hindus and Jaina with regard to the remembrance of karma. Some Hindus believe that it is wrong to illusion that all remembrance of the deeds done in previous births, which led to the accumulation of karma is forgotten. 5 Sinclair Stevenson, The Heart of Jainism (Oxford University Press), pp. 174-175. Hbid., p. 179. 89 However, the Jaina holds that it is due to ignorance, and when the soul by means of austerities and good actions has gotten rid of ignorance it attains omniscience and remembers all the births it has undergone and all that happened in them. The Jaina divide karma according to its nature, duration, essence and content, quoting the following sioka: "These are the four parts of karma: its nature, that is, its character, its condition, that is, the time it will last; its constitution, that is called its essence; its scope, or the whole of its content." 7 In conclusion, the Jaina claims that there are eight kinds or divi- sions of karma. The first kind of karma is that which hides know- ledge from us. Secondly, the karma which prevent us from beholding the true faith. The third kind causes us to experience either the sweetness of happiness or the bitterness of misery. The fourth kind and most dreaded karma, bemuse all one's faculties. The fifth kind determines the length of time which a soul must spend in the farm with which his karma has endowed him. The sixth kind of karma decides which of the four states, a man, a god, an insect, or a hell- being in which a person shall dwell. The seventh kind determines one's caste in his next and subsequent lives. The eighth kind of karma, prevents one from using his will or his bodily strength as he should like to do. The Jaina also divide karma according to the period when it was acquired, is being experienced, or will be experienced. The age old problem is how can one be liberated from his karma. The Jaina contends that there are fourteen steps to liberations from karma. However, we will not discuss these fourteen steps due to their extensiveness and their similarity in the light of what has already been said concerning the law of karma in the three religions of India. However, the Jaina believe that by following these fourteen steps one's soul may mount to Motesa, or Nirvana. Even if it is in a poverty-stricken India, with its many religions, a communistic Russia with no claimed belief in a Supreme being, or an affluent America in the midst of turmoil and dilemma, or an ancient China with its belief in yong and yia, the cry may be sum- marized by Noss in his book Man's Religions, "Oh would that I could be delivered from the power of my karma over me! Would that I could find my way into a state of being where misery would be at an end and only joy remain." 7 Ibid., p. 176. 90 Bibliography Bahm, A. J. Philosophy of the Buddah. New York: Harper Brothers, 1958. Eliot, Charles S. Hinduism and Buddhism. London: Edward Arnold and Com- pany, 1921. Morgan, Kenneth W. The Religion of the Hindus. New York: The Ronald Press Company, 1953. Noss, John B. Man's Religions. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1963. Radhakrishnan, Sarvepalli. The Hindu View of Life. London: C. Tinling and Company, 1956. Radhakrishnan, Sarvepalli. The Principal Upanisads. New York: Harper Brothers Publishers, 1953. Stevenson, Sinclair. The Heart of Jainism. London: Oxford University Press, 1915. Thomas, E. J. The Road to Nirvana. London: Butler and Tanner Ltd., 1950. 91 Economic Growth and Income Distribution by Sarvan K. Bhatia It was Karl Marx, one of the greatest critics of the capitalistic system, who brought into focus the fundamental role of economic growth and its interrelationship with the distribution of income. Marx pointed out that capitalism, like no other economic system known to man since the early recorded history, had opened new vistas of technological advance and economic progress. Likewise, we find that the economic models prepared by socialist and com- munist writers stressed the necessary connection between capital ac- cumulation and the realization of profits without which a profit- based economy could not survive. But such writers also pointed out (and Marx was the leading critic) that the mechanism productive of economic progress, which is the crowning glory of capitalism, will also bring it down, because of the inherent weaknesses in capitalism. 1 Economic growth which has been by and large interpreted as conveying the increase over time of per capita output and income may be viewed as a consequence of increased per capita input and of changes in the production functions relating inputs and outputs. In- come distribution under any economic system is likely to affect growth by its influence on inputs. This has usually been seen with regard to capital inputs. Thus, in a private profit or "capitalistic" economy, increases in the shares of income going to enterprise, profit recipients, and upper income groups in general have been believed, through their effects on investment demand or on saving, to result in increases in per capita input of capital. The effects of income distribution on other inputs have been long ignored or obscured in economies characterized by private investment in the material but not the human means of production. Yet these other inputs are important, and their importance has been recognized in socialist economies and in planning for underdeveloped areas of the world. The industrially advanced nations of the world have only recently paid increasing attention to this question. It has been recognized that income distribution may determine economic growth by its implications for the increase of labor input through technical training, general education and research. It may also determine economic growth by its role in inducing or permitting varying proportions of the population, particularly among women, to participate in productive activity. Changes in the distribution of income will therefore alter economic growth insofar as these changes induce income recipients to alter the per capita inputs of productive services. Some redistribution of income, by affecting investment in skills and research, may induce technological advance. It should be recognized further that major effects on both income distribution and iFor details, see Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, THE MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY, 1848. 92 growth may stem from changes in the shares of income or input taken by governmental bodies or the public sector of the economy as it has come to be called in respect of developmental planning in the underdeveloped nations. We have already observed that the governments in developing countries have already, in certain cases, by direction prescribed a different composition of output involving different rates of production of inputs for future production than would have been the case if the private recipients of income had spent their resources according to their own choice. Government may also reduce private income by conventional measures, as for example through taxation or inflation, and use its "income" to invest in edu- cational services, technical research, public health services, dams, roads, or building the infrastructure for a nation's economy. On the other hand, government may reduce private incomes and use its own increased income for public consumption; one of the examples of increased government spending is the bulk of military expenditures undertaken by some countries in modern times. Work of Modigliani, Friedman and others has raised serious doubt as to the extent to which permanent redistribution of income between upper and lower income groups would per se affect aggregative con- sumption. 2 Whereas failure to utilize some form of permanent in- come concept has resulted in varied estimates of the relation between income and propensity to consume, there may remain some grounds for expecting positive association between the marginal propensity to save and a relevant measure of income. In any event, aside from differences in incomes, different individuals may have different pro- pensities to save and these propensities themselves may, furthermore, be altered by variation of parameters at the control of governmental authorites to which a reference has been made above. Thus, aggregate saving and growth may conceivably be affected both by redistribution of income among individuals and by alteration of individual saving functions. The results may differ also depending upon a host of factors, other than economic (as for example, social, cultural, politi- cal, etc.) as well as the stage of economic development of a nation just as we find today in respect of different countries engaged in the process of economic growth. On a theoretical level, at least, Modigliani's models suggest lower marginal propensities to consume out of current income and out of wealth for the young than for the old inasmuch as the young must allocate any increase in resources over a longer expected re- maining life. Since, in western countries, there is certainly a positive correlation over most of the age span between income and wealth on the one hand and age on the other, a redistribution of current income or wealth in favor of the poor seem to imply a higher rate of aggregate saving. However, there is disagreement among econo- mists whether it is always true, or holds good and there is no 2 For details, see Franco Modigliani and R. Brumberg, "Utility Analysis and the Consumption Function" in K. K. Kurihara, ed., POST-KEYNESIAN ECONOMICS, 1954 and Milton Friedman, A THEORY OF CONSUMP- TION FUNCTION. 93 unanimity of point of view. In respect of emerging nations, however, the situation is different inasmuch as the young are hardly able to meet their growing demands out of their limited income and to that extent the question of their being able to make any large savings simply does not arise. In this latter category we can place almost two-thirds or over of the world population in practically all the con- tinents of the world. On the other hand, a case can be made that the upper income groups have higher marginal propensities to save than lower income groups and that a redistribution of income in favor of the wealthy given the assumption of full employment, may yet further increase investment and consequently the rate of economic growth. Whether it will in fact increase investment and economic growth, that is, whether the assumption of full employment is maintainable under these conditions is analysed below. The problem of the maintenance of full employment in a private capitalistic economy may be reduced to that of the existence of an acceptable expected marginal profitability of investment at the rate of saving consistent with free individual choice and full employment. The attainability of such an acceptable expected marginal profitability of investment depends upon both the lower bound of what enter- preneurs would consider acceptable in the way of profit on invest- ment and the production function or production possibilities which underly the expected profitability. What determines the lower bound of acceptable profits relates to expected returns and risks in the alternatives to investment in income-producing property. Thus, for example, high real rates of return on money, land, jewels etc. will all imply high lower bounds to the acceptable rate of profits on income producing property in the economy. 3 To the extent that there is on balance an aversion to risk and uncertainty, the lower bound to the acceptable rate of return on income-producing property will be lower where the risk and uncertainty attached to alternative uses of funds are higher. This lower bound to the acceptable rate of return on investment will be higher to the extent that the risk and uncertain- ty attached to investment in income-producing property itself is higher. The relation between the expected marginal productivity or margin- al profitability of investment and the rate of saving may be seen as relating to the usually assumed declining marginal net productivity of factors of production. With the added assumption of linear homo- geneity of the production function we find that the marginal produc- tivity of capital is a function only of the ratios of capital and other factor inputs. In the simplified, two-input case involving capital and labor we may then see the marginal productivity of capital as a unique function of the capital-labor ratio declining as the capital- labor ratio increases. For a given rate of growth of the labor supply 3 This argument would appear basically familiar to those who recall Keynes' analysis of chapters 16 and 17 of THE GENERAL THEORY OF EMPLOY- MENT, INTEREST AND MONEY. 94 and a given ratio of saving to income there is a uniquely determined capital-labor ratio to which corresponds a uniquely determined marginal productivity of capital. Whether a particular saving ratio is consistent with full employment then depends on whether, given the rate of growth of labor supply, this saving ratio implies a capital- labor ratio for which the marginal productivity of capital is equal to or above the minimum acceptable rate of profit on investment. 4 These considerations therefore suggest that the recommended stimuli to economic growth to be achieved by increasing the share of profits or generally increasing the shares of upper income groups may prove self-defeating. We may in fact be back with the old Keynesian "paradox of thrift" that redistributing income in such a way as to increase the propensity to save may reduce saving and investment by reducing income. If the increased share of profits lowers consumption demand and yet cannot generate increased investment demand be- cause of the bottom stop provided by the acceptable rate of return in the face of declining marginal productivity of investment, the drop in aggregate demand may reduce the derived demand for capital goods. It may therefore appear to be an appropriate proposition that measures to increase consumption under normal conditions will stim- ulate business activity and hence economic growth of a nation. We have alluded to the difficulties in stimulating business invest- ment by increasing the share of income going to property owners or the upper income groups. One may perhaps doubt that in view of this whether much of the support for various presumed incentives to business investment (which take the form of increased shares of in- come for upper income groups) has any greater rationale than the self interest of such groups. This doubt seems all the more justified when one reflects that efforts to increase business investment by in- creasing upper income shares may be at the cost of other forms of investment which have greater effects in the direction of increasing output. Thus, first of all, it must be recognized that much of what is usually called consumption is actually private, non-business invest- ment in durables. For example, changes in income distribution which have the effect of increasing current purchase of durable goods by consumers may have long-run effects on both growth and income distribution by increasing future output in the form of consumer services produced and received in the household sector of the economy. Anti-recession measures involving cuts in personal income taxes to stimulate consumption may thus property be viewed as stimuli to investment and growth. A major component of investment in the sense we have interpreted the term, i.e., of adding to the stock of "inputs" for future production, is investment in education. Recent work on the production function by Solow and others suggesting that a major portion of output changes remains unexplained by changes in inputs of labor and physical capital may be interpreted as further evidence of the contribution to output by other factors among which 4 See for example R. M. Solow, "A contribution to the theory of economic growth", QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS, Feb. 1956, pp. 65-94, and James Tobin, "A dynamic aggregative model", JOURNAL OF POLITI- CAL ECONOMY, April 1955, pp. 103-115. 95 education is widely believed to bulk large. On an individual level, it would appear that investment in educating the undereducated would do much to increase both total output and the share of output re- ceived by lower income groups who tend to be precisely these under- educated. It is in this context that we can explain the great emphasis being placed by developing nations to provide educational facilities for their masses who have been steeped in ignorance for generations. In the United States, the very great inequality of income as between Negroes and whites can certainly be reduced substantially, if Negroes are endowed by means of better education with greater amounts of non-material but income-producing capital. One may therefore expect considerable complementarity between investment in education and in physical plant and equipment. After all, one can easily visualize the relationship between labor skills and productivity if only we bring in the question of education received by the labor force. It may be added that a great deal of important non-property in- vestment is undertaken by both business enterprise and government in the form of what is called "research and development" expendi- tures. There are strong arguments against leaving responsibility for all such expenditures to individual firms in that the unavoidable externalities of return from technological advance might well lead to sub-optimum expenditures for research on the part of individual firms. Moreover, one should be concerned if efforts to encourage in- vestment in physical property such as have been undertaken in many western countires, including the United States, should imply a sub- stitution of investment in physical plant for investment in research and development. This brief article has attempted to show that there may indeed be a connection between the distribution of income and economic growth. The common notion that an increased share of profits must lead to greater investment or capital accumulation is however subject to serious dispute. In an economy subject to the possibility of inadequate effective demand, just as it happened during the late 1920's through- out the whole world, an increased share for profits may actually re- duce investment demand by reducing the aggregate demand for out- put from which the demand for capital good is derived. It may therefore be suggested that in situations where the minimum accept- able rate of return is high as may be true in most of the developing economies because of risk attached to individual investment in income producing property, high premiums attached to other forms of in- vestment, etc., social measures may well be taken to reduce the minimum acceptable rate of return. This might involve social planning and insurance to reduce risk, to eliminate preference for non-income producing assets (along with reduction in the rate of interest) and transfer of command over resources to those more capitalistically inclined members of society. Such a task can only be undertaken by the governments of the developing countries. Furthermore, in both advanced and underdeveloped economies, it is most important to bear in mind that economic growth may be achieved by an accumu- lation of resources of all inputs of future production, including ma- terial and non-material wealth of individuals and business enter- 96 prises. Substantial investment in human beings, in their physical and mental abilities, would contribute heavily to economic growth. It is in this context that Galbraith refers to "investment in human be- ings" as one of the primary forces leading to accelerated economic growth, and this is the reason why the governments in developing nations are paying a great deal of attention to the provision of ed- ucational facilities in their development plans. . ; gninlil " vULLtut LiDixnUI s!?\ state college branch 97 India's Experience In Developmental Planning by Kanwal Kumar Since the end of World War II a remarkable change has come about in the world. Many countires which had been under the yoke of imperalism have regained their freedom. A new awakening has come that poverty, ignorance, and disease are not inevitable and can be wiped away by purposeful efforts. The accumulated store of knowledge and techniques and the continuing advance in science and technology provide the basis for a rapid transformation of the ma- terial conditions. The valuable experience of many countries in evolv- ing political and economic organizations required to deal with such problems and an atmosphere of international cooperation have made the task easier. With greater awareness of the possibilities of desirable change and realization of the vast and growing gulf separating the living standards of the people of the developed countries from that of the developing countries, there is increasing popular demand and pressure for rapid economic development in the poor countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. In Asia, for instance, the emergence of India as a free, democratic country in 1947 was a significant event in many ways. It struck the dealth knell of colonialism and one after another new nations emerged, freed from colonial bondage. Political freedom had been considered as a necessary conditions in India for launching on a course of rapid transformation of an under-developed, feudal socio-economic order into a dynamic, progressive society. Soon after independence was achieved, India decided to deal with this vast and complex task boldly, in a planned manner, within the framework of its democratic institu- tions. The aim was nothing less than a peaceful revolution brought about with maximum consensus of people. 1 This was an undertaking for which there was no clear precedent. It was a bold experiment, sustained by faith in rationality and trust in democracy. The argument is sometimes heard that centralized planning is in- consistent with individual freedom and inimical to democracy. This may be true in specific cases. But in general there is inherently no basic antagonism between planning and freedom, properly inter- preted.- Indeed, planning is for the enlargement of freedom rather than for its restrictions. There are impediments to the exercise of freedom by the individual and to the better functioning of the economy which planning seeks to overcome. There are restraints and sacri- ficies to be made, but these are, to be sure, meant only to remove greater constraints anticipated in the future. For the mass of the people freedom becomes meaningful only when there is better life and wider opportunities for fruitful endeavour, which is the central aim of planning for economic development. 3 Political democracy 98 is incomplete and indeed vulnerable, without democracy in the eco- nomic and social sphere. In India, the formulation of the Plans is preceded by extensive discussions and consultations: there is a free and open discussion of the Plans by various interested groups, the people in general, and their elected representatives. This is a distinctive feature of the Indian Plans as compared to central planning in the Soviet Union. The performance of the Plans is open to close and constant scrutiny. Openness is a vital feature of Indian planning, and deliberately en- couraged not only as a protection against misjudgment and abuse of power but as a means of exposing, and hence checking waste and inefficiency. Frequent criticism, widely publicized in the press may give an exaggerated impression of inadequacies, but on the whole the advantage of open dscussion of faults and failures is regarded as being greater than the imagined benefits of suppression of information resorted to by some countries. The First Five-Year Plan (1951-1956), was a modest effort in planning. It was largely a collation of public investment projects in the field of agriculture, irrigation, power and transport, which had been prepared earlier as part of the post-war reconstruction program. The growth of income aimed at over the plan period was only 10 per cent. The actual performance of the economy turned out to be far better. This created a feeling of confidence and popularized the concept of planning in the country. Encouraged by the success of First Five-Year Plan, the Second Five-Year Plan, 1956-61, was a serious effort at a fuller articulation of the country's long-term objectives and strategy, and at formulating a comprehensive program for the whole economy, both in the public and private sectors. The programs were designed to yield an increase in national income of 25 per cent as the first phase of a long term goal of doubling aggregate income in 15 years and per capita income in a little over 20 years. Though as a whole it was successful, the Second Plan did not meet all the targets: national income rose by about 20 per cent as against 25 per cent as planned. However, during this period, it became ap- parent that population was growing at a much faster rate than as- sumed earlier. The population growth rate was about 2.3 per cent compared to 1.25 per cent assumed earlier. Consequently, the overall rate of growth needed to fulfill the target of doubling per capita income in about 20 years had to be readjusted. Another important develop- ment of this period was the emergence of balance of payments dif- ficulties. The need for external resources increased sharply with growing investments and industrial production. Exports could not be raised correspondingly. The foreign exchange gap had to be bridged with foreign aid. Towards the end of the Second Plan inflow of foreign capital from all sources amounted to about 2 dollars per capita of Indian population; although in absolute amount, India received the highest aggregate amount. Low per capita foreign as- sistance, nevertheless, acted as a catalytic agent in mobilizing addi- tional internal resources. 99 These considerations weighed heavily in the formulation of the approach and in setting the targets for the Third Plan. There was a greater appreciation of the need and urgency of planned effort at developing indigenous production of metals, machinery, oil, and chemical fertilizers as a crucial element of a long term strategy for achieving a viable balance of payments and to reduce dependence on foreign resources. Launched in 1961, the Third Five-Year Plan, 1961-66, has been one of considerable strain. Agricultural production remained virtually stagnant during 1961-62, 1962-63 and 1963-64. The general price level, which had remained fairly stable over several years, went up because of a spurt in food prices. Despite sizeable foreign aid for plan projects, the balance of payments difficulties continued, ham- pering production and construction of new projects. The armed ag- gression by China in October 1962 only worsened the already deteri- orating situation. Progress was however maintained in industry, power, transport, education, and health. Notwithstanding the many difficulties the picture is, however, one of all round progress. Though some of the important targets of the Third Plan will be realised only after a delay of one or two years, the achievements of the Third Plan are better than of the previous Plans. 4 More than the direct increase in incomes, the Third Plan has created the basis for a faster progress in the future by strengthen- ing the base and capabilities of the country for increased capital formation. 5 In short, despite set backs and hinderances, the progress achieved by India during the three Plan Period, 1950-51 to 1965-66, con- stitutes an impressive record for growth and development. An over- all view of progress is presented in the table below. Thus the overall index of agricultural production at the end of the Third Plan is about 60 per cent higher than 15 years ago. Industrial output, produced in modern factory establishments, has nearly trebled since 1951. What is more significant, this expansion has been ac- complained by rapid diversification of the industrial base. India had hardly any machine building industry; the value of machine tools production was about Rs. 3.4 million ($0.7 million) per year. An- nual production of machine tools is now 90 times greater and it is expanding at the rate of 20 per cent per year. Capital equipment valued at nearly Rs. 6 billion ($1.4 billion) is expected to be pro- duced this year ranging from ball bearing and motors to boilers and heavy turbines and generators, transport equipment including railway locomotives, wagons and coaches and automobiles, ships and aero- planes, industrial machinery for textile, metallurgical and mining equipment, instruments, etc. etc. Industrial expansion in other fields is also notable. There has been rapid growth in the output of electricity and in the volume of trans- port activity. Similarly, during this period, there has been remarkable improve- ment in public health and services and education facilities. Malaria 100 s m v 3 s e s C3 u in V N 5*> << OS o in C7\ in vo ON VO ON co ON CN VO On VO On O VO On a d On in O vo ^ IT) O CN en >n O Tt t> CN co m CN O vo CO O VO 00 CN in rH -3- cn rn co CN CN t i rH rH t1- CO On CN ^J" vd CO VO ++++++ + + 1 VO ON *3 in CO O VO O On ON 00 >. oo OO OO CN CO vo CO rH s to rH rH rH CN CO ^f CN CO 5J 5 o in ON O O On r- 1 VO o s t^\OhHHH CN On o HrHrHMcn^- CN CN '3 co vo on t-- in in t> 00 d vo t> in On rH vo co in i I r- ( i I i I CO CO CN CN <4H o d 6 rn CN f- On On rH CO CO c in VO On On CN j~ rtrHrHrHfNjr^ rH CN OO I> vo t^ On On co ^ co m O vo rH rH rH rH CN CN in On i> o\ 1i rH O In d o C/3 O i> oo oo ^f r- CO CO CN ** vo CO litittr On oo On OO ON rH 7i a in o ON O rH in On O o o ^t r-~ co vo rH in r- oo c-^ oo 60 % d w -d .d w and small pox, which were widespread in India 15 years ago, have been practically wiped out. A network of primary health centres, which forms the base for providing integrated health services to the rural population, has been created. The average mortality rate has fallen from 25 per 1,000 in 1951 to 16 in 1966. Over the same period, average expectation of life at birth has risen from 35 years to 50 years. Total enrolment in educational institutions rose from 24 million in 1951 to 68 million in 1966. The proportion of children between the ages of 6 and 1 1 years attending school has increased from about 43 per cent at the beginning of the First Plan to about 78 per cent in 1966. Enrolment in universities has increased from 0.32 million to 1.08 million during the same period. Facilities for professional and technical education have expanded even faster. The annual ad- mission to medical colleges and to engineering institutions (degree and diploma) is now about 89,500 compared to 12,500 in 1951. The significance of the achievements during this period has been that they have infused a new dynamism into the economy, and have created a capacity for accelerated growth. The steady rise in the rate of investment from about 5 per cent (in 1950-51) of national income has risen to approximately 13.5 per cent in 1965-66. The diversification of industrial base and in particular the rapid expan- sion of industries producing basic raw materials and capital goods have strengthened India's capacity for sustained development in the future. While foreign aid has played and continues to play an important role in India's development, primarily as balance of payment support, India's own efforts at mobilizing resources have been significant. The rate of domestic savings has nearly doubled from 5 per cent of national income in 1950-51 to over 10 per cent in 1965-66. During the last fifteen years, 80 per cent of total investment has been fi- nanced from internal savings. With economic diversification and rapid increases in investment the country is now poised for more rapid advance in the Fourth Plan which went into operation in April 1966. Finally, it would be seriously unwise to assume that there are no unresolved problems. India today is very much alive to the problem of her population growth which, if uncontrolled, can cancel all gains of planning. The family planning program must be given top priority. References 1 Planning Commission, First Five-Year Plan, 1951-56, Government of India Press, Delhi, 1951. 2 John P. Lewis, Quiet Crisis in India: Economic Development and American Policy, Brookings Institution, Washington, D. C, 1962. 3 Planning Commission, op. cit. 4 Government of India, Economic Survey 1965-66, Government of India Press, Delhi, 1966. 5 Walter C. Neale, The Economic Status of India in 1970; (Technical Military Planning Opertion, GEC), Canta Barbara, California, December 31, 1958. 102 Utilizing Emerging New Instructional Materials and Mechanical Devices Implications for the Library* by Dorothy B. Jamerson "Teaching Machines and programmed learning are the greatest educational innovations of our time." 1 Theodore Waller (President, Teaching Materials, Inc.) "Programed instruction, limited or not, is here to stay, cer- tainly not as a substitute for the teacher but as an indi- spensable and powerful ally in the classroom." 2 Benjamin Fine (Educator and Author) "The impetus of the movement will not soon die out." 3 Leslie J. Briggs (American Institute for Research Instruc- tional Materials Division) These options were echoed with little variation in thirty-three of the thirty-five sources consulted in the preparation of this paper. The two differing opinions labeled programed instruction as a fad or as a threat to humanism (Chambers 4 ; Mumford 5 ;). The majority opinion based its conclusions on: ( 1 ) application of the psychology of learning which underlies every program inside every machine; (2) favorable results of trial projects in schools and colleges; (3) success achieved through its use by industry, the military, and government; (4) increase in the number of programs available; (5) improvements being made in the performance of new ma- chines; (6) research in the area being carried out by educators as well as industry; and (7) the tremendous sums which have been poured into the pro- duction of machines and the development of programs. So, whatever our feelings may be concerning programed instruc- tion, we are faced with the reality of its existence. How do we stand up to its challenge? The extent to which you as individuals or as departmental units decide to incorporate programed instruction into the classroom will affect, in direct proportion, one phase of the library's program. This phase of the library's program consists of *Presented at the Savannah State College Faculty Fall Institute September 14, 1965. 103 the purchasing of materials requested by faculty, administration and students; processing these items; and administering their use by library patrons. Should programed instruction come to be used extensively at Savannah State College then we can expect to add to the library collections all types of materials in this field, including teaching machines. Should programed instruction be ignored, then our library collections will be poor in this area. The implications for that portion of the library's program directly affected by faculty decision indicate a period of waiting. On the other hand, the objectives of the library damand that we take im- mediate action. Theodore C. Hines says, "The goals of libraries frequently have been summed up as the provision of information, education and recreation." 6 This is a concise presentation of some of the objectives of the Savannah State College Library. The nature of our college's commitment to teacher education also requires that the library provide information about programed instruction. At this point let us examine what the experts on programed in- struction in relation to libraries have to say. Theodore C. Hines, Professor at the Graduate School for Library Service, Rutgers, states that: 1. "The size, scope and nature of the programed instruction movement show that it is a major social and educational phenomenon. Librarians need to inform themselves about it and to provide informative materials for their users. 2. "The wide spread availability of machines and printed materials specifically intended for home use means that libraries should be prepared to assist their users to evaluate them. To do this libraries need to have criteria for purchase as well as samples of Encyclopedia Britanica TEMAX materials, TMI Grolier texts, and World Book's Cyclo Teacher for examination by users. 3. "Libraries ought to provide for themselves and their users, the basic lists of programs. 4. "Libraries should provide printed programs (requiring no machine) whenever they meet the needs of the library clientele and if program format makes this feasible. 5. "Many teachers and industries are doing their own programing. Libraries should consider providing material on how to pro- gram, either for use by programers, or simply because manuals on programing constitute good explanations of the programing method of instruction even for readers who do not intend to try the technique. 6. "Libraries should consider the use of programed instruction as a method of teaching people to use libraries. At least three commerical programs are being written. 7. "Libraries should experiment with programed instruction, then evaluate the results of experiments and when necessary adopt 104 library procedures to user needs and conveniences, in this field as in all others." 7 Stanley J. Slote says: 1. "We should be prepared to answer reference questions in this area. 2. "We should train our staffs, librarians and non-librarians, through this technique. 3. "Storage and use patterns should be developed. 4. "Areas and equipment for in library use of programed instruc- tion should be designed and experimented with." 8 These and other writers would have libraries become totally in- volved in all aspects of programed learning. We might well ask what are libraries really doing? To shed some light on this query, a ques- tionnaire was sent to the libraries of the twenty units of the Univer- sity System of Georgia. We received fourteen replies. A summary of the three questions directly concerning libraries reveals: 1. Eleven libraries contain classified materials on programed in- struction; two do not, and one respondent failed to answer the question. The classified material referred to consists of general and background works, selection and use of programed ma- terials, how to construct a program, guides to programed in- structional materials, and bibliographies. Four libraries reported the number of items in their collection. These libraries include Abraham Baldwin Agricultural College 5; Augusta College 8; Savannah State College 21; and University of Georgia 68. 2. In reply to the question, "Are programed texts included in your library collections?" four answered yes, ten answered no. It was indicated that in the near future 7 libraries plan to add programed texts to their collection while 7 do not plan to do so. 3. The questionnaire revealed that there is one teaching machine located in the library of a Unit of the University System Savannah State College Library has a Cyclo-Teacher in the Curriculum Materials Center. 4. One library, that of Georgia State College, reported the use of programed instruction material on cards for teaching use of the library and library materials. These findings indicate that eleven of the fourteen responding libraries do contain classified materials about programed teaching. In the near future, half of the fourteen libraries will include on their shelves programed textbooks. The one library containing a teaching machine plans to add others to its holdings. We have examined the implications for libraries as outlined by experts in the field. We have briefly inquired into the activities in this area on the part of libraries in some of the Units of the Univer- sity System. We find that correlation between the two is low. However, 105 on one implication, that of providing information about programed learning, most of the libraries that were examined have already become involved. From this beginning it is but a series of small steps to the point of total involvement. Whether or not this road is followed depends upon decisions made by faculty, administration and librarians in the individual units. At Savannah State College, one professor has purchased an Honor Teaching Machine from his own funds. It was used in the classroom with his students in English. A report of the results of this experiment entitled "A Preliminary Report on Teaching Methods Used in a Remedial English Class," is published in The Quarterly Review of Higher Education among Negroes, January, 1965. James A. Eaton is the researcher and author. As has been said, Savannah State College Library holdings rank second on classified materials about programed learning when com- pared with schools in the University of Georgia System. It is our intent to continue to acquire this type of resource material. Another implication, that of using programed teaching in the area of instruction in the use of the library and library materials, appears to merit consideration as a possible solution to alleviating some of the inadequacies of our students. It is hoped that cooperation between faculty and library staff will produce an effective program. The extent to which the Savannah State College Library will be- come involved in the utilization of emerging new instructional ma- terials depends upon the attitudes and efforts of each individual in- structor in the classroom. Each instructor should ask himself "How am I meeting this challenge?" References 1 Fine, Benjamin. Teaching Machines. New York: Sterling Publishing Company, 1962. p. 19. Hbid., p. 25. 3 Briggs, Leslie J., "Instructional Aids" in his column, TRENDS AND TAN- GENTS. Journal of Higher Education, v. 36, March 1965, p. 165. 4 Chambers, Barbara, "An Evaluation of Programed Instruction," Education, v. 85, November 19, p. 173. 5 Mumford, Lewis, "The Automation of Knowledge," AV Communication Re- view, v. 12, Fall 1964, p. 270. 6 Hines, Theodore C, "Programed Materials, Shall we let Them in the Library?" Library Journal, v. 88, May 15, 1963, p. 2055. ''Ibid., p. 2058, 2065. 8 Slote, Stanley J., "Pigeons in the Library," School Libraries, v. 13, March 1964, p. 18. 106 BIBLIOGRAPHY Briggs, Leslie J. "Instructional Aids" in his column, TRENDS AND TAN- GENTS. Journal of Higher Education, v. 36, March 1965, pp. 165. Center for Programed Instruction, Inc. Programs, '63. Washington: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1963, pp. 814. Chambers, Barbara. "An Evaluation of Programed Instruction." Education. v. 85, November 19, pp. 172-6; December 1964, pp. 245-9. DeCecco, John P. Educational Technology, New York: Holt, 1964, p. 479. Fine, Dr. Benjamin. Teaching Machines. New York: Sterling Publishing Com- pany, 1962. pp. 176. Frey, Sherman H. and Shinkichi Shimabukuro. "Programed Instruction: Im- plications for Change." Clearing House, v. 39, December 1964. pp. 242-46. Hines, Theodore C, "Programed Materials, Shall we let Them in the Library?" Library Journal, v. 88, May 15, 1963, pp. 2055-2058. Lewis, Philip. "Teaching Machines and the Library." Wilson Library Bulletin. v. 36, February 1962, pp. 464. Lysought, Jerome P. and Clarence M. Williams. A Guide to Programmed Instruction. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1963. pp. 180. McCoy, Ralph E. "Automation in Freshman Library Instruction." Wilson Library Bulletin, v. 36, Febraury 1962, pp. 486. Mumford, Lewis. "The Automation of Knowledge." A V Communication Review, v. 12, Fall 1964, pp. 261-276. Reed, Gerald. "Programmed Instruction: A Challenge to Librarians." Pacific Northwest Library Association Quarterly, v. 27, January 1963, pp. 108- 112. Siefker, Barbara. "Programed Instruction on Use of the Card Catalog." South- eastern Librarian, v. 12, Fall 1962, pp 149-152. Slote, Stanley J. "Pigeons in the Library." School Libraries, v. 13, March 1964, pp. 15-19. Stein, J. H. "Machines that teach better than books?" College and Research Libraries, v. 22, May 1961, pp. 195-8. Waller, Theodore. "Teaching Machines: Implications for the Librarian." Li- brary Journal, v. 86, April 15, 1961. pp. 1654-6. 107 The Moynihan Report: A Critical Analysis by Isaiah Mclver Some Reservations It is the firm conviction of this writer that the Moynihan Report is merely a combination of paradoxes, contradictions, and rationali- zations undergirded by statistical and historical data to support traditional myths and stereotypes which make Negroes subhuman savages. This report revives some dying myths and creates the myth of family instability so as to perpetuate the notion of Negro inferority. In the report, the status quo is historically and statiscally justified. According to Moynihan, slavery produced the hydra from which the present indolent, shiftless, intellectually inferior, and immoral savage emerged. I will not attempt to refute Moynihan's statistical and historical argument that instability of the Negro family is responsible for the pathological predicament in which Negroes find themselves. Before attempting to point out the fallacies, paradoxes and con- tradictions which victimize the Moynihan study, an attempt will be made to summarize the major contentions and conclusions presented in the study. In this presentation, Moynihan is not being branded as a subtle racist, a creator of vacuums, or as a researcher who diagnoses and then refuses to prescribe cures for the illnesses discovered. Like Moynihan, I shall not attempt to create panaceas. This pre- sentation is merely an attempt to criticize some of Moynihan's con- tentions and offer counter proposals and amendments which may or may not lead to desirable solutions. I would like also to suggest amendments to contentions made by him. By criticizing some of the implications and conclusions suggested in the report, it is hoped that more interest will be created in the problem diagnosed and that individuals more familiar with the prob- lem will offer what they consider valid approaches toward solutions. It is realized that this paper presents only an approximation of the truth, that very often truth is subject to revision, that truth may be relative, that the mind has an enormous capacity for error, confu- sion and silliness and that criticism is an extremely valid means of testing and validating truth. The Report One of the basic contentions presented in the Moynihan Report is that Negroes are victims of a pathological tangle and that this current 108 j3 \s-sz lwm pathological predicament in which the Negro finds himself resulted from three centuries of chattel slavery and inhumane treatment and experiences. These experiences robbed the Negro male of his man- hood and culminated in the destruction of the Negro structure. The Moynihan Report traces the origins of the matriarchial structure of the Negro family and its pathology back to slavery and recommends that a program be implemented which will compel Negroes to embrace the common ideals of the American family. According to the Moynihan Report, American slavery was pro- foundly different from any other type of slavery recorded in history. The lasting effects of American slavery on American Negroes and their descendants have been and continue to be indescribably disastr- ous. The founding fathers compromised away forty percent of the Negro's humanity. Myths and stereotypes created by slavemasters and others transformed the Negro into an omnisexual savage. His- torical tragedies made him into a creature whose stages of develop- ment became unique in human annuals. Negro males emerge from an infant to "boy". They may spend a lifetime as boys or they may become "Sam," "John," "Jim," "Uncle," or "Preacher," but never "mister." His acquired intellectual, financial, or marital status does not make him father. Instead of becoming fath- er, the Negro male becomes after marriage "Hattie's Sam" or "Mandy's Jim." In 1863 the Emancipation Proclamation freed Negroes from chattel slavery and made them miserable indigents who were not permitted to obtain saleable skills. Freedom from chattel slavery did not guar- antee Negroes economic, social, and political equality. Emancipation from slavery meant economic, psychological, social, and political castration. Moynihan finds a direct and close relationship between unem- ployment of Negro males and broken homes. Moynihan contends that before the Negro unemployment profile can improve, the Negro family must be stabilized. The Moynihan Study indicates that in one out of every four Negro families where the husband is present and working, and someone else in the family works, the husband is not the principal earner. Negro females, according to the Report, stay in school longer and are better students than Negro males. From 75 to 90 per cent of all Negro honor students are girls. Statistical data supplied in the Report indicate that nearly 25 per cent of all Negro births are illegi- timate and that one half of all Negro children who reach age 1 8 have not lived all their lives with both parents. Negro Youths represent only one twentieth of the total United States population, but they commit thirty-four per cent of the crimes committed by juvenile offenders. Moynihan says that Negroes commit a majority of the crimes against the person such as rape, murder, 109 and aggravated assault. According to Moynihan's analysis, Negroes on the urban frontier are arrested in three out of every five cases for rape, murder, and aggravated assault. In Detroit and Chicago during 1963, three-fourths of those arrested for murder, rape, and aggravated assault were Negroes. In 1960, fifty-six per cent of the homicide and fifty-seven per cent of the assault offenders committed to state penal institutions were Negroes. Moynihan concludes that the combined impact of poverty, failure, and isolation are factors which contribute to the Negro's precarious delinquency predicament. But the primary cause of this pathological tangle in Moynihan's view is the instability of the Negro family. Statistical data extracted from the 1960 census report and data from other sources in the Moynihan Report indicate that 88 percent of the white families in the United States had both mother and father present. Among Negroes, only 74 per cent of the families had both mother and father present. When the 1960 census was taken, the Negro divorce rate was 5.1 per cent. The divorce rate for whites during this same period was 3.6 per cent. These figures presented in the Moynihan Report represent a 40 per cent increase in Negro divorces between 1940 and 1964. Broken families among Negroes ranged from 38.2 per cent in the South to a high of 45.5 per cent in the Northeast. Simply stated, more than 34 per cent of the Negro families in the United States in 1960 had matriarchial heads while only 10 per cent of the white families had matriarchial heads. Many unemployed Negro youths studied in New York lacked motivation, minimal competence, and had such a low tolerance for frustration that they could not absorb minor setbacks. These youths, according to Moynihan, magnified minor irritants out of proportion to reality. Very often they were aware of their inabilities and this knowledge became extremely devastating to them. Knowledge of their inability to cope with the environment forced many to alcoholism, sex, or drugs. In 1963, Negroes made up 54 per cent of the people in the United States addicted to drugs even though they comprise not more than 1 1 per cent of the total population. Two per cent of the white population were welfare dependents in 1960 while 14 per cent of the Negro population were welfare de- pendents. The Moynihan Report further implies that many of those Negro youths who fail to make a satisfactory score on the Armed Forces Qualification Test, are inadequately prepared for successful adjust- ment. This test employed by the military attempts to determine whether potential military personnel possess sufficient ability to per- form at a level of competence acceptable to the various branches of the military. This test, according to Moynihan, roughly measures ability expected in 7th and 8th grade students. Fifty-six per cent of the Negroes who take this test made an unacceptable score. Only 110 23 per cent of the whites who take this test made an unacceptable score. Studies cited in this report indicate that the presence of the father in the home can increase the intelligence quotient from 1 to 9 points, depending upon the grade level and the socio-economic level of the child. During 1964, twenty-nine percent of the Negro males in the United States were unemployed 15 weeks or more. This significant unem- ployment profile resulted from a lack of internal cohesion, the Negro's inability to absorb frustrations, the lack of minimal competence and motivation, his low tolerance for frustration, and his assumption of the "Sambo Syndrome" transmitted to him from the days of chattel slavery. The Report Analyzed The assignment and solution suggested by Moynihan seem simple and quite possible in print, but the task becomes herculean when one realizes that society has not seen fit to fully restore to Negroes the 40 per cent of humanity the founding fathers compromised away from them. Society expects Negroes to be inferior, submissive and omnisexual. Moynihan adds to the assignment by demanding that Negroes be strong patriarchs while maintaining all the traditional inhibitions. Are historic injustices really responsible for the Negro's present plight? Could not 100 years of emancipation change the Negro into a stable human being desirous of social and economic rewards, if the power structure made an honest effort to treat the Negro as a fellow human with normal responsibilities? Is not an end to social, economic, and political injustices a basic prerequisite for individual and family stability? The logic employed in the Moynihan Report is dangerously close to the type of thinking employed by those who urge bootless Negroes to rise up by their bootstraps. Such an admonition reminds one of the Booker T. Washington injunction to his recently emancipated fellows, already on the outskirts of hope, to let down their buckets where they were. Some Negroes accepted the Washington injunction, and some will probably follow Moynihan's commands. As the victims of starvation wages, separate but unequal facilities, police brutailty, unemployment, and discrimination, was it possible for the Negro to join the band wagon and absorb middle-class sensibilities? This indeed would have been the miracle of the century! Those who would have all men embrace uniform moral standards must also create the type of society which permits all citizens to enjoy uniform privileges. A society which destroys or diminishes humanity cannot realistically challenge subhumans to ascend to heights of human respectibility. Social critics cannot realistically admonish bootless Negroes or wearers of imaginary boots to stabalize their family structure in the same manner this is achieved by their more affluent bretheren. Centuries of chattel slavery and an Em- Ill ancipation Proclamation which created the semi-slave did not per- petuate Protestant Anglo-Saxon family ideals. Negro males in 1966 are but 20th century victims of chattel slavery. Many abuses common to chattel slavery have been erased. If today's Negro is not a victim of dehumanization, he is a victim of the present semi-slave roles, and expectations. This report asserts that American slavery was profoundly different from, and its lasting effects on individuals and their children were indescribably worse than any other type of slavery recorded in An- cient or Modern history. Many people familiar with slavery in the United States will probably agree that slavery in the United States was an extremely savage ex- ample of man's inhumanity to his fellowman but few reasonable people will accept the thesis that the effects of cruel and inhumane treatment can become a gene-like substance to be transmitted to all generations of Negroes. The implication is present in this report that historic injustices are responsible for the Negro's present predicament. Such an implication leads one to infer that the Negro is currently apathetic, indolent, irresponsible, and omnisexual because slavemasters implanted these characteristics centuries ago and present-day Negroes dare not refuse to loose these characteristics. Present unemployment deteriorates the Negro's self esteem and the inability to secure rewards for being manly, courageous, or as- sertive, destroys the patriarchial drive. Negroes are expected to be accommodating and fulfill desired myths and stereotypes in a world dominated by males. The Negro family structure is not in its present precarious predicament because the father is absent. The problem exists because American society will not permit Negro males to grow up and assume the patriarchial role. Negro males cannot assume their expected roles until they are given the same or better economic opportunities than their wives and racial counterparts. Family stability must be undergirded by equal economic, social, and political opportunities for all American citizens. The mere presence of the economically unstable husband cannot implant the ideals of Anglo-Saxon institutions. Before one can assume an equal sharing of responsibilities, there must be an equal sharing of rewards. Moynihan contends that the Negro is in a pathological tangle primarily, because of the weaknesses inherent in the family structure. Much of this pathology, he feels, is due to the destruction of the Negro's will during the period of servitude. One wonders if the continual destruction of his will since emancipation should not be considered? The Moynihan Report leads one to believe that present day Negroes inherited from their enslaved forebears a will which cannot assert itself. Moynihan concludes that before the Negro can assert himself, the family structure must be improved and, through- out the report is the ever present implication that experiences realized 112 in the more than 100 years since emancipation did nothing to crush the Negro's will to assume the patriarchial role today. Society condemned Negro males to an enuch-like existence in a culture which venerates the primacy of masculine characteristics. Negroes like all other human organisms are products of the past and present. They are moulded by past and present experiences. If Negroes are still being victimized, it is not their historical experiences which plague them. Experiences today which are similar to those of yesterday prevent Negroes from realizing their full humanity. God is not blamed for the Negro's inferiority. Negroes were not born inferior, but historical experiences made him a savage. Even though Negroes are not victims of a creative mistake, they do possess the unique ability to transmit to all generations this savagery they acquired during chattel slavery. The Negro, according to Moynihan is incapable of growth and developing into a first class citizen. Even when presented equality of opportunity, there will not be equality of results where Negroes are involved. He concluded that equality of opportunity will not unwind the Negro's pathological tangle. Negroes are condemmed to defeat before they are given an equal chance at the starting line, and Moynihan refuses to accept the notion that Negroes are awkwardly set in this gruesome situation. Before Negroes can gain their humanity or secure the rewards offered by society, Negroes must stabilize their families. .After they have stabilized their families, possibly they will be able to dream the American dream. Moynihan implies that Negroes do not doubt their worth because of contemporaneous factors. Inferior racial, economic, social, and political status ascribed to them does not destroy their egos. Negroes are merely victims of the past and are unable to adapt in today's world. Historians and sociologists admit that the Negro matriarch has been the stabiling force in the Negro family, but Negroes are condemned to inferior roles because they are products of a matri- archial household living in a patriarchial world. The writer contends that Negroes can eliminate unemployment, improve their intelligence quotients, become equal, locate desirable housing, and become good citizens if they would only stabilize their family structure. Moynihan is simply saying that if the Negro stabilizes his family, he can make the American dream a reality. But, can Negro males really emerge into the mainstream of Americanism and stabilize their families if their median income constantly falls 47 per cent below the average income for other Americans? Moynihan asserts that the Negro is disproportionately unemployed because his frustration tolerance is too low. The matriarchial struc- ture of his family has forced him out of line with American patriarchial ideals and he has become an unsuccessful competitor in the job market. The present matriarchial tangle in which the Negro finds 113 himself stiffles his motivation, retards his progress, and makes him incapable of absorbing normal frustrations. Negro males are not magicians adept in the art of disappearing after creating a legal or common-law marriage. The present economic structure does not permit Negroes to work and support a family. Unable to locate employment, they simply disappear or desert in order to make their families eligible for welfare payments and a more affluent existence. Negroes will not be able to create stable families if jobs are not provided for males, and only domestic tasks are made available for females. The Negro male is not underemployed and unemployed because his mother preferred a succession of temporary lovers to a permanent husband. Negroes are not unemployed because the family structure has deteriorated. Even if employment were available, his salary would not provide economic stability. In 1963 the median salary for Negroes 14 and over was $2444. During the same period, Caucasians realized a median salary of $4800. American Negroes are not economic weaklings by choice. The economic status forced upon Negroes compel them to accept as their National Anthem "I Can't Give You Anything But Love Baby." Negroes do not have access to affluence, but they are expected to be highly motivated and embrace all the sensibilities of the affluent. In far too many instances of illegitimacy, it is economically ad- vantageous for welfare purposes to consider the father who voluntari- ly absents himself as a deserter. Those of us who posses only a limited knowledge of psychology realize that modern therapists consider the entire patient before presenting a diagnosis or prognosis. Not only is the patient's past history studied, analyzed, evaluated, and synthesized, but con- temporary factors are also considered. This report is telling an extremely gullible public, that Negroes are omnisexual and barbaric and that the Negro's life-space consists merely of the limited home environment. Certainly the world outside the home must have some significance in the adjustment process even for Negroes. History alone is not the Negro's problem. Negroes are tied up just as tightly in contemporaniety as they are in the past and the future. Their life spaces present them with more than family disor- ganization. Very often denials based on color help to destroy the democratic ideals and values that society and the home attempt to implant. Much personality disintegration must occur when Negroes are disqualified for jobs, decent housing, and human interaction on the basis of color. Studies cited in the Moynihan Report imply that children from fatherless homes seek immediate gratification of their desires, whereas children from homes with fathers present seek long-term goals. In Freudian terms, the implication is that the Negro has an overdeveloped id and an underdeveloped ego, and is minus a super ego. 114 One's ego or self-concept is not molded in the limited environs of the home or at some distant point in history or centuries in the past. Of what value is it for a Negro parent to develop and nurture in her child a desirable self-image and later watch the power structure; demolish that creation? Very often Negro children enter schools with bright expectations only to be informed by society subtly and blatantly that they are not equal and do not belong. The accepted idealistic educational theories are not essential for ghetto survival and in far too many instances our educational systems help to weave the webb which entangles the Negro. This report implies that Negro students lack motivation, because a chaotic home fails to prepare them for meaningful educational ex- periences. Since Moynihan is an alien trying to diagnose in a foreign land, he cannot visualize the fact that imaginary jobs after graduation cannot be a source of motivation. Negro youths who live in ghettoes are more concerned with developing capability than in excelling scholastically. The ghetto youth believes he needs just enough edu- cation to foster survival. Moynihan fails to mention that when psychological tests are culturally unbiased one's present life space and his previous condition will not significantly affect his score. But the various psychological tests are culturally biased and the typical Negro high school only imparts a seventh grade education to many youths. Negroes do poorly on tests, because the tests they encounter were standardized on an alien group. Even if Negro families are stabilized and scholarship becomes the thing Negroes desire most, motivation will not continue for a long period if their education provides relevant skills for imaginary jobs. Psychological studies cited in the report indicate that students who live with their fathers and mother have higher intelligence quotients than those from broken homes. At John Hopkins University a psychology professor is in the process of constructing and standardizing a culturally unbiased intel- ligence test which indicates that one's environment has little or no effect on his test performance. It is doubtful that a study has been conceived which will support Moynihan's contention that a psychologically unstable, uneducated, and unemployed patriarch will cause a child's intelligence quotient to rise. Well-rounded citizens will not be created by the presence of jobless patriarchs alone. Instead, Negroes must be aided by the application of all the ideals that proceed from the United States Constitution. According to the Moynihan Report, the Negro only has to reduce the birth rate and stabilize his family and all the wonders of a de- mocratic society will be his. Segregation and discrimination in hiring practices need not be eliminated or equality of opportunity established. Statistical compilations and psychological experiments may confirm 115 the implication that a larger proportion of Negro children seek im- mediate gratification and are little concerned about future con- sequences, but the mere presence of a father who cannot secure a job will not erase the problem. Negro children do not seek immediate gratification of their desires without concern about future consequences because the father is absent. The Negro child and his father have merely experienced a longer period of starvation. The mere presence of the unemployed patriarch, be he any color in the universal spectrum, will not end the misery that accompanies hunger. Very vivdly illustrated and documented in the report is the as- sertion that nearly 25 per cent of Negro births are illegitimate. It is revealed that illegitimacy is 8 times greater among Negroes than among Whites. Many first born children are products of post-pre- gnancy marriages. The figures range from 20 to 25 per cent. Because of the Negro's economic plight and other factors, those organisms conceived illegitimately by him prior to marriage often remain illegiti- mate. Members of both races hide illegitimacy through abortions with the aid of sympathetic physicians and through adoption agencies. Twenty-five to 40 percent of those securing abortions are unmarried and there is a close relationship between economic status and the number of abortions requested and secured. Reporting may account for the wide ratio between White and Nonwhite illegitimacy rates. Reporters may believe the myth that Negroes are sexually promis- cuous and use their position to confirm this attitude. Very often the more affluent, illegitimate mother can afford the services of private hospitals, sympathetic doctors, and can secure the conscious and unconscious help of social agencies to conceal illegitimacy and en- hance the traditional myth. Educational and economic deprivation tend to increase the Negro's illegitimacy profile. Many Negroes are not aware of available con- traceptives. The separated but not legally divorced Negro parent who secures a Common Law arrangement becomes illegitimate because a legal divorce is not economically possible. Many Americans believe and they have brainwashed Negroes to believe that their only mascu- line trait is embodied in their omnisexuality. Much more must be known about the family structure of those in the lower class before their predicament can be labeled pathological. A researcher reared on a value system alien to the values embraced by the lower group cannot honestly and objectively diagnose the illness of the disad- vantaged group that supports different ideals which are not adhered to by the advantaged group. If sex symbol continues to be the only masculine symbol with which Negroes feel they can associate or identify as masculine, then the males who father illegitimate children will continue this practice. Even though some columnists contend that the Negro family resembles a harem more than it does a legal marriage, it is doubtful that the Negro family structure is actually as pathological as the Moynihan report suggests. Moynihan is evidently victimized by the 116 feminine mystique, and his ideal family is the typical middle class, Anglo-Saxon family which embraces the prevailing sensibilities. Families do not always disintegrate because of historical, economic, or racial factors. Families disintegrate for many reasons. Families may disintegrate because of cultural and personality differences among parents, economic difficulties, or mental illnesses. The Moynihan Report attempts to tie family stability to family composition. Moynihan's statistical analysis and historical regression may prove that inhumane experiences made Negroes inferior during chattel slavery, and these factors were transmitted into the 20th century. But he does not attempt to prove Negroes are incapable of growth. The all-time favorite savage is the sexually promiscuous Negro mother who produces a litter of illegitimate brats in order to reap an abundant harvest from aid to dependent children. This savage throws garbage out of the window and stores coal in her bathtub. Twentieth century Negro savages may have emerged from chattel slavery but they cannot become humans today because they are still victimized by the immorality, inhumanity, and savagery of today. To contend that the savagery of contemporary Negroes resulted from centuries of inhumane treatment is a noble attempt to escape present realities. God is not responsible for a creative mistake. He created all men equal, but Negroes assimilated their inferiorty during slavery and were unable to eliminate or find a cure for this disease. One reporter accuses Moynihan of employing sociological fakery to give America an escape from the present. America, according to the report, should plead guilty to the crimes of yesterday, but need not admit that similar crimes are still being committed today. Mankind equates his worth on the basis of his cumulative ex- periences with others. Historical experiences minus contemporary experiences could not create for the Negro his present pathological statistical profile. One cannot justify the Negro's present precarious plight on the basis of historical determinism and at the same time ignore contemporary economic political, social, and educational de- privation. Negroes are admonished by Moynihan to stabilize their families. But stability cannot be achieved until there is economic, social, and political parity. Far too many Negro Americans are on, or below the poverty line and cannot enter into the mainstream of American existence. But Moynihan suggests that families be stabilized before Negroes can start toward equality. According to the Moynihan Re- port, unless families are stabilized, equality of opportunity will not secure for Negroes equality of results. Moynihan would have his readers believe that family stability is automatically achieved when both parents are present, and that the structure is stabilized by the mere presence of the male. If such was the case one might conclude that a moron, imbecile, or idiot male could bring stability to the family and that the matriarchial 117 structure rather than the attitude of the matriarch becomes destructive for males. One critic contends that Moynihan presents 125 different blocks of information to support conclusions. There are 47 tables, 18 charts, and 60 pieces of data in the text. But only 9 pieces or 7 per cent of the data presented deal with the problem of family instability. Of the 9 pieces of data related to the problem, only 6 are reports of studies showing a relationship between broken homes and delinquen- cy. When Moynihan's statistical data is translated from census indexes to human lives, one discovers that more poor people tend to be economically oppressed and exploited and that the impoverished experience an enormous amount of social, mental, and physical suffer- ing. A disproprotionate share of Negroes are poor, and they share disproportionately in the nations crimes. Negroes make up not more than 11 per cent of the Nation's population. Since they comprise such a small part of the total popu- lation, relatively small number of crimes committed by this group will cause the Negro crime percentage profile to spiral to extremely high levels. Negroes realize a disproportionate exposure to crime, and they are still being victimized by criminally inefficent education and racial segregation. Improverishment compels the poor to waste away in our prisons because our legal system has failed to provide uniform justice for all economic classes in our society. Race prejudice en- courages law officers to maintain double legal standards. To many policemen, Negroes represent a threat to the status quo that policemen feel they are obliged to protect. The prospect of a hopeless future and unjust laws may lead one to become enveloped in the types of escapes provided by drugs, sex, alcohol, and crime. Federal job training programs which promise no jobs at their conclusion do not enable one to cope with the harsh realities that humans must encounter. The unrealistic prevailing at- titudes communicated to the Negro frustrate him and push him toward unsocial escapes. When Negroes employ unrealistic defenses or escapes in an attempt to cope with an impossible situation, they are accused of exhibiting the behavior of savages. Actually, Negroes are only using what might seem to be savage escape techniques in an attempt to cope with the savagery and inhumane experiences en- countered in their comtemporary life spaces. Implications and Conclusion The Moynihan study may seem to paint an incomprehensibly dark picture of the disease victimizing the Negro family. But at some point the unfathomable must be approached, attacked, and conquered. Possibly President Lyndon Johnson's Great Society's War on Poverty is a step toward a desired solution. President Johnson's social, economic, political and educational proposals and programs are massive, quite comprehensive, and extremely idealistic. Yet they 118 probably fall far short of a desired solution. Great Society proposals are probably only aspirin type remedies being offered as remedies to a type of ghetto pathology and psychosomatic illness which demand major surgery. But very often extremely intricate solutions to perplexing problems confronting sensible and ivory-tower thinkers may be so enmeshed in the clouds until such viewers fail to comprehend or to suggest practical solutions. A realistic prescription for the illness diagnosed by Moynihan might be the utilization of a major portion of the energy and funds at the disposal of the supporters of the Great Society programs be employed to improve education, to construct adequate houses, to provide and promote fair employment and to make honest efforts in the enforcement of existing laws. The Federal government cannot be expected to establish a pattern of family relationship which will embrace all the ideas of Anglo-Saxon Protestantism, but the Federal Government can support, enforce and encourage the effective application of the basic existing ideals of our religious, political, social, economic and educational ideologies. Far too many empty civil rights measures have been legislated and then promptly ignored. If the Negro family is in a pathological tangle and their family structure is rapidly crumbling, only the Negro can cure the disease and mend the cracks. Before Negroes can improve their family profile, they must have the support of just laws fairly applied and enforced, by the honest efforts of a concerned public, and the un- compromising efforts of governmental officials on all levels. The cancer will remain and the pathology will intensify, if society refuses to restore to Negroes the large measure of humanity compromised away from them by the founding fathers and later denied them by racial supremacists. One segment of society cannot be permitted to wallow on the outskirts of hope in proverty, while another segment is embellished by affluence. The Negro problem is not completely imaginary nor are the statistical tables, psychological studies, and historical data presented in the Moynihan Report a determined attempt to keep Negroes out- side the Great Society. It may not represent a pedestal of truth or a paved route to paradise, but it does remind us that our society is the victim of a disease which transcends family instability historically and statistically documented on the basis of racial injustice. Solutions are easily found when all seek and desire solutions. Unless solutions are honestly sought immediately, this and future generations may inherit a society incapable of remediation. The Breakdown in Negro family life suggested by Moynihan may only be a reflection of a broader breakdown in American society. Despite a miserable past and an equally horrible present, relatively few Negroes feel that they have only chains to loose. American people are indeed fortunate to have been able to suppress and to 119 continue to suppress such a significant portion of her citizens and only inherit family instability in return. Negroes continue to starve dreamlessly and the continued denial of human gratification is akin to spiritual genocide. Spiritual impoverishment and an environment which creates a ghettorized mentality prevent their spirits from soaring to the heights of human respectability. Moynihan would have his readers believe that Negroes are victims of postinjustices. But Negroes are just as awkwardly set in the gruesome now as any of their counterparts. The savagery which the Moynihan Report discovers in temporary Negro ghettoes was not created centuries ago and suddenly swept into the twentieth cen- tury. Before granting Negroes an equal chance at the starting line, the Report predicts defeat. Once again let me underscore the fact that Moynihan's Negro is not inferior because the Creator made a mistake when man was created. Negroes became inferior as a result of their experiences as victims of chattel slavery. The means are somewhat different, but the end product is the same inferior Negro who will not be able to utilize equality of opportunity and enjoy equality of results. Is the Negro family really in the pathological tangle depicted in the Moynihan Report? Can it be that Moynihan is a victim of the feminine mystique and desires all elements in the Great Society to possess those sensibilities embraced by middle class, Anglo-Saxon Protestants? 120 BIBLIOGRAPHY Gans, J. H. "Negro Family; Refections on the Moynihan Report," Commonweal 83:47-51, October 15, 1965. Harrod, H. L. "Moynihan Report: Negro Family, The Case for National Ac- tion," Christian Century 83: 180-182, February 9, 1966. Lincoln, C. E. "Absent Father Haunts the Negro Family," New York Times Magazine, P. 60, November 28, 1965. Moynihan, D. P. "Negro Family: Visceral Reaction," Newsweek, 66:38-40, December 6, 1965. Moynihan, D. P. "Negro Family," New Yorker, 41:116, September 11, 1965. Stern, T. N. Reply; "T. R. B. from Washington; Negro Breakdown; Family Collapse," New Republic, 153:30, September 11, 1965. T. R. B. from Washington; Negro Family Breakdown; Family Collapse," New Republic, 153:30, September 11, 1965. "American Negro Family," America, 113:492, October 30, 1965. "Negro Family, The Case for National Action," Christian Century, 82:15, 31-32, December 15, 1965. "Negro Family Life," Commonweal, 83:229, November 26, 1965. "Negro Family," Commonweal, 82-649-650, September 17, 1965. Moynihan Report, New Republic, 153:8-9, September 11, 1965. "New Crisis: The Negro Family," Newsweek, 66:32, August 9, 1965. "The Negro Family; The Case for National Action," State of the Union Message of President Lyndon B. Johnson, January 4, 1965. Office of Policy Planning and Research United States Department of Labor. Washington, D. C: Government Printing Office, March 1965. 121 Modern Art: The Celebration of Man's Freedom* by Philip Hampton Modern art is a nightingale's song, it is newly mown hay, it is the feel of a soft summer breeze and it is the rising of a golden moon across the bay. Modern art is a paradox it is not new nor is it ancient. Modern art began before history, for sights, sounds, feeling and smells have always been with man. Therefore, the summation of all of man's experiences makes modern art. It is difficult for man to have only a single experience, and if he did, it would hardly be worth expressing in an art form. It is not the beauty of the bird's song or the enchantment of the moonrise that the artist must express, but it is rather the complete freedom that God has given man, which allows him the enjoyment of the sights and sounds of things around him. If man could not experience sensory things and sing songs of praise or dramatize the ritual of the wondrous sights and feeling, man would indeed be a prisoner in a nightmare of ugliness. But there are times when men refuse to look, though they have eyes, they refuse to understand what they hear; and, as Aeschylus said, they fashion all things like confused shapes in dreams. For many centuries, wise men knew that a civilization is measured by the "aesthetic test that this measurement is as Toynbee said, the "surest as well as the subtlest." Man's first "aesthetic test" was passed before civilization. It was an expression of freedom, for man's first aesthetic expression was his celebration of freedom from want. Some 10,000 years ago prehistoric man made a mark that was to express his freedom from want, or, indeed, his desire to be free from want. He drew upon his cavern walls pictures of animals that represented his food supply. These cave paintings served as a ritual, a commemoration, a purger of his fears, and as a personal statement about a transitory experience. For the most part, art has served these purposes every since. One of the earliest developments of the ancient Egyptian was the picture plane. It showed to all men that the Egyptian had achieved a degree of freedom from primeval cultures. The ancient Egyptian must have been elated to know that he had discovered a system for living that offered man so many rewards, and it also offered liabi- lities. But men learn sometimes slowly that freedom and responsi- bility travel the same paths. * Address delivered at Lincoln University, Jefferson City, Mo., February 24, 1966. 122 At first, the Egyptian artists must have experienced much delight in discovering means and modes of expression in their art. But too quickly were they disposed to settle for an only way to depict an idea. In their great urgency to express their ideas, they denied themselves a latitude of individual freedom, for the authorities of Egypt de- manded that all art comply with rigid regulations. The images of gods in ancient societies impelled their artists to suppress original thoughts. The Egyptian priest, for example, demanded of the artist, for the most part, that they reveal the human form in an unnatural position, that is, the head was almost always shown in profile while the torso was shown in a frontal position. The legs were shown in a profile plane parallel to the head. The Greeks were less restricted, and they sought to gain truth but in its most idealistic form. This point reminds me that it was Picasso who said that art must be a lie if truth is to be found. When one destroys the love of excitement and discovery of in- dividual practice and thought, one will have unwittingly destroyed all that is complete to the individual. Contain the thoughts and actions of the writers, painters, poets, composers, sculptors and architects, and you have locked up some of the more significant prodders, antagonist, motivators and harassers of our civilized consciences. Centuries after the fall of Rome, art followed a path of flat decora- tive design or a frenzy of curves that for the most part had no relation to realism. These forms, unrelated to realism as they were, reflected man's innermost desires, and they were the dominating force of their day. It is natural for men to react to the dominating fears, ideals ojr fantasies of their day. When men were dominated by the fear of loosing their souls, they built cathedrals. When they were dominated by the fear of loosing their bodies, they built castles. But, even then, they never lost an opportunity to decorate their surroundings. Their castles and churches gave them a feeling of security a feeling of freedom. And they commemorated this feeling of being free with stained glass windows, tapestries, scultpture, organic architecture and illuminations. Men of today have fears, too. They fear losing their bodies and their souls. But their fear is the possibility of loosing their freedom. To be sure, there are today men who have contracted the fear syn- drome and have sought surcease in the worship of numbers, over- productivity, conformity and destruction. They are members of the robot-thermo-annihilation cult; their chief products are fear, hate, and bombs; their goal is a lock-step march to nonentity. There are other men of today who are not responders to program- med punched cards. These men do not respond to the black magic of push-buttoned machines, which think for people but not of people. People are not machines; they cannot live for long with machine-like thoughts; people need sustenance in the broadest sense, for men do not live by bread alone. A man may surely eat well and still feel empty; he may set his stomach free but leave his mind imprisoned. 123 Throughout the world, the modern artists of today, are refuting the effects of the machine and those who blindly worship machine- like thinking. In one country, a poet was sentenced to five years at "useful labor," i. e., hauling manure, simply because he wrote poems that appealed to his own emotions. It was Plato who advised that the artist be controlled, because, as he implied, the persuasive powers of the artist were often greater than the politician. It might be that the power of the artist lies in his closeness to human con- ditions. The human condition must be free. Freedom to think what one wishes to think and freedom to be responsible for what one thinks are natural rights of modern man. Man is obliged to maintain the freedom to think as he wishes; he is further obliged to reserve all other men's right to this same freedom. If he fails to champion the rights of other men, then he has automatically given up his last vestige of freedom. For no man can hold another man in bondage and be free himself. Responsible freedom means discipline, self-control, character and orderly conduct. Freedom in one sense of the word can imply that one man has a priestly and exalted privilege over another. Notwithstanding the gift of life, freedom is man's most precious gift. It is a gift which too often must be seized by those who are not yet free. It is nonetheless, whether a gift or not, a valuable possession. Indeed, it would seem self-evident that most men eventually prefer death to enslavement. So frequently during the sundry epochs of man in his quest for freedom, art has been a force, directly or indirectly, reflecting his determination to be free. Art has been an inspiration which has guided man on to his greatest ideal. Art has been produced by man as an expression of gratitude, and as a joyous song to his gods for being free. Man's destiny lies in his ability to keep alive his creative throughts. No thought can be creative unless it comes from a mind that is unfettered, unshackled and free. Art is the articulation of feeling. It is also the articulate symbol of freedom. It symbolizes man's freedom to entertain whatever ideas that suit his fancy, and also his right to reject whatever ideas his fellow men propose. This license only belongs to free men. In a free society, art is freely explored, although it has not been accepted by the masses. This is the highest example of individual freedom. Stop one artist from creating and you stop the very spirit of freedom, for what you do unto the least you do unto all. Stifle one individual, and you have begun to stifle all individuals. Individual activity cannot be tolerated in a closed society, for in a totalitarian society, artists are told what is acceptable to the masses. The artists must then pro- duce what is expected of them or simply not produce at all. What new visions can be created under these conditions? Solomon said it best about this kind of condition when he said, "Where these is no vision, the people perish." It is our hope that our society does not perish for lack of vision. 124 We must prepare to throw off the old when it has lost its usefulness, for it is better to consider the new with bewilderment than to rot in contentment with the old. But we can expect nothing new or good if we do not prepare our citizens of tomorrow to respect the creative mind and assume the responsibility for keeping alive the spirit and the ritual of creative exploration. For if the spirit of man is neglected, his spirit like an electrical short circuit, will cause the light of civiliza- tion to suddenly go off. It has become the obligation of the modern artist to prevent this short circuit. It is his obligation to attack the visual complacency of our time. It has become the obligation of the musical composer to thwart aural obtuseness. The modern poet must arouse man with a verbal earthquake. The modern artist has too often been accused of being ludicrous, ridiculous, and striving to chock. Or, put in another way, the modern artist seeks to be glaringly evident. He has had to use a very con- spicuous art to call attention, not to himself, but to his cause. His cause is a non-verbal message which purports to save man from his most portentous enemy himself. It is not so important that we read the message of a singular modern artist as it is for us to understand the communication of all modern art in its totality. For this purpose, we might briefly and schematically look into a few of the developments of modern art. It must be re- membered that modern art is not new, nor is it ancient, and it cer- tainly is not always non-objective. For the sake of clarity here, modern art is confined to the twentieth century, and to periods just prior to the twentieth century. It is about this time in the history of art that we notice the arousal of human curiosity in what the artist was doing. It is also here that the artist learned, without doubt, that he could shock. Certainly, the direct influences of twentieth century art did not begin exactly in 1900. It might be safe to say that 1878 marked one of the beginnings of an art that shocked human beings. It was this year that marked the end of Cezanne's exhibiting with the group, that is Monet, Pissarro, et al. It was at this time that Cezanne isolated himself from the group and began abstracting landscapes with inter- locking planes. It was in 1880 when twenty-seven year-old Van Gogh began to paint. He was a precursor of the twentieth cenutry mode of expres- sion. He was a man who valued freedom for others as well as for himself. And, his greatest contribution to freedom was the style that he used to express his deepest feeling. His "Red Vineyards" was the only painting that sold during his life. Synthetism was partly a contribution of Paul Gauguin near the year of 1889. It dealt with intensified, exotic colors, flattened forms and heavy outlines. Matisse, about 1905 realized the impact of color and recognized that it could be free from mere additional description of a thing; for example, a face, to Matisse, could be red or green or indeed both. 125 Finally, as a test of these ideas, a nebulous group known as the "Wild Beast" evolved. It was a shortlived group, to be sure, but Matisse was part of it and his contribution was important. At about the same time of the "Wild Beast", the Bridge group was founded in Germany. The work of the Bridge was highly emo- tional and personal. It made many sociological, biological, political and religious statements. Their work was often ugly, revolting and extremely antagonistic. The power of the movement lasted only two years. Some of its members were Emile Nolde, Edvard Munch, and James Ensor. Some years after the Bridge, the Blue Rider group was established in Germany. Their work very quickly became non-objective and indeed more cheerful than the Bridge group. Kandinsky is an example of this group. In 1912, he published his treatise, Concerning the Spiritual in Art, and in 1920 he produced his first completely non- representational work. Painting became free of subject matter and yet Kandinsky never thought of his paintings as completely divorced from nature. The Blue Rider group was international in scope, for example, the "Four Blues" were Kandinsky, who was born in Moscow, studied and taught in Germany and finally went to France; Jawlensky, a Russian; Feininger, an American who taught in Germany, and Paul Klee, a Swiss who taught in Germany. The man with eighty styles of painting, as one critic stated, was Picasso. Picasso discovered the impact of African sculpture, the volumes of Cezanne, and a bizarre savagery. Picasso's style finally came to be known as Cubism. It is not known where the collage began, but Georges Braque used it in his search for textures. Braque probably pursued collage in an effort to establish his right to paint as he pleased and not to paint after the slavish convention that only stressed technical skill. It was Braque, more than any other artist, who made the harmonious fusion of Fauvist color with Cubist form. Duchamp, speaking of an art form, Dadiasm, declared it as "... a way to get out of a state of mind to avoid being influenced by one's immediate environment, or by the past; to get away from cliche's to get free." In brief, the essence of this statement re- presents what all men desire. But all men cannot express or share the same freedom as does the artist. Most men are forced to find freedom in a vicarious sense, and collectively, the artist provides this condition. The modern artist, sensing, with an intense perceptive quality, that he alone is responsible for having kept alive the in- fluences that caused, for example, the creative designing of a build- ing, a chair, a book jacket or a trinket, shares with all men the sym- bols that remind them that their spirits are free. Illustratively, all men are reminded of their free choices of ideas when the blinking qualities of an op art, a painting, which magnetically demands their attention for a fleeting moment. Man is reminded that he is free to pursue that which others might call bizarre. Whether it is Pop, 126 Op or Kinetic art, it is good art simply because it opens the door to adventure; it permits man to entertain his most haphazard ideas. Modern art also reminds this generation that haphazard thinking is a birthright of man. In spite of itself, it is a practice that is enjoyed by many. We are warned that the day haphazard or accidential dis- covery is stifled, is the day we all have induced a terrible microbe into the peculiarly human structure of things. It will be a day when we will have caused deliberative and eruditional activities to dry up forever. The pride of men will seldom allow them to admit that the precursor to many great ideas have been accidental and hap- hazard thoughts. It was the late John Kennedy whose statement helped us understand so much about our attitudes, when he said: "When power leads man toward arrogance, poetry reminds him of his limitations." The poet, William Stafford must have been thinking along those same lines when he wrote: "Quiet in the earth a drop of water came, and the little seed spoke: "Sequoia is my name." It is the challenge of free men everwhere to look for the peculiar qualities of all things. It is incumbent upon men to rejoice when they experience new ideas, not because all new ideas are good but be- cause new ideas mean that man is still alive and subjected to the task peculiar to all free men that of making individual decisions. Let us hope while we evaluate the symbols of our freedom and the humans who produce them that we will allow no one to tell us what we must accept as an art form. Let no one tell us how we must make a human expression. Let not the critics, the government, the snobs, nor the nextdoor neighbor tell us how we must fashion and create a true work of art. The seed of man's freedom and the hope for the harvest there- after, lies in the breast of the creative mind. Let all the world stand and cheer when the modern artist rises to offer his own individualistic soul, which truly, is his ode to man's freedom. Modern art, in its timeless continuum, is the sum of all men's greatness. When it ceases to be heard, the birds will have stopped singing, when it can no longer be felt, the breezes will have come to naught. Man will have become imprisoned in an irrefutable ignorance he will have been snared in a horrible trap of ugliness forever. By the grace of God, long live modern art! Long live the symbol of freedom! Long live the celebration! 127 A REVIEW of "The Use of Selected Technical Language As A Means of Discovering Elementary Teachers' Operational Definitions of Teaching"* by Thelma Moore Harmond An Overview The Problem: The major purpose of this study was to discover meanings which elementary teachers assign in classroom practice to the specialized language of teaching. Through varied experiences with prospective and in-service teachers, the writer had formed the opinion that many persons, engaged in public school teaching and professional education, had accepted the technical language of teach- ing because of the familiarity of the words without having had full awareness of the meaning of the language in its specilized sense. Services to teachers could be upgraded, the writer believed, if more knowledge were discovered about the meanings which teaching principles, embodied in technical language, had for teachers as they operated in classroom settings. From this background of thinking, the problem of using selected technical language as a medium for eliciting operational defintions of teaching from teachers evolved. The Procedure: Investigative procedures involved three categories of activity: devolping and using materials, selecting participants, and obtaining judges. The first step in the development of a data-gather- ing device was the selection of educational terminology. Professional literature was the primary source from which tech- nical expressions were obtained. Additional terminology was ob- tained during contact with persons engaged in teaching. Fifty ex- pressions were compiled, edited, and submitted to a panel of judges who ranked items in terms of frequency of teacher-use and degree of teacher-understanding. The judges worked independently in the selection of items. The twelve most frequently selected were used in the data-gathering instrument called, The Teacher-Incident Form. The Teacher Incident Form was a self-reporting device on which teachers defined the twelve selected expressions* through anecdotal descriptions of teacher-pupil classroom behavior. K (Ph. D. dissertation by author of the article, College of Education, The Ohio State University, 1965.) 128 For assessment of teacher responses, definitions of the selected items were formulated, and a rating instrument was constructed. Dictionaries of education and research handbooks were utilized for these tasks. Study participants, fifty-eight in number, were senior-level ele- mentary education majors at Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia and in-service teachers from three school systems. Table 1 reveals the number of pre-service and in-service participants. TABLE 1. PRE-SERVICE AND IN-SERVICE PARTICIPANTS School System or Course Number of Pre-Service Teachers Number of In-Service Teachers Brunswick-Glynn 10 Liberty 17 Savannah-Chatham 13 Education 429 7 Student Teaching 11 Total 1! 40 58 Judges who assessed participant responses were college directors of elementary education, professional education teachers, elementary school principals and supervisors. Judges rated responses as highly relevant, somewhat relevant, and irrelevant in terms of response consistency with item definitions. The Results: From the fifty-eight respondents, a total of 696 responses to the twelve expressions was possible. Of these, judges found 100 to be highly relevant, 368 somewhat relevant, and 89 irrelevant. Responses were omitted for 139 items. Table 2 reveals the frequency of rated responses. *The twelve selected expressions were I. Using Teacher-Pupil Planning, II. Meeting the Needs of Children, III. Providing for Individual Differences, IV. Starting Where Children Are, V. Teaching the Whole Child, VI. Develop- ing a Sense of Belonging, VII. Using the Problem-Solving Approach, VIII. Motivating the Child to Learn, IX. Learning by Doing, X. Using the Demo- cratic Process, XL Improving Human Relationships, XII. Developing Ability to Do Critical Thinking. 129 TABLE 2. FREQUENCY OF RATED RESPONSES RATINGS Item Highly Relevant 3 (f) Somewhat Relevant 2 (f) Irrelevant 1 (f) No Response (f) Number I. 13 38 1 6 58 II. 3 38 9 8 58 III. 9 34 9 6 58 IV. 11 30 5 12 58 V. 5 24 9 20 58 VI. 7 36 3 12 58 VII. 7 21 14 16 58 VIII. 10 33 7 8 58 IX. 15 30 6 7 58 X. 6 31 9 12 58 XI. 11 27 5 15 58 XII. 3 26 12 17 58 Total 100 368 89 139 58 As a group, in-service teachers received a greater percentage of highly relevant ratings than did prospective teachers, but this dif- ference, assumed attributable to experience, was not statistically significant. * For several items, there were statistically significant differences in the meaningfulness of definitions provided by upper grade teachers over primary teachers and from urban teachers over teachers in town and rural systems. The responses provided evidence of excellent teacher understand- ing of the language of teaching, limited understanding, misunder- standing, and verbal inadequacy. Despite the probability of other factors, it appears safe to assume that a percentage of response omissions resulted from teacher inability to interpret certain items in terms of classroom behavior. Further study of this assumption seems to be indicated. ''To determine significance at the 5 per cent and 1 per cent levels, the data were subjected to the X 2 or Chi-Square Test by The Ohio State University Statistics Laboratory. An extension of Fisher's Exact Probability Test, as found in Siegel, Non-Parametric Statistics was applied to X 2 's that showed significance. 130 Analysis of the data provided insight into the adequacy of ele- mentary education at Savannah State College. The findings seem to indicate, also, the need for teacher education offerings to be so meaningful that teachers will no longer use technical langauge pre- tentiously but will develop genuine understanding of the language of teaching. The Review Although the major purpose of this study was to discover meanings which elementary teachers assign in practice to the specialized lan- guage of teaching, the writer believed that assessment of the findings of the study would (1) reveal clues which Savannah State College might use to evaluate and upgrade its total program of teacher education and (2) provide considerable data for further exploration on teaching. In this section, therefore, the first four chapters of the study are reviewed; possible implications of findings are examined, and recommendations are made in much the same format as they were treated in the fifth and final chapter of the dissertation. Chapter One In the first chapter of this investigation it was noted that man has sought during several centuries, either philosophically or func- tionally, for adequate definition of teaching. Despite this long search, until the present decade there was very limited research on teaching as a total process. In the research which is being currenty reported, the teacher has rarely been an active participant. Rather, he has been observed, or he has been asked to react to the structured instruments of an investigator. This writer believed that valuable insights about teaching could be gained if the nature of perceptions which teachers themselves have about the teaching process could be ascertained. The writer is employed in a program of teacher education in a state-supported institution located in Savannah, Georgia. Her work at Savannah State College includes teaching students who are pre- paring to become teachers, supervising student teaching, and work- ing in a variety of situations with public school teachers. In the course of professional communication with prospective and in-service teachers, the writer has had occasion to question the extent to which true communication has gone on, even though she and the individual teacher or group of teachers were using the same "language of teach- ing". The following anedotes reflect what is sometimes happening when individuals use or listen to language which speaker and listener believe to be mutually understood: A parent told the story of her six-year old daughter who an- nounced, after a few days of school, that she did not like her teacher. The parent was naturally concerned and probed into reasons for the dislike. "Because", said the six-year old, "on the first day of school teacher told me to sit 'there' for the present, and she hasn't given me a present yet". A very young child, under two years of age, had been intro- duced to nursery rhymes. He enjoyed the rhythm though the 131 words meant little in terms of his limited experiences. He had experienced much pleasure with a teddy bear, however, which accounted for his rendition of "Old Mother Hubbard": "Old Mother Hubbard went to the cupboard To get her poor dog a bone, But when she got there, The cupboard was a bear And so the poor dog had none." It was highly probable, the writer believed, that many persons in professional education have accepted the technical language of teaching because of the familiarity of the words without having been aware of the meaning of the language in its specialized sense. She believed that the quality of her services to teachers could be improved if she were to discover more about the meanings which teaching principles, couched in specialized language, had for teachers as they operated in classroom settings. From this background of thinking the problem of using selected technical language to elicit from teach- ers their operational definitions of teaching evolved. Chapter Two Literature which appeared to bear some pertinence to this invest- igation was reviewed in Chapter Two. The literature examined was grouped in three categories: related research, writings on teaching in general, and the language of education. According to reviewers of educational research, there is a shortage of research on teaching. The writer found that studies related to direct teacher-involvement in defining teaching were virtually non-existent. Therefore, in the related research section of the review of the litera- ture, the writer examined studies which dealt with (1) value in teacher education; (2) professional understandings; (3) the use of varied observational techniques to determine what teachers do, and (4) the use of self-reporting devices for gathering data. It appeared that studies in the preceding categories were related to the present investi- gation in terms of rationale and possible study approaches to be employed. Since there was no dearth of articles and books on teaching in general, the writer did not attempt a comprehensive review for this category. Writings around these concerns were examined: 1. The individuality of "quality teaching". 2. Formulas for good teaching. 3. Human relations approaches to teaching. 4. The need for research to provide additional understandings about teaching. To the writer, there appeared to be a fundamental aspect of dif- ference between the literature in teaching through the mid-nineteen fifties and that which has been written since the late nineteen-fifties. 132 In the former period, teaching was defined and described, and teach- ing methodology was prescribed with a surety that has not been evident in the writings on teaching during this latter period. There seems to be the general recognition that much more research on teaching is needed. Regarding the language of teaching, the evidence seems to indicate that educators are very much concerned with meaning. Teaching is viewed by many, B. Othanel Smith among them, as largely a linguistic function. The presently accepted language of teaching is being ex- amined, and there appears to be a growing belief that teacher educa- tion must provide the means whereby teachers develop greater under- standing of the structure and meaning of language. Chapter Three In Chapter Three the methods for conducting the inquiry were described. Three broad categories of activity were engaged in during the conduct of the investigation: (1) development and use of ma- terials; (2) selection of study participants; and (3) obtainment of judging teams. Three instruments were developed for gathering and assessing data. These were the Teacher-Incident Form, a definition sheet, and a rating scale. The Teacher-Incident Form was the data-gathering device on which study participants made their responses. Judging teams used the definition sheet and ratting scale to assess responses of participants. Study participants were (1) in-service elementary teachers em- ployed in three school systems within a hundred-mile radius of Sa- vannah State College and (2) prospective elementary teachers en- rolled in the last prefield course and in student teaching at Savannah State College. The writer believed that comparative analysis of re- sponses from the in-service and pre-service groups would reveal superiority of responses made by in-service teachers because of their greater experience and training. She also believed that upper grade elementary teachers would make more meaningful responses to items than would primary teachers, but that no significant difference would be noted among responses made by teachers in an urban, a large town, and a rural school system. The individuals who assessed the responses of the participants were college directors of elementary education, members of college departments of education, elementary school principals and super- visors. These persons had backgrounds of rich personal and profes- sional experience, and they either held doctor's degrees or had studied for at least a year beyond their master's degree programs. Data from teachers about themselves and assessments of responses by judges were tabulated into a master chart called the Summary Chart. This device was employed as a ready source of data for analysis of the findings. Chapter Four Chapter Four was devoted to the report and the interpretation of study findings. Fifty-eight persons eighteen prospective and forty 133 in-service teachers returned data sheets, The Teacher-Incident Forms. There were twelve items on the Teacher-Incident Form, and teachers had been requested to write incidents illustrating the meaning of each item. Judges rated the incidents as highly relevant, somewhat relevant, and irrelevant. A summary of judges' ratings of the incidents submitted by the fifty-eight participants showed that there were 100 highly relevant responses, 368 somewhat relevant responses, and 89 irrelevant responses. For 139 items, no responses were given. Although in-service teachers, as a group, received a slightly greater number of highly relevant ratings on items than did prospective teachers, analysis of the data did not reveal that the experience of the in-service teachers made a statistically significant difference in their ability to interpret study items more adequately than the pre-service group. As a group, upper grade teachers excelled primary teachers in the ability to interpret specialized language meaningfully. However, for only one item was this superiority statistically significant. A comparison of response ratings among teachers working in a rural, a large town, and an urban school system indicated that the urban group reported the largest per cent of highly relevant responses. However, for only two items was there statistical significance. Possible Implications of Findings Reports from teachers, termed "anecdotes", and more recently "incidents", have been widely used as sources of information for child study. There is recognition that such reports are often as much the reflection of a teacher's outlook as of a child's behavior, but de- spite this possible limitation, anecdotal records are considered to be potentially excellent sources of data for child study. Much of their value lies within the fact that they can be consulted again and again. This writer believed that this type of report, if done by teachers in regard to their classroom behavior, could yield a supply of data which could be used for increased understanding of teacher-perception of the meaning of teaching. She believed that increased understanding of the teacher's interpretation of the teaching role should be the working basis for providing assistance to the teacher toward improve- ment of his teaching. Inasmuch as teacher-narratives given as responses to items on the Teacher-Incident Form gave evidence of ( 1 ) excellent teacher-under- standing of the language of teaching. (2) misunderstanding, (3) limited understanding, and (4) inadequate communication skills, it appears that the nature of understandings which teachers have in regard to meanings of certain technical language can be revealed through the use and analysis of structured self-reports. Omissions of responses to items might be interpreted in several ways, and some of the factors involved may never be known. It is assumed, however, that at least some percentage of omissions resulted from teacher- inability to interpret certain items in terms of classroom behavior. Even if it is assumed that failure to respond sometimes resulted from 134 teacher indifference, lethargy, or refusal to do what is not admini- stratively commanded, there appear to be fertile fields for exploration and study. A second implication of findings from this investigation involves possible insights into the adequacy of the program of elementary education at Savannah State College. There were fifty-eight respond- ents in the present study. Eighteen of them were students enrolled in the Department of Elementary Education at Savannah State Col- ege, and forty were in-service teachers. Examination of the Summary Chart data reveals that twenty-eight of the in-service respondents were graduates of the College. This figure represents 70 per cent of the in-service study population. Among the 30 per cent who were not graduates of the College were those (1) who have attended workshops and conferences on the College campus; (2) who have been participants in the program of student teaching, and (3) who have used College facilities and the services of College staff members. Directly and indirectly, therefore, the College has exerted widespread influence upon the teaching population working in the geographical area included in this study. For this reason, it appears apparent that the strengths and weaknesses revealed by participants as they attempted to define teaching through actual or observed practice are, at least, reflections of certain ad- equacies and inadequancies in the program of teacher education at Savannah State College. There is possibly a variety of factors implied in the finding that in-service teacher-experience revealed no statistically significant dif- ference in teacher-interpretation of the selected technical language. The writer noted with surprise, as she analyzed findings, that prospec- tive teachers had a higher percentage of highly relevant ratings on their incidents involving teacher-pupil planning, learning by doing, and developing critical thinking then did in-service teachers. The per cent of irrelevant responses to the item on problem-solving was six times greater for in-service teachers than for the pre-service group although the prospective teachers, as a group, had larger percentages of irrelevant responses and omitted responses than did the in-service group. On the positive side of the "experience ledger", responses of stu- dent teachers revealed their understanding of the meaning of teaching language to be superior to that of their pre-student teaching counter- parts. Among the factors which might be examined to determine why in-service teacher experience did not significantly affect teacher-defi- nition of the technical language are those of teacher selection and the quality of in-service education programs. Conclusions Implicit, at least, in the present study is the question of whether teachers really understand the language of teaching in terms of class- room operation or whether they merely verbalize phrases which they 135 have heard applied to the teaching process. Certain results of the study appear to give even greater pertinence to this question. First of all, of the possible 696 responses which the fifty-eight subjects could have made to the twelve items on the data-gathering device, only 100 were rated as highly relevant. Secondly, the frequent occurance of inappropriate word choices and obvious limitations in interpretation seem to indicate the probability of language disabilities ranging from moderate to severe among a large number of respond- ents. Examples of the foregoing are such items as: 1 . ... "a strick, rigid atmosphere" . . . 2. "Since a smile costs so little I encourage smiles as a friendly jester." 3. ... "They are taught now to appreciate the beauty of nature and how to conserve it. When one becomes emotionally dis- turb, he knows what to do because he has learned how to conquer his emotional probelms." 4. . . . "the teacher helped a group of fourth graders become socially adjusted by providing experience in which the pupils dramatized a short play." It appears that such responses indicate that teachers have learned words and expressions without always understanding what they signify. According to Bontrager, it is the failure to learn signification which causes "parrot-like reproduction that we are so familiar with today". Bontrager differentiates between the sign and symbol in language development. The sign is meaningless; the symbol stands for something. For example, when one issues a check on a zero bank account, the check is a sign which stands for nothing. He continues : The penalty for such use of these particular signs as symbols is usually jailing. This analogy applies to the oral noises we make, which occasionally become symbols and at other times do not; as yet, no penalty is enacted for such a fraud. 1 Bontrager believes that many methodological practices provide a favorable climate for the growth of verbalism. He states that the prevailing teaching procedures are almost exclusively verbal 2 , and this point is made by McGrath in reference to instruction carried on in predominantly Negro colleges and universities. Referring to Negro colleges and universities, McGrath states that "instructional procedures in all institutions should be more diversified to enrich the present dominant use of lectures, recitations, and assigned readings in textbooks". 3 In view of study findings and authoritative suggestion, the writer makes the recommendations which follow. 1 0. R. Bontrager, "Some Possible Origins of the Prevalence of Verbalism," Elementary English, XXVIIII (February, 1951), pp. 98, 150. 2 Ibid, p. 101. 3 Earl J. McGrath, The Predominantly Negro Colleges and Universities in Transition, New York: Bureau of Publications, Teachers College, Columbia University, 1965, p. 166. 136 Recommendations 1. The writer recommends that courses in all phases of the program for educating teachers at Savannah State College be under- girded with varied, meaningful experiences. Up to this point, students attending Savannah State College have been members of the American Negro sub-culture and have largely come from a region of the country which lags economically, educa- tionally, and culturally. As members of a sub-culture in a disadvan- taged region, they have not been exposed to the types of experiences which develop language competency in listening, speaking, reading, and writing. Therefore, it appears evident that the College should as- sume responsibility for developing reasonable proficiency in these (and other) skills that the vicious cycle of language inadequacy will not continue to repeat itself. Increased breadth in reading assignments, wider use of visual, auditory, and automated devices, planned trips and personal contacts, more frequent use of verbal illustration by instructors, and increased opportunity for student verbalization are among the possible activities which might lead toward realization of this recommendation. 2. It is recommended that Savannah State College consider a revision of its grading system that students with teaching potential, who need longer than four years for growth toward minimum pro- ficiency standards, would not be academically penalized. Because the possibilities for a "good" economic life have been limited largely to the Negro's going into the traditional professions and because teaching is one of the easier of these professions to enter, many students who have neither ability for nor genuine interest in teaching enter the teacher education program at Savannah State College. For such students, there is the obvious need for the College to attempt to make its selective admissions program more adequate. On the other hand, there are students with excellent potential for teaching in several ways, who enter or wish to enter teacher education, but they suffer restricting academic deficiencies. It is for this large group of students that the foregoing recommendation is made. Consideration of this recommendation might mean addition of some such letter as P to the present grading scale of A, B, C, D, F. P (or some such symbol) could stand for progress. This symbol would be administered only if evidence were available to indicate a student's measurable growth toward, but non-attainment of, minimum proficiency during a given quarter. Thus, the prospective teacher could be assisted toward acquirement of needed understandings and skills without the penalty of a D or F on his record. 3. The writer recommends that the College, in addition to the experience-enrichment of courses, provide an enlarged program of extra-class activities and seek ways of encouraging each student to participate in, at least, one such activity. Culturally deprived college students need exposure to diverse op- portunities which will help them compensate for social and esthetic inadequacies. 137 4. It is recommended that greater emphasis be placed on the study of personality development and exceptionality in the profes- sional courses for teacher education majors, or that courses in these areas (particularly in exceptionality) be offered as guided electives. In the State of Georgia, teacher education for working with excep- tional children is conceived of as graduate work. However, it is recom- mended that Savannah State College enrich its undergraduate program of teacher education in exceptionality because in this study in-service and prospective teachers revealed limited understandings and miscon- ceptions about individual differences, the teacher's responsibility in meeting needs of pupils, and in specific instances of exceptionality, as emotionally disturbed children. Regarding the challenge for in- stitutions offering teacher education to become aware of needs in this area, Berlin writes: The failure of many teachers colleges to recognize the need for new methods to deal with today's problem children continues to handicap teachers. The problems which confront our teachers today need to be realistically understood and assessed by teacher education institutions. They can help their students learn new methods of dealing with their parents. They might also help plan in-service training for teachers designed to help these disturbed and difficult students to learn. 4 Research Possibilities Reviewers of studies on teaching are consistent in their statements concerning the need for more research on teaching. Regarding re- search in teacher education, J. Stanley Ahmann states: . . . The greatest shortage in education today is not that of qualified teachers, or adequate buildings, or tax dollars. Instead it is a shortage of facts about the educational process, specifically facts about learning processes, the learner and the teacher. 5 While Ahmann does not dismiss the value of action research, he believes that through it we tend to solve today's problems tomorrow because action research often stems from a problem which already bears heavily upon education. He sees basic research as usually a better procedure than action research though the line of demarcation between the two is blurred. To Ahmann basic research is that inquiry with a strong theoretical orientation. It is characterized "by a specific theoretical orientation, far-reaching research effort, and the presence of interlocking problems, the solution of which will place us in a position to identify causality" 6 . He gives as an example of basic re- search the Exploration in Personality work done in 1938 by Henry Murray. Growing from Murray's "need-press" theories have been *I. N. Berlin, "The Atomic Age - The Nonlearning Child - The Parent", Educational Leadership, XXI (April, 1964), 447. 5 J. Stanley Ahmann, Educational Research Today ("Association Student Teaching Bulletin No. 20: Research and Professional Experiences in Teacher Education; Cedar Falls, Iowa: AST, 1963), pp. 4-5. Hbid, p. 8. 138 mm, STATE COLLEGE L.BKAKT \ STATE COLLEGE BRANCH developed such instruments as the Thern^tiSAVj^^Nfcf^ioQ^Test and the Edwards Personal Preference Schedule. Ahmann 'believes that "it is possible that this type of research will ultimately allow us to approach the causality problem and hence permit us, within limits, to solve tomorrow's problems today". 7 Despite the limitations of the present study in terms of diversity of study population, time, money, and research skills, the writer believes that in it are to be found clues for further research. She ventures to suggest those which follow. 1. In educational research, as the investigator analyzes his find- ings to solve designated problems or to evaluate tentative be- liefs, it is not unusual for him to discover that his data have raised pertinent questions to which answers should be sought. The writer suggests that continuation of the present study by a researcher could provide data for increased understanding of teachers and teaching. 2. The twelve items included in the data gathering device for this study were selected empirically. It appears that a meaning- ful contribution to knowledge could be made through a study of certain intercorrelations among these items. 3. Although there were similarities in the training and cultural backgrounds of participants in the present study, some of the operational definitions were "rich" in meaning, others were "poor". What kinds of persons wrote "rich" definitions; what kinds wrote "poor" ones? Analysis of available personal and professional data from these two groups might yield information which would help those responsible for teacher education pro- grams to enrich or to revise programs with more accuracy in terms of teacher-needs. 4. Experts are not in agreement about the adequacy of the present language of teaching. One school of thought holds that the language is ambiguous, antiquated, and unsuited to the pace of late twentieth century living. Another believes that the slogan-like-use of teaching language will be reduced if students study the works of John Dewey instead of studying about Dewey. The writer believes that studies centering around the adequancy of presently used teaching language could make a worthwhile contribution to teacher education. 5. Findings from the present study seem to suggest, at certain points, that teachers need to acquire much more facility in language and logic. Current research on teaching appears to indicate that productive teacher behavior in the logical opera- tions "requires the facility of language and knowledge of facts, concepts and prinicples which comprise an area of instruction and the rules and abilities to handle the logical operations". 8 ybid, p. 8 8 Herbort F. LaCrons, A Proposal for the Revision of the Pre-Service Profes- sional Component of a Program of Teacher Education, (Washington, D. C: The American Association of College for Teacher Education, 1964), p. 22. 139 Research of certain individuals, as B. Othanel Smith, is being included in new content for professional education which attempts to relate language and knowledge with rules and abilities. The writer suggests the need for experimental research with new content as the AACTE proposals 9 or studies in- dependently conceived which stress linguistics and logic to be carried on by those involved in teacher education programs. 6. Participants in this study, particularly in-service teachers, re- vealed glaring weaknesses in their understanding of "critical thinking" and "problem-solving 1 ' either through irrelevant nar- ratives or omissions of responses to these items. There is dis- agreement among educational writers concerning whether critical thinking can better be taught directly or indirectly. However, the goal of helping pupils to develop ability to do critical thinking remains a constant in educational literature. Persons engaged in teacher education might do well to involve themselves in experiments to help them determine excellent approaches to the development of problem-solving and /or critical thinking skills among prospective and in-service teach- ers. 7. Values are the large forces which give direction to lives, both personal and professional. They are sometimes called the catalysts which change knowledge and skill into responsible behavior. Expressed American educational values are said to be those representative of a specific class group of Americans. The writer ventures to suggest that a value-study might be at- tempted with the population participating in this investigation. Meyers and Torrance 10 in a study on creativity concluded that teachers can encourage creative thinking only if their values support creativeness. It appears that research into the values of the respondents to this investigation (or a similar group) might yield a large number of the insights needed to assist teachers in their struggle to give meaning to teaching. 9 Ibid. 10 R. E. Meyers and E. Paul Torrance, "Can Teachers Encourage Creative Thinking?" Educational Leadership, XIX (December. 1961) pp. 156-59. 140 An Analysis of NTE Scores and Quality Point Averages of Selected SSC Graduates from 1961 through 1966 by Martha W. Wilson The National Teacher Examinations are required at Savannah State College as senior comprehensive examinations for students ma- joring in the Division of Education. Each senior is required to take both the Teaching Area Examination in his major area of concentra- tion and the Common Examinations. The Common Examinations are included in this requirement on the assumption that every prospec- tive teacher should be able to demonstrate reasonable competence with respect to professional knowledge, general culture, English us- age, and mathematics skills. Their value as a comprehensive is en- hanced by the fact that scores on the various parts of the Common Examinations are scaled so that comparisons may be made among them for a given student or among groups in a given institution from year to year. The Teaching Area Examinations cover subject matter areas such as areas of major concentration. For the most part, these tests are devoted to problems of teaching the subject matter, but concern is also shown for subject matter competence. The National Teacher Examinations do not purport to assess anything other than knowledge assimilated and few experts deny that they achieve this objective. In general, it may be said that, in these tests, understandings are emphasized rather than rote recall of information. While, knowl- edge of subject matter is not sufficient to assure teacher competence, certainly it is necessary to the attainment of true competence. To this extent, then, performance on this test becomes an important con- sideraion for college seniors in the field of Education. In addition, many geographical areas have established minimum scores on NTE as prerequisites for teacher employment. This study was made to determine (1) whether there does exist any significant relationships between NTE scores of SSC graduates and their academic achievement as measured by quality point aver- ages in the subject matter areas with which the tests are concerned and (2) whether there are significant differences among groups of students classified according to area of major concentration with re- spect to NTE scores and quality point averages. Included in the sample studied were SSC graduates from 1961 to 1966 for whom all desired items of data were available. Since their part scores on the Common Examinations were not available, graduates of the year 1963 and 1965 were excluded. Music education majors were omitted in classifying students according to area of con- centation since there were too few for consideration. NTE data utilized for each student included these scaled part scores on the Common Examinations: professional information, mathematics 141 and science, and English; the composite scaled score on the Common Examinations; and the scaled score on the Teaching Area Examina- tion. Cumulative quality point averages were computed for each student on the basis of grades earned in college courses in each of the following subject matter areas: education, mathematics and sci- ence, English and the student's major area. These were considered in addition to the over all cumulative quality point average at gradua- tion. Intercorrelations between NTE scores and the related quality point averages were computed. All mathematical computations for this study were made on the IBM 1620 Computer at Savannah State College. The composite scores on the Common Examinations have a possible range from 300 to 900. The part scores and scores on the Teaching Area Examinations may range from 30 to 90 and the quality point averages range from (F) to 4.0 (A). TABLE 1. STATISTICS NTE SCORES OF 1961-62-64-66 SSC GRADUATES N = 272 Prof. Math & Composite Teaching Info. Science English NTE Area Mean 45.0 44 43 436 47 S. D. 4.7 7.1 8.1 57 6.4 TABLE 2. STATISTICS ON QUALITY POINT AVERAGES OF 1961-62-64-66 SSC GRADUATES N = 272 Education Av. Math & Science Eng. Comp. Cum. QPA Major Av. Mean S. D. 2.8 .48 2.4 .59 2.2 .54 2.5 .38 2.7 .43 TABLE 3. INTERCORRELATIONS BETWEEN NTE SCORES AND QUALITY POINT AVERAGES OF 1961-62-64-66 SSC GRADUATES N = 272 Education Math & Eng. Cum Major Average Science Comp. Av. QPA Average Prof. ^ ^ Info. ^ .46 .51 .23 .58 .36 Math & ^ ^ Science .25 ^.36 .14 .40 .33 English *" s " Score .45 .50 ^.32 .61 .37 Composite ^ Score .50 .57 .27 -.66 .46 Teaching ~ Area .28 .27 .05 .30 ^.34 142 One might expect that quality point averages in the respective academic areas would have a high positive correlation with scores on the related sections of the Common Examinations. Table 3 shows the results of these computations. The correlation coefficients (r) located on the diagonal represent the strength of the relationships between academic achievement in given areas and scores on the related tests. The correlation between the 4 year cumulative quality point average and the composite score on the Common Examinations was found to be .66 with a standard error of .06. This "r" is highly signficant statistically as well as from a practical point of view. How- ever, the other values of "r" on the diagonal of Table 3, although in- dicating definite positive relationships between the variables, are too low for the purpose of prediction. The total group was then classified according to major areas of concentration and the following measurements on each student were considered: composite NTE score, cumulative quality point average, and score on the Teaching Area Examination. Table 4, Table 5, and Table 6 show the means and standard deviations computed for each major area. TABLE 4. STATISTICS ON NTE COMPOSITE SCORES BY MAJOR AREAS Phys. El. Ed. Ed. Ind. Ed. Bus. Ed. Gen. Soc. Sci. Sci. Math English Total N Mean S. D. 25 90 410 418 59 44 20 419 47 19 431 60 18 32 32 32 268 445 449 476 480 438 45 59 55 60 57 TABLE 5. STATISTICS ON QPA BY MAJOR AREAS Phys. El. Ed. Ed. Ind. Ed. Bus. Ed. Gen. Soc. Eng- Sci. Math lish Total N Mean S. D. 25 90 2.44 2.45 .25 .28 20 2.36 .26 19 2.61 .55 18 32 32 32 268 2.49 2.57 2.80 2.79 2.56 .40 .38 .48 .45 .40 TABLE 6. STATISTICS ON TEACHING AREA SCORE BY MAJOR AREAS Phys. El. Ind. Bus. Gen. Soc. Ed. Ed. Ed. Ed. Sci. Sci. Math English Total N 25 90 20 19 48 32 32 32 268 Mean 49 48 48 48 44 46 45 46 47 S.D. 5.6 5.4 5.1 6.3 4.8 5.3 5.5 6.0 5.7 The data in Table 4 and Table 5 seem to indicate that there may be among these major groups differences that are significant. On the 143 basis of their mean NTE scores, elementary education, physical edu- cation and industrial arts education seemed to be similar enough to be grouped together (PIE). Similarly, general science, social sci- ence and business education were combined (GSB) and in the same way, mathematics and English majors (ME). Table VII shows the means and standard deviations calculated for the three combined groups PIE, GSB, and ME. TABLE 7. STATISTICS ON NTE, QPA, AND TEACHING AREA SCORES PIE = Phys Ed + Ind Ed + El Ed GSB = Gen Sci + Soc Sci + Bus Ed ME = Math + English Mean PIE S.D. GSB Mean S.D. ME Mean S.D. N 135 69 64 NTE 417 46 443 56 479 57 OPA 2.48 .28 2.56 .44 2.81 .46 Teach. 48 5.4 46 5.6 46 5.7 Area In order to determine whether the mean composite scores on NTE, mean quality point averages or mean scores on Teaching Area Ex- aminations differ significantly among these three combined groups, the technique of analysis of variance was employed. The author tested the hypothesis that there were no significant differences among these means. Table 8 shows the analysis of variance of the three combined groups of majors with respect to NTE composite scores. TABLE 8. ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF THE THREE COMBINED MAJOR GROUPS WITH RESPECT TO NTE COMPOSITE SCORES Degrees of Source of Variation Freedom Sum of Squares Mean Square Among Means of Groups 2 170,944 85,472 Within Groups 265 691,173 2,608 85,472 = 32g p < Q5 2,608 The F ratio has the value 32.8 which corresponds to a probability of less than .05. Therefore, we may reject the null hypothesis at the 5 % level of significance and state that the variation among the mean NTE composite scores of these three groups is significant. TABLE 9. ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF THE THREE COMBINED MAJOR GROUPS WITH RESPECT TO QUALITY POINT AVERAGES Source of Variation Degrees of Freedom Sum of Squares Mean Squares Among Means of Groups Within Groups 2 265 6.52 3.26 36.95 .14 3.26 = 23.3 F = -14 P < .05 144 Table IX shows the analysis of variation among the mean quality point averages of the three combined major groups. The F ratio has the value 23.3 which corresponds to a probability of less than .05. Again, we may reject the null hypothesis at the 5% level and state that there appear to be some significant differences existing among these mean quality point averages. TABLE 10. ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF THE THREE COMBINED MAJOR GROUPS WITH RESPECT TO SCORES ON TEACHING AREA EXAMINATIONS Degrees of Source of Variation Freedom Sum of Squares Mean Squares 155.5 31 Among Means of Groups Within Groups 2 311 265 8210 155.5 = 5.0 F= -31" P is > .05 Table 10 shows the analysis of variation among the means of the scaled scores made on the Teaching Area Examinations by the three combined major groups. The F ratio of 5.0 is inconclusive since its corresponding probability of chance occurrence is greater than .05. Since the three combined groups are mutually independent, the decision was made to test the significance of the differences between the means of the respective groups for NTE composite scores, quality point averages, and scaled scores on Teaching Area Examinations. When the critical ratio of the difference between successive means to its standard error was computed, in every case except one the value of "t" ranged from 2.2 to 3.3 with corresponding probabilities of chance occurrence from .03 to .002. The difference which was not statistically significant was that between mean scores of GSB and ME on the Teaching Area Examinations. The results of this analysis seem to indicate that there is little correspondence between quality point averages achieved by students in certain subject matter areas and scores attained on related sections of the National Teacher Examinations. However, the cumulative quality point average at graduation has a high positive correlation with the composite score made by the student on the Common Ex- aminations. It seems also that there are significant differences among students in the several areas of major concentration with respect to mean composite scores on NTE, mean quality point averages, and mean scores on Teaching Area Examinations. It is interesting to note that the combined groups having the lowest mean composite NTE scores and lowest mean quality point averages had the signifi- cantly higher mean scores on the Teaching Area Examinations. Implications The results of this study are by no means conclusive; however, the need for further investigation seems to be definitely indicated in order that questions such the following may be answered. 145 1. Is the lack of correlation between quality point averages in subject matter areas and scores on related sections of NTE due to the notorious unreliability of teachers' grades or do the goals of the classroom differ from those tested in NTE? 2. Are there factors operating at Savannah State College which cause the student body to be stratified with respect to these measures considered here and perhaps others? 3. Is it significant that each of the major groups having the highest mean score on the Teaching Area Examinations also includes wihtin its curriculum at least one course in special methods of teaching area subject matter? 146 The Man Behind "Trees" by James A. Eaton If Joyce Kilmer is remembered today, the frame of reference is not in the context of a man who once was a minor star in American social thought; his immortality seemingly rests upon a military post, now turned Job Corps Center, near New Brunswick, in New Jersey. It is not difficult to understand why Kilmer is so little remembered. If one reads the Memoirs included with The Complete Works of Joyce Kilmer, Volumes I and II, and intended to be a biography of Kilmer, one finds very little beyond sentimental dribble from a loyal friend who seeks to immortalize his friendship via the printed page. Furthermore, literary critics seem to ignore Kilmer, nor are his works included in such volumes as The Oxford Book of American Essays. In spite of these attempts to bury Kilmer as a writer and as a person, it is still a fact that as one procedes to glean some ideas from the writings and speeches of Joyce Kilmer, one finds something upon which to reflect in the life of this man who was tremendously popular among some groups in America for a brief hour before he kept his "rendezvous with death" on a battleship during World War I. The plaque of commemoration at Camp Kilmer, New Jersey, states that Sergeant Alfred Joyce Kilmer was born 6 December 1886 in New Brunswick, New Jersey, and was killed in action near Ourcg, France, 30 July 1918. It further states that this army camp is dedi- cated to his memory in respect for his contributions to American freedom and his heroic death in the call of duty. Perhaps that is a good point of departure, for in many ways, Kilmer's importance, rests upon his being "an American" at a time when being an American probably meant something a little nicer than it now does. "If there is one word which more than any other should be linked with the name of this gallant figure now claimed (and rightly) by so many elements of the nation, that word certainly is 'American'. A character and a career so racy, typical of all that everybody likes to believe that at our best we are, can hardly be matched, I think, outside of stories." In this manner Robert Cortes Holliday characterizes Joyce Kilmer. 1 Perhaps the justification for trying to revive interest in Joyce Kilmer as a representative of American social thought is to be found some- where in the above two paragraphs. There is a distinct disadvantage in not having available copies of many of the lectures Kilmer gave before groups prior to his becoming a Roman Catholic in 1913. Most likely these lectures, given before literary groups, for the most part, could supply some evidence of how he felt about some of the social issues of his time. Unfortunately, in those early days of his career, he was not prone to pay much attention to the preparation of his 1 "Memoirs" Joyce Kilmer's Complete Works, Vol. One, p. 17. 147 lectures. Holliday gives an interesting sidelight on this aspect of Kilmer's character: On frequent occasions, at any rate in his early talks, he neglected altogether to prepare any outline before hand, and even sometimes to choose a subject. Every now and then, I have known him repeatedly to say to his companion at din- ner, without, however, any trace of nervousness: "Now, look here: Put your mind on this. Stop all that gossip. Tell me, what I'm to talk about. I have to begin" (looking at his watch) "in twenty-five minutes." 2 In spite of not having much written evidence available to substanti- ate the facts, it seems certain that for the first few years after his graduation from Columbia University in 1908, Kilmer was a "burn- ing young radical". In those days, being a radical meant putting' one's political faith in socialism. As a young socialist, Kilmer sub- scribed for and wrote articles for the Daily Worker. He has been described as being at "the height of his offervescence" while deliver- ing addresses at meetings of the proletariat. As a socialist, it is assumed that he believed in government control of the railways, women's suffrage, labor unions, and all of the other things for which the party of Eugene Debs stood at that time. As a result he seemed to have been joyously conscious of his "radicalism" and cultivated friends and jargon from his movement which afforded him immense delight, and which caused his old friends to agree that he was merely enamoured of an intellectual idea, not the socialist movement. Perhaps it is just as well that there are no political statements included here as being pronouncements of the Socialist Kilmer. For Kilmer was not long a socialist; before too many moons had passed, Joyce Kilmer was transferred from a political speaker to a "man of letters." He passed from the proletariat to the literati quietly. From thence forth until the entrance of the United States into World War I, Kilmer could be safely called a neutral in the political sense. If Kilmer's influence was not political, then what was it? Perhaps the first lasting important effect of Kilmer on his age was his biased affinity for the "Irish Cause." The second was his position as a Catholic writer and speaker. Whether or not Kilmer was a cultural pluralist is a debatable ques- tion. However, it is positively true that Kilmer identified himself with the Irish and considered the Irish people and Irish culture as something apart which should remain apart to prevent its being spoiled by outside contamination. Perhaps Kilmer's interest in Ireland her literature, her lore, her traditions, and her people was due in part to his ease of identifying himself with the "under dog." The immigration laws were being drawn tighter to keep more and more Catholic Irish out of the Hbid., p. 40. 148 country. Ireland itself was experiencing sorrow and bloodshed in its old struggle to win political independence from England. This psychological indentification rather than the doubtful "one-fourth Irish" he claimed, probably accounted for his feelings of superiority of the Irish and Ireland. The Irish, themselves, felt that the fact that they were Irish accounted for Kilmer's interest in them and whatever they wrote. He liked all manners of Irish fairies, Lady Gregory, and most especially, the poor Irish people who went to the Catholic Church. But his special favorites were Irish fighting men. And yet to call Kilmer a cultural pluralist is not exactly true. The significance of his affection for the Irish is to be found in his own poetical nature. Speaking of this, Christopher Morley has this to say about Kilmer: In him, as in many idealists, the Irish theme had become legendary; it was part of his religion and his dream-life, and cropping out many times in his verses. The Irish Problem as it is reflected in this country is not always clearly understood. Ireland, in the minds of our poets, is a mystical land of green hills, saints, and leprechauns, and its political problems are easy. 3 A more definite position which had a more widespread effect was Kilmer's position on religion. Until six years prior to his death, Kilmer had been an Anglican. As a result of the sickness and death of a daughter, Kilmer decided he should become Catholic. From then on, in his time and place, he was poet laureate of the Catholic Church. "In all matters of religion, art, economics and politics, as well as in all matters of faith and morals, his point of view was obviously and unhesitatingly Catholic." 4 This point of view he stressed not only in his poetry but in his lectures. His lectures took him all over the country and through them he developed into a quickening influence in the Catholic world. To audiences at educational insitiutions and at clubs and societies, he carried his point of view to "seekers after that real but elusive thing called beauty, a thing which they found in their submission to her who is the mother of all learning, all culture, and all the arts, the Catholic Church." 5 But not only was the Catholic Church these things to Kilmer, but it was the ideal of democracy. In his essay, "The Poetry of Hilaire Belloc," he says: "And therein is Hilaire Belloc most thoroughly and consistently a democrat. For in this twentieth century it happens that there is on earth only one genuine democratic institution. And that institution is the Catholic Church." That Kilmer carried his love for the Catholic Church to the point of making it a near-vocation becomes clear from a few lines taken from a letter he wrote to Father James Daly, June 15, 1915. Speaking ^Modern Essays Selected by Christopher Morley, p. 67. 4 Holliday, op. Cit., p. 54. 5 Ibid., p. 56. 149 of his coming lecture tour, he said, "I have delight chiefly in talking veiled Catholicism to non-Catholics, in humbly endeavoring to be an Apostle to Bohemia. I have no real message to Catholics; I have Catholicism's message to modern pagans. So I want to lecture chiefly to Pagans." It seems highly doubtful that Kilmer is noteworthy simply because he took a fling at socialism (fortunately before the day of loyalty witch hunts, and also fortunately, he died before having to account for his youthful interest in socialism before a Congressional Inquis- tion). It can be doubted also that Kilmer's love for the Irish or the Catholic Church (psychologically one love) was such as to bring him fame, except as any well-known man can bring honor to the things he loves by extolling their virtues in public. It is to be con- ceded, however, that being a spokesman for the Irish and for the Catholic Church at a period in this country's history when both the Irish and the Catholic Church were looked upon as foreign and un- welcome, might have been an important role for him to play. But Joyce Kilmer probably left his greatest mark on American social thinking by epitomizing the "holy warrior," the bright-faced American soldier who went forth singing, if not "Onward, Christian Soldiers" (that was Protestant), at least a hymn in recognition that. Poems are made by fools like me, But only God can make a tree. Americans were engaged in a foreign war. It was a terrible, bloody, costly thing which caused many to pause and reflect not just upon its causes and consequences but upon its deeper implications in re- gard to the things America had always thought she held dear political freedom, personal integrity, religious convictions about the sacredness of human life, and other ideas like these. The incongruity of it all needed more than Liberty Bonds and more than political slogans to give meaning to this inner yearning for a sort of "spiritual rationale" for the mass murder of the world's young manhood and the utter destruction of much which to the Americans had symbolized culture, even though it was European culture. Joyce Kilmer supplied this basic need for a rationale by send- ing back from the battle fields of France lines of poetry which spoke words Americans of all sorts wanted so desperately to hear and to be- lieve. What could have done a better job of answering questions and solving consciences than did this poem, "The Peacemaker?" Upon his will he binds a radiant chain, For Freedom's sake he is no longer free. It is his task, the slave of Liberty, With his own blood to wipe away a stain. That pain may cease, he yields his flesh to pain. To banish war, he must a warrior be. He dwells in Night, eternal Dawn to see, And gladly dies, abundant life to gain. What matters Death, if Freedom be not dead? No flags are fair, if Freedom's flag be furled. 150 Who fights for Freedom, goes with joyful tread To meet the fires of Hell against him hurled, And has for captain Him whose thorn-reathed head Smiles from the Cross upon an unconquered world. It is through giving the war a "holy cause" and by paying his own life as part of that cause that Kilmer finds justification as a social influence in America during a period when he was uniquely adapted to be a spokesman not just for the underdog, but for a nation which sought to justify its religious and moral beliefs while participating in World War I. Joyce Kilmer sanctified the fight for freedom. Is Freedom only a Will-o'-the-wisp To cheat a poet's eye? Be it phantom or fact, it's a noble cause In which to sing and die! ("Apology") 151 BIBLIOGRAPHY Boas, Ralph Philip, and Katherine Burton. Social Backgrounds of American Literature. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1933. Holliday, Robert Cortes. Joyce Kilmer's Complete Works. Volumes One and Two. Garden City: Doubleday, Doran and Company, Inc., 1935. Markham, Edwin. Editor. The Book of American Poetry. New York: William H. Wise and Company, 1936. Morley, Christopher, Editor. Modern Essays Selected by Christopher Morley. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1927. 152 Watts: A Tragedy of Errors* by E. J. Josey Today marks the end of Negro History Week. Since our last cele- bration of Negro History Week in 1965, the most devastating and destructive race riot ever to strike America transpired last August. Much has been said and written about this catastrophe. I submit that a great deal more will be said and written about this riot, before the end of this decade. Since Watts will be a significant chapter in the history of the Negro, it may very well be fitting that we close the 1966 celebration of Negro History Week by re-examining Watts. Let us consider the subject: "Watts: A Tragedy of Errors." Watts is a section of Los Angeles. It was once known as Midtown. It is a black ghetto for most of the Los Angeles' 420,000 Negroes. Essentially, it is the Harlem of Los Angeles. All persons of color like ourselves, who do not live in Califorina were dismayed and disheartened, when we first learned of the Watts' riot. But after sober reflection and study, we reached the conclusion that our nation is guilty of serious errors of judgment. The first tragic error is the fact that President Johnson in his historic Howard University Commencement address last June forewarned the nation about the plight of the Negro's existence in this county. President Johnson said, "In far too many ways American Negroes have been another nation, deprived of freedom, crippled by hatred, the doors of opportunity closed to hope." Continuing, he said "free- dom is the right to share, share fully and equally in American society, to vote, to hold a job, to enter a public place, to go to school. It is the right to be treated in every part of our national life as a person equal in dignity and promise to all others. "But freedom is not enough. You do not wipe away the scars of centuries by saying now you're free to go where you want and do as you desire and choose the leaders you please. You do not take a person who for years has been hobbled by chains and liberate bring him up to the starting line of a race and then say, you're free to compete with all the others, and still justly believe that you have been completely fair." Thus it is not enough just to open the gates of opportunity. "All of our citizens must have the ability to walk through those gates and this is the next and the more profound stage of the battle for civil rights." In spite of the wisdom of the President in assessing the plight of the Negro, most Americans, including those in Los Angeles, went about their business as-usual-way and closed their eyes to Negroes. * Address delivered at Vespers Savannah State College, February 20, 1966. 153 They shrugged their shoulders and said those Negroes have won the passage of the Civil Rights Bill, the Economic Opportunity Act, and the Voting Rights Bill. What more do they want? But is the words of Lyndon Johnson, "Thus it is not enough just to open the gates of opportunity. All of our citizens must have the ability to walk through those gates." The second tragic error committed by the well meaning liberal white citizens of Los Angeles was their failure to view the Negro community as being cut off from the mainstream of American life or to borrow the president's label, view the Negro community as "another nation." Not really knowing the Negro community or the "another nation," they did not know how the Negro felt. Oh yes, the Negro in great northern centers, including Watts, had been reminded that he had made terrific progress in the past twelve years, beginning with the Supreme Court Decision of 1954, the Civil Rights Bills in 1957, 1960, 1964, the Voting Rights Bill of 1965, but in spite of these historic pieces of legislation, the Negro did not observe any real substantive changes in his day-to-day life. He continued to live in decayed ghetto housing. He realized that he did not have a real stake in the economic life of the nation, i.e., he does not own any of the means of production; he does not participate in the distribution and sale of goods that he must purchase in order to live. As he looked around in his community, he is made aware of the fact that his children are being educated in inferior schools, and he is still denied certain jobs, not withstanding that Title VII is now operative in the 1964 Civil Rights Bill. As he examined his community, he dis- covered that 90% of the Negroes in Los Angeles were hurdled to- gether in Watts, a congrested area that holds most of the black Americans in Los Angeles in a square of 25 blocks. The third tragic error may be seen in the police brutality that had been practiced in Watts. Negro citizens were tired of the beastly acts they had to suffer at the hands of the white policemen. Dr. Kenneth B. Clark points out that "to say as Police Chief William Parker did of the Los Angeles Negroes, 'we are on top and they are on the bottom,' is to prove to Negroes that their deep fears and hatred of established law and order are justified." No wonder the California Advisory Committee to the United States Commission on Civil Rights accused the Mayor of Los Angeles, Samuel W. Yorty and Chief of Police, William H. Parker of "gross negligence" of their duties in advance of the riot last August. The New York Times of January 23, 1966 reports that "for years, police officials and particularly Chief Parker, have turned a deaf ear to the complaints of Negro citizens of Los Angeles . . . Chief Parker has constantly refused to meet with Negro leaders, has challenged their right to represent their community and has disparaged the Civil Rights movement. 1 Thus, you can clearly see that the Los Angeles police department and its chief of police were insensitive to the feelings of Negroes, and their attitudes were those of racists. 1 Kenneth B. Clark, "The Wonder is There Have Been So Few Riots," New York Times Magazine, September 5, 1965, p. 10. 154 One account of police brutality is as follows: "a 22 year old Watts man told a reporter that 'police brutality is like when they arrest you where it cannot be seen and whip on you. Then they grab you when you walk down the street. They pull over and beat on you. That aint right. It don't happen to white people." 2 Hence, it is clearly evident that the police use excessive force, are abusive, and are inhumane in their treatment of the Negro in Watts. It is easy to comprehend why the arrest of the young Negro man and the striking of his mother set off the violence which lasted for six days with 34 people being killed, 1,032 injured, 3,438 jailed, and $40 million worth of property lost by burning and wrecking. In the words of one commentator, "Nor have the residents of Watts for- gotten that 27 of the dead were Negroes, almost all of the wounded were Negroes even though the war between the 'disestablished' and the 'establishment' was seen by millions of people around the world as a nightmare of Negroes burning and stealing property as they killed innocent white citizens." Yes, I deplore the violence which rocked Los Angeles, but I join Senator Robert Kennedy in his observations, after the riot, as reported by Dr. Clark. "There is no point in telling Negroes to observe the law ... It has almost always been used against [them] . . . All these places Halem, Watts, Southside are riots waiting to happen." 3 While I deplore the riots and feel that there are suitable alternatives, I must hasten to add that oppressed people who have been humiliated, maltreated, and frustrated for so long, do not look for rational alternatives. Why would these people destroy $40 million worth of property? Were they insane? I am incontestably certain that these Negroes were not insane! To answer this question I turn once more to Kenneth, Clark who says that "the inmates of the ghetto have no realistic stake in respecting property, because in a basic sense they do not possess it. They are possessed by it. Property is, rather, and instrument for perpetuation of their own exploitation. Stores in the ghetto which they rarely own overcharge for inferior goods. They may obtain the symbols of America's vaunted high standard of living radios, TV's, washing machines, refrigerators but usually only through usurious carrying costs, one more symbol of the pattern of material exploitation. They do not respect property because prop- erty is almost invariably used to degrade them." 4 All the available evidence shows that Dr. Clark's thesis regarding the attitude of "no realistic stake in respecting property because in a basic sense they do not possess it is irrefutable, for they destroyed the property that did not belong to them and they destroyed property that was the symbol of the oppressors. On the other hand, Edith P. Bishop, Director of Branch Libraries of the Los Angeles Public Library 2 Harry Bernstein, "Watts," Agenda, January, 1966, vol, 2 p. 10. 3 Kenneth B. Clark, op, cit, p. 10. Hbid. 155 reports in the January 15th issue of Library Journal that "when the riot leveled the buildings along the length of South Central Avenue in Los Angeles, the Vernon Branch Library was almost alone on that street to remain intact. Its survival in this devastation is an indirect tribute, perhaps, to the program of community service that started three years ago, when, ironically, the Vernon Branch was to have been closed." My friends, because this branch of the public library had instituted an antipoverty program which reached the people of the Watts community, even in their anger and fury, they identified with this library building as belonging to them and having contributed to their community rather than having stolen from their community as did the stores and businesses that they destroyed and looted during the riot. There is a startling contrast between the economic conditions of the Negro community and the economic conditions of the white com- munity. This is the fourth tragic error that is found in Watts and all over America. The New York Times of August 29 reports that "about 30 per cent of those living in the Watts district are unemployed. Many are young men born in Watts; many are unskilled persons who have migrated from the South. An estimated total of 1,000 Southern Negroes reach Watts monthly. "They quickly find that there are not enough unskilled jobs. The city has a strong Civil Service System and even the minimum standards for laborers are too high for many in Watts. "The choices then are to return home disillusioned, to settle for anything with the hope of better prospects, or to become permanent members of the Watts unemployment pool. Most stay and add to the congrestion." These people are rejected. They are not a part of the economy. Watts has a vast army of unemployed whose numbers are far greater than the proportion of jobless in the white community. These are people who are citizens of the wealthiest and the most affluent nation in the world. I have drawn for you a picture of poverty and misery. In spite of the passage of the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964, Los Angeles did not have an Anti-Poverty program functioning. This fact is the fifth tragic error. Why didn't Los Angeles have an anti-poverty program? Well, politics played an ugly role. There was a political dispute that pre- vented funds from going to Los Angeles, and in the long run, the Negro citizens who were in desperate need of help were denied assistance, and this was a contributing cause of their frustrations. My discussion so far has been about lamentable factors in terms of poverty, unemployment, undereducation, and deprivation generally existing in Watts, the predominant Negro riot area of about 50 square miles. On the other side of the coin, a Negro middle-class lives in Los Angeles. When the Negro reached middle class status in edu- cation, in employment, and in outlook, he moved out of Watts and 156 left the poor Negroes in the ghetto by themselves. Thus, we come to our sixth tragic error, i.e., middle class Negroes who escape the ghetto and, at the same time, quickly forget their black brothers who continue to live in misery and squalor. The black bourgeoise has not learned that if one black man is at the bottom of the ladder, all black men are at the bottom of the ladder. I challenge all of you who will undoubtedly finish college and join that middle-class group, to never forget your black brothers. Some students on this campus who have not even finished college yet, and already they now possess middle-class values; thus, making it impos- sible for them to even join the College Chapter of the NAACP and making it impossible for them to sign a petition in behalf of Julian Bond. Yet whites belong to the NAACP, and white students at the University of Florida stood at the Georgia-Florida border for one day in behalf of Julian Bond and carried signs which read "You are now entering the American sector." Returning from my digression, that I make no apologies for The New York Times reveals that these thousands of Negroes who lived in Watts "felt rejected and isolated, even from the humming middle- class Negro community 'on the other side of the freeway.' " A tragedy of errors occurred in Los Angeles. It is difficult to rectify tragedy, but several steps have been taken. A presidential task force from Washington quickly moved into Los Angeles. A massive pro- gram assisted by federal funds has begun. The governor's commission led by John A. McCone, former head of the Central Intelligence studied the situation and has made its report. The McCone report has been called "a bitter disappointment" by Negro Civil Rights leaders and the California Advisory Committee to the United States Commission on Civil Rights. The Advisory Committee, which is chaired by the Right Reverend James A. Pike, Episcopal Bishop of San Francisco, accepted the McCone's Commission's recommendations in education, employment and housing to prevent a recurrence of rioting. The Advisory Com- mittee's recommendation, in my opinion, goes more to the root of the problem, for they suggest the following steps to be taken: "1. Immediate assignment of a Federal official to make decisions on allocations of Federal funds. Among other things, he would establish a crash program to help the unemployed find jobs, including new jobs created with federal funds. 2. Immediate expansion of the Presidential Executive order re- lating to discriminating in housing. 3. That the new Department of Housing and Urban Development designates Los Angeles as an area for top priority attention. 4. That the U. S. Commission on Civil Rights schedule hearings in Los Angeles at the earliest possible date." 5 5 New York Times, January 23, 1966. 157 Finally, there are hundreds of potential Watts in America. The fires of protest and explosion do not have to be ignited, if com- munities all over America accept President Johnson's admonition that ". . . it is not enough just to open the gates of opportunity. All of our citizens must have the ability to walk through those gates and this is the next and the more profound stage of the battle of Civil Rights." The urgent problem today is America must muster the courage to abandon racism and avoid a future tragedy of errors. 158 Personal Characteristics In Secondary School Social Studies Student Teachers As Related To Certain Measures of Potential Teaching Behavior by Shia-ling Liu* In recent years, as attested by the large number of extensive studies, citizenship education has become a major concern. The unique responsibilities of social studies teachers and their optimum personal, social, and professional qualities have been widely discussed. Throughout this discussion, one of the most persistent speculations centers around the importance of the role that the teacher in educa- tion especially in citizenship education plays in the development of desirable character and attitudes of their pupils. Beck, Cook, and Kearney (1953) said that the teacher is the most influential person- ality in a classroom situation. Thompson (1952) asserted that the teacher's "psychological needs, attitudes, conflicts and personal- social values are transmitted into behavior patterns which become potent influences on his pupils' growth". While there is much agreement on the importance of the teacher's personality and there is even some agreement on the effect of the teacher's personality on the behavior and achievement of pupils, there is less agreement as to the specific impact of certain combina- tions of characterisics in the teacher upon pupil groups under his direction. Even less researched is the unique influence of an indivi- dual teacher upon the individual pupil. Lagey (1957) found that "teaching per se does not necessarily produce attitude change". Sy- monds (1954) found no direct relationship between teacher per- sonality or teaching techniques and the attitudes of the students at the college level. Washburne and Hell (1960), and Bush (1958), however, have found some evidence to conclude that different kinds of teachers may get varying responses from different kinds of children. Cogan's study (1956) lent support to a general proposition that the more friendly and warm the teacher is the more pupils are inclined to be successful in self-initiated and required work. If it can indeed be accepted that the teacher himself has a primary influence upon the actual nature of the learnings of pupils, parti- *This is a part of doctoral research at the North Texas State University, Denton, Texas. This author wants to express his appreciation for the co- operation of the faculty and the student body of this institution. Special thanks are due to Dr. Charles M. Clarke, Director of Teacher Education, for his advice. 159 cularly in attitude development, and if social education can be con- ceived to extend beyond verbal learnings, then it becomes important to understand what specific effect the social studies teacher's status with respect to critical dimensions of personality would have upon his teaching. As an effort in the over-all field of much needed re- search, this study was undertaken to investigate certain interrela- tionships of teacher personality and behavior in the hope of providing some useful documentaion for further exploration. The Problem The current investigation was directed at the discovery of relation- ships between certain characteristics in social studies student teachers and certain behavior patterns in their respective secondary school classrooms. Specifically, the investigation undertook to determine: (1) relationships of measures of certain personal characteristics (degree of authoritarianism, philosophy of social education, and instructional preferences) of a representative group of social studies student teachers to (a) cooperating teachers' reports of those stu- dents' classroom behavioral traits, (b) student teachers' self -reports of their classroom teaching activities, and (c) college coordinators' appraisals of pupil behavior in the student teachers' classrooms; (2) interrelationships among the several measures of personal characteristics of this representative group; and ( 3 ) interrelationships among the several measures of the teaching behavior of this representative group. Hypotheses The following hypotheses were investigated: (1). There will be signifcant relationships between certain mea- sures of the personal characteristics (authoritarianism, philosophy of social education, and instructional preferences) of social studies stu- dent teachers and their classroom behavioral traits, classroom teach- ing activities, and their pupils' classroom behavior. (2). There will be significant relationships among the authori- tarianism, philosophy of social education, and the stated preferences for instructional procedures of social studies student teachers. (3). There will be significant relationships among the student teachers' classroom behavioral traits, classroom teaching activities, and their pupils' classroom behavior. Method and Procedure The subjects included in this study consisted of 42 male and 18 female (60) secondary school social studies student teachers at North Texas State University, Denton, Texas, during the spring term of the 1962-63 academic year. This group included all prospective social studies teachers in this semester with the exception of three for whom complete returns were unattainable. 160 The instruments used in this study included ( 1 ) Webster, Sanford, and Freedman's New Instrument for Studying Authoritarianism in Personality which was chosen to measure authoritarianism in per- sonality (1955); (2) Philosophy of Social Education Inventory (1963) which was constructed for the purpose of this study to measure the student teacher's philosophy regarding the secondary school social studies program; (3) Patterson's Student Teacher's Instruc- tional Preference Scale (1959) which was chosen to measure pre- sident teaching attitudes toward classroom instructional methods; (4) Del Popolo's Observation Check Sheet for Student Teachers (1960) which was used to obtain cooperative teachers' assessments of the classroom behavioral traits of student teachers; (5) Student Teacher's Self -Check List of Classroom Teaching Activities (1963) which was developed for trie use of the student teachers to report their own classroom teaching activities; (6) Ryans' Classroom Be- havior Record (1960) which was used to record college coordinator's judgments of the pupils' behavior in the student teachers' classroom. The relationships between "authoritarianism" and the five other measures were calculated in two ways. In one procedure, students in the top third in terms of scores on the Authoritarianism Scale were defined as "authoritarians", while those with scores in the bottom third were defined as "nonauthoritarians". The mean scores made by "authoritarians" and "nonauthoritarians" on the other five instru- ments were analyzed by t tests. On the alternative procedure, Pearson r's were calculated between all possible pairs of scores by all sixty student teachers on all six measures. Tests of significance were then made all t values and Pearson r's. The results of Pearson r's and measures of their respective levels of significance are shown in the Table. TABLE Pearson Correlations Between Pairs of Instruments Philosophies Instructional Preferences Teacher Behavior Teacher Activity Pupil Behavior Authorita- -.08 (1) -.32 -.02 -.04 (2) -.25 rianism Philosophies (3) .59 .11 .19 -.08 Instructional Preferences .08 (4) .26 .08 Teacher Behavior (5) .25 (6) .38 Teacher Activity .17 N = 60 (1) & (6): Significant at .01 (2), (4), & (5): Significant at .05 (3): Significant at .001 161 Results The findings of this study were summarized as follows: Two measures of the relationship between the personal characteris- tics of secondary school social studies student teachers and their classroom teaching behavior or their pupils' reactions were found to be significant. A significant relationship was found between the stu- dent teachers' stated preferences for instructional procedures and their own reports of their classroom teaching activities (at the .02 level of confidence). The student teacher who stated that he preferred more group-oriented instructional procedures tended to plan classroom teaching activities freer from textbook or teacher domination. It was also found that authoritarianism in personality was significantly cor- related with the assessments of pupils' behavior (at the .05 level of confidence). The more "authoritarian" a student teacher was the less desirable his pupils' behavior appeared to be. No significant re- lationship was found between other measures of personal character- istics of the student teachers and their classroom teaching behavior. In the determination of relationships among the levels of au- thoriatarianism, philosophies of social education, and stated prefer- ences for instructional procedures of the secondary school social studies student teachers, significant relationships were found between authoritarianism in personality and their stated preferences for instruc- tional procedures (at the .01 level of confidence) and between the student teachers' philosophies of social education and their stated preferences for instructional procedures (at the .001 level of con- fidence). The more "authoritarian" a student teacher was the more likely he preferred lecture-oriented instructional procedures. Student teachers leaning more toward a "progressivist" viewpoint tended more to state preferences for group-oriented instructional procedures. However, no significant relationship was found between authori- tarianism in personality and philosophies of social education of the student teachers. In the determination of the relationships among the student teach- ers' classroom behavioral traits, classroom teaching activities, and their pupils' classroom behavior, it was found that cooperating teach- ers' reports of the student teachers' classroom behavioral traits were significantly correlated to both the student teachers' own description of their classroom teaching activities (at the .05 level of confidence) and their pupils' classroom behavior (at the .01 level of confidence). Thus the more desirable (appropriate, varied, and effective) a stu- dent teacher's behavioral traits were reported to have been the more he tended to report that he planned classroom teaching activities free from textbook or teacher domination, and the more desirable his pupils' classroom behavior appeared to be. However, the student teachers' self-reporting of classroom teaching activities was found not significantly related to their coordinators' evaluation of their pupils' classroom behavior. Conclusions From the results of this study the following conclusions could be made: 162 1. There was no clear-cut composite support for the conclusion that personal characteristics in student teachers are related to certain measures of teaching behavior. With two exceptions, student teachers with different personal characteristics did not differ consistently in measures of their teaching behavior. 2. In general, supervisory evaluations were fairly consistent with each other and with student teachers' responses on a more projective measure. Similarly, student teachers were fairly con- sistent in their responses on measures of their own perceptions and recollections. 3. In most cases, student teachers' responses on measures of their personal perceptions did not coincide with their responses on measures of projective nature or with supervisory judgments based on objective observations. It is possible that in the measures of personal perceptions the subjects tended to give what they believed to be approved responses or to express learned verbalizations which were inconsistent with the factors which conditioned their actual teaching behavior. 4. The fact that the less rigid, dominating, dogmatic, and/or autocratic a student teacher was, the more alert, responsible, confident, and/or self-initiating his pupils were; and the fact that the more friendly, flexible, sympathetic, and/ or under- standing a student teacher's behavioral traits were, the more positively his pupils reacted lent support to two of the basic hypotheses of this study. These two basic propositions con- firmed the findings of a number of other recent studies (Cogan, 1956; Del Popolo, 1960; Ryans, 1960), which could have important implications in teacher education. In cultivating more desirable social attitudes in the nation's youth, it would appear, therefore, to be better to select those students in social educa- tion who are found to possess less authoritarian and more democratic characteristics on valid pre-service inventories. In general, however, the findings of this study were encouraging but inconclusive. Because of the size of subject group and limitations upon the scope of the study, there are a number of questions left unanswered regarding the exact nature of the relationships between what teachers are and how they behave as teachers. A number of additional studies in this area would be highly desirable. For instance, the design and procedures of this study might profitably be duplicated on a larger number of social studies teachers and/or student teachers in order to check the actual significance of several relationships found to exist in this group at levels below the point of acceptable signifi- cance. The assumption is frequently made that social studies teachers bear an unique responsibility for the development of readiness for productive citizenship. It would be useful to discover to what extent with regard to these relationships social studies teachers differ from teachers in other academic areas. Further, a study involving employed teachers would avoid some of the limitations imposed upon the present study in that their personal characteristics and qualities of teaching behavior would be more stable than is true of student teachers. 163 REFERENCES Ardorno, T. W. and others, The Authoritarian Personality, New York, Harper and Brothers, 1950. Beck, R. H., Cook, W. W., and Kearney, W. C, Curriculum in the Modern Elementary School, New York, Prentice-Hall, Co., 1953. Bush, Robert N., "Human Relations Factor: Principles of Successful Teacher- Pupil Relationships," Phi Delta Kappan, XXXIX (March, 1958) 271-273. Cogan, Morris L., "Theory and Design of a Study of Teacher-Pupil Interaction," Harvard Education Report, XXVI (Fall, 1956) 315-342. Del Popolo, Joseph A., "Authoritarian Trends in Personality as Related to Attitudinal and Behavioral Traits of Student Teachers," Journal of Edu- cational Research, LIII (September, 1960) 252-257. Lagey, Joseph C, "Does Teaching Change Attitude?" Journal of Educational Research, L (December, 1957) 307-312. Liu, Shia-ling, "Personal Characteristics in Secondary School Social Studies Student Teachers as Related to Certain Measures of Potential Teaching Behavior," Unpublished doctoral dissertation, North Texas State Univer- sity, Denton, Texas, 1963. Patterson, Howard R., "The Relationship Between Personality Traits and Preferences for Instructional Methods," unpublished doctoral dissertation, North Texas State College, Denton, Texas, 1959. Ryans, David G., Characteristics of Teachers, Their Description, Comparison, and Appraisal, Washington, D. C, American Council on Education, 1960. Symonds, Percival M., "Teaching as a Function of the Teacher's Personality," Journal of Teacher Education, V (March, 1954) 78-84. Thompson, George E., Child Psychology, New York, Houghton Mifflin Co., 1952. Washburne, Carleton and Hell, Louis, M., "What Characteristics of Teachers Affect Children's Growth?" School Review, LXVIII (Winter, 1960) 420- 428. Webster, H., Sanford, N., and Freedman, M., "A New Instrument for Study- ing Authoritarianism in Personality," Journal of Psychology, XL (July, 1955) 78-84. 164 Some Possible Ways of Improving Instruction In Our Colleges by Robert D. Reid Introduction Enlightened colleges and universities throughout the country are grappling with the problem of how best to reach young people through instructional innovations. Such agencies as The Fund for the Ad- vancement of Education, The Association for Higher Education, and The American Association of Colleges for Teacher Education, as well as individual educators and organized college and university groups are addressing themselves to this vital matter. While no hard and fast consensus has been reached (and it would be undesirable and unfortunate if this ever happened), certain tentative conclusions have been developed in regard to possible ways and means of more effectively preparing students in a rapidly changing world. Before we comment about some of the new techniques, theories, and technology that have caused a ferment in higher education during the past decade, it would seem well to make some observation about minimum essentials that should be found in any institution that is interested in maintaining an acceptable academic climate. Faculty members should be provided reasonable academic freedom and ten- ure, adequate salaries and fringe benefits, realistic teaching loads, office space in surroundings which enable them to carry out their teaching, counseling, and research duties in an effective manner, sufficient secretarial assistance, and enough equipment and supplies so that they can fulfill their responsibilities with efficiency and dis- patch. They should participate fully in the planning and evaluation of instruction. Sufficient travel funds should be made available to enable them to attend some professional meetings. They should not be given excessive committee assignments. There should be a con- sistently followed policy in regard to leaves of absence which would make it possible for faculty members to do research or engage in further study, travel, or relaxation. New faculty members should be properly oriented. Wholesome relationships should exist among facul- ty members, between faculty and administrative officers, faculty and students, and administrative officers and students. The library staff should inform the faculty regularly regarding accessions and it should promote effective library use among the college family. There should be provisions for the systematic collection, organization, and dis- semination of background information about students in order that faculty members may know as much as possible about their back- grounds and ability levels. The admissions policies of the college should be so conceived as to offer the prospect that an acceptable climate for learning can be established. In this connection, T. R. McConnell has asserted: "The 165 character and atmosphere of the college are in large part the reflec- tion of the quality and motivation of its students." 1 A well-conceived testing program should be in operation during the four college years for diagnostic purposes and in order that the students may be com- pared with those who attend their institutions. One of the major objectives of the co-curricular program should be to undergird and strengthen curricular experiences. There should be follow-up studies of graduates to discover the degree to which the college is fulfilling its mission. Curriculums should be under constant review and scrutiny in order that administrators and faculty members may be reasonably sure that their programs are providing meaningful and up-to-date experiences for the students whom they teach. According to McGrath and Meeth, college curriculums should be so structured as to "provide both a broad base of knowledge in the major area of learning and enough specialization to accustom the student to intellectual work of a high order within a narrow branch of scholarship or to prepare him in the specialized activities of the practice of a profession." 2 While the establishment of curriculums in accordance with the above guidelines could not in itself result in effective and appropriate programs, at least a necessary first step would be taken. Some machinery should be established in our colleges for contin- uous institutional research in order that administrators and faculty members may have sound assessments of what they are attempting to do. Whether information about college and university operations is collected, organized, and disseminated by a specific officer of in- stitutional research, by committees, or by designated individuals will have to be determined by each institution. It is vitally important, however, that institutional research be carried out in an organized and sustained manner in order that it will not be necessary for per- sons who work with students to rely on hunches or conjectures. Persistent Problems and Suggested Solutions While faculty members at times justly criticize chief administrative officers for being autocratic and unimaginative, in far too many instances they are unwilling to institute needed innovations in cur- riculums and in teaching techniques. Alvin C. Eurich bluntly stated that "a very large majority of our institutions of higher learning have no commitment to change or to improve college and university teaching." 3 The Committee on Utilization of College Teaching Re- sources, which was sponsored by The Fund for the Advancement of Education, concluded: 1 Nicholas C. Brown, editor, Orientation to College Learning, American Coun- cil on Education, Washington, D. C, 1961, p. 73. 2 Samuel Baskin, editor, Higher Education: Some Newer Developments, New York, 1965, p. 34. 3 Alvin C. Eurich, "The Commitment to Experiment and Innovate in College Teaching," The Educational Record, Vol. 45, No. 1, p. 50. 166 In most colleges and universities we have acted on the as- sumption that there is not effective learning unless a profes- sor offers a course "packaged" in quarter or semester units of a given number of hours per week and the student is ex- posed to direct instruction in the required number of hours. Content must be padded out or trimmed down to fit neatly into the credit hour unit prescribed for a course and, gen- erally speaking, innovations which would disturb the com- plex scheduling of classes are discouraged. 4 In too many instances, some faculty members insist upon teaching a maximum of twenty to twenty-five students and rely exclusively upon lecturing to their students day after day. These persons use the same stale lecture notes and examinations year after year and they expect their students periodically to regurgitate the pearls of wisdom which they believe they are expounding to a receptive au- dience. They have little or no conception of how learning takes place or may be facilitated, are hostile to the idea of experimenting with different teaching methods, rely exclusively upon making assignments from a basic textbook, and make few, if any, outside reading as- signments. From the beginning to the end of the school term they are classroom autocrats whose impact on the lives of young people is limited if not completely nil. Some of these persons never make available course outlines or syllabi for student use or, if they do, never bother to revise the outlines or syllabi that they developed early in their teaching careers. When hastily constructed examinations are given at irregular intervals, the examinations may never be returned to students or they may be returned long after students could derive any benefits from reexamin- ing their handiwork. Many oppose the idea of giving students any notion of what their expectations are in terms of performance or the criteria that they use in evaluating them. Some are constant clock- watchers whose chief satisfactions come only when they receive their paychecks. For administrators to suggest that students might secure some worthwhile assistance from counselling, if only faculty members would maintain fairly regular office hours, is considered by some of these persons to be a clearcut example of administrative highhanded- ness and impertinence and a violation of their "rights" as members of the teaching profession. On the other hand, highhandedness, unfairness, and downright inefficiency on the part of some college administrative officers have made it exceedingly difficult for conscientious faculty members to carry out their instructional duties in an effective manner. All of us are familiar with instances of class schedules being released too late to allow faculty members to make proper plans for their courses. We are acquainted with the needless errors that are made in some in- stitutions in the registration of students which lead to so much chaos and confusion at the beginning of each quarter or semester. And ^Better Utilization of College Teaching Resources, A Report by the Com- mittee on Utilization of College Teaching Resources, New York, p. 12. 167 finally, we have at least heard about the delays that are experienced in certain colleges and universities in receiving books, equipment, and supplies because of administrative red tape or procrastination. Particularly since World War II, the upsurge in college enrollments, problems encountered in adequately financing higher education, Sputnik, increasing societal demands, marked changes in the science of technology, and other dramatic developments have placed greater demands on college teaching. It is more important than ever before for the college teacher to be a highly creative and resourceful director of student learning rather than a mechanical drill master or, for that matter, a brilliant lecturer. Academic deans and department heads are frequently accused of "snoopervision" when they visit classes in order to observe instruc- tional procedures. Particularly in regard to novice teachers, this may be a necessary responsibility which cannot be shirked completely by college administrators. Other less offensive approaches would in- clude various forms of assistance by senior instructors to relatively inexperienced teachers and a policy of encouraging faculty members to visit the classes of their colleagues. In addition, since it has been established that student appraisals of instruction are more reliable than some of us would like to admit, a faculty committee could prepare an appraisal form for distribution by teachers to students in their classes near the close of each quarter or semester. Students could fill out these forms and return them un- signed to their instructors who would record the responses of their charges. Since student appraisals would be examined only by the individual teacher, the possibility of administrative action if significant numbers of the evaluations are unfavorable would not exist. Two persistent barriers which make it difficult to effect badly needed instructional improvements in many of our institutions of higher learning should be singled out. One results from the prolifera- tion of courses and the attendant duplication and fragmentation of subject matter. The other is the constant tendency to increase the number of major fields which is all-too-often accompanied by the step-by-step elimination of a balanced program of liberal education. In many institutions which offer teacher education programs, profes- sional education courses may be extended at the expense of a strong liberal arts core curriculum as well as sufficient supporting courses in major and minor fields. We are all familiar with the old saw about teacher education majors who know all about how to teach but who acquire very little information to teach. I am afraid that instruction in some of our teacher education courses has been so sterile that the unfortunate students often never obtained too much useful informa- tion of any kind. Curricular imbalances frequently exist in small colleges as well as in major universities. Such imbalances can dissipate faculty energies, rob students of the opportunity to receive meaningful educational experiences and to be exposed to the broad outlines of knowledge, cause educational costs to soar, and render significant improvements in instruction an impossibility. 168 There should be required exposure of all students in the human- ities, the behavioral and social sciences, mathematics, and the natural sciences. Comprehensive examinations should be given at the end of each academic year and there should be systematic employment of standardized tests during the four college years. Since knowledge cannot be fitted into neat little compartments, students of all ability levels can profit from interdisciplinary courses, especially during the first two years. Such courses should not be of the survey variety and they should explore in depth certain problems or issues. They should be offered by highly experienced and unquestionably com- petent faculty members rather than by teaching novices. While it may be necessary for these faculty members to be retooled or at least to broaden their areas of understanding, the outcomes can be most gratifying to students and instructors. Carefully coordinated tutorial instruction should be made available to college students. The worthwhileness of employing retired and junior instructors as tutors has been demonstrated by Parsons College and a handful of other institutions. These schools have discovered that student mortality can be dramatically reduced and that classroom performances by students greatly improve when the services of faculty tutors are engaged to work with individual students or with small student groups. Institutions which cannot afford to employ full-time tutors should explore the possibility of using able upperclassmen for this purpose. Too many of our institutions require too little of their students. Faculty members frequently assume that the students are dumb any- way and they accordingly justify their minimal efforts. Sometimes we are in for pleasant surprises as we work with these young people. We should be willing to try any method or procedure that offers even the remotest possibility of improving their lot and lifting their sights. Our institutions should have academic polices which would allow any student to achieve exemption from any course if he demon- strates that he can meet the requirements without attending class. Too many of our curriculums are filled with academic trivia which can bore even the most retarded student. We should include pro- cedures for the acceleration and enrichment of able students through placement and comprehensive examinations and honors programs in order to avoid the unfortunate consequences of "lockstep" education. Honors programs should be initiated in the freshman year and con- tinued throughout the college experience. We should institute or expand field projects that enmesh with or supplement instruction, exchange programs that are mutually beneficial to our students and to those who come to our campuses from other institutions, seminars and colloquia, and planned reading experiences for students and faculty members. Since most of us would probably agree that no one really teaches another person anything, I would strongly recommend that we care- fully examine the possibility of instituting more student-centered learn- ing or independent study in all of our instruction. One of the out- comes that we should expect from four or more years of enrollment 169 at our institutions is that students will become sufficiently motivated to continue to learn as long as they live. Unfortunately, some ad- ministrators and faculty members seem to have the notion that some- how college curriculums should include all of the knowledge and skills that students will require for the rest of their lives. Independent study experiences should be included in all formal and informal instruction throughout college for students of all ability levels. While ill-conceived independent student projects can be frust- rating and wasteful in terms of institutional resources, and faculty and student time, careful planning can avoid such pitfalls and can lead to more gratifying college experiences. "Lockstep" education and academic spoonfeeding are avoided, and instructors can be freed from many of the humdrum routines and have more time for re- search and more creative work with students. Independent study can be carried on away from the college as well as on the college campus during regular terms or on an interim term basis. It can involve in- dividual students as well as groups of students. A specified number of class meetings may not be held during which students are expected to cover a prescribed amount of work. Again, students may be as- signed projects or readings outside the classroom singly or in groups which they are expected to complete. Sometimes programmed ma- terials, audio and video tapes, films, film strips, and other materials are made available for student use during out-of-class time. A number of other approaches may be used which will cause students to depend upon their own resources in the learning process. It has been indicated that there must be careful planning by faculty members if independent study is to be successful. Course outlines, syllabi, laboratory manuals, and other study guides must be developed in a precise and logical manner. Directions and directives for carrying out assignments must be clear and positive. Periodic accountability on the part of students must be established. If faculty assistants or student tutors are used, their roles must be carefully defined and their relationships with instructors who bear the major responsibility for conducting such programs must be well delineated. Much research is still necessary to ascertain how best to employ independent study opportunities in various subject matter areas. There are indications that independent study is more effective in the social sciences and humanities than in mathematics and the natural sciences, although the last word has not been spoken in this regard. It is possible that below average students will benefit as much, if not more than, superior students since the independent study approach can increase mastery and confidence on the part of students. A few institutions, however, have allowed highly superior students to complete all requirements in specific courses through independent study. It has been suggested that student-centered methods of learning "tend to produce greater gains in insight and problem-solving ca- pacities and to promote more attitudinal changes" than conventional teaching methods. Some persons believe that students can more readily apply what they have learned to new situations, and that they 170 continue to display intellectual curiosity long after they have com- pleted the requirements for an undergraduate study course. On the other hand, it is believed that instructor-centered teaching may enable students to recall more isolated facts for a period of time and "tends to produce greater gains in information and better performance on conventional tests of subject matter mastery." 5 If these conclusions are valid, instructors will have to decide at what points student- centered and instructor-centered procedures are to be employed. Mention should be made of the tremendous possibilities and op- portunities for enrichment of instruction through the appropriate and judicious use of audio-visual aids including highly sophisticated au- tomated instructional devices. According to C. R. Carpenter and L. P. Greenhill of Pennsylvania State University, "The problem is to select these media which, when used singly or in combination with other teaching and learning procedures, will stimulate in students the desired kinds of learning responses. 6 Audio-visual aids have been employed by some institutions mainly because of the current teacher shortage or to effect budgetary savings. Important as these objectives may be, the chief reason for their use should be that they can offer opportunities for the enrichment of in- struction which may not be afforded through continuous use of conventional teaching methods. It is likewise well to remember that the flippant or thoughtless use of any or all of these media can lead to boredom, loss of time, disappointments, and frustrations among teachers and students, as well as to needless expense. Usually faculty members must be given some training in the use of the new teaching devices and students must be acquainted with the different study techniques and procedures that are required. Faculty seminars or institutes followed by intensive planning on di- visional or departmental basis represent one approach in giving faculty members an understanding and appreciation of the new media. Demonstrations and suggested readings may usefully be em- ployed. Hopefully, some of the resistance to change on the part of faculty members and administrators will in time be overcome. While no significant differences in student learning have taken place when some teachers have employed audio-visual aids, the re- sults have been different in other situations. Audio-tape recorders containing lecture tapes which have been prepared by faculty mem- bers were found to be useful in speech, literature, psychology, and other courses, in the teaching of scientific terms, and in conducting laboratory experiments. Such recorders have been synchronized with slide projectors and test-scoring machines in the teaching of biology courses. They have also been used by teachers in evaluating their own instructional efforts. Video-tape recorders and television have been used with profit in language and science instruction. Instruc- tional films have been successfully employed in portraying the be- 5 Higher Education: Some Newer Developments, pp. 64-65; "Better Utilization of College Teaching Resources," p. 18. ^Higher Education: Some Newer Developments, p. 130. 171 havior of peoples and the lives of outstanding personalities, in de- picting and analyzing historic events, and in replacing or supplement- ing laboratory work in the sciences. Programmed instructional materials have been developed for stu- dents who perform at various levels, and they enable students to have immediate knowledge of the extent to which they have mastered in- formation. Use of linear and branching programs makes it possible to provide for students of different learning rates. Concept films and short programs are effective in teaching complex concepts. Particular- ly in the teaching of mathematics and statistics, programmed learning has been a valuable addition to the arsenal of teaching techniques. Even though additional research is required to determine the most beneficial formats, sequencing, and drill techniques, as well as the type of equipment that should be purchased, language laboratories can be adapted for use in other courses. Closed and open circuit television, as well as the somewhat neg- lected radio, can play important roles in the learning process. In- struction via television may be too costly, however, in small or medium-sized colleges. Telelectures, film strips, overhead projectors, transparencies, and our old standbys the blackboard and the chart can enliven learning and increase understanding. Practically, all of these media can be employed in providing opportunities for review and repetition on the part of students and in enabling faculty mem- bers to vary their teaching procedures. While their widespread use will occasion problems of space and scheduling and will necessitate different approaches in designing classrooms, dormitories, and li- braries, these are not insurmountable obstacles. Some initial faculty opposition and student skepticism should be anticipated. In an age which is discovering increased use of computers, col- leges which can afford to do so will develop many opportunities for employing these mechanical marvels in speedily ascertaining student learning and in recording, classifying, and disseminating all kinds of useful information. The possible uses of relatively simple and complex computers in instruction and in research have not all been determined, but from what we already know about their value and merit it is apparent that they can aid us immensely in our instructional programs. Conclusion It is highly unlikely that instructional improvements will auto- matically result from the acquisition of computers, the widespread use of audio and visual aids, curriculum tinkering, or the introduction of instructional innovations. Good support must be established be- tween the teacher and the student and the latter must be motivated to study and learn. Russell M. Cooper, Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences at the University of South Florida, was correct when he asserted that "improvement can come only as those persons im- mediately responsible for college teaching are moved to reassure and reorganize the quality of their effort." 7 7 Higher Education: Some Newer Developments, p. 220. 172 Even though we frequently bemoan the fact that many of our stu- dents are not ready to perform acceptably in our classes and in truth some cannot despite our best efforts we should make certain that any failures and shortcomings on their part are not due to a lack of perseverance and imagination on our part. In our labors with our students, we should be both demanding and considerate. Somehow we must develop high but realistic standards and quality programs in all of our nation's colleges. 173 Needed: A Program To Save Freshmen ! by James A. Eaton In the young, dreams that must die should die with gradual ease, not with abruptness. But it is usually with a traumatic jolt that the dream of what college life is going to be, dies for the freshman com- ing into many of our colleges. Somewhere in the space of a few short days, the dream about college life as something truly great is smashed to bits by archaic systems of doing things in the usual confused man- ner that characterizes many college activities. It is at this point, when the freshman first confronts the operations of the college, that the greatest possible impressions of a positive nature should be made. To the contrary, often it is here that the college begins a long series of planned activities that turn the freshman from an idealist who might become a being worthy of the name "college student" into a cynic who has no loyalty to his alma mater and no real desire to be a scholar just to be a student who by hook or crook must "beat the system" or fall by the wayside. This is not the way it ought to be. What is the cause of the great breach between the "is" and the "ought"? During the first ten days of a student's stay on the campus, there are many factors which make notable contributions to this breach. Many of them are overlooked because they have become part of the hallowed "way we do things", and this endowed with a sacredness that cannot be touched by change. A good example of what does happen is to be found in the plight of an actual group of freshmen who were discussing with me their experiences during their first week on campus. With tones of voice still colored by the emotions produced by the events they were dis- cussing ,the group talked about that "terrible long day of test after test" (referring to freshmen placement tests; the results of only two or three of the battery administered would have any practical use to the college): the manner in which "we were herded from place to place in such an impersonal manner"; the matter-of-fact way in which the rules and regulations affecting their lives were spelled out to them, each additional rule robbing them of the precious freedom they had hoped that college would bring. Then there were the usual stories, perhaps slightly exaggerated, of how freshmen in the men's dormitories were subjected to various stunts of "initiation" by re- turning upperclassmen. Finally, there were the admissions of feeling homesick and lonely and disappointed. These were their first impres- sions of their alma mater less than two weeks after they had come to college. Actually, this was only the beginning of a series of things that can happen to a freshman student helping to create negative im- pressions against a college and reducing his effectiveness as a student and as a person. Some of these factors, perhaps most of them, hap- pen to exist not so much by design as out of a custom a custom 174 which predates (at least in concept) both functional educational theories and generally accepted student personnel practices. Many of the faults with the present "system" begin with the be- ginning: admissions. Admission practices vary with the colleges, but there are many instances when a student has been admitted with little or no respect for the student's welfare. Should a college admit a student if there is sufficient amount of relatively objective data available to indicate that the student is not "college material"? Should a student be admitted to a college which does not offer his choice of major but tells him that he might substitute something else? (Or better still, should a student be required to state a major preference before completing at least a year of general college work?) What, in addition to a high school diploma, is taken into consideration when the student's application is being studied? Once he is on the campus, the student is then assigned to a dormi- tory room (providing he is able to get a room on campus, of course). Often, there is little or no thought given to the assignement of room- mates. "Students are assigned to rooms in order of the receipt of their reservation fees." So state many college catalogs. And that is often just about all that determines the matter. Attempts at compatible room assignments requires work on somebody's part, and so the work is often left undone. Registration days are usually well-remembered by freshmen. Long lines, confusion, closed classes (after having been told by the adviser that it was necessary to take these classes), jostling with staff mem- bers of the business office who could forget freshman registration day? And who can forget the tired, vacant look in a freshman's face after the ordeal is finished? If the lot of the student who enters college in September is difficult, pity the poor freshman who enters the second or third quarter! In one day, he is given about a half hour of orientation to the rules and regulations, herded through placement examinations, and then, if time permits, given classes to put on his registration card (which he often finds "closed" when he tries to register the next day). This student is really the "lost one" who wanders around campus from then on, trying to find the names of buildings, trying to discover the rules for using the library, and often not even remotely aware of college regulations he should know before he begins his student career. Many of these freshmen victims have said that if they had not had "home boys" or "home girls" on campus, they would have been completely lost. Then comes that first day of classes. The freshman meets his teachers for the first time. If he is fortunate, the experience is at least promising. If he is unfortunate, the experience is at least de- pressing. Teachers of freshman courses are not always the best re- presentatives of the teaching profession. Before long, the freshman can find many things about which he would like to register complaints. The dormitory is noisy and not conducive to studying. And so is the library. Studying seems to be a 175 minor pasttime on the campus, according to many upper classmen. Rules and regulations regarding signing in and signing out are too strict, say the girls. Social life is too limited (they are treated like children by teachers and student personnel workers. The food is terrible. The books cost too much. The instructors give too much work. And so the list grows and grows. The freshman, by this time, has found no reason to love with a passion his new alma mater. After all, when he looks at the upperclassman, he sees no such love; if indeed upperclassmen love anything, it seems to be some fraternity or sorority. Thus, brainwashed by very subtle influences, a hopeless victim of a syndrome of practices and regulations, the freshman begins to con- form to his surroundings, and the little dreams he once had in his heart about what college was supposed to mean to him die one by one. It is no wonder that in some colleges as many as fifty per cent of the students do not return for the sophomore year. It is time that someone came to the aid of the freshman! While that is easy to say, it will be more difficult to do. It will be difficult to do because to give the freshman the kind of aid he needs, many colleges will have to scrap their "freshman handbooks", redesign their "general education" curricula, fire some of their teachers, create a new student personnel program (and hire more people to execute it), and in general, become more "humanized" than they are at present. Is it worth all of that activity just to create a few freshmen who can feel emotions of love swelling within their throats as they sing the alma mater? Many persons would say or imply an emphatic "no". But if one could sincerely say "yes", what would he have to do to come to the aid of the freshman? Perhaps the most important thing indeed, the only thing that would be necessary would be a change in attitude toward both the freshman and the significance of this first year of college. The typical freshman is an eighteen year old adolescent - not really the "man" many college officials want to make him. As an adolescent, he is still in the process of becoming a man, and he still has some thing of the child lingering. Consequently, he looks with excitement to the anticipated freshman college will bring, but if he is sensible, he does not want his freedom to be his undoing. Therefore, the first item in a changed attitude by college officials would be a recognition of the freshman's need for "freedom within restraint", to use the words of Dean E. G. Williamson. This means that many of the rules in the handbooks will have to go, and freshman students will be given a voice in setting up their own rules of conduct and will be given power to discipline themselves when they break these rules. This freedom would be kept within sensible bounds, but this would hardly be a problem; students can be much more severe with themselves when given the opportunity than their elders often realize. College officials must expect their freshmen to rebell at times against authority figures. This is only natural. Adolescence, even late adole- scence, is a time for rebellion. Student growth can come from being rebellious if the rebellion is matched by understanding, sincerely con- 176 SAVANNAH STATE COLLEGE LIBRARY ^ 6TATE COLLEGE BRANCH v SAVANNAH. GA ceraed college officials who are able to reason with their young charges without allowing their own egos to become too involved or allowing the young charges to believe that they alone must decide their own destiny. There are times when firmness on the part of the college officials will be essential; yet, it, too, must be done not to protect his own ego but out of understanding concern for the fresh- man. This corrected attitude towards the freshman will extend to under- standing that most freshmen are incapable of making a sufficient ap- praisal of their abilities and potentialities, and therefore unable to know when they enter college what occupation they are really fitted for. Consequently, the first year of college will truly be what it is often declared to be one of general education, arranged in such a manner as to enable the student to enter any major field he may desire when the time comes that he knows himself well enough to decide. All during that year, counselors and advisors will use coun- seling, objective tests, and friendly conversation to help him know himself better and thus become in a better position to make a choice of a major. The terrifying experience of registration will be reduced to a mini- mum when college officials get the right attitude that will send them to the aid of the freshman. His individual schedule will be made out for him before he registers. He will not have the frustration of being frozen out of closed classes because a sufficient number of classes in each course will be set up to handle him and his classmates. He will not have the frustration of being thrown to a teacher who hates fresh- men; the best, most experienced teachers will be selected to teach him. He will discover in class what college classes are really like, and he will be helped in trying to discover if this academic world is really where he belongs. Finally, he will find fellowship in this community of scholars. That awful distance between faculty member and student will be bridged by faculty and administration trying to functionalize Whitehead's statement that "education involves an intimate relationship." Faculty, administration, student personnel worker will all strive to be to the freshman that mature friend who helps him through this period of try- ing to attain maturity. As Dean Williamson often points out, the freshman needs the friendly objectivity of faculty and counselors who understand his need for freedom. He needs someone to hold up standards who is outside the family relationship. He needs a friendly ear to listen as he tries to talk through his puzzling problems. He needs the best teachers teachers who, in addition to their profi- ciency in subject areas, have had counseling training at the expense of the college. These teachers will form the bulwark of a thorough counseling and evaluation program to help the student get to know himself as he seeks to take advantages of a college education. The above ideas are given as a possible working solution to the specific problems mentioned. Beneath those problems are some solid facts which can be found in situations other than the purely local. 177 t* It is a fact, for example, that student mortality is a major problem in American Colleges. It has been found from various studies that from 40% to 60% of the students who enter college do not remain to graduate. Why? Studies also show that many who do not survive are just as competent as those who remain. Why do they drop out? It is a fact that many students are under-achievers, one study showed that one-half of the top one-tenth of the students fail to make a B average. Closely related is the under-achieving average student who flunks out. Among the reasons given for this type of behavior is that many students came to college expecting experiences that did not materialize. It is equally a fact that recent studies indicate that the problems mentioned above are well high universal among freshmen. A study by Myers, for example, indicates that more than 50% of the fresh- men studied had the following problems: 1) inability to study ef- fectively, 2) fear of examinations, 3) lack of preparation for academic life, 4) inability to state own ideas, 5) inability to say anything in class about the work, 6) confusion at registration, and 7) lack of personal contact with teachers. Other problems held by fewer than 50% included: 1) confusion in the library, 2) adjustment to housing, 3) too much or too little social activity, 4) adjustment to new room- mate, 5) lack of financial means, and 6) procrastination. These are normal problems in normal situations. Give to them the exaggeration often commonplace on many campuses and it becomes readily apparent why somebody must work out a program to save the poor freshman! REFERENCES 1. Arbuckle, Dugald S., Counseling: Philosophy, Theory and Practice. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1965. 2. Kemp, Charles F.. Counseling with College Students. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1964. 3. Myers, Kent E., "College Freshmen: A Faculty Responsibility." Improving College and University Teaching. Vol. XII, No. 1, Winter 1964, 9-10. 4. Tournier, Paul, The Whole Person in A Broken World. New York: Harper and Row, Publishers, 1964. 5. Williamson, E. G., Vocational Counseling. New York: McGraw Hill Book Company, 1965. 178 N378 G352e Georgia N378 G352e Georgia* 75036 State C 7S036 State College racu!r/research edition the S8G Bulletin of Savannah State College Library Savannah, Georgia