Faculty Research Edition of The Savannah State College Bulletin

STATE c^ __

^'ICi

* >-

mm

SftVAf^NAH STATE COLLEGE UBkAK|

"^ STATE COLLEGE BRANCf fiBK^lM

^. -\ SAVANNAH, GA. ^

Digitized by the Internet Archive

in 2011 with funding from

LYRASIS IVIembers and Sloan Foundation

http://www.archive.org/details/facultyresear1921965sava

f

r "^ ^

FACULTY

RESEARCH

EDITION

of

The Savannah State
College Bulletin

^^ STATE COLLEGE L/B...

I^^TATE COLLEGE BRANCH '

Volume 19, No. 2

December, 1965

Published by

SAVANNAH STATE COLLEGE

STATE COLLEGE BRANCH
SAVANNAH, GEORGIA

u o'S^ Us

Editorial Policies Which Govern The
Savannah State College Research Bulletin

1. The Bulletin should contain pure research, as well as creative
writing, e.g., essays, poetry, drama, fiction, etc.

2. Manuscripts that have already been published or accepted for
publication in other journals will not be included in the Bulletin.

3. While it is recommended that the Chicago Manual of Style be
followed, contributors are given freedom to employ other ac-
cepted documentation rules.

4. Although the Bulletin is primarily a medium for the faculty of
Savannah State College, scholarly papers from other faculties
are invited.

FACULTY RESEARCH EDITION

of

The Savannah State College Bulletin

Published by

The Savannah State College

Volume 19, No. 2 Savannah, Georgia December, 1965

Howard Jordan, Jr., President

Editorial Committee

Blanton E. Black J. Randolph Fisher

Mildred W. Glover Joan L. Gordon

Elonnie J. Josey Charles Pratt

Forrest O. Wiggins

John L. Wilson, Chairman

Articles are presented on the authority of their writers, and neither
the Editorial Committee nor Savannah State College assumes responsi-
bility for the views expressed by contributors.

Contributors

Raymond Pace Alexander, Judge of Commons Pleas Court,

Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

Alma C. Allen, Professor of Romance Languages, Norfolk Division,

Virginia State College (On leave), Bluefield State College,

West Virginia

Venkataraman Ananthanarayanan, Professor of Physics and

Mathematics

Sarvan K. Bhatia, Professor of Economics

Clyde W. Hall, Professor and Head of Industrial Education

Miles W. Jackson, Jr., Chief Librarian, Atlanta University, Georgia

John W. Jordan, Instructor of English

Elonnie J. Josey, Associate Professor and Librarian

Sheldon Marcus, Educational and Vocational Counselor,

New York Public Schools

Charles Pratt, Professor of Chemistry

Kamalakar B. Raut, Professor of Chemistry

Robert D. Reid, Dean of Faculty

Tommie M. Samkange, Associate Professor of Psychology,

Tuskegee Institute, Alabama

Philip D. Vairo, Associate Professor of Education and Chairman

Department of Education, The University of North Carolina

at Charlotte

Nazir A. Warsi, Professor of Mathematics and Physics

1 67294

Library of Congress Catalog Number: 60-53452

Preface

Through the publication of the Faculty Research Bulletin the
Committee on Faculty Research affords the faculty and staff an
opportunity to share with their colleagues their academic endeavors
and accomplishments.

The use of research methods to solve institutional, as well as indi-
vidual problems, is a desirable characteristic of college faculties.
Therefore, the publication of this bulletin has served as a stimulus for
encouraging new contributions and interests. It is hoped that this bul-
letin will encourage and stimulate the present contributors and other
members of the staff to initiate and/or continue studies which pro-
vide for better educational opportunities here at the College and in
the fields of higher education. Moreover, an active growing faculty
helps students to develop habits that lead to continuous growth.

The ultimate goal of the Administration, Faculty and Staff of
Savannah State College is to upgrade the intellectual tone, as well as
strengthen ourselves and our students academically, thereby molding
a firm foundation from which to continue to build an Institution
second to none. This issue of the Bulletin lends itself to this objective.

How^ARD Jordan, Jr.
President

Table of Contents

Page

On the Dependence of O-H Bond Length in Hydrogen
Bonded OH O Systems

Venkataraman Ananthanarayanan 6

An Approach to the Fiction of Miguel de Unamuno

Alma C. Allen 10

The Problem of Theoretical Approach in Economic
Investigation

Sarvan K. Bhatia 15

The Development and Status of Industrial Arts in
Georgia Schools

Clyde W. Hall 22

Synthesis of 4:6 Thio 1, 3, 5-triazine Derivatives [1]

Kalmalaker B. Raut 29

Flow Parameters Behind Three Dimensional Shock Wave

Nazir A. Warsi 31

AbiUty Grouping: Pros and Cons

John Wesley Jordan 34

In Our Other America

Raymond Pace Alexander 50

Isolation of Lignoceric Acid from Acorns

Charles Pratt 58

Why Climb Mount Parnassus

Miles M. Jackson, Jr 60

An Appraisal of a Pre-Freshman Summer Program

Robert D. Reid 65

Desegregation and Library Education

Elonnie J. Josey 72

4

Table of Contents (Continued)

Page

Certain Condensation Reactions with Copper Powder
as a Catalyst

Kamalakar B. Raut 78

Qualifications of College Teachers: 1918- 1962

Philip D. Vairo 80

A Study of the Second Year Female Academic Probates
at Tuskegee Institute

Tommie M. Samkange 90

Experimental Studies Exploring the Effectiveness of
the Group Method in Counseling

Philip D. Vairo and Sheldon Marcus 108

Thermodynamic Parameters Behind Three Dimensional
Shock Wave

Nazir A. Warsi 112

Development Planning Under Democracy:
The Case of India

Sarvan K. Bhatia 116

Synthetic Preparation of Apiose from Dihydroxy Acetone

Charles Pratt 126

Deflection of Streams Behind a Curved Shock Wave

Nazir A. Warsi 131

On The Dependence of 0-H Bond Length on

The 0-0 Bond Length in Hydrogen

Bonded O-HO Systems

by
V. Ananthanarayanan

Introduction

In recent times several experimental and theoretical studies on
the hydrogen bonded O-H O vibrations have been made. During
the studies on such vibrations in carboxylic acids made by the author
[1, 2], certain interesting evidences relating to the O-H bond length
(r) in monomeric and dimeric carboxylic acids were observed. The
location of hydrogen atom positions by conventional x-ray diffrac-
tion methods is usually accompanied by uncertainties and thus the
estimation of the O-H bond lengths by other methods capable of
giving more certain bond lengths is of great interest.

Vibrational Spectra Data

The lowering of the O-H stretching frequency (^oh) from its
free or unbonded value ofoo3600cm-^ in the vapor state to lower
values due to the hydrogen bond formation is well known. Thus
when the 0-H...0 bond length (R) is about 2.6 A, theS/oH fre-
quency is c-^ 2000cm-^. The correlation of the '^/qh and R have
been extensively used to judge the strength of the hydrogen bond.

Studies made on the vibrational spectra of carboxylic acids show
that one observes characteristic frequency due to O-H bond at 2.84/i
(3521 cm-^) in monomers and at 3.25 /x (3073 cm ^) in dimers,
lowered due to the formation to the hydrogen bonds between the
acid dimers.

THE RELATION BETWEEN THE VALUES r, R and ^^OH
IN HYDROGEN BONDED SYSTEMS

Empirical correlations of the interdependence of r, R and 'S/qh
values are available in the literature [3]. While many potential
models which treats the vibrational spectrum of the hydrogen bridges
are available, the one developed by Lippincott and Schroeder [4]
is most successful in explaining the various aspects of 0-H...0
Systems. The author applied this model to explain the low frequency
hydrogen bridge vibrations in carboxylic acids [1] with considerable
success.

6

This force field visualizes the hydrogen bond to be made up of
two bonds O (I) H. . .(II) O where bond I is equivalent to a slightly
stretched typical covalent bond and the bond II is a weak bond
which is equivalent to a highly stretched bond. The hydrogen atom
is located along the line of centers between the two oxygen atoms
making up the bond and a repulsive Van der Waal's potential and
an attractive electrostatic potential is assumed to exist between the
two electronegative atoms of the hydrogen bond. Through the appli-
cation of conditions describing a stable equilibrium the following
expression has been derived by Lippincott and Schroeder:

r-r.

--(1)

where

R = equilibrium distance

r = equilibrium length of

bond I = 0.96x10-8 cm
= r,;==: equilibrium
length of bond II

n = a constant of

potential function

for bond I = 9.18 x 10^ cm-i

b = repulsion constant of the
potential function =
4.8 X 108 cm-i

r = length of bond I

r*= length of bond II = (R-r)

n*=: gn, where g = 1.45,

and n* being the constant
of potential function for
bond II.

This equation is suitable for calculating Ar i.e. (r-ro) as a function
of R by the method of successive approximations. Similar expres-
sions for the relationship between 2-^ OH and R have been reported
and extensively used. For greater details the original papers should
be referred to.

There are several ways in which the observed "Z^ Oh frequencies
could be used to calculate the OH bond lengths in monomers and
dimers. First a diatomic model with the reduced mass of the O-H

bond could be used to calculate the stretching force constants (Kqu)
of the OH bonds in dimers and monomers. The simple relation for
this is as follows:

-(2)

where C = velocity of light

jx = reduced mass of the system

These values of KoH could be substituted in the Badger's relation
[5], ^

where C^ and d^ are constants, tabulated by Badger, which depend
on the atoms forming the bond. The force constants were calculated
to be 6.85 x 10"' dynes per cm in the monomers and 5.21 x lO'^ dynes
per cm in the dimers. Substitution of these values in the Badger's
relation leads to the O-H bond length values of 0.98 A in monomer
and 1.04 A in the dimers.

There is one very interesting evidence for such bond length changes
available in literature. In the case of the diatomic O-H the vibrational
and rotational constants for the electronic states are well known.
Fortunately for two electronic states the values of the stretching
frequencies and the internuclear distances are known very precisely
[6]. They are as follows: 3735 cm-^ and 0.9706 A in the 2x1
state; 3181 cm-i and 1.0121 A in 2 2: "^ state. The "frequency dif-
ference" A'2^ oh = 554cm"^ is fairly close to the case under con-
sideration in our discussion. The value A r for this change of fre-
quency corresponds to 0.042A. Substitution of these frequencies in
relation ( 1 ) gives the results that A r could be as much as 0.044A
for this order of change in OH frequencies. This is easily verified
since Z\ r values for relation (1) as function of R and2^0H are
tabulated at convenient intervals by Lippincott and Schroeder.

Due to favorable scattering factors of hydrogen atoms, neutron
diffraction studies are of great help in locating hydrogen atom posi-
tions in molecules and crystals. Such studies on many O-H O
bonded crystals have been reviewed by Hamilton [7] . It had been
proposed that the following type of relation connecting O-H and
O O bond lengths is generally valid:

r(O-H) = 1.574 - 0.2145R(O O) (3)

Although precise, comparably accurate, individual O-H bond lengths
for monomers and dimers are not available, it is well known that
the O-H O bonds in many carboxylic acid dimers are reported to
be 2.65 A long. The data used to formulate relation (3) has been
also plotted in the form of smooth curve relating R and r by Pimentel
among others [3].

8

Such curves predict that in a non bonded case O-H bond length is
as low as 0.96A. From these data also it seems the actual O-H bond
length changes involved may be as much as 0.05A.

Conclusion

There seems to be considerable evidence derived from diverse types
of experiments supporting the view that the O-H bond lengths in car-
boxylic acid dimers and monomers differ as much as 0.04X.

References

[1] V. Ananthanarayanan, Spect. Chim. Acta., 20, 1964, 197-210.

[2] V. Ananthanarayanan, Proceedings of the Pittsburgh Conference on
Analytical Chemistry and Applied Spectroscopy, 1964.

[3] G. C. Pimentel and A. L. McClellan, The Hydrogen Bond, W. H. Free-
man, San Francisco (1960).

[4] E. R. Lippincott and R. Schroeder, J. Chem. Phys. 23 (1955), 1099;
Hydrogen Bonding p. 361. Pergamon Press, New York (1959).

[5] R. M. Badger, J. Chem. Phys., 3, (1935), 710.

[6] G. Herzberg, Spectra of Diatomic Molecules, D. Van Nostrand Company,
Inc., 1963.

[7] W. C. Hamilton, Ann. Rev. Phys. Chemistry, 13,(1962), 19.

An Approach to the Fiction of
Miguel De Unamuno

by
Alma C. Allen

The unifying element in the fiction of Miguel de Unamuno is the
realistic attitude toward man's existence. The world is made not so
much for objective commentary as for inner conflicts and emotions.
Further Unamuno reduces the world of emotions to the struggle
against annihilation. This broad sentiment, undergirded by a pre-
occupation with death, pervades all his novels. In Niebla the failure
of reality to conquer unreality is death; in Amor y Pedagogia the
irreconciliation between life and scientism is tragedy; Abel Sanchez
is death by passion; La Tid Tula epitomizes human and spiritual
conflict; Ties Novelas Ejemplares illustrates the drive from self identi-
ty to death; finally, San Manuel Bueno, Mdrtir is the unsuccessful
confrontation with the problem of immortality of the soul. Certainly,
the predominant negativism and the preoccupation with suffering and
death join each novel to its successor and all to one central idea.
The form is the novel; yet it is to the philosophy rather than the
artistic form that the author attaches importance.

With Unamuno a prerequisite is a study of his early impressions,
for early problems begun in his youth were further accentuated in
his mature years. Miguel de Unamuno was born in Bilbao, a town
where, in the mid-nineteenth century, ruralism and civic and spiritual
conflicts were at great heights. The leaders of Bilbao, rebelling against
the concept of Spain as an idea, were liberal workers for mild social
and rehgious reforms.

Unamuno was born in 1864 which meant, chronologically, th^t
the first of the interminable civil wars had ended (1833-1840). The
Second Carlist War which Unamuno witnessed covered the years 1870
to 1876. The brutal violence of a community divided against itself
greatly disturbed the author. So great was his psychic scar that Paz
en la Guerra (1897) is the verbal rendition of the bombardment and
liberation of his birthplace.

The struggle between the Liberalists and Monarchists grew for
two decades, and became an obsession with Unamuno. Eager for a
new message, Unamuno was a reaction against narrow patriotism,
the orthodox, and national disintegration.

10

II

The largely autobiographical Paz en la Guerra (1897), the long
novel on the Carlist War (1874), was to share with his countrymen
the native tradition. On the one hand, realism abounds in the long
passages of the land and the people. On the other, the novel, while
part of the author's realistic concept, is the only one which does not
belong to his pessimistic, agonizing philosophy of the later years. ^

Amor y Pedagogia came a few years after the Carlist novel in
1902. Avito Carrascal, attempting to gain scientific perfection for
his son Apolodoro, encourages absurdities from Fulgencio Entra-
bosmares, the scientist. In the end the son commits suicide, an ob-
vious failure. Amor y Pedagogia is unconvincing. To the detriment
of artistic details, the novelist ridicules science, though Barea con-
tended "the distortion of science [was] the 'killing force'.-

Before the third novel appeared twelve years later, Unamuno had
been appointed to and relieved of the position as Rector of Salamanca
University. Vida de D. Quijote y Sancho (1905) and Del Senti-
miento Trdgico de la Vida en los Hombres y en los Pueblos (1913)
were already gathering momentum. To some extent Unamuno had
come into his own in 1898, for the 'generation' was now accepting
his points of view. By this date, too, Unamuno was championing the
'inward tradition'. When Niebla appeared in 1914, therefore, it was
projected against a political and intellectual storm. The author had
succeeded as the 'despertador de las almas durmiendas'.

Niebla belongs to this struggle of the eternal conflict. By method,
it refuses conventional emphasis upon character-portrayal and setting.
Again, by method, it seeks its own genre the 'nivola'.'^ By content.

^The keynote of peace within sombre despair is apparent throughout the story.
The varied quotations below will illustrate sufficiently: "Pedro Antonio sentia
una calma grande, como no la habia sentido desde la muerte de su hijo, una
calma que le llenaba el espiritu de la libertad del aire, de la serenidad del
cielo . . ." [Unamuno, Miguel de, Paz en la Guerra, (Libreria de Fernando
Fe Carrera de San Jeronimo, 1897) p. 319.] "Empezo el pueblo a gustar la
paz como la salud el convaleciente; volia todo a su cauce antiguo, a sus casas
los emigrados e iba a recobar lozania la vida del trabajo, y a re-enquiciarse
los negocios en suspense. . ." [Ibid. p. 324] The following passage shows the
author's probable contradictory stand. However, war may be regarded as a
means toward the end of peace. "Paz . . . paz . . .; la paz puede ser una
apostasia, un pacto nefando con el infierno . . . i No, paz no!" guerra con-
tinua a los enemigos de Dios ... el grito de Julio IT 'fue'^a los barbaros!' Todo
eso de religion de paz, hay que entenderlo ... Nuestro Sefior Jesucristo no
vino a meter en la tierra paz, sino espada y fuego, lo dijo el mismo. vino
a poner disension y guerra y a dividir a los de cada casa . . . i Paz, paz!, si,
con Dios y consigo mismo, pero guerra, guerra continua contra los malos . . ."
[Ibid. p. 328.] Compare the idea in the above quotation with this: "La guerra
ha sido siempre el mas completo factor de progreso . . ." [Unamuno, Miguel
de, Del Sentimiento Trdgico de la Vida, Espasa Calpe, Argentina, 1950, p.
94.]

-Barea, Arturo, Unamuno, Bowes and Bowes. Cambridge, 1952. pp. 19-20.

^Unamuno, Miguel de, Niebla, Renacimiento, San Marcos, Madrid. Chapter 31.

11

Niebla develops great interplay between reality and unreality. Augusto
Perez, the hero, speaks often thus: "Y la vida es esto, la niebla.
La vida es una nebulosa."^

From the artistic point of view the story, like some others, lacks
strength. Besides, the philosophical theme had been used many times
before, even by the author himself in an essay called "La Vida es
Sueno" (1898).

The main thread of the story stems from Augusto Perez, unrealistic
in his unrequited love from Eugenia, a pianist, who herself is in love
with the irresponsible Mauricio. As if in a dream, Augusto is pushed
into a foolish offer of marriage of presumed mutual benefits. Eugenia
solves the financial problem and elopes with her lover to blast the
hopeful dreams of the hero.

One may comment upon Tres Novelas Ejemplares (1920), though
the three are novelettes. Included are Dos Madres, El Marques de
Lumbria and Nada Menos que Todo un Hombre, the latter perhaps
the best-known of the group. In both Dos Madres and El Marques
de Lumbria, the willpower resides in the heroines. The last novelette,
by strong contrast, embodies strong willpower in an eccentric hus-
band who, when he brings about the death of his unsuspecting wife,
is himself strangely conquered by lack of will.

Abel Sanchez and La Tia Tula appeared in 1921. These two
novels, in addition to San Manuel Bueno, Mdrtir, may be his best.
The three are the best integrated, the most human, and the most
acceptable as novels in the conventional use of the word. Abel
Sanchez, being patterned after the Cain and Abel theme, shows the
successful painter Abel Sanchez as the constant object of jealousy by
Dr. Joaquin Monegro, the sensitive but intelligent 'brother'. By
spuming Joaquin's earnest offer, Helen creates greater cause for envy
in accepting marriage to Abel. The plot increases with torture, suffer-
ing, and frustration. When Abel's insult upon Joaquin causes the
latter to shock him into death, Joaquin becomes Cain. From this
point on, he never recovers.^

Though the question of immortality is laid bare, passionate hope
outweighs any despair given, and there is enough substance to satisfy
the mind, the last element in the author's search for truth.

Hbid. p. 33.

^Lessons on human frailties are evident in such passages as the following:
"Titulariase Memorias de un medico viejo y seria las mies del saber del
mundo, de pasiones, de vida, de tristeza y alegrias, hasta de crimenes ocultos,
que habia cosechado de la practica de su profesion de medico. Un espejo de la
vida. pero de las entranas, y de las negras, de esta; una bajada a las simas de
la vileza humana; un libro de alta literatura y de filosofia acibarada a la
vez . . ." [Unamuno, Miguel de, Abel Sanchez, The Dryden Press, New York,
1947. p. 164.]

12

In his last work, San Manuel Bueno, Mdrdr, the author again makes
known his search for immortahty. Here, however, the search finds
a solution in this life."

Ill

It is well to re-emphasize well known tendencies in the fiction of
Unamuno and in terms of new ones suggested to reach a synthesis
of the perspectives.

Broadly speaking, the fiction of Unamuno discourses upon either
an idea or a passion. In Paz en la Guerra, Amor y Pedagogia, Niebla
and San Manuel Bueno, Mdrtir, if we regard the first as fiction, he
has chosen the idea: war, science, reality, and immortality. In Dos
Madres, El Marques de Lumbria, Nada Menos Que Todo Un
Hombre, Abel Sanchez and La Tia Tula, it is passion; the first two
novelettes and La Tia Tula are motivated by the maternal instinct
and willpower, the third novelette by willpower, and Abel Sanchez,
by jealousy.

Unamuno's subject matter is confined, to be sure, to human suf-
fering. However, it is equally true that he deeply dramatizes death.
His insistence on both attributes makes for a general overtone of
frustration, gloom, and unhappiness. Such is the exterior world about
which Unamuno writes.

Generally speaking, the interior world is a duplication and is
pursued according to a 'pseudo-literary' method. Indeed, the leading
characters are plagued by conquering obsessions and frailties. Con-
sequently, the dream conquers Augusto Perez; scientism destroys
Apolodoro; blinding willpower makes murderers out of Raquel and
Caroline; and jealously destroys life's meaning for Joaquin. There
is one exception: San Manuel Bueno. Yet, Unamuno's preoccupa-
tion with a sick humanity still serves as a generalization.

The unifying element in all the fiction is man's earthly existence.
Various aspects of human life are explored in this perspective. His
emphasis ends in man's hunger for immortality which he was to
develop at length in 1913. Philosophy of human endeavor was
equated with uncovering the truth and the thirst for preservation
for immortality. Prior consideration has been given the likelihood
that Unamuno through his fiction will fulfill his probable expectation
to arouse in more and more men the importance of man's preserva-
tion. What the author communicates is challenging to serious minds,
but even to them the overwhelming indulgence in philosophy, how-

^Observe, then, the following lines: "Hay que vivir! Y el me enseno a vivir,
el nos enseno a vivir, a sentir la vida, a sentir el sentido de la vida ... El me
enseno con su vida a perderme en la vida del pueblo de mi aldea, y no sentia
yo mas pasar las horas, y los dias y los anos, que no sentia pasar el aqua del
lago. Me parecia como si mi vida hubiese de ser siempre igual. No me sentia
envejecer. No vivia yo ya en mi, sino que vivia en mi pueblo y mi pueblo
vivia en mi." [Unamuno, Miguel de, San Manuel Bueno, Martir, Espasa
Calpe, Argentina, South America, 1951. pp. 56-57.]

13

ever praiseworthy and scholarly, his difficult language, and his con-
stant repetition markedly decrease the possibilities of impressing num-
bers of people. Again the author's determined lack of consideration
for literary form has created a serious impasse. Yet, one does not
deny all value to the message. Unamuno reveals an astonishing
awareness of human problems. A prolific writer of distinct vitality,
he established connections with the intelligentsia in his unswerving
concentration of mind and of purpose. These qualities largely account
for an influence which has been tremendous in the past few years.
It seems destined to continue.

IV

Unamuno's anti-monarchial, anti-materialistic, anti-intellectualist
stand has been given, and his attack upon superstitutions and un-
thinking has been well documented. Perhaps, less well developed is
the author's treatment of evil.

The literary technique is interesting, for it is not the symbolic
representation of evil as was the case, for example, with Melville's
Moby Dick or Camus' La Peste. There is scholarly agreement that
Camus' La Peste, by means of a bubonic plague of epidemic pro-
portions, states the interaction between man and evil as one universal
force. Captain Ahab's exciting, painful pursuit of the white whale,
moreover, is but man's struggle against the problem of evil. Both
Camus and Unamuno are moderns, but the Spaniard's internalization
of emotion is uppermost. Unamuno the psychologist puts man the
individual in the position of showing stage by stage what goes on in
the human mind during mental stresses.

A daring challenge against feeble convictions or exaggerated pas-
sion shocks the reader into new sensibiHties. The reader becomes
involved in the probing of an emotional crisis. He is more apt to
know what is happening than to tolerate or be in sympathy with the
character. In Hugo's Les Miserables or Dostoevsky's The Brothers
Karamazov the emotional experience broadens the reader's sense of
humanity. Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin and Dickens' Nicolas Nickelby
are said not only to mirror but also to influence society or history.
Contrasting sharply with these authors, Unamuno shows evil in its
most dominant form; it is then to become a force to action. Thus is
described the anatomy of evil made simultaneous with a sense of
urgency. Analysis of evil must share equal advantage with the cre-
ation of tolerance or with critical appraisal of the role of death.

14

The Problem of Theoretical Approach
in Economic Investigation

By

Sarvan K. Bhatia

What is the nature and the source of theory? How is it related
with facts? Can we consider a fact without relating it to other facts?
"Facts by themselves are dumb; before they will tell us anything, we
have to arrange them and the arrangement is a theory" argues
Clay.^ According to Schumpeter, "Our science cannot, any more
than others, dispense with that refined common sense which we call
'theory', and which provides us with the tools for approaching both
facts and practical problems."- A fact cannot be considered in isola-
tion; the need for theory to analyze and interpret the data, statistical
and factual, seems obvious. The true relation between facts and
theory is a complementary one. Accordingly, we find that there is no
"true" answer to the question, "which comes first in the scientific
process, fact-gathering or theorizing?" They progress together.
Broadly speaking, the theory is both an arrangement and interpre-
tation of facts, or an analysis of common behavior. What we seek
thereby are the principles which may be put for future analysis.

Yet, according to Byers, in the discipline of economics, the nature
and the source of theory are not very generally understood. Parsons
points out that economic theory is the name we give to the series
of propositions which are deduced, by rigorous attention to possible
implications, from the original insights formulated into propositions. "^
Theoretical work is defined by Koopmans as consisting of reasoning
and the construction of premises from which to reason. The collec-
tion of facts is necessarily a selective process. Ideas concerning the
relationship of various facts, if stated clearly and formally so that they
are testable, may be called hypotheses. They provide a standard for
selection as well as a scheme for arranging facts in a useful form
and order. On the other hand, ideas and hypotheses themselves are
not generated in a vacuum. Observations, even if only of an informal
sort, ordinarily contribute to their formation.

The ultimate aim of economic study is, however, not to theorize
or to analyze; it is neither curiosity nor the knowledge for the sake
of knowledge. Rather, it is the necessity to explore ways and means
whereby human welfare can be maximized. In order to discover the
principles in the developing and fast-growing economy, more so with
increased scientific innovations and technological improvements, in-
vestigations have to be made and the data has to be collected, ar-
ranged and analyzed. Advances in economic theorizing are made by
constantly discarding the "torn-out" generalizations rendered obsolete
by the revelation of facts and devising new generalizations which will
cover and explain new facts.

15

In the evolutionary nature of human society, the theoretical systems
are not absolute; it is rather an institutional approach. Adam Smith,
whose Wealth of Nations (1776) is the germinal book of modem
economics or political economy, had an atomistic view of society. To
him, the society was the sum total of the people in it. Since each
man can judge what is best for him better than any government, Smith
assumed the prime psychological drive in man as an economic being
as the drive of self-interest. Thrilled by the recognition of an order
in the economic system, he enunciated the principle of the "invisible
hand" or the "divine hand" whereby each individual in pursuing only
his own selfish good, was led to achieve the best good for all. And
combined with the existence of a natural order in the universe, he
concluded from these postulates that the best system was economic
liberalism. On the other hand, Commons believed in the early twen-
tieth century that the individuals are not self-sufficient, independent
entities and the society is not the summation of the individual mem-
bers. "Individuals are what they are through their participation in
the institutions or going concerns of which they are members."*
Thus, the ideas of Commons are grounded in his conception of social
relations and accordingly he proceeds from a postulate of the economy
as a social organization rather than as a mechanism or organism.

It follows from above that there has come to be recognized a differ-
ent premise for economic theorizing. The traditional theoretical
structure was considered to explain adequately the economic condi-
tions of earUer days. But as time lingered on, the evolutionary process
brought in new problems which demanded a new look; the older
theories dealing with earlier cause-and-effect relations of economic
phenomena in general could not cope with new economic problems
and they had to yield before new economic analysis. The old economic
theorizing, then, became a past historical interlude. The new eco-
nomic outlook required a fresh, coordinated interpretation and so a
change was enunciated in the realm of economic thought.

The change in premises, therefore, requires fertilization of thought
which grows out of a fresh attack upon new developments and a new
theoretical structure is erected. These theories not only bridge the
gulf between the basic economic theory and economic policy but also
help in the formulation of new economic policies based upon the
changed economic environment. For example, institutionalism uses
the theory of capitalism as a springboard for recommendation of
economic policies in an institutional set-up. It stands for a unified
economic theory, instead of diffused ones, for various fields of econ-
omy. The need for change is justified because of the change in
environments from the time when traditional theories were formu-
lated.

In Veblen's view, it is not that the economists' inquiry isolates
material civilization from all other phases and bearings of human
culture and so to study the motions of an abstractly conceived "eco-
nomic man". On the contrary, he points out that no theoretical in-
quiry into this material civilization that shall be at all adequate to any
scientific purpose can be carried out without taking this material

16

civilization "in its causal and genetic relations to other phases of the
cultural complex."^ But a study which is exclusively to be concerned
with human nature under given and stable institutional conditions
can achieve statical results only. An adequate theory, on the other
hand, has of necessity to deal with man's habitual relations to his fel-
lows in society. An individual always lives in a social relationship.
Being of an institutional character, these social and habitual relations
vary as the institutional scheme varies. "The wants and desires, the
end and aim, the ways and means, the amplitude and drift of the
individual's conduct are functions of an institutional variable that is
of a highly complex and wholly unstable character", writes Veblen.''

A question may be asked as to why the change is enunciated in the
economic sphere. Or, to phrase the question slightly differently, why
changes have to be made in economic analysis? Since economic
analysis reveals the rules and principles of economic relationships
under given circumstances, a part of the answer lies in the fact that
because of the complexity of human and social behavior, it is diffi-
cult to obtain the kind of precision in economic theoretical framework
as is being obtained in a few of the physical sciences. An economist
simply cannot perform the controlled experiments of the chemist or
biologist. The laws and principles of economics, therefore, are not
as universal as are some of the laws of physical sciences. And a part
of the answer is also to be found in the evolutionary and developing
nature of social sciences and the basic assumptions made therein,
although the physical sciences are also not quite immune from this
process. Newtonian theories have become obsolescent with the new
discoveries made by Einstein and others and with the new concepts
of space, time, and nuclear physics. The science of physics has de-
veloped and progressed, and many of Newton's basic assumptions
and their derivative theories, held for a long time as authoritative,
have now been discarded. So is the case with scientific point of view
between pre-Darwinian and post-Darwinian times. In case of social
sciences, which cannot be subjected to harsh, rigorously-controlled
laboratory system, the changing pattern of life and habituation have
much to explain for changing emphasis over the course of years. The
characteristic feature by which post-Darwinian science is contrasted
with what went before is a new distribution of emphasis whereby
"the process of causation, the interval of stability and transition be-
tween the initial cause and and definitive effect, has come to take
the first place in the inquiry instead of that consummation in which
causal effect was only presumed to come to rest."" This change of
the point of view was not abrupt or catastrophic.

According to Veblen, because the prime postulate of modern
scientific inquiry is of consecutive change, it can come to rest only
provisionally. Things change consecutively, and therefore every goal
of research is necessarily a point of departure. This implies that there
cannot be anything static; it has to be evolutionary and transitional.
The human life is a dynamic one, and the social sciences being en-
gaged in its behaviorial aspects have to take due cognizance of it.
Because of its transitional character, any theory based on its premises

17

could at best be a transitional one. The need for change with the
evolution of society and economic progress is, therefore, apparent.

Although the institutionalists have a different approach to economic
problems, they do not repudiate basic economic theory. The funda-
mentals of traditional economics, and also of the neoclassical eco-
nomics, are accepted, but are put in a larger setting of the evolving
economic system. Clark has, as the end-product of his scientific
analysis, a theory of our mixed enterprise system whose proportions
of public and private enterprise change with the times. According
to Hamilton, the value theory, aside from some accidental statements
regarding the organization of industry upon the principle of free
competition, is a specialized subject of inquiry with as little right to
the dignity of economic theory as the theory of money or of ac-
counting. He lays down five tests for any body of doctrine which
aspires to be an economic theory and points out that only the insti-
tutional economics meets these tests

1. Economic theory should unify economic science.

2. Economic theory should be relevant to the modern problem of
control.

3. The proper subject matter of economic theory is institutions.

4. Economic theory is concerned with matters of process.

5. Economic theory must be based upon an acceptable theory of
human behavior.^

According to Commons, the early nineteenth century economists
patterned their work upon the materialistic sciences of phvsics and
chemistry, instead of on a volitional science of the human will. It was
formerly considered, as stated above, that individuals acted like atoms.
This factor has since undergone a transformation. "The free bargain-
ing transactions among individuals were the legal foundations of the
early science of economics."^ These have increasingly been replaced
by collective action. As Commons puts it, "Collection action means
more than mere 'control' of individual action. It means liberation
and expansion of individual action; thus, collective action is literally
the means to liberty."^*^ This collective action was condemned by
classical economists, and even court decisions till a few decades ago
have been against collection action in many countries.

Similarly, the banking and credit system has replaced the barter
economy of traditional economics. Free competition and its under-
lying assumptions are no more valid in the modern world. Instead,
Commons has come forward with five assumptions or hypotheses
after his experience in collective action. These are sovereignty,
scarcity, efficiency, futurity, and custom. According to him, these are
logical assumptions made for the purpose of attaining systematic
interpretation and understanding in a world of diversity. These are
therefore the mental tools for purposes of investigations and are con-
sidered as elementary assumptions with which human beings un-
consciously or habitually guide their economic activities. At the same

18

time, Commons recognizes that each individual, each race of individ-
uals, each corporation or labor union is a special case where only
special investigations can ascertain and explain the relative predomi-
nance of the several simplified assumptions which serve as clues or
mental tools to enable the investigator to find his way.

We have thus observed different points of view: those advanced
by the classical economists and also those found in the neoclassical
and institutional economics. In all fairness to the classical economists,
it can be stated that they were also seeking to explain the broad
basic principles as they perceived economic environments. Smith's
principles and their elaboration, the notion of "divine hand" which
guides each person in pursuing his own gain and thereby to contribute
to the social welfare, Malthusian theory of population, Ricardian
theory of rent, to name only a few, have since been modified. For
example. Smith's notion of "divine hand" led him to believe that any
interference with free competition by government was almost certain
to be injurious. While Smith did recognize some of the realistic limita-
tions on this doctrine, it was not until later that the economists dis-
covered the truth: the virtues claimed for free enterprise are fully
realized only when the complete checks and balances of "perfect
competition" are present. As Max Lerner has pointed out that al-
though the Wealth of Nations is undoubtedly the foundation work of
modern economic thought, yet you can pick it to pieces and find that
there is nothing in it that might not have been found somewhere in
the Hterature before and nothing that comes out of it that has not to
a great degree been punctured by the literature that followed." A
person's thinking is shaped by his inward beliefs, conscious and/or
subconscious, and there are as many preconceptions as postulates.
For instance, taking the case of Ricardo, we find that he assumed as
permanent and universal the physical environment, social organiza-
tion, industrial techniques, and human nature, as he saw it in England
and yet his system was not "perfect" as pointed out by Newman.
However, Ricardo made a great start in systematizing economic
theory.

And again, the problems and premises change over the course of
time. At the time Adam Smith wrote his masterpiece, the chief
economic problem was man's struggle to conquer nature in the pro-
duction of material wealth. As a matter of fact, historically, the pro-
duction of goods and rendering of services has been the most impor-
tant and pressing economic problem. Through his historical career,
man has labored hard to produce the necessities of life, becoming an
expert in "brinkmanship" in the process. In the period following
Adam Smith, the problem of production continued to be an urgent
one, but it became overshadowed by the problem of distribution.
Ricardo's Principles of Political Economy and Taxation, published in
1817, sets forth as its aim the discovery of the principles that govern
the distribution of national incomes among different classes of society.
Just as the opulence of modern times has diminished the urgency of
the problem of production, so it has made possible great contributions
to the solution of the problem of distribution. Neither production nor
distribution is however, any longer the economic problem in the west-

19

em world, though it continues to be the single most important problem
in a large number of countries in the world. On the other hand, in
the modern view, the basic problem is how to allocate given resources
among different uses so as to maximize consumer satisfaction. And
though Malthus had developed the concept of "effective demand",
a century passed before Keynes brought it to the public notice, and it
stirred the imagination of the people. The concept of effective demand
could not gain wide popularity because of the "lack" of knowledge
of economic problems and their complexities.

Yet in spite of all their deficiencies and shortcomings, the science of
economics is proud of its founders. The basic reason why economics
was not an evolutionary science is that the requisite premises and the
point of view had been wanting. According to Veblen, "the process
of change is a gradual one: economic science began with the study
of what had happened in the past, then moved to what is now happen-
ing in the present; finally, it is concerned with the hopes and fears
of what may be expected to happen in future time."^^ The classical
economists were not clear cut on these time dimensions. All of them
took past, present, and future for granted, without investigation, just
as time was taken for granted in the physical sciences** before the
incoming of the recent theories of relativity. Commons has pointed
out that one reason why early economists did not separate out future
time for special investigation in their theories of value was the as-
sumption, taken from the physical sciences, that "cause precedes
effect . . . labor precedes its product, sensations precede action . . .
But here is an effect that precedes its cause. "^^

In conclusion it can be stated that economic theories reflect the
thinking of persons as they perceive the economic environment. f

**Dr. Vannevar Bush, honorary board chairman of M.I.T. says that as a matter
of simple fact "science never proves anything in an absolute sense. It ac-
cumulates data by observation and measurement. From an assemblage of
such data the scientist constructs a hypothesis, a formula that expresses the
relationships he finds." As soon as further observation shows that the working
hypothesis is faulty, it is replaced by another which seems more nearly cor-
rect. "Fortunately, scientific endeavor does not have to be perfect to yield
results. The magnificent structure of dynamics was based on a differential
calculus that was logically full of holes." Kepler's laws explaining planetary
motion were based on calculations now shown to be mere approximations.
Even the Euclidean underpinnings of Newton's iron law of gravitation have
become only one of the possible systems of geometry. For future details, see
Times, The Weekly Magazine, Vol. 85, No. 19, May 7, 1965, p. 81.

fThe small band of U.S. thinkers who are today developing "process theology"
believe that the way to discover a God compatabile with the findings of
physics and psychology is to assume that God himself is in a process of
change and growth. See Times, Ibid., p. 68.

Dr. Bush points out that many people believe that "scientists can establish a
complete set of facts and relations about the universe, all neatly proved, and
that on this firm basis men can securely establish their personal philosophy,
their religion, free from doubt or error." All this, however, is a crass mis-
conceptions. Dr. Bush explains that so exaggerated a faith in the powers of
science is a residue of a naive 18th century belief in absolute "Laws of
nature, based on observation and measurement." Times, Ibid., p. 81.

20

These are influenced by their preconceptions and inward beHefs,
conscious and/or subconscious, and these are seldom, if ever, sub-
jected to searching examination. As the evolutionary process goes
on, the "old" theories have to be modified because of the changed
nature of problems and their premises. The old assumptions have
to be discarded, and new ones have to be worked out. All institutions
are subjected to evolutionary development and growth.

Theorists and theories are products of their own times. To under-
stand them, we must understand their environmental context.

References

1. Henry Clay, "Facts and Theory in Economics", in Paul A. Samuelson, ed.
Readings in Economics (New York, 1958), p. 9.

2. Joseph A. Schumpeter, The Theory of Economic Development (Cambridge,
Massachusetts, 1949), Preface p. x.

3. Kenneth H. Parsons, "Discussion of Institutional Economics Paper",
American Economic Review, vol. 47 (May 1947), p. 24.

4. John R. Commons, The Economics of Collective Action (New York,
1959), p. 32-106.

5. Thorstein Veblen, 'The Limitations of Marginal Utility", in Journal of
Political Economy, vol. 17, (November 1909), p. 5-12.

6. Ibid, p. 6.

7. Thorstein Veblen, "The Evolution of the Scientific Point of View", Uni-
versity of California Chronicle, vol. 10, (May 1908), p. 5.

8. Walton H. Hamilton, "The Institutional Approach to Economic Theory",
American Economic Review, vol. 9 (March 1919), pp. 309-318.

21

The Development and Status of
Industrial Arts in Georgia Schools

by

Clyde W. Hall

The rise of industrial arts in Georgia has roughly followed the
same course it has taken in many other states, but probably during
its early years at a much slower pace. The retardation of this pro-
gram during its formative stages in Georgia can be attributed to many
things, but possibly its greatest obstacles were caused by the economic
structure and cultural composition of this state. It is well known
that Georgia was a major cotton producing state long before and
after the Civil War, and that its people possessed many deep-seated
agrarian ideals which have, until recently, hampered the industrial
development of the state with the largest land area east of the Missis-
sippi River.

Industrial arts, being an urban industrial subject, has remained for
a long time in the shadows of agricultural education in Georgia;
however, it has evolved from manual training as conceived in the late
1870's by Calvin M. Woodward and John D. Runkle, and has passed
through the manual arts stage of Charles A. Bennett to its present
form here the same as it has in other states. This educational evolu-
tion had its beginning in Georgia at Atlanta University in 1883. At
which time, Clarence C. Tucker introduced manual training to the
male secondary pupils of that private Negro institution for its edu-
cational and exploratory possibilities. His three-year program con-
sisted of a combination of courses in woods and metals which met
seven and a half hours per week and included basic hand tool opera-
tions in those areas. This program was so successful that a three-
story brick structure was erected to house it in 1884 and it became a
required subject of all male students at that school.^

Charles H. Ham- made a study of manual training in the United
States between 1883-1898 and found 101 public high schools in 23
states, 54 public primary schools in 20 states, 35 private schools in
12 states, and 17 pubhc normal schools in 14 states offering manual
training to predominately white student bodies. However, only one
of these schools was located in Georgia and that one was Georgia
Normal and Industrial College at Milledgeville, Georgia, which is now
called Georgia State College for Women. This institution has a very
rich history of pioneering in the practical arts. The law passed in

^W.E.B. DuBois, ed.. The Negro Artisan (Atlanta: Atlanta University Press,
1902), pp. 33, 61.

-Charles H. Ham, Mind and Hand: Manual Training the Chief Factors in
Education (New York: American Book Company, 1900) pp. 387-395, 397-
401.

22

1889 establishing this college specified that first class normal and
industrial training should be provided college women at this institu-
tion. Manual training was established there in 1891, and Ham found
during his investigation that 15 teachers taught this course and 284
pupils were enrolled. This institution, in 1906, was also the first
institution in the South to offer home economics as a normal course
and to award a diploma in this area. As late as 1922, the President of
Georgia Normal and Industrial College reported to the State Depart-
ment of Education that persons were being graduated from his insti-
tution qualified to teach manual training.^

Between 1883-1898, Ham^ reported that 69 institutions for Negroes
in 21 states and the District of Columbia offered manual training to
their students. Eight of these institutions were in Georgia and were
private institutions supported mainly by agencies outside the state.

The presence of manual training in so many more Negro institu-
tions than whites in Georgia during this early perod can be attributed
mostly to the following three factors:

1 . The activities of this discipline generally followed closely many
of the jobs which Negroes performed as slaves on the planta-
tions before the Civil War. Generally speaking, they were the
artisans of this region at that time, and there was a feeling
among many former plantation owners of this state and others
that this tradition should be continued.

2. The private schools which offered this work such as Atlanta
University, Spelman Seminary, Ballard Normal and Industrial
School, and Beach Institute were primarily financed by philan-
thropists from the North who had industrial backgrounds which
caused them to have a feeling for this type of education. These
people established funds which fostered industrial training in
many Negro schools during this period. The John F. Slater
Fund is a typical example of this. It was established in 1882
by a wealthy manufacturer from Connecticut for the purpose
of aiding southern school authorities with the development of
comprehensive systems of schools for Negroes.^ Many manual
training programs in Negro institutions were chiefly funded by
this source between 1 882-1903. "^ However, when this money
was withdrawn at the close of the above period, practically all
these manual training programs went out of existence and those
in Georgia were no exception.

3. Possibly the greatest impetus given manual training in Negro
institutions near the turn of the century was an address de-

^ Fifty-First Annual Report of the Department of Education to the Georgia
Assembly of the State of Georgia for the School Year Ending December 31,
1922, p. 221.

*Ham, op. cit., pp. 396-397.

="The John F. Slater Fund," Southern Workman, LXII (June, 1933), 280.

"Willard Range, Tlie Rise and Progress of Negro Colleges in Georgia, 1865-
1949 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1951), p. 75.

23

livered by Booker T. Washington, founder of the famous
Tuskegee Institute, at the Cotton State Exposition in Atlanta
in 1895. This occasion hfted him to national prominence be-
cause of his advocacy of the Negro casting down his bucket in
the South and learning the dignity of labor and the thrift of
honest toiU However, there was some opposition to Washing-
ton's philosophy but many manual training and trade programs
came into existence because of it.

Even though Georgia passed appropriate legislations in 1858 and in
1868 to establish free schools in the state, very little was done in this
regard until the adoption of the Constitution of 1877. At this time,
provisions were made to earnestly support elementary schools for both
races through taxation and other means. '^ The first evidence of statu-
tory support for manual training in Georgia schools came from the
Legislature in 1885. Legislation authorized and recommended school
boards to introduce manual training in the public schools, but it had
very little practical effect in either the Negro or white schools.^

The first significant form of manual training in white public second-
ary schools appeared indirectly in the twelve congressional district
agricultural and mechanical schools established in 1906. The Honor-
able H. H. Perry, of Gainesville, introduced a bill in the State Legis-
lature which provided the machinery and support for these schools
to be organized in Statesboro, Tifton, Americus, CarroUton, Monroe,
Barnesville, Powder Springs, Madison, Clarkesville, Granite Hill,
Douglass and Cochran. ^^ These district agricultural and mechanical
schools attempted to provide for the white youth of Georgia a high
school education and vocational training in an agricultural environ-
ment during a four year period. Prior to 1924, when the complexion
of these institutions started changing because of the rapid rise of
other public high schools in the state, carpentry appeared to be the
best organized industrial subject offered. At times, this subject pos-
sessed qualities of a manual training course, and, at others, it ap-
peared to be purely a vocational course organized to help these schools
build and maintain their physical plants. Between 1924 and 1933, six
of these institutions went out of existence and six were advanced to
institutions of higher learning. Georgia Southern College at States-
boro, which came into existence as the First District A. & M. School,
had a mechanical course which has developed into one of the leading
industrial arts programs of this state.

With the coming and passing of World War II, and with a great
migration of persons from rural areas to the urban centers, Georgia
started shifting from an agricultural state to an industrial empire.

^E. Davidson Washington, Selected Speeches of Booker T. Washington
(Garden City, Doubleday, Doran and Company, Inc., 1932), pp. 31-36.

"John C. Meadows, Modern Georgia (Athens: University of Georgia Press,
1946), pp. 139-141.

*Ham, op. cit., p. 403.

^Fifty-First Annual Report, op. cit., pp. 22, 31.

24

Georgia, as well as the entire nation, became conscious of the many
disadvantages of the little red school house with its rich history and
pleasant memories, and began initiating programs to consolidate its
schools into larger and more meaningful educational units. In 1949,
Georgia passed a Minimum Foundation School Law which has revo-
lutionized education in this state, and industrial arts has been a part
of this revolution. ^^

The acceleration of industrial arts programs under the Minimum
Foundation School Law can be greatly attributed to the tranquility
and cooperation which exist in Georgia between the people in indus-
trial arts education and those in vocational education. The Georgia
Division of Vocational Education has given industrial arts its unusual
support and has included it as a facet of its activities. Because of
the hostility which exists between these two groups, such a union is
almost unthinkable in many other states.

An example of this cooperation was vividly exhibited in 1952,
when the Division of Vocational Education discovered during an in-
vestigation that 90 percent of the new school buildings approved
under the Minimum Foundation School Law had no planned facilities
for industrial arts, although a School Building Authority was estab-
lished under this Law to insure the construction of modern school
buildings for up-to-date functional educational programs. As a result
of the concern of the Division of Vocational Education, a committee
was formed of state officials, teacher trainers, school superintendents
and industrial arts teachers to study this problem and take action
concerning it. This committee, after making a careful study, de-
veloped and distributed a bulletin containing recommendations for
industrial arts facilities in the public schools of this state. ^- These
recommendations in a revised form were later included in the State
Department of Education's publication A Guide for Planning and
Construction of School Facilities in Georgia, which is widely used by
local school officials and architects when planning new school plants.
Practically all new secondary school plants now constructed in this
state have some facilities for industrial arts.

Another great step forward in industrial arts in Georgia was taken
when the Division of Vocational Education in 1958 created the posi-
tion of Consultant for Industrial Arts and employed Raymond S.
Ginn, Jr., as its first consultant. This office has nurtured this subject
in the public schools by collecting and disseminating information con-
cerning this area, by assisting with the certification of industrial arts
teachers, and, above all, by administering the unique equipment aid
program for industrial arts which was started in 1960 with a $20,000
allocation from the Division of Vocational Education and grew to a
fund of $200,000 in 1964 to be matched by local school systems
for the purchasing of industrial arts equipment.

^^ Donald F. Hackett, "The Status and Need for Industrial Education in Geor-
gia" (Unpublished Doctor's dissertation, The University of Missouri, 1953),
p. 9.

"^'Ubid., pp. 9-10.

25

The technical complexion of industrial arts in the secondary schools
of this state has been shaped largely by institutions of higher learning
within its borders. The entrance requirements of these schools, as
well as their graduates, have determined to a great extent the areas
of specialization in the industrial arts programs at the secondary level.

Mechanical drawing has recently become a very prominent indus-
trial arts course in the secondary schools of the urban centers, largely
because of entrance and curricular requirements at Georgia Institute
of Technology. At one time, drafting was stressed in engineering
education and was a skill one expected to develop while enrolled in
a professional engineering curriculum, but today engineering schools,
and Georgia Tech is no exception, expect freshmen to possess certain
basic drafting skills when they enroll. This being true, many young-
sters in the large cities of the state have requested drawing as an
elective in their secondary programs because of their interest in
Georgia Tech. The industrial arts offerings of the high schools of
Atlanta and DeKalb County vividly reflect this need.

Savannah State College has almost singlehandedly shaped the tech-
nical content of predominately Negro industrial arts programs. A
vast majority of the Negro industrial arts teachers in this state were
graduated from Savannah State College since World War II. Even
though this college was founded in 1890 under the Morrill Acts of
1862 and 1890 and introduced a manual training course as early
as 1892,1^ it conferred its first degree in industrial arts under the
umbrella of industrial education in 1948. The author was the re-
cipient of that degree. To a great extent until 1961, graduates of
this industrial education program had received mostly specialized
vocational training in auto mechanics, masonry and woodwork, and
these were the areas which they most frequently established in the
industrial arts programs in Negro secondary schools where they
worked. However, this situation began changing in 1960 when the
equipment aid program promoted the introduction of the areas of
metals and electricity and the composite industrial education program
at Savannah State College was replaced in 1961 with specialized
programs in industrial arts education; trade and industrial education.

Donald F. Hackett,^^ in his study of industrial arts programs in
white schools of this state in 1952-53, revealed that most of the
teachers in these programs were graduated from Georgia Southern
College (Georgia Teachers College), Martha Berry College and
University of Georgia, and the most frequently offered course was a
general shop course with a woodworking core. This course reflected
greatly the offerings of the above schools at that time, and as these
institutions have diversified their programs, a greater variety of tech-
nical content can now be found in general shop courses in the pre-
dominantly white secondary schools of this state.

^^Range, op. cit.. p. 72.
i-'Hackett, op. cit., pp. 21, 31.

26

The approved program approach for the certification of teachers
in Georgia has greatly helped to expand and standardize industrial
arts substance in all schools of this state. This system necessitates
the establishment of criteria governing pre-service educational pro-
grams of teachers. These criteria are developed by personnel from
the teacher training institutions in the state, in cooperation with public
school officials and teachers, and the State Department of Education
staff. They are used by the State Department of Education to
approve or disapprove teacher training programs. Once a program
is approved, graduates of the program are automatically certificated
when they are recommended by the institution involved.

Criteria for industrial arts programs under the above arrangement
were first developed in 1953 and were later revised during the early
part of 1964. The current criteria require institutions preparing in-
dustrial arts teachers to make all candidates functional in drafting,
woods, metals, electricity-electronics, and power mechanics or graphic
arts. These candidates are expected to teach the above technical areas
in grades 7, 8, and 9 as exploratory and discovery experiences and
in grades 10, 11, and 12 as occupational preparatory training for
some learners and foundation training for advanced study for others.
These standards will plot the course and shape the destiny of industrial
arts in Georgia schools for several years to come.

27

Selected Bibliography

Bennett, Charles A., ed., Vocational Education, Vol. II (Peoria: The Manual
Arts Press, 1913).

Bowden, Willie C. "A Survey of Course Offerings in Industrial Arts in the
Negro Public Junior and Senior High Schools of Georgia During the Year
1959-60" (unpublished Master's thesis, University of Minnesota, 1960).

Clarke, I. C, Arts and Industry Education in the Industrial and Fine Arts in
the United States, United States Department of the Interior: Bureau of
Education, Parts 2 and 4 (Washington: Government Printing Office.
1898).

DuBois, W.E.B., ed.. The Negro Artisan (Atlanta: Atlanta University Press,
1902).

Fifty-First Annual Report of the Department of Education to the Georgia As-
sembly of the State of Georgia for School Year Ending December 31, 1922.

Hackett, Donald F., "The Status and Need for Industrial Education in Georgia"
(unpublished Doctor's dissertation. The University of Missouri, 1953).

Hall, Clyde W., "A Survey of Industrial Education for Negroes in the United
States up to 1917" (unpublished Doctor's dissertation, Bradley University,
1953).

, "Development of Industrial Education for Negroes in the United

States Prior to World War I," Faculty Research Edition of the Savannah
State College Bulletin, XVI, No. 2, (December, 1962).

Ham, Charles H., Mind and Hand, (New York: American Book Company,
1900).

Meadows, John C Modern Georgia (Athens: The University of Georgia
Press, 1946).

Orr, Dorothy, A History of Education in Georgia (Chapel Hill: The Uni-
versity of North Carolina Press, 1950).

Range, Willard, The Rise and Progress of Negro Colleges in Georgia 1865-1949
(Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 1951).

State Department of Education, A Guide for Planning and Construction of
School Facilities in Georgia (Atlanta: Division of Administration and
Finance, 1961 ).

"The John F. Slater Funds." Southern Workman, LXII (June, 1933).

Washington, E. Davidson, Selected Speeches of Booker T. Washington (Garden
City: Doubleday, Doran and Company. Inc.. 1932).

28

Synthesis of 4:6 Tliio 1, 3, 5-triazine
Derivatives (I)

by

Kamalakar B. Raut

The present work describes the synthesis of 4:6 thio 1,3, 5-triazine
derivatives for biological studies, by condensation of 1-ethyl dithio-
biuret with different aromatic aldehydes. The reaction takes place as
follows :

C2H5

I

N

=/^

H-N

H +

H
N-H

C2H5

N OH

H-N N-H

II
S

Ethyl dithio-
biuret

Salicylaldehyde

Y

1 -ethyl-2-O-hydroxy
phenyl 4:6 dithio 1,
3, 5-triazine

Experimental

A mixture of ethyl dithiobiuret and salicylic aldehyde [1:1] in
ethanol was cooled to 0C. Dry hydrogen chloride gas was passed
through this mixture for thirty minutes. The reaction mixture was
poured in IN sodium hydroxide, warmed to 50 and filtered. The
filtrate was acidified with dilute acetic acid and cooled overnight. The
solid that precipitated was separated by filtration and crystallized
from ethanol or ethyl acetate.

Similarly, other derivatives were prepared.

29

With ethyl dithiobiuret, the following aldehydes were condensed.

Aldehyde

1 . Salicylaldehyde

2. m-hydroxy benzaldehyde

3. m-chloro benzaldehyde

4. p-tolu-aldehyde

5. Veratric aldehyde

6. 5-Bromovanillin

7. VanilHn

8. Anisaldehyde

9. p-dimethylamino benzaldehyde

Further work is in progress.

M.P. of the
Product

228

=C

171

=C

230

=c

227

=c

226

=c

224

=c

226

=c

227

=c

222

=c

30

Flow Parameters Behind Three Dimensional
Shock Wave

by
Nazir A. Warsi

1. INTRODUCTION

The jump conditions for the flow of a perfect gas in Lagrangian
Coordinate system is given by [1]

(1-1) [u'] + K^/k]x' =

(1-2) [|)]+h^/[u'Jx''=0

(1.3) tev^;+i] = o

In order to determine the flow parameters behind the shock wave
we take help of the idea of the shock-strength. The strength of the
shock is defined as the ratio of the change in any flow parameter
from the backside to the frontside to the flow parameter in front of
the shock surface. The idea of shock strength is important from the
physical point of view as it determines whether the shock is weak
or whether it is to die out soon. As the values of a parameter in
two regions approach one another, the discontinuity is removed and
the shock dies out. According to the definition of the shock strength
if F is a flow parameter, we have

(1.4) 8f/=:f]/fv

where [F] stands for Fo^ Fi. In particular the specific volume
strength Sz/ is given by

(1-5) Sc/=[cVci/

2. FLOW PARAMETERS.

We have the following theorems.

THEOREM: 2.1: The law of conservation of mass in terms of
Sc/is given by

(2.1) nu']=-L/83/^i/x'

PROOF: In virtue of (1.5), (1.1) gives (2.1).

COROLLARY 2.1: The equations (2.1) are equivalent to

(2.2)a [Un.] = - L/ S^/ ^1/
or ' / ' '

(2.2)b CUh/]= Sc/ Vin/

31

or

and ^ '

(2.3) [Uj] .

PROOF: Multiplying (2.1) by X' and summing with respect to
i, we get (2.2)a. With the help of the relation -hn/^L/ =Viri/ ,

equation (2.2)a gives (2.2)b which is evidently equivalent to (2.2)c.

Multiplying (2.1) by x',^summing with respect to i and using the
fact that

(2-4) X1^X'=0,
we get (2.3).

COROLLARY 2.2: For a stationary shock wave, we have

(2.5) CUrx/> Sr/Um/ __

PROOF: For a stationary shock wave Urv/= Therefore,
putting \/tn/'-UArv/ and\4/i=U.dL/i in (2.3 )b, we get (2.5).

THEOREM 3.2: The law of conservation of momentum can be
put in the form

(2.6)a Ct)l--kn/ Szf "^V

(2.6)b Ll=-krv/ hx,/ Vlh/

(2.6)c [:^>-kn/Sc/Vi/iy.'
which, for the stationary shock, reduces to

(2.7)aC|o>-U/ 53/ Um/
or . .

(2.7)bi:|.>-Kh/ 8c/Ui/i)C'

PROOF: Multiplying (1.5) by X' and summing with respect to
i, we get

(2.8) i:f]+kn/ CUh/J-U

which, in consequence of (2.2)a gives (2.6)a. Equation (2.8) also
gives (2.6)b if the value of C Un/l is substituted from (2.2)b.
Obviously, (2.6)b is equivalent to (2.6)c.

For a stationary shock, Vlh/ = Ulh/ and Vi/i -Ul/I

Hence, (2.6)b and (2.6)c reduce to (2.7)a and (2.7)b respectively.

THEOREM 3.3: The law of conservation of energy at the shock
surface can be put in the form ^

(2.9)aCIJ=-Ji U/^z/(5^/i-2)'^l/
or o

(2.9)bri]=--k Sv (Sc/ + ^; Vin/

32

or
or

which, for the stationary shock, reduces to

(2.10) cn = -i 83/(s^/t2) uiV/

.PROOF: (1.3) gives (2.9)a if (1.5) is used. The relation
-Wr\/'^i/ = Viv\/ reduces (2.9)a to (2.9)b. For a stationary
shock Vin/= U. in / Hence, (2.10) is obvious from (2.9)b.

THEOREM 3.4: The specific volumes on the two sides of the
shock surface are related by the equation

(2.11)aCTl^ -^ Vin/
or

(2.11)br2:i= -M- Vi/i V

Kn./

which, in the case of a stationary shock, reduce to

(2.12)ar2.:= -^ ULm/
or ^"^Z

(2.i2)bCrl= -ii/ ULiAX'

PROOF: Substituting ?i/ = - N/in/hn/ in (1.5), we get
(2.11)a which is obviously equivalent to (2.1 l)b. For a stationary
shockVm/^ Um/ and Vi/i=Ull/i Hence, we get (2. 12) a
and (2.12)b.

THEOREM 3.5 : In the case of unsteady flow of a poly tropic gas
is given by, %z/ ^ ^ ; r. ^

(2.13) S^/ -SrTi 'kn/^ ^i/

PROOF: In the case of a polytropic gas, the energy and specific
enthalpy equations are written as

and '

(2.15)I^/ = e,/ + K/^^/

respectively. (2.15), by virtue of (2.14), gives

which gives

(2.17) CIJ-^^ Cf^r].

If T^ / , \i x/ and [I] are eliminated from (2.17) with the
help of (1.5), (2.6)a and (2.9)a, then an equation containing Sz./
and the flow and thermodynamic parameters of region 1 / ,is ob-
tained. This equation gives the value of ^z / as shown in (2.13).

References

1. Warsi, N. A. (1965) On Geometry of Shock Waves in Lagrangian Co-
ordinate System. Savannah State College Faculty Research Bulletin. Vol. 18,

No. 2.

2. Mishra. R. S. On Stream Lines With Reference to a Shock Surface. Pro-
ceedings of National Institute of Sciences. Vol. 26, No 6.

33

Ability Grouping: The Pros and Cons

by
John W. Jordan

The purpose of this study is to focus on a central problem in
American education and society, namely, the dilemma of the group-
ing of students in different classes. The scope of the study will cover
many facets of the controversy surrounding the issue of ability group-
ing in the American educational system.

The task of determining whether it is best to group students
homogeneously or heterogeneously according to ability poses two
immediate problems. First, which method or type of grouping will
yield the greatest possible gains for the majority of the students
without any detrimental effect on others? It is the broad nature of
this problem that piques the concern of educators; the concern is for
the gains or advantages of all students, and not just a few that may
be helped while others may be hindered.

Secondly, what criterion is to be used to measure the gains of
one type of grouping against another; what is the mandate or pur-
pose of the American educational system; the function of the school
in providing the maximum benefits for all; and the objectives, values,
standards, ideals, and norms of education?

The way in which students are grouped in the American school
systems has a great effect on the schools, students, and society. In
fact, the problem demands that the democratic idea of education
be re-evaluated.

Moreover, the controversy of grouping students demands that the
problem be treated and delineated immediately if the educational ob-
jectives within the school and society are to survive.

The procedure in the treatment of the dilemna of ability grouping
will be to focus attention on certain pertinent facts and studies which
will reflect the pros and cons of the problem that is upsetting and
challenging the rationale of the American school system. The method
will be to define important terms, present the issue, survey some
relevant literature concerning the problem, measure the results and
findings, and draw a conclusion.

In order to understand the problem of ability grouping it will be
necessary to clarify three important words that will be used throughout
this paper: grouping, ability grouping, and heterogeneous grouping.
The word "grouping" has a broad meaning, but as it is used in this
paper it has the following meaning:

The act or process of combining all the observations that
fall within a given range, bound by the class limits, into a
single group, which is then usually treated either as if all the

34

observations in the group had the same value or as if the
observations were distributed evenly over the interval.^

The synonymous use of homogeneous grouping and ability group-
ing often creates confusion since the word "homogeneous" is usually
used to refer to the classification of pupils for the purpose of forming
instructional groups having a high degree of similarity in regard to sex,
industry, age, previous experience, abihty, and other factors which
affect learning. This study is concerned with homogeneity as it
denotes grouping according to ability. Chester Harris defines ability
grouping as

one of the several devices for bringing students together on
criteria of likeness or homogeneity. In ability grouping an
attempt is made to divide the students into classes or within
a given class according to their ability to attain. ^

The type of grouping that is compared with homogeneous group-
ing is called heterogeneous grouping. It is defined by Carter Good
in The Dictionary of Education as

the classification of pupils for the purpose of forming certain
groups having a high degree of dissimilarity.^

These terms are essential to understanding the consideration of the
issue to be discussed in this paper: namely, the pros and cons of
ability grouping.

In the educational system of today with the current emphasis on
integration of the schools and segregation of the students into special
classes according to ability, it is plainly clear that the American
educational system is in a state of crisis. Central to the crisis as it
affects education society specifically is a national controversy; it is
the controversy over how to group students for instructional purposes.
Many competent teachers and educators argue vigorously for ability
grouping and cite the reasons for their choice. In justifying ability
grouping they say that students of widely different academic abilities
and reading skills should not be in the same class. They give many
valid reasons in support of their hypothesis, but not without stirring
old arguments against it; reasoning that justice can only be done to
the bright students and the slow students if both receive instruction
in the same classes which by their nature should be diversively heter-
geneous.

The issue of whether or not students of like ability should be
grouped together for instructional purposes has been debated for
many years. There is evidence that concern in the issue of ability
grouping developed around the 1900's. At that time people paid
little attention to adjustment of classes, standards, or subject-matter
to individual pupils. With the passing of the public school's com-

^Carter Good, Dictionary of Education, p. 256.

^Chester Harris (ed.), Encyclopedia of Educational Research, p. 223.

'Carter Good, op. cit., p. 256.

35

pulsory school atendance law, the schools were faced with the task
of educating all children. To cope with this great change in the edu-
cational system, administrators tried to make adjustments by organ-
izing pupils in ability groups. To identify the groups, they were
usually referred to as Robins, Bluebirds, and Orioles or X, Y, and
Z groups. When ability grouping first came into existence, it should
be noted that teachers had little or no knowledge of child growth and
learning, and individual differences. They also had very little knowl-
edge of mental ability and their relation to the various school subjects
and skills.'*

One may ask the following questions regarding the grouping of
students for instruction. Will students achieve more if they are
grouped with children of about the same mental maturity and mental
ability? Or are they better off in a group with varying abilities?
What is better for the slow learner or for the gifted child to be with
others hke themselves or in a mixed group? The evidence for these
questions will be considered and answered.

The first consideration will be the argument and evidence for
homogeneous grouping:

I. Ability grouping makes a differentiation of curriculums
easier. There is a wide range of individual differences in a
regular classroom ability grouping makes the teacher's
task easier, and it enables him to adapt methods of teaching
to meet the needs of the varying groups.

II. Above average students tend to form habits of idleness,
inattention, and mental laziness when in class v/ith average
and below average pupils; they may develop a false sense
of superiority from a lack of challenge or effective motiva-
tion; and underachievement is more likely to occur in the
regular classroom.

III. Slower learners in separate groups are not discouraged
by superiority of other, but compete on more equal terms
students compete with others of fairly equal ability, and
competition is keener for pupils of all groups since the
students are more likely to work up to their capacities.

IV. The gifted children in the regular class stimulate the
average and below average children at the expense of their
own learning.

V. Ability grouping stimulates a new leadership.

VI. Association with other pupils does not insure the de-
velopment of adequate social and personal relationships
students can be friends outside of the classroom.^

^Martin Essex, "How Good is Ability Grouping?", National Parent Teachers,
LIV (September 1959), 14-16.

^A. H. Passow, "Enrichment of Education for the Gifted", Education for the
Gifted, Fifty-seventh Yearbook of the National Society for the Study of
Education. Part II. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1958), 193-221.

36

Evidence has been secured to favor the characteristic argument of
abihty grouping. Some trials of abihty grouping show favorable evi-
dence, although, in the many cases, the originator of the study was
the judge. The evidence and research are indecisive, and a look at
some of the experiments and findings will illustrate this. Catherine
Miles in her review of studies in the field of grouping declared that:

The experimental work with the gifted child in which segre-
gated are compared with non-segregated groups seems to
point to the more favorable progress of the former as com-
pared with the latter.*^

Paul Rankin reports in "Pupil Classification and Grouping" that
Worlton did a study dealing with bright pupils in 1924. He com-
pared 714 pupils in homogeneous classes with 426 in heterogeneous
classes in one large school, with 326 pupils in heterogeneous classes
in one large school which had adopted ability grouping, and with
766 pupils in heterogeneous classes. The chart on the following page
presents the essential data from the study. The results of the study
show that with one exception the means for the homogeneous groups
were higher than the means for any of the three types of hetero-
geneous control groups.

The pupils in homogeneous groups excelled those in mixed groups
in practically all levels of ability which were studied." It should be
noted that this study is too short and the data too little to be com-
pletely convincing. Furthermore, the slight advantage of abihty
grouping in this study is not enough to be significant.

A. G. Breiderstine presented evidence in favor of ability grouping.
The data was on differentiated and undifferentiated groups. He con-
cluded that pupils of high intelUgence did slightly better when in
classes where differentiation is not practical than when in differ-
entiated groups; pupils who are average in ability do as well in
segregated as when in mixed classes. The dull pupils in differentiated
classes excell in comparison with their mates in undifferentiated
classes. Virtually, the study concludes that the undifferentiated were
shghtly superior to the differentiated except for a few isolated grades.^
This study shows that ability grouping is not entirely advantageous
for all grades it brings in a weakness that is not solved by ability
grouping, that is, the study did not show advantages in ability group-
ing for all students and the results are generally inconclusive.

''Catherine Miles, "Gifted Children", Manual of Child Psychology, (ed.)
Leonard Carmichael, 1032.

Taul Rankin, "Classification and Grouping", Review of Educational Research,
Part I. (1931), 18.

^A. G. Breiderstine, "The Educational Achievement of Pupils in Differentiated
and Undifferentiated Groups", Journal of Experimental Educational, Vol. V.
(1936), 91-135.

37

o

H
O

.S ^"

c

rG OS

60 -H

(JON

i ^

H <^

ca C?

^ 3

hJ s

v<

Levels
or Jam

3

(U M

1 ^

w ^

f) lyi

n c

e QJ

S:: o

igei
cor

a a
a-?

5 J5
C/5Q

c .-d

-^ u

'^

1

^ en

X

3

03 1 '

o

03

> ^

^

S

ca

o

^ ^

C/3

rd o

l-ol

o c

1 ^

14-1 O

Eg

C2 U

-3

00

13 a

ca 1^

c
"S.

2 <u

g X

3
O

<^Q

Q o

O

^ 1

3

3

1 c5^

d d

O

05

c

a

00

^ 'S

o

d

u

TJ cd

"S

t-

res, an
lasses.

X

1/3

J2 :3

log'

8 ^

C/5 M

H

ement
geneoi]

TS 03

00

c

3

1'^

> o

o

(D Vh

u.

2 ii

o

o <u

M

< ffi

3

o

c

C3

d .S

c

0)

0^ c/T

00

o

s

^ ^

ll

lyj Jd

o

a^

i&

d c

5 Oh

CL| P

Z

o

'S g

V- (U

<U bO

Xi O

2 g

z Dd

5S)0

^

t>-

q

o

'^

^

ON

en

o

T 1

vO

ON

r-H

T 1

11

o
o

o
m

11

00

en

Ti-
(N

en

ON

o

11
in

in

o6

o\

d

OS

00

d

11

lO

(N

en
in

On

oo
oo

o

1 I

O

1 1

'^

11

T 1

11

11

O

r-

en
en

NO

en

en

rt-

in

00

en

d

'"^

=

(N

d

On

00

ON

M5

NO

00

o

r 1

en

11

11

r-H

00

11

11

1 (

GO

O

11

NO

in

1 H

NO

O

o
oo

>n
in

Ti-
en

o

d

1 (

d

OS

ON

00

ON

On

IT)

^

in

ON

On

^H

T (

00

r4

H

1-H

11

ON

m

o\

o

Tt

en

O

oo'

NO

0^

ON

o

0\

ON

11

ON

en

>

o

cd

1

O

1

o
o

1

o

1 (

6

O
en

6

m

o

NO
NO

o

NO
ON

<N

11

en

NO

en

NO

NO

Tl-

00

ON

en
in

oo

o
H

o

a

o
U

38

A review by H. J. Otto states that evidence slightly favors the use
of ability grouping. Studies of gifted children in special classes were
described in Part I of the Twenty-Third Yearbook of the National
Society for the Study of Education. All the studies reported superb
academic achievement in ability grouped classes.

More recent evidence in ability grouping tends to say that students
differ from subject to subject and that students should be grouped
homogeneously in some classes and heterogeneously in others. James
Bryant Conant advocates thusly:

In the required subjects and those elected by students with
a wide range of ability, the students should be grouped ac-
cording to ability, subject by subject. For example, in
English, American history, ninth-grade algebra, biology,
and physical science, there should be at least three types of
classes one for the more able in the subject, another for
the large group whose ability is about average and another
for the very slow readers who should be handled by special
teachers. The middle group might be divided into two
or three sections according to the students' abiUties in the
subject in question. This type of grouping is not to be con-
fused with across-the-board grouping to which a student is
placed in a particular section in all courses. Under the
scheme here recommended, for example, a student may be
in the top section in English but the middle section in his-
tory or ninth-grade algebra^.

The arrangement as advocated by Conant may help to some extent,
but the arguments against the hazards of ability grouping will not
be delineated.

In agreement with Conant is R. V. Braham who advocates homo-
geneous grouping in skill subjects, for the purpose of challenging and
meeting the needs of students. ^^

One of the many studies investigating ability grouping was done
by Rankin in 1927. Approximately 1100 pupils in 36 classes
of grade 7B in six intermediate junior high schools were studied.
The pupils were high, average, and low on the basis of chrono-
logical age, intelligence test rating, and teacher estimation. Eleven
or twelve pupils were taken from each of the three groups and placed
together in a mixed group. All pupils were administered seven
educational tests at the beginning and the end of the semester. The
results show that, on the whole, there is a small advantage with homo-
geneous grouping; low and average groups both gained more in homo-
geneous sections, but the high groups gained more in mixed groups. ^^
The findings by Rankin seem to be contrary to the findings of others
who say that the high group makes the greatest gain in homogeneous

''James Bryant Conant, The American High School Today, p. 45.

^R. V. Braham, "Grouping in the Junior High School", The National Educa-
tion Association Journal, XLVIII (September 1959) 22-23.

^iRankin, op. cit., p. 223.

39

groups. It was mixed groups, probably, which contributed to the
growing demand for more attention to the gifted students and of
separating them into special classes for instruction. The evidence
seems to show that the bright pupils would surpass the dull ones
whether grouped by ability or not; "the gifted child, by his very nature,
gets more from an experience than the average or slow child."^-

Cutts and Moseley say:

Children in special classes for the bright and gifted continue
to take full part in the general activities of their schools. The
children learn more than children in ungrouped classes. ^^

Considering research shows no significant unanimity of findings,
the following survey of some of the available research will illustrate
the fact that ability grouping will produce no significant advantages.
The arguments against ability grouping will be included in the fol-
lowing studies and findings. The decision, on the part of educators
who do not favor ability grouping, to restrict program modification
to the regular classroom may be based on considerations of educa-
tional philosophy or administrative practicality. As Marian Scheifele
puts it, this procedure

permits children of varying abilities to work and play to-
gether, to share goals and plans, and to experience achieve-
ment through the utilization of each individual's particular
ability. 1^

A report on a five-year follow-up study in Stockholm by Nils - Eric
Svensson provides evidence in favor of heterogeneous grouping. A
review of the study shows that the comparability of students was
controlled by dividing them into socio-economic groups and by re-
ferring to data from an intelligence test and several attainment tests.
The purpose of the study as set forth by Nils-Eric Svensson was to
determine where different school class-types have varying effects on
the attainments (or the amount of gain in attainment) of pupils with
similar initial academic qualifications and home background. The
subjects for the study were 10,938 pupils from all four grade classes
in 1954-55. Data was collected on four subsequent testing occasions
from samples taken from the base population; grade 6 (2,400),
grade 7 (3,443), grade 8 (2,891) and grade 9 (689). A retest was
given to the students one and a half years later and the findings were
as follows:

The better students were superior in the Sixth grade; there
was no clear significant differences in the Seventh grade;
there was no established differences in the Eighth grade;
and there was no observed difference in the Ninth grade. ^^

^-A. H. Passow, op. cit., p. 202.

^^Norma E. CuUs, and Nicholas Moseley, Providing for Individual Differences
in the Elementary School, p. 71.

^^Marian Scheifele. The Gifted Child in the Regular Classroom, p. 45.

^^N. E. Svensson, "Ability Grouping and Scholastic Achievement", Educational
Review, V. (November 1962), 53-56.

40

In general, it was found that pupils from higher socio-economic
backgrounds had higher test scores than pupils from lower socio-
economic backgrounds, but both progressed at about the same rate.
(The socio-economic issue in ability grouping will be discussed later
in this paper.) The analysis showed that for low ability pupils, total
scores in attainment were highest in the least homogenous classes,
but in general classes of varying homogeneity were about equal in
attainment. ^*^ This evidence certainly questions the assumption that
the attainments of a school class are related to its homogeneity in
ability or socio-economic background.

A two-year study by the Talented Youth Project in co-operation
with the Board of Education of the City of New York was done in
1956 with the specific purpose of exploring differences in achieve-
ment, social and personal relations, interest and attitude toward
school of intermediate grade children when grouped in classes with
various ranges of intellectual ability. The hypothesis was neither the
presence nor absence of gifted pupils, nor the range of abilities in
any given classroom, nor the relative position of a particular ability
level within the range will affect the attainment of elementary school
pupils. The five ability levels as designated were as follows:

gifted IQ 130 and above

very bright IQ 120-129

bright IQ 110- 119

high average IQ 100- 109

below average IQ 99 and below

From these levels of about 3,000 pupils, 15 grouping patterns were
organized. Elementary schools in four out of five boroughs were asked
to submit the distribution of Otis Alpha IQ scores of their 4th grade
pupils. Four pupils with IQ scores above 130 were invited to par-
ticipate from each school. Many schools were excluded. It was
noted that many of the schools excluded were located in culturally
disadvantaged areas. The presence of gifted students in the class-
room, regardless of ability range, affected the achievement of the
other ability levels in science and to a lesser extent in social studies.
Where there were gifted students, the other ability levels scored
higher in these two subject areas than in classes of equal range where
the gifted were absent; the presence of the low-average tended to
have a positive effect on the arithmetic computation scores of the
other ability levels. ^^ The findings of this study seem to cast doubt
on the effects of ability grouping per se in raising the academic at-
tainment of pupils because, as has been seen, the results are in favor
of heterogeneous grouping.

^'^Ibid, p. 56.

'^'^Mirian L. Goldberg and A. Harry Passow, "The Effects of Ability Grouping",
Education LXXXII (April 1962), 482-87.

41

The findings of Goldberg and Passow support the argument against
ability- grouping: in ability" grouping, the slow group loses the stimulus
and the contribution of the brighter students; furthermore, there are
no outstanding leaders to inspire the slower groups.

As Franseth says in her article on abihty grouping:

Available research seems to indicate that children supposed-
ly grouped according to abilit}' are no more Ukely to gain
greater achievement than their counter-parts grouped
heterogeneously.^-

Purdom made a study of ninth grade pupils taught Enghsh and
algebra in Michigan. In each school the pupils were divided into
tw'o groups from the raw score of the Terman Group Intelligence
Test. One group was broken into homogeneous groups: the other
into heterogeneous groups. Purdom found that from the total num-
ber of 221 pairs, the experimental group on the average made lower
gains on two of the four English tests, on one of the two algebra
tests, and lower grades in English, but higher grades in algebra.^^
There was no marked difference between the results of homogeneous
and heterogeneous groups imder the conditions of the experiment.

\'an W'agenen studied the effects of segregation upon the achieve-
ment of ver\' superior pupils in grades seven and eight: these pupUs
were really higher than usual, for their IQ"s ranged from 120-154.
The basis of evaluation was the comparison of their achievement
quotients \^ith the achievement quotients of children of like mental
age and with approximately the same IQ. No appreciable or con-
sistent differences were discovered.-^^

Another expression of the results of abilit}' grouping is given by
Gray and Hollingworth who studied gifted students in special and
regiilar classrooms. They concluded that the advantages of grouping

Me not so much in expectations of greater achievement in
the tool subject as in the enrichment of scholastic experience
with additional intellectual opportunities.-^

The achievement results on their study were about equal.

Lucins and Luchins studied the attitudes of children toward
homogeneous grouping. They first noticed that there is a marked
differences in social atmosphere between the bright classes and the
dull classes. The dull children showed a lack of interest and spon-
taneity': whUe the bright children were hveUer, happier and full of

^-Jane Franseth. "Grouping Children for Instruction". School Life. XL (June
1963).

i^Paul Rankin, op. cit.. p. 218.

-'^Ibid, pp. 217-18.

-^Howard A. Gray and Leta S. HoUingsworth. "The Achievement of Gifted
Children Enrolled in Special Opportunity Classes". Journal of Educational
Research. XXTV' fNovember 1931). 26 L

42

interest. In the study by Luchins and Luchins 190 New York City
public elementary school children in the 4th and 5th, and 6th grades
were interviewed. Each subject was told that the Board of Educa-
tion was conducting a study to find what kind of classes children
prefer. Five questions were aesked. The results appear on the fol-
lowing charts:

(%) Choose (%) Choose
Class Number Class 1 Class 2

Bright

68

96

4

Average

70

87

13

DuU

52

75

25

Most pupils regardless of status, selected Class 1, the bright group.
The following chart shows that the students felt that their parents
would prefer that they be in Class 1, the bright group.

(%) Choose (%) Choose
Class Number Class 1 Class 2

Bright 68 97 3

Average 70 92 8

Dull 52 80 20

A high percentage of the children in the bright group indicated that
they would not play with or choose their best friend from the dull
group, while mostly those m average and duU groups would choose
playmates from other classes and would select a best friend without
regard to the superscript of his class.^^

Sister M. Beatrice has the following to say about ability grouping:

I am convinced that homogeneous grouping, handled by
teachers desirous of helping children to progress, is a partial
answer to meeting the needs of our large classes. A child
can be reached in a like group. There is less frustration
for the individual. Methods of teaching can be adopted to
give maximum results.-^

Byers does not agree with the remarks by Sister Beatrice. She
believes that abihty grouping causes emotional stress to the segregated
students.

The effect on the self-concept of all children involved in
homogeneous grouping is especially interesting. Children
who are not in the gifted sections evidence feelings of worth-
lessness and sometimes of rejection. In a society that has

^''Abraham S. Luchins and Edith H. Luchins, "Children's Attitudes Homoge-
neous Grouping", Pedagogical Seminary and Journal of Genetic Psychology,
LXXII (March 1948), 3-9.

-^Sister Mary Beatrice, "Homogeneous Grouping Challenges the Teacher",
Catholic School Journal, LXIII (March 1963), 35.

43

often been enriched by ideas, inventions, and innovations
from people who are not intellectually gifted, should we
discourage children who are not intellectually gifted?-^

Many others disagree with such statements as made by Sister
Beatrice. Noteably, among these is Robert E. Bills.

I see homogeneous grouping not as an effort to be beyond
subject matter and skills, but as a device for ignoring human
variability and for reducing our need to concern ourselves
with individual pupils. Once children are homogeneously
grouped, we assume that the differences are no longer mat-
ters of concern.-^

Evidence does not suggest that ability classification removes individual
differences. In fact, some educators question whether ability group-
ing, as developed in most schools, reduces the range of individual
variations enough to justify bothering with it. To add to the possible
"side-effects" of ability grouping T. Ernest Newland says, "Schools
run the chance of losing sight of the child as an individual". ^^

One reason why regular classroom teachers support ability group-
ing is that it seems to decrease their regular teaching responsibility and
relinquishes their duties to special classes. But providing for the gifted
and the slow learner within the regular classroom is an integral part
of the teachers' normal task.

The criterion for grouping students is of importance. Sometimes
the criterion is general ability as revealed by an intelligence or readi-
ness test. Sometimes ability is merely inferred from past general or
specific accomplishments. There are no procedures which are re-
garded as completely accurate for identifying gifted students. The in-
telligence test may not test what it purports, or other factors may
keep a pupil from reaching his proper level on such a test. Indeed,
complete homogeneous grouping is impossible. One reason is that
the developmental patterns of children vary widely. Students selected
on the basis of general intelligence, for example, may be socially
immature or inept in some other key areas. The regular or hetero-
geneous classroom accepts the unevenness of growth and can insure
the kind of experiences which will benefit the total development of
each child.

The main fault in using intelligence tests is that only one test is
presumably usually used to group students. This problem in edu-
cation gives birth to the greatest enemy of ability grouping: stagnation
in categorization. About this problem Gordon says:

Once we have categorized and classified, this becomes 'it';
we have 'the' answer and need seek no further. In our

-*Loretta Byers. "Ability Grouping: help or hindrance to social and emotional
growth?", School Review, LXIX (Winter 1961). 455-56.

^Robert E. Bills. "Learners or Learning?", School Life XLV (June 1963), 10.

^"T. Ernest Newland, "Possible 'Side-Effects' of Special Education", Education,
LXXX (February 1960), 328.

44

schools this may take the form of . . . administratively ex-
pedient grouping of children, even though many children
cannot find their proper place in the group.-'

Ability groups also have the fault of not being flexible.

Evidence indicated that changes within individuals take
place continually so that homogeneity which might have
been obtained when a group was first formed wiU continue
to move toward heterogeneity.-^

The categorization of students by ability often has a detrimental
effect on students; the classification becomes a part of them; the
teacher treats them as they are labeled; and eventually, they hve up
to the label. In the case of the average and slow groups, their level
of aspiration and achievement are lowered, and many of them are
doomed to failure.

Heterogeneous groups undoubtedly have a number of advantages.
The strongest claim probably lies in the area of human relations.
Students of varying capacities and interest should learn to work to-
gether; special classes cheat children of the benefits of living in the
society of normal youth; and the interaction of individuals of varying
abilities is a part of their education. John Dewey's definition of the
school and education is in complete agreement with this idea.

I beheve that the school is primarily a social institution.
Education being a social process, the school is simply that
form of community life in which all those agencies are con-
centrated that will be most effective in bringing the child
into the inherited resources of the race, and to use his own
power for social ends.-^

Julia Gordon points out that the basis group with which the chil-
dren spend most of their day should be as heterogeneous as possible,
because, if they are to build on the facts that make it possible for
them to perceive accurately what people are really like, they need to
grow up with as wide a variety of other children as possible. ^

The American school system is characterized as being democratic,
but homogeneous grouping is described by many educators as being
undemocratic, and it tends to create class distinctions in the minds
of the pupils. Democratic values are developed and leadership train-
ing is conducted best in a situation that fosters social contacts among
children of varying backgrounds.

The controversey of ability grouping seems to have strong base in
the integration of schools.

-'^ Julia W. Gordon, "Grouping and Human Values", School Life, XLV (June
1963), 12.

-Jane Franseth, "Does Grouping Make A Difference?", Education Digest,
XXVIII (January 1963), 16.

-^Martin Dworkin, Dewey on Education, p. 22.

^"Julia Gordon, op. cit., pp. 12-13.

45

While people developed the idea that whites had the high-
est innate intelligence and that other races followed in the
order of their departure from white color, with the blackest-
skinned Negroes lowest in the scale of intelUgence. This
idea was supported by some of the earlier intelligence test
studies, in which it was found that American Negro chil-
dren scored lower than American white children with chil-
dren of mixed white and Negro parentage scoring between
the two groups . . . Such group differences as are actually
found in studies based on intelligence tests are believed to
result from several factors difference in experience with
the particular types of tests, differences in motivation to
do one's best on the tests, and possible differences ex-
perienced during the pre-school years. ^^

In accordance with the desegregation policy of 1954, many schools
adopted ability grouping and opened schools to students irrespective
of race, social or economic status. Statistics show that children of
families on the lower socio-economic level tend to have lower IQ
scores; Negroes are usually on the lower socio-economic level, so that
they would have low IQ scores; and when grouped according to
ability they are usually in the slow group. These statistics can have
a detrimental effect on the educational goals and achievements of
the Negro students.

According to Tumin (40) the focus of intelligence as measured
by schools is often correlated with race and class diversities. He feels
that intelligence as measured by schools has nothing to do with skill
performance or with native intelligence. It is his firm conviction
that intelligence as measured is a product of one's environmental
and educational opportunities.

In many cases the Negro children have been culturally deprived;
but if they are given the same chance as others, they can make an
equal productive gain in educational and intellectual values.

Talking about something pertinent to grouping Dr. Ahrens says:

Research findings indicate a rather significant positive cor-
relation between socio-economic status and mental ability.
A research study (reported in 1924) showed that the
median I.Q. is 116, while the median for children of the
common laboring class is 89. This ability grouping relegates
a large percent of children of low economic status to slow-
learning groups and those of high socio-economic status to
the top groups. ^2

A. B. Hollingshead in Elmtown's Youth says that:

it is believed . . . that the grades a student receives are

^ ^Robert J. Havighurst and Bernice L. Weugarten, Society and Education, p.

234-237.

^-Maurice Ahrens and Jean Fair, "Grouping in Senior High School", National
Education Association Journal, XLVIII (September 1959), 25.

46

determined by the position of his parents in the social
structure rather than by his abiUty or his industriousness.^^

A perusal of the literature on the issue of ability grouping leads
the writer to form the conclusion that there is not enough evidence
to validate the superiority of ability grouping. Many of the studies
supporting ability grouping were made in the 20's and 30's; even
those made from the early surge of interest in ability grouping up
to the present appear to be too limited and too restricted in scope
because of the small sample size and the short duration of the study,
and because inadequate attention has been given to the effect of
special classes for the gifted on the behavior of the rest of the
students. Few studies have been concerned with the adjustment of
pupils involved with social, personal, and emotional results these
studies show that ability grouping has a detrimental effect on the
pupils involved. Ability grouping has an influence on self-perception
and attitude toward others. More research is needed in this area. A
few studies show that ability grouping causes a class system to exist
in the minds of the children themselves; this questions the purpose
of the American education system are schools that segregate the
students identifying and accentuating an elect based on ability rather
than on demonstrated products or results?

Evidence is fairly conclusive that ability grouping does not pro-
duce improved achievement in children; evidence does show however
that it is detrimental to children of average and lower ability be-
cause of the deprivation of intellectual stimulation. No evidence shows
that the bright students suffer when left with those of lesser ability.
Thus heterogeneous grouping seems to be the answer to the American
dilemma of separating students for instruction.

*A. B. Hollingshead, Elmtown's Youth, p. 181.

47

Bibliography

1. Ahrens, Maurice and Jean Fair. "Grouping in the Senior High School",

National Education Association Journal, XLVIII (September 1959),
24-26.

2. Barbe, Walter, "Evaluation of Special Classes for Gifted Children", Ex-

ceptional Children, XXII (November 1955), 60-63.

3. Beatrice, Sister Mary. "Homogeneous Grouping Challenges the Teacher",

Catholic School Journal, LXIII (March 1963), 35.

4. Billett, Roy. "A Controlled Experiment to Determine the Advantages of

Homogeneous Grouping", Educational Research Bulletin, VII (April-
May 1928), 133-140, 165-172, 190-196.

5. Bills, Robert E. "Learners or Learning?" School Life, XLV (June 1963).

10-12.

6. Braham, R. V. "Grouping in the Junior High School", National Education

Association Journal, XLVIII (September 1959), 22-24.

7. Breiderstine, A. G., "The Educational Achievement of Pupils in Differen-

tiated and Undifferentiated Groups", Journal of Experimental Educa-
tion, V (1936), 91-135.

8. Byers, Loretta. "Ability Grouping: Help or Hindrance to Social and

Emotional Growth?", School Review, LXIX (Winter 1961), 449-56.

9. Carlson, Edith F., "Project for Gifted Children: A Psychological Evalu-

ation", Journal of Orthopsychiatry, XV (October 1945), 684-91.

10. Conant, James Bryant. The American High School Today. New York:

McGraw-Haill Book Company, 1959.

11. Cutts, Norma E. and Nicholas Moseley, Providing for Individual Differ-

ences in the Elementary School, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey:
Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1959.

12. Dworkin, Martin. Dewey on Education. New York: Bureau of Publica-

tions, Teachers College, Columbia University, 1954.

13. Eash, M. J. "Grouping: What Have we Learned", Education Digest,

XXVII (September 1961), 25-27.

14. Ekstrom, Ruth B. "Experimental Studies of Homogeneous Grouping",

School Review, LXIX (Summer 1961), 216-226.

15. Essex, Martin. "How Good is Ability Grouping", National Parents and

Teachers, LIV (September 1959), 14-16, 35.

16. Franseth, Jane. "Does Grouping Make A Difference", Educational Digest,

XXVIII (January 1963), 15-17.

17. "Grouping Children for Instruction," School Life, XLV (June

1963), 5-12.

18. French, J. W. "Evidence for School Records on Effectiveness of Ability

Grouping", Educational Testing Service Princeton, N. J.: March
1959.

19. Goldberg, Miriam L. and A. Harry Passow. "Effects of Ability Grouping",

Education, LXXXII (April 1962), 482-87.

20. Good, Carter. Dictionary of Education. New York: McGraw-Hill Book

Company, Inc., 1959.

21. Goodlad, John I. "Classroom Organization", Encyclopedia of Educational

Research, (ed.) New York: The Macmillan Co., 1960.

48

22. Gordon, Julia W. "Grouping and Human Values", School Life, XLV (July

1963) 10-15.

23. Gray, Howard A. and Leta S. Hollingworth. "The Achievement of Gifted

Children Enrolled and Not Enrolled in Special Opportunity Classes",
Journal of Educational Research. XXIV (November 1931), 255-261.

24. Hansen, C. F. "Ability Grouping in the High School", Atlantic Monthly,

CCVl (November 1960), 123-127.

25. Harris, Chester (ed.). Encyclopedia of Educational Research. Third edi-

tion. New York: The Macmillan Co., (1960). 223, 279, 1267,
427-28.

26. Havighurt, Robert J. and Bernice L. Neugarten. Society and Education.

Boston: Allyn and Bacon, Inc., 1962.

27. HoUingshead, August B. Elmtown's Youth. New York: John Wiley and

Sons, Inc., 1961.

28. Klausmeier, Herbert J. and John Mulhern, and Howard Watefield. "High

School Students Evaluate Sectioning", Education Leadership, XVII
(January 1960), 221-225.

29. Loomis, Mary Jane. "The Right Child in the Right Classroom", National

Education Association Journal, XLVIII (September 1959) 17-28.

30. Luchins, Abraham S. and Edith H. Luchins. "Children's Attitudes toward

Homogeneous Grouping", Pedagogical Seminary and Journal of Ge-
netic Psychology, LXXII (March 1948), 3-9.

31. Mann, Horace. "How Real are Friendships of Gifted and Typical Chil-

dren in a Program of Partial Segregation?", Exceptional Children,
XXIII (February 1957), 199-201, 206.

32. Miles, Catherine. "Gifted Children", Manual of Child Psychology, ed.

Leonard Carmichael. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1954.

33. Newland, T. Ernest. "Possible 'side-effects' of Special Education", Educa-

tion, LXXX (February 1960), 323-28.

34. Otto, H. J. "Homogeneous Grouping", Encyclopedia of Educational Re-

search, ed. Chester Harris. New York: The Macmillan Co., 1950,
376-78.

35. Passow, A. H. "Maze of the Research on Ability Grouping", Educational

Forum, XXXVI (March 1962), 281-288.

36. Passow, A. H. "Enrichment of Education for the Gifted", Education for

the Gifted, 57th Yearbook of National Society for the Study of Edu-
cation II, ed. Nelson B. Henry. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, (1958), 193-221.

37. Passow, A. H. and M. Goldberg. "Talented Youth Project: Progress

Report 1962", Exceptional Children, XXVIII (January 1962), 223-231.

38. Rankin, Paul. "Pupil Classification and Grouping", Review of Educational

Research I (1931), 200-230.

39. Scheifele, Marian. The Gifted Child in the Regular Classroom. New York:

Bureau of Publications, Teachers College, Columbia University, 1953.

40. Tumin, Melvin M. (ed.) Race and Intelligence: A Scientific Evaluation.

New York: Anti-Defamation League of B'nai of B'rith, 1963.

41. Woody, Clifford. "Results Obtained from Ability Grouping." Reference

and Research, Bulletin No. 72. Ann Arbor: Bureau of Education,
School of Education, University of Michigan, 1924.

49

In Our Other America

by
Raymond Pace Alexander

It is a pleasure to return once more to the great State of Georgia,
this time to its oldest city, Savannah, and incidentally to one of the
busiest and most successful seaports in our nation. You will not
be surprised that I mention this fact when I tell you that, as Chair-
man of the City of Philadelphia's Committee of Commerce and Port
Development during my eight years in the City Council of Phila-
delphia, I made for our city a careful study of the Atlantic seaports
from Boston to New Orleans to see how we could improve not only
the facilities of the Philadelphia Port on our Delaware River but how
we could encourage more ocean going vessels to land their cargoes
in our city and thus substantially increase cargo tonnage in our port.
I must say, to your credit, we had more trouble and tougher com-
petition with the Port of Savannah than any other seaport on the
Atlantic Coast. You battled us every inch of the way. You fought
hard for every ship and every ton of cargo so hard, I really don't
know who won. My hat is off to you and to your city administration.
I understand you are still increasing your tonnage.

I want to express my deep appreciation to your esteemed and
distinguished President, my longtime and warm friend. Dr. Howard
Jordan, Jr., the sixth president of this great college for his generous
invitation to have me appear before this interesting audience of bril-
liant ladies and gentlemen of the faculty representing the professors,
associate and assistant professors, who are no doubt just as happy
to see you on your way as you are to "be on the way," and to
deliver the Commencement Address today. This year, 1965, inci-
dentally, I gathered from your history is the 75th anniversary of your
founding. It was in November of 1890 that the General Assembly
of this state established this institution; and it is interesting to note,
it was and still is, "a part of the University System of Georgia." I
shall have something to say about this later in my address.

It becomes difficult for one as I, a Negro, who has been invited
to deliver the commencement address at one of the great Negro
colleges of America, the Savannah State College, a division of the
University System of Georgia, in a great Southern State, Georgia, not
to speak of the struggle of the Negro known and reported throughout
the world for full social, economic and political freedom. Indeed, if I,
a very active practicing lawyer in my youth and for thirty-two years
before my appointment to the Court of Common Pleas in Philadel-
phia, as I was, an early leader in the fight for civil rights, did not
refer to this movement, you, I am certain, would leave this auditorium
in utter bewilderment.

The intense concern over race in America which is known to all
of us here and which we read about constantly and the current social

50

revolution throughout America forcibly points up the fact that, for
the Negro population of our county there is another America quite
totally apart from that known to the average white American. That
is our America.

Michael Harrington in his excellent socio-economic study of
poverty in the United States, the title to which is "The Other
America," wrote forcefully of the desperation, the bewilderment and
the alienation of the tens of millions of impoverished Americans. He
estimated the number to be over 40,000,000 Americans who live
within sight of the now famous "affluent society" but who have no
hope of achieving it or its benefits.

He said, "... tens of milUons Americans are, at this very moment
maimed in body and spirit, existing at levels beneath those necessary
for human decency . . . they are hungry . . . they are without ade-
quate housing and education and medical care . . ." Harrington
was referring to ". . . mostly white . . . unskilled workers, the
migrant laborers, the aged, the minorities, the underprivileged living
within this affluent society." He said, "their housing, their education
and their medical care are skimped and inadequate." To this list I
would add the displaced workers, the miners of Appalachia, the dust
bowl and marginal farmers and farm workers displaced by machines
and the industrial rejects.

If this is true to the extent reported and carefully gathered sta-
tistics support these remarks then it is clear that poverty is not a
Negro phenomenon. You will ask, I am certain, how much more
true then do these words apply to the Negro population of America?

The latest available figures estimate the total population of America
to be in excess of 190,000,000 people. The Negro population is
slightly less than 20,000,000. How many of this vast Negro popula-
tion can be called "impoverished Americans" living in the center
of "an affluent society?"

Much more important, however, to a graduating class of 200
young Negro men and women, truly the flower of our race, upon
whom with the thousands of other Negroes similarly situated, gradu-
ating from colleges, universities and professional schools all over
America, the future not only of the Negro but of America itself de-
pends, you want to know what are the common denominators of
the "impoverished Negro" and what must be done to wipe out this
disease. You will ask, "How long, how long O'Lord will there be
"two America's?"

Confining my remarks to the Negro as a whole and the problems
that confront him as a minority race within a larger majority, the
Negro appears as a small undeveloped nation within a large highly
developed nation. This, I suggest is a completely accurate statement,
but must not be taken out of context. It must be viewed in the proper
perspective. For example there are, as we well know, many many
millions of well educated, very successful, well established Negro
men and women in all the professions and in scores of businesses
who are recognized throughout America as successful by any stand-

51

ards and who are financially independent. But, in further analysis
of the roots of the problem that underscore the Negro unrest and
the current revolution, the social psychologists must conclude that
the many millions of Negroes supporting the revolution led by Dr.
Martin Luther King, the NAACP, Urban League, CORE, SNCC
and scores of smaller groups have one thing in common poverty.
Poverty to the Negro embraces much more and is more complex
than the poverty faced by the white man. The Negro family is unique.
The Negro is the only American that the culture for a hundred years
has deliberately, by law and custom made a second class citizen, made
weak and without hope. The Negro masses have faced a history
of the germs that breed poverty for generations, viz: alienation and
complete isolation from the culture of the affluent society, indeed
a total rejection that results in a spiritual emptiness which tends to
destroy all sense of racial purpose, lack of genuine respect resulting
in anguish, fear and finally being totally ignored by most conventional
social agencies, resulting in resentment, hostility and apathy. You
will note and wonder that I have not included in this breakdown of
the underlying causes of poverty among the Negro masses throughout
America in the North, East, West as well as, and more import-
antly in the South the denial to the Negro the same opportunities of
quality education, integrated from pre-school, through kindergarten,
grammar, high school and college, throughout America, as that given
to white children. If the denial of equal non-discriminatory education
were our only complaint, and, on the contrary, if we were given
equal opportunity for employment in the same jobs and on the same
basis as white workers, if we were faced with no discrimination in
other areas of our hfe, the Negro would not be twelve per cent
of the nation's unemployed while the total unemployed is at a
4.7% level; nor would the incident of Negro crime, proportionally,
be approximately three times that of white persons charged with
crime; nor would available statistics for welfare or relief payments
to Negro families be so out of proportion to the payment to white
families on relief. I cannot leave this subject without emphasizing
the fact that the Negro poor (as described above) and their low
income families produce the millions of children who traditionally,
by law in the South, and de facto neighborhood segregation in the
North, go to most inferior schools, who are exposed to most inferior
quality education, whose families have, for the most part, a low
opinion of the value of education and who encourage the earliest
possible "legal" dropping out of school.

The picture that I am endeavoring to draw to the attention of the
1965 graduating class of this great Negro college in Georgia, to
their parents, to the distinguished president and faculty, to the col-
lege community of Savannah and to America is that to the white
man poverty usually results from the loss of or the inability to get a
job to earn enough money to provide for him and his family or from
illness and old age. To the Negro his poverty is far worse. It is far
more complex, and a job alone cannot cure it. His poverty is far
more deadly. Perhaps the most damaging feature of poverty as it
affects the Negro masses is that millions of children of those now

52

in poverty begin life in a situation of inherited poverty and, because
of many conditions very obvious to persons of average intelligence,
these children as they grow up find it more and more difficult to
break into the more affluent society.

With this, what I hope to have you believe, clearer understanding
of the difference between poverty as it is commonly understood and
the more complex nature of poverty as it affects and stigmatizes the
Negro, one can quickly justify all movements by Negroes of a non-
violent nature to free themselves of this condition and the crippling
and deadly destructive germs which feed its roots. You will no doubt
realize by now that perhaps many more millions of Negroes, per-
centage wise, than whites may be classed as "impoverished Ameri-
cans." In this you are quite correct, I regret to say. Authorities
differ on this subject, which is understandable. (As a judge of the
highest trial court in Pennsylvania, experts in many scientific fields
appear before me in the trial of cases, civil and criminal. I am never
surprised to find some of America's most renowned doctors, specialists
in various fields of science, engineering, etc. who expound, in the
most detailed and scientific manner completely opposing views to
sustain their opinion of a certain disputed scientific happening of a
specific event.) I have examined records from the United States
Department of Commerce, the statisticians of the AFL-CIO as well
as those made by Michael Harrington and Robert Lampman and I
note they all differ widely. Harrington says there are 40,000,000
American poor. Lampman says there are 32,000,000 and of these
he estimates 6,400,000 are Negroes or 20% of the total. Harrington
thinks the non-white poor in his 40,000,000 figure is 8,000,000.
Each one reaches the same conclusion that the "Negro poor" under
their limited definition of "poor" is 20% of the total or two times
the Negro percentage (10 plus per cent) of the total population.
In my analysis of the "impoverished Negro" described above, I esti-
mate that the number of impoverished Negroes, heads of families
and their children at the current growing birth rate, faced with all
of the built in denials, rejections and inherited hardships, rises to a
figure close to nine million Negroes in OUR OTHER AMERICA.

Nothing less than a Marshall Plan for the Negroes of America,
federally administered and controlled, operating under a new federal
bureau, a specifically created section of the Health, Education and
Welfare Department, completely free of local and state political inter-
ference, can properly do the job.

A great President, Lyndon B. Johnson, said in a speech to the
Joint Session of Congress on March 15th this year, a speech that will
live and be revered long in history, that "The time for waiting is
gone . . . The time for justice has come ..."

This was the speech in which the President and Congress declared
total war against those who have for so long violated the rights and
thwarted the dreams of American Negroes.

This was the speech made after the crimes of Selma the murder
of Jimmie Lee Jackson, the cruel killing of the Reverend James Reeb

53

and the cold blooded "hooded raiders" KKK killing of a defenseless
Detroit housewife, Mrs. Viola Liuzzo.

I address this challenge to the State of Georgia as a vitally im-
portant step in the era of an unfolding moral process in which all
of us are involved.

The recently enacted Anti-Poverty Program cannot do the job
needed to reach the hardcore victims of a life time of unceasing
poverty of the crudest sort that they, the present young people of
today, their parents and grandparents have suffered ever since their
ancestors were freed from the shackles of slavery. As exemplary and
necessary as the anti-poverty program is, the haste with which it was
conceived, the interplay of political forces at the local and state
level, the bureaucratic inertia surrounding its beginning and the ad-
mitted lack of exact planning and skilled personnel, do not augur
well for its success in meeting its objectives. This is certainly true
as far as the nine million impoverished Negroes are concerned.

Project Head-Start, limited as it is in its scope of operations and
well defined as to purpose, offering education at the pre-school age
level to some 150,000 children from disadvantaged homes and neigh-
borhoods, in an eight week summer program, is far and away a more
workable plan to reach deprived children than the anti-poverty pro-
gram in its endeavor to reach the staggering number of America's
poor.

American Negroes deserve this special and preferential treatment.
It is a debt long overdue and too long postponed. The overwhelming
majority of Negroes are descendants of people who for centuries
labored from sun-up to sun-down, year in and year out without any
pay, with no holidays or vacation time only food and the barest
of clothing and living quarters. Untold thousands suffered unspeak-
able cruelties, hardship and death while their master's famiUes and
children lived on the rich products of the soil on luxuries and in
leisure and obtained the best education in the arts, sciences and
professions that America and Europe could afford. For a hundred
years since freedom from slavery the laws of the South required
complete separation of the races in every facility for the educational
and social advancement of the Negro. He was totally rejected by the
white South and was soon caught up in a cycle of poverty from
which he and his descendants were never able to extricate themselves.
The overwhelming majority of Negroes were trapped in an array of
inferior schools with inferior teaching and facilities which their de-
scendants, today's children, have inherited. Those who fled the
South to the overcrowded metropolii of the North have carried these
entrapments with them, thus creating new and even greater problems
in the industrial areas to which they were totally unprepared and
strangers to its way of life. For this they were not at all responsible.
The responsibility was that of the states from which they came and
as well the states of the North which knew of these conditions for
years but preferred to remain silent as if they did not exist. As a
result we have the teeming, depressed slums of culturally and socially
deprived Negroes forming ghettos in the once thriving metropolitan
cities of the North. In my city alone, Philadelphia, our Negro popu-

54

lation is 560,000; in New York it is 1,110,000; in Chicago it is
810,000 and growing in each city. These three cities have the largest
Negro metropohtan population in America.

Today milhons of able bodied, willing and devoted Negro men
and women are now trapped by the fantastic technological machines
of automation as industrial rejects, unfits, non-educable masses of
heretofore highly regarded, well-muscled, happy and cooperative man-
power in the days of full utilization of hand labor.

What becomes of the "American Dream" to these people? An
empty . . . worse . . a dangerous illusion.

General George Marshall of World War II fame, then Secretary
of Defense in the Cabinet of President Truman, on delivering a
commencement address at Harvard at the conclusion of the War that
devastated most of Central Europe, vast parts of Russia and Italy, as
well as inflicting colossal damage on France and England made the
much applauded address, acclaimed throughout the world, that
launched the famous Marshall Plan to aid our allies of World War II.
As we all know this was the plan that gave outright gifts of billions
of American dollars and goods to our former most bitter and death-
dealing enemies as well as our allies. These gifts of billions enabled
all of the combatants, allies and enemy alike to maintain their free
democratic government (except Russia which, however, did retain
her form of government) to rebuild their economy to a point higher
than they ever held before in peace time and restore those countries
to a place equal to America in the councils of the free nations of the
world. This is the way we in America have traditionally treated
victor and vanquished alike. For this unprecedented charity we are
rewarded by scores of our embassies being broken into, windows
smashed, paint and garbage strewn about and against our walls.
Their favorite song is not one to "bless America" or say "thank you
America," but "Yankee go home." Those countries that do not go
to that extrame, France for example, have turned a cold shoulder
to us in our proffer of friendly communication and cooperation and
refuse even to participate in international discussions in our effort
to resolve present international unrest in the Caribbean, in South
America and in Asia.

The Negro three and one half millions of them was caught
between the two warring factions in the Civil War, the bloodiest war
of all times prior to that conflict; 225,000 Negroes served in the
army and navy of the North while milhons were protecting the homes
and families of their masters and thousands served the armies of the
South as laborers. Upon emancipation he was set free. He had noth-
ing: no home, no money, no property, not even a horse or a mule
to help him on his way. In fact, he had no where to go. He gained
freedom, but in a land where the benefits of freedom were and have
been effectively denied him for more than one hundred years. He
became in all respects an "orphan" a victim of the War. He is the
only victim of a war in which America was involved for whom no
help, no aid program was ever organized to relieve his suffering.

I speak these words in the State of Georgia, a state which is rapidly
rising to become soon the most forward looking and advanced state

55 I's 'J J

y#

in the traditional "solid South" in regard to the right of the Negro
to participate in politics and government and to be elected to the
highest offices of your state government. There are two Negro
Senators as well as members of the lower house with the excellent
prospect of this number rising to seven in the fall elections. You
have voluntarily opened the doors of many of your institutions of
higher learning to Negro students, and you are making valiant ef-
forts to integrate your public schools in keeping with the Supreme
Court's decision of 1954. For too long the South has ignored its
most valuable natural resource the Negro in our midst and as-
signed him to the forgotten wastelands. You have lost the finest
products of your land, your trusted and devoted Negro manpower
and women workers, whose children, had they been provided with
equal opportunities for high quality education and the gaining of
technical and scientific skills would have provided you with the tech-
nical, electronic and technological skills so sorely needed today in
the South. Many thousands of your skilled and successful Negroes
born on the soil of Georgia and the South flee the Southern states
and, because of conditions, go to the North and West and furnish
their skiUs to competing Northern industries. Many more thousands
of young Negroes, as you well know, who were sent North on scholar-
ships to Northern colleges from the Southern states because of the
refusal of your schools to accept them, paid for by your taxpayers,
went North, finished college, never to return to the South. These
happenings, as you know have reached alarming proportions in all of
the Southern states and have been the subject of many secret inquiries.

The State of Georgia should be the first state to support the call
for a federally operated Marshall Plan for Negroes. You have an
outstandingly liberal Mayor of the City of Atlanta, Mayor Ivan Allen,
Jr. You have one of the nation's greatest newspapers The Atlanta
Constitution, whose publisher, editor and columnists are known and
respected throughout America for their liberal racial philosophy. I
refer to Mr. Ralph J. McGill and Mr. Eugene Patterson. You have
in this state some of the most respected colleges and universities in
America. You have great lawyers and highly respected courts in this
state. I make this statement as a member of a great Pennsylvania
judiciary and I cannot say this without feeling deep down in my heart
that your great bar should of its own accord and on its own motion,
for the honor of the name of the great and old American state, assist
as an amicus curiae, the United States Department of Justice in its
effort to bring to justice the perpetrators of that cruel cold blooded
killing at night on the Georgia highway near Athens, last July 1964,
of that brilliant Negro educator. Army Reserve Officer, Lt. Col.
Lemuel A. Penn, by the hooded Klansmen who have for too long
brought shame, disgrace and calumny on the name of the State of
Georgia.

What is there to deter the State of Georgia from petitioning one
of the greatest and most successful presidents of the United States
ever elected to this high office, President Lyndon B. Johnson, to ask
Congress to empower the proper committee to study ways and means
to enact into law a bill to create a "Marshall Plan" designed specifi-

56

cally to right the wrongs, too long ignored, to America's impoverished
Negroes, numbering nearly nine million. A few of the billions of
dollars given annually to foreign counties which, as I have indicated,
have little or no love or regard for America, but on the contrary
hatred and envy, could be diverted to remove our native Negro
Americans from the wastelands of poverty and from the total aliena-
tion from society. This money would restore hope for a future so
that the Negro would see the American dream as a reality rather than
a cruel illusion.

The South has had a moral obligation to do this for a long number
of years. The present condition of the Negro throughout America
makes it a federal obligation. A test of your sincerity must be your
feeling of conscience on this subject. There is no obligation of
conscience higher than your duty to the unquestioned humanity of
this appeal. The billions of dollars spent for this program will be
a magnificent investment in the development of millions of new lives,
of new people, with renewed hope in the authority of morality and
humanity in the affairs of government. The wages earned by these
people, their purchasing power, their payment of taxes to our govern-
ment will far exceed the expense of this program.

You will create millions of new taxpayers from your present rolls
of tax-eaters.

The failures of history should be faced courageously, and now,
while the protest of your fellow man is still in progress. By so doing
you would effectively rebuke the furtive legions of masked men
who despoil the name of a great state by their unspeakable acts of
inhumanity.

I dream a world where man

No other man will scorn,

Where love will bless the earth

And peace its paths adorn.

I dream a world where all

Will know sweet freedom's way

Where greed no longer saps the soul

Nor avarice blights our day.

A world I dream where black or white,

Whatever race you be.

Will share the bounties of the earth

And every man is free.

Where wretchedness will hang its head.

And joy, like a pearl.

Attends the needs of all mankind.

Of such I dream

Our world!'

-Commencement Address
Savannah State College
June 6, 1965 by
Raymond Pace Alexander
Judge, Common Pleas Court
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

^"I Dream A World," Martel's aria from Troubled Island.

57

Isolation of Lignoceric Acid from Acorns

by
Charles Pratt

Introduction

Lignoceric acid belongs to a group of organic compounds popu-
larly known as "fatty acids." The name fatty acid is due to the oc-
currence of higher homologs such as palmitic, the Cie member, and
stearic, the Cis member, acids in natural facts in the form of gly-
cerides ( 1 ) . It is generally the acids with an even number of carbon
atoms which are found in normal fats. The fats with very small
numbers of carbon atoms or with unsaturated chains tend to be liquid
and are called oils while those with larger numbers of carbons and
saturated chains are solids.

Lignoceric acid has twenty-four carbon atoms and like all acids in
this group with 10 carbons or more, is a sohd. Its formula is:
CH3(CHo)ooCOOH. It is not as widely distributed in nature as
palmitic acid, stearic acid, and oleic acid. Detection of its presence
in acorns was somewhat a surprise inasmuch as no published accounts
of its occurrence in acorns seem to exist.

Experimental

One kg of acorns from the common pine oak trees were crushed
with a Waring Blendor and the mean was extracted with ether in a
soxhlet extractor. When the liquid coming over was no longer colored,
the extraction was assumed to be completed. The solvent (ether)
was removed by evaporation under the hood, and the saponification
number of the oil was determined. To 1.50 g of oil was added 25 ml
of alcoholic KOH, .250 IN, and the solution was refluxed for one
hour. The solution was allowed to cool and the excess KOH was
titrated with a .200N hydrochloric acid.

Saponification Number:

ml of KOH = 20
Normality of KOH = 0.2501
m.e. of KOH = 5.0020

ml of acid = 5
Normality of acid = .2000
m.e. of acid ^1.0

*The investigator is indebted to John Lang, a chemistry student at Savannah
State College, for his cooperation and assistance.

m.e. m.e.

m.e, of KOH neutralized by oil ^= base HCl

5.002-1.000 = 4.002

grams of KOH hydrolyzing the oil = 0.224
Wt. of oil = 1.5 e

.224g Xg

KOH KOH

S. N.

1.5g Ig

oil oil

X = .49 g or 149 mg KOH

S.N. = 149

Once the saponification number was determined, it was used as a
guide to hydrolysis.

One hundred grams of acorn oil were mixed with 500 ml of water
and 16 g (a slight excess) of solid KOH was added to this mixture.
After refluxing, for one hour, the flask was cooled and its contents
neutralized with 6N hydrochloric acid. Upon cooling, a solid sepa-
rated and formed a top layer which was removed and its water pressed
from it with filter paper. The fatty acid mixture was placed on the
Fisher Zone Refiner and the zone which appeared in largest quantity,
about 80 per cent, was removed and further analyzed.

Analysis

Calculated Found

Carbon = 78.26 78.01

Hydrogen = 13.04 12.99

M.p. 81-82C(2) 82.1C

Summary

The oil of acorns was extracted and its Saponification number
was determined. This information was used as a guide in the hydroly-
sis of larger quantities of oil.

More than one fatty acid was found to be in the acorn oil, but
one acid composed about 80 per cent of the fatty acid mixture. It
was purified by use of the Fisher Zone Refiner, and its element com-
position and melting point indicate that it is lignoceric acid.

References

1. Whitmore, F. C, "Organic Chemistry", Van Nostrand Company, Inc., pp.
286-7, 1937.

2. Lange, N. A., "Handbook of ChemisUy", Handbook Publishers. Sandusky,
Ohio, 8th Ed., p. 574, 1952.

Acknowledgments: The author expresses his thanks to the National Science
Foundation, the Research Corporation, and the Society of the Sigma Xi for
grants which indirectly made this work possible.

59

Why Climb Mount Parnassus?*

by
Miles M. Jackson, Jr.

National Library Week with the theme, "Wake Up and Read," was
launched in 1958 as the first attempt to create interest and call at-
tention to the nation's libraries, to stimulate the establishment and
building of home libraries and to promote the many values of reading
for people of all ages in every walk of life. This week of celebrating
the value of libraries is not an end in itself, but rather a concerted
effort to focus on the year round activities of reading and making
use of libraries.

This morning, I am not going to give you a sermon and I assure
you not a lecture on why you should use libraries, because I know
Mr. Josey and his staff have urged you to take advantage of your
library here at Savannah State College. Instead, I want to talk with
you about three men James Baldwin, Ralph Elhson and Richard
Wright. These three men have several things in common. First, they
are Americans; second, they are Negroes; and third, somewhere in
their writings they have revealed that librarians and libraries have
played an important role in their lives as creative writers. Two of
these men are contemporaries of yours and thus have witnessed all
of the historic events that have taken place in your life time and
mine. As creative writers they have chosen to climb Mount Parnassus
to view and interpret the world as they see it. A word about Par-
nassus. Parnassus is a mountain in the central part of Greece. It
was at one time regarded as sacred to Apollo and the Muses and as
the domain of literature. I am using Parnassus figuratively here be-
cause as we will see later these three men were born in environments
that you and I know so well. But more important than this is the
fact that something happened to them as young men that caused
them to choose creative writing as a means by which they could best
make their contribution to their fellow man.

Let us take a look briefly at these three men their places of birth,
environment as young men and some of the events that perhaps led
to their becoming writers. James Baldwin was born in Harlem in
1924. He is the eldest of nine children whose father was a Penecostal
preacher. The Harlem that James Baldwin knows so well was his
home for seventeen years. Baldwin describes his father as "a proud,
bitter, and rigid man whom his children were never glad to see
come home." In this same essay he comments further, "we had not
known that he was being eaten up by paranoia, and the discovery
that his cruelty, to our bodies and our minds had been one of the
symptoms of his illness was not, then, enough to enable us to forgive

*Delivered at the National Library Week Convention, Savannah State College,
April 30, 1965.

60

him." It was almost twenty years later that James was able to give
this explanation of his experiences with his father, "Part of his prob-
lem was he couldn't feed his kids, but I was a kid and I didn't know
that."

It was as a youngster that Baldwin discovered the library a
Harlem branch of the New York Public Library. He attended the
children's story hour and as a teenager he read and re-read Uncle
Tom's Cabin and The Tale of Two Cities and held as his favorite
authors Henry James, Ernest Hemingway, John Steinbeck, Hawthorne
and many others. By the time Baldwin was fourteen, he was a
preacher at the Fireside Pentecostal Church in Harlem and as one
literary critic said "he preached the word, reveling in a most unholy
fashion over his superiority to his father as a ministerial drawing
card." Some of his teachers at DeWitt Clinton High School remem-
ber him as a "small, bright, sad-looking boy." He was editor of the
High School literary magazine and spent much of his free time
writing, instead of stick ball on the streets of Harlem. After three
"hysterical-tinged years" as a preacher, he discovered that he would
rather be a writer than a boy preacher. He reahzed that living at
home with his family did not permit him the solitude and time for
the creative process, and so for the next five years Baldwin lived in
Greenwich Village earning his living as a handy man, office boy,
factory worker, dishwasher and waiter. Intent on mastering the craft,
he spent his evenings writing. His big break came in 1945 when
he was awarded a Eugene Saxton Fellowship, which permitted
him to devote himself full time to his interest in literary work. Fol-
lowing his first professional publication, which was a book review
in Nation magazine, it was not long before articles and stories ap-
peared in Partisan Review, American Mercury, Commentary, Re-
porter and Harper's Magazine.

Like many of the earlier American writers, who as young men
became disenchanted with America and became exiled, Baldwin
moved to Paris in 1948. It was while in Paris he was able to develop
in a more congenial atmosphere. He stated that he wanted to go to
Paris so that he would not become "merely a Negro writer." Europe
soon allowed him to view America objectively. Being far enough
away, he discovered that this had many advantages. But after a few
years he found that Paris was not completely the haven he had expec-
ted he found no green pasture. At least he was able to publish his
first book, a novel with a significant enough title, Go Tell It On The
Mountain. This first novel was a realistic and poetic story of the
religious life of a fourteen year old boy in Harlem. This first book
was plainly an autobiographical novel. Who else was more qualified
than James Baldwin to write on such a subject? In 1955, Notes of
a Native Son was published and brought together ten essays that re-
vealed his feelings on a number of subjects. Following this second
book there followed several novels and essays. And as you know,
The Fire Next Time was a best seller in 1963 and is considered an
explosive summing up of his views on the racial problem in the
United States. I might add that Baldwin's first play The Amen
Corner was produced at Howard University in 1954 and again last

61

year in Beverly Hills, California. A very recent play Blues for Mr.
Charlie opened on Broadway and is now appearing in Europe. Li-
brarians like to think about Baldwin's introduction to the Harlem
Branch of the NYPL was the beginning of his becoming a writer.

In Ralph Ellison's recent book Shadow and Act published in 1964,
his dedication reads, "For Morteza Sprague, a dedicated Dreamer
in a land most strange." An author dedicates his book to an individual
or individuals who have been an inspiration to him or contributed
in some great way to the writing of his book. It is significant, I feel,
to note that Morteza Sprague, the dreamer, is a librarian at Tuskegee
Institute and has been for thirty years or more. Ralph Ellison at-
tended Tuskegee Institute and as a freshman took an introductory
course in literature from Mr. Sprague. Ellison's main interest was
music then. He had played trumpet in the Oklahoma City High
School band and was studying harmony and form at Tuskegee. In
the Spring of 1962, I had the good fortune to meet Ralph Elhson,
and he told me that during this time he also had a great interest in
sculpture and contemplated, at one time, while at Tuskegee, changing
his major to sculpture. This was before he even dreamed of earning
his living by writing. In fact, Ellison's father had hopes of Ralph's
becoming a poet. His father did not reveal this until many years after
Ellison dropped out of Tuskegee.

Now Ellison is an older man than Baldwin and five years younger
than the late Richard Wright. Ellison came up a different path. He
was born in Oklahoma, attended Tuskegee for three years and out
of this early experience his life was shaped so as to make him into
a different kind of writer. Ellison lost his father in a different way
than Baldwin rather than losing his father to death it was to de-
sertion. His father had been a construction foreman, served in the
Army in the Philippines and the Orient, had read widely and because
of his love of literature had named his son Ralph Waldo Emerson
Ellison. His mother was strong minded and had definite convictions.
Although she worked as a servant for white families in Oklahoma
City, she also campaigned among Negro voters for Eugene Debs'
Socialist Party. Ellison recalled that his mother bought him a phono-
graph player and records, electrical sets and a toy typewriter and
told him that "the world would not always be in the condition it is
if he fought hard to change it." At an early age his mother had en-
couraged him to read, and he discovered while in high school, T. S.
Eliot's Wasteland and because of his interest in poetry he attempted
to "follow up all the footnotes, reading all those books." Perhaps, it
was in the library at Tuskegee when he discovered Countee Cullen's
poem "Heritage." A poem that was to make a profound change in
his attitude towards the Negro.

Ellison left Tuskegee at the completion of his third year because
of a misunderstanding regarding his scholarship. He went to New
York for work and study in music and sculpturing and never returned
to college. In New York he met Richard Wright who felt he had
talent in writing and encouraged him. Ralph wrote short stories,
articles on jazz and on other aspects of America cultural contribu-

62

tions. In 1952, his first novel Invisible Man won the National Book
Award and wide acclaim as an American novel. The writing of this
work established Ellison in the ranks of the great American novelists.

It should be noted that Ellison's orientation as a young man is very
much revealed when one takes a look at his attitude towards himself
as an American Negro. He believes there is a distinctive Negro cul-
ture and that the Negro identity of the future will be shaped and
molded out of the unique Negro folk tradition. In answer to the
question, "What am I?" Ellison remarked, "I answer that I am a
Negro American. That means far more than something racial. It
does not mean race, it means something cultural, that I am a man
who shares a dual heritage. For me, the Negro is a member of an
American-bound cultural group with its own idiom, its own psy-
chology, growing out of its preoccupations with certain problems for
hundreds of years, out of all its history. The American Negro stock
is here, a synthesis of various African cultures, then of slavery, and
all of the experiences of Negroes since." We might agree or disagree
with what Ellison says. But there are certain facts of Ellison's life
and writing. When he says of America, "I think it is a wonderful
country." We know he means it. As a writer he sees our problems
as human, not racial and tries hard not to get into the field of sociology
in his writings. In his introduction to Shadow and Act he states
his feeling about reading. "The pleasure which I derived from read-
ing had long been a necessity. And in the act of reading, thai
marvelous collaboration between the writer's artful vision and the
sense of the reader's sense of life, I had become acquainted with
other possible selves freer, more courageous and ingenuous and
even wise."

In 1909 on a plantation near Natchez, Mississippi, Richard Wright
was born of a peasant father and a mother who was a devout chris-
tian. She was forced to support her young family because of circum-
stances beyond her control. By fifteen, Richard Wright had lived in
Natchez, Jackson, Greenwood and Carters in Mississippi; Elaine,
Helena, and West Helena in Arkansas; and Memphis. As we can
see, his childhood consisted of moving from one Southern town to
the next, or part-time jobs and sporadic schooling. At fifteen, he ran
away from home and took a job in Memphis. It was in Memphis
where he had his first public library experience. In his essay "The
Ethics of Jim Crow," published in 1937, he describes how he devised
a way to borrow books from the public library. "... It was almost
impossible to get a book to read. It was assumed that after a Negro
had imbibed what scanty schooling the state furnished he had no
further need for books. I was always borrowing books from men on
the job. One day I mustered enough courage to ask one of the men to
let me get books from the library in his name. Surprsingly, he con-
sented .... Armed with a library card, I obtained books in the fol-
lowing manner. I would write a note addressed to the librarian and
sign the name of my white supervisor. I would stand at the desk, hat
in hand, looking as unbookish as possible. When I received the books
I would take them home. If the books listed in the note happened
to be out, I would sneak into the lobby and forge a new one."

63

In Memphis, Wright developed a passion for reading, cutting his
teeth on authors such as Theodore Dreiser, H. L. Mencken, Sinclair
Lewis, and Sherwood Anderson. His first published pieces were
poems, articles and stories. The Federal Writers Project hired him
and published one of his stories in the anthology, American Stuff. His
first book Uncle Tom's Children (1936) was followed by Native Son,
Twelve Million Black Voices, Black Boy, The Outsider, and several
other works of lesser stature.

In the course of Richard Wright's life, he rejected America three
times: once as a Negro Nationalist, once as a young political revolu-
tionary and finally as an expatriate. He searched for an honorable
adjustment in this country, but ended up moving his family to Paris
where he died about four years ago. Unlike James Baldwin, Richard
Wright, alienated and disallusioned, died away from his homeland.
Yes, something did happen to Richard Wright as a young man.

Very briefly we have looked at the lives of three American writers.
Three men who have climbed Mount Parnassus. Now the question-
"Why Climb Mount Parnassus?" We could reply, "because the view
is better from there," or "a writer needs to be in the clouds in order
to have the objectivity to see those things in life we all see much
clearer and with depth," or "to associate with the muses on some
sort of esoteric level." You can see we could go on and on about
reasons for climbing Mount Parnassus. But I would like to invite
you to ask yourselves this question now. Perhaps you will not have
an answer immediately. I assure you there are pat answers that can
be given to you in class or in a convocation such as this. But I think
the real answer will come through personal discovery.

I would like to emphasize the fact that my brief remarks this
morning are not intended as a critique of American literature, but
rather an attempt to call your attention to three men who through
personal discovery found libraries and books, in a very practical way,
to be a source of inspiration that I would like to pass on to you. Being
content to use only textbooks or to go on day after day blindly
past the campus library is not the way to make this discovery it is
not the vi'ay to begin the climb of Mount Parnassus.

64

An Appraisal of a Pre-Freshnian
Summer Program

by
Robert D. Reid

Within the past few years pre-college programs for educationally
deprived young people have been undertaken by a few institutions of
higher learning, including approximately twenty predominantly Negro
colleges and universities. Most of these projects have been carried
on during the summer months for periods ranging from six to nine
weeks, although some of them have been conducted on weekends,
following the close of the school day, or during evening hours. Adult
education programs have been made available by some institutions
in order to provide vocational and non-vocational opportunities for
persons whose educational training has been interrupted or curtailed.

Many of the summer programs have been designed for prospective
Negro college students who seems to have the potential to succeed in
college but whose academic records and/or scores on standardized
tests indicate the need for remediation. While a few of the institutions
have designed programs for students who have completed the ninth,
tenth, and eleventh grades, most of them have enrolled selected groups
of students who have graduated from high school. Because of the
support received by the colleges and universities from several leading
foundations, students have attended these pre-summer institutes with-
out charge or after paying a very nominal fee.

Even though the greatest impact would be achieved in bridging
the gap among disadvantaged young people if compensatory pro-
grams were launched on the elementary and secondary levels and
most desirably before these young people begin their formal educa-
tion, it is likely that the predominantly Negro colleges will assume
some of this responsibility for a long time. As McGrath has well
said, "... the opportunity for a college education cannot be post-
poned for twelve years while children receive adequate elementary
and secondary education. For many the nation's predominantly Negro
colleges must bridge the gap. Rather than limiting their admissions
and their programs, these colleges must be prepared to use a variety
of special educational devices ... to repair the academic deficiencies
of high school graduates and prepare them to proceed apace with
their higher education. "^

The writer was privileged to direct an eight-week pre-college pro-
gram at Tuskegee Institute between July 15 and August 7, 1964, in
which one hundred and sixty young people were enrolled. The project

^Earl J. McGrath, The Predominantly Negro Colleges and Universities in
Transition. (New York: Bureau of Publications, Teacher's College, Colum-
bia University), pp. 50-51.

65

was partly financed by the Doris Duke and Ford Foundations.
Most of the student participants had indicated Tuskegee Institute as
their first or second choice college when they were administered
the Cooperative Intercollegiate Examination Program. These students
ranked below the fiftieth percentile and above the fifteenth percentile
in at least two of the three areas tested (English usage, reading com-
prehension, and mathematical computation). Of the eighty-seven
females and seventy-three males who enrolled in the program, one
hundred and four were in this category; twenty-six students had
graduated from high school, but ranked above the fiftieth percentile
in the three subject matter areas. Thirty students who had completed
the eleventh grade were permitted to enroll in order to determine
whether there would be significant differences between the rates of
progress made by the two groups of students. Without exception
the eleventh graders had superior academic records and ranked at
or above the fiftieth percentile in the three areas tested on the Co-
operative Intercollegiate Examination Program.

A charge of fifty dollars was made to participants for room, board,
laundry, incidental fees and instructional materials. One hundred and
forty-nine of the students were residents of seven southeastern states;
(Alabama (92), Florida (10), Georgia (30), Louisiana (4), Missis-
sippi (2), South Carolina (9), and Tennessee (2)). The remaining
students came from seven other states (9), the District of Columbia
( 1 ) , and the Virgin Islands ( 1 ) . Three students dropped out before
the project was concluded because of illness.

The group was pre-tested on June 15 between 8:30 and 10:00
a.m., and from 1:30 until 4:30 p.m., and again on the morning of
June 16 between 10:00 and 11:30 a.m. The following tests were
administered: (1) Henmon-Nelson Test of Mental Maturity; (2)
Nelson-Denny Reading Test (Form A); (4) Iowa Silent Reading
Advanced Test (Form CM); (4) California Test of English Usage
(Form A); and (5) California Advanced Mathematics Test (Form
W).

Most of the students ranked below the fiftieth percentile or tested
below their grade level on the pre-test. One student who dropped
out of the program during the first week was absent when the tests
were administered. On the Henmon-Nelson Test of Mental Maturity,
the I.Q.'s of 112 students (70.4%) ranked between 85 and 114; the
I.Q.'s of 45 students (28.3%) were below 85, while the I.Q.'s of
two students were about 114.-

On the Nelson-Denny Reading Test, 122 (76.7%) of the 159
students ranked below their appropriate grade levels; 115 (72.8%)
of 158 tested below their grade levels on the Iowa Silent Reading

-There is reason to question the test results on the Henmon-Nelson Test. One
student, for example, whose I.Q. was indicated as 79, had a grade placement
of 13.8 on the Nelson-Denny Reading Test, a grade placement of 13+ on
the Iowa Silent Reading Test, and a grade placement of 14.8 on the California
Advanced Mathematics Test. This student ranked at the eightieth percentile
on the California Test of EngUsh Usage.

66

and California Advanced Mathematics Tests; 104 (65.4%) of 159
ranked below the fiftieth percentile on the California Test of English
Usage.

Results on the pre-test for the thirty eleventh graders were signifi-
cantly better than for the group as a whole. Seventeen of these stu-
dents tested at or above their grade levels on the Nelson-Denny and
Iowa Silent Reading Tests, and eighteen students were in this category
on the California Advanced Mathematics Test. Nineteen of these
students ranked at or above the fiftieth percentile on the California
Test of English Usage, while the I.Q.'s of twenty-six eleventh graders
ranged between 85 and 114 on the Henmon-Nelson Test of Mental
Maturity. The I.Q.'s of two of these students tested above 114.

In our pre-planning conferences it was decided to provide instruc-
tion mainly in the areas of literature, reading, and mathematics.
Students who demonstrated weaknesses in English fundamentals and
in mathematics computation were to be given special instruction
through the use of programmed learning materials and the employ-
ment of teaching machines.

Eight sections of literature and mathematics and nine reading
sections were created on the basis of the test scores made by the
students on the Nelson-Denny Reading Tests. ^ Twenty students were
assigned to each literature section, while ten students were enrolled
in each of four sections in reading, twenty each in three sections,
and thirty in two sections. Eight sections of mathematics were
created four for the teaching of traditional mathemaics and four
modern mathematics sections.

In addition to the Director, eleven highly experienced instructors
participated in the Pre-Freshman Program (three in reading, four in
literature, and four in mathematics). The eleven instructors were
assisted by ten teaching assistants (four in reading, three in literature,
and three in mathematics). Nine of the teaching assistants were
graduates of such universities as Harvard, Yale, Columbia, Princeton,
Howard, and New York; three of the teaching assistants were pur-
suing work beyond the master's degree. A tenth teaching assistant
had completed the junior year at Stanford University. The teaching
assistants aided instructors in the classes, corrected papers, provided
tutorial instruction for individuals and small groups, and performed
other assigned duties.

Students in the literature course were assigned a minimum of seven
paperbacks during the eight-week period of instruction J. D. Salin-
ger's Catcher in the Rye, A Farewell to Arms by Ernest Hemingway,
John Steinbeck's Grapes of Wrath, Go Tell It on the Mountain by
James Baldwin, Ralph Ellison's Invisible Man, Native Son by Richard
Wright and Huckleberry Finn by Mark Twain.

^Grade equivalents for the nine reading sections are as follows: (1) Section
A. -7 to 7.6; (2) Section B, 7.6 to 8.3; (3) Section C-1, 8.5 to 8.9; (4) Sec-
tion C-2, 8.9 to 9.0; (5) Section D, 9.0 to 9.6; (6) Section E, 9.6 to 10.4;
(7) Section F. 10.6 to 11.3; (8) Section F, 11.9 to 12.1; and (9) Section H,
12.3 to 14 + .

67

Emphasis in the reading program was placed upon increasing read-
ing comprehension and rate of reading and in building vocabulary.
Nineteen films, which were rented from Pix Film Service, were shown
to students in the nine reading sections^ Tape records, special phono-
graph records, readers which were designed for students of varying
reading levels, and standardized reading tests were utilized in the
reading program.

In addition to a basic textbook, students in traditional mathe-
matics used programmed materials, while those in modern mathe-
matics followed assignments in an appropriate textbook. In general,
students who demonstrated the greatest deficiencies in mathematics
were assigned to modern mathematics sections. In assessing the
strengths and weaknesses of the Pre-Freshman Program, mathematics
teachers expressed the opinion that this arrangement should not be
followed in the future.

Classroom instruction was supplemented by outside activities which
were designed to provide varied cultural experiences for the students.
During the first two weeks students viewed the Huntley-Brinkley
telecast on a daily basis and spent as much as an hour afterwards in
discussing current events under the supervision of teaching assistants.
When it appeared that daily attendance for this activity interfered
wih other student obligations, attendance was reduced to two re-
quired sessions each week. In addition, participants attended cultural
programs which were scheduled for all summer school students, en-
joyed activities which were available in the College Center and the
gymnasium, and were provided other forms of wholesome recreation.

During the seventh week a questionnaire was administered in order
to obtain the impressions of the students regarding the program.
Only two of the enrollees stated that they had not derived significant
benefits from their participation, although the conclusions of the
students regarding the strengths and weaknesses of the programs were
far from unanimous. Most of them felt that instruction was generally
effective, although some expressed the opinion that certain teachers
were not sympathetic enough with their academic problems.

At the close of the eighth week students were again administered
the Henmon-Test of Mental Maturity, California Test of English
Usage (Form A), Iowa Silent Reading Advanced Test (Form CM),
Nelson-Denny Reading Test (Form A), and California Mathematics
Advanced Test (Form W.)

On the Henmon-Nelson post-test in which 156 students partici-
pated, 66 (42.3%) made higher scores than on the initial test; 75

'Films shown in the reading program were (1) Build Your Vocabulary; (2)
How Effective Is Your Reading; (3) Homework; (4) Learning From Class
Discussion; (5) Do Better on Your Examinations; (6) Importance of Making
Notes; (7) Find the Information; (8) How to Remember; (9) How to Read
a Book; (10) It's Fun to Read Books; (11) Literature Appreciation; (12)
Reading Improvement; (13) Improve Your Reading; (14) How to Read News-
papers; (15) Look It Up!; (16) Building An Outline; (17) How to Prepare
a Class Report; (18) How to Judge Facts; and (19) Propaganda Techniques.

68

(48%) had lower scores and the scores of fifteen students (9.7%)
remained unchanged. The relatively disappointing performance of
many students possibly can be accounted for by the fact that this test
was the last to be administered on a humid and muggy afternoon in a
room that was not air-conditioned. Declines in raw scores on the
Henmon-Nelson Test were not statistically significant. On the other
hand, most of the raw scores of students whose I.Q.'s increased were
markedly improved.

Results for the California Test of English Usage were more en-
couraging, since 68 (43.9% ) of the 155 students who were examined
improved in terms of percentile rank. Forty-two (27.1%) of the
students made lower scores and 45 (29%) remained in the same
percentile rank. Among students whose total scores improved, there
were often pronounced changes. One student ranked at the first
percentile in Enghsh usage on the initial test and at the fortieth per-
centile when re-examined; another was at the twentieth percentile
at the outset and at the eightieh percentile on the retest. On the other
hand, a student who ranked at the sixtieth percentile on the first test
was at the fifth percentile when retested. Generally speaking, there
was no marked change in total scores among students whose per-
centile ranks declined.

Results on the Iowa Silent Reading retest were somewhat better
than those on the Nelson-Denny retest. On the Iowa Silent Reading
Test, 116 (76.3%) of the 152 students who were re-examined were
at a higher grade equivalency, twelve (7.9%) were at a lower grade
equivalency, and the grade equivalency for 24 (15.8%) remained
the same. On the Nelson-Denny Test 102 (65.4%) of the students
improved in terms of grade equivalency, 46 (29.5%) declined, and
eight (5.1%) remained the same.

Results achieved on the Iowa Silent Reading Test at the beginning
of the program indicated that 111 (73%) of the 152 students were
below their appropriate grade level in reading; 73 (48%) were in
this category in August. On the Nelson-Denny Test, 122 (78.2%)
of the 156 students examined were not reading at their grade level
at the outset and 93 (59.6%) at the conclusion of the program. On
the Iowa Silent Reading Test, fourteen (9.2% ) of the students ranked
at or above the fiftieth percentile in June, and 41 (27% ) in August.

Comparative results of the number of words read per minute on
the Nelson-Denny Reading Test are available for only 123 students.
One hundred and twenty-three (87.8%) of the students improved
in reading rate and fifteen (12.2%) did not. Sixteen students more
than doubled their initial reading rate. On the initial tests the number
of words read per minute ranged from 75 to 511; the range at the
conclusion of the program was from 74 to 615. A student who read
85 words per minute in June was reading in August at the rate of
333 words per minute; the reading rate of another student increased
from 153 to 430. On the other hand, one participant who read 188
words per minute on the first test covered only 74 words per minute
in August.

69

On the Iowa Silent Reading Test, which was administered in Au-
gust, 120 (77.9% ) of 154 students were at a higher grade placement,
seven (4.6% ) experienced a decline, while the grade placement of
27 students (17.5%) remained the same. One participant increased
in grade placement from 4.8 to 9.8 and another from 7.0 to 14.
However, one student's grade placement was 14.0 in June and 10.0
in August.

The pre-freshmen achieved their best results on the California
Advanced Mathematics Test. When the California Advanced Mathe-
matics Test was given in June, 29 (18.8%) of the 154 students
ranked at or above the fiftieth percentile; 57 (37%) were at or
above the fiftieth percentile in August. On the retest 145 (94.2%)
of the 154 students improved in grade placement, 6 (3.9%) de-
clined, and the grade placement for these students (1.9%) remained
unchanged. In terms of percentiles, 116 (75.3%) were above their
initial ranking, 2 (1.3%) were below, and 36 (23.4%) remained
unchanged. One student advanced from the first to the fortieth per-
centile and another from the second to the ninty-fifth percentile.
Twenty-eight students, however, who were in the first percentile
initially did not improve in percentile ranking, although 25 of these
students made some improvement in grade placement.

It is possible that mediocre performances by some of the students
may have been due to vision or hearing defects. Before the conclu-
sion of the program, vision and hearing tests were conducted by the
reading teachers. Of the 133 students who were given the vision test,
98 (73.7% ) failed the test, three had questionable vision, six needed
to wear glasses which they had previously purchased, one required
corrective eye habits, and only 25 (18.8%) had perfect vision. Re-
sults on the hearing test were more satisfactory. Of the 119 students
vv'ho were administered this test, 85 (75.5% ) seemed to have perfect
hearing, 31 (25%) failed the test, and three (2.5%) had hearing
defects. Even though the tests were administered by laymen, it is
reasonable to assume that they were not without merit.

The eleven teachers who provided instruction in the Pre-Freshman
Program made written evaluations following its conclusion. Among
its major achievements, as listed by the teachers were (1) most
of the students learned how to budget their time and the importance
of using the library; (2) students experienced for the first time some
of the rigors and rewards of intellectual effort and became aware
of the social give-and-take exacted by dormitory life; and (3) sig-
nificant and even dramatic improvement in reading comprehension
and rate, mathematical computation, and literary appreciation were
achieved by large numbers of the young people. Despite the fact that
the teachers recognized that certain improvements and refinements
should be made in future programs, they were unanimous in stating
that it contained more pluses than minuses. One teacher expressed
the sentiments of her colleagues when she wrote: "For the student
who was insufficiently prepared, the Program afforded a wonderful
second chance. It should reduce considerably the high percentage
of persons from this group who would normally take remedial classes
when they enter college."

70

The teachers were high in their praise of the performances by
most of the students who had completed only the eleventh grade.
Except for five of the thirty eleventh graders, the test scores for
these students were at least as satisfacory as the average scores made
by students who had completed the twelfth grade. As a result of
superior test scores and outstanding classroom performances, twelve
of the eleventh graders were invited to enroll at Tuskegee Institute
in the fall of 1964. While the Tuskegee Pre-Freshman Program
was not initially designed as an accelerating device for bright young-
sters who had not completed high school, such recognition of talent
was as satisfying an outcome as the positive results which were
achieved by many of the high school graduates.

71

Desegregation and Library Education

by
E. J. Josey

The year 1964 marked the tenth anniversary of the United States
Supreme Court's decision which destroyed the legal basis for segre-
gated education. As this historic decision is viewed in retrospect, it
seems appropriate to examine the nine accredited library schools
which were, at some point in their history, segregated institutions, in
order to ascertain to what extent desegregation has taken place in
these library schools.

The writer is the chief librarian at Savannah State College and
in addition is also responsible for the teacher-librarian certification
program. Therefore, in recent years, he has become concerned about
the small number of Negro students who are choosing librarianship
as a career. In view of the proximity of the nine southern accredited
library schools to Negro colleges, a questionnaire was drawn up in
the summer of 1964 and circulated to the deans of these schools,^
for the purpose of coming to grips with the problem.

The instrument was introduced by the following statement:

Over the years, Negro college graduates, by and large,
have gone into the traditional professional fields, e.g., teach-
ing, law, medicine, and the ministry. There is a dire need
to recruit more able people for librarianship. Negro edu-
cators and guidance counselors seem to be convinced that
more young people should be recruited for the non-tradi-
tional fields, engineering, mathematics and the sciences, but
they never seem to encourage these young people to study
library science. From a librarian's point of view, this is
rather disconcerting and frustrating, when he hears his col-
leagues urging Negro collegians to break away from the
traditional fields and seldom or never mention librarian-
ship, and, at the same time, librarianship is a fertile field
for recruits.

It was felt that the dean of each library school should ask himself
these questions in order to present a clear picture of desegregation
in their formerly all-white library schools: (1) How many Negro
students are currently studying at your library school? (2) How
many Negro graduates did you have in June? (3) How many Negro
students completed your program in the last two years? (4) Do you
notify Negro colleges regarding the possibility of their graduates
studying librarianship at your institution? (5) Do you send scholar-

^These schools included Emory, Florida State, Kentucky, Louisiana State, North
Carolina, Oklahoma, Peabody, University of Texas, and Texas Woman's.

72

ship and recruitment material to the counselors of Negro colleges?
(6) If you have overlooked this possible source of student-supply,
would you be willing to institute a program of encouraging Negro
students to study at your library school? (7) Do you presently have
a Negro on your faculty? and (8) Would you be willing to employ
a Negro professor on your faculty?

The deans of all nine library schools responded. Nevertheless,
several failed to answer all of the questions. From the data which
were collected, certain implications emerged which will be of para-
mount importance for improving this situation or for making positive
recommendations.

During the 1963-1964 academic year and the 1964 summer ses-
sion, a very limited number of Negro students are recorded to have
been registered in these nine (9) institutions. This infinitesimal
number is shown in Table 1.

TABLE 1. Negroes Studying in Accredited Formerly All-White
Library Schools in 1964.

Regular
Session

Summer

Session,

1964

No Negro
Students

Extension
Center

Statistics
Unavailable

Emory

Fla. State

1 part-time

5

Kentucky

X

La. State

14

N. C.

5

Oklahoma

4

Peabody

X

Texas

2

Texas Woman's

2

5

The above table presents answers which give a partial picture of
the number of Negro students studying in southern formerly all-white
library schools. It can be seen that the highest per cent of these Negro
students attended the 1964 summer session and that there were more
Negroes in attendance at one extension center than were recorded
among on-campus Negro students in library science at these colleges
that year. This is a tragic waste of human resources which could
alleviate the shortage of professional librarians.

Because of a genuine attempt to bring Negroes into the main stream
of American culture, it has become more difficult to record Negro
citizens as Negroes. Several library school deans indicated that they
are forbidden to keep records by race; hence, their statistics may

73

not be accurate. This fact was recently pinpointed by the following
statement: "It is becoming increasingly difficult to answer that ques-
tion because administrators are reluctant to maintain any figures by
race. However, on the basis of certain official figures and some good
estimates, the situation can be summarized fairly accurately."-

Although statistics were unavailable from Kentucky and Peabody,
this writer is aware of the fact that both hbrary schools have had
several Negroes to graduate during the last two or three years.
Maurice D. Leach, the Chairman of the Department of Library
Science at Kentucky writes ". . . we are puzzled by your question-
naire and statements in the covering letter, in that the University
of Kentucky graduate program has been integrated for approximately
twenty years." The foregoing statement is a little less than accurate,
because Lyman T. Johnson, the Negro school teacher of Louisville
won his suit in 1949 and entered the University's History Depart-
ment in the summer session of 1949. In spite of the fact that records
are not maintained according to race or religion at Kentucky or
Peabody "on the basis of certain official figures and some good
estimates," approximate figures could have been given.

Louisiana State bursts forth with the largest enrollment of 14 at-
tending summer school. North Carolina, Texas Woman's and Okla-
homa follow with 5 and 4 respectively. With the University of Texas
having 2 and Emory none. Carlyle J. Farery of North Carolina and
Robert R. Douglass of Texas indicated that during the past several
years, both library schools have had Negro teachers who were work-
ing toward school library certification and not towards a degree.
From the foregoing analysis, it appears that the southern library
schools are not attracting large numbers of Negro students.

Concerning question two, 6 reported that they did not have a single
Negro graduate in June, while Oklahoma boasts of one and no sta-
tistics were provided by Kentucky and Peabody.

With regard to question three, 4 reported no Negro graduates
during the last two years; Louisiana State reported 2; Oklahoma
indicated 3; North Carolina stated 1, with no report from Kentucky
and Peabody.

By and large, we may assume from the foregoing data that those
Negro students who do not attend the Atlanta University Library
School are receiving their library education in other areas of the
country. These findings corroborate Pollard's findings regarding
Negro College chief librarians, when she stated that "and more than
60 per cent . . . chose library schools located outside the South."^

Question 4 sought to elicit answers regarding notices being sent
to Negro colleges relative to the possibility of their graduates studying
librarianship at the respective library schools in the region. We find

-Guy B. Johnson, "Desegregation in Southern Higher Education," Higher Edu-
cation, 20: (June, 1964), 6.

^Frances M. Pollard, "Characteristics of Negro College Chief Librarians,"
College and Research Libraries, 25: (July, 1964), 283.

74

that 3 answered affirmatively and 2 responded negatively; 3 provided
no answers and 1 indicated that materials would be sent upon request.

The answers to question 5 are varied and interesting, for 3 stated
that they send scholarship and recruitment materials to counsellors in
Negro colleges and 2 gave negative replies; 3 failed to answer and 1
said that materials would be sent upon request.

It appears that most of these library schools have failed to contact
Negro colleges or their counsellors. The truth of the matter is that
if the counsellors are made aware of the opportunities in librarian-
ship, then these educators would be in a better position to guide
young people into librarianship. If library school heads do not wish
to mail out circular material, then they may wish to accept Harold
Lancour's advice "... a few library school directors make extended
trips through a specific area, visiting by prearrangement a number of
colleges and libraries, talking informally with counsellors, placement
officers and groups of students."^

Before leaving recruitment, a word or two should be mentioned,
specifically, with reference to certain comments made relative to
guidance counsellors. Robert Clapp, Assistant Dean of Florida, writes
"Since Guidance Counsellors recommend to us what seems to us
the most unlikely applicants that apply the physically handicapped,
socially maladjusted, and the academically weak who have difficulty
getting jobs and holding them we make no effort to encourage
their efforts." I do not pretend to have the answer for Mr. Clapp,
but it is my belief that it is the library school's responsibility to in-
form the counsellors relative to the type of applicants that are
desired for graduate library education. Those who are socially mal-
adjusted or academically weak, should not be encouraged; but, on
the other hand, those candidates whose physical disabilities will not
be too much of a hindrance to providing effective library service
should be encouraged.

Mrs. Frances Neel Cheney, The Associate Director of the Peabody
Library School stated, "We are eager to recruit able students regard-
less of race or creed and will continue to encourage qualified grad-
uates to apply to Peabody." Obviously, these words do not clearly
commit her school to this liberal policy, for it seems that it would
be terribly difficult for Negro college graduates to be aware of this
policy, if the Peabody Library School will continue to " . . . send
scholarship and recruitment materials to aU counsellors who request
it."

Turning to question six, it was discovered that 4 library school
directors declared that they would be interested in instituting a
program of encouraging Negro students to study at their library
school, while 4 failed to respond and 1 claimed that recruitment is
handled by a separate bureau on campus and not by the library
school.

^Harold Lancour, "The Role of the Library School," Library Journal 87:
(December 1, 1962.) 2839.

75

Recruitment is the responsibility of the library profession as a
whole, but it seems to me that the confrontation of the college
graduate with many possible fields of endeavor beckoning him to
come, library schools, then, must plan bold and imaginative pro-
grams of recruitment for Negro college graduates as well as non-
Negro college graduates. In short, library schools must bear their
own responsibilities in this area. I can not find a justification for
Maurice D. Leach's statement that "our promotional literature and
newsletters go to all former students and alumni and to those inter-
ested in studying library science at the University of Kentucky."
What kind of program does Mr. Leach envision for attracting Ken-
tucky State College graduates to his program?

Question seven was designed for the purpose of ascertaining if
Negroes are employed on the faculty of these library schools. Ail
nine library schools responded negatively. Nevertheless, Peabody
and the University of Texas indicated that Negro professors serve in
other departments of their institutions.

Closely related to question seven, the final question sought to
determine if the director or the dean of the library school would
object to employing a Negro professor. The rephes are significant
for they are indicies to the philosophy of the library school director,
in some instances, and the prevailing attitude of the parent institution
in others. The findings revealed that 4 would employ a Negro
professor and 3 answered negatively while 1 failed to respond.

Some of the comments on this question are worth repeating. Leach
of Kentucky stated "It is the policy of the University to employ the
people whose qualifications are the best for a given position." The
Assistant Dean of Florida State asserted, "We have no Negroes on
our faculty and I personally would not recommend employing one
until I feel that he could carry his part of our teaching load without
any more frustration than is endured by the other faculty members."
Since Dean Clapp does not define "frustration," it would be rather
hazardous for me to guess. However, I can not refrain from re-
minding him that Negroes are serving full-time or part-time on the
faculties of Columbia, University of Washington, Pratt, St. Johns
and Drexel without any more frustration than their Caucasian col-
leagues.

Dean Frarey of North Carolina pointed out that "since the School
of Library Science is a graduate department, appointments to the
grade of Assistant Professor or higher now require that the candidate
have completed a doctoral degree, or that he be well-advanced
towards completion of that degree. This requirement gives us serious
difficulty in recruiting faculty, for there are very few librarians of
any race who meet it except for those who may already be employed
in another library school."

Except for certain salient facts, there is no need to repeat the
findings in this summation, for they are self evident. Generally, a
sizable number of Negroes are now studying in formerly all-white
library schools in the South, but most of these students study during

76

the summer sessions, and a large number are seeking only certifica-
tion for school library positions. Those who are not studying at the
Atlanta University Library School are studying in the North, the Mid-
West and the West. By and large, the library schools of the South
have failed to recruit Negro students. Most of the desegregation
in higher education has stemmed from the Negro students' desire to
remain and study in the region rather than being encouraged by
recruitment officers of formerly all-white southern universities.

Viewing the problems of desegregation in library education from
a broad-based point of reference is inescapable. Speaking in broad
terms, but realistically, as we assess the role of library schools in the
South in the education of Negroes, firstly, we must be ever mindful
that, with the exception of Howard, Lincoln, and Cheyney State, all
of the predominant Negro colleges in America are in the South, the
same region of the Southern library schools. Secondly, it is less ex-
pensive for Negroes to be educated in the region within the frame-
work of desegregation. Thirdly, since Negro students have not been
in the mainstream of American culture, and since there are still too
many Negroes who are reluctant to do graduate study in the South,
school administrators have a responsibility to make a bold attack
and recruit able Negro collegians for study in the area of librarian-
ship.

As we look into the future, we agree with the distinguished sociolo-
gist of North Carolina who writes "The transition from complete
segregation to a rather high degree of desegregation in southern higher
education in the past 15 years is almost a miracle in the annals of
social change. The necessary regulative and structural changes will
soon be completed, but there remains the task of arriving at the
condition of equality of status and opportunity implied in the term
'integration.' "-^

Equality of status and opportunity must be provided for Negro
students and Negro faculty in southern Library Schools. The constant
endeavor of the dean or director of the library schools in the South
must be to improve the climate for study and research for the South's
Negro citizens who desire librarianship as their life's work. In fact,
the future of southern libraries may very well depend on the extent
to which southern library schools educate Negroes for positions of
library leadership.

^Guy B. Johnson, op. cit. 7, 10.

77

Certain Condensation Reactions with
Copper Powder as a Catalyst

by
Kamalakar B. Raut*

In 1904 Ullmann (1) was able to show that copper powder readily
eliminates the iodine from aromatic iodo-compounds yielding cuprous
iodide and derivatives of diphenyl. A few years later (2) it was
shown that the reagent acts catalytically in condensing halogenated
benzenes with metallic phenoxides, thus providing a simple method
for preparing substituted diphenyl oxides; still later (3) Ullmann
showed that the copper reacts catalytically in removing hydrogen
haUdes from aromatic amines and halogenated benzenes, yielding
substituted diphenylamines. Thus aniline and p-chloronitrobenzene
yield p-nitrodiphenylamine. The yields are quite good when potas-
sium carbonate is added, as this not only neutralizes the hydrogen
halide formed during the reaction, but also stabilizes any carboxylic
acids by converting them into potassium salts. The method is a
general one for preparing arylanthranilic acids (4). With halogen
or methoxy-substituted amines the addition of amyl alcohol is ad-
visable. In a similar manner 2-chloro-4-nitrobenzoic acid condenses
at 180 with sodium phenoxide yielding 5-nitrodiphenylether-2-car-
boxyhc acid (5). In some cases a mixture of copper and potassium
iodide or even cuprous iodide gives good results.

The replacement of halogen in aromatic halides by hydroxyl is
readily effected by heating the compound with sodium acetate at
140-150 in the presence of a little copper powder. By this process
salicylic acid is readily obtained from o-chlorobenzoic acid, and
halogen can be replaced by carboxyl by heating the halogenated ben-
zene with aqueous alcoholic potassium cyanide and cuprous cyanide
at 260 (7).

Reactions of aniline with carbon tetrachloride and with chloroform
in presence of copper powder are presently being studied. From reac-
tions of aniline and carbon tetrachloride three compounds melting
at 167, 258, and 267 C have been isolated. From the reaction of
aniline and chloroform a compound melting at 209 was isolated.
The structural studies of these compounds are under progress and
will be reported later. It appears that the four compounds isolated
have not been isolated before.

Experimental

Three moles of aniline, carbon tetrachloride, [25.5cc] and copper
mesh powder [E. H. Sargent & Company, Chicago, lUinois] mea-

*The investigator is indebted to Jannie Singleton and Laura Grant, both stu-
dents, at Savannah State College, for their cooperation and assistance.

78

sured on the tip of a spatula were refluxed for two hours over a
steam bath. The refluxing was discontinued when a hard black solid
was present. The solid was allowed to cool and subjected to steam
distillation using a 10 per cent solution of sodium hydroxide. After
the solid had been distilled until a clear liquid began to distill off,
the solid left during distillation was filtered from the liquid by use
of a buchner funnel, ground, and dried. The dry soHd was then
extracted with a 7 per cent solution of sulfuric acid. The filtrate
was allowed to cool to 10C, and refiltered. To the filtered solution,
cold ammonium hydroxide solution was added slowly to the liquid
until the solution was neutralized. The entire solution was refiltered
using a suction funnel. The precipitate was dried, and purified
through recrystallization. The purified compound was dried and the
melting point was taken. It was found to be 167C.

The solid left after extraction with 7 per cent sulfuric acid was
then extracted with alcohol, filtered, allowed to dry, and the melting
point taken which was 258 C. Finally, the remaining solid from
the above two extractions was dried, and its melting point was taken.
It was 267 C.

27.9 ml of aniline, 20.8 ml chloroform, and a little copper powder
were refluxed for 10 hours on the water bath. The reaction mixture
was made alkaline with 10 per cent solution of sodium hydroxide
and steam distilled. The sohd which remained behind was washed
with 7 per cent sulfuric acid and crystalHzed from alcohol. White
flakes melting at 209 C were obtained.

References

1. F. Ullmann, Annalen, 1904, 332, 38.

2. F. Ullmann and S. Shangel, ibid., 1906, 350, 83.

3. F. Ullmann, 1907, 355, 312.

4. M. Goldbert, Ber., 1906, 39, 1691, 1907, 40, 2448.

5. F. Ullmann and G. Wagner, Annalen. 1907, 355, 361.

6. M. Goldberg, Ber., 1907, 40, 4541.

7. K. W. Rosenmund and P. Struck, Ber., 1919, 52, 1749.

79

Qualifications of College Teachers: 1918-1962

by
Phillip D. Vairo

It is the purpose of this article to review and to comment upon
the research which has been reported in professional literature deal-
ing with the qualifications of college teachers during the past fifty
years. Particular attention has been given to teachers in two-year
institutions. The qualifications of college teachers have been reviewed
under the following headings: (1) academic preparation, (2)
teaching experience, (3) publications, and (4) membership in pro-
fessional organizations. Practical considerations have limited the
number of studies included in this investigation.

Academic Preparation

McDowell, in 1919, compared the qualifications of teachers in pri-
vate and pubhc junior colleges with those of teachers instructing in
the lower-division of four-year colleges and universities. The study
included 523 teachers from 66 junior colleges, 58 teachers from 3
four-year colleges, and 233 teachers from 3 universities.^

The investigation revealed that 8.2 per cent of the private junior
college teachers held doctor's degrees, 27 per cent held master's
degrees, 52 per cent held bachelor's degrees, 11.7 per cent did not
hold degrees, and 1.1 per cent were unclassified. The sample in-
cluded a total number of 343 teachers from private junior colleges.
In investigating the qualifications of 180 public junior college teachers
McDoweh found that only 2.8 per cent held doctor's degrees, 39.5
per cent held master's degrees, 45 per cent held bachelor's degrees,
11.6 per cent did not hold degrees, and 1.1 per cent were unclassi-
fied. Of the four-year college teachers, 26 per cent held doctor's
degrees, 41 percent held master's degrees, 26 per cent held bachelor's
degrees, 1.8 per cent held no degrees, and 5.2 per cent were
unclassified. Of the university teachers, 60 per cent held doctor's
degrees, 25.6 per cent held master's degrees, 12.7 per cent held
bachelor's degrees, 0.4 per cent held no degrees, and 1.3 per cent
were unclassified. In summary, the study showed that the median
teacher of the university held a doctor's degree, the median four-year
college teacher held a master's degree, and the median junior college
teacher held a bachelor's degree.-

^Floyd M. McDowell, "The Junior College," United States Bureau of Educa-
tion Bulletin, No. 35 (Washington: U. S. Government Printing Office. 1919),
p. 54.

^Ibid.. p. 56.

80

Koos, in 1924, also compared the qualifications of junior college
teachers with those of teachers giving instruction in the lower-division
level of four-year colleges and universities. Koos' study included 129
teachers from private junior colleges and 163 teachers from public
junior colleges. He reported that 1 per cent of the teachers in the
private junior colleges held doctor's degrees, 34 per cent held master's
degrees, 60 per cent held bachelor's degrees, and 5 per cent did not
hold degrees. Three per cent of the teachers in the public junior
colleges held doctor's degrees while 47 per cent held master's degrees,
47 per cent held bachelor's degrees, and 3 per cent did not hold
degrees.^

Koos found that of the four-year college teachers instructing on
the freshman and sophomore levels, 18.2 per cent held doctor's de-
grees, 40.9 per cent held master's degrees, and 40.9 per cent held
bachelor's degrees. Of the university teachers instructing in the
lower-division, 10.8 per cent held doctor's degrees, 55.4 per cent
held master's degrees, and 33.8 per cent held bachelor's degrees."*

Additionally, Koos pointed out that preparation for teaching is not
solely one of academic degrees. It is also a question of preparation
in the subject fields in which the teacher is giving instruction. He
found that three-fourths of the public junior college teachers and
Northern private junior college teachers he investigated and 86 per
cent of the four-year college teachers had an undergraduate major in
the subject they taught.^

Koos showed in his study that the public junior college and North-
ern private junior college teachers both surpassed the four-year col-
lege and university teachers in the preparation of semester-hours of
work in education. The study revealed that teachers in the Northern
private junior colleges had completed an average of 21 semester-hours
in education and the public junior college teachers had completed
an average of 16 semester-hours of work in education. The four-year
college teachers averaged 5 semester-hours of work in education
while the university teachers averaged only 2 semester-hours of work
in education.*^

In 1927, Morris found that 7 per cent of the teachers in California
junior colleges held doctor's degrees, 40 per cent held master's de-
grees, 36 per cent held bachelor's degrees, and 17 per cent held no
degrees.'^

^Leonard V. Koos, The Junior College Movement (Boston: Ginn and Com-
pany, 1925), p. 67.

*Ibid., p. 68.

^Ibid., pp. 70-71.

^Ibid., p. 73.

''Charles S. Morris, "The Junior College Faculty," The Junior College Its
Organization and Administration, (ed.) William Martin Proctor (Stanford,
California: Stanford University Press, 1927), p. 47.

81

In 1928, Martens reported the academic preparation of 554
teachers from 26 junior colleges in California. The study showed
that 6.5 per cent held doctor's degrees, 46.4 per cent held master's
degrees, 37.4 per cent held bachelor's degrees, and 9.7 per cent held
no degrees.^

An investigation of the Stanford University faculty revealed that
72 per cent of all lower-division instruction at the university was
given by teachers of professorial rank. The study also pointed out
that 58 per cent of the teachers instructing on freshman and sopho-
more levels held doctor's degrees.^

Wahlquist investigated the highest degree held by 1,236 teachers
from 222 junior colleges in 39 states. He found that 5 per cent held
doctor's degrees, 59 per cent held master's degrees, 29 per cent held
bachelor's degrees, and 7 per cent had no degree. ^^

Garrison obtained responses from 716 teachers in 51 pubHc junior
colleges. His study revealed that the majority of teachers had under-
graduate majors or minors in the subject field which they were
teaching; however, there was a minority of teachers instructing in
subjects in which they had no preparation. Garrison also reported
that the master's degree was held almost universally among the junior
college teachers in his study. ^^

Approximately two decades after his first study, Koos again gather-
ed data from 48 public junior colleges in California and 8 states in
the Midwest and South. The number of teachers involved in the
second study was 1,458. ^^

Koos found that 6.3 per cent of the teachers held doctor's degrees,
63.6 per cent held master's degrees, 26.8 per cent held bachelor's
degrees, and 3.3 per cent held no degrees. ^^

He found that 38.2 per cent of the respondents had a graduate
and undergraduate major in the subject they taught, 26.4 per cent
had a graduate or undergraduate major in the subject taught, 18.5
per cent had a graduate or undergraduate minor in the subject taught.

^E. H. Martens, "Training and Experience of Teachers in the Junior Colleges
of California," California Quarterly of Secondary Education, IV (1928-29),
51.

"Walter Crosby Eells, The Junior College (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co.,
1931), p. 402, quoting from an unpublished study by Miss Maxine Whitney,
at Stanford University.

^"J. H. Wahlquist, "The Status of the Junior College Teacher," Junior College
Journal, I (November, 1930), 130.

^^L. A. Garrison, "Preparation of Junior College Instructors," Junior College
Journal, XII (November, 1941), 135-136.

^^L. V. Koos, "Junior College Teachers: Degrees and Graduate Residence,"
Junior College Journal, XVIII (October, 1947), 78.

^^Ibid., p. 79.

82

and 16.3 per cent had no graduate or undergraduate major or minor
in the subject taught. No answer was received from .6 per cent of
the respondents.^'*

In his first study, Koos reported that the average number of
semester-hours of work completed in education was 16 for the pubUc
junior college teacher. In 1941, the average number of semester-
hours of work completed in education by the junior college teacher
was increased to 29.^^

The preparation of academic and special subject teachers such as
art, music, physical education, and home economics was of special
interest to Koos in his investigation. He found that 83.8 per cent
of the academic teachers held advanced degrees while only 43.8 per
cent of the teachers in special subjects held such degrees. The per-
centage of academic teachers without degrees was reported to be
negligible. On the other hand, 9.1 per cent of the special subject
teachers did not hold degrees.^"

Reynolds, in 1953, compared the qualifications of 124 social
studies teachers m 45 junior colleges with 173 social studies teachers
giving instruction in the lower-division of liberal arts colleges, teachers
colleges, and universities. He found that 82.3 per cent of the teachers
in the two-year colleges possessed the master's degree as the highest
academic degree, and 13.7 per cent held the doctor's degree. Of the
teachers instructing in the lower-division of the four-year colleges, it
was reported that more than half of the teachers held the doctor's
degree as the highest academic degree. Approximately 3 per cent
of all the teachers, on all levels, held only the bachelor's degree as
the highest degree. ^^

Pattillo and Pfinster obtained data from 330 member institutions
of the North Central Association in 1952-53. The number of teachers
involved in the study was approximately 30,000 from universities,
four-year colleges, and public and private junior colleges. ^^

Of the teachers in the four-year colleges and universities 36.1
per cent held doctor's degrees, 47.5 per cent held master's degrees,
9.4 per cent held bachelor's degrees, 1.2 per cent held no degrees,
and 5.8 per cent were unclassified.^^ In public junior colleges 6 per
cent of the teachers held doctor's degrees, 82 per cent held master's
degrees, 10 per cent held bachelor's degrees, and 2 per cent were un-

1* L. V. Koos, "Junior College Teachers: Subjects Taught and Specialized
Programs," Junior College Journal, XVIII (December, 1947), 207.

^^L. V. Koos, "Junior College Teachers: Preparation in Education," Junior
College Journal, XVIII (February, 1948), 334.

^''L. V. Koos "The Junior College Teachers: Degrees and Graduate Resi-
dence," Junior College Journal, XVIII (October, 1947), 79.

^^J. W. Reynolds, "The Social Studies Instructor in the Junior College and the
Lower Division Level," Social Studies in College, National Council for the
Social Studies Curriculum Series No. 8 (January, 1953), 88-90.

^^M. M. Pattillo and A. O. Pfinster, "Faculty Training and Salaries in Institu-
tions of Higher Education," North Central Association Quarterly, XXIX
(April, 1955), 374.

^^Ibid., p. 378.

83

classified. In private junior colleges 12.9 per cent of the teachers
held doctor's degrees, 67.1 per cent held master's degrees, 16 per
cent held bachelor's degrees, and 4 per cent were unclassified. -

Colvert and Baker reported the highest degree held by 6,985 public
junior college teachers for the year 1954-55. The percentage of
teachers holding doctor's degrees was 7.2 while 68.5 per cent held
master's degrees, 17.9 per cent held bachelor's degrees, and 6.4 per
cent held no degree.-^

Kinerson studied the academic background of 186 junior college
teachers of physical science teaching in 124 junior colleges in 37
different states. The study revealed that 13 per cent held doctor's
degrees, more than three-fourths held master's degrees, and about
one-third of these had work completed beyond the master's degree.
A small percentage, held less than the master's degree.--

Kinerson also reported that nearly two-thirds of the teachers
studied had completed approximately 15 semester-hours of work in
education on the undergraduate level. He went on to state that the
same number of teachers had graduate work in education with about
16 semester-hours in education completed.-^

Rainey compared the academic preparation of accounting teachers
in junior colleges, four-year colleges, and universities in Oklahoma
in 1958-59. The investigation disclosed that there was not one doc-
torate in the ranks of the junior college teachers, whereas 13.8 per
cent of the teachers in four-year colleges and universities held doc-
tor's degrees. Of the junior college teachers 76.6 per cent held
master's degrees as compared to 67.2 per cent of the teachers in
four-year colleges and universities. The bachelor's degree was held
by 23.4 per cent of the junior college teachers as compared to 19
per cent for the four-year college and university teachers.-^ It was
also reported that junior college teachers had completed an average
of 20 semester-hours of work in accounting while the four-year col-
lege and university teachers had completed an average of 40 semester-
hours of work in accounting.-^

During the period 1954-58 it was found that 70 per cent of the
new teachers on the faculty of the University of California held
doctor's degrees, and 40.2 per cent of the new appointees at the

''Ibid., p. 382.

-^C. C. Colvert, "Professional Development of Junior College Instructors,"
Junior College Journal, XXV (April, 1955), 476.

^ ^Kendall Scott Kinerson, "A Study of the Academic and Professional Prepara-
tion of Junior College Teachers of Physical Science," (unpublished Ph.D.)
dissertation, Dept. of Education, Michigan State University, 1957), p. 115.

-^Ibid., p. 114.

^*B. G. Rainey, "An Analysis of Criticisms of Junior College Teachers by
University and Senior College Staffs," Junior College Journal, XXX (Decem-
ber, 1959), 209.

-^Ibid., p. 211.

84

state colleges held doctor's degrees. Comparable data for the junior
colleges for this period were not available. For the year 1959-60
it was reported that only 7 per cent of the new faculty members in
the 59 junior colleges in California held doctor's degrees.-^

Medsker gathered data from 3,895 teachers in 74 two-year col-
leges. He reported that three-fourths of the teachers held graduate
degrees, 64.6 per cent held master's degrees, and 9.6 per cent held
doctor's degrees. Furthermore, 17 per cent of the teachers held
bachelor's degrees, 6.7 per cent held no degrees, and 2.1 per cent
were unclassified.-"

The Research Office of the State University of New York com-
piled a report on the instructional staff of the public community
colleges in the fall of 1959. The study revealed that of the 661
teachers in the community colleges, 9.7 per cent held doctor's degrees,
52.2 per cent held master's degrees, 27.5 per cent held bachelor's
degrees, and 10.6 per cent were unclassified.-^

Since the year 1953-54 the Research Division of the National
Education Association has studied the academic preparation of
teachers in two-year colleges, four-year colleges, and universities. In
1953-54, the Division reported that among 58,719 teachers in four-
year colleges and universities 40.5 per cent held doctor's degrees,
20.9 per cent held master's degrees plus one year of additional grad-
uate study, 28.2 per cent held master's degrees, and 10.4 per cent
held less than master's degrees.-^ It was also reported that of all
new teachers in four-year colleges and universities in 1953-54, 31.4
per cent held doctor's degrees, 51.4 per cent held master's degrees,
and 18.2 per cent held less than master's degrees. ^"^

In 1960-61, of all new teachers in four-year colleges and universities
it was reported that 25.8 per cent held doctor's degrees, but 17.4 per
cent held less than master's degrees.^ ^ Of the new teachers in public
junior colleges, 6 per cent held doctor's degrees as compared to 7.4
per cent of the new teachers in private junior colleges. Of the new
public junior college teachers, 18.3 per cent held master's degrees
plus one year of graduate study as compared to 14.2 per cent for
the new teachers in private junior colleges. Master's degrees were

^^A Master Plan for Higher Education in California 1960-75 (Sacramento:
California State Department of Education, 1960), p. 123.

^^Leland L. Medsker, The Junior College: Progress and Prospect (New York:
McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1960), p. 172.

^**New York State University Research Office, Professional Personnel (Albany,
New York: State University of New York, 1960), p. 6.

^ ^National Education Research Division, "Instructing Staff Practices and Poli-
cies in Degree Granting Institutions," National Education Association Re-
search Bulletin, XXXIl (December, 1954), 164.

^"National Education Research Division, Teacher Supply and Demand in
Universities, Colleges, and Junior Colleges, 1959-60 and 1960-61 Research
Report No. 12 (Washington, D. C: National Education Association, 1961),
pp. 12-13.

^"Ibid., p. 14.

85

held by 49.8 per cent of the new teachers in public junior colleges
and 43 per cent of the new teachers in private junior colleges. Twenty-
five and nine-tenths per cent of the new teachers in public junior
colleges and 35.4 per cent of the new teachers in private junior
colleges held less than master's degrees. ^-

Chapin and Vairo compiled a report on the instructional staff of
the public two-year and four-year colleges in North Carolina for the
school year 1961-62. The study revealed that of the 135 teachers in
the two-year colleges, 9.6 per cent held doctor's degrees, 68.1 per
cent held master's degrees, and 23.3 per cent held less than master's
degrees. From the data gathered from 1,231 four-year college
teachers, it was found that 39.1 per cent held doctor's degrees, 53
per cent held master's degrees, and 7.9 per cent held less than master's
degrees. ^^

Teaching Experience

McDowell found the median years of teaching experience for 516
junior college teachers to be 8.6 years compared to 10 years for 218
university teachers and 12.5 years for 58 four-year college teachers.^*

Koos in his 1924 study of the qualifications of junior college,
four-year college, and university teachers reported that teachers in
public junior colleges had a median of 9.1 years of teaching experience
compared to 5.0 years for teachers in private junior colleges. Teachers
in four-year colleges had a median of 8.9 years of teaching experience,
whereas the university teachers had a median of 4.2 years of teaching
experience. Koos did not include teaching experience below the
high school level in computing his statistics.'^

Martens found that teaching experience among the 554 public
junior college teachers in California varied from 2 to 40 years. Only
5 per cent of the teachers had fewer than 2 years of experience, and
5 per cent had more than 25 years of experience. The median
number of years teaching experience for the public junior college
teacher was 10. The study also showed that 80 per cent of the
teachers had high school teaching experience, 34 per cent had col-
lege teaching experience, 4 per cent had junior high school teaching
experience, and 17 per cent had elementary school teaching ex-
perience.^''

^^Ibid., pp. 33-34.

^^F. Stuart Chapin and Philip D. Vairo, "Statistical Summary of the Recog-
nitions Received from Outside Organizations by the Faculties of Public Two-
Year and Four-year Colleges in North Carolina for the School Year 1961-62"
(Raleigh: Board of Higher Education, 1962), p. 8. (In the files of the
Board of Higher Education of North Carolina.)

'^McDowell, op. cit., p. 58.

^ ^Leonard V. Koos, The Junior College Movement (Boston: Ginn & Com-
pany, 1925), p. 75.

^''Martens, op. cit., pp. 55-56.

86

Koos, in 1941, reported that only a small minority of the 1,458
public junior college teachers he studied were without high school
teaching experience. The number of years of teaching experience on
the junior college level varied from 1-2 years for 6.1 per cent of
the teachers to over 25 years experience for 17.1 per cent of the
teachers. ^'^

Kinerson pointed out that two-thirds of the 186 junior college
teachers of physical science he studied had high school teaching
experience. The median number of years of teaching experience for
the entire group Kinerson studied was 8 years.^*^

Medsker in his study of 3,895 teachers from 74 two-year colleges
found that 64 per cent of the teachers had taught in secondary or
elementary schools, mostly in secondary schools.^'-*

Chares and Summerer reported that in the academic year 1957-58
the faculty of Flint Junior College consisted of 54 teachers who had
less than 6 years of teaching experience, 57 who had from 6-15
years, 14 who had from 16-25 years, and 19 who had 26 years or
more of teaching experienced'^

Rainey found that four-year college and university accounting
teachers averaged 1 year of teaching experience in public elementary
or junior high school, 2.4 years in public high schools, and 1 1 years
in four-year colleges and universities. Junior college teachers aver-
aged 1.3 years experience in pubhc elementary or junior high school,
7.4 years experience in secondary schools, and 9.9 years experience
in junior colleges, four-year colleges, and universities. The median
number of years of teaching experience for the four-year college
and university accounting teacher was 14.7 compared to 19.5 for
the junior college accounting teacher.'*^

The Research Division of the National Education Association
reported that junior colleges obtained more new teachers from high
school faculties than did four-year colleges in 1960-61. Approxi-
mately, 30 per cent of all new teachers in junior colleges came from
high school teaching positions.*^ The four-year colleges drew 12
per cent of their new teachers from high school faculties. ^^

"L. V. Koos, "Junior College Teachers: Background of Experience," Junior
College Journal, XVIIl (April, 1958), 469.

^^Kinerson, op. cit., p. 116.

^"Medsker, op. cit., p .172.

*S. F. Chares and K. H. Summerer, "Building a Junior College Faculty,"
Junior College Journal, XXIX (March, 1959), 423.

*iRainey, op. cit., p. 209.

*^National Education Research Division, Teacher Supply and Demand in
Universities, Colleges, and Junior Colleges, 1959-60 and 1960-61, Research
Report No. 12 (Washington, D.C.: National Educational Association, 1961,
p. 36.

*'-^Ibid., p. 18.

87

Publications and Research

Garrison found of the 716 public junior college teachers who
replied to his questionnaire only 10 per cent had done research or
published materials during the academic year 1938-39.^*

Kinerson reported that about one-half of the 186 physical science
teachers in public junior colleges he studied had done research at
the master's level; however, only a small minority did research on
the doctoral level. ^'^

Rainey's investigation of accounting teachers in Oklahoma revealed
that 9 per cent of the four-year college and university accounting
teachers conducted research, but no research was being carried on
by junior college accounting teachers. The four-year college and
university teachers completed 3 books, 25 articles, and 4 research
projects compared to no book, 3 articles, and no research project
for the junior college accounting teachers. ^*^

Pessen's study revealed that 11 members of his social studies
department at Staten Island Community College, New York, during
a four-year period published 33 articles, 3 books, 2 research projects,
and completed 3 short stories. Additionally, four members of the
staff were engaged in work on their doctoral dissertations.*'^

Chapin and Vairo reported that during the past five years the
1,231 teachers in public four-year colleges in North Carolina have
published a total of 1,374 articles, books, and textbooks, an average
of 1.1 publications per teacher. The 135 teachers in public two-
year colleges have published 24 articles, books, and textbooks, mak-
ing an average of 0.2 publications per teacher.*^

Professional Organizations

Rainey found that only 11 per cent of the junior college account-
ing teachers in Oklahoma belonged to the American Accounting
Association compared to 35 per cent of the four-year college and
university accounting teachers. He also reported that 11 per cent
of the junior college accounting teachers belonged to the American
Institute of Certified Public Accountants by contrast with 39.5 per
cent of the four-year college and university teachers."*^

^^Garrison, op. cit., p. 36.
^^Kinerson, op. cit., p. 114.
4Rainey, op. cit., pp. 209-211.
'''Pessen, op. cit., p. 281.
^'*Chapin and Vairo, op. cit.
i^Rainey, op. cit., p. 210.

88

Chapin and Vairo found that the 135 teachers in public two-year
colleges studied belonged to a total of 232 professional organizations
for an avearge of 1.7 organizations per teacher. The 1,231 teachers
in four-year colleges belonged to a total of 3,710 professional
organizations for an average of 3 organizations per teacher.^"

Summary

The percentage of teachers in two-year colleges holding graduate
degrees shows a steady increase since 1918. The median degree held
by two-year college teachers is the master's degree, while approxi-
mately 10 per cent held doctor's degrees. There has been an overall
decrease in the percentage of teachers having no degree.

Of the four-year college and university teachers approximately 40
per cent held doctor's degrees; however, according to the Research
Division of the National Education Association, only about 25 per
cent of the new teachers entering four-year colleges and universities
held doctor's degrees in 1960-61.

In five different studies, McDowell, Koos, Martens, Kinerson,
Summerer and Chares found that the number of years of experience
for teachers in two-year and four-year colleges varied from 1-2 years
to over 25 years experience. Medsker in his study reported that 64
per cent of the teachers in the two-year colleges had taught in sec-
ondary or elementary school, however, most of them on the secondary
school level.

Koos reported that teachers in the two-year colleges completed
more semester hours in professional courses in education than did
teachers in the four-year colleges and universities.

According to the results disclosed in the investigations conducted
by Garrison, Kinerson, Rainey, Chapin and Vairo the number of
books and articles published by two-year and four-year college
teachers was small; however, the four-year college teachers published
in greater proportion. Furthermore, four-year college teachers were
found to hold membership in more professional organizations than
two-year college teachers.*

'"Chapin and Vairo, op. cit.

*The article is based on a doctoral dissertation completed at Duke University
(1963), Durham, North Carolina.

89

A Study of the Second Year

Female Academic Probates

at Tuskegee Institute

by
Tommie M. Samkange

Throughout America, educational institutions are plagued with
the drop-out problem. Studies have shown that even though the
effects of this problem are more readily visible among the low socio-
economic groups, a significant number of its victims are from the
higher echelons of society. Further studies have indicated that it
takes its toll among those with high scores on the intelligence tests
as well as those with average and below average scores. Not only
do its victims vary in abilities to succeed, but they also may be found
at any point along a personality continuum. Such complexities com-
bined with the increasing rate and intensity of the first drop-out
figures have led many groups and individuals to delve into the
problems in an effort to discover likenesses or differences in drop-out
victims and to discover underlying causes for the apparent lack of
holding power of educational institutions.

Statement of the Problem

The purpose of the present study was to discover the underlying
factors which contributed to the failure of Tuskegee's 1964-65
second year probates. The researcher sought answers to such ques-
tions as (1) Were these students prepared for college work upon
entrance? (2) How did they allocate their time between the social
and academic realms of college Hfe? (3) How much professional
guidance did these students receive in choosing their majors and
educational institution? (4) How did the academic areas compare
in potential drop-out rate?

Need for the Study

In past years, Tuskegee Institute has suffered a loss of some 200
or more students per year who, because their level of academic
performance was so low, were not allowed to continue their study
at the Institute. Concurrently, some 500 or more students per year
have been placed on academic probation due to a similar level of
performance. Each of the afore-mentioned drop-outs represents over
a thousand dollars and at least a year of time used to little or no
advantage. Each case further represents a loss suffered by Tuskegee
and society.

90

If adequate answers could be derived as the causes of such
failures, preventive and remedial measures could be taken by Tus-
gee and other institutions suffering from the same problem.

Definition of Terms

Second year academic probate refers to those students who en-
tered Tuskegee Institute in September, 1964 and whose averages at
the end of the academic year were below the two-point requirement
for freshmen at the end of the first year. It further includes Op-
portunity Work Plan students with less than two-point averages,
who entered school prior to September, 1964 but who have main-
tained less than a two-point average and hence are still classified
by the Institute as freshmen.

Potential drop-out designates those students who are treading on
thin academic grounds. They are so designated because students
who are on academic probation are believed by the author to be
those persons who most often eventually become drop-out statistics.

Hypotheses

The author began this study on the assumption that many students
find themselves on college probation and drop lists because (1)
they come to college ill prepared to do college work; (2) they have
had little or no professional guidance in choosing their majors
and/or the educational institutions they attend; (3) they devote too
much time and energy to the social realm of college life and not
enough to the academic phase; (4) their work obligations leave too
little time in which to fulfill their academic requirements adequately.

Review of Related Literature

Numerous studies have been conducted in the area of school drop-
outs. For all practical purposes, they can be divided into three
main groups : ( 1 ) that group which deals with the student mortahty
rate at various institutions (2) that group which deals with the
comparison of drop-outs or potential drop-outs with normal achievers
and with those who remain in school (3) that group which deals
with those factors which influence students to become student
mortality figures.

Each study, in its own way, gives educators something further to
work with in their efforts to increase the holding power of educa-
tional institutions. A brief review of a few of these studies would
be invaluable to one seeking to gain insight into the drop-out prob-
lem. Such a review would be of further significance in placing the
present study in its proper perspective.

Identification of Drop-Outs

In 1958 Marion E. Gardner (4) conducted a study in which he
sought to determine whether one could predict the academic success
of students in college by using personality trait ratings obtained

91

from high school. UtiHzing a Normal Curve Rating Scale, Gardner
rated 190 high school seniors on the traits of rehability, industry,
cooperation, initiative, efficiency, and accuracy. Coefficients of
correlation were calculated between the average ratings on each trait
and the quality point averages earned during the first year in college.
These calculations revealed a significant correlation between the
ratings on all traits and quality point averages. Calculated coeffi-
cients ranged from a high of .664 to a low of .335. Correlations in-
volving the trait of accuracy were high enough for Gardner to sug-
gest the use of this trait alone by colleges to supply significant in-
formation concerning apphcants for admission.

An effort was made by Edward Jones (8) to study the academic
probate from the standpoint of environmental and emotional per-
sonal factors and methods of study in order to find out how the
factors contribute heavily to his academic status. A group of 35
male probates and a matched sample were subjected to the same
check list of methods of study and information concerning the en-
vironmental situations. The results were not conclusive, but certain
trends were evident. The abler students used a variety of methods
of study. Their greatest superiority was in the area of preparing for
examinations and in studying the texts. The better students were
worriers and integrators. A sense of urgency characterized their
efforts. Eighty per cent of the probates were affected by a lack of
good study habits or a lack of motivations.

Student personal data records and other records were used in the
study; ability and achievement test scores were analyzed; and gen-
eralizations were drawn for all students who entered school the fall
semester of 1955 and were not enrolled for the fall semester of 1956.
Thirty-six per cent of the drop-outs were earning passing grades
when they withdrew and 64 per cent were not. Three of every five
drop-outs scored in the lowest quartile on the English achievement
test. Seventy-four per cent of the drop-outs scored below the na-
tional median on the English achievement test. One of every three
drop-outs scored above average on the ability and achievement test
and from five to eight per cent were academically capable of doing
college work.

Nicholson (10) conducted a study in 1957 to analyze student
mortality at State Teachers College, Indiana, Pennsylvania, with cer-
tain factors being regarded as selective admission and retention of
students as a basis of improving services. Data for 2239 entering
freshmen were collected on selected factors, developed into tables
and interpreted. Eighty and seventy per cent of these students were
in the upper half of their high school graduating class. Of this
percentage 64.1 per cent graduated, whereas the graduation rate of
those who were in the lower half of their classes was 39.5 per cent.
The higher the student ranked on the ACE test or the better his first
semester grades, the greater were his chances of survival. Students
from large high schools survived better than those from small ones.
Women were found to be better survivors than men.

92

Comparisons with Regard to Drop-outs

Drener (3) did a study in 1960 to discover any significant dif-
ferences and similarities between over-achieving and under-achieving
students. One hundred thirty-eight students (74 over-achievers and
64 under-achievers) were studied for differences in two major areas.
The first area involved scholastic aptitude, cumulative grade point
averages, reading abilities, mechanics of expression, high school
marks, and age. The second area involved the average number of
hours spent per week studying, in extracurricular activities, and in
work for pay. The over-achieving students had better study habits,
but there were no significant differences between over-achievers and
under-achievers for all the areas of the vocational preference scale.
For all other characteristics, there were very few significant dif-
ferences.

Bernice Horall (6) conducted a study aimed at acquiring a better
understanding of the performance and personality of brilliant college
students, especially in terms of the ways in which they differ from
college students of average or low college abiUty. College freshman
scores on the ACE fell 1.5 or more sigmas above the mean when
compared with matched cases from the middle of the distribution. A
general information blank as well as the Group Rorshach Test and
Group Thematics Apperception Tests were administered to the sub-
jects. The experimental group was found to be significantly better
in the following areas: fewer total "needs", fewer "needs" for
achievement and recognition, better over-all adjustment, better effect
of environment on organism, and better reaction to environment.
They also had fewer conflicts about personal characteristics and
about school performance. They over-emphasized small unusual
details on the Group Rorshach. They also displayed a higher level
of maturity and less deep underlying anxiety.

Influences on Drop-outs

A study to investigate experimentally some of the many factors
known to be culturally determined and which influence the per-
formance of persons in academics and on intelligence tests was
undertaken by Ernest Haggard (5) in 1954. A total of 208 persons
were subdivided into 24 sub-groups for the purpose of testing and
retesting under various controlled conditions. Practice helped the
high status group but not the low status group. Motivation during
practice sessions had a negative influence on both groups. Both
groups made significant gains on the test which was revised to remove
middle class bias. Given test-retest conditions, the performance of
low status persons improved substantially, whereas that of the higher
status group remained relatively constant.

Oscar Christensen (1) did research in 1963 to explore the in-
fluence of a pilot summer advisory and counseling program for
entering freshmen at the University of Oregon. When the experi-
mental group was compared with the control group, it was found

93

that such a program was effective in the following areas: (1) in-
creasing study program stability, (2) creating an immediate positive
opinion about the value of organized orientation activities and about
the counseling center. (3) creating an immediate positive reaction
toward the University. It had no effect on elevating fall grades,
some aspects of social adjustment, or improving persistence in college.

A study was conducted by Mahone (9) to test the theory which
states that persons who are fearful of failu;:e tend to be unrealistic
in their vocational choices with respect to both ability and interest.
He used the Mandleer-Sarason Test Anxiety Scale, Thematic Ap-
perception stories, and a vocational information questionnaire. On
each criterion of realistic vs unrealistic vocational aspiration, signifi-
cantly more subjects who were low in achievement-related anxiety
were classified as unreahstic than subjects who were high in achieve-
ment motivation and low in achievement related-anxiety. Sixty-eight
were inaccurate and 66 were accurate in estimating their own abilities.

In his study, Slater (11) aimed to increase the understanding of
factors influencing and affecting student mortality. He grouped the
freshmen males according to the fathers' occupations. A year later
the University records were examined to compare the rate of per-
sistence according to the fathers' occupations and the college in
which each was enrolled. It was found that the value systems and
experiences which characterize family units predispose the children
favorable or unfavorably toward the academic aspects of their col-
legiate life. Persistence rates ranged from .44 to .58 when students
were enrolled in colleges where their fathers were employed. For
students in "strange" academic settings, persistence rates were .39
and below.

Another study of "Factors in College Persistence" was conducted
by Ikenberry (7) whose aims were (1) to examine differences in
cognitive and affective characteristics between students who with-
draw from college and students who remain through the first year
and (2) to study differences between collegiate withdrawals and en-
rollees when these groups were classified in terms of first year col-
lege achievement and sex. At the end of an academic year an inter-
correlation matrix was formed and factor analyzed for a random
sample of withdrawals and enrollees. Data were obtained from
school records, aptitude and abihty tests, as well as interest tests. Of
the three discriminate functions found, above average groups were
high on the intelligence function, while below average groups were
low on this function.

Female groups were all above male groups on the cultural-sex
function, and withdrawal groups were above enrolled groups on the
social-background function.

Cook and Martinson (2) completed a study to discover whether
varying amounts of such subjects as high school mathematics, physical
science, and foreign language studied in high school were related to
differences in grades earned in six major areas of liberal arts. Fresh-
men students for whom complete high school records were available

94

were divided into dichotomies on the basis of high school grades. The
t test was used to test the significance of the difference in mean grade
point averages in college and a difference was considered significant
if it reached the five per cent level or beyond. Findings showed that
good work in high school English gives an advantage to the student
in college over the average high school English student. There was
little relationship in other areas.

METHOD OF PROCEDURE

In September of 1963, 995 freshmen were enrolled in the several
schools at Tuskegee Institute. By June of 1964, 233 of these
students were dropped from the Institute because of their low level
of academic performance; 314 were placed on academic probation
because of a similar level of performance; and 448 were in good
academic standing.

Questionnaires were sent to the eighty-five female students on
academic probation who enrolled at the Institute for the fall semester.
(Those students who failed to maintain two-point averages were
either dropped or designated as probates, depending upon the de-
gree of failure and the circumstances surrounding the failure.) In
spite of several attempts to retrieve questionnaires, the maximum
number to be returned was fifty-nine.

The responses made to each question by each probate were care-
fully analyzed, recorded, and used with other findings to draw gen-
eralizations. High school grade point averages for the fifty-nine
probates were obtained and compared with their cumulative college
grade point averages. Further generalizations were drawn from the
utilization of entrance examination scores made by subjects on the
School and College Ability Test. Graphs and tables were used to
facilitate interpretation of data.

FINDINGS

The use of Institute records such as high school grade point
averages, entrance examination scores, and college grade point
averages and the analyzation of responses on questionnaires sent to
the fifty-nine academic probates participating in this study did much
to support and refute certain hypotheses set forth at the beginning
of the research.

Academic Capability of Students

The first hypothesis stated that many students find themselves on
college probation and drop lists because they come to college ill-
prepared to do college work. Figure 1. shows the distribution of
high school grade point averages for the fifty-nine students used in
this study. These averages range from 1.41 to 3.93 on a four-point
scale wherein "A" is four points, "B" is three points, "C" is two

95

points, and "D" fs one point. In this distribution, the mean grade
point average is 2.80 and the modal average is 3.51. Twenty-three
students, or thirty eight per cent, had high school averages of "B"
or above; sixty-seven per cent had "C" averages; and ten per cent
had averages of "D".

According to information in Tuskegee's 1964-65 General In-
formation Bulletin, students from accredited high schools with grade
point averages of "C" or above may be admitted to the Institute
unconditionally. It appears that this is the grade point average at
which Tuskegee administrators feel that students are prepared to do
college work. If this is true, the high school grade point index,
which states that ninety per cent of the female academic probates
studied were "prepared" to do college work, refutes the first hypo-
thesis.

s

O

X)

6

cs

00

On

O

00

00

o

VO

CO

VO

CO

On

?-H

^ (

<S

ts

<s

CO

CO

CO

CO

1-H

On

1-H

00

On

O

CO

VO

11

r-l

T-H

(S

cs

ts

CO

CO

CO

Grade Point Averages

Figure 1. High School Grade Point Averages for Fifty-nine
Academic Probates.

96

Figure 2. shows the distribution of total stanine scores for the
Verbal and Quantitative aspects of the School and College Ability
Test (SCAT) administered to each probate upon entrance. The fig-
ure shows a stanine class range from a low of three to a high of
eight. Seventy-six per cent of the probates fell within the average
stanine classes of four, five, and six; ten per cent fell in the below-
average classes of three; and fourteen per cent fell into the above-
average classes of seven and eight. The mean stanine score is 4.96
and the modal class is five.
24

O

e

3

21
18
15
12

9
6
3

/

\

/

\

/

\

/

\

/

/

N

X

Stanine Scores 1234567 89

Figure 2. Stanine Scores for Fifty-nine Academic Probates.

Evidences pointed out by the two instruments discussed thus far
harmoniously refute the first hypothesis. Indications are that sixty-
six and five tenths per cent of the probates were capable of doing at
least average college work.

Figure 3. indicates the rank of academic probates in their high
school graduating classes. It shows that seventy-one and two tenths
per cent of the probates were ranked in the upper fourth of their
class; that fifteen and three tenths per cent were ranked in the upper
middle fourth; that eight and five tenths per cent were ranked in
the lower middle fourth of their class; and that five per cent were
ranked in the lower fourth of their class. These indications go hand-
-in-hand with those presented in Figures 1 and 2. The class sizes
ranged from 12-452.

Upper 25%

Upper middle

25%

Lower middle

25%

Lower 25%

71.2% of the academic pro-
bates

15.3% of the academic pro-
bates

8.5% of the academic pro-
bates

5% of the academic pro-
bates

Figure 3. Rank of Probates in High School Graduating Class.

97

Actual College Performance

A distribution of the college grade point averages of the fifty-nine
probates as of June, 1964 is presented in Figure 4. The required
grade point average for freshmen at the end of the first year is two
points. The distribution shows a modal grade point average of 1.40
and a mean average of 1.62.

12

-

tf)

10

(U

4-.I

C^

X>

O

V-i

PLh

8

'i^

o

6

_

^

e

3

^

4

2

-

r^

m

ro

< I

ON

r^

in

f<^

1

ON

CN

r<-)

^_

n

in

VO

r-;

oo

ON

ON

1

o

1
oo

1

1

(N

1

o

1
oo

M3

Tt

<N

1-H

C4

r-H

CO

1 1

T-H

in

1 <

VO

00

ON

Figure 4. Distribution of College Grade Point Averages of
Fifty-nine Academic Probates.

If the evidences pointed out in the three previous figures are
correct, if sixty-six per cent of these students are capable of doing
average college work, and if Figure 4 indicates that they are per-
forming below their indicated abilities, what are the possible in-
fluences on their academic performance?

Professional Guidance

The second hypothesis in this study is that students find themselves
on college probation and drop lists because they have had little or
no professional guidance in choosing their majors and educational
institutions. Table 1. describes the methods used by the probates
in choosing their majors and educational institution.

98

Table 1. Reasons for Probates' Choice of Major and
Educational Institution.

Personal
Interest

Counselor

High Grades
in Major Area

Friends &
Relatives

Major 39

3

2

15

Ed. In-
stitution 1 1

12

36

Five per cent had professional help in choosing their majors;
twenty-five per cent were actually assisted in making this choice
by persons virtually unqualified to give such advice; and sixty-seven
per cent chose majors purely on the basis of personal interest. Tus-
kegee was chosen by seven per cent with the aid of a counselor; by
thirteen per cent with the help of instructors; and by sixty-one per
cent with the help of relatives and friends.

Responses on the questionnaires (See appendix) further revealed
that twenty-four per cent of the probates have changed their major
while attending Tuskegee; that forty-two per cent of them experienced
difficulty in the same area in high school as they did in college; and
that thirty per cent of them were majoring in the area of their diffi-
culty. This would further seem to indicate a lack of counseling or
professional guidance.

In view of these students' feelings concerning their abilities, Figure
5 displays the reactions of probates to their 1963-1964 academic
performance. These reactions appear to have some relevance to the
guidance or lack of guidance received by probates prior to their en-
rollment at Tuskegee. Approximately forty-six per cent of them
were greatly shocked at their performance as it related to their views
of their abilities; approximately forty-one per cent were moderately
shocked; and approximately fourteen per cent were slightly shocked.
These responses indicate either a lack of understanding of them-
selves and their abilities, or a lack of understanding and preparation
(in some area) for college. Thus, the second hypothesis is sup-
ported by the evidence revealed in Table 1. and Figure 5.

13.59%

45.73%
Greatly Shocked

Slightly Shocked

40.68%
Moderately Shocked

Figure 5. Reaction of Fifty-nine Probates to Their Level of
Academic Performance.

99

Influences on Academic Performance

The third and fourth hypotheses formulated by the researcher
were that many students find themselves on college probation and
drop lists because they devote too much time and energy to the
social realm of college life and too little to the academic phase; and
their work obligations leave too little time in which to adequately
fulfill their academic requirements.

Figure 6. displays the areas indicated by the probates to have
been influences on their academic performance. Contrary to the
stated hypotheses, work was listed as an influence by only five per
cent of the students and extra-curricular activities by only eight and
five tenths per cent.

Per cent of Probates

5

10 15

20

25

Work

o

Illness

Extracurricular
Activities

C

>

'n

Poor Academic
Background

C

Lack of Application

O

Poor Study Habits

P^

Lack of Adjustment

Figure 6. Reasons Given by Probates for Poor Academic
Performance.

The major influences were lack of adjustment, which was reported
by twenty-eight and eight tenths per cent; lack of application, which
was reported by eighteen and six tenths per cent; poor study habits,
reported by twenty-three and seven tenths per cent; and poor aca-
demic backgrounds, which was reported by ten and four tenths per
cent of the subjects.

Table 2. shows how many extracurricular activities were engaged
in by subjects last year as compared to the current year.

Table 2.

Number of Extracurricular Activities Participated in
by Fifty-nine Probates.

100

None

One

Two

Three or
More

Last Year

49%

23.7%

22%

5%

This Year

45.7%

31%

18.6%

5%

Approximately forty-nine per cent belonged to virtually no organi-
zations last year and approximately forty-six per cent belong to
none this year; approximately twenty-four per cent belonged to one
organization last year and about thirty-one per cent belong to one
this year; about twenty-two per cent belonged to two organizations
last year as compared to nineteen per cent this year; five per cent
affiliated with three or more organizations last year and the same
percentage affiUates with three or more organizations this year.
Since approximately seventy-three per cent of the probates belonged
to no more than one organization last year, it can hardly be con-
cluded that extra-curricular activities had a negative influence on
the academic performance of the probates; thus, the third and fourth
hypotheses were refuted by the study.

Other Findings

Figure 7. reveals the responses of probates concerning their per-
formances this year as it relates to last year. Approximately eighty-
eight per cent of the subjects feel that their performance has im-
proved over that of last year; ten per cent feel that they are per-
forming at about the same level; and about two per cent reported
that their performance level seems to be lower than it was last year.

Figure 7. Probates' Performance as It Relates to that of Last Year.

Table 3. indicates that approximately thirty-seven per cent of the
probates' fathers are engaged in unskilled work, while twelve per
cent are engaged in professional work; that approximately sixty-
eight per cent of the mothers are engaged in unskilled work, and
about fourteen per cent are in professional work.

101

Table 3. Occupations of Probates' Parents.

Father

Mother

Professional

Skilled

Semi-skilled

Unskilled

No response

Deceased

7
6
7

22
7

10

8

5
40
2
4

Total

59

59

Figure 8. reveals that probates come from family sizes ranging
from one to eleven children. The model family size is four and the
average number of children is five.

Figure 9. reviews the sources of financial assistance used by the
probates. Nearly sixty-nine per cent depend upon parents alone for
financial assistance; approximately twenty- two per cent depend on
earnings from work; and approximately seven per cent depend on
other relatives.

14 r

f

3

12

10

8

6

4
2

1 2

9 10 11

Figure 8.

3 4 5 6 7
Number of Children

Number of Children in the Families of Fifty-nine
Probates.

Work

22.03%

Parents
69.36%

Relatives
8.61%

Figure 9. Sources of Financial Assistance for Fifty-nine Probates.

102

A distribution of probates according to majors may be viewed in
Figure 10. The pattern ranges from a high of thirty-one per cent,
in Education and twenty-five per cent in Arts and Sciences to a
low of approxirriately seven per cent in both Mechanical Industries
and Physical Education. These percentages have more significance
when viewed in knowledge of the fact that Mechanical Industries
and Physical Education combined have a population which is fifteen

6.8%
Mechanical Industries

' " " 30.6%

Education

6.8%
Physical Education

20.2%
Home Economics

10.2%
Nursing \X / ^5.4%

Arts and Sciences

Figure 10. Comparison of Potential Drop-out Rate of the Several
Schools Enrolled in by Probates.

per cent of the whole; whereas Arts and Sciences and Education
combined have a population which is approximately forty-nine per
cent of the whole, which was 2386 as of June, 1964.

Summary

The purpose of this study was to discover the underlying factors
contributing to the failure of Tuskegee's 1964-65 academic probates.
The author began the study with the following hypotheses: (1)
Many students find themselves on college probation and drop lists
because they come ill-prepared, (2) because they have had little
or no professional guidance in choosing their majors and educational
institutions, (3) because they devote too much time and energy to
the social realm of college life and too little to the academic phase,
and (4) because their work obligations leave them too little time in
which to adequately fulfill their academic requirements.

The study involved the use of fifty-nine second year students who
are currently on academic probation. High school grade point aver-
ages, college entrance examination scores, and college grade point
averages were utilized along with questionnaires to provide pertinent
data.

According to Tuskegee's "definition of preparedness," the first
hypothesis was negated: ninety per cent of the subjects were "pre-

103

pared" to do college work because they had the required grade point
for unconditional entrance to Tuskegee; ninety per cent fell within
the average or above average stanine classes for the School and
College Ability Test; and eighty-six per cent were in the upper half
of their graduating classes.

The second hypothesis was supported by the study because only
five and seven per cents respectively had professional help in choosing
their majors and educational institutions, and because of the number
of students who are having their greatest difficulty in the area of
their major.

The third and fourth hypotheses were refuted by the study be-
cause it was found that work was listed as an influence on poor
performance by only five per cent of the students, and extra-curricu-
lar activities was listed by only eight and five tenths per cent of the
subjects.

Lack of adjustment and poor study habits along with poor aca-
demic backgrounds were given precedence by subjects as being areas
of influence on their performance.

Other interesting findings indicate that (1) eighty-eight per cent
of the subjects feel that they are doing better work this year than they
did last year; (2) thirty-seven per cent of the probates' fathers are
engaged in unskilled work as are sixty-eight per cent of the mothers;
that twelve per cent of the fathers are engaged in professional work
as are fourteen per cent of the mothers; (3) the family sizes of
probates ranged from one to eleven children and that the modal and
average family sizes respectively are four and five; (4) sixty-nine per
cent of the probates receive their financial assistance from parents,
twenty-two per cent from work, and seven per cent from relatives;
and (5) the Department of Education has the highest potential
drop-out rate while Physical Education has the lowest (using the
majors of the probates as indices).

104

Bibliography

1. Christensen, Oscar C. Jr., "A Study of the Influence of An Early Orienta-

tion, Advising and Counseling Program for Selected Freshmen Enter-
ing the University of Oregon." Unpublished Doctoral dissertation.
Department of Education, University of Oregon, 1963.

2. Cook, David R. and Martinson, William D., "The Relationship of Certain

Course Work in High School to Achievement in College," Personnel
and Guidance Journal XI (April, 1962), 628 pp.

3. Drener, Charles L., "Similarities and Differences Between Over- Achieving

and Under-Achieving Students," Personnel and Guidance Journal
XXXVIII (January, 1960), 396 pp.

4. Gardner, Marion Edmund, "Predictions of Academic Success in College

from Personality Trait Ratings Obtained for High School Graduates,"
Unpublished Master's thesis. Department of Education. University of
Pittsburgh, 1958.

5. Haggard, Ernest, "Social Status and Intelligence: An Experimental Study

of Certain Cultural Determinants of Measured Intelligence," Genetic
Psychology Monographs XXXIX (May, 1954), 141.

6. Horrall, B. M., "Academic Performance and Personality Adjustments of

Highly Intelligent College Students," Genetic Psychology Monographs
LV (February, 1957), 258.

7. Ikenberry, Stanley O., "Factors in College Persistence," Journal of Coun-

seling Psychology VIII (August, 1961), 322-29.

8. Jones, Edward S., "The Probation Student: What Is He Like and What

Can Be Done About It," Journal of Educational Research XXXII
(October, 1955), 328.

9. Mahone, Charles, "Fear of Failure and Unrealistic Vocational Aspiration,"

Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology LX (February, 1960),
253-261.

10. Nicholson, Arthur Freas, "A Study of Student Mortality in a State Teachers

College," Journal of Educational Research. Unpublished Master's
thesis. Department of Education, New York University, 1960.

11. Slater, J. M., "Influences on Students' Perception and Persistence in the

Undergraduate College." Journal of Educational Research, LIV
(September, 1960), 217.

105

Appendix
Questionnaire
Name

Age Date of Birth Sex: M . _ F____ Major

1. What is your father's occupation?

2. What is your mother's occupation?

3. How many sisters do you have?

4. How many brothers do you have?

5. What is your main source of financial assistance for your col-
lege expenses? (Parents), (Scholarship), (.Federal
Loan), ( Campus Work), (Specify Other )

6. Do you utilize any of the other sources to supplement your
main source? Yes. No _

7. If the answer to question # 6 is yes, name the sources

8. If you entered Tuskegee on a scholarship, from what organiza-
tion or institution did it come ; how

much was the scholarship grant per semester ?

9. Approximately how many students were in your graduating
class?

10. Approximately what was your rank in your graduating classs?

11. In what subject matter area did you have your greatest difficulty
at Tuskegee Institute?

12. Did you experience difficulty in this general area in high school?
Yes No

13. Have you changed your major since you have been here? Yes __
No__-...

14. If the answer to question :^13 is yes, what was your major
before you changed it?

15. Who and or what was instrumental in your choice of a major?

106

16. Who or what influenced you to come to Tuskegee?

17. Do you like it here? Yes No

18. Would you like to change schools? Yes No

19. If your answer to question :#:18 is yes, what school would you
like to attend? Why?

20. Was Tuskegee your first ( _), second ( J, or third (____)
choice as an educational institution?

21. With what organizations did you affiliate last year?

22. With what organizations do you affiliate now?

23. Which of the following best describes your participation in areas
of college life other than academic? ( not involved enough),
( _. involved enough), or ( involved too much)

24. How do you feel Tuskegee could have or should have better
helped you to improve your academic performance last year?

25. Judging from your perception of your abilities, which of the
following best describes your feelings concerning your level of

performance during the past year? ( slightly shocked),

( moderately shocked), ( greatly shocked)

26. Which of the following best describes your level of academic
performance this year as it compares to last year? (.___ about
the same), ( lower ( higher)

27. What factors do you attribute to this change or lack of change?

28. What do you think were the causes of your low level of academic
performance last year?

107

Experimental Studies Exploring the

Effectiveness of the Group

Method in Counseling

by

Philip D. Vairo

and
Sheldon Marcus

Hoppock/ a leading student of occupational information, points
out that the group technique has been considered by many educators
less important and less effective than individual counseling. He chal-
lenged this concept as an absurd hypothesis and advocated that the
group method, not individual counseling, be considered the indis-
pensable part of the guidance program.

This article summarizes nine experiments in which the value of the
group method as a technique for disseminating occupational in-
formation was explored. Conflicting results from different studies
indicate encouraging success in some cases and failure in others.
Apparently the success or failure of disseminating occupational in-
formation depends upon many factors about which the writers of
this article can only speculate. The experiments are arranged ac-
cording to school level.

Secondary School Level

Bruch- compared four classes of tenth-grade pupils at Abraham
High School in San Jose, California, using one as a control group
during the experimental period. No occupational information was
presented to this group. A second group divided its time between
activities geared toward acquiring occupational information and
taking interest and abilities tests. A third group spent all of its time
studying occupational information. The last group spent most of its
time taking a battery of tests and devoted very little time to occupa-
tional information per se.

Bruch found that the pupils in the experimental groups acquired
more understanding of the world of work and the advantages of-
fered by particular occupations than the pupils in the control group.

"^Robert Hoppock, 'Current Concepts and Status of Group Guidance in
Secondary School," Paper read before the Guidance and Counseling Training
Institute, University of Missouri, June 29, 1961, p. 1. (Mimeographed)

-Barbara Bruch, "Vocational Plans as Influenced by Three Experimental
Guidance Procedures," Abstracts of Dissertations, Stanford University
(1951), 16.

108

The experimental group spending all its time studying occupational
information acquired the most occupational information. On the
other hand, the group spending its time taking a battery of tests
acquired the least information about occupations among the three
experimental groups.

Cuony'^ undertook to determine whether or not the group method
of disseminating occupational information would produce an amelio-
ration of an individual's earning power and job satisfaction. He
taught a course, Job Finding and Job Orientation, to an experi-
mental group of high school seniors. He compared the experimental
group with an equated control group not given occupational in-
formation, in terms of job satisfaction and earning power.

The combined annual earnings of the experimental group exceeded
those of the control group by $7,719.00. Job satisfaction was found
to be more prevalent among the members of the experimental group
than those of the control group. There was less unemployment
among the pupils in the experimental group than those in the control
group.

Four years later after the first study was made, Cuony^ again
compared the same experimental group and control group used in
his first experiment. The average pupil in the experimental group
was earning $3,105.00 per year, while the pupil in the control group
was averaging $2,614.00 per year. The combined earnings of the
experimental group exceeded those of the control group for the same
year of $14,226.00. The entire cost of the course to the school was
$1,542.00.

Dobberstein's^ experiment involved three groups of equated eighth-
grade boys and girls, each consisting of 50 pupils. Two groups were
exposed to occupational information. No occupational information
was presented to the third group. Before and after the experiment
all the pupils took tests on occupational information. The two ex-
perimental groups showed significantly greater gains than the control
group.

Jessup*^ taught a 10-week unit on occupations to a ninth-grade
class. The objective of the course was to impart occupational in-
formation that would be helpful to the pupils in choosing vocations.
After completion of the course, a test based upon material covered
in the unit was given to all the pupils in the class. Jessup also gave
the test to an eighth-grade class which had not received any occu-

^Edward Cuony and Robert Hoppock, "Job Course Pays Off," Personnel and
Guidance Journal, XXXIl (March, 1954), 389.

^Edward Cuony and Robert Hoppock, "Job Course Pays Off Again," Person-
nel and Guidance Journal, XXXVI (October, 1957), 116.

^W. P. Dobberstein, "A Study of Two Methods of Occupational Orientation
for Junior High School Pupils," Dissertation Abstracts, University Micro-
films, Ann Arbor, Michigan, XIII (1953), p. 1086.

'Robert Hoppock, Group Guidance Principles, Techniques, and Evaluation
(New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1949), p. 190.

109

pational information. From the results of the tests, Jessup concluded
that a course in occupations does not impart enough occupational
information to justify itself at the ninth-grade level.

Kutner' conducted an experiment with two successive graduating
classes at Paterson Technical and Vocational High School in New
Jersey. The January class of 47 pupils was divided into an experi-
mental and control group, and the June graduating class of 73 pupils
was similarly divided. The January experimental group was taken
on 10 occupational field trips and the June group was taken on 8
occupational field trips. The control groups did not go on any occu-
pational field trips.

The experiment was followed up a year later using the following
criteria: (1) employer ratings, (2) weekly wages, (3) job satis-
faction. Kutner found that there were no significant differences in
the experimental and control groups according to the criteria.

College Level

Lowenstein^ attempted to discover the effects of an occupations
course taken by students in high school on their adjustment to college
during their first year. He found that a higher percentage of the
students in the experimental group said they based their occupational
selection on interviews with people in their chosen profession. Sec-
ond, the experimental group chose a wider variety of occupational
fields than the control group. A smaller percent of the experimental
group indicated that they were influenced in making their career
selection by their parents or close relatives.

Hoyt^ organized three groups of twenty male freshmen each at
the University of Minnesota. Each student was individually assigned
by a random method to one of the three groups. The first group
received vocational counseling on an individual basis; the second
group participated in the group program; and the control group was
not exposed to either of the two programs.

All sixty of the students indicated their tentative occupational
choice, how certain each was of it, and how satisfied each was with
his choice before and after the experimental duration. He concluded
from these samplings that both the individual and group methods
were effective in producing positive changes in occupational choice.

''J. E. Kutner. "An Evaluation of Occupational Field Trips Conducted by
Paterson Technical and Vocational High School in Terms of Vocational
Success," Dissertation Abstracts, University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Michi-
gan, XIII (1958), p. 2030.

^Norman Lowenstein and Robert Hoppock, "High School Occupations Course
Helps Students Adjust to College," Personnel and Guidance Journal, XXXIV
(September. 1955), 21.

"D. P. Hoyt, "An Evalaution of Group and Individual Procedures in Voca-
tional Education," Journal of Applied Psychology (February, 1955), 26-30.

110

Miller^ divided Fairleigh Dickinson freshmen into three equated
groups of 33 each. With two groups Miller used the group method
to disseminate occupational information. He left the third group
without instruction as to occupational information. Before and after
the experiment, all the participants took an occupational information
test. The test results revealed significantly greater gains in learning
about occupational information for the experimental groups.

At the University of Minnesota, Stone^^ found that a course in
occupational information decreased the number of students who were
judged by their counselor to have made poor occupational choices
in relation to their abilities. In addition, he found that a course in
occupational information plus individual counseling decidedly helped
improve their social adjustment.

Summary

The purpose of this article has been to investigate the effective-
ness of the group method as a means of disseminating occupational
information. This has been attempted through a careful reading of
experiments dealing with the group method as a technique of dis-
seminating occupational information. Nine experiments were studied
in this investigation. Seven experiments, in varying degrees, cor-
roborated the effectiveness of the group method as a means of im-
parting occupational information; two did not corroborate the ef-
fectiveneess of the group technique. Six of the experiments studied
were conducted on the secondary school level and three on the
college level.

Recommendations

This investigation revealed several areas where further study is
needed. The first of these is the need for study of the group method
as a technique for disseminating occupational information. Second,
is the group method more or less effective than individual counseling?
Third, this study has led to another important question to be con-
sidered: Which are the most effective activities that will best pro-
mote learning occupational information through the group method?
Several additional problems that have also suggested themselves as
a result of this research are :

1. When should a course in occupations be taught?

2. What material should a course in occupations include?

3. Who should teach a course in occupations?

4. Should a course in occupations be required in high school?
In college?

'R. A. Miller, "Teaching Occupations Using Films and Field Trips," Personnel
and Guidance Journal, XXXI (March, 1953), 373-375.

'C. H. Stone, "Are Vocational Courses Worth Their Salt?" Educational and
Psychological Measurement, VIII (Summer, 1948), 161-180.

Ill

Thermodynamic Parameters Behind Three
Dimensional Shock Wave

by
Nazir A. Warsi

1. INTRODUCTION.

The author has determined the flow parameters behind three
dimensional shock wave using Lagrangian Coordinate System [1].
The object of this paper is to study the thermodynamic parameters
using the same techniques.

2. THERMODYNAMIC PARAMETERS.

We have the following theorems.

THEOREM 2.1: The sound velocities of the jhiid, behind and
in front of the shock surface, are related by the equation

or

(2.1)a [ C-] = -^ ^z/(^./+0^./ V

which, for the stationary shock, reduces to

(2.2) [c-]= ^r^Sz/{Sy^^)u,^}

PROOF: The soimd velocities in two regions are related by

(2.3) [ c^] = r[\>z~i

The pressure and specific volume behind the shock surface are
given by [ 1 ]

(2-4) Sr, = [^] Av
and ' , / /

Substituting the value of^w ^^^ t^^/ ^^^^ (2.4) and (2.5)

in (2.3), we get (2.1 )a which, in consequence of the relation

- ^ n/ Ti/ = ^1 n/ gives (2. 1 ) b. For stationary shock y-m/ - U 1 7)/

Hence, we get (2.2).

THEOREM 2.2: The Mach number behind the shock surface is
given by

(2.6)a M = ^-^n/-^-^/ ^^/^^/

(2.6)b M = [^ Y^Ai-'Ty ^T( ^ ^

(2 6)c M - ^"^"^f ^ ^^' ^i y/

112

/ "y C^y - ^ f ^/ ^-^"^Z ^^-^ l/a ^>

PROOF: From the definition of Mach number, we have

(2.7) V\xr,/ = ^^'^/^y

Also, the velocity behind the shock is given by [ 1 ]

(2.8) [U^/J :. -1^'n//^:/^l/

If we substitute the value of C a , , U :in / from (2.1 )a, (2.8)
in (2.7), we get (2.6)a which in turn gives (2.6)b in virtue of the
relation d*/ =/pi/ ^2/ Using the relation -Jr.-n/^n.i ~ ^im/
and equation (2.6)a, we easily obtain (2.6)c.

THEOREM 2.3: The components of obliquity behind the shock
surface are given by

(2.9) %,. - ^V^' ^^^^ .

PROOF: The components of obliquity in a region /S / is
given by , r -^

(2.10)Yy3/^= ^/V- '-^

whence, we have ^^/

(2.11) Yi/^-^1^^3^ .

Substituting for U 2. /^ and Li xn / and applying the fact that

(2.12) X;. x;^ = 6> ,
we get (2.9).

THEOREM 2.4: For a stationary shock wave, we have

(2.13) 7^^ + ^ - 1

where yW //?^ obliquity strength of the shock wave is defined as

(2.14) Cf^i = ^v/r,/^

PROOF: Since ^H/^7/- Vjw/and V4^/ :^ Ujh / for a
stationary shock, (2.9) can be written as
(2.15) y^/. =: k!^^LZik_,

Now, putting /?^"1 in (2.10), we get

(2.16) S^a//? "t^V^ ^A/t^ay
This and (2.15) give

(2.17) fa/^ =fa/^/(/+^/)
which, with the help of (2.14), gives (2.13).

113

THEOREM 2.5: The obliquities behind and in front of the shock
surface are related by the equation

PROOF: In consequence of (2.9) and (2.16), we get (2.18).

THEOREM 2.6: // C be the specific internal energy of a
polytropic gas, then we have

(2.19) U]--rr- <f^/(fz/-^-^)J>\')^-^j

PROOF: For a polytropic gas, we have
(2.20) lo^/^^^/ + f-^/ V
whence, we get

(2.2i)a ri]<e3 + Ct'^]

or

(2.21)b [1J=C^J Hfc^l
But, C^ 3 is given by Cl I]

(2.22) ri] = -i ^ V^9' ^^/^^9^v

which, in consequence of (2.1 )a and (2.21)b gives (2.19).

THEOREM 2.7: Specific entropies of a polytropic gas behind
and in front of the shock surface are related by the equation

(2.23). l^]-JC^l^&:-'{zc^.(r-,)fi^ (/a/^0^7^l/}

PROOF: For a polytropic gas [ 2 ], we have

r

^-/

(2.24)a7^/ = JC^i^^/e

whence, we get k

If we substitute the value of c,/ from (2.4) and C,
from (2.1)a in (2.26), we readily get (2.23).

THEOREM 2.8: The temperature of a polytropic gas behind
and in front of a shock surface are related by the equation

(2.27) [t] = - i5!^/^/.^,.,;2j/^^ 2^y

114

PROOF: For a polytropic gas, the temperature in a region
of the fluid is given by

(2.28) c^^ =rRT^^

which gives

(2.29) [c"] -rRCT]

Equation (2.29), by virtue of (2.1 )a becomes (2.27).

References

1. Warsi, N. A. Flow Parameters behind Three Dimensional Shock Wave

(Underpublication) Savannah State College Faculty Research Bulletin.

2. Kanal, R. P. (1960) Archive for Rational Mechanics & Analysis. 4, 335.

3. Mishra, R. S. On Flow Behind a Three Dimensional Unstead Curved

Shock Wave, Indian Journal of Mathematics. Vol. 2, No. 1 .

115

Development Planning Under Democracy:
The Case of India

by
Sarvan K. Bhatia

While science and technology are making rapid strides adding to
the convenience and comforts of man at an alarming rate, and man's
venture into outer space has achieved spectacular results, we find
significantly large numbers of the human race still living in subhuman
conditions and working much the same way as their ancestors did
in the middle and medieval ages. In the last two hundred years, the
economies of several countries of the world have been modernized
and diversified through the imagination and initiative of their in-
habitants. Such developments have enabled the people of those
countries to enjoy a rising standard of living and a material well-
being which was not envisaged earlier in the history of the world.
Some nations have marched ahead of others and therefore have
come to be recognized as the industrially advanced countries; others
which lagged behind are thought of as economically underdeveloped
or less developed areas. These countries, to be sure, are planning
to seek the same kind of economic development^ and modernization
of their economies as is found in industrially developed nations. The
development work is being undertaken with the avowed objective
of raising the standard of living of the masses steeped in poverty for
a considerably long time.

Though the development process undertaken by the less developed
nations is more or less the same as was undertaken by the present-
day developed countries, the time factor is of considerable im-
portance. While it took the industrially developed nations about two
hundred years to come to the modern jet and space age, governments
and the people of underdeveloped countries are eager to modernize
their stagnating and subsistence-agrarian economies in the shortest
possible time; they are in a "state of revolt". And it is in this con-
text that these countries have resorted to planning for accelerated
development; the planned program designed essentially for the most
effective, balanced and optimum utilization of scarce resources and
channeling the flow of investable funds into priority industries with
a view to stimulate development within the shortest possible time.
Despite tremendous odds, the underdeveloped nations are engaged in
a socio-economic revolution to achieve the desperately-needed eco-
nomic growth. With the formulation of plans, the first step towards
breaking with the "habit of inertia" has been taken; the immemorial

^Economic development has been taken here in the context of progressive
improvement in material well-being and extends to economic and social im-
provement of the inhabitants of a country.

116

passivity and fatalism have yielded to the desire for a better and
materialistic way of living and a great upsurge for economic develop-
ment all around is clearly visible. In respect to India, real and
concerted efforts toward diversification of its static and chiefly
agrarian economy on a planned and systematic basis started after
the achievement of political freedom in 1947; the decade of 1950's
stands out figuratively and significantly when two five-year plans
were launched and successfully completed thereby setting in motion
a series of five-year plans. After putting her First Plan in operation
in 1951, India is now in the fourth year of her Third Plan.

The transition from tradition to modernity is necessarily a slow,
time-consuming and intricate movement more so, in its early stages.
But as the methods of growth are learned and some of the steps
towards modernization are completed, there emerges, out of this
travail, new levels of prosperity and rising productivity. Despite
numerous handicaps and appalling dilemmas, the state and the people
of India are committed to, and are making strenuous efforts towards,
such a transition. Though the process of development and modern-
ization started over a hundred years ago the decade of 1850's
witnessed the successful establishment of the first phase of jute and
cotton mills and other industries unlike other countries coming to
industrial "maturity" during the mid-nineteenth century, this did not
mark the beginning of a diversified industrial growth; it was "both
a beginning and an ending" as the MIT economist, Charles Myers,
has remarked. On the other hand, while the foundations of modern
industries were laid, the industrial sector "remained isolated from
the bulk of the Indian economy. This economy and the archaic social
system were left stagnating while the economy in Western nations
was advancing rapidly."- Two world wars did provide a great
stimulus and the industrial base was broadened considerably com-
pared with industrial production at the beginning of the twentieth
century as evidenced by the growth of industrial employment, one
of the prime indicators of industrial growth before automation. Thus
total factory employment stood at 0.25 million in 1892, rose to
nearly 1.2 million in 1919, and by 1939, the figure had jumped to
1.75 million. Before the First Plan was launched, industrial em-
ployment stood at 2.44 million.

But even this tremendous growth, significant as it was, did not go
very far when we consider the fact that India on account of the large
known reserves of natural resources, has considerable potential for
industrial growth. To wit, India has extensive reserves of iron ore,
manganese, bauxite, coal, mica, etc. Similarly, a large potential for
hydro-electric power exists and electricity could be made available
at very cheap rates. India's potential capacity to produce steel and
other basic materials relatively cheaper and the large and growing
domestic market, points out the Planning Commission, place India
in a favorable position to produce machinery and a long range of
engineering, chemical and electrical goods needed for accelerated

^India. The Awakening Giant (New York, 1957), p. 53.

117

economic growth. In 1953, the contribution of manufacturing sector
to the gross national product was 1 6 per cent only taking the average
for 1950-51; as late as 1958-59, primary products constituted neariy
half of the GNP. The lag in exploitation of rich natural resources
led to massive poverty on the one hand with ostentatious luxury
spotted here and there. The two extremes go together to make
India "a land of contrast" to the foreign observer.

Still taking into consideration the total volume of industrial pro-
duction, India ranked the tenth largest producer of industrial output
by 1950. However, considering the available resources and domestic
market, industrial development did not take place at a rate whereby
it could generate sufficient employment opportunities or provide a
rising standard of living for India's growing populace. In the fifty
years from the beginning of the twentieth century, a period when in
every other developing country more and more people were finding
jobs off the farms, the Planning Commission, points out that there was
in India very little increase in the number of jobs in industry or in
other non-agricultural occupations. In the United States, farm popu-
lation shifted from 37 per cent of total working population in 1900
to 12 per cent in 1955 and declined to less than 10 per cent in early
1960"s. On the other hand, nearly 70 per cent of the labor force
was engaged in agriculture till 1950's in India; the manufacturing
sector employed nearly 2.44 million workers out of the total popu-
lation of 350 milUon by 1950. Thus only a small minority of Indian
population which has been in direct contact with the industrialization
process has been changed significantly in the mid-twentieth century
despite the fact that the process of modernization started one hun-
dred years ago: in the very shadow of steel mills, George Deasy
points out, peasants plod behind the wooden plow of their ancestors.
India's prime minister, the late Jawaharlal Nehru, once described
India "as a bundle of the centuries in which the cow and the tractor
march together." By far the largest part of Indian population still
lives in rural areas, as is generally the case in less developed coun-
tries, and is dependent on subsistence agriculture; there are hundreds
and thousands of villages containing scores of millions of peasants
in which no perceptible improvements had taken place for many
decades and generations as late as 1940's. The irony is that in
spite of 70 per cent of the population engaged in agricultural occu-
pation, India is unable to grow sufficient food grains and has to
depend on wheat and rice imports, mainly from the United States, to
feed her milhons. One of the gravest problems faced by India, there-
fore, is the raising of agricultural production. For almost twenty
years now, India has been obliged to import food and grains worth
milhons of rupees every year, with few exceptions, and thereby to
spend a considerable part of her valuable foreign exchange to meet
food shortage.

After the attainment of political freedom in 1947, the national
government was faced with ushering in an economic revolution in
the nature of reviving the static Indian economy. During the free-
dom struggle, the political aspect of independence overshadowed

118

everything else. However, even during this period, some hard think-
ing on the measures to be undertaken to uplift and modernize the
economy had been done. Therefore, after independence, the im-
mediate problem was to strengthen the economy at the base and to
provide certain essential social and economic overheads which would
accelerate economic development and combat the curse of poverty.
It was recognized that a comprehensive program of national plan-
ning was required to provide for integrated development of heavy
and key industries, small-scale and cottage industries, agriculture and
rural development, and the provision of social services. The need
for building a technologically mature society and a social order
which offer equal opportunities to all citizens was therefore given
full recognition. The constitution of India drafted during 1947-49
accordingly embodied the Declaration of Fundamental Rights. These
rights were stated in two parts. The first part provides that the
state shall not discriminate against any citizen on the ground of
religion, race, sex, etc., and emphasizes the principle of equaUty.
The second part, which is more important from our point of view,
comprises the Directive Principles of State Pohcy and provides
among other things that:

The state shall strive to promote the welfare of the
people by securing and protecting, as effectively as it may,
a social order in which justice, social, economic and politi-
cal, shall inform all the institutions of national life.

The Government of India set up the Planning Commission (of
which a mention has been made above) in March 1950 with the
avowed object of fulfilling this part of the Fundamental Rights
whereby the state had taken upon itself the responsibility to guaran-
tee certain long-term economic and social benefits to the people.
The Planning Commission was charged with the duty of formulation
of plans for rapid economic development. Its major terms of refer-
ence included (1) the assessment of material, capital and human
resources, (2) formulation of a plan for the most effective and bal-
anced utilization of these resources, (3) fixation of priorities for
carrying out the plans, and (4) determination of conditions to be
established for the successful execution of plans.

In releasing the draft First Five Year Plan, the Commission
observed:

Planning in a democratic state is a social process in
which, in some part, every citizen should have the oppor-
tunity to participate. To set the patterns of future develop-
ment is a task of such magnitude and significance that it
should embody the impact of pubhc opinion and the needs
of the community.

Thus planning in India has been a two-way process. It moves
from the bottom to the top giving expression to ideas and ideals of
common man, and from top to bottom carrying information and
instruction from enlightened leadership to illiterate millions. At the
same time, India welcomes the ideas, the experience and help of

119

other nations, but tries to find solution of pressing problems through
its own national democratic traditions and beliefs. There is nothing
dogmatic or doctrinaire in its planning. Within the two guideposts
of social justice and peaceful democratic means, India has decided
to remain flexible and pragmatic in achieving economic and social
goals. In planning its development, the Planning Commission has
observed, the democratic means which India as a parliamentary
democracy has chosen are three: democratic persuasion to bring
about participation and cooperation of all; democratic planning in-
volving all groups, from the village to the national government, at
all levels; and the use and strengthening of democratic institutions
to administer and speed economic development.''

The opening paragraph of First Plan stated that the central objec-
tive of Indian planning was to initiate a process of development which
will raise the living standards and open out to people new oppor-
tunities for a richer and more varied life. Agricultural development
received the highest priority in First Plan. This was done with the
twofold objective of increasing agricultural production so as to meet
chronic food shortage, to prepare the future base for further sus-
tained growth and industrialization and the great need to ameliorate
economic lot of rural India the hard core of India where 80 per
cent of its inhabitants reside. Whereas there has been some im-
provement in the living standard of the city folks where industrial
development has taken place, the conditions in villages have been
fast deteriorating where agriculture is the prime occupation. There
are several reasons for it: increasing pressure in the soil and low
crop yields, non-availability of irrigation facilities and consequently
dependence of crop yields on the vagaries of weather, to mention
only a few. Because agriculture has long been dependent on the
monsoons, it has rightly been called "a gamble in monsoon". In
order to provide a perennial source of irrigation with a view to put
agricultural production on a sound and rational basis, it was para-
mount to extend irrigation; hence, the second precedence was ac-
corded to irrigation. As a matter of fact, an integrated development
of the land and water resources is of fundamental importance to
Indian economy and the First Plan therefore gave top priority to
agriculture and community development, irrigation and multi-purpose
irrigation and power projects. The multi-purpose projects were
designed with the object of providing irrigation facilities, flood con-
trol measures, and generation of electricity. By taming the rivers
and harnessing their water potential, these multi-purpose projects
are now not only a source of perennial and regular water supply
thereby bringing a revolution in the rural economy of India but have
also saved millions of people from flood - havoc which annually
caused damage to life and property and washed away precious soil
and crops. The irrigation potential of these projects, combined with
medium and small projects, was 19 million acres during the First
Plan.

^The New India: Progress Through Democracy (New York, 1958). p. 35.

120

The important targets set in First Plan were not only realized but
even exceeded in some cases. There had, no doubt, been some
serious shortfalls in certain sectors, but both agricultural and indus-
trial production recorded substantial increases. With rising produc-
tion and careful financial planning, inflationary pressures were
checked. All this, however, was essentially in the nature of meeting
the immediate needs and to initiate a process for more rapid advance
in the future. To the extent First Plan evoked community participa-
tion and mass cooperation, achieved planned targets in various sec-
tors without disturbing price stability, created confidence among the
masses as "masters of their own destiny", and increased industrial
production, it was a remarkable success. Furthermore, it strength-
ened the belief in democratic planning and showed beyond doubt
that significant and substantial results could be achieved under demo-
cratic planning instead of resorting to a regimented system as has
been done in various totalitarian societies.

In continuing further development of the approach set out in
First Plan, the Second Five Year Plan was designed to lift the Indian
economy and speed the rebirth of India as a modern nation. The
principal objective was to secure a more rapid growth of national
economy and to increase productive potential in a way that will
make possible accelerated development in succeeding plan periods.
Thus it sought to make the economy more dynamic in terms of
economic and social ends by building up basic industries on the one
hand, and the reorganization of rural economy on the other. The
latter objective was designed to be achieved by completing agrarian
reforms, community development and cooperative programs initiated
in First Plan.

In this age when industry is the measure of a nation's progress,
India, on account of various heterogeneous factors, remained in-
different to industrialization till the beginning of the Second World
War. The Second Plan was the first concerted effort ever made
toward industrialization of India. One of the prime requisites for
successful industrialization is the manufacture of iron and steel.
Therefore, one of the most significant achievements of Second Plan
was the setting up of three iron and steel plants with an initial ca-
pacity of one million tons each, and a further provision of expansion
to double their capacities in Third Plan. The first iron and steel
plant was set up in India in 1911; by 1951, India produced 1.4
million tons of iron and steel only despite the fact that iron ore re-
serves amounted to three billion tons, nearly 75 per cent of U.S.
deposits, with high iron content. With the establishment of three
steel plants and increasing the capacity of three existing plants in
Second Plan, India produced six million tons of ingot steel in 1963.
Similarly, several machine-building and capital and producer goods
industries which constitute the basis for any program of acclerated
industrial growth, were taken up. India is now producing increasing
quantities of machine tools and machinery for use in agriculture
and transport, and for such industries as chemicals, textiles, jute,
cement, etc. Significant progress has also been made by chemical
industries, particularly pharmaceuticals, heavy chemicals and ferti-

121

lizers. Some idea of the striking developments in industrial sector
can be obtained from the following indices of industrial production
with 1950-51 as the base

Group 1955-56 1960-61

General index

139

194

Cotton textiles

128

133

Iron and steel

122

238

Machinery all types

192

503

Chemicals

179

288

While the gains of First Plan were encouraging and substantial in
the limited sphere encompassed by it, its significant success led the
way for further experimentation with bold determination. Thus the
Second plan in further developing the approach of First Plan sub-
stantially increased industrial production by building basic and key
industries and integrated it with balance growth of agricultural and
small-scale industrial production. The rate of growth of national
economy was accelerated; firm foundations were laid for broadening
and expansion of industrial base together with a balanced agricultural
and industrial development. Judging by the progress so far achieved
by the metallurgical, mechanical and electrical engineering and
chemical industries in augmenting industrial potential, and taking
cognizance of the heavy machine-building projects undertaken in
late 1950's, the Planning Commission has remarked that some of the
basic conditions required for an accelerated growth towards the
goal of a self-reliant economy have been successfully established.^

The Third Five Year Plan, undertaken in 1961, was designed to
carry forward the tasks that were initiated in the first two plans.
The principal aims of Third Plan, as in earlier plans, are (1) the
securing of an increase in national income, (2) achievement of self-
sufficiency in foodgrains and increasing agricultural production,
(3) expansion of basic industries like steel, chemical, etc., (4) utili-
zation of manpower resources to the fullest extent and ensuring a
substantial expansion in employment opportunities, and (5) estab-
Hshment of greater equality of opportunity and reduction of eco-
nomic inequalities. Considerable emphasis has been placed on agri-
cultural and community development and on the industrial sector
with a view to achieve a balanced and integrated development.
During the decade of 1950's the general index of industrial produc-
tion had gone up to 194, with 1950-51 as the base, and the index
of agricultural production for all crops had recorded a 35 per cent
increase thereby bringing a cumulative rate of expansion of about
7 and 3.5 per cent per annum increase for industry and agriculture
respectively. The planned programs brought about a substantial in-
crease in the rate of investment in directions calculated to accelerate
economic development. Thus total public and private investment in-
creased from 5 billion rupees per annum at the beginning of First
Plan in 1951 to 8.5 biUion at its completion in 1956 and by 1960

^Third Five Year Plan (New Delhi, 1961), p. 39.

122

had gone up to 16 billion rupees per year ($ 1 = Rs. 4.76). Total
investment during the two plans, 1951-61, was 101 billion rupees
public and private sectors contributing 52 and 49 biUion respective-
ly. India had therefore witnessed the beginning of an industrial
revolution during the past decade, and, viewing the industrial scene
as a whole, points out the Planning Commission in Third Plan, in-
dependent expert opinion has borne testimony to the great progress
achieved in quite a short space of time and has characterized the
broadening of industrial base and the buoyancy of manufacturing
enterprises as the "most striking change in the Indian economy."
Up to 1963, during twelve years of development planning in India,
national income had gone up by 48 per cent and per capita income
had increased by 20 per cent. It is expected that with the completion
of Third Plan, the take-off stage as expounded by Rostow for de-
velopment of economies from the less developed to advanced stages
shall be nearer reaUzation and from thereon, the Indian economy
shall reach the self-sustaining growth stage.

While striking progress has been made to broaden the industrial
base and to modernize the Indian economy since independence, and
India has started manufacturing automobiles and jet aeroplanes,
which shows the sophistication and wide range of Indian manu-
facturers, it must be recognized, as the Planning Commission has
rightly pointed out, that this success, considerable though it is, has so
far been insufficient to make any great impact on the general con-
dition of the masses. There have been some large shortfalls in
achieving the set industrial targets though considerable progress has
been made in the industrial sector. India has still to achieve self-
sufficiency in food and grains and to increase agricultural production
to meet the needs of fast-growing population. One of the gravest prob-
lems facing India is therefore the rapid increase in population; total
population increased from 357 million in 1951 to 438 million in
1961. This means that the living standard, which is already very
low, will be considerably affected because not only an ever-increasing
number of mouths has to be fed but it retards economic develop-
ment also inasmuch as a considerable proportion of output from
additional investment disappears in greater consumption by a grow-
ing number of consumers. Gainful employment is yet to be provided
to millions of unemployed and underemployed. The problems of
providing transport and communications, housing, sanitation, educa-
tion and other social services have yet to be tackled. There is, there-
fore, no need to be complacent; much hard work yet remains to
be done, and many sacrifices are required to be made. One can,
however, take some genuine pleasure and satisfaction in the fact
that India has started to move; that the means adopted are just and
humane, and the face of India is changing surely though slowly
and gradually.

In a way, development planning undertaken by India can be
compared with the "planning" undertaken by Labor government in
Britain during 1945-51. However, there is a considerable difference
of degree though not of kind involved in the two cases. In regard
to British planning, Schumpeter commented in his book, Capitalism,

123

Socialism and Democracy, published in 1950, that "most of the
planning that has been actually done or suggested has nothing speci-
fically socialist about it unless we adopt a definition of socialism
that is much too wide to be of any analytic use." The Labor party
had, however, in its election manifesto "Let Us Face the Future"
definitely committed itself to a socialist program of nationalization
of certain industries. Some of the industries had been nationalized
by the Labor government also. Planning in India goes farther and
much deeper than what was attempted in England during 1945-51,
and yet in the light of Schumpeter's remarks, it is difficult to apply
the term "administered capitalism" to Indian economy, as he did in
respect to British economy, inasmuch as the state, through its Plan-
ning Commission, has issued the five year plans which are quite
detailed in nature and encompass a considerable part of the Indian
economy whereas there was no blue print available for the British
economy. At the same time, India has not attempted to nationalize
the industries; there have, no doubt, been four cases of nationaliza-
tion so far, each for a special reason of its own, but no organized
industry is involved. The nationalization has taken place in respect
to life insurance companies, Indian airlines companies. Imperial
Bank of India and the Kolar gold fields. The late prime minister
Nehru referring to the doctrinaire socialists who urged nationaliza-
tion of all Indian industries stated categorically in the Indian parlia-
ment in 1956 that the whole philosophy lying behind the Second
Plan is to take advantage of every possible way of growth, and not
by doing something which fits into some doctrinaire theory.

In this context it will be appropriate to recall the "socialist pattern
of society" slogan which is the officially accepted and avowed ob-
jective of Indian economic policy. There has been some confusion
and misunderstanding about the Indian goal of democratic sociahsm
and the broad objectives of social and economic policies in terms
of socialist pattern of society are not clearly understood. However,
the term "sociahsm" is not interpreted in India in the same way
as it is in the United States, and an average American feels very
touchy by the very mention of the word socialism. India has al-
ways placed means above ends, as is truly borne out in its freedom
struggle. Similarly, in bringing economic freedom to the masses
and in changing the shape of rural India, where economic conditions
have remained static for a long time and in a way mass poverty
has been conserved, the means adopted have been purely and truly
democratic. In describing the approach to development planning,
the Second Plan pointed out that the socialist pattern of society is
not to be regarded as some fixed or rigid pattern, and that the accent
is on the attainment of positive goals, the raising of living standards,
the enlargement of opportunities for all and the creation of a sense
of partnership among all sections of the community. The ruling
Congress party stated at its 1963 session held at Bhuvaneshwar that
in enunciating the principle of socialist pattern of society "the
object is to attain an economy of abundance in the country by the
fullest and the most effective use of human and material resources
.... Everyone should have equal opportunity and a just share in

124

the fruits of progress. . . . This change has to be achieved by
peaceful means and with the consent of the people while preserving
and fostering the democratic methods of values as enshrined in the
constitution of India. The Congress ideology may thus be summed
up as democratic sociahsm based on democracy, dignity of the human
individual and social justice."

At the end of the article, it would be significant to recall an im-
portant aspect of development planning in India, and to put it in
the words of planners as stated in the First Plan:

Although the task of drawing up a plan of development
has been, in some measure, concluded, we are conscious
that planning is a continuing process and from time to
time adjustments in policy and program will be needed.
The submission of the Plan marks, however, a stage in the
journey and prepares the way for the harnessing of the na-
tion's efforts and resources for the fulfillment of the Plan.

This makes the planning process a flexible and pragmatic one
and lends support to the contention that there is nothing dogmatic
or doctrinaire in the Indian planning. It has to be adjusted accord-
ing to the changing circumstances, and, as a matter of fact, it has
been adjusted during the past decade. Flexibility brings a new life
and zeal to the whole process. Periodic reviews of various phases
of planning are conducted by economists, and sometimes commit-
tees of parliament undertake investigations of planning programs.
In the light of such detailed checkups, often corrective measures
are undertaken. The catholicity with which flexibility has been built
into Indian planning may thus seem strikingly remarkable.

125

Synthetic Preparation of Apiose
From Dihydroxy Acetone

by
Charles Pratt*

Abstract

A five-carbon sugar of unusual interest is apiose. This sugar
differs from the normal pentoses in that it possesses a branched
chain. The sugar has been isolated from parsley and its structure
determined (1). In 1962 it was isolated by paper chromatography
in the Savannah State College laboratories (2).

This paper deals with the synthesis of apiose by consecutive
cyanide additions beginning with dihydroxy acetone.

Experimental

Twenty-two and one half grams [.25 mol.] of dihydroxy acetone
were added to 0.25 mol of sodium bisulfite dissolved in 100 ml of
water, and the mixture was refluxed for about 30 minutes until all
materials were in solution. The solution was then evaporated to
dryness under reduced pressure.

To the dried product, one-fourth mole of sodium cyanide and 400
ml of water were added, and the mixture was refluxed for eight
hours.

After refluxing, the cyano-compound formed was oxidized by
refluxing for 3 hours with 150 ml of concentrated hydrochloric
acid. The reactions assumed to take place are shown in ifigure 1.

The 2-hydroxymethyl-2, 3-dihydroxy propionic acid was dialyzed
and the resulting ion-free solution was concentrated under reduced
pressure to approximately 200 ml. To this solution were added lumps
of sodium amalgam. The solution was constantly stirred with a
magnetic stirrer. As the Na-Hg decomposed the solution tended to
become basic [pH was measured constantly by zeromatic pH meterl
and therefore, hydrochloric acid was added from time to time to
maintain a pH of 2.5-3.0.

The mercury which was formed by the decomposition of Na-Hg
was removed, and the remaining solution was neutralized and dia-
lyzed to remove excess salts. Following dialysis, the 4-carbon alde-

*The investigator is indebted to Ellen Polite and Andrew Zeigler, chemistry
students, at Savannah State College, for their cooperation and assistance.

126

hyde was subjected to the same cyanide addition steps as was the
dihydroxy acetone. Apiose was the final result. This is shown in
figure 2,

Fehlings Solution gave a positive result when used to test a small
portion of the final product. Another portion was spotted with What-
man No. 1 chromatography paper and its Rf value was compared
with that of authentic apiose which had been isolated from parsley
[2].

Summary

The branched 5-carbon sugar, apiose, was prepared by cyanide
addition to 1,3-dihydroxy acetone; hydrolysis to the acid of the
resulting cyano compound; reduction of the acid to a 4-carbon
aldehyde, and the cyanide addition repeated. The results were in-
terpreted by paper chromatography, and by standard methods of
sugar identification.

Acknowledgments

This project was sponsored in part by grants-in-aid from the
Research Corporation and the National Science Foundation through
an Undergraduate Research Participation Program.

127

1.

+ NaHSOa & H2O

HOHoC CHoOH

HO OSOsNa

. V

HOH2C CH2OH

2. HO OSOsNa

\/

C + KCN-

/\
HOH2C CHoOH

HoO

HO CN

* X

HOH2C CH20H

3. HO CN

C

+ HCl-

HOH2C CNoOH

HO COOH
^ C

/\

HOH2C CH2OH

4.

HO COOH

+ Na-Hg

pH 2.5-3.0

HOHoC CHoOH

O

II
HO C-H

V

-^ c

HOH2C CH20HI

Figure 1.

.128

5. O

[I

HO C-H

HOH.C CHoOH

H

HO C-OSOsNa
C + NaHSOs + H2O > C

HOH2C CHoOH

6. H

HO C-OSOsNa

C + KCN-

HOH2C CH2OH

HoO

HO

H

C-CN

^6h

H0H2C CH2OH

HO

H

I
C-CN

'OH

+ HCl

HOH2C CH2OH

H

I
HO C-COOH

HOH2C CH2OH

H

HO C-COOH

\/6h

Na-Hg

pH 2.5

HOH2C CH2OH

H O

HO C-C-H

OH

^ C

HOH2C CH2OH

Figure 2.

129

References

1. Hudson, C. S., Advances In Carbohydrate Chemistry, Vol. 4, p. 57 [1949].

2. Pratt, Charles, "Isolation of Apiose from Parsley", Faculty Research Bul-

letin. Savannah State College, 16, 37, [1962].

130

Deflection of Streams Behind a
Curved Shock Wave

by

Nazir A. Warsi

1. INTRODUCTION.

If the angle between the tangent to the stream line and the unit
normal vector C X ^ ) to the shock surface be , then

(1-1) V^v =V^/. x^-v/^^v

where \^/^ is the velocity vector in the region w . If the space
components of a vector field tangential to the surface are "t^ , then

The law of conservation of mass at the shock surface is given by
[1]

(1.3) [V^] -c^/l/in/X^

Multiplying it by ;^'^ and summing with respect to -^ we get

(1.4)a W^]^^ =0
or

(1.4)b V^^^Sz^e^y =-Mi/S^n 0y =2^

2. DEFLECTION OF STREAMS.
We have the following theorems.

THEOREM 2.1: The angle that the stream line makes with the
unit normal X^ ^^ given by

(2.1) C<^e^/ =-(<fy^l) Cei Ot/

PROOF: Multiplying (1.3) by /'*' and summing with respect

to i, , we get

(2.2)a rV/] =Jky\/,^/
or /

(2.2)b Vy 0^ B:,/ = Qf^/+ Vx/ Ohi 6-1/

Equations (1.4)b and (2.2)b give (2.1).

THEOREM 2.2: For both the regions, the ratio Cs^tSJ^ is
constant, that is

(2.3) C^*^/ -^

V 131

PROOF: By virtue of the relation <4/ =. 1^1 ^ equation (2.1)
gives (2.3). y

THEOREM 2.3: For an unsteady flow behind the shock wave,
we have

(2.4) ^ =. -^ ^n/

PROOF: Dividing (2.2)b by (1.4)b, we get
(2.5)a Cc?^6^; = %^ MilC^O:i/

(2.5)b C^Op./ =-jfei/ ^l-n/

which, in consequence of (2.3) and the relation ofz./ ~t^l/^t/ >
gives (2.4) -^ / /

THEOREM 2.4: The specific volume strength of the shock is
defined as the ratio of difference of cotangent of the angle of
emergence and the cotangent of the angle of incidence to the co-
tangent of angle of incidence.

PROOF: From (2.1), it is obvious that

(2.6) cr2.^ = [c6^e]/Cg^0i/

3. MAXIMUM DEFLECTION.

Mishra (I960) studied the deflection and found that Q^/ > 6j/
Angle of deflection of the stream behind the shock is given by TQl
Therefore, the angle of the deflection, J\ is given by

(3.1) C^Jl = c^[M=^^^^^|^

Substituting for CjytOx/ from (2.1), the equation (3.1) gives

(3.2)a CotJl =-'!^klQS^l^/L^

or -^*i6(ft&ii

(3.2)b C^Jl =.^ (\S^/(L^'-(9i/)

or <^2-/ ?= ^

(3.2)c(2^yL ^ ^^y^l-r^-- '

where ^^t<^ ^y -^/^

Hence, we have the following theorems.

THEOREM 3.1 : In the case of maximum deflection for a fixed
f^^ , we have

PROOF: For the maximum deflection, we have
(3.4)2^ ^ O

Differentiating (3.2)c with respect to ^ (t-y.-.^ using (3.4), we
get (3.3)

132

THEOREM 3.2. In the case of the maximum deflection for a

fixed Sz.1 , the ratio of specific volume of two regions is the

same as the ratio of square of tlie tangent of the angle of incidence
to unity.

PROOF: For the maximum deflection, we have

(3.5)a -fe^"0:z/ = / ^cTr/
or

(3.5)b -ta^^6j/ ; 1 -\y : ^y

THEOREM 3.3. Maximum deflection for a fixed (^-c/ i^
given by ^

(3.6) C^Jl = -^o^Z^

PROOF: In consequence of (3.3), the equation (3.2)c gives
(3.6).

References

1. Warsi, N. A. Flow Parameters Behind 3-Dimensional Shock Wave (Under

publication) Savannah State College Faculty Research Bulletin.

2. Mishra, R. S. (1960): Deflection of Impinging Streams Through a Shock

Wave in a Perfect Gas. Tensor (N.S.) Vol. 10, No. 3.

3. Liepman, A. W. & Pucket, A. E. (1947) Introduction of a Compressible

Fluid, John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

133

Ad

( N378 - -. . ; 6729^^
(5352s
Georgia. State nollege
Faculty research edition of
the SSC Bulletin

Pale Doe

'''n

i

'%/^'

1

SAVANNAH STATE COLLEGE LIBRARY
Savannah, Georgia

^^n ^"'' . ^r^ ^^

7?