Letters from Georgia, v. 14205, 1740 June-1741 May

Volume 14205

[Editor's note: At this time writers capitalized words in ways we do not do today, thus: "with a Drum to Summon the Garrison." Also the modern convention of "I before e except after c" had not come into fashion, thus: feild. Finally, we have left the Latin unmarked.]

Fra. Moore to Mr. Verelts

Frederica June 9: 1740

Sir

I am come up hither to carry some Cash and other things down to
the General, who I expect to meet at Augustine I am sorry to tell you
when I left him (which was on the 6th Instant at Fort Diego in Florida)
he was ill, tho much better than he had been for some time before.

I must not omitt [sic] acquainting you that this day month the General
landed on the Spanish shore and the next day marched about l6 miles
along the Sea Beach, then Struck inland about 7 or 8 miles more, and
there found a Fort called St. Diego, the next morning he began to attack
it and the Enemy returned the fire very vigorously, so that they were
most part of the next day firing at one another. The next morning the
General sent a Spaniard (one of those before taken at St. Francis de
Pupa, and of whom you have doubtless long since had a particular
Account) with a Drum to Summon the Garrison, he acquainted them with the
good usage he had met with from the English, and upon that they treated,
and the Same day Surrender's the Fort and all belonging to it to the
General, in which were two Pieces of large Cannon, 9 Swivel Guns, 70
Small Arms, 50 Prisoners and a good deal of Ammunition. The Troops and
Indians feed plentifully upon fat Spanish beef, there being some thousand
head about Fort Diego; to which place I am going in a day or two. And
having a good many things to do first I hope you will excuse this short
acct. how affairs go in this part of the World.

I cannot conclude without giving you my Opinion that the Kings Ships hereabouts are the least serviceable of any thing I know. I am credibly informed that some time ago (at the very juncture when the Strictest care was to have been taken to prevent any Succours [sic] going into Augustine from Cuba) our Men of War suffer'd 5 or 6 Galleys to pass into that place, whether it was through Negligence, or something else, I leave you to Judge, but if it is true. It is not impossible but on the other hand very probable, that those Galleys so got in, may be the occasion of our not being able to
take that place. God forbid they should, but I say it is not impossible.

I should reasonably imagine that when it was of the utmost Consequence
to have one Ship constantly Cruzing [sic] off Augustine, to prevent
Succours [sic] going in there (which was what the General always said was the
only thing he was afraid of) there would be care took to relieve each
other off the said Port, but instead of that I hear, Captain Townshend
had Orders to Cruize [sic] there for a certain time, not till he should be
relieved, which time being expired, he returned to the General Rendezvous
of Men of War at Charles Town, and before another ship could go from
thence to Augustine, the Galleys from Cuba came in there with 400 men
and some Provisions. If it is true (and I believe it is) that the said
Galleys are got in to the Enemy's Releif, we shall have a tough piece of
Work to take it. When I come back from the Siege I will send you
another Letter, in the mean time should be proud of a Line from you and
must desire you you to believe me to be

Sir

Your most obedient humble servant

Fras. Moore

P. S.
We have had lately 2 Duels in Florida, in one of them Mr. Eyles
a Surgeons Mate was killed, in the other Mr. Peter Grant Naval Officer
had the same fate.

Mr. Harman Verelst.

Mr. Geo. Witfeild [sic] to Mr. Newman

Savannah 20 June 1740

Dear Sir

With great pleasure I can inform you of the Success and blessing
that attends the People of Ebenezer. On Wednesday I return'd from
thence much delighted with the decency. Order and Unanimity wherewith
every thing seemed to he carryed [sic] on; Never did I see so much land cultivated in so short a time by such a small number of hands. Surely God has answer'd their Prayers, has cast their lot at length in a fair ground, and given them a goodly heritage. For near 4 Miles together did I walk over fruitfull [sic] Plantations, and in a short time I beleive [sic] their fields will stand so thick with wheat and other grain that they will laught [sic] and sing. Surely the Saltsburgers are an happy people. For I am perswaded [sic] that they have the Lord for their God. When I reflect on them, and the Inhabitants of the other parts of the Colony, it puts me in mind of the great difference God once made, when there was darkness amongst the Egyptians but light in the land of Goshen.

I took Sweet Council with Mr. Boltzius [sic] and Mr. Gronau and have
helped their Orphan House to the utmost of my power. As God shall
enable me I will do more. For I am verily perswaded [sic] my money cannot well be employ'd better. Yesterday I sent some Cotton to employ their People in Spining [sic] and am Shortly to send them a Weavers Loom. They can now furnish themselves with food, and if assisted a little at first, may by the Blessing of God in a little while raise a manufactory for Cloathing [sic] amongst themselves. I have Severall [sic] Spinners and one Weaver employ'd at Savannah and have now above a hundred yards of home Spun Cloth in the House, picking Cotton is an Excellent employment for my little Orphans. Blessed be God all things go on well. Since my arrival our Dear Lord Jesus has been pleased to manifest forth his Glory, and several of the Children are likely to be brought truly to beleive [sic] on him. A particular Acct. of our Oeconomy [sic] I purpose bringing with me when I come to England. God only knows when that will be. In the mean while I write this for the Satisfaction of the Gentlemen of the Society and to give them a proof of my being

Dear Sir

Yr. and their very humble

Servant

George Whitfield

Pray my particular Love to
Mr. Therold, Capt. Hudson,
Mr. Ziegenhagen and Mr. Vernon.

Copy of a Letter from Mr. John Martin Bolzius to Mr. Henry Newman,
Dated at Ehenezer in Georgia 26th June 1740.

Dear Sir

The Contents of your very kind Letter dated the 28th of October
last have given us very great Satisfaction, being acquainted by You with
the Continuance of your and the Honble. Society's great Favour [sic] towards
us and our Flock. We beseech God to reward them abundantly for their hearty
Wishes, Cares and real Favours [sic], they have heaped upon us from the time
of our Setting out from Europe, to this very moment; And doubt not but the
mercifull [sic] God, who has given us Grace to see the Fruits of our Labour
here, will let us have the Satisfaction to hear the Effects of Prayers and
fervent Wishes, which we unanimously bring before the Throne of Grace for
the Welfare of the Honble. Society and all our Benefactors. We enjoy now
very good Health, in the Space of this Year nobody is buried at our Place,
except a little Boy of 4 Years. There is now an exceeding good Prospect of
a plentiful Harvest in the Fields of the Saltzburghers about the Town, as
well as upon their respective Plantations, for which we have reason and
Encouragement to give hearty Thanks to God, and to You a joyfull [sic]
Account, being by your favour [sic] very much interested in our Settlements
Welfare. The same good God, who gives us so many Marks of his gracious
Countenance over Us, and has delivered us from so many Dangers at Sea and
Land, is able enough and graciously inclined by his Promises to assist us
against all Invaders, or intended Invasions of our Temporal Enemies: Therefore
depending in Faith and Confidence upon his Almighty Power, Wisdom and
Mercy, we feel not the least fear of the present War within us, but are
in hopes to see a happy Issue of it for the establishing of our
Security and Welfare in the Colony. His Excellency General Oglethorpe
gives us many testimonies of his undeserved Favours [sic] to us and our
Flock, of which we reckon our Selves quite unworthy: If God would he
pleased to give his Blessing to his great Expeditions, and grant a happy
Issue of the War, he will do what lies in his Power to see our Settlement
increased by a considerable Number of Saltzburghers or other Distressed
Protestants, to share the Temporal and Spiritual Benefits we enjoy in this
Corner of the Earth, by the good Providence of God; In which good Undertaking,
we doubt not, he will have the Honble. Trustees Assistance. Our Saltzburghers
are very glad to hear, that the Honble. Trustees have been pleased to grant
to them, as well as to other Settlers in the Colony, that the Lands and
Improvements thereof shall descend not only to the Male Heirs, but to the
Female too, which will prove a very great Encouragement to their Industry.

Our Doctor Mr. Thilo [sic], being resolved to serve the Colony and our
Place, not only through the Space of three Years, as are the Contents of
his Agreement, but as many Years longer as the Honble. Trustees and
Society are inclined to make an Allowance of his and his Family's
Maintenance; An Experienced Physician is necessarily required at our Place,
and the Saltzburghers are for the present not able to maintain him, or to pay
for Medecines [sic]; Therefore We beg the Favour [sic]of You to recommend to
their Honours [sic] the Trustees and Society another Allowance, and if
possible a little Salary or some Sort of Assitance [sic], towards the
Subsistance [sic] of Mr. Thilo, his Wife's and young Child's; which will
be a Matter of great Satisfaction to us and our Friends in Europe.

We add no more, but our most humble Respects to the very worthy
Members of the Honble. Society, which you would be pleased to accept of

Dear Sir &c.

From our Camp on the Island of St.
Annesteria [sic] before St. Augustine the
30th of June 1740.

Sir

I have just time to Acquaint You, that I, Genl. Oglethorpe and
all his Officers and his Regiment are well, and that now we are very
Busy in Bombarding and Cannonading the Town and Castle of St. Augustine
and have made our Approaches with our Cannon and Mortars within half a
Mile of the Town and have done great Execution in Knocking down and
Burning with our Shells part of the Town and Castle. And the Enemy
fire upon us Day and Night from the Town, Castle, and their Galleys and
Launches, Balls from 24, 18 and 9 Pounders, but as yet have done us
little Damage only one of our Men had both his Legs taken off with one
of them. We are all very well Intrenched and are now going to Attack
the Town and Castle. Genl. Oglethorpe is Marched with a strong
Detachment from off this Island to the Main called Moucey or the Negroes
Fort, to Attack the Town and Castle and to surround them and keep them
in. The remainder of our Forces with the Carolina Regiment Commanded by
Colo. Vahderhussen, Rangers and Indians are to Attack on the left of the
Town, and the Men of Wars Men to the amount of 200 are to Attack the
Spanish Gallies [sic] in their Boats and Gallies[sic] , and by a Signal
Given we all Storm at once; and under God and in so just a War, we shall
carry it. ---- I am now Marching into our Trenches.

Extract of a Letter from Captn. Norbury
to Mr. Walter Hayter.

A Scandalous letter reflecting on Col. Oglethorpe Suppose'd to be
wrote [sic] by One Wrag [sic] of Charlestown

Charles Town, South Carolina

2 July 1740.

Sir

Our Expedition against St, Augustine hath not been attended with
the success that might have been expected; all which is owing to the
______, who follows no advice, but pursues his own Intentions,
which I leave to you and any impartial man to Judge by what follows.

On the 12 of may [sic] he took Fort Diego, as he calls it, which in fact is a low Pen of that persons name, and is within 25 miles of Augustine, where there was great plenty of Cattle, but he will not suffer our people to enjoy any part thereof. Sometime after our Forces took a Negroe [sic] Fort within two miles of Augustine town, but he marched back again to Fort Diego. Another time he took a march with 250 men to the Walls of the Town, and had twney [sic] men to drag a large Cannon so many miles as above mention'd, at day break our people were ready to enter the Town without opposition, when he called them off and marched hack again to Diego; and the men had to haul the heavy Piece of Cannon back again; and when they were got back they were quite tired and faint, as at this Season any men would be under better Circumstances than those poor wretches were, who had not above one Biscuit a Day for 3 or 4 days Successive March; So that he seems only to harrass [sic] the men, without any Design of coming to Action.

Another circumstance of Ill Conduct is as follows: He sent a
Gentleman of this Country, one Col. Palmer, to take possession of the
Negroe [sic] Fort aforementiond with 133 Men, whilst he himself staid at a
place Six or Seven miles distant from it, and a Navigable Creek between
them, in order to allarm [sic] the Spaniards, to use his own Expression.
When the Colonel had been there 8 days, as he expected so it happened;
however he would not quit his post, though he thought himself sent for a
Sacrifice, and he lost his Life by it, for he was attacked before day
break by above 500 Spaniards, and Indians; and tho the Gates of this
fort were destroyed when it was taken, and were not repaired again, our
people made a Glorious defence [sic], and Col. Palmer himself in particular,
for he shot three men after they had entered the fort, and then clapt his
hand to his Breast, Said he was Shot, and Staggdr'd; upon which the Spaniard
who shot him came up to him with a Club'd Musket to dispatch him. when the
Colonel shortne'd his Gun, drew the Trigger and shot the Fellow, and they
both fell down dead by one another. The Ensign received 18 Stabs before he
parted with his Colours [sic], and even then with difficulty, tho he had but
30 men left. The Colonels [sic] Son, when he saw his Father dead, made his
way from the Counterscrap [sic] through above 50 Men, v;ith only eight
besides himself, ordering them to fire by two and two, and they opening
to the right and Left he passed through them, constantly firing, and under
favour [sic] of the smoak [sic], for it was not quite day: they then got to the
River, and by good fortune they found a boat, in which they got over to the
other side, and by that time they Saw above 50 Indians in pursuit of them.

This Acct. I had from the Colonels Son; and wherein is the Conduct
of the _________to be justified? Should he not rather have sent
another party (as he says these were sent to decoy and allarm [sic] the
Spaniards) to Succour [sic] these men and cut off the Enemy's retreat? but
this he did not do, but remained at the distance of 6 or Seven miles.
Upon my word I have seen a great many Letters from persons of Note as
well as private persons, and have had Conversation with some who have
been there, and every one blames his Conduct; and our Voluntiers [sic]
are daily coming away, as they see there is no prospect of Succeeding
under such Mad conduct as they call it, Our men of war have given all
the Assitance [sic] in their power, and Capt. Warren is the life and Spirit
of the Cause; But as the Hurricane is now coming on, they must and will drew
off, and so must our troops, for they have but one month more to Stay by our
Act by which they are enlisted; and the ______ _______ will be left to himself,
and must retreat to Frederica, whereas he might as well have been in Augustine.
He can't expect any more Assistance from this Country, for we have run our
Selves to an Insupportable charge to defray this Expedition. Had he not been
there, our own Forces with the men of War's Assistance would have been Masters
of the place before now; so that he will not acquire any Honour [sic] by this
affair, I don't say this I assure you to aggravate any Circumstance, but I am
very sorry we are not likely to Succeed. His and our Forces are not above 13OO
men exclusive of the men of Wars Crews; and these are divided into four Bodies
which is another Piece of ill Conduct. I could say a great deal more, but am
quite tired of dwelling on so disagreeable a Subject, and remain

Sir

Yours &c.

P. S. July 4th.

Yesterday arrived a Sloop from St. Augustine, in which came
several Gentlemen of this Town, who all complain of the _________'s ill
Conduct, and say his Actions have been such as shew that he had
no design to take the Town; for he should have invested it at first, and
then they might easily have taken it, and that would have effectually
prevented any Supplies from the Havanna [sic], which we hear they have lately
had; and that the easterly Winds begin to set so strong, so that the
men of War will be obliged to come away next week; and it is generally
thought here that it will not be taken this Season, and this Country
can't afford Supplies for another Expedition; and if the Governor don't
send troops and a better officer. It must remain in their hands. This
is what every one who comes from that place agree in, and there is a
great Dissatisfaction between him and his Officers.

Capt. Hugh Mackay's letter upon Sight of Wrags Scandalous letter
from Charlestown of 2 July, reflecting on Col. Oglethorpe.
London 29th November 1740

Sir
Upon seeing a letter published in the daily post of Wednesday the
26th Inst. Supposed to he from Charles Town, South Carolina, dat. 2
July last, misrepresenting, in the most false and malicious manner, the
late Expedition against St. Augustine; and hearing that before the
publishing the said Letter it had been industriously handed about,
and shewn [sic] at Coffee houses, aiming thereby to defame the Character
of a Gentleman, whose unwearied endeavours [sic] for the publick [sic]
Service has greatly impaired his health; and as I, who am a Captain in
General Oglethorpe's Regiment, was present, and acted upon that occasion
as Brigade Major, and therefore must know the whole transactions, I think
it my Duty to take the following notice of it.

As to the Cow or Cow Pen he speaks of, it is a Square Fort with
four Carriage Guns and four Swivel Guns, and had a Garrison in it of
forty seven Soldiers of the Regular Troops, and Seven Negroes, who were
all made Prisoners of War. The Cattle found there, and in parts adjacent,
were equally distributed to the Kings Troops and the Carolina
Regiment according to the returns each.

In respect of the Carolina Peoples being ready to enter the Town of
Augustine without Opposition it's entirely false and with out the
least foundation.

In regard to Colonel Palmer's misfortune, who was killed in the
first fire from the Spaniards, he brought it upon himself by disobeying
the Orders he received, which positively enjoined his keeping in the
woods, and avoiding Action, and by Acting contrary to the advice of the
Officers under his command, some of whom were present when he received
his Orders, and Lodging himself in the Negroe [sic] Fort Moose, where
they were Surrounded and defeated; The Gates of which Fort, and the House
within it, the General had before burnt.

With respect to the Carolina Volunteers, that they did go away is
certain, without Leave given, or asked, and their Captain with them. A
Captain of the Carolina. Regiment who left his Command in the guard of
the Trenches, without being relieved, or asking any leave, and went with
them. After such behaviour [sic] what Credit can be given to such men,
tho termed persons of note?

As to Captain Warren, whose name is mentioned to endeavour [sic] to
throw an Odium elsewhere, I am convinced by the personal acquaintance I
have with him, that he will upon all occasions, do his duty in the Service
of his King and country as also Captain Laws and Captain Townshend, that
were a Shore with him in this Service.

The morning after we landed upon the Island of Anastatia [sic] I stood
by while Capt. Warren read to General Oglethorpe a Letter to Captain
Perse, the Commodore, acquainting him of our Landing without any loss,
and the Spaniards withdrawing from that Island; in which Captain Warren
said. That all that was now necessary to Secure the Reduction of the
place, was the taking of the Spanish Galleys, which Undertaking he would
himself head with the Kings Boats under the Cannon of the Fort, if he
would give him leave. Several Councils of War were held on Board his
Majestys [sic] [sic] Ships by the Sea Captains, but Captain Warrens Proposition
was not undertaken.

Least malicious people should Suggest that I might be sent to England by
Genl. Oglethorpe on this occasion, I solemnly declare, that I
came at my own desire by his Leave, and had no Instructions from him,
directly or indirectly, concerning this Affair; but my Regard to Truth,
and Abhorrence of all false and malicious Reports whatsoever have induced
me to publish this, to which I set my Name.

Hugh Mackay

From my Lodgings in Johnson's Court
Charing Cross, Nov. 29, 1740

Extract of a Letter from Mr. Thomas Jenys to Mr. Matthew Brown;
Dated at Charles Town 13th July 1740.

Sir

Last Night I arrived here from the Camp which was formed against
St. Augustine, the Siege of which place could not be carried on during
the Hurricane Season, which sometimes begins in this month; So that the
Fleet were not thought secure to lay there beyond the 5th Currt [sic].;
Though they did, in order to see our small Craft and Artillery secured,
remain some days after.

On the 5th I saw the Spaniards make a Sally out of the Castle to
attack Genl. Oglethorpe, who was with about 250 Men about one Mile of
from the Land Side of the Castle. After the Spaniards had received
two Platoons by an advanced Party of about 50 Soldiers, they scour'd
off; And I saw them run into the Castle with the utmost Precipitation.
'Tis said, they were about 500 Men. We had only one Man slightly
wounded, but can't say how many Spaniards fell. The Fire from the
Castle and three Batteries were very hot. So much for the Siege.

Account of the Augustine Expedition

by Alexander Vanderdusen Esq.

Coll, of the Carolina Regiment, employ'd. in Seige of that Town; wrote to
Lieut. Govt. Bull, and by him Sent to Sr. Charles Wager.

At the Camp upon Anastasia 3. July 1740.
to the 14th do.

Sir

A great many transactions have happen'd here, of which it is
impossible to give you a particular Acct. at present, for I am obliged
to be every way, & have very little time to Spare. You will hear of
a great many actions that will Seem to bear censure, and very much magnified
by Some to excuse their own cowardice, but none I am Sure that can
be laid to my charge, and that I could prevent.

May 31. 1740 I was order'd to march to Augustine; The General march'd
with 200 Men, & I with 250 Men, and arrived there in 2 days after our
Setting out. We march'd into the Negroes [sic] Fort which they had abandon'd
before. The Genl. went to reconnoitre the place, and found it to be
regular & Strong, with a great many new additions; and found it would be
impracticable to attack it upon that Side, without our large Artillery,
which we could not carry by land. But we observed that point Quartel [sic]
which ly's [sic] to the North of the Bar, and Seperated [sic] from the
Negroe [sic] Fort by a Breach, would be very fit for a Battery, in order to Secure a comunication [sic] with the Men of War. We went out in the day
time, and Some of our Men took Some horses from under the Castle Walls,
and at night the Genl, & I went out with a Party of Men, & Some Drums,
end allarm'd the Castle, and the next morning march'd back to Diego with
colours [sic] flying.

The day after our arrival, I was order'd to march, with what
number of Men I had then arrived, to take possession of Point Ouartell [sic]
which I accordingly did, and arrived there the next morning. The Men of
War did not perceive us 'till the Galleys began to fire upon us, and
then Sent off 3 of their barges, & 3 of their Lieuts. on Shoar [sic],
with a resolution of a Council of War they had held; and desired I would
comunicate [sic] the Same to the Genl. A Copy of which you have here as
follows.

At a Council of War, held on board his Majtys. Ship Flamborow
off the Bar of St. Augustine this 5th day of June 1740. Present,
Capt. Vincent Pearse, Sr. Yelverton Payton Bart. Capt. Peter Warring,
Capt. Cha. Fanshsw, & Capt. Willm. Laws;

Genl. Oglethorpe having desired to know the longest
time his Majesties Ships can Stay upon this Coast, the opinion
of the Council was demanded thereupon: and having examined
the Pylots [sic] of all his Majesties Ships here,
This is our unanimous opinions. We cannot Stay longer here
than the 5th of July next, without running the utmost hazards
of his Majesties Ships going on Shoar [sic]: But in case the Easterly
Winds Should Set in Sooner, we must depart.

Then the next question was put.

What further Service we could do, towards the Reduction of St.
Augustine.

It is agreed by the Council, that if Genl. Oglethorpe beseiges [sic]
the Fortress of Augustine, and will Spare 200 of his own Regiment at
least; That the Men of War will land 200 Men more to
attack & take possession of the Island Eustatia [sic], which appears
to he absolutly necessary towards the reduction of St. Augustine,
as it will cut off comunicatlon by Sea; which will answer the
End of the Ships, till the Season of the year will admit of
their returning on that Service.

Given under our hands on board his Majesties [sic] Ship Flamborow
Off the Bar of Augustine this 5 of June 1740. Sign'd
Vincent Pearse, Yelverton Peyton, Cha. Fanshaw.

The next day, the Comadore [sic] Sent me a letter acquainting me,
that he had Sent Capt. Townsend & Capt. Laws to the Palmetto hutts [sic].
which is a Place about 50 miles to the Northward of Said Point Quartell
[sic] to take on board the Genl. and his troops, in order to land them on
the Isld. Anastatia [sic]. I received a letter that morning from the Genl.
wherein he told me he was going to embark 200 of his Men, and 200
Indians, which I dissapproved [sic] of for the Same reasons I had before
Sent to the Comadore [sic], a part of which letter. So far as it concernes
[sic] this affair is as follows:

Sir,

The Genl. does not Say any thing to me of his going to
embark on board your Ships, which if put in execution, I take
to he a very great disservice; For it will leave the Galleys
Masters of the harbour [sic], to Stop all comunication [sic] but
that by Sea, which is very uncertain. But if my opinion was to be
follow'd, which is Lt. Col. Cooks also, I would have all
our guns and other Implements of War landed at this Point, or
at least as many as Shall be found necessary, and then raise
our Batteries, which will make us Masters of the Harbour [sic], and
then we may pass over at our pleasure with our boats & yours to
assist them, when we cross with part of our Men to Secure the
Mantassas [sic]. leaving Col. Cook here with the rest to manage the
Batteries, & Secure to our Selves in the Same manner a passage
to the Town, without being hurt by the Galleys; by which being
harrass'd on all Sides without having it in their power to help
themselves, or hurt us.

Four days after, the Genl. landed on the Said Island with 200
of his Men, 200 Sailors, & 200 Indians. The Spaniards had
abandon'd it before their arrival, and drove off all their
Cattel [sic]. Col. Cook (who was just arrived with a few Men & one
of his Mortars) & I, planted 3 guns & a mortar upon the Point.
without a bed to the mortar, for that they had landed with
Several of the guns upon the Island. We hove that day the first
Shell which broke even in the Castle, and with our Small guns
(without carriages) we kept off the galleys. The next day I Saw
the Scooner [sic], and a great many Small Vessels come within the Bar;
I took a Small Canoe, and went over, and found the Genl. with
Capt. Warring, Mr. Rutledge, Capt. Wright, and a great many
other Gentlemen about him, and found they had form'd a Council,
in which it was agreed that that Island was the only proper
place to plant the Guns & Mortars upon, and found that all that
I and Col. Cook had offer'd, was taken no notice of; And I was
order'd over with part of the Regiment. Col. Palmer with his
Son, and 70 Highlanders & Uchee Indians, had been Sent to the
Negroe [sic] Fort to keep the Spaniards in on that Side. Col.
Palmer & his Son who was Capt. of the Rangers, had 80 L p month,
besides f L Share for every horse they catch'd, which
encouragement made them Spend most of their time in catching
horses; which the Spaniards having information of. Sent out
their Negroes & Foresadoes [sic], & a Party of horse, in all about
350 Men, and Surprized [sic] them a little before the break of day.
There were about 20 of ours killd, and 10 taken prisoners, the rest
made their escape, and most of them came down to the River Side,
and I went to bring them over, So that you may guess the Spaniards
did not make the most of the Victory, else none of our
people would have escaped: it was agreed upon, there was as
many Spaniards as English kill'd. This misfortune, tho by their
own neglect, has Struck Such a panick [sic] fear among our people,
both Officers and Soldiers, that they feign them Selves Sick,
and are plaguing me every day for leave to go home.

After my arrival in the Island, it was agreed that the
Genl. with all his Men and Indians should go over to the Negroe [sic]
Port in order to allarm [sic] the Spaniards upon the back of the
Towns & deserts, while I with my boats, in conjunction with
the Men of War, was to attack the Galleys, and afterwards attempt
landing in the town, where the Genl. was to meet me; Upon which
resolution, the Genl. went over with all his Men.

I then proposed an attack upon the Galleys, but the Gentlemen of the
Men of War, made So many difficulties, that I found the thing would not
So easily he carryed [sic] on, as it had been talked of. I offer'd to
undertake it my Self, if they would lend me their boats & comand [sic]
Some of their Men, which they would not. I then proposed that Capt.
Terrell who had offer'd his Service Should comand [sic] the Attack, was
agreed to, but when Capt. Warren went on board the Comadore [sic], he
disliked of it, and Said he was Surprized [sic] a thing of Such
consequence Should be agreed upon, without his knowledge. I went on
board the Comadore [sic] with Capt. Warren, and argued the necessity
of attacking the Galleys, and that the difficulty was not So great, as
they imagined; Upon which it was again agreed to put the thing in execution,
and that the Comodores [sic] Lieut. Should go and take the Comand [sic].
But when these Gentlemen came on Shoar [sic], new; difficulties were
Statted [sic], and Capt. Warrin [sic] desired me to acquaint the Comadore [sic]what assistance I could give towards destroying the Galleys, which
I did by letter, as follows;

June 25. 1740

Sir,

Capt. Warrin [sic] told me it would be proper to acquaint you what
boats & Forces I proposed, for destroying those Galleys; I
have therefore Sent you an account of the Same as follows;
viz. Two boats of 10 Oars,

1 of 14,
2 of 8,
& 8 of 6 each;

besides Several Canoes of large Size, on board which I Shall put 100
Men that are used to boats, with proper officers to comand [sic] them.
I Shall line all the River with the best of my Regiment, and as the
Channel runs close under this Shoar [sic], the boats will be cover'd
by us. I went all along the River Side last night, and Saw the Situation
of the Galleys, and therefore I am very certain it must be attended by
Success, & wth. as little danger any thing of that nature can possibly be
To which I received the following Answer,

Sir,

I have the favour [sic] of yours by Capt. Warren, and Shall be
glad to do any thing in my power to effect what your propose;
But as the case is circumstanced, I am afraid the Affair is too
hazardous for us to undertake, as you will perceive by the
Resolutions of the Council of War yesterday, which I have
desired Capt. Warrin [sic] to comunicate [sic] to you. I have Sent
by him a list of the boats belonging to us, and the number of Men
they ought to carry to be fit for Action; and by that I believe you
will think the Strength we can muster between us, will not be
able to carry the project proposed in execution, with any hopes
of Success.

However to Shew my Inclination for his Majestie's [sic] Service on
this occasion, I am ready to leave it to the mature deliberation
of the Gentlemen on our Service & yours on Shoar [sic]: But as a
failure of Such an attempt must be of the worst consequence,
both to the Ships, and your troops, and the Colony of Carolina,
who is chiefly interested in this Undertaking, I hope yours &
their prudence will lead you to undertake nothing, but where
there is a probability of Success.

This, under the circumstances we are in, in regard to the
difference of our force, and the passing So near (as I am
inform'd by the Pilots) to the fire of their Canon & muketry [sic]
from the Castle and town, before they can come at the Galleys,
makes the Success So doubtfull [sic], as it requires the most mature
deliberation before it is put in execution. Our Ships, from the
assistance already given, are So reduced as to Men, that they are
incapable of the Service, the Ships of War are intended for.

Vincent Pearse

Upon this. We had a Council of War in my Tent: the Resolution of which
you have in the following letter to the Comodore [sic],

But before this resolution was put in execution, I received the Result
of that Council of War held on board the Commodore, as follows,

Sir,

Under the present difficulties, it is thought impracticable
to attack the Galleys as proposed: with which I have
acquainted the Genl. by the letters of this days date.

Vincent Pearse

Upon which I went on board the Comodore [sic] with Capt. Warrin, & found
there all the 7 Captns., Capt. Fanshaw being just arrived from the
Musquetoes [sic] who told us he had Seen a large Sloop, 2 Scooners. [sic],
and Some launches which were arrived here with provisions; which are the
Same Vessels wch. we had been inform'd of by Deserters. The weather look'd
very Suspicious; They told me they would be obliged to Slip their Cables,
& could give me no further assistance. Upon which I went down, and wrote
a letter, and deliver'd it to the Comodore [sic], of which a Copy is as
follows:

Sir

I received the honour [sic] of yours the 25th inst. where you
recomend[sic] the consideration of an attack upon the Galleys, to the
Gentlemen of your Service ours on Shoar[sic].

On which we had a conference in my Tent, Where were present

Capt. Warrin,

Capt. Laws

Capt. Townsend,

Col. Cook, & my Self;

and it was agreed we Should attack the Galleys with our boats, provided
there was water enough in the Swashes for our boats to pass; which Said Resolution was Sent on
board to you,

I have Since been inform'd by Capt. Tirrell who went to Sound
last night at half Tide, that he found 4 foot upon the Nth, and
on the South end of the Said Swash 6 foot: which is enough for
any of the boats, which are to he employed in the Said Enterprize.[sic]

I have this morning received the honour [sic] of yours, dat, 26.
Wherein you tell me that the Resolution of the Council of War
held on board you, was that under the present circumstances, it
was thought impractiable to attack the Galleys as proposed. But
the reason of those new difficulties has not been comunicated[sic]
to me. I must therefore take the liberty to acquaint you, that I
would never have proposed an attack upon the Galleys, by boats
and to go round under the Castle, if the thing had not appear'd
to me, and all other persons who have had an opportunity to See the
place and Situation of the Galleys to be practicable, & attended
with the greatest probability of Success, and with as little
danger as things of that nature are lyable [sic] to; However,
I must leave this to your consideration.

You are now to consider the Situation we Shall be left in when
the time comes you are to go away. I Shall be left on a large
Island, where the Enemy can land upon us from all parts, if those
Galleys are left in their possession, and they may cut off
all Comunication [sic] between the Genl. & me. If a N.W, Wind blows,
all our Craft must go on Shoar [sic], & is lyable[sic] to be attack'd
by them, my Force not being able to defend both Ends of the Island.

If I Send my Craft round to the Matansas, which is the best &
only place, I must follow with all my Forces, in order to defend
my Self and them, and So leave this Side open to the Enemies,
and the Barr for any embarkations, Either to go in or out: And
it is impossible for me to transport the Artillery, which must
fall a Prey to the Enemy: But must leave this also to your
consideration.

You are too well acquainted with the fatal consequence must follow
from our being defeated upon the Province of S. Carolina, &
therefore needless for me to repeat. I Shall only give my
opinion in duty to my Country, and those under my comand [sic] who
must be left behind, if the Galleys are not to be attack'd, as
Supposed impracticable by your last Resolutions; I Should think
that the only thing left at present, and you will be judge
whether it may be put in execution, is that One or both of his
Majesty's Sloops might he lighten'd, and go in over the Barr of
Matansas, which will Secure that Side, and I think my Self Strong
enough to defend that, The Genl. with his troops upon their backs
will keep them in a close blockade, and must Soon reduce them to
Surrender. But Suppose they Should hold out longer than might
reasonably he expected, We Shall hinder all comunication [sic], and
may Send to Carolina, or any of the Neighhouring [sic]Colonies for a
greater Supply of Men & other Necessaries. I am &c.

Alexr. Vanderdusen

Upon consideration of this. They came to another Resolution, as follows:

It is resolv'd by the Council, that the 2 Men of War Sloops,
Shall if possible be got into the Mattansas [sic], well man'd and
armed, for the protection of the Forces left on the Island of
St. Ustatia [sic]; and this is all the Assistance can he given from
his Majesty's Ships.

Dated on board the Flamborow off the Barr of Augustine

Vincent Pearse.

The Wind increasing, I got into a Small boat, & came towards the Shoar [sic],
and they Slip'd their cables and made off to Sea. At their return, they
Sent a Shoar [sic] the following letter, being a copy of what they had Sent to
the Genl., the Substance of which is contained in the following letter
which I wrote to the Genl,

Sir,

I have received a Copy of the Resolution of the last Council of War
held on hoard the Flamborow, founded on a Report made to them by the
Pylots [sic] who went to Sound the Matensas[sic], which Report makes it impracticahle [sic] to carry in those Men of War Sloops proposed; And
other part of the Resolutions, if put in practice, will put it out of their power to go on with the Seige [sic], it not being in my power to maintain
this Island, nor can I get my Men off if I were order'd so to do, and in particular the Artillery which are ashoar [sic] here; And in my opinion
there is no other way to maintain our Conquest, but by Securing the
Matansas [sic] and this Island, which I think may be done and to as
good purpose, as if the Men of War could have gone in.

The way I should have proposed, is to Send the Carolina
Scooner [sic] , and all the other Craft into the Matansas. and to make
a Battery on the Bluff opposite to the Mouth of the River St.
Sebastian, which I mentioned to your Excellency yesterday, which
Battery will keep the Galleys from moving any further to the
Southward, & the Battery on the beach will keep them from going
on the Barr, So that we Shall block them up in a place where they
can be of no use, and hinder all the comunication [sic]from the South
ward: But as this is not in my power without assistance, I would
advise application to be made to the Comodore [sic]for these 200 Men
belonging to the Fleet, to be left ashoar [sic]with proper Officers to
comand [sic] them, and they would maintain 1 of the batterys [sic], till
thehurricane months be over, & the fleet return to our assistance.

We were inform'd this night that one of the loaden [sic]
with provisions was coming through the Matansas[sic], and that the
rest were coming. At night I took the Company of Grenadiers &
march'd to the Narrowes [sic] between this Island and the Main, to See
if I could discover any of them coming through: At break of day
I Saw three launches & a Sloop with a flag at the Mast head,
lying just by the place where we were. I march'd towards them,
but the Galleys perceiving us, came directly to their assistance,
and obliged me to retire having no great guns to Support us; So
that 7 Men of War had not been able to hinder them from coming
in, tho they Saw them at the Musquitoes [sic]. I am &c.

Alex. Vanderdusen.

The Genl. receiving ray letter, wrote to the Comodore [sic] as follows:

Sir,

By a Report of the Officers of the Land Forces under my comand[sic],
whom I have Spoke to, I find from Col. Vanderdusen, that not
withstanding the disappointment of the Men of War's Sloops not
being able to be carryed [sic]into the Matansas [sic] He with his
Forces will undertake to make a Battery on the Bluff opposite to
the mouth of the River St. Sebastian, which will keep the
Galleys from moving any further to the Southward, And the Battery
on the beach will keep them from going to the Barr, which will
block them up So as to be of no use; But he can Men 1 of the
Batteries only, and cannot do this, unless I keep the main, and
communicate with him from the South. He therefore desires me to
apply to the Commodore for the 200 Men here belonging to the
Fleet, to be left ashoar [sic] with proper Officers to comand [sic]
them, & they would maintain One of the Batteries till the Hurricane
months be over, and the Fleet return to our assistance, and that
One of the Men of War may remain at Frederica.


If nothing can be done to Secure the Conquest of this Island, the
next thing to be done is to Secure the Artillery & the Troops.
By this days return, upwards of 50 Men are Sick, & unfit for
Service of my Regiment, and Others do not fare better; it is
impossible without assistance to carry off the Artillery; if
that were once Safe, I would with the Land Forces & Indians keep
the Main and the Town blockaded, till I hear what Supply's may
probably come; But Sickness among us, Succours [sic] thrown into the
Place by the Information you Sent me by Capt. Fanshaw, and
besides, the half Galleys, makes it necessary for me to lay
before you, what you may do, if they Should follow and fall on
St. Andrews, Frederica, and all the Sea Settlements of Carolina,
while the Garison [sic]of Georgia, and Strength of Carolina are
engaged here.

I desire therefore you would think of protecting St. John's, or
at least Frederica, where Ships may come into Jekyl Sound, and
take Such other measures proper to preserve the Artillery of the
Sea Coast.

Ja. Oglethorpe

The Answer Capt. Pearse made to this letter was,

Sir,

I had the favour [sic] of yours last night by Capt. Warren this
morning. I call'd a Council of War upon it, the Result of which
I here enclose to you, and agreable [sic] to it. Shall to morrow
morning embark the Seamen, and Sail, according to the former
Resolution of the Council of War. I Shall according to your desire
order One of the Men of War to Jekyl Sound. I'm Sorry the Season
of the year will not permit my longer Stay.

3 July 1740 Vincent Pearse

Upon receipt of this letter, the Genl. wrote the following letter to
Col. Cook and me,

Sir,

I Send you the final result of the Sea: I find you
cannot make good the Artillery and the Island, Persuade them
to assist in embarking it. What cannot be preserved must be
destroyed, and the Men and Craft preserved. You may either Send
them to St. Johns, elsewhere, or here as you think proper.

Ja. Oglethorpe.

On the perusal of which, I Sent the following letter.

Sir,

Col. Cook Shew'd me a Small paper, wherein your Excellency
desired him and me, if we could get no assistance from the
Ships of War, and could not bring off all the Artillery to
destroy the remainder of them. As to Artillery, Col. Cook has
the charge of them, I Shall leave that entirely to him, & give
him what assistance I can. You desire us to preserve the Men
and Craft, and Send them to St. Johns or elsewhere, which will
not be So easily done with Row boats: I have not a Sufficient
number of them, for you have my principal Row boat, and Some of
the Row boats ly [sic] at the Point.

But as I cannot apprehend our case So bad, as to leave our
affairs in Such a manner, for if nothing else can be done, I am
Sure if your Excellency come over to this Island, we may Still
keep them blockaded 'till we get more assistance. If we make a
Battery on the Bluff, the galleys will be kept in, and we may at
all times Send Party's of Indians over to the Main and harrass [sic]
them there, and we can Send all our Craft into the Metansas [sic],
where you will be Safe, and may Send more provisions from time to
time, as we may have occasion. Your Excellency Said you was to
Send for Walkers Scooner [sic] by Mr. Jenys, which if done, and She
arrives with Men, I am Sure we could destroy the Galleys, without
the assistance of Men of War. Your Excellency will excuse me in
giving my opinion, as our miscarriages will be of the
greatest consequence to the Province I have the honour [sic] to be
Sent by, I think it my duty to offer any thing I think may Save
us from the last extremity. But must leave that to your Excellency's
Superiour [sic] Judgment: And therefore desire to have positive
Orders from your Excellency, how I am to Act, and Shall take
care to put them in execution to the utmost of my power, & in
the mean time remain &c.

Alex. Vanderdusen

In answer to which, the Genl. Sent me the following Answer:

Lieut. Col. Cook, and Col. Vanderdusen, to raise the Blockade
from the Island Anastatia [sic], and carry off the Train & Troops with
the loss you cant [sic] prevent; But to Spoyl [sic] rather than leave the
Artillery; And this Shall be your Authority for So doing.

July 14. 1740. Ja. Oglethorpe

Mr. Jenys tells me that a great many Stories have been told of a
difference between the Genl. & me, which made us draw different ways, &
neglect the Main: but they are all false; tho I have not always approved
of his conduct, yet, as my Instructions order me to follow his direction,
I took care, what ever mismanagement there was, he Should not have it in
his power to Say, that it was caused by the Carolina Colonel's disputing
his Orders. But what Motive he has at present to leave the Blockade is
above my Understanding, for I will affirm, that the Same Forces we have
at present, without the Assistance of the Seamen, and in the Situation
we are now, that is, having a Battery on the Bluff I mention'd to the
Comodore [sic], with the Battery we have on the N. Point of the Island,
would keep Such a Blockade both by land & Sea, that it would not be in
their power to have the least comunication [sic]: and in the Same time
would put my people in Such a way, that they would have nothing to fear,
unless it were an attack of an Enemy upon our Works, where they must
certainly come off with the loss if they made Such an attempt. But He
comands [sic].

I shall desire nothing from your Honour [sic] at present, till I know
what is to be done, which to my grief is nothing: for I see the Genl.
wants to be gone: and in the mean time remains amidst all our
Misfortunes.

Yr. Honours [sic] most humbe. Servt.
Alex. Vanderdusen.

Copy of Genl. Oglethorpe's to Col. Cecil dat. 19 July 1740

You have heard that I had Orders to attack Augustine, and the
Province of Carolina gave all the assistance they could. The Castle is
built with stone, 4 Bastions, a good wet Ditch. The Town in Jany. last
had only a small Entrenchment round it, the Garrison consisted of 8
Companys [sic] from Old Spain, their Establishment 50 Each, but so many non
Effectives that they remain but 280 Effectives. 3 Companys [sic] of Old
Troops 100 by Establishment and not 40 Effectives, 1 of Artillery
100 by Establishment and 43 Effectives, a Troop of horse 100 by
Establishment and 45 Effectives. 140 Transports for working besides
Slaves Inhabitants and Indians.

I therefore purposed that as the Town was scarce of Provisions, the
Entrenchment weak, the Garrison not Compleat [sic], We should immediately
attack or at least Invest it close by Sea and Land, and that the Seige [sic]
should be begun in March at furtherst [sic]; For if we delay'd. Succours [sic]
would come from the Havannah [sic] , they would fill up their non Effectives
and fortify the Town; which if they could defend Bombardment would be of
little Consequence, and the hot weather would come on before we could
force the place.

Notwithstanding all I could do It was June before the Troops
came to the Rendezvous, Succours [sic] got in from Cuba, the
Governor fortifyed [sic] the Town, Freed their Transport Slaves,
and Compleated [sic] the Garrison with them.

We battered and Bombarded the Place with little Effect, the
weather forced the Men of War to leave us on the 5th July, as the hot
weather did the Indians; Sickness came among our Men and we were
obliged to raise the Seige [sic] as I foretold. However we brought
of [sic] everything and still keep the Field in Florida, hoping for
Succours.

Col. Oglethorpe to the Trustees Recd. 31 Octbr.
Camp on St. Johns in Florida

19 July 1740

Gentlemen

I acquainted you with my taking the Fort of St. Francis Picolata
and St. Diego, and about Eighty Prisoners from the Spaniards, and also
of Several Indians joining us, and that the Assembly of Carolina had
voted an assistance, of one Regiment &c. for besieging St. Augustine,
but it was so late before they got all things ready that the month of
May was come in before we got to the Rendezous [sic], whereas we ought to
have taken the Field at farthest in March. I undertook the Siege
because St. Augustine in January was Scarce of Food, the Castle had no
Coverd [sic] way, the Entrenchments round the Coverd [sic] way was weak,
and if the Town was taken, and the People drove into the Castle, a
Bombardment would soon oblige them to Surrender for want of Room. The
Troops of the Garrison were not Compleat [sic] , and a great number of
Transport Pioneers were in the Place desirous to desert; I then laid it
down that they should take the Advantage of the Circumstance and
immediately invest the Town or at leant Stop up their Communications by
Sea, which if they did not. Succours would come from the Havannah [sic],
they would Fortify the Town, and a Bombardment would be of little service
since the Inhabitants would have large Room to avoid it, and the season
of the year would oblige the men of War to go off the Coast, and the Troops
to retire from the heats, or perish with Sickness; After I had left Charles
Town, and before we could invest the Place, the half Gallys got in from Cuba,
we had no Pioneers to open trenches, no Engineers, but Coll. Cook, and Mr.
Mace, no Bombardeers [sic] nor Gunner that understood the service, and no
Sufficient train.

After April the Spaniards pardoned the Transports and Compleated [sic]
the Garrison with them and Entrenched the Town Strongly towards the
Land. However I agreed with the Commodore that if they would attack
the half gallys [sic], and the Carolina Regiment Attack the Side of the
Town, I would Storm the Entrenchment by Land.

The fleet Landed two hundred men, with the Captns. Warren, Laws,
and Townshend, on the Island St. Anastatia [sic], and gave the utmost
assistance in putting the few Guns and Mortars that we had into Battery.
We Summoned the Governour [sic] who refused to surrender, We Cannonaded
and Bombarded the Town for above twenty days. The Commodore acquainted me
upon mature Examination, the Council of War found it impracticable to
attack the half Gallies [sic], and that on the 5th July they must be obliged
to retire into Harbour [sic] for fear of Hurricane Storms. The Indians also
acquainted me that the heat and heavy Rains, would be unhealthy to keep
the field and Resolved to return home.

About the same time Capt. Fanshaw who was Crusing off the Metanza's [sic]
which is the Southern Enterance [sic] of Augustine, and the Musquetoes, acquainted the Commodore that there were 7 Vessels loaded with Provisions &c. got into the Musquetoes [sic], and that he could not get at them. Soon after
that they got most of their Provisions into St. Augustine.

It being impossible to Continue the Siege I prevailed with the
men of War to Stay some days longer, and Orderd [sic] Coll. Cook and Coll.
Van Dussen, to Embark with the Train, Ammunition, Troops &c, on
Board the Vessels (they being on the Island) which they did, and sent
them into this River.

The Spaniards made a Sally on me (with about 500 Men) who lay on
the land Side, I orderd [sic] Ensign Cathcart, with 20 Men, Supported by Major
Hern and Capt. Desbrisay with upwards of one hundred men to Attack them,
I followed with the Body. We drove them into the Works and pursued them
to the very Barriers of the Coverd [sic] way. After the Train and Provision
were Embarked and Safe out of the Harbour [sic], I marched with Drums beating.
Colours [sic] flying in the day from my Camp near the Town to a Camp three
miles distance, where I lay that night. The next day I marched nine
miles, where I encamped that night. We discoverd [sic] a Party of Spanish
horse Indians, whom we charged took one Spanish horseman, killed two
Indians, the Rest run [sic] into Garrison.

I am now Encamped on St. Johns River waiting to know what the
People of Carolina would desire me farther to do, for the Safety of the
Provinces, which I think are very much exposed to the half Gallies with
a wide Extended frontiere [sic] hardly to be defended by a few Men. I am
Gentlemen

Your most obedient
humble Servant

James Oglethorpe

Extract of a Letter from on Board His Majestys [sic] Ship the Hector, in
Hampton Road Virginia dated 24. July 1740.

The following is the Acct. of our Cruize [sic] to Augustine. We
sailed from Cape Henry the 12 April, touched at South Carolina, and
proceeded to Augustine. June 1st. The North-America stationed Ships,
Viz. the Flamborough [sic], Capt. Peerse; the Phoenix, Capt. Fanshaw; the
Tarter Capt. Towshend; and the Squirrel, Capt. Warren, of 20 Guns; and
the Spence Sloop, Capt. Laws; and the Wolf, Capt. Dandridge, joined us.

On the 2d. Col. Vander Dusson, with 3OO Carolina Soldiers,
appeard [sic] to the North of the Town. On the 9th General Oglethorpe came,
with about 300 Soldiers, and about 3OO Indians, by Sea, from the south
parts of Georgia. On the 1Oth. all the Men of Wars boats mand [sic] and
armed, carry'd them a shore, under the Cover of the Small Ships Guns,
they Landed on the Island Annastatia [sic], without opposition, and took the
look out belonging to the Spaniards.

On the 13th Capt, Warren went in
the schooner taken by the Shoreham off Cuba, and other Armed Sloops and
Pettyaugers [sic], into their Harbour [sic], Just out of Cannon reach, and
there anchor'd till the 26th. when the Sailors were employ'd in Landing
Ordnance and other Stores, within reach of the Enemy's Cannon at Noon
day. The Boldness which the British Seamen discoverd [sic] on that occasion
was Surprising; for when the Spaniards fired, they'd bob and Scramble
for the Shot as Children do for applies. The same Night two Batteries
were raised, one of four Eighteen pounders and one large Mortar, which
play'd with 20 Cohorns [sic]; but in my Opinion (for I was then a Shore)
they were all too far distant to do any serviceable Execution. The
27th. the General summon'd the Spanish Govr. to surrender, who sent him
word, he should he glad to shake hands with him in his Castle. This
haughty Answer was occasioned from a dear bought Victory, which 500
Spaniards had obtained against 80 Highlanders, who were Surprised in
their Sleep, and as two Deserters informed us, 50 of these latter were
Slain, but died like Heroes, killing at least three times more than
their number, but at last were over powerd [sic].

The Shipping Cost but one man, belonging to the Wolf, who was shot by a
Cannon. On the 29th. the weather proving bad, obliged the men of War
to cut and put to Sea. Two days before, the General with his Soldiers and
Indians, pass'd a River, to be nearer the Town; but as we were obliged
to make the best of our way to our Station, I cannot relate his farther
proceedings. The Flamborough [sic] arrived 3 days after us at Virginia, who
informed us, that the day they Sailed the General was perceived to
cause the Spaniards who made two Great Sallies, to retreat both times
to the Castle with precipitation. St. Augustine is Situated by nature
very Strong, because of Shallow waters about it; in which they had
Row Gallies [sic] of Force, under the Command of the Castle Guns, and no Ship
of Force can come within 3 leagues of either Town or Castle.

26 July 1740

To the Kings most Excellent Majesty

The humble Petition and Representation of the Council and Assembly of
your Majesty's Province of South Carolina upon the Present State of the
said Province.

Most Gracious Sovereign

We your Majestys [sic] most dutiful and loyal Subjects the Members of
your Majestys [sic] Council and the Members of the Commons House of
Assembly of this your Majestys [sic] Province of South Carolina, now met
together in General Assembly to take under Consideration the dangerous
Situation in which the Province now is. Most humbly beg leave to Represent
to your Majesty, That it is with the utmost grief and Concern, We find
this Province greatly reduced and weakned [sic] by a Series of Calamitys
[sic] and Misfortunes which have attended it for some time past. The Small
Pox in the year 1738, Succeeded by a Pestilential Fever in the year 1739.
whereby Numbers who had escaped the first were carried of by the last;
That again Succeeded by an Insurrection of our Slaves in which many of
the Inhabitants were Murderd [sic] in a barbarous and Cruel manner, and
that no sooner queld [sic] than another projected in Charles Town, and a
third lately in the very heart of the Settlements but happily discoverd
[sic] time enough to be prevented.

Wrestling with difficulties at home We See our selves at the same time
exposed to dangers from abroad; To Enemies very near, and by far too
numerous and Powerfull for us, and that the many Succours which
your Majesty has been graciously pleased from time to time to give us,
and what we weak as we are, have been able to do for our Selves come
far short of your Majesty's Royal Intention and our Expectations from
thence.

It is with great Reason we apprehend, that part of our Calamitys [sic]
proceeding from the frequent attempts of our Slaves arrises from the
designs and intrigues of our Enemies the Spaniards in St. Augustine and
Florida; who have had the ruin and destruction of these your Majesty's
Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia long in View. Witness the great
preparations made at the Havannah [sic] and St. Augustine shout 3 years
ago, for a Powerfull [sic] Desent [sic] on these Provinces, and Since that,
in time of profound Peace also a Proclamation published at St. Augustine
in his Catholick [sic] Majestys[sic] Name, promising freedom and other
Encouragement to all Slaves that should desert from your Majestys [sic]
Subjects of this Province and join them. In Consequence of which
Proclamation many have already deserted, and others encouraged daily
to do the Same; and even those who have Committed the most Inhuman
Murders, are there harbour'd, entertained and caressed: Such, may it
please your Majesty was the Situation of this Province when General
Oglethorpe applied to us, to Assist your Majestys [sic] forces in
attacking St. Augustine, Induced by the Assurances we had from that
General, and the Commodore of your Majestys [sic] Ships of War met
together in the Harbour [sic] of Charles Town, of the great probability
there was of Success and by the Advantage we were sensible would thereby
accrue to your Majestys [sic] Subjects of this Province and Georgia and
for the Glory of your Majestys [sic] Arms, in reducing a Fortress which
stands an Eye sore to the British Dominions in North America and as such
has been before attempted by this Province, but without Success; We
Exerted our Selves and chearfully [sic] Voted such a Supply of Forces
as that General thought Sufficient to Succeed in that Expedition, together
with a great quantity of Provisions, Artillery, Warlike Stores, Vessels for
Transportation, Arms and Presents for five hundred Indians end many other
necessarys [sic], but considering the uncertainty of Warlike Events, and
that the Enemy might be stronger than the General had represented them
to be, we added two hundred men more; The whole Expence [sic] amounting to
a greater Sum than our present circumstances could well bear; With this
additional Reinforcement we had the greatest Reason to hope for Success
and more Especially as to all this was afterwards added your Majestys
[sic] great Supply sent to the General of Warlike Stores proper for such
an Undertaking. But so it has fallen out, that with hearts fulls of Sorrow
and Anxiety, We are now obliged to represent to your Majesty; That this
Attempt has proved altogether unsuccessful and the troops sent from this
Province by Express Orders dated the 4 Inst, from General Oglethorpe to
their Commanding Officer, Orderd [sic] to withdraw from before Augustine
and to carry off or destroy the Cannon made use of by them against the
Enemy;

Whether the bad success of this Expedition proceeds from Misconduct,
or from any other Cause we shall not presume to Judge; But,
may it please your Majesty, Such being the issue and event of this
unhappy Expedition, in which all our hopes were placed We are now
Exposed to a Powerfull [sic] Enemy, roused with Resentment and encouraged by
our disappointment are become more formidable than ever, and if not
speedily prevented by a Superiour [sic] force may soon turn their Arms
against us. And what a Tragical Scene an Attack from a Foreign Enemy
must produce when at the Same time our whole force will be Scare
Sufficient to guard against that within us, is but too apparent.

Exposed as we are to present danger from the Spaniards, consequences
more fatal to us as well as to the whole of your Majestys [sic]
Dominions in America, are to be apprehended in Case of a Rupture with
France, from the Wonderfull progress made in these few years by that
Nation in their grand and long projected Scheme of opening a Communication
between their Canada or Quebeck [sic] Settlements and those on the great
River Messissippi [sic] to the Bay of Mexico, A Scheme great to them but
dangerous to the British Dominions, as has been heretofore set forth by
two Severed Representations made to to your Majesty from this
province since the year 1734. This Communication being now opened by
that means they have an Army of between three and four thousand men on
our backs, and have of late built new forts, and Reinforced those
formerly built by which there is great Reason to apprehend that they
are able not only to prevent the progress and extention [sic] of the
British Settlements in North America, but to invade some of what is
already Settled.

As we have heretofore humbly Represented to your Majesty This
Province and that of Georgia have the most to fear; not only on Acct.
of their being the weakest and most exposed to their Enemies, but on
Account of their Situation and the great advantage the French must
consequently have by becoming Masters of them. The Country between
these Colonies and the French Settlements and Garrisons on the River
Messissippi [sic] and Moville [sic], being plain, flat and open,
not intersected by the large Appalatchian [sic] Mountains, We have
therefore no other Barrier but a few Nations of Indians far inferior
in number to theirs. Next to them are the Chickesaws, a bold and
brave people. Strict friends to your Majestys [sic] Subjects of this
Province, but not now in number above four hundred men, with them the
French have lately made an insidious Peace; and in their Security
thereupon many of them have been cut off by the Chactaw [sic] Indians.
These Chactaws [sic] are very numerous and under the imediate [sic]
influence and direction of the French; This together with the many
former Attacks upon that brave Nation of Chickesaws, leaves no
Room to doubt of their intention to extripate [sic] that people as they have
already done the Notchees [sic], with a View manifestly to make their next
Attempt on the Creeks; the only remaining Barrier in that case between
us and the French In that Nation the French have long had a Fort
called the Albama [sic] Fort, which they have lately reinforced; and by
repeated intelligence from our Traders, are now using their utmost
endeavours [sic] by Offers of great presents as well as threats to withdraw
that people from our Interest, and to engage them to destroy our
Traders now amongst them. In which were they to Succeed, terrible must
be the fate of these your Majesty's Provinces of South Caroline and
Georgia, who unless Supported must fall a Prey to them and their
numerous Indians whose Devastations and Crueltys this Province has
heretofore fatally experienced and they in that case become Masters of
what they have long had in View (to wit) A Settlement and Ports
on this Eastern part of the American continent. So absolutely necessary
for the Support and advantage of their back Settlements, and of great
use to their Sugar Islands in America which at present depend almost
wholly upon the English Colonies for lumber and provisions; But as they
are now Situated have no other opening but from the River Moville [sic]
and Messissippi [sic] at the Extermity [sic] of the Bay of Applatche [sic]
in the Entrance of the Gulph [sic] of Mexico which renders their Traffick
[sic] from these Colonies not only tedious but dangerous; And then once having
eecured [sic] a Settlement on this Shore, and a Communication opened to their
Settlements on these Rivers, we have Reason to apprehend they may become
Masters of all Florida and its Coasts, quite down to the Mouth of these
great Rivers, including St. Augustine it self, if it remains unconquerd [sic]
by your Majesty and that ]arge tract of fertile and rich Soil
called the Appalatches [sic] formerly conquerd [sic] by the Inhabitants of
this Province from the Spaniards. Such, May it please your Majesty,
seem to be the great Schemes of the French, part of which are already
executed and performed, and what are to come We can easily foresee, but
are of too high and extensive a nature for us to prevent.

Expectations and hopes arising at first from the Settlement ofGeorgia,
being now vanished and gone, by the drooping and languid Condition of
the few Inhabitants which still remain there, our own Inhabitants and
fortunes greatly reduced and impoverished by a long Series of Calamity's
and misfortunes heretofore unknown we have nothing left but to fly to
your Majesty for protection. And full of Gratitude for the many favours
[sic] heretofore conferred on this Province and confiding in that Glorious
[sic] disposition and Spirit so lately evidenced and made appear to us by
your Majesty in the early care taken of these your remotest Subjects in
America by the Assistance of so many of your Majestys [sic] Ships of War,
the good effect of which we have already in many Instances experienced.

We most humbly and earnestly implore your Majesty's most Royal
and Maternal Protection and Assistance against our Enemies by Land,
particularly those in St. Augustine Who no doubt by our own disappointment
now bid defiance to the Power and Force of this Province, And from
whence we have Sustained so many losses and injuries by the Reception
from time to time of our deserted Slaves and even of those who have
Committed the most barbarous and Cruel Murders of their Masters. And
We most humbly pray your Majesty, that in Case this Fortress should
remain unconquer'd, then in any future peace to be concluded between
your Majesty and the King of Spain Provision may be made for the
Restoration of our Slaves already deserted, and for our Security
against such evils for the future. As also for the great expence [sic]
which has attended this Province in consequence thereof.

Dated 26 July 1740.

Mr. Moore to Mr. Verelts

Frederica 31st. July 1740

Sir

I wrote to you from hence the 19 Ultimo and soon after went to the Southward
and met with his Excellency before Augustine on an Island called Annastasia
[sic]. As Soon as I came to him he sent a Summons to the Governor of that place,
who modestly and in a very Genteel handsome complisant [sic] manner refused to
Surrender, on which we proceeded to bombard and Canonade. What I mentioned
in my last about the Galleys is too true, we Saw 6 of them at Anchor before
the Town, whom we obliged with our Cannon to remove, but they went to a place
where they could annoy us and we not hurt them. In short it was thought
impossible to take the place without first taking the Galleys, and
therefore it was agreed by the Sea Officers, that the General should
go with his Regimt. Indians &c over the Main near Augustine in Order to
have Signals made him to attack the land side of the Town, at the very
Same time that the men of Wars boats with their men, and some of the
Carolina Regiment should attack the Galleys, and enter the Town on
that side next the Sea. Accordingly the General went over to the main
and lay within Cannon shot of Augustine, expecting the Signals for the
Attack, but as soon as he was gone, the design of taking the Galleys
began to dwindle to nothing, and the Captains alledged [sic] for excuse
that there was not water enough for their Boats, but a Gentleman of good
Credit going out in the night sounded the River up to the very
Castle Walls, and found more than was wanted. The want of water
therefore could not then be alledged [sic] as a Reason for Stopping so
necessary as well as so glorious an Enterprise, which if done would be the
only means of taking Augustine, and without which it would he impossible
to take it. Commodore Pearse held several Councils of War on
board about this affair, and at last came to a Resolution that the
taking the Galleys was impracticable, far different from what they
before thought. After his Excellcy. had been lying in a wet marsh
about a week, finding that the frequent Councils of Sea Officers produced
nothing but difficulties and a Resolution of not intending to
attack the Galleys (though their own neglect was the Occasion of the
Galleys being there) he came himself over to Anastatia [sic], and talked
with some of the Sea Captains, about leaving some of their men behind.
Sufficient to manage the Artillery, or else, he told them, he should
be obliged on their going away (which was fixed for the 5th. July for
fear of Hurricanes) to withdraw all the people as well as Cannon,
Mortars &ca. from Anastasia and retire either to Diego, St. Johns or
to Georgia, or else lye [sic] with his Regiment before Augustine till the
Hurricane months should he over. After he had talked over this Affair
to some of the Captains and wrote to the Commodore upon it (who keeps
close on board about 3 or 4 miles from shore) he would not stay for an
Answer but went at midnight over again to his Regiment, and in a day or
two having received from the Commodore Answers to his Letters, and they
being in the negative with respect to his leaving any men behind
him from on hoard the Ships, His Excellency Sent orders to Lieut. Colo.
Cook to move all the Cannon &c. from Annastia [sic], at which time I being
very ill, came from the Expedition, with several other sick people,
and by the help of a good Nurse am now pretty well recoverd [sic]. Four
days ago the General and all the Regiment, as also that of Carolina
arrived here, The General is exceeding ill, God knows whether he will
recover, for I never in my life saw him so ill. Captain Townshend is
Now here but does not intend to Stay, he having had his Masts shivered
with the Lightning. The General has promised to let him have every
thing he wants as well as he can have at Carolina; but he is not willing
to Stay (though Orderd [sic] to lye [sic] here) and too morrow designs for
Charles Town, We never were (I think) in more Necessity of a Man of War,
than now, but as Long as there is no power given to a Land Officer to
Command the Captains of the Men of War, there will be but little service
performed by them. To mend the matter too. Captain Townshend has about
50 Spanish Prisoners on hoard him, which were taken at Fort Diego, those
also he will put ashore too morrow morning, notwithstanding the utmost
endeavours [sic] of his Excellency to perswade [sic] him to carry them to
Chas.Town.

I should he glad to have the favour [sic] of hearing from you when at
leisure. I hope you and Mrs. Verelst enjoy a good state of health and
am

Sir
Yr. most obedt. humble servt.

Fras. Moore

26 Aug. 1740

William Thomson of London Mariner aged Thirty Years and upwards
maketh Oath and Saith That he this Deponent has been six Voyages from
Europe to Georgia in America. That this Deponent left Georgia in the
month of March last. That he is well acquainted with the Coast,
Harbours [sic] and Climate of Georgia. That the Beacon or Land Mark at the
Island of Tybee, erected by the Trustees, is visible above four Leagues
at Sea, and is of the greatest Consequence to all Ships coming upon
that Coast. That the Bar at Tybee is a very safe Entrance, whereon
there is at least fifteen feet at low Water and twenty two feet at high
Water in common Tides. That the Town of Savannah is about ten Miles
up the River from Tybee, to which Place Ships of three hundred Tons
may go up with Safety. That the Sea Coast from Tybee to Jekyll four
Leagues from the Land is all even Ground not less than seven or eight
fathom Water; And any Ship keeping in such a depth of Water may steer
along that Coast with the greatest Safety, and anchor if they have
Occasion; For no dangerous Banks reach so far from Land. That on the
Bar at Jekyll there is much the same depth of Water as at Tybee, and
when over the Bar there is a very convenient Harbour [sic] for almost any
Number of Ships. That the Town of Frederica is about ten Miles up the
River from Jekyll upon the Island of St. Simons, and when this
Deponent last left Georgia the said Town was begun to be fortified
round, but a Fort was before erected in the Front of the said
Town commanding the River both ways, when the Town Guard was kept,
which was built large enough upon Occasion to contain the Inhabitants
of the said Town. That three Companies of General Oglethorpe's
Regiment were incamped [sic] on the South Point of the said Island,
and most of the Soldiers had Lots of Land set out near the Camp, which
they cultivated, when not on Duty. That on the West part of Cumberland
Island the Star Work Fort of St. Andrew is built. That the Climate of
Georgia is very healthy, and the Soil much the same as in South
Carolina; And that Vines and Mulberry Trees grow wild thereon. That
the possession of Georgia so far to the Southward, and settling the
Land with white Inhabitants, is a very great Security to all His
Majesty's Northern Colonies in America, and particularly to that of
South Carolina.

Wm. Thomson
Sworn at the Publick [sic] Office
this 26th day of August 1740
before me
M. Thurston

Copy of a Letter from Charles Pinckney to Peregni [sic] Fury dated at Boston
the 1st August 1740.

Dear Sir

I wrote you the Middle of last Month from Newport and then told
You of my design for this Place since which I have received from
Carolina, a very Mellancholly [sic] Account of the Situation of our Affairs
at St. Augustine where Matters (as is reported) have been Conducted in
Such a manner as to create a good deal of disgust Between the General
and Sea Officers insomuch that the Men of War it was said intended to
leave the Place the 5th. day of July, and by the New York papers I
perceived Capt. Peirce [sic] is arrived there from Augustine and Capt. Warren
was hourly expected, this may prove a Business of very fatal Consequence
to Us as well as Georgia if any thing Besides the Apprehensions of the
approaching Hurricane Season, has parted the Land and Sea Forces, for
the Consequence I Suppose is or will Be the Marching off of the Land
Forces, and abandoning the Seige [sic]; The Consequence of which, if I
foresee things aright will most certainly Be the intire [sic] loss of the
whole Province of Georgia, For in such Case it is not to Be doubted
But that the Spaniards will immediately enter Georgia when they find
the War removed from their own Doors, and if they do, I am very
credibly Informed they cannot raise 200'd Effective Men in the whole
Collony [sic] exclusive of Mr. Oglethorpe's Regiment and which By my
Information does not consist of more than 400 Men, and therefore they
must of Necessity give up the Whole Province, and happy for us it will
Be if they content themselves with that Conquest and do not think of
entering ours, which if they do considering the Situation we are in
with regard to our S---s [sic] the Consequences that must ensue are too
horrible to be thought of. You'll therefore beleive [sic] that our
Government has and will exert itself to Support the Seige [sic] and keep
the War on the Florida Shore, And for this Purpose, Our Lieutenant Governor
as my Letters inform me, immediately upon receiving the News of the Loss
Mr. Oglethorpe had met with raised another Company of Men and sent to
him but alas! We are not in a Situation to Repeat this Often we have
but barely Men enough in Carolina to defend our Selves, and indeed
hardly that; and therefore unless we are supported from home, either
by one of the Regiments that are coming out under Lord Cathcart or
by one to be raised in those Northen Colonys [sic], the Seige of St.
Augustine must be if it is not already abandoned, and Georgia must fall
into the hands of Spain; there is no avoiding it.

This Sir is a Melancholy account of things in our parts but it
is a true one and the best I can send; surely then some Stepp [sic] should
be taken at home to assist us; men in the thing we want and without which
we are absolutely undone; in short we are perishing for want of 'em
and here in New England they have more than they well know what to do
with. They received directions from Col. Blakeney to raise 400 Men,
and 1000 almost in a moment offered themselves, tis pity so much
Ardour [sic] for the War as I perceive in these People should be lost, and
his Majesties Dominions in the Southern Frontiers abandoned, and given
up to the Enemy for want of Men to defend them. For I am very Confident
that if orders were sent to raise 1000'd Men in the New England
Colonies and to direct them to Georgia or Augustine they might be
raised and transported thither by the last day of November if Lord
Cathcart therefore, as it is said, will have too much on his hands at
Cuba to Spare any of his Men to assist in the reduction of Augustine
how easily may it he effected by sending Orders to the Governor of New
England to raise and transport 1000 Men thither, which as I observed
before may be landed in Georgia by the last Day of Novr. Surely upon
a proper application the Trustees of Georgia. would assist in procuring
this reinforcement for Mr. Oglethorpe so necessary for the safety and
indeed the very being of Georgia. And that You may be able to convince
those Gent of the necessity of something of this Sorts being done I
inclose You a letter I just now have received from the General by which
You'll perceive from the Stile and manner in which it is wrote that he
is in a good deal of perplexity, and I think in real danger; and therefore
I think should be immediately Communicated to the Trustees, but
this I Submitt [sic] to Your Discretion as to the manner of doing it.

I shall make no manner of appollogy [sic] for troubling you with these
matters, but Conclude myself Sir

Your most Obedient Humble Servt.

Copy of General Oglethorpe's Letter to Mr. Pinckney dated 30 June
1740.

Sir

I acquainted you with the takeing [sic] of the Island of Annastatia [sic]
the Seamen blocked the Town on that side Colonel Van Dussen on Point
Cartell and Colonel Palmer with the Highlanders Indians and the Georgia
Rangers, on the Main Land, they disobeying my Orders blocked themselves
up in the Fort of Mossa, where they were surrounded, but the defeat
was not so great as was first reported Colonel Palmer was killed and
not 20 Highlanders fighting bravely and several Indians and some others,
and twenty seven were taken, and all the rest are safe in the Camp.

This giving the Spaniards the Command of the Country rendered the
bombarding of the Town of little Service, the Inhabitants saving them
selves in the Country and fetching in Cattle &ca. with great difficulty
I landed on the Main buried the dead with Soldierly Honours [sic], and
marched to Augustine And all the Spaniards have again forsaken the
Country and retired into the Port and Town which has been and will be
severly [sic] battered by Our bombs and Cannon. More men are absolutely
necessary, the Nature of the Ground obliging us to be divided, and also
Walkers Scooner [sic] for attacking the Gallies [sic] Pardon the hurry I
am in and beleive [sic] me to be Sir

Your most Obedient humble Servant

Mr. Tho. Hawkins to Mr. Martin recd. 13th. April 1741

Frederica 9 Augst. 1740

Sir

I am Sorry that I have no better Intelligence from these parts,
than that the number of Widows are much increas'd at Darien by their
husbands being kill'd or taken at the late expedition to St. Augustine,
and that the Genl. is return'd in a weak State of health, and notwith-
standing the greatest care has frequent Relapses, So that I have often
doubted his Recovery.

No Inhabitant of this place is lost, only one Patrick Grant, who
lived Some time ago at Savanah, and has for Some months past
officiated as Naval Officer for this Port, who was killed at Diego by
Lieut. Frederick Shenton of the Carolina Regimt. in a duel.

We have no Improvments [sic] of any consequence going forward here,
only these; John Roberson Bricklayer, has built a good house, Somner a
Carpenter, who arriv'd with the last detachment of the Regiment has
built another. To my former buildings I have made an addition of 60 L
Sterlg. in brick work, and hope to get the Same finish'd Soon; and
notwithstanding most people decline Improvments [sic], I shall apply to the
Honbe. Trustees for a confirmation of a Grant of 50 acres on the East
Side of a large enclosure, which I intend for pasture, hoping to Set
forward others by So doing. This I was promised by his Excellency,
and I Shall Soon begin on ditching it. Nothing has been wanting in me
by exemplary Improvments [sic], as far as the whole Incom [sic] both as a
Magistrate & Surgeon will admit.

It has been my constant endeavour [sic] to avoid the frequency of
Courts amongst the people who are Spared on in trifling occasions and
prossecutions [sic].

We Shall make Entries of Clayme [sic] pursuant to the Honble. the
Trustees Resolutions the latter end of this Month; All things conforming
to their first Instructions will be carefully transmitted to Col. Stephens
as Soon as compleated [sic].

I am Sir,

Yr. most obedt. humbe. Servant

Tho. Hawkins

An Account of Genl. Oglethorpes [sic] proceedings against Augustine
received from him by the Honble. Colonel Cecil his Cousin,
and brought over by Capt. Hugh Mackay who left the General at Frederica
31st. August 1740 and deliver'd his Letters in Town 19th November
following.

I received his Majestys [sic] Instructions with the assistance of
Carolina to Attack Augustine if I thought there was a probability of
Success and to raise what force I could in Georgia. The Ships upon
the Northern Station were Order'd to assist in the Enterprise. I with
the assistance of Carolina did undertake the Bombarding the Place, and
it was highly probable that we should take the Same, if we Attacked it
soon enough, because at that time there was a scarcity of Provisions,
the Soldieres [sic] had not been paid their Arrears for some years, and the
pay Ship and Cloathing [sic] was taken by Capt. Knowles, The Troops in the
Garrison wanted about one third of being compleat [sic]. There was between
one and two hundred Transports Prisoners in the Place, who only sought
an opportunity to Escape, There was a great number of useless Mouths,
Priests, Women, Children, and Slaves, which with the Garrison made
above 2500 Souls and the Inside of the Castle was but 60 yards
Square therefore I thought that if we Succeeded in any of the following
points the place would be taken.

If the Men of War could Stop the Provinces and Succours coming
in from Cuba they must Surrender through Want.

If we could take the Town which was Surrounded on the Land side
with an Entrenchment but none at all on the Sea Side and might be
probably taken by the Seamen Landing in Boats on the Sea Side whilst we
should attack the Entrenchments on the Laud side Sword in hand,
which tho a hot Service I beleive [sic] would have succeeded, if both had
been attempted at the same time, and if we had been Masters of the
Town, the People would have crowded the Castle so that a Bombardment
must have forced them to Surrender.

If a Party in the Town had Strength (as they pretended they
had,) to procure the Surrender of the place upon the Appearance of an
Enemy in the Field sufficient to block up the place by Sea and Land.

To Accomplish the first of these, Commodore Pearse order'd
Captn. Townshend to Cruise off Augustine, and Captn. Warren to relieve
him, between the time that Captn. Townshend came off from that Station,
and before Captn. Warren could get upon it, Six Galleys carrying nine
Pound Guns in their Prows and two Sloops loaded with Provisions, with
200 Men got into the place, so that when Captn. Warren arrived there,
one Calm morning Six Galleys Attacked him and after a long Engagement
and a great many Shot fired, he repulsed and pursued them but they
Escaped into Augustine by running into Shoal Water. And these Succours [sic]
got in there after the Resolution was taken at Charles Town to Attack
the Place. In pursuance of which Resolution I was already at Frederica
and had taken all measures for the Attack, the Indians were upon their
March, and the People of Carolina had enter'd into the Expence [sic].
Therefore this unforeseen Obstacle happened after it was too late to
give over the Attempt and prevented our hopes of succeeding by Starving
them.

To bring the Second about, after I had taken Fort Diego and
Commodore Pearse was arrived at the mouth of the River St. Johns or
St. Matthao, I went on Board him and he agreed to go down off Augustine
and Anchor with Seven Sail of Men of War close to the Bar, that I
should March down to Augustine on the Land side and send a Party to give
him Signals from the Shore that we should mutually Attempt to get
a Communication with each other, I with the Regular Troops, the Carolina
Regiment and all the Indians marched to Moosa, a Fort belonging to the
Negroes, which I found abandoned, From whence I marched close to
Augustine and Saw the Commodore and Men of War Anchored close to the
Bar, but the Spanish Galleys being Masters of the Harbour [sic] between
where I was and the Bar his Boats could not come in, nor I receive any
thing from Sea, and had no Carriages to bring down Artillery and Provi-
sions by land. I therefore returned to Diego and Commodore Pearse sent
the Tartar Man of War towards St. Johns who landed a Messenger that came
to me at Diego proposing that if I would furnish 200 Men he would join
them with 200 Sailors and land on the Island Annastasia [sic] which if we
could possess we might block up the place. Since that Island Commanded
the Harbour [sic] and was within Cannon Shot of the Town. I went on Board
the Men of War with 200 Men and Landed on Annastatia [sic], the Spaniards
retired, we Erected the Bomb Batteries which reached the Town and
mounted what few Cannon we had in Battery to drive the Gallies [sic] out of
the River, and Command the Harbour [sic], but the distance was too great to
do much damage to the Castle. We then found it was impracticable to
Attack from the Sea Side cross the Harbour [sic] without first driving away
the Gallies [sic], Therefore it was Resolved by the Sea Officers according
as I wished that they would Attack the Gallies [sic] with their Boats, and I
promised at the Same time to Attack the Town by Land with the Indians and
Regular Troops, and Colo. Vanderdussens Regiment on Board Boats to
assist against the Gallies [sic] , and if they Succeeded to Land upon the
Town.Commodore Pearse and I sent A Joint Summons to the Town, to which the
Governor answer'd very handsomely that he must defend it according to
his oath and honour [sic]. Before I could get to the Main a party of
Horse Indians and Highlanders whom I had left to alarm the Spaniards
on the land side, and who were able by their nimbleness to avoid any
Engagement which I positively ordered them to do, went and lodged too
near the Town in a Negroe [sic] Fort in direct opposition to my orders,
where they were Surrounded and defeated. I constantly pressed the Sea
Officers to Attack the Gallies [sic], but they found great difficulty in
Settling the Method. I went over to Point Quartell, and the Carolina
Regiment to the Island of Annestasia [sic] to be ready to Execute our Part
of the Attack. The Batteries continued playing though with very little
Effect, for the Bombs fell either into the Town or Castle yet there
was so much Room within the Town that the Inhabitants retired
to Places out of the reach of them, whereas if the Town had been taken
the Bombs would have made a terrible havock [sic] in so small a place as the
Castle amongst a Crowd of People. Colo. Cook, and Colo. Vanderdussen
whom I left on Annestatia [sic] pressed the Sea Officers to hasten the
Attacking the Gallies [sic] and I was ready upon a Signal to Attack by land,
and the 5 July approaching, the Day on which the Men of War resolved to
retire made it the more necessary to hasten this matter. At last the
Commodore acquainted me that the Council of War of Sea Officers found
it impracticable to Attack the Gallies [sic]. About the Same time Seven
Vessels arrived with Provisions and Men from the Havannah [sic] which got
all safe into Augustine. This took away all hopes of carrying the place by
taking the Town, which was the Second Point by which I hoped for Success
in the Siege.

As for the third the inclination of a Party to surrender was
very visible when I sent the Summons, In the Spanish Council of War,
there being great debates in in favour [sic] of a Surrender, but the
Governors Resolution overbore all, yet the party would have skew'd
itself very Considerable had the want of Provisions continued.

When I found that the Town could receive Succours [sic] from the
Havannah [sic], which we could not hinder and was then fresh provided. And
being informed by the Prisoners that the Governor had freed the Trans-
ports and compleated [sic] the Troops and increased the Entrenchments towards
the Land, and the Men of War going off the Coasts and leaving us without
assistance by Sea, The Men also of both Regiments growing Sick, and the
Indians resolving to return to their Nation, The heat and unhealthfnlness [sic]
of the Air being such that they could no longer keep the field, I
was forced to raise the Siege. We carried off all the Cannon, Mortars
&c, excepting one piece of Cannon that was burst in the Siege, and
three Cannon on Point Quartell, the Boat that was to carry them being
grounded and attacked by the Gallies [sic] we burnt it, and nailed and
buried the Cannon, I marched by Land with Drums beating and Colours [sic]
flying by day from our Camp which was within half Camion Shot of the
Castle to St. Diego, and the Spaniards having sent out some Horse and
Indians, they were Attacked by ours, one of their Horsemen taken and
two of their Indians killed. I halted for some days on the Spanish
side of St. Matthaos [sic] River, but finding no hopes of any further
assistance, I returned the Troops to their different Quarters, And the
Carolina Regiment was recalled by that Government to Charles Town.

Mr. Tho. Jones to Mr. Jo. Lydes Apothecary in London.

Savannah Septembr. 18th. 1740.

My Dear Friend.

I wrote to You from Fort Diego in Florida July 6th. Ult. wherein
I gave you some Account of the State of our then Warlike preparations
against the Spaniards, which have not succeeded according to Expecta-
tion. Many of the Carolina Officers ran away; several of the private
Men both of the Carolina and of the General's own Regiment (being
Irish) deserted and went to the Spaniards. The Flux and Fever raged
(especially among the Indians in the Camp) The Captains of our Men of
War before Augustine were not Unanimous, and at length quitted that
Station fearing the Hurricanes which sometimes have happened in the
Months of August or September in these Coasts. The General is returned
with the Troops (many of them Sick but now I hear pretty well recovered)
to the Camp at St. Simons, having left Garrisons at the Forts,
that are between the Camp and Florida: He has been himself very Ill,
but is recovered. I have not been to wait on him since his return. I
have received several Letters from him during the time he lay before
Augustine. The Spaniards made several Sallies (with a Body commonly of
Six Hundred Men) but were every time beat back by the General with his
own Regiment and Indians, with the loss of several Men and Horses on
their side And that without the loss of one Man of Ours in any of
those Attacks. The Greatest Disaster that befell our Forces during
this short Campaign was at Moosa about three Miles from Augustine,
where a Company of Scotch Highlanders and some Indians (not observing
the Orders given them by the General) were surpris'd by a Party of 500
Spaniards in the Night time, who killed 16 and took 26 Prisoners, but
some of the Scotch especially, the Indians taking to their Arms fought
their way and killed about 40 Spaniards, among the rest their Chief
Commander, and so made their way to our Camp.

It is generally thought, that if the General had carried on this
Undertaking against Augustine with his own Regiment (which did not
exceed 350 Men) the rest being left in Garrisons, his Highlanciers [sic]
from Darien, and Rangers (being a Company of light Horsemen) with the
Indians, not only Augustine, but all Florida had in all Human proba-
bility submitted to the English without any further Expence [sic] of
Blood or Treasure especially if the Captains of the Men of war had been
of one mind.

I do not yet know whether the General will make another Attempt
this Winter, but am certain he will not desire the assistance of the
Carolina Regiment therein. I mentioned in my last a Family in Carolina
(Bull) who came from Radnor Shire and probably may be Allied to You;
The Eldest (by means of General Oglethorpe) is now Lieutenant Governor,
His Eldest Son (who tells me Served his Apprenticeship to an Apothecary,
the corner King Street Cheapside) had a Company given him in
this Regiment. This Captain having One Night the Command of the Guard
at their Camp (within hearing of the Cannon at St. Augustine) was it
seems so frighted at the Boise that he hired a Boat which passed by,
and went off with so many of his Guard, as could well get into the
Boat, without giving any Notice, or the Guards being releiv'd [sic]
and got safe to Carolina where he was well received on Account of his
Valour [sic].

General Oglethorpe had given leave to raise two Companys [sic] for the
Carolina Service in Georgia, and Writ to me for that purpose, of such
as would Voluntarily enlist. I accordingly perswaded [sic] several of the
Inhabitants, and gave leave to some Servants under my Care and Direction
to enlist. The poor People have been treated with great Barbarity by
their Carolina Officers (after the manner of using their Negroes) I
hope to have an Opportunity of bringing them to Account for those
proceedings, and of doing Justice to such of the poor People, who have
survived their Cruelties.

I do not pretend to give a Succinct Account of the Campaign
which I suppose you will find in your News Papers I shall not add but
to fill up my Sheet shall give a short Account of my own Affairs.

You may remember that I took with me (as Servants) to Georgia, a
Family related to my Friend Mr. William Cranke, Silkman, in Bishopsgate
Street. Vizt. Samuel Vernon his Wife and two Daughters, from whom I
proposed great Satisfaction not then doubting of their Fidelity in such
Affairs I should have occasion for their assistance in, But I
have been disappointed. I entrusted them from the time I first went on
Board with every thing even with what Cash I had, and allowed them to
buy for themselves, such Cloathing [sic] and other necessaries with my
money as they wanted. We landed at St. Simons the 17th of September but I
being under a necessity of hastening to Savannah left them at Frederica
untill [sic] the General could spare a Vessell [sic] to convey them with
my goods to Savannah. They were to have what provisions they should have
occasion for, out of the Store there on my Accot. I had left with them
sundry Liquors, Bohea Tea, Hyson Green Tea &c even what I imagined might
have sufficed us for six months at least; but these things, as well as
several small Sums of Money which I had lent to Gentlemen on the
Passage, and which Vernon received of them I had no other Account of,
than that they were expended.

When I arrived at Savannah, I took Lodgings and boarded at a
Gentlewoman's House (Mrs. Vanderplank) where I have continued hitherto,
but intend shortly to remove to my own House in Town or to an House of
the Trustees (now vacant.) having a small but agreeable Family Vizt. a
man and maid Servant, also one Mr. Harris recommended to me by your
Friend in Fosket. He is a person of great Integrity, has been very
serviceable to me, and in some measure made up the Disappointment I
met with in others; and one William Russell a Sober Youth, whom I
employ in Writing for me. My little Family, (may we be more thankfull [sic])
have been very Healthy. We abound in the necessary Conveniences
of Life, are well supplied with fresh Provisions, Vizt. Beef from 1 1/2 d to
2 1/2 d p lb. Pork from 2d to 2 1/2 d, Veal from 2 1/2d to 3d P lb., Mutton
being yet very scarce is from 4 1/2 d to 5 p lb. Tame Fowl we have plenty
of, therefore seldom buy any nor Wild Fowls, & Fish we abound with.

Mr. Harris who is an expert Fowler sometimes goes out with his Gun and
seldom fails of bringing in, either wild Turkey, Curlews, Rabbit,
Partridge Squirrel, Ducks or Geese (in their Season) sometimes
Venison but that and Bear &c the Indians supply us with often. As to
our Liquors we have Wine, chiefly Madeira, or Vidonia which costs us
from 3s to 3s/6 a Gallon, Strong Beer 20s p Barrell of 30 Gall, Cyder
10s p Barrell [sic]; our small Beer we Brew of Molasses and is Cheep [sic],
Coffee about 18d p lb, Tea from 5s /0 7s p lb. The finest Wheat flour is at
1d p lb. I bake our own Bread generally with half Wheat and half
Indian wheat Flour; The Indian Wheat is Sold from 10d to 18d p Bushell [sic],
is well tasted and very nourishing. Bread, The finest Rice is Sold
here from 3s/6 to 5s p Hundredweight. We have good store of Pulse Roots,
and Potherbs, such as Pease [sic] and Beans of divers kinds (many of them yet
unknown in England) Pompions, Musk and Water Melons, Potatoes and
generally all the roots and herbs used in England. As to our Fruit
the most common are, Peaches and Nectarines, I believe that I had an
hundred Bushells [sic] of the former in my little Garden in the Town, this
Year. We have also Apples of divers kinds, Chincopin [sic] Nutts [sic],
Wallnutts [sic], Chesnutts [sic], Hickary [sic] and Ground nutts [sic],
several sorts of Berries, besides those common with you, very good Grapes
but no Oranges grow nearer than Amelia (to the Southwd.) We have exceeding
fine water at Savannah, Fire Wood very reasonable. Such as have Houses of
their own have no other burthen then performing, or paying for their
Guard Duty, in their turn; there are no Taxes, all publick [sic] Buildings
and other such Works, such as Bridges, Roads &c. have been carried on
at the expence [sic] of the Trust. I have not seen any part of the World
where Persons that would labour and used any Industry, might live more
comfortably in.

Indeed, there is not that Improvement of Land near Savannah
which might be expected, considering the great Encouragement to
Industry that has been given by the Trustees. But many of the first
settlers, were People who had been accustomed to an Idle way of Life
at home and had neither Skill nor Inclination to labour, and their
being (for the first Years) maintained at the expence [sic] of the
Trust, instead of prompting them on to Industry, has rather tended
to make them more careless and Idle.

What has been the greatest bane to this part of the Colony has
been a company of Proud, Idle and Turbulent spirited Scotch, who
arrived at Savannah about Six Years ago; most of them had no visible
way of subsisting (a counting labour unbecoming Gentlemen) besides a
few unhappy Servants whom they had persuaded to accompany them, by
whose labour (letting them out to hire) they were supported in their
Idleness and Extravagance for some Years: But those Servants Indentures
being expired, Poverty began to stare them in the Face, yet would
not stoop to any thing which they Imagined unbecoming Gentlemen,
(tho' some of them in Rags) but kept their Daily Perambulation on the
Parade, Prideing [sic] themselves in their fine shapes tho' they could not
of their Cloaths[sic] , and kept up duly their Meetings at the Tavern where
they combined not only to raise discontents among the Drunken Idle part of
the Inhabitants (who were now left to provide for themselves.) but
contrived also several Falsehoods, which have been industriously spread
in England, representing this Colony as Unfruitfull [sic] and Unhealthy,
therefore not worth the regard of the Government Their views therein
could be no other. Than (if these Falsehoods were Creditted [sic]) The
Government would yield up Georgia to the Spaniards, and then they would
have a fair pretence [sic] of Petitioning the Government for a
recompence [sic] of the loss of their Estates in Georgia; which they
expected to receive without any Inquiry, what Improvements they had
made on the Lands granted them?

What has contributed much towards the support of this Society
has been the Alliance with Mr. Robert Williams (Our Countryman) by
Patrick Telfair a Surgeon's marrying Mr. Williams's Sister. Telfair,
who a little before had narrowly escaped, on a Tryal [sic], for the
Murther [sic] of his Servant, was then come into tolerable Practice
(having no other who professed any skill in Surgery at Savannah) and
being the only Person of the Clubb [sic] that could command any Money,
was their chief Dictator, Mr. Robert Williams was in Partnership with his
Brother at St. Christophers, who carried on a Trade to Guinea for
Negroe [sic] Slaves. Nothwithstanding the Act which passed soon after the
first Establishment of this Colony against Negro Slavery therein. Yet
these Scotch Gentlemen prevailed with Mr, Williams to Join with them
in an Attempt to procure the Repeal of that Act, which he the more
readilly [sic] concurred in, from the Prospect he had of having the
Monopoly of Negroes, brought into the Colony, if they could have the
Law repeal'd.

Accordingly in the beginning of the Year 1739. This Doughty
Club, formed as Memorial representing the Difficulties the Planters in
this Colony laboured [sic] under for want of Negro Slaves, and prevailed
with some of the Honest Laborious (but unthinking) People to Sign the
same. There was not one of these Scotch Contrivers who had so much as
one Acre of Land, or a Garden planted, and I am very certain that none
among them (Telfair excepted) could pay the Purchase money for one
Negro, nor even pay the Debts contracted by them in this Colony. This
representation was sent to England by Mr. Williams (in order to be laid
before the Trustees) which together with the Trustees answer thereto, I
doubt not you have seen in your Publick [sic] Papers, therefore I shall
not add on that head.

Three or Four Scotch Families (whom I find to be well Affected
to our British Constitution) after their Arrival in Georgia seldom
associated with the rest of their Countrymen, but took to Planting or
followed other Occupations wherein they have been very Successful!
and are usefull [sic] People in the Colony; but the others (who upon
all Occasions discover an Inveteracy to the present Government finding
fault with all the Measures that have been taken by the Government
ever since the Revolution (excepting during the few Years of Bolingbroke's
Ministry.) continued in Town where for a time they dressed Gay, set up a
Free Mason's Clubb [sic], a St. Andrews Clubb [sic] and other Tipling
Societies which they have kept up to this time (From what Fund they
are supported in this expensive way of living is yet a secret, and
only Guessed at.) This has proved the ruin of several Young, Vain and
unexperienced people, who arrived in Georgia, by being either admitted
Members of their Societies or by following the same example of Luxury.

Every one of this Scotch Clubb [sic] (one Douglas excepted) kept his
Concubine publickly [sic], by whom they have had a number of spurious
Children now living. Your Friend Robert Williams and his brother (when
Adopted Members of St, Andrews) followed the same Example, They have at
all times shewn [sic] their Aversion to and contempt of whatever had the
appearance of Religion which at length broke out into a Rage, since our
Minister Mr. Whitfield found fault with their setting up Horse Races
this Summer, (when we were in danger of being Invaded by the Enemy)
and had also often both in Publick and Private endeavoured [sic] to
perswade [sic] them to part with or Marry their Concubines, promising
to provide for and Educate their Spurious Children. In which he was
seconded by Mr. Mc cloud (the Presbyterian Minister at Darien) who came
to Savannah for that purpose, and used his utmost endeavours [sic] to
persuade his Countrymen, but could not prevail with them.

Having mentioned Darien which is a Town inhabited by the High
land Scotch, under the care of the said Mr. Mc Cloud. The people live
very comfortably, with great Unanimity, I know of no other Settlement
in this Colony, more desireable [sic] except Ebenezer a Town on the River
Savannah at 35 miles distance from hence, inhabited by Saltzburghers
and other Germans, under the Pastoral care of Mr. Bolzius and Mr.
Gronau, who are discreet Worthy men. They consist of 60 Families or
upwards. The Town is neatly Built, the Situation exceeding Pleasant,
the People live in the Greatest Harmony with their Ministers, and with
one another as one Family. They have no idle, drunken, or profligate
People among them, but are industrious, many grown Wealthy, and their
Industry hath been blessed with remarkable and uncommon success, to
the envy of their Carolina neighbours [sic]. Having great Plenty of all
the necessary conveniencies [sic] of Life, (except Cloathing [sic])
within themselves, and supply this Town and other neighbouring [sic]
Places with Bread kind as also Beef, Veal, Pork, Poultry &c.

Many Artifices have been made use of to Gain over these Germans,
and the Darien people, join with the discontented party here in
petitioning for Negroe [sic] Slaves, and since they could not be prevailed
on Letters have been writ to them from England, endeavouring [sic] to
intimidate them into a compliance, threatning [sic] that if they did not
come into the Scheme proposed the Spaniards would destroy them all.
And the Government would not concern themselves with supporting this
Colony. Mr. Bolzius shewed [sic] me a Letter writ unto him by one of the
Scotch Clubb [sic], who went from hence to England, and takes upon himself to
he their Chief Manager in London I have not the Letter by me therefore
cannot write the Arguments made use of, but am certain that what I
have mentioned is the purport thereof.

I have lately seen the Copy of a Memorial presented by this
manager (Don Quixote Junr.) to a Member of Parliament setting forth
the many Grievances which they have laboured [sic] under in this Colony;
Among many others (all either False or Ridiculous) one great Grievance
is (in behalf of Religion) That we have among us a Company of People
whom they call Methodists; That there is no Publick [sic] School for the
Education of their Children (meaning their Bastard brood for they have
no other) unless they suffer them to he Educated by these Methodists
Risumtineas Amice?

This day a Gentlemen (who had inconsiderately Signed the
Famous representation for Negroes) but never could be prevailed on by
the St. Andrews Clubb, to concur with them, or to approve of their
Schemes) shewed me the Letter he then had received from their Manager
in London wherein he sets himself out as a person of great importance
(Velut Musca in Fabula) having already in his Imagination rescued
the Colony from the Management of the Trustees and promises, if the
People of the Colony will give him Power to procure such Advantages for
them as will make them happy, otherwise will leave them to the Spaniards.
I at first reading his Letter fancied that he had taken his
hints from Absolom in 2d. Samuel 15.4 having already out done that
rebellious Ingrate in his undutifulness to his aged Father (a worthy
Gentleman now residing at Savannah) But having good reason to believe,
that he is not well acquainted with, nor has any Great Value for the
Book wherein that History is recorded, I rather think he has chosen
Christopher Layer (my Quondam neighbour [sic]) for his Pattern However I
wish he may never meet with either of their Fates.

I have already exceeded the limits of a Letter and perhaps
trespassed on my Friend's patience, by entring [sic] into a Detail of
matters not very entertaining; Yet I thought it necessary lest my
Friend should conclude, That if living I was wholly deprived of my
Reason, by remaining in a Country (represented to be) wholly destitute
of the Common Necessaries of Life, Or that Necessity obliged me to
continue in it, or else that an eager desire of Wealth might tempt me
to run any Hazard. This last I am assured my Friends who have known
my Conversation and manner of Life in England, would hardly believe to
be the case with me whatever instances may be Given of persons who have
run great Risques [sic], healths and lives on that Account.

I hinted to you in my last, That I enjoyed a better State
of Health since I came into this Colony, than I had for some years
past, my Friends here have the same, tho' many of the Inhabitants have
had Fluxes or intermitting Fevers frequently (often occasioned by Intemperance)
yet few Die of those Distempers. I have carefully inquired
into the Account of our Births and Burials at Savannah and its Districts,
for one Year past. And find the former has exceeded the latter at
three to two. I have not known any Town or Place in England where
fewer have died in that space of time (in proportion to the Inhabitants)
I have this day (that I might he at a greater Certainty)
enquired at Mr. Whitefield's who has by far the largest Family of any
in this Colony, consisting of near 15O persons; and received the follow
ing Account from Rr. Habersham (who has the care and direction of the
Family in Mr. Whitefield's absence) that their Family consists of Sixty
Persons, including hired Servants, Sixty one Orphans and other poor
Children, Twenty five Working Tradesmen and others in all 146 (exclu-
sive of many others who have remained at their House a month, two, or
three months at a time, and have been accounted to be of their Family.)
That all the Family are in good Health, that none have Died, except one
Mrs. Lewin an Aged Gentlewoman, who arrived here about Christmas last:
She was Sick during the whole time of the Voyage from London, and
expired shortly after her Arrival, here. Very few of their Family have
at any time complained of any Ailment or Sickness excepting three poor
Children who came Distempered into The Family, but are now recovered.

One of the said Children brought here from Purysburgh in
Carolina, had the small Pox (a distemper seldom, if ever known in this
part of the Colony, tho' frequent and often Contagious in Carolina.)
The Child recovered and is very well. And tho none of the other
Children at Mr. Whitefield's or belonging to this Town, were ever known to
have been Visited with that Distemper, yet it proceeded no further.
We had another like Instance this Summer. The Master of a Vessell [sic]
bound to Charles Town was brought Sick Ashore here; it soon appeared
that he had the small Pox, none of his Men on Board would come near him
for some time it being reported, That his Distemper was of the Malignant
kind. We provided a Nurse for him, and he was attended by Mr.
Graham an Apothecary; He recover'd in some time and the Distemper
spread no further. One Mr. Fallowfield (a late adopted Member of the
St. Andrews Clubb [sic]) who have always studied to spread reports tending
to raise discontents and discourage the Inhabitants) soon after told
several of the Inhabitants, that the Infection (the Small Pox) was
likely to spread thro' the Town, That it was got among the Children at
Mr. Whitefield's and that two Children at his House (out of the Town)
were dangerously Ill of that Distemper. This Report gave great
uneasiness to many People (the Season being then very warm) But upon
Inquiry at Mr. Whitefield's, That part of the report was found to be
without any Foundation I went to Dr. Telfair, the Reporter's Patron
(whom I knew often Visited his Family) who declared that the Children
at Mr. Fallowfield's, had no other Ail than the Prickly heat or
such like Eruptions (common to Young People.)

I am told, That many false, idle Reports have lately been
spread in England by People come from Georgia who were a pest to the
Colony while they continued in it. And either met with the Just and
legal Punishiments [sic]that their outragious [sic] Villainies deserved or
else their consciousness of Guilt has caused them privately to with-
draw. A late Instance we had in one Thomas Christie who in the Infancy
of the Colony was appointed Recorder. I am a stranger to his
Abilities for the Discharge of that or any other Office of trust
(unless it should be found necessary when the Colony is new Moddeled[sic])
to have a Director of a Rum-Boat for the supply of distant Plantations
with Rum and Spirituous Liquors which he has been a Retailer of for
several Years (in that way) And to avoid the Law prohibiting such
Liquors in this Colony, he called the same Bottled Beef, so that
Christies Bottled Beef is a common Proverb.

This Christie professing himself to be a Scotchman was early an
Adopted Member of their Societies, he being Judged to have all the
necessary Requisites, having brought with him a Concubine from England
(disowning his Wife whom he left behind) with whom he lived for some
Years, but at length turned her off, and took to him the Wife of one
Turner now living with whom he Cohabited for some time past in a very
lewd and scandalous manner, as hath been declared on Oath to a Grand
Jury. He had run into every persons Debt so far as he could be
creditted [sic], and got several Effects of other People into his
Possession, which he sold and converted to his own use. At length the
people began to be uneasy and clamorous on that Account. He then
absconded and lay concealed with his Concubine for some time at the
House of one Theo: Hetherington, (who is the Son of the Tallyman of
that name.) and had Married one Mrs. Lacey, once well known in London
for her Bagnio. Theo: Hetherington in the mean time used all the
Stratagems he was capable of, to Contract Debts by borrowing Money and
other ways. At lenth he, his Wife, Christie and his Concubine in the
Night time withdrew to Carolina where they joined one Josh. Hetherington
who had formerly lived in Georgia, and had broke out of our Town
Goal when under a conviction for Felony and escaped to the common
Asylum. These Two Brothers together with one Gould (who had fled from
this Colony and taken Sanctuary in Carolina) set up a Tavern at Pon
Pon in Carolina about June last, where they all except Theophilus died
in a very short time Vizt. Theophilus's Wife, his Brother, Joseph
Gould, Theophilus is living but Sick and Necessitous. Mr. Christie
lurked about Charles Town for some time, but apprehending himself in
danger of being apprehended and Obliged to accomt for some of his
Actions, he got to be conveyed on Board of a Ship bound for England, by
the Interest of one Mr. Wm. Williamson who told me That Christie
boasted when he parted with him that he would (whenever he got to
England) not only put England but all Europe in a Flame. ---
Parturiunt montes.

That designing men of known Valour [sic] or of distinguishing endowments
of mind should overturn a Constitution, is not much to be wondered at;
But the Thoughts That a Jack Cade or a Tom Assinelto should bring about
or even attempt such a Revolution is very Grateing [sic].

I am prevented from communicating to You some Observations, I
have made in the Natural Productions of the Earth and Waters in these
parts. As also some Account of this Country in General, Of the
Seasons, Soil, Situation &c. The which was in my Intentions when I
began this Letter. And may ere long Attempt If the Lord continues my
Life and Health.

I shall not Apologize from entring [sic] upon so unpleasing a Subject,
nor the manner of my communicating the same with my thoughts thereon
to my very Good Friend, whose Candour [sic] and Love I have so long
Experienced But at this time must take my Leave recommending You
and Yours with all my other Friends to the Divine Protection

I am

&c.

Signed.
Thomas Jones.
To his Worthy Friend
Mr. John Lyde

Recd. 8. April 1741

State of the Province of
Georgia in the Year 1740. 10th. Novbr.

Coppy [sic]

The Province of Georgia, lies from the most Northern Stream of
the River Savannah (the mouth of which is in the Latitude of 32 Deg.)
along the sea Coast, to the most Southern Stream of the Altamahah (the
mouth of which is 30 1/2 Deg.) and Westward from the heads of the said
Rivers, respectively in direct Lines to the South Seas.

This Province was part of South Carolina; but the Eastern and
Southern part of it, Inhabited by the Creek Indians; the Northern by
the Cherokees and Chickesaws; the Western by the Chactahs; the
Blew Mouths; and other Indians Nations, to the South Sea: The Creek
Indians, who always acknowledged the King of England for their
Sovereign, yet made War with the people of Carolina, to obtain Satis-
faction for Injurys [sic] done by their pedling [sic] Traders: The War was
Acct. of the Sums apply'd & expended for the Trust Service in the Northern
part of the Colony of Georgia for 1 year, endg. Michlemass 1740.
Recd. 16 November 1741

Not provided
for in the Particulars Totals Allowance Estimate
Estimate

1. Upon Trust Servants 532.11.11

2. Incident expences [sic] as follows: viz.

1. Boats, viz. provisions &c as follows

Scout Boat 7.13.0 1/2
Colonies pettiagua 1. 9.1
Palachocla boat 5. 3.3
Arguile boat 0. 0.9
Ogeelsy Boat 0. 0.0. 26. 5. 7 1/2
Pylot boat at Tybee 5. 1.5
Repair of boats 6. 2.8
Repair of Express boat 0.15.5

2. Buildg. a house to Receive Indians. 36. 2. 2 1/2

3. Bouverie farm, pd. Jo. Foulds Overseer 24. 7. 2
of ye Fr. Servants there at 24 L p ann.

4. Burial Ground at Savanah 1. 8. 7

5. Cowpen 0. 0. 0
Palachocolas Cowpen 0. 7. 7 15.19. 8
Feeding B!rust live Cattle 15.12.1.

6. Expresses 63.10. 6

7. Guard at Savanah 12.11. 7
Do. at the Narrows 2.17.11 16. 1. 0
Do. at Thunderbolt 11. 6

8. Ebenezar [sic] 4.13. 8

9. Infirmary at Savannah 2. 8

10. New Plantation near the town.
Set out by Col. Oglethorpes Order, 42.18.10 1/2
unknown to the Trustees


11. To particular Persons viz.

To Noble Jones, as Surgeon, by Col.
Oglethorpe's order, unknown to the
Trustees 26. 0.0

To Jo. Macdonald drumer at
5 L p an. 6. 7. 0

To Slechtermans family. Sent 41. 5.4
to Port Arguile 6. 8.1

To Will. Russel, provision
& clothes 2.10.3

12. To Publick [sic] Works 112. 3. 3

13. To Rejoicing days 7.11 2 1/2

14. To Surveying 9.14.11

15. To Trust Garden 1. 7. 2

16. To Trustees Great house in Savanah 3. 6. 2

17. To Trust Servts. over & above what
mentioned in Article 1 8. 1.11 1/2
----------------
414.19.11 1/2

3. Magistrates & Officers, viz.

1. To Mr. Hen. Parker 1. Bailif [sic]
of Savanah, Sallary [sic]. 30.0.0 54.6.8
& 2 Servts. at 12.3.4 each 24.6.8

2. Jo. Fallowfeild 2d. Bailif 20 L
Sallary [sic], & 2 Servants at 12.3.4 wach 44. 6. 8

3. Tho. Jones 3d Bailif at do. 44. 6. 8

4. Tho. Jones as Overseer of the Tr. Servants 30. 0. 0

5. To Tho. Christie, Eecorder 1 qur. only 5. 0. 0

6. To Saml. Mercer 1. Constable 10. 0. 0

7. To Robt, Potter, Constable 1 qur. only 2.10. 0
--------------
Carry'd over 190.10. 0 -------------
947.11.10 1/2

Brought Over 190.10. 0 947.11.10 1/2

8. To Andrew Duchee 2d. Constable of Savanah
at 10 L p ann. 5 Months 20 days 4.15. 5

9. To Jo. Burton Tything Man 5. 0.0 5. 0. 0
10. To Edwd. Jenkins do. 5. 0.0 5. 0. 0
11. To Elisha Poster do. 5. 0.0 5. 0. 0
12. To Ja. Papot do. 5. 0.0 5. 0. 0
13. To Walter Pox do. 5. 0.0 5. 0. 0
14. To Peter Morell do. 5. 0.0 5. 0. 0
15. To Jo. Lindal do. 5. 0.0 5. 0. 0
16. To Adrian Loyer do. 5. 0.0 5. 0. 0
17. To Will. Meers do. 5. 0.0 5. 0. 0
18. To Tho. Salter do. 5. 0.0 5. 0. 0

19. to Jo. Sellier 1/2 year to
Lady day 1740 2.10.0 2.10. 0

20. To Ja. Campbell 1 M. 7 days to 6 Novbr. 10.0 10. 0

21. To Tho. Ellis 1/2 year to
Michs. 1740 2.10.0 2.10. 0

22. To Sami. Parker 5 M. 20 days to
Michs. 1740 2. 7.2 2. 7. 2

23. To Jo. Giovanoli, chief Gardiner
in the Trust Garden 1 year endg.
Michs. 1740 20. 0. 0

24. To Jo. Clark, Pylot at Tybee 1 year 12. 0. 0

25. To Lucy Mouse publick [sic] Midwife 1 year 5.0.0
and laying Mrs. Ledesma 5.0 5. 5. 0

26. To Phil. Bishop Schoolmastr. at Ebenezer
1 year 5. 0. 0

27. To Sami. Parker & Tho. Bally, repairing
Militia Arms 4. 5. 4

28. To Col. William Stephens, as Secrety.
of the Province
1 years Sallary to Michs. 1740 100. 0.0 188.15. 0. 418. 7.11
& for a clerk 3/4 of a year 18.15.0

4. To the Widow Vandeplank by particular
Allowance 12.13. 4

5. To the church at Savanah, viz.
1. Candles 2. 4.6
2. Wine 18.0 12. 6.10
3. Repair of the Parsons house 9. 4.4

6. To Execution of Justice, prison &c viz.
-------------------------------
1. Provision for prisoners 6. 4.10 1/2

2. Petty Expences, as taking Runaways,
Sumong. Jurys &c. 4. 6. 2
36.14/ 3 1/4
3. A years Allowance to Mr. Dean,
Sweepg. the jayl [sic]. 8. 6. 2

4. To Jo. Camphell jaylor [sic] at 20 L p ann.
by Col. Oglethorpe's order unknown to
the Trustees 20.0.0 9. 9.11

5. To Tho. Ellis, who acted in his absence 8. 6. 8
-----------------------------

7. 6. To Entertainment of Indians 105.16. 8

-------------------------
8. To Trust Cattle viz.

1. Provision for people at Work at
Ebenezar Cowpen 27. 7. 0

2. A years allowance to Jos. Barker the
Pindar there 24.12. 7

3. A month's Service of Jo. Mellidge there 2. 0. 0. 61 .18. 7

4. To Jo. Lindal, Pindar at Savannah 2.19. 0

5. To Hen. Parker for taking care of 84
Steers on Hope Island, by Agreemt. of Col.
Oglethorpe 5. 0. 0
-----------------------------

9. To Sickness, & relief of Trust Servants 14.15. 4 1/2

10. To Schoolmaster at Savanah 1 year endg.
Michs. 1740 0. 0. 0

11. To expended on the Orphans 12.10. 4 1/2
---------------
1622.15. 2-3/4

Brought Over 1622.15. 2-3/4

12. Silk Manufacture, viz.

1. Provisions to Camuch's family 74.19.11
2. Cartage for wood 3. 8. 0. 79- 4. 6
3. Petty incidental charges 16. 7
Total of payments On the years Estimate ----------------------------------
ending Michs. 1740, as far as belong'd 1701.19. 8-3/4
to the Northern division of the Province



Other payments made belonging to the year
ending Michlems. 1739

1. To Col. Will, Stephens 1 quartr.
from Midsumr. to Michlemass 1739 25. 0. 0

2. To Ja. Harbersham 1/4 Sallary [sic], as
Schoolmasterat Savanah to Christmass [sic]
1739 2.10. 0
49. 7. 0
3. To Do. 1 years Sallary [sic] as Parish
Clerk at Savanah, endg. Christmass [sic] 1739 1. 5. 0

4. To Premium paid on 1O3 pound weight of
Silk balls at 4 Shillings pound, in the
year ending Michlemass 1739 20.12. 0



NB. Mr. Tho. Jones Sent 400 L to Mr. Fra.
Moore at Frederica towards discharging
the Estimated Expences of the Southern
division.

This Acct. was Sign'd by Mr. Tho. Jones,
& Col. William Stephens 11 July 1741.

[This section seems to begin in mid-sentence. ed.]

concluded by a Peace; which Obliged the people of Carolina not to
Settle beyond the River Savannah; and no Englishman was Settled within
this District, that we know of, when the first Colony of Georgia
arrived. The Country was then all Covered with Woods; Mr. Oglethorpe
agreed with the Indians, and purchased of them the Limits mentioned in
the Treaty.

The Town of Savannah was laid out, and began to be built;
In which are now 142 houses, and good Habitable Hutts [sic]. The Soil in
general, when cleared, is productive of Indian Corn, Rice, Pease [sic],
Potatoes, Pumpions [sic], Melons; and many other kinds of Gourds, in great
Quantitys [sic]; Wheat, Oats, Barly [sic], and other European Grains, tis
found by divers Experiments may be propagated in many parts (more Especially
in the Uplands towards Augusta) with Success. Mulberry trees and Vines,
agree Exceeding well with the Soil and Climate; and so does the
Annual Cotton, whereof large Quantities have been raised; and tis much
planted; but the Cotton which in some parts is perennial dies here in
the Winter; which nevertheless the Annual is not inferiour [sic] to in
Goodness, but requires more trouble in Cleansing from the seed. Cattle,
Hogs, Poultry, and Fruit Trees, of most kinds, have encreased [sic] even
beyond Imagination.

Ships of about 3OO Tonns [sic] can come up to the Town; where the worm
(which is the plague of the American seas) does not eat; and the River
is Navigable for large Boats, as far as the Town of Augusta, which lies
in the Latitude of 33 deg. 5 Min. and is 250 Miles distant from
Savannah by water; Small Boats can go 300 miles further to the Cherokees.

There is already a Considerable Trade in the River; and there
is in this Town a Court House, a Goal, a Store house, a Large House
for receiving the Indians, a Wharf or bridge, a Guard house and some
other Publick [sic] Buildings; a Publick [sic] Garden of ten Acres cleared. Fenced, and planted with Orange trees Mulberry Trees, Vines, Some Olives
which thrive very well. Peaches, Apples, &c.

It must be confessed that Oranges have not so universally thriven with us,
as was expected, by reason of some Severe blasts by
Frosts in the Spring, yet divers with proper Care, have preserved them;
and as we see them grow and thrive well, with many of our neighbours [sic]
of Carolina to the Northward; we are Convinced that they will with us
also, as soon as we are become more perfect in the Knowledge of
propagating them in a right manner: in order to which frequent Experiments
are making; And we have already discovered not only what kind of Soil
agrees best with them, but also that they flourish most when they
grow under Forest Trees; whereby we imagine they are protected from
Blasts; and tis observed that they take no harm from the droppings of
any, except the Pine; which Suffers nothing to grow near it, unless of
its own kind.

Notwithstanding the quantity of silk, hitherto made, has not
been great, yet it increases; and will more and more Considerably, as
the Mulberry Trees grow, whereof there are great numbers yearly
planted.

Vines likewise of late are generally increased, many people
appearing to have an Emulation of outdoing their Neighbours [sic]; and
this year has produced a Considerable quantity of very fine Grapes; whereof
one planter in particular made a tryal [sic], to see what kind of Wine they
would make; which he put into a large Stone Bottle, and made a present of it
to the General; who upon tasting, said he found it to he Something of the
Nature of a Small French White Wine, with an agreeable Flavour [sic]; and
Several persons here, who have lived formerly in Countrys [sic]
where there is a plenty of Vineyards, do affirm that the young Vines,
produce Small Wines at first, and the Strength and goodness of it
encreases [sic] as the Vines grow Older.

Three miles up the River there is an Indian Town, and at Six
miles distance ere Several considerable Plantations: At ten miles
distance are some more, and at 15 miles distance is a little Village
called Abercorn. Above that on the Carolina side is the Town of
Purysburgh Twenty two miles from Savannah; and on the Georgia Side;
Twelve miles from Purysburgh, is the Town of Ebenezer, which thrives
very much; there are very good houses built for each of the Ministers,
and an Orphan house; and they have partly framed Houses, and partly
Hutts [sic], neatly built, and formed into Regular Streets; they have a
great deal of Cattle, and Corn ground, So that they Sell provisions at
Savannah, for they raise much more than they can Consume.

Thirty miles above Ebenezer on the Carolina Side, lies the
Palachocolas [sic] Fort; Five miles above the Palachocolas [sic]on
Georgia Side, lies the Euchee Town (or Mount Pleasant) to which about
100 Indians belong; but few of them Stay now in the Towm, they Choosing
rather to live dispersed.

All the Land from Ebenezer to the River Briers, belong to those Indians;
who will not part with with the same; therefore it cannot be planted.

144 Miles above Mount Pleasant on the Carolina Side is Silver
Bluff, where there is another Settlement of Euchee Indians: On both
Sides of the River are feilds [sic] of Corn planted by them.

Thirty miles above Silver Bluff is New Windsor; formerly known
by the Name of Savannah Town, or Moores Port; where there are but two
or three Familys [sic] on the Carolina Side, and a Small Fort.

Seven miles above New Windsor on the Georgia Side lies the Town
of Augusta, just below the falls; this was laid out by the Trustees
Orders in the year 1735; which has thriven prodigiously; there are
several Warehouses thoroughly well furnished with goods for the Indian
Trade; and five large Boats belonging to the different Inhabitants
of the Town; which can carry above 9 or 10,000 wt. of Deer Skin each,
making four or five Voyages at least in a year to Chas. Town, for
Exporting to England; and the Value of each Cargo is computed to be
from 12 to L 1500 Sterl. Hither all the English Traders with their
servants resort in the Spring; and tis Computed above 2000 horses
come thither at that season, and the Traders, Packhorsemen, Servants,
Townsmen and others, depending upon that Business are moderately
Computed to be 600 White men; who live by their Trade; carrying upon
Packhorses, all kinds of proper English Goods; for which the Indians
pay in Deer Skins, Bever [sic], and other Furrs [sic]; each Indian hunter is
reckoned to get $300 lb. of Deer Skins in a year. This is a very
advantageous Trade to England since it is mostly paid for in
Woollen [sic] and Iron.

Above this Town to the Northwest, and on the Georgia Side of the
River, the Cherokees live in the Valley of the Appelachin [sic] Mountains;
they were about 5000 Warriours [sic]; but last year it is Computed they lost
1000, partly by the small Pox, and partly (as they themselves say) by
too much Rum brought from Carolina. The French are Striving to get
this Nation from us, which if they do, Carolina must be Supported by a
Vast number of troops or lost; But as long as we keep the Town of
Augusta, our Party in the Cherokees, can be so easily furnished with
Arms, Ammunition, and Necessarys [sic], that the French will not be able to
gain any ground there.

The Creek Indians live to the Westward of this Town; Their Chief Town is the
Cowetas, 200 miles from Augusta, and 120 miles from the nearest French Fort,
The Lower Creeks consists of about 1000, and the Upper Creeks of about 700
Warriours [sic], upon the Edge of whose Country, the French Fort of Albamaha
lies; They are Esteemed to be sincerely Attached to His Majestys [sic] Interest.

Beyond the Creeks lie the Brave Chickesaws, who Inhabit near the Missisipi [sic]
River, and possess the Banks of it; these have resisted Both the Bribes and Arms
of the French; and Traders sent by Us live [sic]amongst them.

At Augusta there is a handsome Fort, where there is a Small
Garison [sic] of about 10 or 15 men besides Officers; And one Reason that
drew the Traders to settle the Town of Augusta, was the Safety they
received from this Fort, which stands upon high ground on the
side of the River Savannah; which is there 140 yards wide, and very
deep; another Reason was the Richness and Fertility of the Land; The
great Value of this Town of Augusta occasioned the General to have a
Path marked out, thro [sic] the Woods from thence to Old Ebenezer; and the
Cherokee Indians have marked out one from thence to their Ration; so
that Horsemen now can ride from the Town of Savannah to the Nation of
Cherokees, and any other of the Indian Nations, all on the Georgia
side of the River, but there are some bad places which ought to be
Causewayed and made good; and which the General says he has not yet
Capacity to do. This Road begins to be frequented, and will every
day be more and more so, and by it the Cherokee Indians can at any
time come down to our Assistance.

At Old Ebenezer there is a Cowpen, where the Trustees have a
great number of Cattle; and 'tis hoped with Care they will amount to
6 or 700 Head in another year; But they were much neglected; there
not being horses or men sufficient to drive up the Young and outlying
Cattle.

This is the Situation of the Settlements upon the River; At
the Mouth of which, lies the Island of Tybee, with the Lighthouse,
which has been of the greatest use to all Ships falling in with this
part of America. But from Savannah Southward there are several Plan-
tations (Besides the Villages of Hamstead and Highgate) several of
which are Settled by such of the Inhabitants of the Town, as being
able to purchase Cattle, have Petitioned for Leases of Lands, and
are Settled upon those Lands by the Generals permission, untill [sic] the
Trustees pleasure be known concerning the Leases; The terms they
propose, is the Lease to be for 21 years, renewable every Seven years,
upon paying one years purchase of the Improved Value; the first 7
years to be free, and no fine paid for the first Renewal. Besides
these Settlements there are some others of 500 Acres Grant from the
Trust; which extend as far as the Ogeechy [sic] River; Upon which River
lies Fort Argyle, in such a Situation as is intended thereby to Command
all the passes in that part of the province.

The next is Darien; where the Scots Highlanders are Settled;
the Buildings are mostly Hutts [sic], but Tight and Warm; and the [sic]
have a little Fort; They have been industrious in planting; and have got
into driving of Cattle, for the Supply of the Regiments, &c; But this last
year most of them going Voluntarily into the War, little was done at
home where their Families remained.

Below the Town of Darien is the Town of Frederica, where there
is a Strong Fort, and Storehouses; many good Buildings in the Town;
some of which are Brick. There is a Meadow near adjoyning [sic] that is
ditched in, of about 920 Acres, of which there is good hay made. The
people have not planted much there this year. Occasioned by the War, so
near their Doors; and being Chiefly Tradesmen, who make more by working,
or Selling to the Camp, than they can by planting. There are some
little Villages upon the island of St. Simons, and some very handsome
handsome [sic] houses built by the Officers of the Regiment; and there
has been Pot herbs. Pulse, and Frut [sic], productive upon the Island, of
great use towards supplying the Town and Garrison; But Corn, Beer, and
meat, they have from Elsewhere.

Between this Island and Jekyl [sic] Island is an Inlet of the Sea,
called Jekyl [sic] Sound, which is a very fine Harbour [sic], and is one
of the best Entrys [sic] the English have to the Southward of Virginia:
This is an Excellent Station for Ships to Cruise on the Spaniards; it Commanding
the homeward bound Trade, which must come thro' the Gulph [sic] of Florida,
and near St. Simons: The Entry lies in 31. D 10.M The place is Barred,
but upon the Bar there is water Sufficient every tide to carry in 20
Gun Ships; and taking the best Opportunity, 40 Gun Ships may be
carried in to refit, --a great Conveniency to a Squadron in this
place. Upon Jekly [sic] Island there is but very little good Land; not above
3 or 400 Acres, the rest being Sandy Sea Beach: Mr. Horton has his
Lot upon this Island, and has made great Improvements there. To the
Southward of Jekyl [sic] lies the Island of Cumberland, and the Fort of St.
Andrews; Situated upon a fine Commanding ground, and on the S.E. of the
Same Island, is another Strong Fort called Fort William, which Commands
Amelia Sound, and the inland Passage from Augustine.

The next Island is Amelia: Beyond that is St. Johns, one of the
Spanish Outguards: and Between forty and fifty miles from that
that is Augustine.

We are now fully acquainted with the Colony, and what it will
produce; the Inland part is hilly, till it rises into mountains, where
all kinds of timber grow. Near the Sea the ground is more Level and
Flat; where Laurels, Cedars, Cyprus, Bays, and Live Oak, are of the
Size of timber Trees: Among the Shrubs, some of the principal are.
Pomegranates, which will grow well in Hedges, Myrtle, Prickly Pear,
Shumack [sic], Sassafrass [sic], China Root, Several Sorts of Snake Root
Sc. The rising ground is frequently Clay, where Oak and Hickery [sic]
mostly grow, as also does in a great part of the Flat Land that is dry,
where Walnut, Ash, Gum Tree, Oak of Several kinds, Hickery [sic], Beech,
Wild Cherries, &c, are in great plenty to he found; The Higher Lands are of
a Sandy Surface; where Pines usually grow, all parts producing Trees of
some kind or other; except the Savannahs, and Marshes, which bear
Grass; and many of the Low Land Swamps covered with Canes, which are
Excellent Food for Cattle in the Winter. Where the Oak and Hickery [sic]
grow, the Soil is in general of a Strong nature; and very well esteemed
for planting; being found by Experience to produce the best Crops of
Indian Corn, and most sorts of Grains except Rice, which thrives best
in Swampy Ground.

This is only Spoken of the Lower parts of Georgia
which reaches from the Sea Shore to the Foot of the Hills; being a Flat
Country of 60 or 70 miles or more in Breadth. The Hill Country is very
different, there being Marble, Chalk, Gravel, Rocks, and all the
Same Variety of Soil that is in Europe. With respect to the Proportion
of the different kinds of Soil, it cannot be given, unless the
whole were Survey'd; but the American Dialect distinguishes Band into
Pine, Oak and Hickery [sic], Swamp, Savannah and Marsh. Near the Town of
Savannah we have found Stone, which is dugg [sic] for Building; as there is
also good Clay, whereof Bricks are made; and a Pottery Work is carried
on with Success, where Common Ware for most uses is made in good
plenty, and Exported to the Neighbouring [sic] Provinces; and the Master who
is of an Enterprizing [sic] Genius, has undertaken as soon as he has made
proper Furnaces, to make a Superfine Sort, of such as shall be not
inferiour [sic] to Porcelain itself; but a little time will discover his
further performances.

The Coast is Low, with a hard Sandy Beach; when we approach it
at 25 leagues distance we find ground in 25 Fathom Water, and it Shoals
gradually to the Shore: the Soundings being so regular, makes it a
safe Coast to fall in with; having good Anchoring all along and no
Rocks: The Mouths of the Rivers Savannah and Altamahah [sic] makes a great
number of Islands; and the Entrys [sic] between them form good Harbours [sic]:
To the Southward of Tybee are the following Entrys [sic]; Viet. Wassaw [sic],
Assebah [sic], St. Catherines, Sapello [sic], Doboy [sic], St. Simons, which
is the North Entry to Frederica; Jekyl Sound, which is the South Entry to
Frederica; to which place the Channel is Navigable from the Ordinary place of
Anchoring in the Sound, for Ships of a good Burthen up to the Town.

The Staple of the Country of Georgia being presumed, and
intended to be, principally Silk and Wine, every year Confirms more
our hopes of Succeeding in those two, from the great Increase (as has
been before observed) of the Vines and Mulberry Trees; wherein persever-
ance only can bring it to perfection. Several other things might be
produced, and perhapps [sic] more immediately profitable to the planters;
but it is apprehended that it is not any Business of this Colony, nor any
benefit to the Trade of England to interfere with what other English
Plantations have produced, such as Rice &c.

As the Boundary of the Colony are now known, together with the
Climate, and manner of Agriculture; more might be done henceforward in
one year, than could in several years before we attained to that know
ledge; But our People are weak; being decreased, by great numbers
having been decoyed away to other Colonys [sic]: Many having taken to
Idleness, upon Shutting up the Store went away; but those who Stayed
and now remain, are Still a Body of the most valuable People, that find
means to live Comfortably; Some by their trades; some by planting, and
raising live Stock; and some by their Labour, either by Land or Water;
and one of those remaining, are worth three that left us, for such
Work; And if an Embarkation was to come in with the next year, it
would be of great service to the Colony; the Saltzburghers wishing for
more of their Countrymen, and having been very Industrious.
The persons sent from England on the Charity Charity were
of the unfortunate; many of whom have by their Industry proved that they
deserved better, and have thriven; many also shewed they were brought
into those misfortunes by their own faults; and when those who quitted
their own Country to avoid Labour, Saw Labour stand before their Eyes
in Georgia, they were easily perswaded [sic] to live in Carolina, by Cunning,
rather than Work; this has been a great misfortune also upon many
persons, who brought over servants indented to serve them for a
Certain number of years; who being picked up in the Streets of London,
or Some such manner; their Masters found them unfit for Labour; and
many of them took such opportunitys [sic] as they could get, to desert and
fly into Carolina, where they conoid be protected. Indeed Good and Bad
which came from England, were mostly Inhabitants of Towns there; but
such Seldome [sic] turn out good Husbandmen with their own hands; yet some
of them proved very usefull [sic] in a New Colony; Since they most readily
compose Towns, which is the first thing necessary, to be a receptacle
for New Comers: And from thence, when all Demands of Labour, for
Building, and Trade, are Supplyed [sic]; the Laborious people may enlarge
into the Country, and raise provisions for the use of the Towns;
Whereas if the first were all Labouring [sic] Countrymen, they would naturally
disperse to the most fertile Land, and perhapps [sic] Succeed for a while, but
want of Neighbourhood [sic] and Markets, would force most of them to remove;
and the Country remain little or nothing the better
improved; as it happened in Virginia, till the Government with great
difficulty at last, raised Towns in that Province.

It ought not here to he passed over, how ready the Country is
to receive a number of German Familys [sic], accustomed to Husbandry,
such as usually come once a year down the Rhine to Holland, and Embark thence
for America, or the East Indies; Some of these we have already had
Experience of; insomuch that the people here, would take off a
good number of them: And twould [sic] be of great service (as we apprehend)
to this Colony, at present, to send a Ship over loaden [sic] with Germans,
on the Same terms Mr. Hope does to Philada., only taking care that
provisions for them in their passage be more plentifull [sic], and that they
are less Crowded than on Board his Ships. The Terms are; they pay
half their Passage themselves on Embarking; and Six Weeks after their
Arrival, to pay the other half; which they generally do, with private
Contracts to people; but in Case they do not; then they may be bound
by the Ship Master for 4 or 5 years, if they are above 21 years of Age;
but if under, they may be bound untill [sic] the Age of 21 if men, and 18 if
Girls. It must be at the same time confessed, that divers of these
foreigners have, during the time of their Servitude, shewn [sic] themselves
of a dogged disposition; Surly and obstinate; discovering an Aversness [sic]
to their Masters Orders; which proceeds (as we imagine) from a dislike of
their being Subject to Strangers; whilst others again have behaved well; but
it may be alledged [sic] with truth, that when, or wheresoever among us, any
of them have Worked for their Own Benefit; they are Indefatigable, and outdone
by none, which joined with great Parsimony, fits them for Excellent Settlers
when free.

To Enable the Industrious English Settlers to go on with plant-
ing, who are truly desirous of Cultivating Land; We humbly conceive
nothing could be a greater Inducement to it, than that the Honble.
Trustees would please to import yearly, so long as they see good, a
Number of English or Welsh Servants, such as are used to hard labour in
the Country, and Strangers to London; to be contracted with in England
to serve the Trustees for Five years, from two to four pounds yearly
Wages, according to their Ability, for finding themselves in Apparel.

Those Servants on their arrival to be hired by the Inhabitants for one
year; the person hiring to pay over and above the Contracted Wages, One
pound yearly to the Trustees, so that in five years the passage money
will be paid; And to enable the planters to pay the said Wages; it is
humbly proposed, that a Bounty be Settled on every product of
the Land, Vizt. Corn, Pease, Potatoes, Wine, Silk, Cotton, Flax &c; to
what value the Honourable [sic] Trustees shall Judge meet; to be limited in
the following, or any other manner; Vizt. for the first-Years the
said Bounty to be payable for Corn, Pease, Potatoes &c; only; and
thence forward to cease wholly; and the residue of years wherein any
Bounty should be allowed, to be payable only for Silk, Wine Oyl [sic] &c;
By which means the planter so assisted, might be able to live;
whilst at the same time he propagates. Vines, Mulberry Trees, &c; from
which he can Expect no immediate Benefit before they come to some
Maturity. A Rule to be made that they who hire the said servants, shall
employ then only in plantation Work of their own, and not let them out
at hire to work at Handycraft Trades, or any other Business &c. That
each servant shall serve one whole year; and if they part at the years
end, he shall find himself another Master within ----- days to serve for
one year also; and so on to the End of their Respective Times to serve:
by which means Good Masters will not want Good servants; and 'twill
be a great means to make other Masters become Good, in Order to get
Good Servants, Or else he content with the Bad or none. If any
dispute arise between Masters and servants, such to he determined by
the Magistrates according to the Laws of England, wherein the Magis-
trate concerned as a Party, shall not appear as a Judge; or offer to
interfere with the Opinion of the others; but acquiesce in their deter-
mination, If it happens to be in favour [sic] of the servant, whom they
ought to defend from Cruel Usage; and where they find such Evil Treat
ment, either thro [sic] too severe Correction, or want of Sufficient
wholesome food, according to the Custom of the Colony; the Magistrates
to have power of vacating such Services; and obliging the servants to
find another Master.

The kind Intention of the Honble. Trustees to Extend the Tenure
of Lands in the manner proposed, (as signifyed [sic] to their Secretary
here) gave great great Satisfaction to all reasonable persons; who
seemed to desire no more, and only wish to find that ratifyed [sic];
which they apprehend to he not yet done; and that occasions some Anxiety
about it.

Whither these helps, or whatever other, the honble. Trustees
shall he pleased to afford us; the Ability of the Inhabitants to
Support themselves, must still in a great measure depend on the Indus
try and Frugality of each; Divers in the Province who understand
planting, and are already Settled; provided they can attain to some
live Stock, can and do Support themselves. Men working for Hire, Boat
men, Packhorsemen, &c. Support themselves very well if they will work;
and more such would, were they to be found: Shopkeepers, Tradesmen,
and Artificers, Such as Tallow Chandlers, Soap Boylers [sic], Brasiers,
Sadlers, Shoemakers, Tanners, &c, live very well on their Business here,
And many more might, were there more Merchants to import Goods for
Supplying the Indian Traders; which would encrease [sic] the resort to
Savannah; whereas those Traders are now Obliged to get the greatest
part of What they want from Charles Town in Carolina. New planters,
and such as go upon particular Improvements; Such as Wine, Silk, &c,
will need Some Assistance. Magistrates, Constables, & Tythingmen [sic],
and others whose time is taken up in the Publick [sic] service, require
some allowance for the Same; It is also needfull [sic] for the well being
of the Colony, that Roads should be maintained; Posts for communication of
Letters; and Forts upon the Frontiers, as well towards the Indians
as Spaniards, be Supported; as likewise the publick [sic] Works; which the
people here are in no degree able to bear.

When the East Part of the province of Georgia was taken possession
of under the Trustees Charter by Mr. Oglethorpe, according to the
Limits of the British Dominions in America; Forts were Erected upon
the Extremitys [sic], to keep up marks of Possession; The Strength and
Materials were of such a Nature as the men he had with him could make;
and sufficient for Defence [sic] against any Strength that could be
brought against them, by the Neighbouring [sic] Indians, or Spaniards
in Florida.

The first foundation of the Colony was upon Tenures by which each
Lot was to be Occupied by a Freeholder, Obliged to take Arms for the
Defence [sic] of the Colony: And this Militia with the Assistance of our
Friendly Indians, held the Colony against all Attempts of the Spaniards
from Augustine; who alarmed them almost every Spring, pretending a
Claim, and therefore a Right to Invade, without being said to infringe
ye peace, but did not take one foot of ground from us.

In the beginning of the year 1738 great preparations were made
at the Havannah [sic], and troops were sent from thence and Old Spain to
Augustine for the taking possession (as they called it) of that part of
Carolina in which Georgia was comprehended, and which they gave out
Belonged to them. Upon the Trustees having Early notice of these great
preparations, they applied to his Majesty to take upon him the Protec-
tion of the Colony, which in its Infancy was unable to repel so
great a Force; His Majesty thereupon order'd a Regiment to be raised
And Posted on the Spanish Frontiers; Since which, the war is broke
out, and that Regiment with the Assistance of Troops and Indians
raised in Georgia and Carolina in Conjunction with a Squadron of men of
War; Attacked Augustine; and after raising the Seige [sic] of that place,
remained in the possession of the Frontiers as before the War: But for
the Defence [sic] of the Colony now, it is necessary to have Vessels that can
Act in Shoal water, on so large and extended a Frontier, towards the
Sea, and Rangers who can ride the Woods; as also Artillery and all
other things necessaryly [sic] appertaining thereto; and means for augmenting
our Fortifications equal to the increased Strength of the Spaniards.

Savannah 10th Novbr. 1740

We whose names are hereunto Suhscribed being duly Sworn in Open
Court, do declare that the above State of the Province of Georgia is
true according to the best of our knowledge, and from the most certain
informations we could obtain from others: And do desire that the Seal
of this Court may be affixt thereto.

Patr. Graham
Jos. Fitzwalter
Jas. Canwells
Thos. Upton
Giles Becu
Thos. Egerton
Thos. Cundel

N.B. These 7 at their own
Voluntary desire were
admitted to Sign it
and were Sworn before
the Magistrates out of
Court.

Antho. Camuse
John Burton
Josp. Pavey
Robt. Hainks
John Mellidge
Thos. Bayley (Smith)
George Johnson
Samll. Parker
Thomas Palmer.

Willm. Stephens
Henry Parker
Thomas Jones
Samll. Mercer
James Campbell
John Rae
Noble Jones
Thomas Young
Thomas Ellis.

Mr. Tho. Eyre to Robt. Eyre Esq. Recd. 2 May 1741
Frederica 4 Dec. 1740

Sir

The 26th of last month I had the pleasure of receiving a letter
from you inclosed in a packet to the Genl., in which there was an
account of the box and particulars inclosed, wch, you were So good as
to Send me. Nothing was more acceptable than the cloaks both to my
friend and my Self. The Cash came very opportunly [sic] too to enable
me to carry on my little Improvments and Buildings, which (tho Small) I
Should have found ly [sic] heavy on me, if it had not been for the
Supply which you were So kind as to Send me.

The Genl. Has fixt [sic] me intirely [sic] in this town, and has granted
me a lot on which I have Several peach & orange trees, with a Small house
which I have repair'd & now live in, a plan of which, together with one
of the barracks now building for two Companies lying here, with the
design of the Fort now carrying on, as also an abstract from my Journals
I beg leave to Send you; The Originals I Shall keep until I have the
pleasure of delivering them to you with my own hands.

I deliver'd your letter the moment I receiv'd it to his Excellency
being in the room with him at the time that it came to hand: he
Said Several kind things to me, and was very well pleas'd with the
notice you take of me in honouring [sic] me with So many of your letters.

Upon my asking him what account I Should give of my Self to you, he
gave me leave to assure you that I was of the number of Second Ensigns,
and Should Succeed Ensign Mace as Sub-Ingenier [sic], Upon the death of
Monsr. Thomas, the Genl. order'd two Comissions [sic] to be made out.
One for Colo. Cook as chief Ingenier [sic], the other for Ensign Mace as
Sub; Mr. Mace died imediatly [sic] upon our return from St. Augustine, upon
which the Genl. dispatch'd a boat with a letter to me to St. Andrews,
to assure me that I Should Succeed: this was the 26 of August last,
and tho we have had frequent advice that those Commissions are
establish'd, from Lt. Horton & Col. Williamson, the chief's at 15
Shillgs., and the Sub's at 5 Shillgs. P diem, yet the Comissions [sic] are
not come over as yet, nor dos the Genl. take any notice or concern
himself about them. As the footing that the Ingeniers [sic] are upon
in this place cannot be a Secret to you, I beg to know how they are to
be paid, or upon what Estsblishmt. they are.

When the Genl. was pleas'd to Send me up to the Indian Nation,
he gave me a comission [sic] as Agent; as my Predecesor [sic] Capt. Lacy
had a Sallary [sic] for Sewing in the Same Station, I beg to know from you
whether I may expect the Same or not; I never have apply'd for it, nor
will I, unless you think it proper I Should. A Copy of my Comission,
wth. the date of it, is inclosed with the other papers.

In one of your letters you observ'd that you Seldom heard from
this part of the world: it would be the greatest concern to me if
you Should think me neglectfull [sic] of your comands [sic]; but the ill
usage which Several gentlemen complain'd of in having their letters inter-
cepted & open'd, prevented my being So particular in my accounts of
this Country, as I otherwise Should have been: However as my accounts
Shall contain nothing but the real truth, and what I Shall never be
backward to own, what follows is in brief the present State of this
Southern part of Georgia.

At our return from St. Augustine our Settlements on Amelia &
Cumberland were thrown up. The highland Servants who planted a Small
Spot of ground on Amelia, enter'd into the Highland Independent Company
at Darien, Where they are fixd & number'd as Freeholders of that
town. Nothing keeps then from leaving the Province (as Several from
Darien have lately done) but the pay of 3 Shillgs. week. I have been
in that town, and know most of the Inhabitants, and I assure you that
the Improvments [sic] of the whole are not able to afford a comfortable
living to One family.

There never was any Improvment [sic] on Cumberland, except a Small
Plantation of Indian Corn, pumkins [sic] and water melons; This was
abandond [sic] as I Said before, and the 2 Companies which lay on this Island
drawn off to garison [sic] Frederica,. Here are two Forts, one on the S.
end of the Island, the other on the N. End. The first is call'd Fort
William and garison'd with 30 Men, the other Fort St. Andrews and
garison'd by 20 Men, who are relieved every month by detachments from
the largest guns in England; Besides you may judge of the inconsider-
ableness of these Forts, when the first did not cost 50 L, and the
Second not above 12 L, consisting only of Small Streight [sic] trees cut
into lengths of 14 foot, & Set close to one another upright in the ground.

On this Island (St. Simons) we have the town of Frederica, the
Camp on the S. Point of the Island, a German Vilage [sic], and a new
Settlement of about 20 marry'd Soldiers call'd Southampton.

The Town of Frederica contains about 40 Famelies [sic] besides the
Soldiers, and of these, I dare answer, there is not one that plants or
improves his 5 acre or 45 acre lot. The only thriving people are the
Publick [sic] housekeepers. And the rest of the Inhabitants Support
themselves mostly by the Soldiers as well as the Inn-keepers.

At the Camp on the S. Point there are lots run out, and a great deal of
labour bestowed on them, yet to very little purposefor there is not one
of those Planters that raised corn Sufficient for their fowls, and Several
of them quite dispirited have thrown up their ground.

The people of Southampton have been Settled only Since last
August, So that you cannot expect much Improvment [sic] from them.

The German Vilage [sic] consists only of 7 or 8 families, & those
but lately Free from Service.

This is the real truth, and present State of these Southern
parts: the Northern as far as I can learn are full as bad, and
Savannah which Some time agone [sic] could raise 4 or 5OO Men, is now
ruinous, the Inhabitants are gone away, and the houses are tumbling down.
The people throughout the Province are discontented & uneasie, [sic]
(not from any apprehensions from the Enemy) & not only hope, but expect
to be removed to Some of the Northern Provinces.

There never can remain any money in the Colony, as we are intirely [sic]
maintain'd from New York & Carolina; Tis to those places all our money goes,
and for nothing but provisions only; We have no manufacture here to give in
return for necessaries, and the first Inhabitants of this place are ready to
affirm, that they are worse in regard to their Stock now, than they were before
the Regiment came among them. Upon the whole, I can't See this place is the
least advantage to us, but a constant charge to the Goverment [sic]. The
Spaniards were here long before us, but finding it to be not worth preserving,
they abandon'd it. You may be inform'd that they were turnd [sic] out by the
Indians, but the place is So Situated, that all the Indians in America could
not dislodge them.

I assure you I am not byass'd [sic] in this relation by any prejudice;
the Gentleman who delivers this (Ensign Leman of our Regiment) can
vouch for the truth of it, tho I have no manner of reason to doubt of
your beleif [sic]. But in a relation of this nature, I thought it
advisable to give all the proofs possible of what I assert.

There are Several reasons to make us beleive [sic] that we (the
Regiment) Shall not continue here: And on the other hand, we can hardly
think, that after the expence [sic] it has been to the Government, this
place Should be abandon'd. This Uncertainty we are under would make
any account that you would be pleased to Send very agreable [sic]. The
News too, for 3 or 4 months past, tho old to you would be new and
entertaining here.

I have nothing more to add but that all the particulars you were So
kind as to Send me came Safe to hand, and were acceptable. I am Sir
with a Sincere wish for a continuance of yours and Mrs. Eyres health

Your most obliged & obedt. humbe. Servt.
Tho. Eyre

4th. Decembr. 1740 Mr. Tho. Eyre, to Robt. Eyre Esq.,
reed. 2. May 1741

An Abstract from my Journals, from
my Attending Genl. Oglethotpe to the
Indian Nation to the raising of the
Seige [sic] of St. Augustine

July 8th 1739.

General Oglethorpe set out from Frederica for the Indian
Nation, the 10th we arrived at Savannah, where we lay untill [sic] the
17th. A boat 50 Miles up the River Savannah, We got there the 21st.
from whence after making necessary preparations for our Journey thro [sic]
the Woods, We Set out the 25th. And August the 9th. Enter'd the
Coweta Town, having Rode 275 Miles; Our Method of Travelling [sic] thro [sic] the
Woods was this. As Early as possible we set out and rode untill [sic] 11
O Clock, when we lay by for two or three hours to dress our Meat,
and rest our horses, After which we rode to within an hour of Sun Set,
when we took up our Quarters for the night, Generally by the side of a
Rivulet, We Secure our horses from Straying by tying their fore feet
with a Leather Strapp [sic], and fastening a Bell about their necks to give us
notice where they are in the morning, We then post our Guard to prevent
a Surprise by the Spanish Indians, after this we divide our Selves into
Small partys [sic], four or five to Each, and make our fires, round wch. we
Stretch our Selves with our Saddle under our heads, our Arms by our
Sides, the Ground our Bed, and our Covering the Heavens, and no
better Accomodations yn. [sic] these in the Worst of Weather, In the
day time we Generally had good diversion in hunting Buffaloe [sic], deer,
Wild Turkeys &ca. with which the Country abounds.

The Land is of a Sandy nature, and Consequently Barren, On the Banks of Rivers
we meet with a Spot of good ground, which Seldomreaches further yn. the River
overflows after heavy rains.

In our way we crossed Several Rivers, the most remarkable of which were, the
Hogachee [sic] which after a Course of about 3OO miles Emptys [sic] itself
into the Sea about 40 miles to the Southward of Savannah. On this river Stands
Fort Argyle, on the Road from Darien to Savannah, Next the Oconee which Unites
with the Oakmulgtee [sic] and forms the Allatemaha [sic] which near Darien
discharges itself into the Sea after a Course pretty near Equal to that of the
Hogcachee [sic], and forms several Sounds or Inlets, particularly those of
St. Simons, and Jekyl [sic]. But the two Principal rivers are the Flint and
Chattahouchee [sic] (on which last the Lower Creek Indians are Settled) both
of these rivers rise in the Cherrokee [sic] Mountains, and Uniting at a place
called the Forks, about two days Journey below the Indian Nation run into the
Bay of Apalachee near St. Marks, a place where Some Spaniards are Settled and
have a Fort.

We were very well received and Entertained by the Indian Chiefs,
particularly by Chicola who is the Principal man in the Lower Nation,
they paid the General all the Honours [sic] that they were Capable of by
Singing and dancing, before him with white Feathers in token of peace;
They entertained us with Several of their Excercises [sic], particularly a
Ball play, in which they shewed a great deal of Strength, Skill and
Activity.

There is no such thing as property among those people
except only in regard to their Wives, and altho in other Nations of
Indians Even Wives are in Common, here they are not, but Adultery is
punished in both the Offending Persons, by Cutting the Ears and hair
of the Woman, and by severely beating and Cropping the man.

In giving a Character of these people, I may venture to Say
that, they are an inoffensive people, of a Mild easy disposition.
Courteous to Strangers, and very little acquainted with Vice before
the Traders came among them, who have Almost Debauched them by their Bad
Example.

The Land on which they are Settled is very fruitfull [sic] producing
great (Quantitys of Indian Corn, Spanish Potatoes, Melons. Pease [sic] &ca.
They raise also great Stocks of Fowles, and Hogs, which Enables them to
Live in a Plentifull [sic] Manner.

Some few days passed before the Chiefs from every Town could be
Assembled, on the 13th they met at the Cursita [sic] town, where Articles
of Alliance, Peace and Commerce, were renew'd between the English and
Creek Indians, and Copys [sic] of them given to several of the Chiefs, the
Grants also of the Lands lying between the River Savannah, and River
St. Johns, with the Islands on the Sea Coast Lying between the said
rivers (Sapilo [sic], St. Catherines, and Ossabaw Excepted) was Confirm'd
to the English;

The General then redressed Several Grievances which the Indians
complained of, and recommended it to the Traders to Lower the price of
Goods, which they did. After this the Genl. fell ill of a Feaver [sic] which
continued violent so long, that we began to fear for him, however in
a few days his Disorder left him, and immediatly [sic] on his Recovery
he gave Orders for making necessary Preparations for our Return.

Accordingly the 27th. we set out, after taking our Leave of the Chiefs,
and September the 5th. Enter'd Augusta, A Town Inhabited chiefly by
Indian Storekeepers and Traders. The Town is well Scituated [sic] in a
pleasant healthy part of the Country, and on the Banks of the River
Savannah, on the Georgia Side of the River, we were Saluted at our
Entrance with 17 Guns from the Fort, which is built with wood, in a
Square form, on the Rivers side, and Commanded by Mr. Kent. Here the
General met Mr. Brown with the Cherokee Indians who live in the Moun-
tains, and to the Northward of the Creeks. The General gave them a
kind Reception, promised them a Supply of Corn, upon their Complaining
of a Scarcity, occasioned by the Small Pox which had Swept off great
numbers of them, and dismissed them well Satisfied with Several pre-
sents to their Chiefs. During our Stay here we had an Acct. by an
Express that War was declared between England and Spain, which News
obliged the General to dispatch business with the Utmost Expedition,
so that on the 15th. we Set out by water for Savannah, and the 21st.
arrived there. In our way we passed by several Forts and Settlements
on both sides the River, particularly Fort Moore on the Carolina Side,
within five Miles of Augusta, this Garison [sic] is Supported by the
Carolinans [sic] as a Check upon the Indians, and for the Security of their
Trade, At Pallachocolas another Fort on the Carolina Side we heard
that the Negroes had risen and destroyed Several Families, but at length
were happily dispersed by the Planters.

We called at Ebenezer on the Georgia Side, where I had Just time to observe
that the Inhabitants, the Saltzburghers were in a Thriving way (the
Consequence of Industry) at Savannah the Genl. was assured of a Rupture
between England and Spain, upon which Lieut. Dunbar was dispatched to
Charles Town about some business of Importance, and on the 29tn. I received
my Commissn. as Agent among the Cherokee Indians, and Instructions to make
the best of my way directly to that Nation, and demand their assistance
against the Spaniards, As the Number of Cherokees we expected down was
pretty large, the General formed them into a Company under the Command
of Capt. Sami. Brown, and he was to have had Six Lieuts. and twelve
Ensigns I had a Power from the Genl. to grant Commissions, and engage
as many White men to come down with them as I could raise. The Sight
on which I received my Dispatches I set out by water for Ebenezer, where
I got a Servant and horses, the horse that I rode failed me in about 50
Miles riding, and reduced me to the necessity of Walking 80 miles the
remainder of the way to Augusta, At which place I arrived October 4th.
after three days travel in Extream [sic] bad weather, without provisions
(having lost what we brought out with us in Swiming [sic] Rivers) besides
having a Cane run thro [sic] my Leg, in Endeavouring [sic] to force my way
thro [sic] a Boggy Swamp.

At Augusta I deliver'd to Mr. Brown (whom I found very ill) his
Commission of Capt. of the Company of Cherokee Indians, I afterwards
Signed one of Lieut, for Mr. Holmes, I also gave a Commission to one
Gray from the Genl. to bring down as many of the Uchees, and
Chickesaws who live about Augusta as possible; I also Spoke to them my
Self, and was promised by both Mr. Gray and them, that they would set
out in a few days to join the General. Mr. Brown's illness Continuing,
and there being no prospect of his being in a Condition to under goe [sic]
the fatigue of a Winters Journey, It was agreed that Mr. Holmes and I
should go up to the Indian Nation, and endeavour [sic] to bring down those
who were not gone out a hunting, altho we promised our Selves no Success,
on Account of their Hunting Season being so far advanced, yet, thinking

that it might he a means of Engaging them for the Spring we Set out on
the 16th. and on the 20th. got Safe into Toogolo [sic] the first town of the
Nation that we come to, when we travel on the Georgia Side of the River
Savannah, we rode about 160 miles, and Crossed Several Elvers which
ran into the Savannah, particularly the Korougua [sic], and Choroweega [sic],
The Country up this way is far preferable to that which lies towards the
Creek Indians, The Land produces Oak, Icory [sic], and Chestnut, very few
Pines, and has but a Small mixture of Sand in it.

The 21st I assembled the Chiefs of all the Adjacent towns at Toogolo [sic],
where I deliver'd my Message to them, and told them that those
who were willing to go with me, should have notice a few days before my
return from the upper parts of the Nation. Their Answer was that they
had lost most of their young men by the Small pox, that the living were
Scarcely Sufficient to bury the dead, that those few who remained
alive were out of hunting, in three months time they would return
from the Woods, should go down with me. And this was the Answer I had in
every Town where I had a meeting of the Chiefs. I travelled thro [sic]
this whole Country, which is divided into different Settlements which are
Separated from each other by a large Range of Mountains, some so high that
the Snow lyes [sic] on them the whole year round, Severall [sic] of those
ridges I have been obliged to pass, where the Road has been so narrow and
Shelving that I was forced to dismount and walk, in other places the Road
has been so Steep for miles together that there was no other way to get up
but by Catching hold of the boughs of trees, and the Rocks which lie on
the Side of the Mountains. The Remainder of the time which I Spent in the
Nation, I was Employed in Examining the Traders Licences [sic], Turning out
those who had no Authority to Trade, In Reconciling differences between the
Indians and Traders, and putting a Stop to the Use of Rum, which the
Carolinans [sic] brought and sold to the Indians.

After these Affairs were Settled I left the
nation on the 11th. Novr., and on the 15th. got into Augusta, where I
found Mr. Brown in good health, I waited here a few days for Mr. Holmes
who was willing to go down and wait on the General. The 25th. we set
out by water, and Dec. 2d arrived at Savannah, from thence we set out
on the 6th. and 11th. came up with the General who was Encamped on the
Florida Side of the River St. Johns with a party of his own Regt. and
some Indians. He received Mr. Holmes very well, and approved of my
Conduct. In a Short time he dismissed Mr. Holmes and desired him to
assure the Indians that I should return to their Nation immediately
after this Expedition was over; We Marched half way to St. Augustine,
Saw Several partys [sic] of the Enemies flying from us, but could not
have the Satisfaction of Engaging with them. Our Indians killed a
Negroe [sic], and brought his Scalp, after this we returned. And the
14th. the General Embarqued [sic] with his Men for St. Simons, and
dispatched Lieut. Dunbar, with 12 Soldiers, and ten Indians in two
Boats up the River to Search for two Forts, after rowing 60 miles up
the River (which widens in some places to 5 or 6 miles) we discover'd
the two Forts, and Landing our party marched up and attacked that Fort
on the St. Augustine Side, named Picolata, We held a Smart fire for a
considerable time, but having one man killed and severall [sic] wounded
our Commander thought proper to retire, which we did in good Order, the
Enemy not daring to follow us, we made the best of our way for Frederica,
where we arrived the 23d, and were well received by the General, who
immediately made preparations for reducing those two Forts.

He denyed [sic] me the pleasure of Attending him, but Jany. the 6th.
dispatched me off for the Cherokees, the 10th. I arrived at Savannah,
where I was obliged to make some Stay for an opportunity to go to Augusta,
And at last I was obliged to take a passage by water tho both long and
tedious and frequently obliged to Sit to an Oar, or Stand to the Helm
where the Current was Strong against us. The 15th. of Feby. I got to Augusta;
Here I had an Acct. by the Chickesaw [sic] King that his Excellency had had
reduced the two Forts without the loss of a Man, and had taken Several
prisoners.

The 19th. I Set out for the Cherokees Mr. Brown and Mr. Holmes
being there before me, and 23 Enter'd Keeowee, the first Town on the
Carolina Side of the River, I proceeded immediately for Mr. Brown's
parts, here we Assembled the Chiefs of all the Middle Settlements,
and had Encouragement from them to hope for Success, yt [sic] the Traders
gave me a great deal of trouble, by privately dissuadeing [sic]
the Indians from going with me, So Strong a party had they formed that
just on the point of Leaving the Nation, I was threatned [sic] to be attacked
If I should pretend to carry any of their people away, but they found
me so well prepared that they thought proper to desist, and let me
bring down 106 of the best men that they had, with 20 White men, whom
I raised in the Nation; The 25th. I set out for Augusta with my party,
and got there the 30th of March.

April the 9th. we got to Savannah, having met the General at
Uchee Town, who hearing of our March, travelled so far to meet us. We
Set out from Savannah the 12th. and the 20th. of April arrived at
Frederica. Here I resigned my Charge of the Indians to the Commanding
Officer Captain Brown, and Genls. Order Acted as Sub-Ingineer [sic]
Extray [sic].

The General set out the 25th. for St. Georges the Place of Rendezvous,
for the Carolinans [sic] and us. And May the 2d, we followed with the
Remaining part of the Officers and Soldiers. The 13th. we arrived at
St. Georges with Several Detachments of the Carolina Regt. the
l4th. the Genl. Joined us, and brought us the agreeable News that he
had taken a Fort named Diego, with 47 Prisoners 15th We all decamped
to the Spanish side of the River St. Johns, from whence in a few days
we marched for Diego, about 20 miles on our way to St. Augustine,
Here I fell ill of a Feaver [sic], but got the better of it so much against
the 29th. that I was in a Condition to attend the General to Moosa, a
Fort within Two miles of St. Augustine, but nothing Extraordinary
happening, we retired back again to Diego, after having burnt and
destroyed the Fort. The 9th of June the Genl. Embarqued with 200 of
his men on board the Men of War, in Order to make a Descent on St.
Annastatia [sic], an Island lying right before the Town, and within less
than Canon Shot of it. I attended the Train and the 12th. came up with the
Carolina Camp lying on Point Cartel, directly opposite the Castle,
After Bombarding them for some time from this Place, we were Order'd
over to St. Annastatia [sic] with the Carolina Regiment.

The 15th. the Spaniards Sallyed [sic] upon the Highland Militia, at
Moosa, under the Command of Hugh McKay Junr. and Coll. Palmer's Company
of Wood Rangers, and Surprised them. Catching them a Sleep, we Sus-
tained a Considerable loss, and it greatly Encouraged the Enemy. We
removed over to St. Annastatia [sic] on tne 20th. and 24th the Genl.
removed with the Body of his Regiment over to Moosa, having agreed with
the Captains of the Men of War to attack the Town the Same night
that they were to make an Attempt on the Row Galleys, By Manning all
their Boats. But upon a trifling difference about who should Command
among the Lieuts. of Men of War, the Design of attacking the Galleys
was layed [sic] a Side, The Genl. deceived, his Measures Crossed, and all
our hopes disappointed; The General sent frequent Messages to the
Captains, But to no purpose. He even went himself. But with the Same
Success, So that our failing in this Enterprize [sic] may Be Justly
attributed to the Bad Conduct of the Men of War.

The 10th. of July we Broke up our Camps Before St. Augustine
and made the Best of our way for the River St. Johns, the Spaniards
never Offering to fall upon our Rear, Or give us the least Interrup-
tion, The 12th. I got to St. Johns, and in 4 days more the General
joined us, having stay'd some time at Diego, And thus this Expedition
Begun at the desire of Carolina, and carryed [sic] on in a great measure
at their Expence [sic] came to nothing.

By the 23d July all our Forces were arrived at St. Simons, The General
thro [sic] the Extream [sic] fatigue he Suffered in the Expedition, and
Vexation at his disappointment fell dangerously ill, and it is to Be
Questioned whether ever he shall perfectly recover himself. In a few
days after necessary Refreshments, the Carolinans [sic] returned to
Charles Town very much dejected at the Bad Success of the Expedition.

An exact Acct as well as could be gatherd of the Forces of the Spaniards
at St. Augustine: together with an Acct. of their Loss; Also the number
of our Forces, and what loss we Sustain'd during the Seige [sic].

The Spaniards had in garison [sic]
regular Troops 700

Negroes, Mulattoes &
Indians fit for Service 30O
------
1000

Mounted on their Castle 50 Cannon,
round the town 50 more, none of the
last exceeding Six pounders.

Taken prisoners at LaPoosa 14
Taken prisoners at Diego 47
Killd at Moosa 2 Officers &
14 Men 16
Kill'd by our Indians 5
Kill'd from our Gun & Bomh
Batteries by their own Accts 23
deserted to us 4
Surprised hy our Indians in
the Plantations 12
------
Total loss 121

We had of Regular Troops 400
The Carolina Regimt. 6OO
Highland Militia 60
Rangers 50
Indians 220
Landed from the Men
of War 200
--------
Effective; 1530

Kill'd on Amelia 4
Kill'd up the River St. Johns 4
Kill'd at Moosa 63
Kill'd at Diego 1
Indians kill'd at Cartel 2
by canon Shot 1
deserted 14
Lost by Sickness, Indians,
Georgians & Carolinians 47
------
Loss 136
121

4 Dec. 1740

Will. Ewell's acct. of Loss by Cultivation
recd. 22 May 1741

Plantation of William Ewen in the Province of Georgia Dr.

L S D
1740/ To Servants and Cloathing [sic]. 29.19.8

To Tooles [sic], fishing Tackle, Boat, powder,
Shot &c. 8. 5.8 1/2
To a Stock of Cattle 14.11.8 1/2
To Provisions (as a Settler) from the Trustees
Store L 15.10. 0
To Tools (as a Settler) from the Trustees
Store L 10. 7. 9 1/2
To Provisions 29. 8.3-3/4
-----------------
82. 5.4-3/4

Per Contra Cr.
L S D

By Peaches 0.15-0
By 9 Bushels Corn @1.4d 0.12.0
1/2 Bushel Pease 0. 1.0
By 1 Hog supposed to weigh 40 lb .
having no Weights and Scales @2d lb 0. 6.8

By 1 Pig 0. 1.6

By 1 Hog Suppd. to weigh 60 lb @2d lb 0.10.0
By 1. Hog Suppd. to weigh 80 lb @2d lb 0.13.4

By 90 Bushels Corn @1s4d 6. 0.0
By 1 Hog Supposed to weigh 16 lb @ 2d lb 0. 2.8
By 1 Pig. 0. 2.0
By 1 Hog Supposed to weight 60 lb @2s lbd 0.10.0
By 1 Pig 0. 2.0
By 1 Cow Supposed to Weigh 3OO lb @2d lb 2.10.0
By 2 Hogs Wt. 174 lb @2d lb 1. 9.0
By 10 lb. 6 oz. Tallow @5d lb 0. 4.3 1/2
By Live Stock remaining 16. 0.0
-------------
L 29.19.5 1/2
Ballance [sic] Due to W.E. 52. 5.4 1/4
--------------
L 82. 5.4-3/4



By Servants returned to
the Trustees when paid L 18.7.6

Savannah 2 Dec. 1740
Appear'd before us John Fallowfield Baylif [sic] and John Pye Recorder.
Wm. Ewen and upon his Oath Declared that the within Acct. is Just and
True

John Fallowfield William Ewen

John Pye

Mr. Bolzius to Mr. Hen. Newman

Ebenezer 29 Dec. 1740

Dear Sir

We are in hopes our former letters of Sundry times are come Safe long
before this to your hand, tho we have not enjoyed the Satisfaction to
hear any thing, neither of you nor the Revd. Mr. Siegenhagon
these 12 months. Our last letter to you was dated the 28th. of June
last, in which we answer'd the contents of your favour [sic] of the 28th.
October 1739. Almighty God count us worthy of being Shortly
acquainted with your and the Honble. Societies Welfare, and the happy
Success of their pious Undertakings for the Glory of God in Christ
Jesus our Lord.

To the glory of his infinite mercy we must own that his manifold
Blessings did attend us, this as well as the former years in the
performances of our Ministerial Offices, of which God has given us the
grace to See many Spiritual fruits among grown people & children.

Our & our hearers health have been hitherto Well tolerably, and
when Some ill State of health did Sometimes befall us, it redounded by
the bountifull [sic] Providence of God to our Spiritual Rest, for being
prepared for our future happy departure from this needfull [sic] to a
better World.

At the close of this year, we make bold to lay a List of the
Inhabitants of Ebenezer, before the Society, which you will be pleased
to communicate to the Honble. Trustees if you think it fit. For the
present consists the whole Congregation of the Saltsburgers [sic] in 64
families, which contain 117 grown people men and women, and 72 big and
Small children. 1 Man, 1 big girl, and 5 Small children died at home,
and 3 Men in the Seige [sic] of Augustine. 12 children all belonging
to our town are Christned [sic], and 7 couples given in marriage.

In the beginning of this year, the Saltshurgers [sic] have Settled
their Plantations at Abercorn Creek (quite wrongfully call'd So),
which now is call'd Ebenezer Mill River, since our good God has blessed
the peoples endeavour's So far as to assist them at their building a
Strong corn mill as is come to perfection, and will be (if God is
pleas'd to preserve it) of great use to our and other places in the
Colony & neighborhood; We doubt not but our dear Benefactors who have
been always Strongly enclined [sic] to promote our Welfare, will contribute
bountifully. Some towards the charges of this mill, and enable us to
undertake other necessary buildings, for our and other comers advantage.

From that Contribution of which the Revd. Mr. Whitfield has been
a happy Sollicitor [sic] in England, We design Shortly to build a convenient
house for publick [sic] Worship, and are in hopes to enjoy the gracious
countenance of the Lord, and the good assistance of generous Benefactors
at this very necessary and usefull [sic] Building, Seeing, that not
only a Church, but a School likewise is required for training up children
in the fear of God, and necessary instructions.

Under the gracious protection of God, our little Institution of
maintaining widows & orphans, and other helpless people, is carry'd on
pretty well, and being founded on the Source and fountain of all
blessings, even the living God, we doubt not it will be a further
Refuge of many poor & distressed people, to their Spiritial [sic] and
temporal releif [sic], There are now maintain'd in the Orphan house by
mere benefactions from Europe 21 persons, and we beleive [sic] the
benefits that are bestow'd upon them, answer the Ends intended by the
Benefactors.

We are now destitute of an English Schoolmaster: Henry Bishop, who was Sent
hither 6 years agone, by the Society under the conduct of Mr. Vatt, has
taught the Children English for Some time, for which Labour [sic] he had
5 L Sterlg. a year from the Store at Savanah, and his Freedom besides;
But after he has marry'd a woman, he finds he cannot Subsist &. live by
this Small Sallary [sic], therefore rather chose to follow Agriculture,
than keep School. We take the freedom to acquaint you with this our Want,
begging humbly the Societies favour [sic] of redressing it as far as
lyes [sic] in their power.

The Saltsburgers [sic] have been for Some months busie [sic] in building
the above mention'd Corn mill, and therefore could not do So much
Labour [sic] in the ground and elsewhere for their maintenance: Would
therefore be very glad if the Honble. Trustees would be pleas'd to pay
the charges of it, as we made bold to beseech them in our last Letters
in Septbr., and this month to Herman Verelts Esq; and we entreat the
goodness of the Honble. Society to enforce the Supplication by their
Recomendation.

Lastly, We beg of God that he may be pleas'd to crown you and
the worthy Members of the Society in this new, & many more years, with
all manner of blessings, for carrying on the praise worthy designs,
for which they live & Act in this World, till God is pleas'd to
release them from this and bring them to the other World, to reap
eternally the happy fruits of their pious labours [sic], especially of that
good Seed, which they have Sow'd by their benefactions at Ebenezer, to
many peoples happiness. In the meantime we wont [sic] leave off to put up
to the Throne of Grace our most humble prayers for their & your health
and Welfare, by the assurance of which We remain

Dear Sir

Yr. obedt. very humble. Servants
Jo. Martin Bolzius
Israel Christian Gronau

Dr. Thylo & Mr. Ortman
present their humbe. respects
to you, begging the favour of
you to recomend [sic] their poor
circumstances of maintaining
themselves to the Honbe. Society

Saml. Perkins, and Fra. Moore to the Trustees, arriv'd 8 April
1740

Frederica in Georgia 29 Dec. 1740

Gentlemen

As we never troubled your honours [sic] with any Letter, we hope you
will please to pardon this notwithstanding it happens at a time, when
not only the Affairs of this province, but also part of the National
ones are under your Direction and Consideration.

Our having been Magistrates ever since this Town was settled in
1736 and having Acted (as we Imagined) conformable to the Strict Oath
we then took, and being now apprehensive of some misrepresentations
to you against us obliges us to apply for protection to your Honours [sic],
Against whom we never designed any ill, but on the Contrary we he
endeavoured [sic] to Shew by our Behaviour [sic] here, that your
Intention was to Encourage those who bore Offices under you, to Act with
Humanity and Justice and not to Suffer those who pretend to be of a higher
Rank than others (by reason that they have better friends, or have had the
Good fortune to be particularly distinguished by your Honours [sic]) to
oppress those who are poorer than themselves, who have anothing [sic] to
depend on but their Honesty and Industry.

If the Endeavouring [sic] to Justify the poor and prevent their being
ill used with Impunity be a Crime then we ere great Offenders; but as
we never pretended to understand the Nicely of the Laws, and if it
should appear to your Honours [sic], that we have done Something
irregular in our Office, for want of knowing the nice terms (and yet at
the Same time if what we are Charged with should appear to be agreeable
to all Laws of Right and Reason) In that Case we hope your honours [sic]
will rather impute it to our want of Experience in those Affairs than to any
design of either doing an unjust thing or giving way to any private
Pique of our own, to the person who thinks himself Injured. He is a
person for whom you seem to have a great Regard, and has Often told us
that he would Represent the Affair to your Honours [sic], if it was to be by
him rightly and Justly stated, we are of Opinion that our Crime will
not appear so prodigiously Black, as it is here endeavoured [sic] to be
Represented, and what gives us great Satisfaction, is, that we are sure
that your honours [sic] will have more Regard to an Acct. sent you by one
party, who has made himself known to you (let the manner be ever so
agreeable or Satisfactory to your Honours [sic]) than you will to that sent
you by the other party, who thinks it a Misfortune to have done their
duty in so obscure a Scituation [sic] that no opportunity has Offer'd of
making them known, or ever being recommended to your Honours [sic].

In Order to give you a true notion of the Affair and being apprehensive
of defects in what you may received from other hands, we beg leave to
give you a Short Acct. of it, in doing of which we have great Regard
to impose nothing upon your Honours [sic] but what we can make
appear to be fact, having in our our hands Sufficient proofs for it and
which we will transmit to you whenever required.

About two years ago Wm. Allen in Court demanded a Debt due to
him of one pound thirteen shilling and Six pence for Clapboards and
Labour by Thos. Hawkins, who disputed the same for some months, the
Same was again brought into Court, upon which Mr. Hawkins paid one
pound five shillings in part of the same (which we humbly apprehend
was acknowledging the same to be just,) Allen afterwards brought the
remaining part of the Debt into Court, upon which Mr. Hawkins then
promised to pay him, but as soon as the Court was adjourned he refused
to Comply with his promise, this he continued doing for 2 or three Court
days at one Court in particular, a Jury was Sworn and ready to try
the Affair between the Said Hawkins and Allen, upon which the former
desired that the Same might not go any farther for that he would pay
the said Allen his demands, no sooner was the Court over, but he again
refused to pay what he had promised, thus did he continue trifling
with Allen, and breaking his promises (which any other but himself
would have been a Shamed of) untill [sic] the 4th. day of Feby. last,
at which time Allen made oath in Court to the remaining part of his Debt,

Complained how often Hawkins had trifled both with the Court and
himself, and therefore he desired that the Same might be then deter-
mined, Upon which there being no other Magistrates but ourselves,
We sent to Mr. Hawkings [sic] the following Letter, Vizt.

Frederica 4th. 1739/40

Mr. Hawkins

We desire to Know what reasons you have to Offer for not having
paid Wm. Allen the eight Shillings and Six pence which he has often
proved before the Court to be due, and which you have often promised
to pay, he has made Oath that you are so much Indebted to him, and we
wait for your Answer before we distrain upon your Goods for the Said
eight Shillings and Six pence, this Affair has been at least 5 months
in dispute before the Several Courts, and we are now determined to be
no longer troubled with it. We are

Sir

Yr. most humble servants

Samuel Perkins
Francis Moore

The following is the Answer to the foregoing Letter, Vizt.

To Mr. Samuel Perkins
and Francis Moore

Gentlemen

My health will not permiit [sic] me at present to attend the Court, as
soon as able, I am willing and able to make my defence [sic] and hope
in the mean time I shall not be Condemn'd unheard.

Yr. humble Servant

Thomas Hawkins

The above Excuse of not being well we looked upon to be only a
design of his to gain a little more time to trifle with us, and there
fore we immediately granted a distraint against him, which the next
next day Executed, but Hawkins sent for John Calwell the other
Magistrate and he replevied the Goods, Since which we dont [sic] find
that any thing more hath been done in the Affair.

There was a Court held the 20th. day of August last, at which an
Affair happened that Occasioned our two Names to he made use of (for
having distrained upon the Goods of Thomas Hawkins) in a manner very
disagreeable to any honest men; at the Same time Francis Moore not being
then in Court so soon as Thomas Hawkins, the latter sent a Constable to
acquain [sic] the Recorder, that if he would not come to Court, he would
appoint another in his Stead. This proud imperious behaviour [sic] from one
Magistrate to another, and finding our selves accused of a Crime little
inferiour [sic] to Robbery (which taking the forementioned measures of
endeavouring to make Thomas Hawkins pay Wm. Allen was represented to be) we
refused to Act any longer as Magistrates unless Hawkins would pay the
said Debt to Allen (who is a poor Industrious honest man, and at that
time that Small Sum would have been greatly usefull [sic] to him) but he did
not only refuse to pay the said Sum but also did in the presence of his
Excellency General Oglethorpe declare the Debt to be unjust, and abso-
lutely affirm that he had never promised to pay it, tho not only we two
but also several other Freeholders of this Town, who were present when
he made such promises have made Oath to the Contrary.

We shall not concluded without acquainting your honours [sic], that tho we
cannot Justify our Selves in this Affair, without Speaking plainly concerning
Thomas Hawkins, yet we should be ungratfull [sic] to him if we did not in
a great measure thank him, for whatever benefit hath Accrued to us in our
Offices, because were it not for his trifling Debts and demands. Coming
upon him from almost every one, that he has any dealings with, there would
be but very little Occasion for any Courts to be held here.

As Thomas Hawkins has often declared that he would Appeal to
your honours [sic] in the Case above mentioned, we think our Selves
under a Necessity of doing the Same, and hope that your Honours [sic]
will let us know, whether what we have done be agreeable to the manner
in which you would have those persons Act, who bear Offices under you.
We are Gentlement [sic]

Yr. Honours [sic]

Most Obedient Servants.

Saml. Perkins
Fras. Moore

To the Honble. the Trustees

Jo. Pye, Recorder of Savanah to the Trustees

Savannah Dec. 30. 1740

Gentlemen

Having wrote to your Honours [sic] about a month ago to desire you
to send your Orders to the person appointed by your Honours [sic] to pay the
publick [sic] debts in Savannah and as the present danger of the Seas may
prevent your Honours [sic] from receiveing [sic] my former letter, I hope you will not take it amiss for my thus troubling your Honours [sic], Indeed I would not trouble you with my trifling affairs did not necessity oblige me.

The want of the money due from your Honours [sic] has drove [sic] me to
great Extremety [sic], I have been obliged to Borrow money to Support my
family for which I am lyable [sic] to be charged 10 p Ct. Interest.

I have Several times applyed [sic] to Col. Stephens and Mr. Jones to
pay me part of it if they could not pay me all, their Answer was to me
that your Honrs, had not sent Orders about what you would be pleased to
allow me p Annum or the Commencement of the time, but said that they did
not doubt but your honours [sic] would allow me the full Sum mentioned in
the Estimate! Indeed Mr. Jones offer'd to lend me a Sum of money, but
he required my note for it -- Indeed Gentlemen I do my utmost in per-
forming the Trust imposed on me, I don't do as I would if your Honours [sic]
sent me your Instructions Mr. Jones and Mr. Parker who Act as one
in every thing Say I have only power to Act as Recorder, that is to
take down the proceedings of Court &c. if so Consequently they
can carry what cause they will having only Mr. Fallowfield to oppose
them.

I shall Act with a great deal of pleasure if your Honours [sic] will
be pleased to send me in writing what the Business of a Recorders
property is, As likewise your Orders to your Cashire [sic] to pay me.

They Sometime say I must keep a Clerk, but what occasion have I
so to do: when tis certain I do all the Business my Self.

They Say likewise I ought to keep a Servant, but as I have not yet any
Land to Cultivate your Honours [sic] may Judge whether I act imprudent,
for had I a Clerk and a Servant, and no money to pay wages and procure
Cloathing [sic] provisions &c certainly I should Launch my Self into debt
by it as many others have done which would add more to my present
hardships.

I am persuaded your Honours [sic] will not stop any of my Sallery [sic] for
not keeping a Servant, when Mr. Jones receives his Sallary [sic], tho he have
no Land or any Improvement. Pardon this freedome [sic] and give me leave to
Subscribe my Self

Yr. Honours [sic] most Obedt. and

Dutifull [sic] Humble Servant

John Pye

From Mr. F. Moore rec. 8 April 1741
Frederica in Georgia 30th Decr. 1740.

My Lord

Though I have the honour [sic] of being in some measure known to your
Lordship, I would not have troubled you with any thing to take up that
time which is continually imployd [sic] in doing good things, were it not
that I am apprehensive Your Lordship has ere this been informed of
some irregular Proceedings of mine in my Office of Recorder of
Frederica, This I am sure of, that I have always acted conformable to
my Oath, that is to spy, without Fear, Favour [sic] or Affection, and
at the Same time that I have done Justice, I have given great Content,
and have never been so ill treated as those have who carried it with a
higher hand. If through Ignorance of the Forms of Law it should appear
that I have done a thing that is wrong, I hope the Circumstances will
be considered.

The thing I am charged with, is granting a Distraint before a
Verdict was given.

If a Jury he sworn, ready to try a Cause, and the Defendant
declares in Court that he will pay the Debt rather than have it tried.
The thing there, my Lord, in Dispute is, whether that will enable the
Court to grant a Distraint upon the Defendants not Conforming to his
Voluntary promise made in Court, I am told by a very good hand, that
it will not enable the Court so to do; had that person told it me
before the Distraint was granted, the Cause would certainly have been
tried by a Jury; but I am sorry to find that the word of Trustees Chief
Magistrate &ca. in this Southern part of the Province of Georgia, cannot
when voluntarily spoken in open Court, be taken for eight Shillings and
Sixpence; which is the Sum we distrained for.

In whatever light this Affair may be represented to Your
Lordship, from other hands, I do affirm that the Account now sent the
honourable [sic] Trustees in a Letter from Mr. Samuel Perkins and my self,
is nothing but Fact, and I have Proofs of the same now in my hands, which
shall be transmitted when required.

In August last I resigned my Office of Recorder, and at the same
time protested to Act as such no more, untill [sic] Mr. Hawkins paid the
Debt due to William Allen of eight shillings and six pence. He said he
would not pay the same it being unjust, If so, what reason can be given
for his promising, when in Court to pay the same.

Though Mr. Hawkins has often declared that he would represent
this Unjust action of ours (as he calls it) to the Trust, it is not
impossible but that he may have been perswaded [sic] to the contrary. How
ever we cannot in Justice to our selves let it pass without acquainting
their Honours [sic] of it, because the Same hath been here industriously
represented as a Crime little inferiour [sic] (if at all) to a Robbery.

I beg pardon for the liberty I now take of inclosing your Lordship a
Duplicate of our Letter to the Honorable Trustees, and if your
Lordship will let me know your Opinion of our Conduct in this Affair
it shall be ever esteemed as the greatest honour [sic] to

Yr. Lordships most humble and most

Obedient Servant

Fras. Moore

NB. He Surrender'd his Comission [sic] the
following year

6 Jany. 1740-1

James Oglethorpe Esqr.

To Andrew Duchee

By Virtue of Powers Granted from his Majesty Georg the Second
by the Grace of God King of Great Britain France and Ireland Defender
of the Faith &c, I Do Appoint you Andrew Duchee, to be Constable of
Percival Heathcoat and the Upper New Wards; You are to Train and
Exercise the Militia of the Said Wards and to keep the peace and Obey
all such Orders as you shall receive from me, or from such Person or
Persons, As I shall appoint to Command, Train and Exercise the Militia,
and this shall continue in full force untill [sic] I or such as I shall
Succeed, to my Commands shall recall the Same, And then it shall
Cease and determine

Given under my hand and Seal at Savannah in Georgia the 9th.
day of April 1740.

James Oglethorpe

Copia Vera

Witness
Jno. Pye
P Joubert
William Ewen

Arrived 8. April 1741

Ebenezar [sic] 8 Jany. 1740/1

Hond. Father & Mother

This with our kind loves to you all, I an willing to let you
know of my Welfare. I wrote you last year, but recd, no Answer.

Genl. Oglethorpe gave me my freedom last year, as I wrote you, Allow'd
me a Small quantity of provision, and a Cow, a calf, a Sheep, promising
me Some housewarming. Tools, & a hog, but his fatigue being So great,
was obliged to embark for Augustine with our Indians & his Soldiers,
and Some Carolina people; took 2 forts from the Spaniards, But the
Indians and his white Servants all growing Sick, he was not able to
take Augustine from the Spaniards, he being himself very Sick, the
Spaniards knowing of it, fell out of the Castle twice upon him, but he
beat them in again in their Castle: his people growing worser, he was
obliged to march home, he being ever Since at home, at his house in
Frederica, he being Still Sick, never coming to Georgia, I dont [sic] know
whether I Shall get what he promised me.

To tell you plainly, I have alter'd my course of living, that
is, I am marry'd to a high German girl, of decent, Sober, godly
bewtifull [sic] body, one whom love above all the World. The Revd. Mr.
Bolzius marry'd us. My Master. I having built a house upon our town
Lot, which every Freeholder is obliged to do, and fence in the Lot,
and plant it with Mulberry, peach, & apple trees. Design to remove
this Winter to our plantation to Settle my Self there, to clear land
for planting, and to build a house to live in upon our plantation, it
being 6 miles out of town. Our plantations are Settled very regularly,
they lying all along by a river called Abercorn River, So that every

one of our people can go from his Plantation by water, in a Canoa [sic] to
town, or to Georgia town or any where else to Sell their goods. I
have likewise a Canoa or boat which I made my Self: We make them out
of great large Cyprus trees: they must be hewn out all in one piece.

This with my and my wifes [sic] loves to you all, we remain your most
dutyfull [sic] children

Henry and Frederica Bishop

Col. Oglethorpe to the Trustees, arrived 19 April 1741

Frederica 24th. Jany. 1740/1

Gentlemen

I write this upon a Single Point, that is, the keeping together
the people that are upon this Island, and in this Town that do not
belong to the Soldiery. I have not yet acquainted you, not thinking
indeed there was occasion, that some months ago, one of the Bailiffs
Mr. Perkins, and Francis Moore, who belongs to me. Acquainted the
Court that they resigned their Offices, and about the Same time Doctor
Hawkins the first Bailiff, desired I would accept of his. On my
declining to have any Resignations, he, I suppose, waits for your
Orders to accept of his Resignation. The Consequence of these humours [sic]
which flow from differences between them, makes a kind of Stoppage of
necessary business, and a great deal of unnecessary trouble. I could
think but of one Single remedy, to make some Provisionary [sic] Bailiffs,
till I know your Opinion, which I beleive [sic] will naturally be to
continue such as are so made. When Divisions run high between particular
people who are imployd [sic] by the publick [sic], I think the best way to
quiet factions, is imploying [sic] those who are not concerned in the
Difference.

I think Perkins has been long a Magistrate, so has Dr. Hawkins,
as for Moore, he has Business enough besides, and more than any one man
can turn his hands to. I think he is in the right not to wish to
be in Employment here, what his Reasons are for resigning, I don't
know, perhaps I might not think them right. This I certainly know,
that the Magistrates here being quiet men, and of the place, and who
would confine themselves to the meer [sic] Duty of Bailiffs of Corporate
Towns in England would answer more your intentions and preserve the
peace in the Place, better then they will do by imagining that they
have any thing to do with other Affairs, or that they are greater men
than the Bailiffs of Corporate Towns are in Europe.

I wrote this Letter purely upon this head, and shall not trouble
you with a vast deal that I should have to say, upon the prudence and
necessity of this Step, since I beleive it will be a thing generally
approved of, if not, I can produce and prove a number of reasons for
the doing it, and am perswaded [sic] that it is almost the only measure that
can give quiet here. You are very sinsible [sic] when you Established these
Courts, being entirely according to the Old English Constitution, that
Bailiffs are not required to understand the niceties of Westminster
hall. I am therefore far from blaming Conduct which arises from any
Ignorance of that kind, and am willing at any time to give advice, as I
have been from the first obliged to do, as far as my small Capacity
will go. I look upon them all as my Children and advise them not to
carry private differences into publick [sic] Contentions, and therefore
think the best way of doing is to remove those who never can agree in their
Opinions, and find out others who will not differ without reason
of such importance as will justify the same.

I am sorry to write upon so small an occasion when I have so
many of so much importance particularly to give you an Answer to
several very proper Questions which I received from you, that will
give you still greater light into the affairs here, and whereby you
will be better enabled to inform Mankind how much this Country has been
misrepresented by men whose Ends ere not yet quite apparent, but which
every day will prove more and more to concur entirely with what the
Spaniards wish.

I have appointed Mr. Thomas Marriotte to Act as Second Bailiff
in the room of Mr. Samuel Perkins, He is Son to Captain Marriott, and
came over with me. He has taken up the Lot that was Whites, he told me
he would write to you upon this Occasion, to acquaint you that he is
very willing to do every thing that he can, and to execute the Office
to the very best of his Understanding. He has hitherto behaved very
well, and I hope he will not change for the worse. I am

Gentlemen

Your most Obedient
humble Servant
James Oglethorpe

The Honourable the Trustees.

Col. Oglethorpe's Vindication of his Conduct; Sent to the
Trustees 24. Jany. 1740/l and arrived by Mr. Carteret 19 April
1741

Some Transactions in Georgia and Florida
in the years 1739 and 1740

The Spanish Minister at London Sir Thomas Fitzgerald presented
a Memorial against the Colony of Georgia and claimed as part of the
Spanish province of Florida, as far as thirty three degrees and half

North Latituded [sic], and in pursuance of that, presented another memorial
in very Strong terms, requiring the abandoning of what he called
florida [sic], and the not imploying [sic] James Oglethorpe either in Georgia or
Carolina and his Majesty also received advice from Commodore Dent and
from the Havannah [sic], confirmed by Advices from the Lieutenant Governor
of South Carolina of the preparations arrived at Augustine for the
Invasion of Georgia, a particular Acct. of which is contained in the
annixed [sic] Affidavit, on which his Majesty was graciously pleased to Order
a Strong Remonstrance to be made to the King of Spain against molesting
his British Subjects in Georgia and Carolina, and at the same time
Order'd James Oglethorpe with a Regiment to defend those provinces.

The first Detachment arrived in May 1738 himself with the remainder in
September following, The Spaniards notwithstanding their vast prepara-
tions stayed for more Succours [sic] from Ciba before they would hazard the
attacking Georgia, during which time his Majesty having insisted upon
an Order from the King of Spain to forbid the Spaniards Committing
Hostilities in Georgia the Same was sent to Augustine and the troops
and Embarkations [sic] returned to Cuba except 8 Companies of 50 men
each of the following Regiments Viz.

Companies

Esturias. 2
Cantabria. 2
Mercia. 2
Valentia. 2
Catalonia. 1

Besides the Old Garrison which consisted of


3 Indept. Companies of 100 men each
1 Company of Artillery 100
1 Troop of horse 100

After his Arrival he received in June 1739 an Account of the Convention
with Spain together with Orders not to fortify, dated Whitehall 18
March 1738/9 which he so exactly observed that most of the little
forts in Georgia only built with Wood and Earth, ran to decay, and he
took the occasion of this Tranquility to visit the Indians inhabiting
in the West of Georgia, and to be present at the great Assembly of the
States of the Upper and lower Creeks in the Cowheta [sic] Town. On his
return from thence he met a Rumour [sic] at Augusta, that there was
a breach with the Spaniards, on which he hasted to Savannah 3OO miles
from thence. His Pacquetts [sic] from his Grace the Duke of Newcastle
having by some delay in America been prevent from coming to his hand,
he received them not till some time after his arrival there. Had his Graces
Orders been obeyed in America, and the Packet sent to him with proper
Expedition; he could have obtained the assistance of a numerous body of
Indians.

The Spaniards attacked the Island Amelia on the 13th. day of
November 1739, and Surprized [sic] and killed two Highlandmen, cutting off
their heads and dismembring [sic] their Bodies in a barbarous manner, which
made it immediately necessary to take all measures, though expence [sic]
thereupon accrued to execute his Majesty's Orders, Which were for his
Majestys [sic] to Annoy those of Spain in the best manner they were able,
and to put himself into as good a posture of Defence [sic] as possible to oppose any attempts that may be made against Georgia by the Spaniards,
taking care to get the Earliest Intelligence he could of their Designs.

He immediately granted Commissions to such privateers as applyed [sic]
for them. It was impossible for him to put the Colony into any posture
of defence [sic], without having some men to bring Intelligence and Search
the Woods, and watch the motions of the Spaniards and their Indians,
which none but horsemen or Indians could do, for foot could not
March quick enough, therefore he raised two Troops of Rangers, or
horsemen, and sent up Captain Cuthbert to Carolina to by [sic] horses
for them.

It was also necessary to Call down the Creek and Cherokee Indians, to
hinder the Spanish Indians called Yamasees [sic] and Florida's, and the
Slaves who had run away to them for Carolina, from harrassing [sic] the
Country and ruing the Plantations, and from facilitating a Revolt of
the Carolina Slaves, for this purpose he sent up Mr. Eyre, Captain
Brown and others to the Cherokee Captain Wiggin Mr. Willy and
others to the Creeks, and Capt. Dunbar to fetch the Uchees and the
Savannas.

Georgia and Carolina towards the Sea Coast is divided into Islands so
that all the Rivers from the Santee in the North part of
South Carolina, down to St. Johns River in Florida, which is near 400
miles communicate with each other by Canals, and large Boats or half
Galleys can go through those Canals between the Islands and the Main
without going out to Sea. There are numbers of these Canals running
among the woods, so that they make a Labyrinth of waters, and great
numbers of Islands, therefore it was necessary to have aimed Boats for
preventing the savages of the Spanish Boats, through these Canals, as
well as for transporting Soldiers, Ammunition, and Provisions from
Island to Island, for the Regiment is obliged to be garrisoned in the
Islands of Cumberland, St. Simons, and Jekyll, and if they had not
Boats their Communication would he entirely cutt [sic] off, He therefore
got as many Boats as he could, and armed them as well as what could be
bought in that Country would allow, and hired Boats and Vessels for
transporting Men &c. He also continued the Trustees Garrison at Fort
Augusta, which was to have been releived [sic] by a Detachment of the
Regiment, that place being absolutely necessary for keeping the
Communication with the Cherokee and Creek Indians, and preventing any
Incursions from Enemy Indians, But it was such a distance from the
Regiment, that at that time it was improper to divide them and weaken
the Body on the Frontiers by so considerable a Detachment.

The Men of War being rarely here, it was necessary to have a
Sloop of Some Strength and Arms to send Advice by Sea or fetch in
Vessels since a Pilot Boat would be too much exposed to be taken by any
Spanish Craft, or even Indian Canooes [sic], he therefore took Mr. Loggie
into service who had been Mate on Board the Hawk and gave him the
Command of a Sloop; He also brought in Provisions, least we should
be distressed by the Communications being interrupted by Spanish
Privateers by Sea, or Parties by Land, It was necessary to keep all
Methods of Supply open, therefore he did what he could to encourage the
keeping the Road open from Savannah to Darien and the bringing down
Cattle from the latter place by land from the Old Settlements, next it
was necessary to fortify, and the Old Forts being run to ruin, it
seemed better at once to reintrench [sic] Frederica and make the Stand
there.

It was necessary also to get Store houses, Powderhouses, and other
buildings, all which, was attempted to be done as far as the number of
men he could hire, would enable him. He had also a Road for Communica-
tion opened through the Woods from the forts at the Entrance of Jekyll
Harbour [sic] to the Town of Frederica, and several other things done
in the Fortification way.

Upon the Murder being Committed by the Spaniards on Amelia, and
on Advices that the Spaniards had again landed there, and lain hid in
the woods. He immediately with what Boats he could hire, and men he
could raise, pursued them, but they being escaped off that Island, he
returned to Frederica and prepared to get Boats for Scowering [sic] the
River St. Johns to burn their Boats there and prevent their harrassing [sic]
us by water. On the 9th December he landed on the Spanish main, the Creek
Indians, the King of the Chickasaws with his Indians, and also some of
the Uchee Nation, having joyned [sic] him, he ravaged Florida as far as
Fort St. Diego and burnt what Craft was in the River St. Johns, excepting
a ten Oared Boat that Sheltered its Self under Fort St. Francis.

He then thought the best measure to be took would be the Attacking
Fort St. Francis, and by that means hinder the Communication
between the Spaniards at St. Augustine and the main land of Florida, for
that River and the lakes of Florida make an island of the place in
which St. Augustine stands, and this fort was built within the Bounds
of the Charter of King Charles the Second, and the Act cf Parliament
pursuant to the Treaty of 167O give to the English.

He prepared for the Seige [sic] of that place which was pretty expensive
as well by reason of hiring Boats as for provisions, Ammunition And a
Small train of four pounders. He took that place and Picolata on
the 7th day of Jany. 1739/40, with a serjeant [sic], Corporall [sic],
and nine of the troops Prisoners, having Examined them with Captain
Pearse, and the Account they gave confirming other Advices, that the
Garrison of Augustine was in great distress for want of pay and
provisions, and that the Old Companies wanted near half their Compliment of
men, he met the field Officers and Captains with Captain Pearse, and by
their Advice resolved to desire the Assistance of the people of Carolina
against Augustine they having Already declared their great desire
for taking that place. He sent up Major Heron with an Account of what
was necessary for the Bombardment, they refused the particulars, but
offerd [sic] L 120,000, Currency, upon Conditions which to him seemed
Contrary to his Majestys [sic] Instructions and detrimental to the Royal
Authority and dependance all Colonies ought to have on his Majesty. He
went to Charles Town to perswade [sic] them to give the necessary Assistance
without these Limitations, He also wrote to Virginia, to Providence,
and the Officers Commanding his Majestys [sic] ships. The Governour of
Virginia gave no Assistance, but the Lieutenant Governour [sic] and Council
of Providence sent Mortar peices [sic]. Shells, and powder, with great zeal.

Captain Pearse, Captain Warren and the other men of War were very willing
to Assist, but the Carolina Preparations were Slow, and he did not
receive his Majestys [sic] Orders by the Colchester man of War till the 28
April 1740, The Man of War could not come from Virginia, so we lost her
Assistance. He immediately pursuant to his Majestys [sic] Orders raised a
Company of Highlanders and made several other Expences [sic], but could not
get Pioneers nor Plank nor many other materials necessary, nor did the
Carolina people send Sufficient, however he landed in Florida, a new
Expence [sic] then arose, to encourage the Rangers and Indians to go
out against the Spaniards he gave a Premium of five pounds Sterling a
horse, hoping they would he usefull [sic] in drawing the Artillery, but they
proved wild and weak, and the Cannon which we had from Charles Town
had Sea Carriages which horses could not draw, we were therefore
obliged to pay Seamen and others for drawing them. He found that the
half Galleys escaped the Men of War, and got in with succours [sic] from
Cuba whilst he was upon the way from Charles Town, it was then too late
to give over the Enterprise, so we Continued it, and did Bombard and
Canonade [sic] the place for twenty days, and blocked it up Close on
the land side and the North Bar, but seven Vessels loaded with Provisions
and men from Cuba escaped the Men of War, and got in by Sea at the South
Entry.

The men of War being absolutely resolved not to stay longer than the 5th
July, and the place being Victualled [sic] and Succoured [sic] from Cuba
we with some difficulty drew off the Cannon and Mortars, and embarked them.
Sir Yelverton Peyton being gone off and the rest being resolved to go.
The men of War sailed from Augustine on the [ ] day of July, and he
drew off the day afterwards marching to St. Diego where he halted two days,
and having carried the Spanish Cannon from thence, he marched to St. Johns,
where he halted for some days, and from thence our men being grown extreamly [sic] Sickly, and himself worn down with a feaver [sic] which he had struggled
against all the Campaign, having drawn off the Garrison from St. Diego, he also drew off that from Pupa, which he rased [sic]; he also drew off the Garrison from Amelia that he might keep the Regiment together and leaving Coll. Cook to repair the Fortifications on the South end of Cumberland, and at St. Andrews, he drew off the two Companies from Cumberland that the whole Regiment might be together on the Island, and only releived [sic] the Forts William and St. Andrews on Cumberland by Detachments. He was so ill himself as to keep his Bed, and is not yet able to go through business, but notwithstanding that, he was forced to inspect the remounting the Rangers,
to raise men for the Boats, and cause them to be repaired, the Man of War
going away he was obliged to keep on the large Sloop which he had bought for
guarding the Rivers, by the Advice of Captain Pearse, and one other Small one,
the men of War drawing so much water as not to be able to come into many of them.

Advices came to him that Matthews and some planters on the Alatamaha
were quitting their Settlements apprehending an Invasion from
the Spanish Indians, he therefore Order'd a Garrison to be raised of
twenty men it being too far to be releived [sic] by a Garrison of the
Regiment. It was also necessary that they should have horses.

The Inhabitants of Savannah being apprehensive that the Spanish
Boats might annoy them by water, or Indians by land, and a Murder
having been Committed in the woods of that Neighbourhood [sic],he
appointed one Boat to watch the Inletts [sic], and ten horsemen to
Scower [sic] the Woods and the Murderers being a Spanish Docter [sic]
and an Irish Deserter were taken and Executed, He also at the Request
of the people of Ebenezer granted 7 horsemen, and at Mount Pleasant
on the River Savannah, which place and Palichocolas are the two Fords
at which the Negroes can best pass from Carolina, to the Spaniards, he appointed 12 Horsemen.

Col. Oglethorpe to Ld. Egmont arrived 19 April 1741
Frederica 25th. Jany. 1740/1

My Lord

My long Sickness which is rather a Continuance of a Feaver [sic] I
carried from Charles Town and encreased [sic] in the Indian Nation,
than a New Illness, will, I am sure to your good nature be an excuse for my
not writing frequently. This illness has hung upon me almost con-
tinually, some Intervals I have had, but the Common Fatigues neces-
sary to doing any thing in this Country, such as lying in Boats, or on
the ground exposed to the injurys [sic] of the weather in the heats of
Summer, as well as the Colds of Winter, have occasioned frequent
Relapses, and I have been the least Capable of Business when I had the
most occasion for it. I was seized in a very violent manner with a fit of
the Feaver [sic] a few days after I passed Saint Johns River, I struggled
against it as long as we kept the Field; a bear Skin for a Bed, and a
Cloak for a Tent, bad water and Violent Rains were but ill remedies for
such a Distemper. Yet God be praised, I rather mended than grew worse
whilst we kept the feild [sic], though upon the march to Augustine I was
hardly able to walk, yet I saw the troops all safe in their Garrisons,
or out of danger of any pursuits from the Spaniards. I then returned
to Frederica, and my Spirits which I had pushed to the utmost, no
longer able to Support me, I Staggerd [sic] from the Boat to my Lodging
and was forced to keep my bed; and have hardly been able to go abroad
since, I am now better in my health, but every time I have gone out,
have in some measure (241) relapsed, and can hardly apply my self either
to Business or to any Study for any time. I beleive [sic] this Letter is an
Instance to your Lordship, that I must be much weakened by Sickness
when I trouble any one at the distance of so many thousand miles, with
a detail of so inconsiderable a thing as my health, but I know your
Lordships goodness and Compassion will make you Excuse my not writing
to you when you see the occasion.

I cannot but say that other peoples not acting with the Same
Vigour [sic] as I expected for the publick [sic] service might
contribute much to my Sickness, but my Illness never hindred [sic]
me from being present at every place necessary either by Land or by
water; If the Enemy had been as well hindered from receiving
Succours by Sea, as they were by Land by a very handfull [sic] of men,
Augustine had certainly surrendered.

I cannot but say that the behaviour [sic] of the Regiment was so good
that I beleive [sic] theres hardly an Instance of any man going through
more Fatigue with chearfullness [sic]. They showed the greatest Courage
upon every occasion. The Indians, particularly the Creeks, showed the
utmost Intrepidity, and were of the greatest service, and parties of
them releived [sic] one another, do this hour, block up the Spaniards by
Land. The Georgia Rangers, the Highlanders and some of the Creek
Indians had but too fatal an occasion of giving proofs of their
Resolution at Moosa, where of those who died, fought with an Obstinacy
worthy of the Greeks or Romans. Griffin a half Indian, Brother to
Musgrove the Interpreters Wife, after his legs were Shot through,
kneeling and supported by a bank, refused quarter, and still fought on,
loading and firing several Shot. Captain Thomas Jones, the Son of an
Englishman by a Creek Indian Woman, killed the Spanish Officer who led
on the party that entred [sic] the Gate, and after the Fort was taken,
fought his way through the Spaniards and came down to the River. I have
sent him up to the Indian Nation, from whence he is with a party of
Creeks to fall upon the Spaniards at Augustine.

We are Extreemly [sic] exposed here and unless the Government allows
us Armed Boats and Sloops sufficient to oppose the half Galleys,
Rangers Sufficient to Scower [sic] the Continent, and Presents to
Support the Indians in the War, we certainly shall be here but in a
very bad Situation.

I am perswaded [sic]every body will do their Duty, but in War, if one
has not what is necessary one can do no more but die. Indeed God
often miraculously delivers from the hands of Enemys [sic], but it is
presumption to hope for Miracles without taking all human measures. I
ventured to keep up the Rangers, and strove to recruit them, also to
get Boats and men, and have manned a Sloop.

As for the Men of War, we have seen nothing of them since they
left us after the Siege, till Christmass [sic], at which time Captain
Townshend called off this Bar, and then went to Charles Town, he did not
come A shore, Stayed but a day or two, and would not come into the
Harbour [sic], though I gave him notice that there was a Privateer
fitted out from Augustine, which had not only taken prizes, but even
carried away the Pilot Boat from off Charles Town Bar. I sent our
Sloop to Convoy the Vessel that brought us the Kings provisions and
she is returned back safe but miserably mawled by bad weather.

With Respect to the Colony, Increase or Improvements can hardly
he expected in a neglected Frontier in time of War. Many people see
well the Situation we are in, few are willing to have it thought that
they remove through fear, tho they are uneasy at Staying, and find out
twenty pretences [sic] of discontent. To this and the Arts of Spanish
Agents who work underground, so as not to bhe perceived, and the
naturall [sic] Scoundrilness [sic] of the Common Run of ill educated men,
I am apt to impute the General dislike which I find there is to do any
thing in the field, even to their raising their own provisions. The
naturall [sic] Consequence of ill success amongst such kinds of people,
whether real or apprehended, is to fly from difficulties and Dangers,
and to abuse and Create lyes [sic] even of their Benefactors, when they
think they can obtain any thing more advantagious, or avoid any disadvantage.
I should have been troubled if I would have given my self any trouble
about it, with an infinite deal of Impertinence, Folly and Nonsense,
by the little divisions amongst the people, who have quite forgot the
Situation they came into this Country in. But all these kind of Tittle
tales I let them Squabble out, and and am far from hindering any from
quitting the place, that satisfy the Debts they owe.

Indeed I have something more serious to think of, that is, to make such
a defence [sic] as a man of Honour [sic] ought to do. Fortifications we
have none of any Consideration, we could not Fortify during the peace, and
I have had neither Funds or time to make any Considerable works since.
What I did at first Settling the Colony were then very terrible for the
small number of men I then had, and against the Enemy I had then to
deal with, but nothing equal to oppose what I may expect if the English
Expedition against the Havannah [sic] fails. The first Forts were made
either of Wood or Earth, and easily went to ruin, there being no Fund
either from the King or the Trustees for Supporting them. However, at
my own hazard I ventured to make an Intrenchment round the Town of
Frederica, to make a Battery or two upon Jekyll Sound, to repair the
Fort at St. Andrews, and make another little one on the South End of
that Island, but you may easily guess what poor Works those must be,
which a Gentleman is able to Answer out of his own Fortune, if the
Expences [sic] are not approved of by the publick [sic], yet the Works
about Frederica would have been in a much better way, and now in a
posture of defence [sic], could I have got men to work, but money will
not do it, though I pay every week; the generality of the Soldiers are
averse to work, and as for the Inhabitants, I do not know what to make
of them, there is not one of them that will work at 12 d a day, though
it is to save their own houses and persons from the Enemy.

Nay, they are so silly as to build in the Town tho it is unfortified, and
yet will not Contribute their Labour for hire, though it is to make those
Buildings safe. Another great hindrance to the Works has been the Death of
Mr. Mace, my Sickness, and that of Calwell whom I have taught something of
Engineering. Since the Siege of Augustine I have never been able to
get above 30 men to work at a time, sometimes not Six, and sometimes
none at all, so that there is but a fourth part of the fort finished,
and the Town is open at all the Angles, and half of the West side
unintrenched [sic]. I fear the hot weather will come on before we shall
have finished any thing, and if our Troops should miscarry in the Siege
of Havannah [sic] I doubt not but we shall be visited by as large a force,
as this province was intended to be attacked with in the year 1738. We
will certainly do the best we can, but if we are destroyed I hope, at
least my Character will not Suffer since I have neither Cannon, Engi-
neers, Fortifications, Troops nor Provisions Sufficient to make a
defence [sic]. The Regiment is a very good one, but I do not think, that
without advantage of Fortifications one man can he expected to Conquer
her, and that there will probably be the odds against us, if the
Spaniards hold the Havannah [sic]. These are things that I do not care to
mention, much less write, least the Speaking might discourage the
people here, or the Writing fell into the hands of the Enemy, but I
take this opportunity of a Gentleman who will certainly sink the Letter
if he sees danger of being taken, and I write that measures may be taken
for our Assistance.

These Ills may he prevented if it is possible to send us a
number of Labouring [sic] men, either Britons or Germans, Sufficient
to fortify one place upon this Island well. If we have funds for keeping
up two troops of Rangers, one upon the main, and one upon the
Islands, Presents for keeping 4 or 500 Indians continually in Action
against the Spaniards. (I by Experience find that they stand at least
in L 10 p head, to them and the Interpreters bringing them down). One
hundred men with Armed Boats and Sloops to Act by water, and a years
provisions to he constantly kept for the Regiment in the Town. In
this Situation, if the Town was fortified according to my plan I should
not doubt, either to defend it against all the Spanish Force in America,
or to fall with great Reputation, but as I can hardly hope that England
will be at this Expence [sic], I must now even console my Self with doing
my Duty. I have acquainted every Body what should have been done for the
Seige [sic] of Augustine, but as it was not I did not Succeed for want of
those very things I before demanded from Carolina and could not obtain.

It is now incumbent upon me to write the Circumstances we are
in, to the Ministry, which I shall do by this occasion, I acquaint
your Lordship with it since I know your warm heart to your Country,
your good wishes to me, and that you will Speak to all where you see it
will be of service.

Besides this long letter I shall trouble your Lordship with a
Short one recommending the Gentleman who carries it. I am

Your Lordships

most obedt. humble servant

James Oglethorpe

I intended to have wrote [sic] another letter to yr. Lordship but Mr,
Carteret will deliver you this whom I recommend to your Lordship, He
can give you an Acct. of the last Expedition in which he was my Aid de
Camp.

Col. Oglethorpe to Mr. Vernon Recd, 19. Aprl. 1741

Frederica 26 Jany. 1740/1

Sir

The Admiral has favour'd me with Some letters as well as you, and I am
happy in congratulating you upon his first Success, and was as
deeply concern'd for the condition he was So kind to inform me the
fleet was afterwards in for want of materials, as also his desire to
attempt Something early. Upon the very first breach with Spain, I wrote
to him to acquaint him how desirous I was of being with him, & offer'd
if I could dispatch the Affair of Augustine, and drive the Spaniards
thence, instantly to go on board any Vessels as he Should Send me. I
take this to he within the power of my Comission [sic] & his, viz. One who
is Genl. and Comands [sic] in Chief, may at the request of an Admiral go on
board his Squadron, if he thinks it for his Majesties Service.

I am Sorry to acquaint you, that instead of attacking Augustine
in Jany. which if the Assembly of Carolina would have assisted me, I
might have done, and probably the place must have Surrender'd by
March, it was May before their assistance came down, and the place was
both victualled [sic] & reinforced with Men and half galleys. As I was
hamper'd. So it was impossible for the Admiral to Send any Ships to
fetch us: however, I am fully persuaded great things will be done in
America, by the great Succours [sic] Sent from Europe.

You mention'd the coming to an Agreement with Carolina relating
to the Indian Trade: They will hear of no agreement at all, nor of any
reason on that head. I was thrice at Charlestown, & they never would
appoint any One to confer with me upon it. All that I could learn
from their Conversation (and their Conversation is what they do not
think themselves bound to Stick by) was that they expected to have
Agents in the Indian Nations which are in Georgia, and those Agents to
have power of judging & punishing any extroardinary [sic] Facts comitted
[sic] there, to be tried at Charlestown. They never would hear any reason
when I spoke upon that head. I can account for it no otherwise, but
that they think they have already what they want, and desire no other
use of the Indian Trade but to have a pretence [sic] to differ with this
Colony, which certainly the people of Charlestown wish was destroyed.

They all Say that every trade that comes here lessens theirs, and
cannot bear the thoughts of any Court in their Neighborhood, where
causes can be decided on the Spot. They have prevented & destroyed the
Towns of Port Royal and Cape Fear, by drawing their Merchants to

Charlestown by various litigated Suits &c; They cannot do that to the
Province of Georgia, therefore their Endeavours [sic] have been to get the
Inhabitants out of it, and that is their real End. As to their Indian
trade they have had no kind of impediment in it Since I came over this
time, except the Staving their Rum, in which there was no difference
made between the people of Carolina and Georgia.

(NB Col. Oglethorpe wrote to the Trustees 5 Oct.
1739 that Col. Bull had consented to his
Suppression of Rum and joyn'd in it.)

With respect to Matters here, it is impossible the Trust can be
more Embarrass'd by the cunning & concealed opposition of the Spaniards
in Loudon, than I am here, and I think exactly as you do, that I would
even through off the whole Burden and give up the thing, but that I, as
you do, think it So much for the publick [sic] Service, to continue my
endeavours [sic] in executing my duty, both in directing and Supporting the
Colony, that I will go on, till I can put it on Some hopefull [sic] footing,
or am order'd Otherwise. No place ever flourish'd as this did, whilst
the people obey'd the Trustees orders, & the advice I gave them, and
their flourishing Situation for the first two years, compared with
their dwindling or encrerasing [sic] according as they follow'd their own
folly, or took my advice, fully proves this. There has been and I am
afraid there is Still a diabolical Spirit Stirring: I beleive [sic] the
Spaniards are at the bottom of it, but the Unhappy poor people that do
their work for them, mostly do it ignorantly. Pride, Ignorance,
Malice or Rapaciousness are mostly their motives: if they are
baulked in any piece of Impertinence or pride, they grow angry at the
person who hinders them; If I will not give then way, I am their Butt;
Next, if they cannot drive the Trustees at home into their opinion,
they abuse them, and take every measure that can oppose the prosperity
of the Country, thinking thereby to vex Somebody, & that is a kind of
revenge.

With respect to me, there have been Such extream [sic] great
liberties taken of abusing me here, that I really beleive [sic] there is
hardly a Man in the Universe that has had more lies raised of him, and
the wretches who are objects of Comiseration [sic] and not my Resentment,
makes it impossible for me to take notice of it, much less to have
Satisfaction. There is no Calumny that can be Said of a Man that hath
not been framed & told about me, and many Lies have arose I beleive [sic]
from those who have had most obligations; but these Lies having little
effect upon me, & my actions disproving them, there is a new fashion of
lying come up, that is to Say, either going to Carolina to lie again
there, where the distance makes them easier beleived [sic], & less easie
[sic] to be confuted. Or writing to England, which is Still a greater
distance, where the Calumnies may be beleived [sic], till they can be
heard. They think by this, that of a great deal of dirt. Some will Stick,
and I beleive [sic] So too, for I am persuaded it is impossible any man can
Imagine that a number of people can be all lyars [sic], against One Man,
without reason, & he their Benefactor. Yet I am very Sure, that there
is not One thing from the beginning of the Colony to this day, in which
I have not done justly & honestly, chusing [sic] rather mildness than
Severity. I can also farther Say, that I have acted to the best of my
experience, & can prove most of those things that have been here dis-
liked, to have been wise and necessary measures. As I have reason to
apprehend that this general clamour [sic] of idle, wicked, & ungratefull [sic]
people must have had Some root, and that I find by your kind letters as
well as others, that it has been Set on foot in Europe against the
Trustees, and the use there has been to Strive to Lessen their
Credit, and thereby to hinder the Colonys [sic] having proper Support
from the Parliament, I cannot but think, that the use of these calumnies
will be to lessen the Small Interest I have in England, & thereby to
hinder the Service I may do against the Enemey [sic] here; and what Sr. Tho.
Fitzgerald could not do by an open Remonstrance against me, is Strove to
be effected by the Clamours [sic] of the wickedest of Wretches.

I Should never have troubled my Self about Slander, had it not
had effects on the Kings Service: to be Sure, Slanders drive away
numbers from Savanah, and that was an ill Effect, and those which
Lessen'd the Confidence the people of Carolina had in me, delayed their
preparations, and we have Severely felt the ill Effects of those delays.
I must therefore, as an addition to all the former marks of friendship
I have received from you, and also as a piece of justice, that if there
are any more of those pretty reflections on my conduct come over, you
will act the Same generous part, as you got done in the case of young
Stephens, that you will get the Trustees to transmitt [sic] them to me, that
I may justify my Self, & not Suffer in the opinion of my friends, till
Such time as I have an opportunity of Shewing the pride and folly of
their Reasons Or the falsness [sic] of the Facts. In the case of Stephens
I beleive [sic] it will appear plan to you how much that unhappy man was
mislead here, and how groundless his assertions were; but the uncer-
tainty I was at till very lately, and the promises he gave to the idle
people at Savannah, had a very had effect upon the Colony. If two more
people were to prove treacherous in the Same manner, I doubt much
whether it would be recover'd. For my part I ly [sic] under an
indisposition of body and a mind not easily able to apply to business.
I am daily teared with inpertinencies [sic]. Insults, and abuses from
the people of the Colony, in Such a manner that I really do not know
what measures to to take, did I not love them as my children, I Should
let them perish in their follys [sic]. I bear with every thing, and Strive
to reclaim the worst, out of regard to a great many good people, who I
would do any thing to protect. They cannot make the good & honest
beleive [sic] their lyes [sic] here, and therefore have, & continue as I
hear transferring them to England, therefore I thought of troubling you with
this freedom. Since I know your prudence will prevent younger people
from being preposest [sic].

The Trustees determination concerning their Intention of the
Orphan house, was the Same that Mr. Whitfeild took ill of me for telling
him here. I hope it will now do pretty well under Regulations.

With respect to the Trustees Accts. and Several queries in Mr.
Verelts letters, I have been long Striving to get through them; I
hope Soon to do it, & I can Satisfy every one of the Queries, my
illness has hinder'd me hitherto.

With respect to the Servants work, they have been often employ'd
on the fortifications; when they have, it will be posted to that
account, and if the king pays for those fortifications, they will be
reimbursed out of it. Several of them gained Sufficient to reimburse
their passage by their Service in the Independent Company, and have now
their freedom; and when that is paid by the Crown, the Trustees will be
reimbursed their passage.

There are numbers of other things which the Accounts only can
explain. I think I have got the people of Savannah on Such a footing
that they can now buy or raise their provisions, therefore I beleive [sic]
the Trustees will have little occasion of Accounts there any more, tho
there are great numbers of publick [sic] Services necessary for the Province,
of which I have often wrote at large. I think if the people had a
little more Sense & less Stubborness [sic], the Improvments of Silk
and wine would be certain; But there is Such an oddness of Spirit, that the
first thing that a Men dos [sic] here, is to throw up his Improvments in
disgust. I Shall trouble you no more upon this head, but must take the
liberty of recomending [sic] to you Mr. Carteret, who will give you a full
account of the last Campaign here. I hope you will beleive [sic] me to be

Dear Sir

Yr. most obedt. humbe. Servant

Ja. Oglethorpe

Mr. Tho. Hawkins to Mr. Martin arriv'd 19 April 1741

Frederica 26 Jany. 1740/1

Sir

You'll please to inform the honourable [sic] Trustees that your
Letter dated last march [sic] did not come to my hands till the 24th. of
December past, which related to several material particulers concerning
the State of the province, their Honours [sic] may reasonably have had
Answers from hence by that time, but as tis the Common fate of some
Letters to come late and others not at all, I hope the honble. Gentle
men will not impute the want of Answers to my want of assiduity.

Soon after our Return from the Expedition to St. Augustine
Colonel Stephens was here some weeks, during which time several
Depositions were attested before me concerning the Querries [sic]
mentioned in your letter, the same were forwarded by him, for their
honours [sic] Satisfaction.

I am Sorry the present Situation of Affairs cannot afford a
Satisfactory Letter since my last return of the number of Inhabitants
to Coll, Stephens. We have lost Several of the Darien at the Expedi-
tion one John Holmes Macintosh of Darien is gone from hence and
Settled in Carolina, as are John Levally Junr., a Shoemaker and his
Family, William Addison of this place is also gone with his Family from
hence and Jacob Faulcon and Son, And Andrew Mitchel and Family. The
people in General decline all manner of improvement, and from an
Industrious Sett are become the most Malicious, Idle, and disorderly,
and right or wrong will have their way, So that any Person
intrusted [sic] with any Superiour [sic] Office, or that has the least
Appearance of doing better than themselves is harrased [sic] out by ill
Usage and insults, and I am sorry to see the very people (thro want of
Gratitude or honesty) daily encourages them who are fed either by their
honours [sic] or his Excellency.

On the other hand there is one of the persons intrusted [sic] with the
Examination of Accounts and publick [sic] money making the most absurd
Scrutinies into Just Accts. and denying payment of the very Sallerys [sic]
order'd in their Honours [sic] Estimate for the year past notwithstanding
proper Certificates are produced, intending under the Specious Shew of
extraordinary honesty to ingratiate himself by revileing [sic] others, and
reserving in his hands the money for Trafick [sic] at an immoderate profit,
while the person has dearly earned, and perhapps [sic] wants it to Support
the necessaries of a numerous family.

I have this day renewed my desire of being paid my Just demands
which I beg may be forwarded, and heartily desire an acquitance [sic]
from Publick [sic] service if the payment is so uncertain and the Office
attended with so many abuses, which is like to Continue from such
ungratefull [sic] people, I have done my utmost in Improvements which
are Superiour [sic] to any Others, I should be sorry to leave them,
but shall be obliged unless payment is made me; my Cattle and Hogs,
which by this would have been worth 100 L Sterling are most of them
destroyed and Shot. My Building materialls [sic] Cutt [sic]in peices [sic]
for publick [sic] use without payment; My Constitution ruined by Fatigues;
My Character hurted [sic] by Malicious Aspersions, My Dues kept from me.

These, Sir, are the Reasons that I cannot with Satisfaction
make any progress; these are the Retaliations I meet with for 5 years
service, and must of Necessity prove my destruction unless duely [sic]
Considered. I Appeal to Mr. Carteret, a Gentleman that has taken the
trouble of this, whether every Circumstance I have troubled you with is
not veil grounded upon Reason and Facts. I am

Sir

Yr. most obedt, humble servt.

Thomas Hawkins

To. Benj. Martyn Esqr.

Sent 26 Jany. 1740/1 and arrived 19 Aprl. 1741

An Appeal of Thomas Hawkins
of Frederica in Georgia to the Honourable [sic]
the Trustees of that Province

Frederica 14th. April 1740

The Case

About 14 months ago John Allen legally indebted to Andrew Walset
of the Town of Frederica was Summoned to appear at the Town Court,
where the said Allen acknowledged his Debt. As I was unwilling to set
forward executions amongst the people, I offer'd to pay the plaintiff
his money if the Defendant would engage to do me work to that value.
About a month afterwards I desired him to Splitt [sic] me the value in
Clapboards. In my Absence from Town a parcell [sic] of worthless and unmer-
chantable [sic] Stuff was laid at my Door amounting neither in number or
goodness to his proposal, for which reason I stop'd payment of four
Shillings and Six pence the Value of the differency [sic] the number of the
received was made Oath of by my servant before Mr. Calwell one of the
Magistrates. Allen naturally of a turbulent Disposition was
encouraged and put on in Abuseing [sic] me, and frequently threatned my life
And had it not been for my Application to the Lt. Colonel (who was then
at St. Simons) and by my desire lent a party of men to Suppress him he
certainly would have murther'd [sic] every one in my house. For which
Intent he had loaded his Muskett [sic] with Balls and with his Bayonet
fizt came to the Door and Swore Revenge, he was thereupon confined, but
again released by Mr. Perkins and Mr. Moore without any Satisfaction
for the Insult given me. But was by them set forward in his Abuses
notwithstanding my proceeding kindness. And at the next Court they
were pleased to tell me that I must pay the before mentioned Allen the
four Shillings and six pence; I answer'd I should pay him without
Scruple was the Same his real due, but not otherwise.

This Affair passed on to the proceeding Court, which to the best
of my knowledge was in Jany. when being confined by a Rhumatic Fever to
my Bed I received a Letter from Mr. Perkins and Mr. Moore to the Intent
that unless I made my Defence [sic] at that Court that they would grant
an Execution against My Goods. My Answer to them was; that I was both
willing and able to make my defence [sic], but was so ill at the present
time that I could not come, they also added another Charge of 4 Shillings
for a Spade broke by my servant, but they had no proof either for the
one or the other; Notwithstanding the next day they very Arbitrarily
Seised [sic] my Goods without regular proceedings or Jury, I replevined [sic]
them, And Since made a tender of the 8 Shillings and 6 pence to Mr.
Recorder which he would not take. I therefore desist from paying the
man his Unjust demand till the Same is order'd by their Honours [sic]
to whom I make my Appeal.

Thomas Hawkins

Frederica 26th 1740/1

Sir

I am desired by his Excellenc [sic] General Oglethorpe to acquaint you
that I am settled in Frederica Town being lately married to Capt.
Dunbarr's Sister who hath a Lot in Frederica which is now mine. If I can
be any ways Serviceable to the honourable [sic] Trustees or to you, I shall
be proud of being favoured [sic] with your Commands.

I have often expected the Trustees would have taken some notice
of me, as I never joined since my first arrival with any discontented
party nor signed any petition all which I thought would be troublesome
to them. Doctor Houstoun and several others of my friends acquainted
me of many fair promises made for me at the Board and by several of
the Trustees privately before I left Scotland by which they over-
perswaded [sic] me to preferr [sic] Georgia to North Carolina where
I then designed to have settled.

But never the least favour [sic] have I received from the
Trustees since my arrival altho I think I have done as much to deserve
their favour [sic] as some others who has had them, but length of time and
distance makes promises frequently forgot. The General says he will
mention me to you himself, so I shall trouble you no more at present.
If I can be any ways Serviceable to you in the Colony please favour [sic]
me with your Commands which shall be punctually Obey'd by

Sir

Your most humble and Obedt. Servt.

Pat. Houstoun

To Mr. Harman Verelst

Mr. Tho. Jones to Col. Stephens
Frederica 31 Jany. 1741/1

Sir/

The Trustees Servants (who came here with Russell with the
Express Boat) tell me. That Mr. Houston hath order'd them to get the
Boat ready, for that he designs to go for Savannah this day; I do not
expect that I shall be asked for my Consent to let the Boat and ser-
vants go; This Gentleman since his late Allyance [sic] with the prime
Minister, is greatly flushed, and aims, I beleive [sic], at no less
than to be Comptroller of the Finances, He comes furnished with proper,
but private Instructions to confer with Messrs. Fallowfield, Duchee,
and Grant, which I heard from the General (upon my requesting him to
appoint a Constable, according to your desire, which he would not do
untill [sic] Houston returned)

We are barren of Hews here from abroad, what grows in these
parts are such monstrous productions, not proper to be exposed to
View -- But what our Enemies will in time expose with pleasure --

I am at no certainty when I shall be dismissed, I am seldome [sic] of
late Sent for unless it be to exercise my Patience in being a Witness
to the Examinations of Persons about Trifles, Such as Scolding Bouts,
Breaches of the Peace &c, which the Magistrates here are forbid to
meddle with.

The Trustees appointments and Orders are not regarded in this
part of the province I expect 'ere long, that such measures will be
taken as may bring Savannah into the same Case. I would have sent some
Cash, and also a Set of Bills of Exchange payable Mr. Brownfield
P, Bearer, but think it more adviseable [sic] to send the Same p John
Ray, whom you may expect at Savannah in a few days I am

&C.

To Wm. Stephens Esqr.

Mr. Whitfield to the Trustees

On board the Minerva 2 Feby. 1740/1

Hond. Gentlemen

I received your letter dated June 11th and I have also seen the
Orders you have been pleased to send to the Magistrates of Savannah.
I find by both you are fearfull [sic] least I should have too much power, and also think I gave Acted beyond my Commission If I have it was with
out design --

The Magistrates I applyed [sic] to upon my first arrival at Savannah
-- They understood my Grant in the Same Sense which I did, and I took
no Orphan into my house without their Consent. Mr. Fallowfield and Mr.
Parker sent their Orphans. The latter tho unwilling at first at
length Complied. I apprehended the Generals proceeding in respect to
the Milledges [sic] to be Arbitrary and inconsistent with my Grant, and
therefore wrote to you in the manner I did I always acted Singly
with his Excellency, sent him the Copy of every letter in which I
mentioned his name, and left him to make what Reply he should think
proper -- But it is all well -- I have to the best of my knowledge
Acted with a Single Eye to Gods Glory, and a hearty desire to promote
the welfare of the Colony.

God I am persuaded will yet bless the
Orphan house, The greatest difficulties I hope are now Surmounted, and
whatever treatment I may meet with, all I believe at Savannah must
Confess, that if the Orphan house had not been Erected, there would
Scarce any Inhabitants at all have been left in it by this time -- I
thank you Honrd. Gentlemen for Excusing those engaged in Works for
the Orphan house from Civil Offices -- But I must intreat you also to
let me and my Executors have the power of Nominating our Successors for
ever. This I think is the least you can do, for my laying out so many
thousand pounds, and I am sure had I known or Suspected that such a
Power had not been given me in the grant, I would not have expended a
Single Halfpenny -- With my own hand I wrote my or his Successors for
ever in the Copy of the first Grant which was sent me, and from which
Mr. Towers and I cut off Several pages. Perhaps that is lost and only
a Copy of my present Grant taken, and there lies the mistake. But I
humbly desire Honrd. Gentlemen that mistake may now be rectified, and
that the House may be left to the Management of me and my Successors to
to be nominated by me and my Executors for ever. The power granted the
Magistrates will be always a Sufficient Check to and Guard against any
Illegal proceedings, I humbly desire this as a favour --

As for the Cotton Manufactory the Magistrates are of Opinion
you could not intend to hinder us from Spinning and weaving
Cloaths [sic] only for our own Use (which is all I propose) and
therefore a loom is yet up in the Orphan house. The General I know
has Offer'd premiums for persons that would Spin and Weave Why Hond.
Gentlemen are my proceedings thus diverted? The Spinning and Weaving
in the Orphan house will never hurt the Silk Manufactory Supposing
it does ever cone to any thing. But there is no great likelihood of
it at present I fear, as many do, You are misinformed about the
Affairs of poor deserted Georgia.

Shortly I shall publish the Acct. of monies which I have disbursted [sic]
and then you will See Honrd. Gentlemen, how much the Colony under God is
obliged to me --

I have now resigned the Parsonage of Savannah and also brought
away the Schoolmaster to his Native Country. If you will be pleased to
allow six pounds, for the Expence [sic] of his passage it would be kind; If
not I will pay it my Self The Expence [sic] I have been at for Candles for
the publick [sic] Worship for the last twelve month is five pounds I have
dropped all Intentions of assisting further in Building the Church, and
have orderd [sic] the money that remained in my hands above what has been
Expended for Stone to be paid to Colonel Stephens My Affairs would
not possibly admit me to Stay longer now at Savannah.

I am coming over for a few months to England and then purpose
God willing to return again to America Be pleased to Order me an
Answer to this to be left at Mr. James Huttons without Temple Bar --

And now Honrd. Gentlemen The Lord be with you I wish you
good luck in the name of the Lord. As an unworthy Servant and Minister
of Jesus Christ, I beseech you to let Gods Glory be your first and
Chief Aim. For Georgia will never flourish unless that be first and
Chiefly consulted. Thus it was with New England Settlement. It was
never well Established, till Established by Religious people. Hond.
Gentlemen, pray be no offended at my freedom. Indeed I speak out of
the Simplicity of my heart and would Speak and write with
humility -- I am sure no one preys more earnestly for the prosperity
of Georgia then Honrd. Gentlemen

Your very humble servant

George Whitefield

Capt. Joseph Averys Proposals, feb [sic]. 1740-1 Recd. 22 May 1741

Proposals

To his Excellency General Oglethorpe one of the Trustees for
Establishing the Colony of Georgia, and to the rest of that
honourable [sic] Body.

By Capt. Joseph Avery, Settled and residing upon the Head of
the River May in South Carolina about 20 miles from Savannah in
Georgia, For taking up land in that province near the said Town and
for Seting [sic] up upon that Lend a building yard for Ships, Vessels,
Boats &c. And for carrying it on. And that the said building yard and
other Parts of the Province may be supplyed [sic] with Boards, Planks &c,
without which the Undertaking cannot be carried on at Reasonable prices, he
also farther [sic] proposes to Erect and Set going One or more Saw Mills as
he shall find proper and Convenient pieces upon the said River, He
likewise proposes to Improve his said Land in a different manner to
what his been hitherto practised [sic] as an Example to the rest of the
Colony, These three Branches are Explained distinctly as follows.

1.

As to Building Ships, and makeing [sic] Dockyards, Workhouses, Storehouses
&c, The said Undertaker having from bis Youth been bred in his Majestys [sic]
Dockyards in Britain to Ship Building, and in the knowledge of all
other Maritime Affairs, and since that in the practice of it. And
having always had a Mathematical and Mechanical Inclination and
Genius, and a good deal of Practice that way in Surveying for the
Crown and other different parts of Engeneering [sic] for Genl. Wade and
others; It cannot therefore he supposed that he would propose any
thing to the Honble. Trustees, to deceive them that he knows not how to
perform. Because it would deceive himself, he being resolved to Act
upon his Own bottom, provided the Grant of Land he agreeable to him,
and that they give him all the Reasonable Assistance they can, if it be
found no way prejudicial to them, but of publick [sic] benefit to the Colony.

In Order to make this Business Successful! and of Use to the
Province, tis Necessary the price of Ship building he reduced pretty
near to what it is at New England and Philadelphia, otherwise none will
build here But by Necessity, But as the Excessive price of Workmen's
Wages at present renders that impossible. So the Undertaker proposes
that such of the Orphans that are able and Strong of a good Genius,
and that are inclined that way, be put Apprentice to him for Seven
Years, two, three, or four each year as shall be found necessary for
eight or ten years to come. Also that all such Ingenious foreigners
that are Young, or that he shall Judge will be of use to him, that are
sent by the Trust to the Colony that he may be allowed to have them at
prime Cost to breed that Way, those Methods in a few years he will
have a Sufficient number of Workmen of his own breeding that will be
well Skill'd. So as to carry on that Undertaking to Advantage.

2d.

As to Building and Erecting Saw Mills and supplying them with timber
and carrying them on.

In the Year 1722 the said undertaker having Bought General Ross's
Firr Woods in the High lands of Scotland, went down to Manufactor
[sic] and send them to London, In performing which amongst other
Methods he did him self (for his use) Erect and Build Five Saw Mills,
Two double, and three Single to cut Boards and Planks &c. All which
Mills wrought to good purpose as long as the Woods lasted, the building
and working them being no great Expence [sic] where Workmens [sic] Wages
is so cheap. But here the Undertaker proposes to build all such Saw Mills
as he shall find fit and proper places for upon his own Acct, The
Trustees advancing or lending him so much money from time to time as
he May want to carry on and Compleat [sic] those works, he paying them
in Boards or Sawing Work, or Else in money as they shall have an Occasion
for, till the said sum they advance be fully paid and Satisfied.

NB: liberty must be granted to the said Undertaker for Cutting
Timber for the Use of Building Ships, Houses, Saw Mills or any other of
his Works, Upon all such land as is not granted away by the Trust to
others. Or else so far as they Shall think proper and Convenient for that use.

3d.

As to the holding land fit for his purpose of Building Dock yards. Saw
Mills &c; and also for Improvements in the manner as before proposed
by him.

The Said Undertaker having been some time at Savannah, and
having Carefully and Considerately Viewd [sic] the ground about it for
the Two purposes above, finding no place so Convenient for that purpose as
on the South side of the River Savannah about three quarters of a Mile
below the Town Opposite to a Small Island of Marsh in the middle of the
River and below Andrew Duchees five Acre Lot, Land as he is informed
not yet taken up. Altho this Land in high Spring tides is overflood,
and is partly Wood and partly marsh land, yet he finds it only the
fitest [sic] place for the two purposes proposed by him, And first for Dock
yards, altho it must be banked in to make it dry and fit to live and
work upon. Yet the Channel of the River is deep Close to the Bank, and
the Bank is good and fit for Wharfs to Build Ships upon and to lay
against. And there is also several Creeks which would be easily made
into dry Docks with Wood upon the Land for Manufactories.

And Secondly, as the Undertaker did for Several Noblemen and
Gentlemen in Scotland, take in and Improve large parcells [sic] of Marsh and
overflood Ground by banking Sluceing [sic] &ca. And did make them Arable and
Grass Land to Considerable value, Value, which was a good Example
to that Country. So he presumes he can do the like here, which as it
may prove an Example to others may be of great use to the Colony.

This he proposes to do provided that he has Five hundred Acres
granted to him, The Small Island of Marsh in the Middle of the River
being part of it. And the Land where the Dock yard is to be, and the
Marsh land below it Adjoyning [sic] to the Remaining part of the Five hundred
Acres, The Title to be freehold to the Undertaker and his Heirs and
otherways by Will according to the last Grant sent over by the Trustees,
And that he may be left at Liberty to improve it in such a Manner as he
shall think proper. And if it shall be thought proper by the Trustees
hereafter to grant to Assignes [sic], then that Clause may also he added to
the said Grent.

And as the Said Undertaker has two Sons, therefore all Lands
found hereafter Necessary for for the Saw Mills, According to the
Restrictions in Quantity may he Granted to them, and all Encouragement
given as it shall appear hereafter to he of use to the Colony.

P.S.

Perhapps [sic] it may he objected against the Undertaker, that as he
has so great a Quantity of land in Carolina as 48 thousand Acres, And
in one place about 15 thousand Acres Where he is now settled, with
plenty of timber for Building and other Conveniencies [sic] and a good
Plantation, what should move him to leave it and settle in Georgia. To
this he returns three (as he Supposes Sufficient) Reasons.

1. That Undertaking, being so large that Engaged him to Settle there. And
the Gentlemen concerned as he then Supposed being Sufficient to carry
it on, but Since that becoming Bankrupt and so no way able to Assist in
carrying on what was first proposed, made the whole design Abortive.

2d. The design being made abortive as above, Altho the Said Undertaker,
could live well enough upon his Plantation, yet it was so Solatarily [sic]
and lonely, quite different and disagreeable to what he had been used
to, and Land being of little value in this Country made him Chuse [sic] what
he beleives [sic] will be of less profit to him, for the Conveniency of
Conversation.

3d. The Temper and Genius of the Carolinans [sic] in general is not very agreeable to him.

Wrote about feby. 1740-1 & Recd. 22 May 1741

A True Accot. of the Inhabitants in the Village
on the Island of Skidoway [sic] in the Province of
Georgia from their first Settling there on the
16 Jany. 1733 to this present time. As also the
present State and Condition of that Village.

Thomas Mouse, Wife & 5 Daughters

Has cleared and planted about 10 Acres of lend. And has from time
to time used his utmost endeavours [sic] to live upon the produce, but
finding It would not maintain his Family; he applyed [sic] to Genl.
Oglethorpe for a licence [sic] to keep a publick [sic] House; It being a
place that the Boats Generally Stays at for the tide in their way to the
Southward; He obtained a Licence [sic], and continued some time in that
way of Business which helps out with his planting. This year there has
been but few Boats passing and repassing to and from the Southward; And
the produce of the lands not being Sufficient to maintain him and Family.
After having Spent about 6 years and 4 months on the said Islands, he was
obliged to leave his Buildings and all his Improvements and go to
Savannah for Employ, where he and Family now continues; his Wife being
a Midwife, and himself Worked for the Reverend Mr. Whitfield at the
Orphan house.

Francis Brooks

Married his Eldest daughter and was appointed Commander of a
Scout Boat, in which he was Shot by the Spaniards near Francisco De
Pupo, on Florida. His Wife and two Children now lives at Savannah and
works at her Needle, which is some little help towards her
Support.

Wm. Johnson Dallmas has cleared little or no Land he being groubled (likely troubled) with a Fistelo, and Sickness for a long time, dyed [sic] about 2 years after his arrival.

Thomas Smyth and Wife -- having cleared 2 Acres of Land. He was some time Sick and dyed [sic] about 2 years after his arrival. Thomas Wattle married the Widow and came to live at Savannah; He some time after left his Wife and went to New York. His Wife lives now at Savannah, and takes Lodgers.

Wm. Helfeston and Wife -- He dyed [sic] Soon after his arrival. Ambrose Morrison Married his Widow, came to live at Savannah, where She lived some time and then Dyed [sic]; Ambrose Morrison Soon after went into the Indian Nation, where he now is.

Paul Joue. Dyed [sic] soon after his arrival.

Head Gardner, Wife and Child -- having cleared about 2 Acres of Land could not get a Maintenance by it he continued about 4 years on the Island most part in a poor Condition. He hired himself in the Scout Boat. After he left the Scout Boat, he worked as a Labourer [sic] at Savannah; then he went to work at Mr. Whitfields Plantation, where a Branch of a Tree fell on him and killed him. He left a Widow and two Small Children, who now lives
at Savannah and gets her living in a poor manner partly by work
at her Needle.

Sam: Ward -- Having cleared 5 Acres of Land could not get a Maintenance by it, he lived about 4 years on the Island, part of the time in a poor Condition; afterwards he hired himself in the Scout Boat and went to the Southward, and married there, then left the Scout Boat came to Savannah, where he stayd [sic] some time, then went to South Carolina, and from thence he and his Wife went to England.

John Stonehewer -- Having cleared about 5 Acres of Land, but could not get a Maintenance by it. After having continued 4 years on the Island he left all
his Improvements and went to Beaufort in S. Carolina, and worked at his
Trade he being a Barber, and dyed [sic] there.

Charles Wheeler -- Having cleared about 1 Acre of Land; he being broken Back'd was not fit for hard Labour; continued about 4 years in the Island, during which time was most Supported by his Friends in England. Afterwards he
went to Chas. Town in South Carolina, where he got his living by his pen
and Dyed [sic] there.

Goodwin Cheney -- Having cleared no Lands continued about 3 years, then went to the Settling of St. Georges Island to the Southward where he dyed [sic].

Daniel Harwood -- Went away soon after his arrival, to Philladelphia [sic].

Wm. Headly -- Went away soon after his arrival, on Board the Hawk Sloop.

John Griffin and Daughter -- having cleared about 5 Acres of Land and could not get a Maintenance by it, he continued about 3 years on the Island. Was obliged to leave all his Imrprovemts. [sic] and go to Savannah for Employ where he stayd [sic] some time; Afterwards went to Philedelphia [sic] and lives there by his Trade, he being a Weaver, his Daughter lives at Savannah.

John Latter and Andrew Barber -- Both working in Joint Labour their Lands lying together, they cleared about 16 Acres; the Scout Boat at this time was Stationed here, & they both worked in it; John Latter soon after went Commander & A. Barber in the Boat where She was moved to; they did not plant any more there. John Latter has continued in that and other Boats till this
time. Andrew Barter Stay'd on the Island about 6 months longer than
Jno. Latter. He continued in that Scout Boat and other Boats till he
went to North Carolina.

Wm. Ewen -- Having cleared about 5 Acres of land but could not get a Maintenance by it, having continued about 3 years was obliged to leave all his Improvements, and go to Savannah for Employ, and is now there.

All the Habitations on the Islands are near, or gone to ruin,
and all the cleared land is grown up with weeds, and Small trees. And
is now become a Strange place to to the Inhabitants.

There was a Guard house buldt [sic] here and is now gone to Ruin, and
the Guns carried to some other Place.

William Ewen
Thomas Mouse

Wrote feby. [sic] 174O-1 Recd. 22 May 1741

Charlestown in Carolina

Extracts from the Register of Mortality of
the Deceased from the Province of Georgia

1 Aug, 1734

Sarah Coates
James Rylly
Charles Wheeler
Stephen Proctor
John Cuthbert / 16 Nov, 1739
Nathanl. Young. Son of Thos. Young

9 Dec. 1738

Charles Briton
Wife of Thos. Young



Sept. 1739.

James Muir
James Anderson, a Child

10 July 1733.

Do. Wife, from the Workhouse
John Dunbar.
Mary Cook, D. of Thos. Cook

1740.

John Davis
Rachel Ure
Alexander Munro
Francis Durand Servt.

15 feb. 1734/5

Rylly, Child
of James Rylly
Wife of Philip Bishop 1740
Elizabeth, Child of Thos. Young

Sept. 1739

Samuel Holmes
Joseph Hetherington 1740

Sept. 1739

John Desborough
Eleanor Fetters
James Gould
Mrs. Hetherington, formerly
Wife of Capt. Lacy 1740

Sept. 1739

Dodson Desborough

1740

Edwd. Desborough
Edward Johnson
Robert Bathurst, Son to Sr. Francis
9 Sept. 1739
John Coats 4 Sept. 1739

1740

Thomas Proctor
Eleanor Peters, Daugr.
of Eleanor Peters
James Proctor
John Proctor
Lewis Jones
Thomas Atwell Jan. 1737-8
Wife 1739
Son 1738
Robert Bell 1740

1739

Neal Wife
of Thomas Neal formerly
wife of Mr. Amatis
Wife of John Desborough 1740
John Wedd
Anthony Sallie
Archibald Mack Beau
Son

Dec. 1739

Catharina his Wife
3 Children of Do
Mary Johnston. Daughter of Geo: Syms
David Jewey
Joseph Smiths Wife
Child

16 Feb. 1733-4

Joseph Taylor
John Brodie, Child
------ Jones
James Dickson


12 Mar. 1739/40

Robert Potter
Christopher Gallimore Servt.

30 Aug. 1740

Mrs. Jenkins, wife of Edward Jenkins Senr.

Wm. Smith Register

(286) Sign'd 22 Nov. 1740 Copy'd 2d. Dec. 1740 Recd. 22 May 1741

The Remonstrance of
the Inhabitants of the
Town and County of Savannah,
and the rest of the Inhabitants
of the Province of Georgia in
America.

To the Honourable [sic] the Trustees for
Establishing that Colony.

May it Please Your Honours [sic]

Isaac Nunez Henriques’ Acct of loss by cultivation. Wrote feb [sic] 1740-1 Recd. 22 May 1741

An account of charge and benefits of Mr. Isaac Nunez Henriques on the Improvements that he has made in the Colony of Georgia in America, from 12th. July 1733 it being the time of his arrival.

Charges Dr.

To on house, one Warehouse, one Framed Kitchen
With a stone chimney in town 75.0.0

To Fencing and ditching five Acres of Swamp Land
And Clearing three acres thereof, and building one
Framed house thereon, Dimensions 12 feet on 16. 36.2.0

To clearing 8 Acres of land in Five and forty
Acres farm lot and Building a Tenement of 20
Feet by 12 22.0.0
—————————
L 133.2.0

To one English Servant at first cost for two
Years servitude 5.0.0

To maintaining the aforesaid Servant for two years 9.4.8

To one English servant for a year and a half
Servitude at first cost 8.0.0

To the maintainance [sic] and clothing of Do, during
The time 6.8.6

To two Dutch Servants at first Cost 12.5.0

Per Contra Cr.
L S
1735 To two bushels of Mays [sic] or Indian corn and
One Bushel of Indian Pease [sic] reaped on the
5 acre garden lot 0.14.0

1736 To 15 bushels of rough rice reaped in the
Above garden lot 0.15.0

1737 To 18 Bushels of Do. Reaped on Do. Deli-
verde in the store 1.16.0

To 25 bushels of mays [sic] or Indian corn
reaped on the 45 acre farm lot 1.17.0

To 1 bushel of corn reaped on the said
Farm lot 0. 1.0

To 2 bushels of pease [sic] (indians) [sic] 0. 3.0

1738 To 30 Do. of Rough Rice reaped on the said
farm lot 2. 5.9

To 9 bushels of Rough Rice on the said
Farm Lot 0. 9.0

To disposing of the two Dutch Servants
mentioned above 7. 0.9
——————
15. 0.9
——————
Total sum of Expense L 195.6.8

To the charges of maintaining the said Dutch
Servants for 20 months at Viz. p month

40 lb of meat at 2d p lb L 0.6.8
24 lb of bread at 1d 1/2 p lb L 0.3.0
2 Bushels of Corn L 0.3.0
4 lb butter L 0.2.0

Multiplyd [sic] for 20 months L 0.14.8 14.3.6

To Cloathing [sic] the said Dutch Servts.
For 20 months Viz.

To 6 pairs of shows for the man 1.10.0
To 4 shirts for Do. 0.12.0
To 4 pair of Trowzers [sic] for Do. 0.12.0

To one jackett [sic] for Do 0.08.0
To 6 pair of shoes for ye Woman. 1. 1.0
To 4 shifts and aprons 0.17.0
To Handkerchefs and caps 0. 4.0
To a Jacket and Petticoat 0.18.0
To a calf and fowls for
encouraging the said
Dutch Servants cost 1.12.0 _______________ 6.2.6
6. 2.0
-------
195.6.8

Total sum of expense L. 195.6.8

Total benefits received 15.0.9

Lost on the Acct. 180.1.11

No bounty received on the
crops as promised

Savannah 2 Dec. 1740

Appeard [sic] before Us John Fallowfield Baylif [sic] and John Pye Recorder
Isaac Nunez Henriquez And Upon his Oath declared that the within
Acct. is Just and true

Isaac Nunez Henriques
John Fallowfield
John Pye

Some time in July last We received Intelligence from our
Friends and Relations in England, that Your Honours [sic] resolving to take
the present state of this Colony into Serious Consideration, Had, in
Order to he fully and truely [sic]Informed of the Grievances the people here
labour [sic] under, Sent Instructions to your Secretary and the Magistrates
here, to acquaint the Inhabitants, That they should write their Grievances
and Complaints, and get the Seal of this Town Affixed to them. In
Order to have the Same transmitted to the Honourable [sic] Board; But
to our very good Surprize [sic], no mention of any thing of that nature was
made for four months after we Received that Advice; When suddenly and
without any previous notice. On Monday the tenth of November last; At a
Court holden on Acct. of the Claims of Land, Your Honours [sic] Secretary
Collonell [sic] Stephens, did then and there read some paragraphs of a
Letter from the Honourable [sic] Board, as he said, Directing the people to
set forth their Miserys [sic], Hardships and Difficulties, to your Honours [sic];
Then he told us, that with great care and pains he had formed an
Answer to the paragraphs above mentioned. And had drawn up the State
and Condition of the Colony Justly, as he thought; A long paper was
then read over to us. Setting forth the Colony in the Most advantagious [sic] light; Enumerating the many Usefall [sic], fine and Curious productions
of it; with Sundry other matters and things. That we the Old Settlers
here cannot join in; for we cannot call to remembrance ever to have seen
a Hedge in the Country, far less pomegranates growing in them; As to the
Silk, the Wine, the Oyl [sic], the Wheat &c. the small quantitys [sic] of
either of them that has been raised here in the Space of Eight years, too
plainly shows, that the produce is not so Extraordinary as your Secretary
would make your Honours [sic] Believe; Notwithstanding, Sixteen persons, some
Land Holders, some not. Swore to the Truth of the aforementioned Paper,
And Signed the Same in Publick [sic] Court.

We, whose names are under Written, who refused to put our hands
to any such Declaration, Modestly told your Honours [sic] Secretary,
that we apprehended by the paragraphs he had read, the meaning of the
Honourable [sic] Boards was, that every Person should write their own Grivances
[sic]; He told us no. Unless we Signed what he had prepared, our own writing
would be of no Effect, neither should we have the liberty of the Seal:
Therefore as we cannot Swear to the Truth of many particulars in that
paper, and as we think it does not Set forth any of our Grivances [sic]
in a proper manner. We the poor remnant of the Inhabitants of this place
earnestly beg leave, once more to Address your Honours [sic], and lay before
you our yet miserable and Lamentable state and Condition.

In our Representation to your Honours [sic] dated the 9th of December
One thousand Seven hundred and thirty eight, we declared the impossi-
bility of Living in this Country, without free Titles to our Landes [sic],
and the Use of Negroes [sic] properly limited; But, to our very great Sorrow,
your Honours [sic] denyed [sic] us every Article. Hardships and difficulties
have we suffer'd since that time; Still expecting your Honours [sic] would
open your Ears to our Cry's, and give Attention to our Just and Reason-
able Complaints; But our Grivances [sic] still continuing, and no Redress
in View, Affliction is daily added to our Afflictions, And the
Grounds of our Complaining is greatly enlarged. Our Continuance here,
has encreased [sic] our Experience, and Convinced us more and more of the
Impossibility of living here in any shape. Unless we have the liberty
and Freedom before mentioned! Could your Hononrs [sic] see the fruitless
Industry that most people have used here? Could you see the many
tracts of Land, that have been cleared here, with the Sweat of the
Brows of many a Poor man, who never was bred to such Labour? And all
these abandoned, the Owners, either dead thro want of due Sustenance,
And their hard Work in the Scorching Sun, or else fled from their
Plantations, at the approach of Oppression and poverty; No other Argu-
ments would be necessary to convince the Honourable [sic] Board, that the
present Establishment can never Answer. Could your Honours [sic] only View
this Town of Savannah? could you see the number of Lots Fenced, And
the many thousand Hutts [sic] that are built? We are sure you would not say
we had been Idle, but rather Industrious; And all those houses was
once full of people; Now Alas they are almost desolate and forsaken.
Could your Honours [sic] see this with your own Eyes? Surely, Gentlemen of
so Benevolent and Benign Dispositions as you are, would not withhold
from a number of distressed people as we are. What would make us easy,
happy and contented. And we are perswaded [sic] had a true and Genuine
State of of this Colony ever been laid before your Honours [sic], by
the person, or persons, Employ'd by you for that purpose, without all
doubt our Grivances[sic] had been removed long ere now; But we apprehend
fair and Specious Accts. is all they send your Honours [sic]; They Represent
the state of the Colony quite different from what it really is. The
Province is shown as in a Prosperous condition, when at the same time
tis evident to every Person in this place, to all our Adjoining Neighbours
[sic], and even to those very Persons, who we believe write you these
Accounts, that Georgia is going hourly to Destruction.


We therefore Intreat your Honours [sic] to give Ear to us, this once,
this last time. We ever shall he able to Address the Honourable [sic] Board,
Unless Our Requests are Complyed [sic] with; Will your Honours but credit
us, while we write nothing but what is agreeable to reason! Will you
believe us, while we write nothing but what is truth? Most of us have
been in this Colony for Seven years past. We have tryed [sic] all that in us
lay, to make the Province flourish as well as our own Familys [sic] prosper,
but to no purpose. We are Just now as far from being able to Support
our Selves by our Lands, as we was the first year the Colony was
Settled, Proofs of this are plenty. Too many Instances, Sad Instances,
of fruitless and Mispent [sic] time and Labour, are to be Seen throughout
this Province.

In this Township of Savannah, Upwards of Eighty three five Acre
Lots, Some wholly, some in part, have been fenced and Cultivated, but
instead of Supporting and Maintaining the Owners, they runed [sic] them in
debt and ruined them. The forty five Acre Lots answer'd no better
end, as plainly appears by the Annex'd Affidavits; The People who hold
five hundred Acre Tracts, are losers, According to the Quantity of
Land Cleared and planted by them As is fully Evidenced by the
Declaration of Several of the Owners hereto annexed also. But what
better proof can we offer to your Honours [sic], than your own Farm,
where your Dutch Servants are daily Employ'd.

In Short, so far as planting been from Supporting this Colony,
that we may Justly say it never maintained one Single person in it.
Had not your Honours [sic] Publick [sic] Works Employ'd many of the people,
together with the Scout Boats, the Bangers, and other things of that
nature, the Generallity [sic] of the Inhabitents [sic] must have Starved. Can we
bring any Stronger proofs to your Honours [sic] of the Decay of the place,
then to inform you, that it is deserted by its Inhabitants and forsaken
by its people? In the Town of Savannah, at this present time, there's
Seventy Two Empty Houses and Huts, theres not many more Inhabited, and
these very poorly. Some of them by your Honour's [sic] Dutch Servts. The five
Acre Lots are grown up with Weeds; the forty five Acre Lots are in the
same condition, The Villages are forsaken: In Hampstead, there's
only one Family; In Highgate two. Newington is abandoned; Abercorn has
only three Familys; Tybee is without Inhabitants, so is Skidoway [sic];
Ogeechee is in the Same State; and most of the five hundred Acre
Tracts that once was Settled, are now lying Wast [sic] and Uncultivated.

Certain it is, that this Town for near these Twelve months past, has
been almost wholly supported by the money Expended in Building the
Orphan House, Mr. Whitfield having daily Employ'd, (at a medium for the
above mentioned Space of time. Sixty persons, some Carpenters, Brick
layers, Sawyers, Plaisterours [sic] and Common Labourers [sic], the Wages
of which people have amounted to near fifteen hundred pounds Sterling; this
has kept the few people that remained, together, who otherwise would have
been Scattered abroad, and none left here by this time, but those who
have Sallerys [sic] from your Honours [sic], and the Dutch Servants you maintain.

Was the province of Georgia so fine and Flourishing, as some
would make your Honours [sic] believe, what should drive people away
from it? Who would be such fools, as to leave their Houses and Plantations
in a Prosperous and thriving Colony, and run away into other Provinces,
where they are Strangers, Unknown, and unacquainted? no man of Common Sense
can be Supposed Guilty of such Jolly; The People who have left this, are not
the Idle, the Drunken, and the Lazy and the Indolent, As some have informed
your Honours [sic], but many, the most Industrious; they have found, by long
Experience, the Impossibility, and Improbability of living in this place,
unless your Honours [sic] approved of Our Representation; and when your
deniall [sic] came, they withdrew to other Colonys [sic], where they might
Enjoy their Libertys [sic], and have Propertys.

We, the few that remain must quickly follow them who are gone,
if your Honuors does not think fit to Grant, the following (as we
think) reasonable Articles, which we humbly lay before the Honourable [sic]
Board.-Viz.

1st.

A Free and Ample Title to our lands, as the Rest of his Majestys
Colonys [sic] have.

2d.

The Use of Negroes properly limitted [sic]. Without these two Articles are
granted. We cannot live, we cannot prosper; if they are refused us, we
must retire Miserable Objects into Some other part of his Majestys
Dominions in America, having destroyed Seven years of our time. Broke
our Constitutions, and ruined our Familys [sic] in this. The famous Province
of Pensilvania flourishes, on Acct. of the Free Tenour [sic] of their Lands,
by it they are Encouraged to Clear and Cultivate their Country, Build
and Beautify their Towns, Some for themselves and posterity. Others,
with a View to Sell the Same to Strangers, Who daily flock into a
place, where they can call their Houses and Plantations their own; And such
Strangers as come amongst them with any Substance, Chuse [sic] rather to
purchase a Tract of Land ready cleared, with a House and other Conveniencys
[sic], for the Sake of their own and Familys Healths, who being unacquainted
with the Country. And unnsed to the Climate, may be lyable [sic] to many fatal
Distempers, by Sitting down in the Midst of a Forrest, while the Originall
[sic] Owners, being Seasoned in the Country, is enabled by the Sale, to take
up fresh Lands, and make greater and larger Improvements; And men of such
Spirits have been always Encouraged by the Proprietors, as Usefull [sic] Members
of the Society, neither have these persons defrauded their Posterity, by having
it in their Power to Dispose of their Possessions; On the contrary, they
have left them large and plentifull [sic] Fortunes. New York, and the rest
of his Majestys [sic] Colony's, by Enjoying the Freedom we crave, are all
doing well, while this poor province and the people in it; for want of such
liberty, are a Load and Burthen to their Mother Country, without the
least prospect of ever being able to repay the money given to Support
it.

3dly.

That any person having a Right and Title to Land here, shall have
Liberty to take the Same up where he finds it most Convenient (the
Land not being already taken vp by another) Different Lands, Suiting
different Capacitys [sic], Trades and Occupations.

4thly. That we be released from the Excessive Quitrent of Twenty Shillings
for the 100 Acres of Land, None of the neighbouring [sic] Colonys [sic]
paying one Sixth part so much; And we must inform your Honours [sic], that
the Qualitys [sic] of Land here, is not so extraordinary as some may imagine,
for from the best Observation of people, who have travelled over it, from the
Sea Coasts five or Six hundred Miles Back, Nine Tenths of the Country
is Pine Barren, as it is called here, which within Land is good for no
purpose, Except for Cattle to range on in the Summer.

5th.

That we may have the Liberty of Choosing our own Bayliffs [sic] yearly;
And in Case of Danger, or any Extraordinary Affair, that may happen,
whereby the Welfare of the Colony shall lye [sic] at Stake; A number of
Men shall be appointed to Assist the Magistrates, that it may not be left
to the Opinion of one or two Men at most, as it is now done. One great
Misery, that has always, and does now, Attend this Colony, is, The
Store keeper and Cash keeper, at least the Cash payer, being A Magistrate,
By which means, such Person has an Opportunity of Leading
aside, most of them who receive Sallarys [sic] from your Honours [sic],
and many other people of Weak minds, and so is capable of the most
Illegall [sic] Acts.

6th

That our Constables and Tythingmen [sic] may be under the Command of
your Honours [sic] and the Magistrates only.

That your Honours [sic] may Grant our Request, and comply with our
desires, is our earnest and Sincere Wish: If so, Georgia will yet, we
hope. Flourish; the Town of Savannah: that is now Deserted, be full
of Inhabitants; Our Villages that are now Abandoned, Quickly be stocked
with People, and the whole Country have Cause to rejoice --

We are with all due Respect
Your Honours [sic] most Obedt.
and Humble Servants

Savannah 22d. November 1740 John Fallowfield

Andw. Duchee; John Lyndall; Thos. Ormston; Richd. Mellichamp; Andrew
Grant; John Pye, Joseph Wardrope; Adn. Loyer; Jacob Mathews; David
Snook; John Graham; Wm. Grickson; Wm. Ewen; Thos. Tibbutt; William
Elbert; Abraham De Lyon; BenJ. Shaftall; Edward Townsend; Peter
Joubert; James White; Benj; Adams; Hen; Green; John Smyth; George
Buncle; Hen. Lloyd; Jean pire Breton; Walter Fox; Thos. Satter; John
Kelly; Henry H M Moltons; John Clark; Jas. Wilsons; Edward Bush;
Ja. Chandsack; James Anderson; Edward Stamp Addison; Peter Emery,
Mich. Mark Germain; Hen; ll Manly; Pet Morell; Thos, Mouce;
Wm, Woodroofe; Wm, Star; Fitchet; Thos. Trip; Hugh Ross; Thos,
Antrobus; Davd. Michall; Louis Stamen; Davd. Guinder, John Selly;
James Cormeck; Jno. Goldwire; Pet. Baillou; John Brown; Charles Rogers
Gasper Augsteter; Ambrose Morrison; Mathw. Move; John Mackdonald;
John Dudding; Isaac Nunez Hennquez; Michl. Burgholter.

We John Fallowfield Baylif [sic], and John Pye Recorder, of the Town and
County of Savannah, Do hereby Certifie [sic], that the above is a True
Coppy [sic] of the Original, Examined by us this 2d day of Dec. 1740. Given under
our hands and Seals the day and year above Written

John Fallowfield
John Pye

2d. Decbr. 1740 Recd. 22 May 1741

To the Honble. The Trustees For
Establishing the Colony of Georgia
In America

We whose Names sire underwritten, being a part of the number of
those unfortunate Inhabitants, and Settlers in Georgia, who have been
obliged to leave that Colony and relinquish our Possessions, upon
Account of the Impossibility of living there According to the present
Establishmt. of the Constitution, together with the manifold Restric-
tions Grievances and expressions, contained therein, and to repair to
some other part of his Majestys [sic] Dominions, in the lawfull [sic]
pursuit of our Subsistence, which we could not procure in the foresaid
Colony; and residing at present in Charles Town in the Province of South
Carolina, and having received Information of the Transactions in
Georgia, with regard to your Honours [sic] Letters Directed to William
Stephens Secretary, Enjoining, That the people should set forth their
Grievances and have the Seal affix'd thereto, in Order to be laid
before the Honourable [sic] Board; We could not but think it highly our Duty,
to Join our humble Address with the Application of our poor unfortunate
fellow Subjects, Who still reside in the Colony of Georgia, The many
Particular and General Applications. That we have made and laid
before your Honours [sic], and the repeated refusall [sic] of which we have
received, had indeed made us leave off all thoughts of any further
Address; nor should we have thought it to any purpose to trouble your
Honours [sic] with this at present, had we not some grounds to believe, from
the Contents of your foresaid [sic] letters to Mr. Stephens, that you are
desirous of being truly informed of the State of that Miserable Colony;
and we now are hopefull [sic] that the Account of the manner in which your
Orders have been Executed, will at least unfold to your Honours [sic], both
the means, that have all along been artfully practised [sic], to prevent you
from knowing the true State of the Colony and the Condition of the
people, and likewise the Series of Contrivance, that has all along been
used, to disappoint the poor Inhabitants of reaping any Benifit [sic] from
your Honrs. Justice and Humanity.

This Letter of your Honours [sic] was kept private a long time, being only Communicated to three or four persons, and the Receipt of the Same denyed [sic] to Several of us Subscribers by Mr. Stephens, when we asked him concerning it, after it had been communicated to the above number of Persons; And when he produced the Same in Court, he only read such particular Paragraphs as he thought proper; and instead of allowing the people to Represent their own Grievances &ca. He obtruded a paper ready prepared, which consisted of Several Sheets, as a true State both of their Grievances and of the Colony, and would neither allow the people to take a Coppy [sic] thereof, nor time to peruse and consider the Same in Court, but insisted upon their immediate Subscribing and Swearing to the Truth of it; and tho a Small number of dependant [sic] persons Complyed [sic] with his desire. Yet, it is with pleasure we find, that neither promises nor threats, nor all the Acts made use of, could gain any considerable number, either for Quantity or Quality, The whole consisting of

(1.)

those who are Supported by your
Honours [sic] in a Publick [sic] Office independant [sic] of the Success
of Improvements in the Colony, and several of them, when not so Supported,
were of contrary Sentiments, as appears by their Signing our Representation
dated 9th December 1738;

(2d.)

those who were then in your Publick [sic] Employ, Such as Sawyers, Labourers [sic]
and others, and therefore afraid
of losing their Bread, as some Actually did for signing the Remonstrance;
or lastly, those who having lately finished the time of their
Servitude were either not competent Judges of the necessities of the
Colony, or else were engaged by promises of favours. Many Indeed, we
must Acknowledge, who were in the utmost Streights [sic], and dreaded the
Resentments that would unavoidably follow, and fearing to declare
themselves upon account of those Resentments, or perhapps [sic] waiting the
Issue in order to make the most of it afterwards, were willing to
remain Neuter, At least to Sign no paper. And this Mr. Stephens and Mr.
Jones &ca. were Satisfyed [sic] with; But the far greater Number of the
Inhabitants, in defiance of all the Straits and temptations they were
beset with, have discharged their Consciences of their Duty to their
Maker, their Country, themselves, and your Honrs, as will appear by
their Remonstrance hereto prefixed; and it is certain that Several of
them were immediately turned out of your Honours [sic] Publick [sic]
Service and Employment for so doing. How the Subscribers of Mr. Stephens
paper can answer it to their own Consciences, we shall not take upon us to
determine. But in Order to let your Honours [sic] know, with what Subterfuges and Reservations they Paliate [sic] their Conduct, We must inform your
Honours [sic], that Noble Jones having come to this Town, As we apprehend, in
Order to forward Said paper to your Honours, and being Asked PublicIcLy
by Several of us Subscribers, Whether he could Say in his Conscience,
that the Method proposed in Stephens Paper could really Retreive [sic] the
Colony, or any other method than what we insisted on. Noble Jones very
readily answer'd in the Words following, or Words to the Same meaning;
I am very Sensible our Scheme is Impracticable, but we hope by asking
Impossibilities, to oblige the Trustees, to Grant us what is Reasonable.
We shall only further observe, that to Swell the the Number of Subscriptions,
Mr. Stephens has admitted of a Woman for herself. Husband and Child &ca. But
there are none such admitted in the Remonstrance.


We hope the display of the above Conduct in this Affair, will
convince your Honours [sic] what real Injury is done to your Characters and
Reputations, as well as to our happiness, by these designing men, who
have all along Sacrificed both, to Views, which it is not our present
business to enter into.

As to the only Seeming promising Settlement in Georgia, Viz.
Augusta, where there are about thirty Settlers, we must Inform your
Honours [sic], that it is entirely owing, to the Allowance or Connivance, of
their keeping Negroes, there being at least 100 kept there belonging to
the Inhabitants; and it is Absolutely Certain, that if those Negroes
were not Indulged them, not one Trader would Settle on that side of the
River.

With regard to us the Subscribers of this paper, and most part
of those others, who have been necessitated to retire from that fatal
Colony, and betake themselves to some other part of his Majestys [sic]
Dominions, we can only say, that we have exerted and applyed [sic] our
Industry as far as possibly we could, and endeavoured [sic] to procure
a Livelyhood [sic] by all means that could be made use of. Still waiting
with Patience, for a redress of our Grievances and Oppressions, from your
Honours [sic], to whom we from time to time represented them in a true
and genuine light; but having stay'd so long, untill [sic] Want and Misery
became very pressing, and at last receiving an utter denial to all our
Just Bequests, we were obliged to withdraw our Selves to some other
Country, where we might be able to Subsist. After having exhausted our
years, our Strength, our Health, our Servants, our Means, and our
Credit, in pursuing an impracticable Scheme in Georgia. An undeniable
proof of which is, that altho Malignant Distempers these two or three
years last Summers, raged in Charles Town, and throughout most of the
Country about it, yet the poor reduced Inhabitants of Georgia, having
consumed their All in Endeavouring [sic] to get a Livelyhood [sic] by
their Lands there, and the greatest part having not left wherewithall
[sic] to carry them to their Native Country, or even any farther then
South Carolina, Which being an Adjacent Province, only Separated by the
River Savannah, they could get there without any Expence [sic], these
poor people we say, were obliged to run the risque [sic] of the contagion
by going into Carolina, which they had a chance to Escape, rather than
stay in Georgia and be certainly Starved. And to convince your Honrs,
that this is no feigned Story or Supposition, Above 60 (and many more
whom we cant recollect and of whom no Acct, has been kept) of these poor
miserable Objects dyed [sic] here, many of whom, were buried at the
publick [sic] Charge; as appears by an Extract from the Publick [sic]
Register of Mortality herewith annexed. Most part of this time Mr. Wm.
Stephens your Secretary, and Mr. Thos. Jones Youngest Bailiff, kept up
your Publick [sic] Store in their own names, which your Honours [sic]
had formerly Order'd to be sold off, and having all the Publick [sic]
Money in their hands, they engrossed all the Cargoes of Provisions
brought to Savannah, and sold out the Same again to the Inhabitants at
exorbitant rates. And to undeceive your Honours [sic] and the World,
with Regard to that most vile and false Aspersion, thrown upon these
distressed people by Mr. William Stephens your Secretary, Mr. Thomas
Jones and others. Viz that they were the Lazy, the Idle, and
unindustrious [sic]; All those who survived and now remains here, are
in some Employ, So as to procure a tolerable Subsistance [sic]; Some
having a Plantation and Negroes of their own, Some employed as Overseers,
some as Merchants Clerks and Book keepers, some as Shop keepers, and others
working at their handy-craft Trades and labour [sic] &ca.

We could enlarge Gentlemen, and say a great deal more upon this
Subject, but if what is now, and has been hitherto Offer'd, cannot have
the desired Effect of opening your Eyes to those gross Misinformations
and Misrepresentations, that have been industriously and Successively
Exhibited to your Honours [sic] by a few designing men, and of opening
your Ears to our Just and reasonable Complaints, We Say, if all which
is nov:, or has hitherto been done, cannot have that long wished for
Effect, nothing that men are able to advance can.

We have from the begining [sic] laid before your Honrs, the Restric-
tions, Hardships and insuperable Difficulties, contained in our Con-
stitution, and we have foretold the unavoidable Effects and bad Conse-
quences of continuing them: We have from time to time, candidly and
truly represented to your Honours [sic], the nature of the Country,
the State and Condition, both of the Colony and our Selves, and we have
adduced proofs, too too many proofs; wofull [sic] proofs indeed! of the
facts we laid down; but the Saddest and most dismal proof of the whole,
is, that great numbers of the Miserable Inhabitants have, by their own
Ruin and Deaths, in a manner affixed the Seal of Martyrdom to the truth
of our Complaints. Melancholy thought! Too sad to dwell upon.

We would only ask your Honours [sic], what could induce us, who are
now in a Land of Liberty, property and plenty, to trouble you with this
Address, after so many fruitless and unavailing Applications! What else
could, but a thorough knowledge of the Facts we advance, A Steady and
Unshaken regard to Truth, and a Sincere and and real Sympathy with the
Miseries and distresses of our poor Unfortunate Fellow Subjects, who yet
remain in the Colony of Georgia.

We beseech You Gentlemen, seriously and impartially to reflect
upon and consider the whole proceedings from the beginning untill [sic] this
present time, and we dare affirm, you will easily and plainly See, that
continued Chain of Artifice and Delusion, which has been carryed [sic] on
throughout the whole, and then we need only add, that for Gods Sake,
for your own Sake, and for the Sakes of your distressed Fellow Creatures
the Settlers of Georgia now Surviving and Residing there or else where.
We Obteat [sic], we Adjure you, to Comply with their Just requests, as the
only means, of rescuing them and Families from the very brink of ruin
Destruction, and enabling them to continue there; of recalling
those numbers that are Scatter'd thorough all the Provinces of America;
of Inviting our Fellow Subjects to Settle and people it, and of making
it Soon a flourishing Colony, and of Great advantage to its Mother
Country. That this may soon happen is the Sincere and Earnest prayers
of
May it please your Honours [sic]
Your most Obedt. humble servants

Hugh Anderson
Pat. Tailfer
David Douglass
John Mackintoshe
Edward Jenkins
Benj: Mackintoshe
W. Stirling
Tho. Baillie
Francis Hetherington
Wm. Rigden
Francis X Dalgrace
John Scott
Jacob Oliuera

Jo. Fallowfeild, Bailif of Savanah, to the Trustees

Recd. 5 June 1741

Savannah 1 Jany. 1740/1

May it please your Honrs.

Your Favour received dat. March 25 1740, wherein you desire me
to discourage that Mutinious [sic] Spirit which has lately appear'd
against all Order and Government and the Laws of the Country, No Mutiny
has ever been here to my knowledge, and I have been here near 7 years.
But if ever any do whilst I am in Commission your Honours [sic] may
depend none will be readier to Surpress [sic] it than my Self, but I
must say it is so far different from any thing of that kind that the
people are here as humble and as meek as Lambs, I am sorry to tell your
Honours [sic] here are but very few people left. The Town is full of
Buildings but thin of Inhabitants, three houses are empty through the
Town for one that has a Family in it. Things may be represented to your
Honours [sic] in a flattering light. But I am determined to write the
Truth and not deceive your Honrs.

The Welfare of the Colony I ougght to have as much at heart as
any man Living for my Improvements is very considerable, which none
here will or can deny. Therefore on the failure of it after Seven
years time in the prime of my Days and some hundreds of pounds
Sterling expence [sic], must leave it to your Honours [sic] of the
Disappointment it must he to leave the place and at last to have to
begin again some where else, which am affraid [sic] will be my case with
those that are now left here in Savannah if we have not the priviledge [
sic] as they have in Carolina; It is quite contrary to my Inclinations to
be troublesome to yr. Honourable [sic] Board With Complaints either
publick or private, yet as your Honours [sic] thought proper to appoint me
Second Bailiff of this Town and County, and having been duly sworn upon the
Evangelists to do Justice, and Act uprightly in that Office, I cannot in
Conscience Sit Silent while the province Groans under the insupportable
Tyranny of some people here, who Act under the Cloak of your Honours [sic]
Name and Authority, The Grievance of the few remaining people, are not only
what they set forth in their late Representation, But their naturall [sic]
Rights are denyed [sic] them, the priviledges [sic] of British Subjects are
with held from them. The protection of the Laws of the Ration, whereof they
are members if refused them. Mr. Thomas Jones who your Honours [sic]
appointed Third Bailiff is the Chief Actor here in all those Dispotick [sic]
Measures, I call him the Principal in the place, because he has
the possession and paying a way your Honours money. The Direction of
your Publick [sic] Works and the Government of all your Servants, He Rules
all, Guides all, and directs all, and that in a haughty and Imperious
manner. As my Oath Obliges me to see Strict and impartial! Justice
done to every one. So I endeavoured [sic] as far as in me lay, to put a
Stop to such proceedings. But I found it was out of my power, I
objected against Such measures in private with the other Magistrates
and before your Secretary but to no purpose. I then Objected in
publick [sic] Court, which had no better Effect, For Mr. Henry Parker who
your Honours [sic] replaced as first Bailiff is Intirely [sic] at Jones Disposal,
otherwise his Family would Starve. Mr. Pye the Recorder having been
lately a Clerk, in your Honour's [sic] Store where Mr. Jones was his Master,
The terror of whom is not wire off yet, and your Secretary William
Stephens is quite affraid [sic] of him. So that none is left to
withstand The Tyrannical doings of Mr. Jones but my Self. I must here
humbly beg pardon of your Honours [sic] for writing so truly, but as I write
nothing but the truth, and that to Discharge ngr Conscience, I cannot
think your honours [sic] will lay any Blame to my Door. What I write I am
ready to prove by the Testimony of Severall [sic] Wittnesses, Some that
remain here in the Colony, and numbers that are gone away. Upon Acct.
of the Arbitrary Government in it, I could give your Honours [sic] many
Instances of these Cruel, Illegall [sic] and unjust doings, but shall only
trouble you with a few, tho from the whole I wash my hands, having
many a time Declared against them.

The first Illegal and unjust Act Mr. Jones comitted [sic] after being
in a Bailiff was Joining with your Secretary in keeping up and
detaining your Honrs. Appointment for Thomas Christie to be first Bailiff
and William Williamson to be Recorder, tho often demanded, and as
often refused, Yet in the mean time, he the said Jones did Support and
encourage Henry Parker to Continue to sit and Act as first Bailiff,
altho he was by your Honours [sic] turned out of all his places at that very
time, and aforesaid Thomas Christie having Some time After Received a
Letter for your Honours [sic] wherein you directed him as first Bailiff and
one of the Commissioners for Settling your Accts. with all Speed to
forward the said Accounts that the Same might he laid before the
Parliament, Upon Receipt of which Letter Mr. Christie went to Mr. Stephens
and the Said Jones and Shewed them the Letter, and desired them to read
the Trustees Instructions, But they would not; Mr. Christie then to
discharge his Duty to The Trustees and free himself from Blame, resolved to
read the Same in Publick [sic] Court, But that he was not allowed to do, for
he no Sooner began to Read than Mr. Stephens, Mr. Parker, Mr. Jones Stopt [sic]
him and said he must read no such Letter there, for it was not fitt [sic] that
the people should know all the Trustees Orders.

One thing more of a Publick [sic] nature that concerns the Said
Christie I must inform your Honours [sic] of, William Woodroof of This Town,
Freeholder, having Recover'd by Judgment of Court, a Certain Sum of
money due to him by one Dedicot , and having forbore the said Dedicot a
long time, at length apply'd to Mr. Thomas Christie as Recorder to Issue
a Warrant to Stop the Said Dedicot from going out of the Province
untill [sic] he was satisfyed [sic]; Which Mr. Christie according did, and
Dedicot was Stopt [sic]; But Thomas Jones having a desire that the said
Dedicot should go. Sent for the Officer or Tythingman who had Dedicot in
Custody, and in a Violent manner where is the Warrant you pretend to
Stopt [sic]this Man by, The Officer then deliver'd it to him. Upon which
the said Jones Said, I discharge this Warrant, let him go where he has a mind to,
I order it, Il'e keep you free from harm; And the Said Dedicot was
discharged without giving any Security, or Satisfaction given to the Said
Woodroof; And still continuing in the same passion, he abused
the Said Christie in a Violent manner, and said he was no Magistrate,
and that he would take care he should be none in a little time.

I was present at the same time and blamed the said Jones for his
proceedings about Mr. Christie, and told him at the Same time, the
Recorder had Granted Warrants in Mr. Caustons time and the Trustees had
always looked on the Recorder as a Magistrate before ever he came here,
and he, the said Jones, at a Court held for this Town and County, did
most Arrogantly give a Charge to the Grand Jury, without consulting or
Advising with either of us, Mr. Parker or my Self Thereupon, and most
Impudently when he himself was ended desired Mr. Whitfield to Confirm
what he had said, and Give a Charge to the Grand Jury likewise, which
he the said Whitfield did. And at the Same Court Lewis Bynon, Indian
Trader, having Charged Kenneth Mackenzie with Felony, and applying to
the Grand Jury to Induct for the Same; The said Jones Sitting on the
Bench did say the Jury will not Induct him of Felony but they shall
present him for Misdemeanors, and if you Indict him upon Felony the
Bill will be brought in Ignorant, And Isaac Mott one of Bynam's
Wittnesses [sic] rising up Said, I have Sworn he carryed [sic]away Mr.
Bynams Goods with a Felonious Intent; Mr. Jones in a Passion Replyed,
Sirrah [sic] hold your tongue, otherwise I will send you to Jayl [sic]
directly, with Sundry other Opprobrious Names, And he the said Jones has
at Sundry times thrown people into Jayl [sic] on frivolous affairs, and
has required excessive and Exorbitant Bail before they would be released;
And the Said Jones has pass'd over many vile Actions where great Bail
ought Justly to have been required. Viz. The above mentioned Mckenzie
being apprehended, and Felony Sworn against him, the said Jones did
take for Bail a person, no Freeholder here, and Bound McKenzie and him
only in Thirty pound Sterling when at the Same time he Obliged another
person to give Bail to the Same amount and likewise to have a Free
holder Bound with him only for threatning [sic] to break anothers [sic]
Head.

Having discharged my Duty so far in Relation to the Magistrates
and Publick [sic] Indicaturs [sic] , and the Management therein I will next
proceed to give your Honours[sic] an Account of how your Publick [sic] Works
goes on, for I am Doubtfull [sic] they are reported to your Honrs, different
from what they really are. Your Farms, as they are called, never has produced
so much grain as maintains the servants who plants it.

The Saw Mill at Ebenezer that cost yr, Honrs, so much money is
now gone to ruin, without ever having Sawed Five pounds worth of
Boards.

Your Corn Mills are likewise gone to Destruction.

The Church in Savannah has not yet got its Foundation laid. The
five hundred pounds your Honours [sic] sent over to be distributed
amongst Industrious people has never been applyed [sic] for that
purpose. Your Honours [sic] large Magazine which you Order'd to be
lett [sic], as you was to keep no more Store, is possesed [sic] by Mr.
Jones who Carries on a Considerable Trade There, and Still under the
protection of your Honours [sic] Name.

A Large House lately built here for the Reception of the Indians
at your Honours [sic] Expence, is now converted into a Slaughter House for
the use of Two of Mr. Jones Creatures. Coll. Stephens and he, having
furnished them with money to Buy Cattle in Carolina, and drive them to
this Town, to kill and Salt them here for the Use of the Generals
Regiment.

The Copper your Honours [sic] sent over to this Province for Change
it is not Circulate here; Mr. Jones disposes of it to the York Merchants
who gives one Shilling Sterling Value of any kind of Goods for
Tenpence in Copper, by which means there is no Small change here. So
that most people are loosers [sic], while he alone is gainer. The disposal
of the divers Sallarys [sic] which your Honrs, thought fitt [sic] to Intrust the Magistrates with are entirely disposed of by him, and in such a, manner that
Severall [sic] of his Tools wallow in plenty, while many poor people Starve;

The Said Jones took upon him to Grant a Lycence [sic] of himself,
without ever consulting another Magistrate, to one Ellis which was then
Goaler, which was very unfitt [sic] for the Trust either as Goaler or to keep
a Publick [sic] House, which has plainly appeared since by keeping of late
Hours, and having Company in his House, Two Prisoners broke out of
Goal, One a Spaniard detained for Suspicion of being a Spye [sic], the other
of being an Irish Roman Catholick [sic]; These Fellows Sculking [sic] about the
Woods could not be found though great Search was made, and every person
thought they had got to Augustine.

State of the Colony of Georgia by Mr. Tho. Causton 19 feb. [sic] 1740-1
Recd. 5 June 1741

To the Honourable [sic] the Trustees
For Establishing Georgia in America

Gentlemen

I am truly sensible, that the fundamental Reasons for Undertaking
to Establish the Colony of Georgia, was to supply those Balsamick [sic]
comforts, which the Afflicted groan for want of, and which Justice and Humanity, and Zeal for their generall [sic] welfare could inspire
you with.

As Your Honours [sic] endeavours for this end have been very obvious.
So have they been equally inimitable by Supporting a regular and free
Road to Justice, and the Exercise of such Christian principles, as each
Member might (agreeable to true Religion) in Safety and necessary
assurance enjoy.

It always has been my Endeavours [sic] (so far as my poor Abilities
would admitt [sic]) both by precept and Example to nourish a Duty
confessing such facts, and endeavouring [sic] to beat down that Hudra
[sic] which has long lurked, and lately appeared so dreadfull [sic] and
bold as to fee their mischevious hope and publish Doubts, that these your
endeavours [sic] Shall not have Success.

Duty farther leading, I humbly presume to offer the following to your
Honours [sic] Consideration, hoping it will be received as part of my
united endeavours [sic] with the most chosen of your people; who having
a Steady View for the Welfare of the whole, renounce the private; (by
delivering their free Sentiments) when the publick [sic] and true Interest
(by false amusements) must consequently Suffer.

It is notorious that some of the late (if not present) Inhabitants of the
Colony, tho well acquainted with the nature of the landand its Scituation [sic]
as well for produce as Trade, and with the reasons for these necessary
Limitations, which your Honours [sic] from Undoubtedprudence, and due
Consideration have thought proper Basis for the Colony to grow on; and under
Such knowledge desired to become Members thereof; have ventured to assert
(so contrary to truth) that the Colony is wholly barren, uncapable [sic] of
usefull [sic] produce, and not worth the protection of the British Nation;
And presume to instruct your Wisdom, or rather Undutifully to prescribe Laws for rendering ineffectual some of those necessary restraints, which the common
Safety not only of this Colony, but that of our Neighbours [sic] also do
most immediately require.

As the Actions of these pretenders to Policy and goodness prove
it difficult (on the present footing) to ensnare the people, and ruin
their posterity by the plausible Schemes of trade, more dreadfull [sic],
than common Usury; and that the design in Stirring up unwary people to
joyn [sic] them is really to Execute, what a Publick [sic] Enemy might
(probably wish; So that it is easy to believe, that your Honours [sic]
(when Attackt [sic]) will in Justice to your good and Obedient people
effecttually [sic] disapoint [sic] such destructive Schemes; Listen (with
a Compassionate Ear) to their true Calamitys [sic], And in humanity break
these threatening Circles of ruin, and find Some means so to Support their honest Endeavours [sic], that they or their posterity may (one day) triumph
over their difficulties, and thereby display the Folly of those who
(contrary to their true Interest) will obstinately bait the trap designed for their destruction.

It is no venture to Say that the Colony by its Scituation [sic] is
blest with such a temperate and refreshing Air, that the health of the
Inhabitants have been much preserved, when their Neighbours [sic]
(past the power of Medicine) have been almost annually afflicted and
cut off.

Nature daily furnishes the beholder with variety of Fruits or
Luxurious branches; Such as Grapes, Mulberrys, Oranges, Apples, Plumbs
and Cherrys; Sufficiently proving that if it's Inhabitants were able
to Use that Skill, which the like fruits require to raise them to a
proper Excellency; these and many others would Shew forth their Virtues
in a Degree equal to the most delicate of its kind.

Wheat, Barley (especially of the Barbary kind) Oats,
Pease [sic], Rye, Potatoes, and Turnips may be raised; and Experience gives
hopes that (by proper Culture) they may each be brought to a very
usefull [sic] degree of perfection. And if it is necessary to descend to the
Common productions of neighboring plantations, and the Various fruits
flowers &c. commonly raised in Gardens it is universally known, that
those raised in this Colony are Equall [sic] to theirs; Experience has
also taught, that the annuall [sic] Cotton, which is the most proper kind
for Cloathing [sic] , and also tobacco, may each of them be raised (if the home
consumption should require it) of equal goodness to any other Growth.
That among the Various kinds of Grass or what is best fit for pasture.
Clover and black Grass, are a naturall [sic] produce; but as the Land is
Generally light and Sandy each of them are (by Grassing) liable to be
plucked up by the Roots, Scorched by the Severity of the Sun, or killed
by the Frosts. Therefore it will not he amiss to mention that I have
now growing Lucern which takes a deep root, withstands the Suns
Violence and Winters frost, does afford three mowings and continues
green all the Winter.

Altho the Soil is (for the most part) among the present Settlements,
high, dry, and Sandy, Such highland is also intermixt [sic] with large
tracts of Clay, gravell [sic] or Loom, where its productions will (very
probably) in some futurity gratifye [sic] the labourers [sic] toil;
other other parts of it being (at present) a Chaos of Brooks, Creeks, Valleys
or Swamps, most probably occasioned by the naturall [sic] Course of Rivers,
or the overbearing torrent of floods, contain a Clay, enriched with the
Treasures (those floods) have laid up and will doubtless,;when drained,
and duly prepared Strike the Accuser dumb, by shewing Spacious
tracts for many miles together with a prodigious fruituity [sic].

As this Account thus faithfully related (will I hope) Sufficiently shew,
that the Scituation [sic] of the Colony is healthy and productive of
grain, fruits and herbage, it is humbly Submitted if other productions
proper for trade (the Climate admitting) may not be attended with equal
Success.

As the Colony is well known to he a Frontier against two powerfull [sic]
Enemys [sic] it follows that proper means has been and is necessary for
its defence [sic]; I therefore doubt not an allowance to say, that the Town
of Savannah and the severall [sic] contigious [sic] Settlements in the northern
Division, As also those in the Southern were formed and designed for
the imediate [sic] Safety of each Respectively and the Generall [sic]
defence [sic] of the Whole; Those in the Northern Division are the Town of
Savannah, On the Eastward of which, are Tybee, Skidoway, and Thunderbolt,
As also the Settlements made by Mr. Patrick Houston, Wm. Stephens Esqr. Mr.
Samuel Mercer, The Revd. Mr. Whitfield. Mr. James Burnside, Mr.
Thomas Upton, Mr. Noble Jones, Mr. John Fallowfield, Mr. Henry Parker,
Mr. Edward Jenkins and my Self, On the Southern parts thereof are
Hampstead and Highgate, Stirling and Fort Argyle; And on the Western
side are Newington, the Lands of Mr. John Amory, and Mr. Isaac Young
Senr. also Grantham, Westbrook, Josephs Town, Abercorn, Ebenezer and
Augusta.

That these Several Towns and Settlements have been thus capable
of defence [sic] and (in all probability) of maintaining their respective
possessions will, with great Submission, appear, when it is considered
that each of them are under Military regulations, whereby every tenth
man has Commission to train and Exercise such other nine as according
to his Settlement were under his care. And that other Officers have
also Commissions to take the General Command within their Respective
Wards and Districts, whilst at Fort Argyle (under proper Fortifications)
are Lodged a Troop of twenty horse under a Captain and Lieutenant. And
at Augusta is also another fortification wherein have been Garrisoned
a Captain a Lieut. Serjeant [sic], Constable and fifteen private men;
also another Fortification on Savannah River called Pallachocola,
Lodging a Captain and ten other Rangers. In the Southern Division are
the Town of Frederica on the Island St. Simons, and the Town of Darien
on the main Land, with many other Settlements and Garisons [sic]
Scituate [sic] on the Several Islands end. Passes Judged to require the
most immediate Security and most proper for Defence [sic].

And that such a Defence [sic] may he thought more practicable, I
venture to affirm that in the year 1737 before the Town of Augusta
was begun or Garrison Erected, more than 500 men were resident in the
Northern Division able and willing to bear Armes [sic] exclusive of the
two partys [sic] of Rangers. And with the most humble duty Submitt [sic] to
your Honours [sic] particular Consideration (in just recommendation of them)
if such 500 men had been attackt [sic] (being voluntarily in Armes [sic]
for their own defence) would not (very probably) have given as fatal a
Repulse to any Invader as 1000 Mercenary Soldiers, who were wont to
desert or perish by their Excessive Debauchees and move no farther
than discipline compells [sic].

That those Inhabitants did also give the Strongest hope, of such
a Success appears by the remembrance, that they Several times readily
appeared in Arms when powerfull [sic] Invaders were approaching, and
have pursued them to the (then known) limitts [sic] of the Colony
obliging their Enemys [sic] to flee before them; And such certainly was,
the Intrepidity of the people, under the blessed Influence of Divine
Providence, that such a dread was thereby fixt [sic] on the Hearts of
the Enemys [sic] as to render all their Schemes against the Colony of
none effect.

Having thus endeavoured [sic] to lay before your Honours [sic] the
Scituation [sic] of the Colony as well respecting the health of the
Inhabitants, the nature of its productions and the Utility of the
Several Settlements with regard to publick Safety and defence, I beg
your Attention to such particular reasons as in my poor Opinion may
(probably) have immediately occasioned the Small progress in the
Cultivation of Land; In which it will he proper to take a View of Each Settlement by itself, because of the variations attending, with regard
to each other, as the nature of the Soil, Scituation [sic], and what is
more or less aluring [sic] or unavoidable.

The Town of Savannah being necessanily [sic] built for the immediate
residence of the first Adventurers, their too early Seperation [sic]
on any pretence [sic] whatever was thereby prevented; and twas very
early known, that thereby his Majestys [sic] Subjects in these parts
were less exposed to the frequent Incursions of the Spaniards and
such partys [sic] of the Natives as were often bribed to make Inroads,
Murder the Inhabitants, and rob them of their Slaves, Crops, Cattle &c.
The means to effect which good End, Each Adventurer Acted as a Sawyer,
Carpenter, Smith, or hewers of timber to furnish materials; reserving
only some few to prepare a Plantation of of Mulbery [sic] Trees, raise
necessary garden herbage and Issue Stores; And being also formed into
a Militia, they did the duty of a Soldier by ten at a time both Night
and day. So that (at the first) each mans turn was every 4th. Night,
which Induction (tho necessary) consequently prevented the immediate
progress in some, and laid a foundation for many to lay a Side the
thoughts of raising food from the ground when their mechanical knowledge
thus acquired enabled them to procure the Conveniencies [sic] they
wanted. And I imagine this will cease to be a Wonder, when it is also
consider'd (that the Town being the common resort of Travellers [sic]
and liable to the frequent Visits of the planters and others resident
in the province of South Carolina) Its Inhabitants were either thro
design, or by a naturall [sic] Enquiry early told, that it was
impossible the productions of food would ever recompance [sic] the
Planters labour [sic] in clearing &c. by White persons.

And I will farther venture to Say, because it is well known,
that in this begining of the Settlemt. all the Commands were so
strictly and necesserily [sic] injoyned [sic], and so dutifully obey'd,
that the Honble. Person who commanded justly deserved the Applause, Love,
and Honour [sic] of the British Nation, and his Majestys [sic] Subjects
else where resident; And the Adventurers by their Industry, Obedience, and
Courage might Challenge any other Body of people who have hitherto, in
any other place, made any other Settlement. And with further Submission
It is an Act of the greatest Injustice to reproach the Indefatigable
measures which the Commander thus took; and it is also most absurd
to Say, that the Land is barren or not of equal fruitfullness [sic] with
its neighbours [sic], when Its Inhabitants were either, otherwise
employd [sic]. So naturally tempted to regain necessarys [sic] of
Cloathing &c. (by hire or acquired Art) which (by time spent in publick
[sic] service) were wanting, or so terrified from the hopes of Success
in planting. And therefore had not tryed [sic].

Another Reason (which is certainly an Impediment to planting or
at least to those who have warm inclinations to Act in that light for
the Colonys welfare in opposition to the ensnaring Devices of its
vowed Enemys [sic]) is that the tracts of Land granted to them (being by
Lott) agreeable to a plan laid Down as Sufficient to yeild [sic] to each
other five of them fifty Acres, And the land carrying in its kind part
far more promising than other for productions. It happened that some of
them had land of the worst kind, and therefore chose to lay a Side Such
planting least the dreaded disappointment should not only prove their
mispent [sic] time, but also give the Clamourous [sic] an Opportunity
to be more turbulent. Whilst those who had determined never to plant,
but on terms of their own making either by meeting with the Like Lots,
or if their chance was better, they would seem to dislike it, or pretend
to forget or deny they had ever seen it. And if the Well disposed, did
gain Land agreeable to their wishes; their adjoyning [sic] neighbour had
not equall [sic] Sentiments, and therefore was in fact obliged to
clear eight Acres 'ere he could expect to receive the produce of five;
because otherwise the planted would be over shadowed as not to produce
half a Crop was also obliged to make a good Pence round it by his own
labour, when his respective neighbour [sic] ought to make a part of it in
proportion to what would also enclose his land. And if after these a
Crop should be raised agreeable to Expectation, he was yet at a loss,
how to bring his Crop to Market, because no way could (within his
power) be made Sufficiently passable; And if the willing planter is,
with these know obstructions cut off from the promised encouragemt.
thus merited, and in no Shape Supported by Bounty, Loan, or otherwise,
nor no Manufacture giving any approaching hope, he naturally recounts
his charge, and ceases to proceed in which he daily looses by.

It is undeniable, that the produce of Corn &c. often fails to
feed the planters Family, much less Cloath [sic], and defend them in
Sickness and curable Diseases or enable them to Sell at an equal price
with their Neighbours [sic]; and therefore certainly a dreadfull truth to
those who (being ambitious of merit in planting) Sacrificed their time
and Substance therein, and are now unavoidably ruined by it, and drove
by necessity to Seek their bread by a fresh Adventure.

If this shall he found to he the case of the most dutifull [sic] and
Industrious; I presume to hope, that your honours [sic] will Soon cause
some means to he executed whereby the planters labour [sic] may he made
more tolerable, and their benefits equal with those in their Adjoining
Colony.

A Beneficial price for Mulbery [sic] leaves p Tree, measure, or weight,
and Silk Balls pound, would probably he also a help to the planters,
and Encourage the Silk Manufacture, It might create a Strife to excell
[sic] in the care of feeding Silk Worms, and by Excellence to give such
large employ to the present Silk Winders, that they would be more Sensible
of the Advantages they might gain by taking Apprentices for Instruction in
that Art, So that Succeeding Generations might not fail in the Practice
of it.

A Reasonable Bounty (agreeable to the value) on Lumber fit for
Merchandize, would greatly encourage the planter, because he would have
the opportunity of making Such Lumber at the same time he cleared his
Land; And the Appointing an Officer to View, mark, and report on oath
such Lumber, might not only protect him from the Impositions of the
Artfull [sic] Trader, but also he a necessary Verification that such
Lumber was Exported.

And if the like he granted for raising Vines or Grapes proper
for Vintage, or making such into Wine; Or for raising Hemp, Flax,
Drugs or other merchandize, which may he thought proper produce for
the Colony; It would not only Add to the Support of the Planter, but
also raise the Credit of the Colony, beyond the reach of its most
Aspiring Enemy.

If these Incouragements [sic] should be thought necessary or any
thing like it. Some time might probably elapse before a Market for
Such Lumber can be had, or productions raised, I therefore hope it
will be no Crime to Say that some immediate Encouragement is necessary
to continue the present and advance the planting to greater Degree of
Benefit. Contrarywise [sic] the Consequence is too dreadfull [sic] to
Guess at.

There is yet a farther means necessary for their present and
future happiness, which being a matter of Eight and Justice, I ought
not to omitt [sic]; The first Adventurers Soon after their arrival,
and other Succeeding Inhabitents [sic], received by Donation or purchase
divers Cattle, And as the first Adventurers were either Employed by
Joint labour in building, or not Sufferd [sic] to Expose themselves to
ranging the Woods, wherein they were Strangers, and having no enclo-
sures or time to make them, those Cattle naturally took to a Common
Range, and have since that time Wanderd [sic], much time has been spent,
many agreements have been made for hunting them together without its
desired effect; few people caring or have Skill to ride the Woods, or of
ability enough to buy a horse, or pay for the trouble of those who do
hunt; It is therefore much wanted, that Some regular Authority should
oblige such reasonable payment to the Hunters for Cattle Brought home,
and for some Regular Determination concerning the Claims which may be
made on Cattle which have for so long Season unavoidably ranged; in
Regard many of those Cattle are in remote parts, and unmarkt [sic] they
are exposed as a prey to ill designing People who (possibly) may presume
to kill or destroy them, Therefore if the people had any Power transmitted
to Authenticate their Agreements having the force of Law, it might enable
them ip to procure better Success; And if your Honours [sic] would be
pleased to declare your Opinion what punishment would be proper for those
who shall kill or destroy Cattle without some publick [sic] Notice, or
should make wrong Claims, In what manner the Hunters should be Satisfied;
And what right the Inhabitants of Savannah and other Settlements have to
the Commonage or pasture of their respective Cattle, It might encourage
their Industry, and be a means for them to raise in Safety such an
Advantageous encrease [sic] as may in a Short time Supply a Market.

Far be it from me to Suppose, that every Man, who has hitherto
chose to pursue Sawing, Boat Service, or other Labour rather than that
of planting, would not also unite their Endeavours [sic] with the planter
should such Encouragement be granted as may be depended to carry them
thro [sic] their difficultys [sic]. And tho they may have also received
favours [sic] equall [sic] to those who have planted; Necessity by Sickness
or otherwise, perhapps [sic] obliged them to Seek some immediate gain for
their Support; But certainly they have never been wanting in their Carriage
in time of danger.

Experience teaches, that few Designs are so well formed as to
admitt [sic] of no Disappointment; So in the Case of this Settlement, it is
too plainly verified that perswasions [sic] and fond Imaginations revitted [sic]
an early Opinion that the gain of hire was preferable as being more
certain than that of Planting. Happy also had it been (if those who
are bold enough to disquiet the minds of the people by ensnaring
Schemes Cram their Diswasions [sic] to planting on every one who
attempted it) had never come into the Colony; And when it is known,
that these are the people so often complained of as prone to Contention,
Idleness and Luxury, that were evil mouthed to their benefactors, and
like Drones devouring the Bread of the Industrious, It is to be hoped
that those Industrious will not be condemned to Suffer with the Guilty
and that no generall [sic] Infamy will be allowed to pass, whilst any
Industrious man remains in the northern Division where by to eclipse their
priviledge [sic] or prevent their hope.

The present State of the Town of Savannah is, that the Inhabitants
are more than half gone, within this two years; That the Officers
Civil and Military with those who are not yet obliged to perform Mili-
tary Duty exceed in Number, those of them who are to perform such Duty
as private Centinells [sic], many doubtless have their particular Reasons
for leaving the Colony, and 'tho some of them might be Spared because of
their Ill Conduct, a far greater number have left it who might have
become usefull [sic] Members and Planters.

The Settlement at Tybee I imagine will be allowed to be an usefull [sic]
Settlement As well in regard to the light house there erected, as also
for the Conveniency of the look out which might have have been there
kept; It was supplyed [sic] with three Small Cannon and one Six pounder;
its Inhabitants were 12 Setlers [sic] some of whom had familys; It
contains good Pasturage for Cattle and Variety of Masl [sic] for Hogs.
Each Setler [sic] was paid 2 Shillgs. P day for assisting the Carpenter
who raised the light House, himself halving 5 sh. P Day, which took upwards
of two years in Framing and raising, they received also provision, and
each of them had a Cow and Calf besides other favours [sic] for their further
Encouragement. Yet nevertheless they neglected to make any Improvements.
Suffer'd their Cattle to run Wild, and according to the reigning Custom,
reported that the Island was barren, and not fitt [sic] to live on,
when in truth they lived such debaucht [sic] lives, that they beggard
themselves, most of them dying of its Consequencys [sic], and the Remainder
not haveg. Discretion to Guid [sic] themselves deserted.

Three other persons have since had leave to Settle there, but their
Improvements are inconsiderable; the Light house is become ruinous.
But those who are proper Judges say that in such a Timber Frame, any
Decayed parts, may be taken out, and new; Work Supplyed [sic], and tho
the charge may be great, the building will continue, and may at the
Same time be finisht [sic]. When contrarywise the loss of it will be much
regretted by all Vessels coming on that Coast.

The Settlement on the Island of Skidoway [sic] is Scituate [sic] on
an usefull [sic] Spot for the publick [sic] Safety, and imediate [sic]
advantage, the Soil being very fruitfull [sic]; It was Supplyed [sic] with 7 Cannon,
and the Settlers being ten received two years Provisions a Cow and Calf each
and many other Indulgencys [sic] in Sickness &c. All of them together
did not at any one time plant more than five Acres; there is but one
Family of these remaining (Viz. Thomas Mouse) who having a very good
house built for him as a Gift, and having lycence [sic] to Sell liquors.
Did in pursuit of the Victualling [sic] trade Creditt [sic] the Settlers,
So that being in Debt, those who did not dye [sic] of their Debauches, fled
the Colony. Said Mouse in the year 1739, (a Bounty of 2 Shill p Bushell on
Corn to be raised being promised) planted 8 Acres, and since has not medled [sic]
with planting.

Another part of this Island was possest [sic] by the persons belonging
to the Carolina Scout Boat, the Same being also Stationed there; they
Brought into tillage about 12 Acres of Land with Agreeable Success,
this Land still continues in the hands of one of those who assisted to
clear it it, and in the year 1739 was also planted. Since which nothing
has been attempted of that kind.

Wm. Ewen once in your Honours [sic] Service has also a Settlement
on the Island he purchast [sic] Cattle and Servants, built habitations and
cleared fenced, and planted about 6 Acres of Land, the great Expence [sic]
and Disappointments in not receiving his right to the promised Bounty
for Corn raised in the year 1739 Obliged him to part with his Servants
and cease planting for the present.

The Cows, Calfs, and Hogs which were a Gift both here and at
Tybee, are become a Wild Herd, and I fear are the Common Game of
Travellers.

The Settlement at Thunderbolt in its Scituation [sic] was as usefull [sic]
for publick [sic] Safety as private property, they were allowed 5 Small
Cannon and one Six pounder with Amunition [sic]. And many Assistances
towards Erecting the Fortifications. Mr. Robert Lacy at first gave
hopes that he would make an Agreeable progress in planting and making
potash; but those hopes Soon Vanished, he being led to Assert that
nothing would do, but by the use of Negroes, and therefore Employed his
Servants at Sawing or hire. He Obtained the Command at Augusta, and
was sent Agent to the Cherokee Indians, and he entred [sic] his Servants
on the Establishment of the Garison [sic], He died in the year 1738
leaving his land under the appearance of a Wilderness.

Philip Bishop and Joseph Hetherington made no remarkable progress in
their Improvments [sic] farther than a dwelling house for each
which are now Ruinous, Under pretence [sic] of planting they obtained many
times Credit at the Stores, But amongst other disorders they were accused
of felony in Stealing Cattle and convicted in two Several Indictments,
they broke Goal and fled to Carolina; Theophilus Hetherington married the
Widow Lacy and being a Busy Enemy to the Colony soon left it, and went
with his Wife to Charles Town, where She is since dead. So that this
whole Settlement is become Vacated by all its first Inhabitants.

Two Men who were once Mr. Lacys Servants pretend to get their
living by Sawing there. They claim Possession in the Name and Right of
Theos. Hetherington and (possibly) Should they live to See the present
Labour of planting made so easy as to equal that of South Carolina
might (by a Grant) become better Settlers than the first have proved.

Mr. Patrick Houston having began a Farm on a branch of the River
Vernon in the year 1736 having been Supported therein by the publick
[sic] Store and many other favours [sic] from General Oglethorpe has
built convenient habitations for himself and servants, and cleared and
planted about 30 Acres of his land, and so Fenced his whole Tract, as to
prevent any Injury from the common Range; His land may be termed of the
best kind, and has afforded reasonable crops, but having found a more
advantagious [sic] living, his plantation is much neglected, and it is
very Evident that notwithstanding all assistance and Success in Crops,
he has much encreast [sic] his debts.

Near to Mr. Houstons is a Tract of land which in the year 1739
was possest [sic] by Wm. Stepens Esqr. and Samuel Mercer, there is no doubt
if they pursue their usual Industry and withstand the losses which
every one at present Sustain by planting these intended Farms, as yet
of short Standing, will in due time shew forth the known Skill of
the Owners.

The Revd. Mr. Whitfield possesses a Tract of Land, whereon in
the year 1739 he began what is at present called the Orphan House with
Several other Houses (no doubt) agreeable to his purpose, The Orphan
House has an handsome appearance and all the Buildings are near finisht [sic],
the Land, which is (at present) cleared will afford Convenient Gardens
and Yards containing about ten Acres, exclusive of an Avenue about 50
yards Broad and half a mile in length, which at present is only opened
by the fall of the Trees, the whole is well defended with a good Fence,
and he has purchased a Considerable Stock of Cattle, he has in a great
measure defrayed the Expence [sic] of making a Road to Savannah for
about 11 Miles wherein is 12 Bridges, the Employ which many Inhabitants
have had on this Occasion has certainly prevented many from leaving
the Colony, and the hopes of its continuance should prevent murmurs
about those Religious matters which few have (tis feared) Judgment or
principle enough to understand as they ought, especially if they would
but duly remember that your Honours [sic] are their Common Earthly parent,
and Will suffer no wrong to be done them.

Mr. James Burnside in the year 1737. enterd [sic] on Land heretofore
called Rotten possum and purchased a Stock of Cattle, he built habita-
tions for his Family, and pursued planting till the year 1739, his
Success being very bad, and becoming a Disciple of Mr. Whitfields was
employd [sic] in Overseeing the Works of the Orphan House, (tho he received
many favours from General Oglethorpe to enable his continuance on his
land) he has left it and disposed of his Cattle and premises to Mr.
Whitfield, and now Complains very much of his losses, in attenting to
live by planting.

In the year 1740 Mr. Thomas Upton acquired the possession of
land heretofore called All Honey, he has made several Visits with
Workmen, and has begun to Sett up Hutts [sic], but alarms of Wax and various
incidents has often Stopt [sic] his proceedings, and indeed it is very
difficult to guess what may be expected.

Another Tract of Land is possest [sic] by Mr. Noble Jones, Mr. John
Fallowfield, and Mr. Henry Parker, who all entred [sic] in the year
1736.

The first has erected what very Justly (when finished) may be
called a good house with Convenient Out-houses for Servants, Cattle
&ca. he has also fenced and brought into tillage about 14 Acres of
Land, he appears very Industrious, the Land is of the best kind, and
has produced very well, he is favoured [sic] with a Small Military Employ,
by the Command of a Small Fort near his house, where is Stationed a
Boat also under his Command, with 12 men, to Serve in Boat and
Garison [sic].

Mr. John Fallowfield has built necessary Cover for his Family,
has cleared about eight Acres, but having little Success in planting he
has left it and lives by his allowance as Bailiff of Savannah and fees
for Navall [sic] Officer.

Mr. Henry Parker has built a good house and is near finished
that and other Conveniencys [sic] he planted about 4 Acres in the year 1737.
his former Endeavours [sic] on his Town Farm, is a proof that he wants
neither Skill nor Inclination, but a loosing Account, on the cease of
the Bounty and other Support for planting he seems to have laid
aside the present thoughts of planting. His town Farm is returning to a
Wilderness, no progress is made for it on his New Farm worth notice,
and he Supports his Family at daily loss by the Allowance as first
Bailiff.

Mr. Edward Jenkins took possession (without any leave) in the
year 1738 on part of Wilmington Island, he purchased divers Cattle,
built a little house, and planted about eight Acres of Land, for reasons
best known to himself, (tho he kept a Publick [sic] house and got money,
his cattle are Sold and he has left the Colony and entred [sic] upon
business at Charles Town.

The remaining Tract of Land mentioned on the East Side of the
Town of Savannah is that, granted to my Self, but my too much Indulged
Enemys [sic] having loaded me and my Improvemts. with the fruits of Envy I
may (perhapps [sic]) be thought Guilty of partiality should I (on this
occasion) relate any particulars; I too well know, (by your Honours [sic]
Resentments) that my Adversarys [sic] have prevailed, otherwise those who
Act (as they pretend) by your Authority would not dare to Act Unjustly
by me, and contrive means to Starve me; Such Actions must consequently
change my usual thoughts, when no other remedy is left but the Laws of
the Mother Country. I am a dally looser [sic] notwithstanding all my
endeavours [sic] and necessity from those those losses and unjust treatment
compells [sic] me to lessen my Stock of Cattle for Support, I am unjustly
deprived of all Benefitt [sic], my Mulbery [sic] Plantation ruined, and
all hopes of Benifitt [sic] thereby prevented. In the year 1739 I planted 50
Acres of Land and raised as much, corn as according to a promised Bounty
amounted to 50 L which was paid to the Generality of them, who planted,
or rather to those whom Mr. Thomas Jones was pleased to favour [sic]; but as
I am not of the number, I only obtained 5 L on Acct. and am insulted by him
if I offer to Speak to him. This disappointment and the extra expence [sic]
I was at to obtain it, resolving to Shew forth my Zeal for the generall [sic]
good. Obliges to lament that ever I began a Farm, and to use my
Endeavours [sic] to quitt [sic] it with as little loss as I can, and seek my
bread in another place.

The Land belonging to Hampstead and Highgate are for the greatest
part Pine Land, and the remainder, low, wet and Spungy of a Rich Loomy
nature, and doubtless if the Setlers [sic] are ever able to clear grub and
drain those Lands, their moisture with a proper tillage, would render it
Surprisingly fruitfull [sic]; But so the truth is, that when Springs are in
reality (as is here) the drainings [sic] of the High Pine Land, and
passing thro a hungry sand Chills every thing that is planted except
Rice, till Such Culture prevents it.

Those at Hampstead have Shewn [sic] their Industry with very little Success,
and tho they have been well Supported, But tired with their Experiments
on land so little fruitfull [sic] they have all left it but one man, who
is a Switzer and having some Cattle is in hopes of better things.

The Inhabitants of High Gate have not (for the Generality) been wanting
in their Industry, Some of them being quite dispirited by disappointments
in planting and ashamed to continue under the Support of the Publick [sic]
Store, left their Settlements to Seek other Labour, those who continue are
two, and having Genius for Gardening have by a proper Support raised good
Garden Ware, and brought their goods almost every day on foot, to Sell at
Savannah, but I fear they begin to dispair, Support being lost, having
already declared they cannot hold it. And I am told they are frequently
attackt [sic] with false tales.

Messrs. Sterling and others in the year 1739 began a Settlement
on the South Side of the River Ogeeche with divers Servants; they were
assisted with a Creditt [sic] from your Honours [sic] Store, they built
necessary habitations, and planted upwards of 60 Acres, their Land was
esteemed good, and they received agreeable Crops; they continued such
planting till the year 1736, were paid for what they could spare, and
was fetched from their Land at your Honours [sic] charge, and they were
also paid (as Bounty) one Shilling p Bushel for Corn and pease, and Six
pence for Potatoes. But they say they have lost by the Account, and
they have quitted the Colony, some being also dead.

Fort Argyle is a Garison [sic] for the Lodge of 20 Rangers under a
Captain and Lieutenant, there was at first 10 Freeholders under a
Tythingman [sic] and allowed Support Equal to other Settlemts.

They had no Success in planting, and very probably gave too
willing an Ear to an Opinion, that nothing but Slaves could raise any
thing worthy of the Labour, They either left their Settlements or
enterd [sic] into the Troop. The Fort is Scituate [sic] near the Common
fording place used by the Creek Indians &c, from their Nation to Savannah
or Carolina which is called the Lower path. The Troop was broke in the
year 1738, But as its Scituation [sic] is of great Consequence, three
persons keep possession, and it is to be hoped such another troop will
be thought proper to answer the End of the former.

Agreeable to Directions from General Oglethorpe a Village was
Settled Called Newington in the year 1737, on the Western Road
within 4 miles of Savannah, 5 of which Settlers had been Servants, and
had behaved well, they received Support at the Begining [sic], as also
Tools and a Boat (having a Water passage which came pretty near
them, they were promised Cattle agreeable to your Honours [sic] Orders.
They were many times attackt [sic] by the Enemys [sic] to the Colony and
closely perswaded [sic] to quitt [sic] their land, but perswasions [sic]
not Succeeding they were called Caustonians; They continued till the end
of the year 1738, having made Covering, and the Land shewing good hopes
of an agreeable fertility. They applyed [sic] for further Support, and
being denied by Mr. Thomas Jones; They therefore left their Settlement,
and all (but one) have left the Colony or are dead.

Mr. John Amory began to improve a peice [sic] of Land agreeable to
his Grant near adjoyning [sic] to Newington, It is reported he planted 8
Acres, he received a Creditt [sic] agreeable to your Orders, which being
Expended in the later end of the year 1738, he applyed [sic] to Mr. Thomas
Jones, and being denyed [sic] farther Creditt [sic] he quitted his Land
and the Colony.

Mr. Isaac Young Senr. in the year 1737, had also land agreeable to his
Grant and his own Choice, Survey'd and set out adjoining to Mr. Amory,
he Suffered himself to be perswaded [sic] against planting, and where he
was called upon, having received a Credit, to know what progress he had
made, he denied that such Land was set out, and If I mistake not, made
Oath at a meeting of a pretended Grand Jury, that he was denied any Land
at all (or to that purpose) tho in a very Small time, Mr. Gibbs arriving
was directed to Settle also by them; When Isaac Young threatned [sic] to
Sue him, and Seize any Crop he should raise, alledging [sic] the ground
to be his, tho he well knew to the Contrary; the meaning for which, I
imagine, was that he wanted to have his Grant enlarged, He left the Colony
in the year 1739 himself and most of his Family are dead.

The Severall [sic] Settlements which are mentioned by the name of
Grantham are those which are granted to Joseph Watson, John Musgrove,
Robert Williams and Brothers.

Mr. Watson erected the Frame of a good house in the year 1734,
and cleared near 7 Acres of Land, some part of which he planted, with
Success; he purchas'd a few Cattle, and seemed to give hopes that a
well Settled Farm might be expected; but falling unhappily into
disputes with his Partner Musgrove with whom he had been admitted to he
a joint Trader to the Indians near Savannah, he committed divers outrages, drank so much with an Eminent Indian that the Indian dyed of
the Debauch, and a Murder also ensued by another of his Disorders; So
that twas difficult to determine if he was in his Senses; he was justly
prosecuted for these Offences [sic] and being found Guilty, was as well for
his own preservation from Indian resentment, as publick [sic] Safety Committed
to a Close Confinement in his own Lodgings within the Town, which Com-
mittment was soon after confirmed by your Honours [sic] and a Severe charge on
the Magistrates for his Secure keeping, with your Declaration, that a
Charge of Murther [sic] should he laid against him, and a Speciall [sic] Commission sent to try him hereon. Such Imprisonment was continued till the year
1737 when your Orders directed that the Magistrates should give Judg-
ment on the said Verdict against him and he (being in his Senses)
might be admitted to Bail. All his Improvements (in the mean time)
became ruinous, are of no value, and he has left the Colony.

Mr. Musgrove was a Trader to the same Indians and dwelt near the
place where Savannah now Stands. At the Arrival of the first
Adventurers, he obtained this other Settlement whereby to keep a
Cowpen, and there built a good house; He being dead, his Widow married
John Mathews who planted (in good Order) 40 Acres; He has much encreased
[sic] his Stock of Cattle and continues the Indian Trade, Since the year
1739 he has not planted any thing considerable. He is lately appointed
Commander of a Troop of Rangers.

Mr. Robert Williams and Compy, took possession of their Land in
the year 1736 and built several Small houses and Stores for himself and
Servts. and Goods they planted and fenced about 40 Acres; they made
Several Experiments with very little Success, they endeavoured [sic]
to carryon a Lumber Trade, and Loaded three Ships and one Sloop. How
far their Expectations might be raised on their coming to the Colony
is best known to themselves; but it is certain they frequently declared
themselves disappointed, and loosers [sic] both by planting and trade;
In this temper they never ceased to encrease [sic] Discord, Doubts, and
unhappy Dislikes to the Country in the minds of every one who attempted planting, with Severe Reflections on your Honrs. and every one who
executed your Commands. They purchased divers Cattle, and having in the
year 1740 left the Colony, directed Mr. Matthews to take Care of Land
and Stock.

Westbrook, at first contained only a Grant to Walter Augustine and Compy. Since which Sr. Fra. Bathurst arrived and Settled next to said Augustine.

Mr. Augustine built necessary Covering, and planted with
good Success about 12 Acres, therefore, in regard to Such Industry, and
his Endeavours [sic] in Erecting a Saw Mill, he recd, many assistances
from your Honours [sic] Stores; It was generally expected his Saw mill
would have Succeeded, it having Sawed a Considerable quantity of Boards &ca. But whether he was deluded by the Enemys [sic] to the Colony, threatned [sic] by those he was indebted to, or being Ankt [sic] with Jews they were too Sharp for him. Or which prevailed most is not known by me, but tis certain that some if not all prevailed so that he percipitately [sic] left the Colony, tho his Support was continued, and has since refused to return.

Sr. Francis Bathurst built convenient habitations and planted
ten Acres of Land, he had great losses by servants Sickness &ca. which
very much encreased [sic] his Expence [sic], The Land is fruitfull [sic];
Two Ladys [sic] and himself being dead, his Children ceast [sic] planting, or any real care of the land under the Common Pretence [sic] to Negroes, they soon consumed every little thing they could get. His Son Robert being under Age, was to Succeed to the Land. Aged about 16 years. Francis Peircy a Gardener married one of his Daughters, and was accused before me, of Selling two Servants which had been supplyed [sic] Sr. Francis on Credit, the Sale was declared void, and other matters of the like nature appearing, he was bound over in his own Recognizance for wasting the Goods of an Infant (R. Bathurst) But as the Lad thought himself too Old to want Advice, tho in fact too weak, as well as young to avoid the fawning pretentions [sic] of those who made a Prey of him, and tho he was promised necessary Support on Creditt [sic], if he would he diligent in those Cultirations [sic] of Land which his Father had began, and used with the utmost tenderness; He was Obstinate in his humour [sic], preferred the fatall [sic] advice of his pretended friends, left the Colony with said Peircy and is since murther'd [sic] in South Carolina by the Insurrection of Negroes.

Among the severall [sic] Settlements proposed to he made at Josephs
Town, only Mr. Patrick Mackay and Mr. John Cuthbert have made any
progress, the former began a good house, which is now much decayed, he
having since made a large plantation with about 12 Negroes on the
Carolina side of the River Savannah; He planted at Josephs Town about 30
Acres, for two years. Since which it has been neglected, tho Some part
or other is planted every year by Servants who keep possession and eat
more than they raise.

Mr. John Cuthbert, tho a much later Inhabitant has made a greater
progress; He has built convenient habitations and Cover for Cattle &ca.
planted about 30 Acres; He had the Command of a Troop of Rangers, and
those Affairs calling him to Charles Town, he there dyed [sic] of an Epidemicall [sic] Distemper, His Sister Succeeds to his Land, is Since married to Mr. Patrick Graham of Savannah Surgeon, who is very Industrious and endeavours [sic] to improve the Land.

The Village of Abercorn is Scituate [sic] on a Creek of the Same name,
once famous for a Magazine of Corn &c. kept there by Indians in their
Wars on the English; It contains a Loomy Soil mixt with Gravel towards
the Rivers, the remainder producing much Cane is Supposed to be of a
Clay or Something like it equally good.

As the Inhabitants were out Settlers, they received innumerable
Indulgencies [sic]. They often pretended to work on their Land but as often
forfeited their promise; very few did any thing worth notice, in the
Space of 5 or 6 years; The whole Body together made an opening in the
Wood to the Extent of twenty Acres; but did not (at any one time) plant
more than 12 Acres; Richard Hughes, a Smith, and Robert Bunyan a
Carpenter seemed to be the most Industrious; But these with the rest
being also overswayed [sic] by the Accustomed delusions left the
Settlement and the Colony.

The Town of Ebenezer is wholly Inhabited by Saltzburghers, they
from the begining [sic] have Submitted to the immediate advice of their Good
Ministers and have united their Endeavours [sic] by joint Labour.

Their first Settlement, was on the Common Path from the most
usual Ferry, whereby Travellers passed by Land from South Carolina to
these parts, and which also near this place meets the Path from Port
Argyle, and the Creek Nation; The land about the Town was generally
Pine Land, and conseqently [sic] less productive of Grain in its own nature;
It is well waterd [sic] by various Brooks, near which large pastures of Cane
are so conveniently mixt, that they afford their Cattle a delicious
plenty; Their Cattle throve and doubtless a Continuance of Industry
must from such land have raised Fodder for them when brought home; and
thereby Sufficient Manure for their upper land. But these people were
so closely attackt [sic] by the Enemys [sic] of the Colony, As not enduring the prospect of what Such Industry might produce; That an uneasiness arose,
and no Arguments could prevent their breach of Patience and Incessant
applications for the Removall [sic] of the Town, to the Side of the River
Savannah altho the Same Land now possesst [sic] would have fallen into
the first Township.

In the New Town they continue their Joint Labour to great Advantage far
Superiour [sic] to any thing in the Colony; They have built a Mill to
make a Sort of meal of their Indian Corn; and have Several Comodious [sic]
Buildings; They have planted upwards of 200 Acres with good Success,
and by their Joint Labour plant the most promising Spots only.

Those People certainly deserve applause as well for their Industry,
as also Obedience and peaceable Behaviour [sic] having not yet given the
Civil Magistrates any material Trouble, and tho their Support has been
long and Expensive whereby they have passed through their difficulties
with Some Chearfullness [sic], they have certainly shewed forth all the
returns which Industry and good Husbandry can produce.

Where the Town of Ebenezer was first intended there is a Cowpen
kept on your Honours [sic] Account, 200 Head of Cattle had been long
since delivered to the care of the Keeper; He was always complaining
for Assistance in Horses and men, concerning which I was obliged to
Exceed your Honrs. Orders; I am Sensible that he was not gratified in
all he Asked; And as I could never get a Just Account of the Increase,
I am apt to think that no person is able to give any new guess what
such Increase may extend to, because the Keeper continues his uncertain
measures.

There is also at the Same place a Saw Mill on your Honours [sic]
Account; the Erecting thereof took two years time to finish; It Sawed
about 1000 Foot of Plank p Day, and was Supposed to be very Secure and
well done; But by the rising of the waters, loosness [sic] of the Soil,
or some other such Cause, the Waters made a Breach, part of the Mill is
oversett [sic] and the mill is rendred [sic] useless.

The Town of Augusta must be allowed to be of Singular Service to
the Colony in General as also for the Commodiousness and safety of the
Traders to the Severall [sic] Indian Nations within, or contiguous to the
Colony, and the Safety of the Merchandizes necessary for Such Trade and
the gaining imediate [sic] Intelligence of what may happen to be in motion
either by Friends or Enemys [sic]; It undoubted raises its own Reputation, so
unjustly impeacht [sic], gives daily tokens of its plentifull [sic] productions, And the whole is fully proved in that all the Inhabitants
which dwelt on the Carolina side of the River, called New Windsor or Fort
Moore are removed from thence, and are become Inhabitants of the Town
and have removed their Goods. As to the productions, altho the Land at
Savannah and Contiguous Settlements, Do not produce more (on an
Average) then ten Bushells [sic] an Acre, the Land about this Town produces,
Sixty Bushells [sic] on an Acre, or thereabouts; There is a Garrison
kept with a proper Fortification wherein was a Captain, a Leiutenant [sic], a, Serjeant [sic], a Constable and 15 private men; Severall [sic] Houses are built for the Town, and many of the Inhabitants have purchased large Stocks of Cattle, and made considerable improvements; But it is generally known,
that as they live remote from the Town of Savannah where the Seat of
Justice is Supposed to be maintained, they have little Regard to the
Act against Negroes or other Laws And in fact perform all their planting
by Slaves.

The Southern Settlements being each of them, as so many Garisons [sic];
The Inhabitants of Frederica and Darien have had their Share of Military
Alarms, and without doubt much of their time has been also Spent
therein. Those of Frederica have made no progress in their Land worthy
a Relation, the former attempts being returned to their naturall [sic]
Order, except some small Gardens, So that it might he Justly said the
Inhabitants are no ways inclined to planting.

The Settlers at the Darien for the two first years gave very
visible hope of their Desire to improve their Land by Joint Labour and
according planted about 200 Acres in one field, but the small productions
and Loss by such Labour, (the usuall [sic] Support ceasing) lead them to
quitt [sic] their Progress in Planting. Most of them went to the Seige [sic]
of St. Augustine, where the generallity [sic] of them, were either killed
or taken prisoners. So that the Town being almost depopulated of its first Inhabitants, the remaining Widows and broken Familys [sic] are a melancholly [sic] Object. And many of the Inhabitants both here and at Frederica have
left the Colony.

A Settlement was form'd by Wm. Horton Esqr. on Jekyl [sic] Island where
he built a house, kept a Stock of Cattle and had ten servants Supported
by the Store, But declaring the Labour was vain he Sett [sic] his Servants
to hire.

Captain James Gascogine and several Officers who have and do bear Military Employ, built themselves houses and keep Cattle, which are Scituate [sic] according to the Command they bear and are quitted or held as he continues
in or is removed from his Command.

His Majestys [sic] Regiment of foot have their head Quarters at St.
Simons Island, whilst the remainder being in proper bodys [sic], form
Garrisons on such other Islands and passes most Immediately yeilding [sic] publick [sic] Security and Defence [sic].

Having thus also related the begining [sic], progress, and present
Circumstances of the Several Settlements, and Set forth some of those
Reasons, which have occasioned the neglect of planting, and of the
Inhabitants departure from the Colony; I beg your patience while
I add a farther Reason for such Departure, wch. I humbly conceive each
well wisher ought not to conceal.

It is notorious, that Mr. Thomas Jones has obliged many of the
Debtors to your Honours [sic] Stores (as his humour [sic] without any
regard to humanity pleased) to make immediate payment, by Stoping of what
they earned in Publick [sic] service, tho at the Same time, he knew they wanted Bread; he also refuses (thro the same humour [sic]) to pay what is justly due to the people, tho it it well known he is possest [sic] not only of Stores, but also Cash sufficient to prevent any Complaint of that Kind, and perhapps [sic] often repeated petitions, he will declare that the Stores which belonged to your Honours [sic], are now the property of Wm. Stephens Esqr. and himself; and as such will either deliver Goods and take Receipts as Cash, Or pay Cash on an Unreasonable Discount, An Instance of which, will appear by the Coppy [sic] of an Affidavitt [sic] herewith enclosed.

As your Honours [sic] did not think proper, that the Issues of remaining
Stores should continue for other use than paying the just Demands then
owing to the Creditors, consequently all thoughts of Former Support must
likewise discontinue; Therefore as such Orders gave a Chill to the peoples Expectations and progress they reasonably imagined an Indulgence of time for what they owed, would be allowed. Seeing that till some way of living was found, whereby to Spare it. Such Severity was directly starving them.

As my own imediate [sic] Interest in the Colony is (at least) equall [sic]
with others, I had reason to Expect that when your Secretary received
your Orders to transmitt [sic] a State of the Colony upon the Oaths of its
Inhabitants, he would have thought me worthy to have joyned [sic] in it; But
as he has Been pleased to call and consult only those who dare not
contradict what he says is proper for them, I hope I shall not be blamed
for this Attempt. I chose to lay aside the thoughts of troubling your
Honours [sic] with the Consequences of Such Conduct in your Secretary well
knowing it must aggravate the Multitude of Mistakes which cannot be
prevented till your Honours [sic] by proper Channells [sic] are informed, and Shall thereby Judge of the Causes thereof.

Wishes and Inclination ever directing to Act for the Interest
of the Colony free from partiality or Party opinion, I beg leave to
Say, that these my Endeavours [sic] candidly recd. I may be lead [sic] to imagine
that the face of Affairs may in some measure recover its clouded
Aspect, Most humbly therefore depending on your Honours [sic] Determination
on these and what else of this kind may be laid before you; I Subscribe
that I am

with my best Endeavours [sic]

Yr. Honours [sic] most Dutifull [sic] Servant

T. Causton

Dated in Georgia
Feby. 19th. 1740-1

Mr. Tho. Causton to the Trustees Arrived June 1741
Oxtead [sic] 28 Feby. 1740-1

Gentlemen
As any importunity from me may incur your honours [sic] blame, it is
necessary I Should Set forth reasons for repeating in any degree, what
I may have already requested.

The Correspondence with this your Colony in regard to time &
distance is Such, that a whole year is comonly [sic] past before the
matters compain'd of, or comands [sic] given can be effectually redrest [sic],
or the obedience known. And as a guilty person Seldom wants craft
to prevaricate in answer to a complaint, or to frame fictitious Stories
or reasons for not executing a comand [sic], much more time may (very probably) be emloy'd or Spent, and the Suffering Party be totally undone.

I have Strove to endure the unlawfull [sic] measures of your Officers,
till my health and Small Effects are exhausted: I have complain'd to
your Honours [sic], but (to my knowledge) no means is proposed, or Orders
given, whereby a deserv'd comfort may restore the One, or a just reward
prevent the misery of the other.

The deaths in my family (occasion'd by the terrour [sic] of their
injustice) is a murder as effectually comitted [sic], as if a dagger
had done it, and I most humbly appeal if it is just, to insinuate that
I am guilty of crimes, & must be hid (which in this Country implys [sic] murder'd) and my Effects Sequester'd, without informing me of Such particulars, whereto I may endeavour [sic] to form a defence [sic]: To
bind me in bonds to continue in the Colony without any cause assign'd,
or in any Shape proved: To publish that I attempted to fly the Colony
when no kind of Step was taken towards it: To distress & impoverish me
here by various Injuries, and to prevent me from acquiring my bread elsewhere.

Mr. Woodrofe is order'd to arrest me for a bill which I drew
in pursuance of your Honours [sic] Orders, and paid to Tho. Andrews for
account of Services to the Chickesaw Nation, tho 'tis well known that by
virtue of a receipt Sign'd by Said Andrews for the value of the bill,
his Acct. with the Stores is So far discharged.

James Houston a late Clerk in your Honours [sic] Store at Savannah,
received 10 Sterling of me (which I rais'd by Sale of part of my Stock
of Cattle) to purchase necessaries for me at Charlestown and else where
in Carolina, and accordingly Sign'd the (a) paper enclosed: but instead of
Such purchasse [sic], or complying with his promise, he at length wrote me
the (b) letter enclosed.

I Imagine that these Facts evidence the danger I am in, of being
in a worse condition than the most abject Slave, and therefore may very
reasonably think my Self justified, if to my latest moments I repeat my
prayers for redress. And particularly to Research for your Honours [sic]
Orders;

1. That I may be paid for what I have thus Suffer'd by Houston out of
Such moneys as is due to him for his Services:

2. That I may be paid for damage done by your Servants to my mulberry
trees, agreable [sic] to my former petition:

3. And That I may be paid the remainder of the bounty on corn &c rais'd
in the year 1739 agreable [sic] to what I mention'd on that head in my
letter herewith transmitted.

I presume to hope that I am not obliged to employ my time, or
practice a carefull [sic] conduct thus in vain, or in vain Seek justice
in America, and therefore pray

4, That your Officers may Set forth Satisfactory reasons for Such
conduct; And Since want thus daily approches [sic], and the matter
which gives it wings thus appears to be the fruits of an Over bearing
malice in your officers, I imagine I may be pardon'd if I again beg
not to be thus lost by the delay of your judgment, and take the liberty
to Subscribe my Self

Your Honours [sic] most dutifull [sic] Servt.

T. Causton

(a.) Oxstead 14 Oct. 1740. Recd. from Mr. Tho. Causton ten pounds
Sterling, which I promise to be accountable.

P James Houston

(b.) Beaufort 2 feby. 1740-1

Mr. Causton,

Sir

Since I was last in Georgia, I could not Stir from this
place to go to Charlestown my Self, but I have Sent your money down
twice to buy the things you wanted, but there was no possibility of
buying any thing there Since the fire happen'd, every thing being So
very dear; Therefore I have given your Acct. Cr. for your bill in part
of wages due to me in the Store, and I do not know when I Shall be able
to pass it, all the people here looking on that money no more than
dirt. I desire you would order payment for the remainder of the
ballance [sic] due to me, certified by Mr. Loyer 28 Oct. 1738, which
is 23.11.7 Sterl. besides the Interest on the Sum to this time. I design
to go for Jamaica in 2 months and from thence to England, where I Shall
use all means to recover that, and all the other losses my father has
Sustain'd upon the Acct. of the Colony of Georgia. Sir, I would have you to
consider that I am reduced now to very low circumstances, and that its a
great wrong to detain my just wages, for any man has reason to expect
that God who is just and righteous will avenge the mischief that one
man does to another.

Yrs. &c.

Ja. Houston

I can find no body to bring Cattle or Sheep
to you. None caring to have any thing to do in your Colony

Recd. 24 June

Savannah 25 March 1741

May it please Your Lordship

I hope You'll excuse the Freedome [sic] I have taken by presenting
these lines to yr. Lordsp.

I have had the Honour [sic] to serve the Honble. the Trustees these
four years past; the last year of which time I have had the Honour [sic] to
bear a Commission to Act as Recorder in the Town of Savannah, And as the
said Business did not fully Employ my time I took under my Care a Boy of
Mr. Samll. Browns; half an Indian, which Boy can now write, Read and
Acct. pretty well.

By the Behaviour [sic] and Genius of the said Boy I am ensured had I
Encouragement, I could Teach any Number of Indian Boys with the same
ease.

If your lordship think it will be agreeable to the Honourable [sic]
the Trustees I beg the favour [sic] of you to mention it to them. And if their Honrs, will be pleased to favour [sic] me with their Commands, I will Execute them to the utmost of my Power.

I am hard put to it, for want of my money for my Service, as
Recorder; I have wrote severall [sic] Letters to the Honble. [sic] the Trustees, and should he glad to receive their Answer, till which time I
dont [sic] expect to receive any thing.

I hope your Lordship will excuse this Freedom, and give me leave
to Subscribe my Self.

Your Lordsps.

most dutifull [sic] & Obedt. humble servt.

John Pye

From Will. Ewen recd. 2 Septbr. 1741

Savannah 17 April 1741

To the Honble. Trustees for

Establishing the Colony of Georgia In
America

Gentlemen
Having some time ago lay'd before your Honrs. the losses I have
Sustained by my Plantation; the hardships and difficulties I was drove
to before I left it: I cannot at this time omit acquainting your Honrs,
with the unjust proceedings of Mr. Thomas Jones; who without any Cause
of offence [sic] has many times too plainly Shewn [sic] me, the Ill will, Malice, and Spite he bears me; not only striving to Blast my Character (whereby to prevent my getting any Bread) but also prevents me using those means whereby I should attain to the Balance of my Acct. which is my Just
due.

I have here inclosed to your Honours [sic] my Acct. Sworn before one
of the Bayliffs [sic], and the Recorder of Savannah.

I have often waited on Mr. Thomas Jones, and have desired him to
settle my Acct. so that I might have it enter'd in the Store Books; but
it was all to no purpose; for he always had an Excuse ready as
soon as he saw me come near him, and in a haughty manner, he would tell
me he was busy; and that he had other affairs to mind. I apprehend that
as your Honrs, thought proper to appoint Mr. Thomas Jones, Storekeeper,
and to assist in Settling the Publick [sic] Accts. that your Honrs, has order'd him a Sufficient allowance for the same: and that he should Act in a
mild manner, and Strive to make the people quiet and easy: under their
misfortunes. But instead of performing his Duty in your Honours [sic]
Service his time and thoughts is carried another way with the gain he daily
gets in trade with Coll. Wm. Stephens in your Honrs. Store. He always
Seems to be ready and willing to add affliction to the afflicted, but
hates to be a friend to the distressed; neither can it be expected from
such men who makes interest their only Views.

The Months Service mentioned in any Acct. was at the time of
Mr. Thomas Caustons [sic] leaving the Stores, and Mr. Thomas Jones Receiving
'em. I was left in Charge of the Stores by Mr. Causton, but obey'd
Mr. Jones's Orders most of the time this months Service Mr. Jones said
he did not know of; and therefore could not allow of it, till he had
seen Mr. Causton, and that he should certify it to him. Accordingly I
desired Mr. Causton to go with me to Mr. Jones (which he did) and Mr.
Jones was well Satisfied, and Order'd Mr. Pye to enter it in the
Store Book (and say he would pay me this Acct. in Cash at any other time
but that Instant because he was in hast) this he said in presence of
Mr. Thomas Causton, and Mr. John Pye; But after I had left Mr. Jones,
he order'd Mr. Pye not to enter it in the Books, neither has he paid me
the money but denys he ever said he would.

The next Article in my Acct. is for taking an Inventory of
the Stores at the time when Mr. Thomas Jones was to receive them, this
Mr. Jones allows to be right, but says he has no Orders to pay it, and
that I shall be paid; (But how, or which way I cannot learn.)

The two following articles is my Servants deliver'd to Mr. Thomas
Jones When I was making improvements on my Land, and had used my utmost
endeavours [sic] with my self and Servants; All that I could raise from the
Ground, (tho very good of the kind) was not Sufficient to maintain my
Servants in provisions. Exclusive of Cloaths [sic], Sickness, tools &c. Thus
Seeing poverty approaching in the midst of Industry; I wrote a Letter
to Genl. Oglethorpe at Frederica, desiring I might have the Liberty to
return my Servants to the Store again; Acquainting his Excellency at
the Same time, that the produce of the Land was not enough to maintain
them in Provisions. His Excellency agreeable to my Letter, Sent
orders in writing to Mr. Thomas Jones to take my Servants and to give me
Credit for them; Accordingly I deliver'd my Servants to Mr. Thomas Jones
and they are now in your Honours Service. (But Mr. Jones has not paid
me nor given me Credit for them.)

The last Article in my Acct. is the Bounty on 90 Bushells [sic] of
Corn in the year 1739. This Year Genl. Oglethorpe gave Orders for all
the people that intended to plant their Lands to meet him at his house
Accordingly they did; His Excellency in consideration of the peoples
had Crops the year before, did then promise they should have a Bounty
on Corn, Pease and pottatoes [sic], I raised this year 90 Bushells of Corn
had it measured by an officer as it was orderd, and a Certificate
under his hand for the Same. I gave my Certificate to Mr. Thomas Jones,
and desired he would pay me the Bounty money, acquainting him that it
would be a great help to me. His Answer was that he had no money and he
could not pay it. I waited on Mr. Jones Several times from my planta-
tion, being 20 miles by water, and told him my necessity, but he would
not hear, pay me, nor settle my Accts. The last time I waited on him,
he told me I should have come Sooner for now he had paid all the money
he had for that purpose.

There is few men by my Self that he has not paid them all their
Bounty money or half, (But it is to those that he likes best) he told me
he would then enter it in the Books for me; Accordingly he did, but it
Was about 12 months after the time.

I have here eIso enclosed a Coppy [sic] of my Acct. as it stands in
the Store Books; which was deliver'd me by William Bussell who is Mr.
Jones Bookkeeper, So that your Honrs, may plainly see, that it is Mr.
Jones intent that he will prevent, if he can, that my Acct. should be
settled.

Therefore I humbly intreat your Honrs, that you will Consider
this my Complaint and send me some Speedy redress, least my wants come
on too fast, and necessity drive me a way to some other place to seek
my Bread.

As I am truly Sensible of your Honours [sic] Justice and goodness, and
that it is not your Honours [sic] Intentions, that any man should be
opprest [sic] by any of your Officers whom your Honrs, confide in to Execute your Orders here. Therefore I hope your Honours [sic] will not impute this my
hard case to proceed from a troublesome, or disrespectfull [sic] disposition,
but for want, and Necessity. I shall beg leave to Subscribe my Self,
with all due respect

Yr. Honours [sic]

Most obedt. hum. Servt. to Command

William Ewen

The Honble. the Trustees for Establishing
the Colony of Georgia in America
To William Ewen Dr.

1738

Oct. 28. To a months Service in your Honrs. Stores L. S. D.
from 28 Sept. to 28, Oct. at L 30 p Ann. 2 . 10 . 0

1738
Nov. 19. To my Service for taking an Inventory of the
Stores from 19 Nov. to the 8 Jany. Being 7 ) 4. 0. 6
weeks at 30 Ann.

March 21. To my Servant Gasper Sneiden and his Wife
deliver'd to Mr. Thomas Jones. 12. 5. 0
1739.

Aug. 9. To my Servant Chrisr. Sheffer deliver'd to
Mr. Thomas Jones 6. 2. 6


To the Bounty on 90 Bushells [sic] of Corn at 2s/ p
Bushell [sic] as p Certificate deliver'd Mr. Thomas 9. 0. 0
Jones dat. Nov. 3d 1739 .
-------------

L 33 .18 . 0

Per Contra - - Cr.

By Sundrys Received from the Store As p Mr.
Jones Acct.) 7. 2. 0

Ballance [sic] due to W. Ewen. 26. 16. 0
-------------
L. 33 .18 . 0.

Savannah March 7th 1740
Then appeared Before us John Fallowfield Bayliff [sic] and John Pye
Recorder of the Town aforesaid; William Ewen, who upon his Oath Declared
that the above Acct. is justly due and owing to him from the Honourable [sic]
the Trustees, Witness our hands the day and Year above Written--

John Fallowfield
William Ewen
John Pye

Will. Ewens further Acct.

Wm. Ewen - - - Dr.

1738
L. S. D.

Oct. 27. To 1. Cask of Midling Bisct. Wt. 202, @13s/ 1. 6. 3
1 Bl. Flower Wt. 206 @12s/ 1. 4. 9

Dec. 18 Flower 24 @2d/ 0. 4. 0

Jany. 8. Ditto 1 Bl. Wt. 183 # @12d/ 1. 2. 0
Corn 10 Bushlls. @1/6 / 0.15. 0
Tobacco 6 # @5d / 0. 2. 6
Beef 48 # @2d / 0. 8. 0

12. Damaged Corn 2 Busls. @1s/ 0. 2. 0

Feby.1O. Corn 6 Bushells @1s/6/ 0. 9. 0
Ditto Demd. Corn 6 Bush. @1s/ 0. 6. 0

March 12. Tobacco 6 # @5d/ 0. 2. 6


1740

Apr. 5 Damaged Corn 14. Bush. @5d/ 0. 5.10


July 17. Damaged Corn 10 Bush. @6/ 0. 5. 0

Sundrys [sic] D, for planting. Viz

Potatoes 7 Bush @10d
Corn 1 Bush. @20d
Pease. 1 Ditto @20d....................... 0. 9. 2
---------
L. 7. 2. 0
L. S. D.



Per Contra - Cr.

1739

L. S. D.
By the Bounty allowed on 90 Bush, of Corn
raised on his plantation at 2 s/ p Bushell [sic] 9. 0. 0

Will. Evens letter of Attorney I7 April 1741 recd. 2 Septbr.

Savannah in Georgia

Know all men by these presents that I William Even of the Place
and province aforesaid; Planter; have constituted made and appointed
and by these presents do constitute make and appoint my Loveing [sic] Sister
Lawfull [sic] Attorney, for me and in my name and Stead, and to my use, to
all demand Sue for levy, recover and receive all Sum and Sums of money
debts, dues. Accounts, and all other demands what so ever; which are
or Shall he due, owing payable and belonging to me or detained from me
any manner of ways or means what so ever; Giving and Granting
unto my said Attorney by these presents; my full and whole Power,
Strength and Authority in and about the premisses, to have Use, and
take, all Lawfull [sic] ways and means in my name for the Recovery thereof,
and upon the receipt of any such Debts, dues or Sums of money afore-
said acquittance's or other Sufficient discharges, for me and in my name
to make Seal and deliver and generally all and every other Act
and Acts, thing and things, device and devices, in the Law whatsoever
needfull [sic] and necessary to be done in and about the premisses, for me
and in my name to do. Execute and perform, as fully largely and Amply,
to all intents and purposes as I my Self might or could do. If I was
Personally present, or as the matter required more Speciall [sic]
Authority then is herein given, and Attorneys one or more under her
hand for the purposes aforesaid to make and constitute, and again at
pleasure to revoke ratifying allowing and holding for firm and Effec-
tually all and whatsoever my Said Attorney shall Lawfully do in and
about the premisses by virtue hereof. In Witness whereof I have here
unto set my hand and Seal this Seventeenth day of April in the Fourteenth
year of the Reign of our Soveraign [sic] Lord George the Second by the
Grace of God &c: Annoque Domini one thousand Seven Hundred and Forty
one

William Ewen Seal

Seal'd and deliver'd
(where no Stampt [sic] paper
is to be had) in Presence
of

John Pye
John Ged

Case of Capt. Patrick Mackays refusal to Suffer Mr. Fallowfield to
Search his Ship

Savannah in Georgia

A Sloop belonging to Captain Patrick Mackay, arrived in the River
Savannah from Charles Town on the 26 Inst, and the next day came up,
and now lies in the Back River near his Plantation: Whereupon Mr.
Fallowfield, the Collector here, demanded to see his papers, and Certi-
ficate of Clearance from Charles Town: Which Capt. Mackay refuses to
shew him; alledging [sic] that he has no Right to demand them; for that the
Coasting Navigation of the Back River, is within the Province of
Carolina; and that the Government of Carolina will not consent to his
doing the Same; but will approve of and justify his refusing; as he is
verily perswaded [sic] to beleive. Upon Mr. Fallowfields [sic] saying that he would (as he thought it his Duty) go aboard and Examine the Vessel; Capt.
Mackay Answerd [sic], that then he should be obliged to defend his Vessel by
Force To prevent which, it was agreed to defer any farther proceedings
therein, till his Excellencys [sic] Opinion should be known; which
is testifyed [sic] by me this 28th day of April 1741.

Will: Stephens Secry.

Copy of the above Written was sent the next day to Genl. Oglethorpe
at Frederica, under Cover, p Mr. Jacob Mathews Henry Myeres [sic] letter
to Mr. Beasent, at the Horse Shoe and Crown in Thames Street.
London.

Frederica 7 May 1741

Dear Sir

I received your kind letters of the 21 May, and 24 August 1739.
and am much obliged to you for your benevolence towards me and my
family, and am sorry that so many kind expressions should be made to
me who can make no return. May God Bless you and yours.

By the last I received one Guinea, and by the first, which came
last to hand, I received from the Revd. Mr. Whitfield twenty one
Shillings. May the same great God reward you. Your two letters at
first view seemed as there had been three Guineas, please in your
next acquaint me thereof. I long vehemently to hear of you, and I'm
much afraid your letters ha e [sic] not come safe, and if you are so
kind as to write me further, pray send them to the Georgia Office to
Mr. Harman Verelst who will forward them to me.

Then as you want some news of our Country, I shall tell you as
far as the present War time will admit. Our Town goes on very well.
Several houses has been built since my last, and the whole precints [sic]
is walled in, in a Strong fortified manner, which renders it the Safetest
[sic] place of this side of North America. It's true, that as we are on the
frontiers the late Expedition has kept back our Town a little, and the
people of Carolina who are our great inveterate Enemies have biass'd [sic]
Several of our people to leave the place, but as they were the least
usefull [sic] we shall not miss them much, for the Safety we lye [sic] in
will bring better to us. It is here as in all parts of the World, labour
and great industry must be used, and when peace is made this place will
be a happy Country. We have had hitherto very bad luck with our
Clergymen, and one is much wanted at present; I dont [sic] Speak of Mr.
Whitfield, he never was here but twice, and then he did not stay above
three nights at most. As you are pretty conversant with the World, it
would be kind of you to recommend us a Sensible man experienced with
such affairs, a pains taking man with Children, and one that would
only mind real Spiritual affairs; Such a Gentleman would live vastly
happy here, for the Honble. the Trustees have given great Encourage-
ment, and would be excessively kind to one that minded his duty, tho
they have hitherto been much imposed upon. As to me and my family, I
thank God we have for near these 12 months past, one or other been
ailing, and my Daughter Catherine is this day buried; we are all
in a mending condition, and I hope we shall be able to go on again.
These and such like difficulties have prevented my being in a better
house, however I live in good hopes to see our place a beautifull [sic]
fine Country.

I again beg to hear frequently from you. My Wife and I, with the
whole family joyn [sic] in hearty prayers for you, and am most
Sincerly [sic]

Dear Sir and Dear Madam

Your most dutifull [sic] Servant

Mark of M Henry Myeres.

You say Madam I have forgot you, but I assure you that I never shall,
or how can I forget one of whom I have been so often served: Your
tender affectionate care of me deserves better usage, and all I can do
is to pray that God would be graciously pleased to be dear to you, and
as you often draw near to him, no doubt he will be found of you.

I dont [sic] know whether these I employ'd to write to you for me
acquainted you that I had two houses of wood, comfortable enough, and
as the Bricks were dear, and much labour for young Beginners, we have
fallen upon much cheaper and better way of making houses, of a mixture
of Lime end Oyster shells (of which we have vast quantities) framed in
Boxes, which soon dries, and makes a Beautifull strong and lasting
Wall. No doubt Mr. Beasant has seen such in some parts of England,
And they have beautifull [sic] houses at Giberaltar [sic] of that sort,
tho they have plenty of Stone. If my health had permitted, I should
have had a large one before now, but intend to go about it, God willing,
before long. Dear Madam, pray our kind service to Mr. Toung and his Good
family, and we are much obliged to him for thinking of us.

I have five Acres of Land cleared and planted these several
years; what is usual to plant in this country in new land is Indian
com. Pease, Potatoes, and several sorts of viney plants, such as
Pumkins, Water Melons, Melons and Cucumbers.

We have choice sorts of Pulse and Roots. All the European
Garden seeds thrive well here. Now that the Roots of the Trees are
rotten, I intend to plow next year, when I'le [sic] sow wheat, Barley,
Oats and other grain. Ploughs have not been used by our Neighbours [sic]
the Carolinians, which is the Occasion that there's so little of their
Country brought in, and if it were not for the Rice, they make their
Negroes plant, they'd starve, for they are a Luxurious, lazy Idle and
effeminate people, they hate our General because he's an Active Bold
Stirring man, hating Idleness and the use of Slaves, and if it had not
been for him and our Country, the Spaniards would have been Masters of
theirs long before now, for their Slaves would all turn to the Enemy
because of Bondage and Bardarous [sic] usage. A Negroe [sic] Overseer
is a worse and more Inhuman Office, than that of a hangman.

Several of our people Who have gone home to England; have given
a vile character of the place and Government, without any reason, But
Because they were Idle and Seditious, finding it hard to get Bread at
that rate they went off, tho such people will find it hard to live any
where. I am as Before

Dear Sir

Your thankfull [sic] Servant

mark of Henry M. Myeres

A few Garden Seeds if occasion offer'd,
would Be of great use to me, close
packed up in a Small Box.

Mr. Tho. Jones to Col. Will. Stephens
Frederica 22 Dec, 1740 - 4 a Clock

Sir

I had the favour [sic] of yours p Morrison wherein you justly reprove me
for not writing to you p Wm. Bussell I must Submitt to your Censure
and Bear the Blame, untill [sic] (if it please God to spare my life and
restore my liberty) I have the pleasure to see you at Savannah,
Where I may viva voce talk aBout such matters as are not proper yet to
commit to writing I have some time fancied my self in the same case
with John Mackintosh at Augustine who is said to have the honour [sic] of

[This letter finishes after the pages of Financial statements. This is how it was arranged in the original and we have left it as it was.]

Trust servants in the North part of Georgia and their days of work for 13 months from 13 Oct 1739 to 11 October 1740

Oct. Nov. Dec. Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr May June July Aug Sept Oct
A
B

Berrier, Jo. 20 20 18 20 20 20 19. 20. 19. 20. 20. 20 20
---, Margaret W. 5. 20. 18 20 20 20. 19 20. 19. 20. 20. 20. 20
---, Artwell, S 15 15 18. 20. 20. 20. 19. 20. 19. 15. 19. 20. 20
---, Peter, S 5. 20. 18. 20. 20. 20. 19. 20. 19. 20. 20. 20. 20
---, Margt. D 20 20. 18. 20. 20. 20 19. 20. 19. 20. 20. 20. 20
Bender, Christr. 18. 13. 4

Total Work. Payments (combined)

Berrier, Jo. 36.4
---, Margaret W. 34.3
---, Artwell, S 34.2 28.16.10
---, Peter, S 34.3
---, Margt. D 36.4
Bender, Christr. 7.0 1. 3. 4

Oct. Nov. Dec. Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr May June July Aug Sept Oct
C

Clause, Leopold 17 1/2 14. 18. 20. 20 20. 17. 14. 14. 15. 10. 20. 20
---, Cathn, W 18. 20. 20. 15. 19. 10. 13. 19. 20. 20. 20
---, Michl. Son 18. 20. 15. 15. 19. 10. 20. 20. 20. 20. 20

Creamer, Christian
---, Christn., son. 20. 18. 20. 20. 20. 19. 20. 19. 20. 20. 20 20
---, Mary D. 18 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20

Curtes, Jacob 9 1/2

Total Work Payments (combined)

Clause, Leopold 31. 2/12
---, Cathn, W 27.5 19. 9. 2
---, Michl. Son 28.1

Creamer, Christian 0
---, Christn., son. 33.5 9. 6. 8
---, Mary D. 30.6

Curtes, Jacob Supposed to run away 1739 December 0. 6. 4

Oct. Nov. Dec. Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr May June July Aug Sept Oct
D

Deigler, Daniel 20 20 17 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20
---. Maria, W. 12 1/2 20 17 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20
---, Cath D. 20 20 17 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20
---, Maria. D 20 17 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20

Densler, Conrad. 20 20 17 10 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20
---, Hen. Son 20 20 17 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20
---, Anne, d 5 20 17 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20
---, Regula, d 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20

Dice, Jacob 15 20 18 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20
---, Margt. W 15 18 10 13 9 19 20 20 20 20

Dowle ( ) Widow 13 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 10 15 20
---, Peter, son 15 20 18 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20
---, Anne, d. 15 10 18 20 20 20 19 20 19 171/2 171/2 20 20
---, Maria d. 10 10 18 20 20 20 19 20 19 171/2 171/2 20 10

Total Work Payments

Deigler, Daniel 36.3
---. Maria, W 35 1/2 22.19.9
---, Cath D 36.3
---, Maria. D 33.4

Densler, Conrad 35.0
---, Hen. Son 36.3 19.1.0
---, Anne, d 34.2
---, Regula, d 22.4

Dice, Jacob 35.6 12.9.4
---, Margt. W 23.3

Dowle ( ) Widow 28.0
---, Peter, son 35.6 24.13.10
---, Anne, d. 33.5
---, Maria d. 31.4

E

F

Oct. Nov. Dec. Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr May June July Aug Sept Oct

Fierer, Conrad 20 20 18 20 20 15 19 20 19 17 20 20 20
---, Christian. Wife. 2 1/2 20 18 20 20 15 19 19 19 20 20 20 20

Fritz, Henry 20 20 17 20 20 20 19 20 19 20
---, Jerry, son 20 8 20 20 20 20 17 14 20 20 20 14
---, Nic, son. 20 20 17 20 20 20 14 5 20 20
---, Hannet, son 15 18 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20

H

Haverner, Paul 20 20 17 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20
---, Pistra Clara Wife. 7 25 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20

Hanouren, Lewisa. 18 18 5 20 20 20 19 20

Hover, Plessi 16 17 22 24 24 24 23 12 24

K

Keller, Am. Eliz. Wid. 20 20 20 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20
---, Sophia, d. 20 20 18 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20
---, Lees, d 15 20 18 20 20 20 19 5

Total Work Payments

Fierer, Conrad 35.3
---, Christian. Wife 33 1 1/2 14. 4.11

Fritz, Henry 27.6
---, Jerry, son 26.1 23. 06. 4 ran away Dec. 1740
---, Nic, son 25.1
---, Hannet, son 33.0
-------------
171.17.6

H

Haverner, Paul 36.3
---, Pistra Clara Wife 30.0 13.15.0

Hanouren, Lewisa 18.6 3.14.8 Free June 1740

Hover, Plessi 26.4 6. 4. 0

K

Keller, Am. Eliz. Widow 36.6
---, Sophia, d 36.4 20.10.10
---, Lees, d 19.4

Oct. Nov. Dec. Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr May June July Aug Sept Oct
K. (cont.)

Keller, Mariaker d 5 20 18 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20
---, Barbara d 18 10 20 20 14

Kiefer, Theobald 20 20 18 20 20 20 19 15 19 20 20 20 20
---, Cath. wife 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 19 20 20 20 20
---, Fred s 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20
---, Maria d 5 20 18 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20

Kiefer, David, son. 20 18 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20
---, Margt. Wife 5 20 18 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20

L

Levenberger, Christr. 16 24 24 24 14 24 23 24 24 24 24
---, Margt. Wife. 10 24 24 24 23 24 23 24 24 24 24

M

Miller (Christina) Widow 20 13 20 20 20 19 19 19 15 20 20 20
---, Philip, s 20 18 20 20 20 19 20 19 15 16 20 20
---, Jo. Nice s 20 18 20 20 20 19
---, Veronice d 20 13 20 15 19 17 1/2 19 15 16 20 20
---, Cath. D 20 18 20 15 19 17 1/2 19 10

Total work Payments

Keller, Mariaker d 34.3 (see previous page)
---, Barbara d 11.5

Kiefer, Theobald 35.6
---, Cath. wife 37.0 27. 5.10
---, Fred s 37.1
---, Maria d 34.0

Kiefer, David, son. 33.0 13.14.6
---, Margt. Wife 34.3

L

Levenberger, Christr. 36.3 14. 7. 4
---, Margt. Wife. 35.3

M

Miller (Christina) Widow 32.1
---, Philip, s 31.0 given away 1709* [sic] to widow Harris
---, Jo. Nice s 15.2 16.16. 6
---, Veronice d 27.5
---, Cath. D 19.5 1/2 * this must be 1739

Oct. Nov. Dec. Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr May June July Aug Sept Oct
Days

N

Nongazer, Jacob 20 20 18 20 19 15 13 20 20 20 20
---, Margt. Wife 5 20 18 20 20 19 19 19 20 20 20 20

Nongazer, (anapl) moth. 9 1/2
---, Philip, Son 5 20 17 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20
---, ( ) Wife 20 17 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20
---, Henry, son 20 20 17 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20
---, Cath. da 20 20 17 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20

O

Ordner, Adam 20 20 17 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 10 20
---(M. Christine)wife 5 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 10 20

P

Pelicue, John 20 20 20 14 20 10 20
---, Barbara, Wife 5 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 10 20

Plessie, Jacob 15 20 20 14 20 19 20 20 20
---, Cath. Wife 20 18 20 18 15 14 20 19 15 20 20

Total Work Payments

Nongazer, Jacob 29.2. 14. 3. 4
---, Margt. Wife 31.3

Nongazer, (anapl) moth. 1.2 1/2
---, Philip, Son 34.2
---, ( ) Wife 33.4 24.19. 9
---, Henry, son 36.3
---, Cath. da 36.3

O

Ordner, Adam 35.0
---(M. Christine) wife 24.5 12. 9.10
-------------
339.19. 1

P

Pelicue, John 16.3
---, Barbara Wife 25.4 8. 0.10

Plessie, Jacob 24.0
---, Cath. Wife. 27.0 10.11. 6

Oct. Nov. Dec. Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr May June July Aug Sept Oct
Days

R

Reitter, Caul 20 20 18 20 20 20 14 20 19 20 20 20 20
---, Eliz. Wife 20 18 20 20 20 14 20 19 20 20 20 20
---, Philip, son 20 18 20 20 20 14 20 19 20 20 20 20

S

Smith, John 16 26 22 24 24 24 23 24 23 24 24 24

Sneider, Caspar 20 20 18 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20
---, Cath. Wife 5 20 18 20 19 15 19 5 15 20 20 20

Shefer, Christr 5 13 20 20 20 19 20 19
---, Barbara, wife 5 20 19

Steinhewel, Christr. 20 20 18 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20
---, Henry, son 20 8 18 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20
---, Maria d 20 20 18 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20
---, Dorothea, d 20 20 18 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20
---, Lee, d 5 20 18 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20

Stout, John 15 20 18 23 24 24

Total Work Payments

Reitter, Caul 35.6
---, Eliz. Wife 33.0 17.16.6
---, Philip, son 33.0

S

Smith, John 39.5 9. 5. 4 Murdered Sept 1740

Sneider, Caspar 36.4
---, Cath. Wife 28.0 13. 8. 8

Shefer, Christr 19.3
---, Barbara, wife 6.2 5.12. 8 Free July 1740

Steinhewel, Christr. 36.4
---, Henry, son 33.4
---, Maria d 36.2
---, Dorothea, d 26.2
---, Lee, d 34.1

Stout, John 17.5 4. 2. 8. Given away
April 1740 to Jo.
Mellage

Oct. Nov. Dec. Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr May June July Aug Sept Oct
Days

Y

Young, Hier 20 20 17 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20
---, Peter Son 20 20 18 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20
---, Magdalen d. 20 20 17 20 20 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20
---, Barbel Wife 10 20 19 20 19 20 20 20 20
of Hier

Total Work Payments

Young, Hier 36.3
---, Peter Son 36.4
---, Magdalen d. 36.3 21.14. 4
---, Barbel Wife 24.0
of Hier -------------
460.19. 3

In all 86 Tr. Servants

Overseers of the Trust servants

Total Work Payment

Pye, John for 8 m. 32.6 19. 2. 8
6 days to 5th June

Harris, Fra: for 1 year 52. 30. 0. 0
To Michs. 1740

Russel, Will. For 9
Months from Christmas 36. 22.10. 0
1739 to Michs. 1740
Total -- Overseers. 71.12. 8

Tr. Servants 460.19. 3
------------
532.11.11

The above Acct, is true Errors excepted
Savanah 11 July 1741. Thos. Jones

Names of Some other Tr. Servants not mention'd in this Acct. recidt.
at Savanah 11 July 1741. Thos. Jones

Foulds Jo.
Roberts Tho,
Slechterman, Jo,
Webb ( ) & family

dining often with the Governour, Sed Verbum Sat. I have not been
debarred of any liberty here (at my own expence [sic]) hitherto. But least I
should hereafter plead Ignorance of the Customs here. That,
Sic Volo. Sic Jubeo. was to be the only Rule and measure for my Conduct
and Behaviour [sic] Will: Russell hath (in Terrorem without any Proof or
reasonable Suspicion of a Crime) been confined in an open Hutt [sic], under
a Guard of Soldiers, for three days and nights without any refreshment
allowed, had not I supported him --- I applied to his Excellency
when I first came hither That I might be allowed to lay before him our
Accts. to Michs. last, which I had reedy for his perusal I was
order'd first to Examine and state his Acct. with Coll: Cook, which
(tho somewhat confused) might have been finished in a day or two
But cod. not prevail with the Genl. to agree to the Same as stated,
till last Saturday; He is Jealous of all persons that he has concerns
with in England as well as America (a few So Flatterers and
others still more profligate, excepted)

What the Wise man has declared in Proverbs 29 12. is unquestionably true
The Genl. promised me yesterday when I waited on him, that
he would send for me this morning early, that he might Settle with
Brown and write Letters to send p this Boat.

I have been of late treated with great openness and seeming confidence
(which is my weak side) and might have betrayed me, had I not
been first Attacked by frowns and distant threats, which never yet have
done me the least Injury, and I hope never will.

I writ to you p Oldner who brings Mr. Clees Perriague; which
hope came safe -- I. H. has not Spoke to me of late, but daily rails at
and Curses the Trustees publickly [sic] he boasts that they are indebted
to him for considerable Sums of money, And that a great part thereof
has been due to him 5 years But that I shall pay him the whole of
those Demands before I go from Frederica If Ha: imprisons me for
this his pretended Claim on the Trustees (as he has threatned [sic] to do) I
have no reason to hope, that the Genl. will interpose in my behalf
When I told him I was ready to pay Hawkins any Sums of money, which he
thought proper to Order the payment of, He refused to give any Order
But with a Seeming displeasure asked. What Objections have you, or the
Comrs.. made to Mr. Hawkins's Acct. sent you p Mr. Horton For it
seems the Trustees upon am your report have not allowed his Demands

I shall not add nor enter into a Secret (but too publickly [sic]
known) History of Transactions in the South Pudet hac Oprobia
Publish it not in the Streets of Askelon nor tell it in Gath. least the
Enemy rejoice, was very proper advice then, and may be at this day.
I have seen your Letter &c, directed to his Excellcy. I must
deferr [sic] giving you an Acct. of the Conversation had on those matters to
another Juncture.

I entreat you will in your next to the Trustees, together with
my Duty, make known my humble request to them. That for the preserving
their own Interest in this Colony, And out of Pity to me, they would
appoint some person in my Stead; that may be capable of doing them
that Service, which I find impossible for me to attempt.


I am
&c.

Petition of the Malcontents in Savannah to his Majesty, or to the
Parliament as their Agents in England Should advise.

Sign'd 29 Decbr. 1740

The Humble Petition of the Poor Distresed [sic]
Inhabitants of the Province of Georgia
in America

Humbly Sheweth [sic]

That we your Petitioners being all Subjects of Great Britain,
and therefore Intitied [sic] to your Care amd protection. Most earnestly
beg leave to lay our Unhappy and Deplorable State before you. All or most
of us Came over here on the Publick [sic] Faith that Liberty and Property
should take place in this Province to the full of its extent, that the
Lands were so fertile We should be able to make a Comfortable Living
by the Labour of White Men only; and that whatever restrictions might
be for the present in the tenure of the lands were only to Continue a
Year or two, till the place was settled and then should be removed.

Upon the belief of these particulars. Some at the Publick [sic]
Expence [sic], Some at their own Embarked for this Colony, And on our arrival
here with the utmost Alacrity, we set about clearing and Cultivating
the Lands, in Order to get a Maintainance [sic]for our Selves and familys
[sic]: The Honble. Trustees in the mean while Supported some of
the People, The rest lived on their own Substance, and at their own
Charge: Two years past over without the least appearance (in the
manner we was obliged to go on) of our being able to raise even bread
kind for our Selves The heats in Sumner likewise were so Excessive,
that Many of the people died free men as well as servants, of Dis-
tempers Contracted by the Laborious Work they was forced to go
thorough in their Endeavours [sic] to raise a little Corn which alas
proved abortive in the End.

We therefore set forth the Necessity of our Affairs to the
Honble. Trustees, and humbly beged [sic] the Use of Negroes to do the hard
Work requisite in the Extream [sic] heats, which we found our Selves unable
to bear up under; but, the Honble. Board would not comply with our
request. So that we was obliged still to go on according to the Honble.
Trustees Schemes, being amused with Idle Storys [sic] Either, that the Season
was too dry, or Else too wet, and that the Country would be more and
more healthfull [sic] in proportion as the land was cleared. In this manner
we went on till December one thousand Seven hundred and thirty Eight,
When finding no Alteration in the tenure of the Lends; No possibility
after five years Experience of Ever being able to live here according
to the present Establishment: We again ke Represented to the
Honble. Trustees our unability to maintain our Selves in this Province,
Without a free title to our Lands, and the limited use of Negroes to
Work in the feild [sic]; We laid before them the Improbability of Ships or
any other Vessells [sic] Coming to this place if we had any produce. When in

Carolina, which is the Opposite Shore of this River Savannah they may
have every thing that possibly can be raised or made here, one half
cheeper than ever we can afford them while this Establishment
Continues: We set before them the great hardship of not being able to
dispose of. Or even to give a way to our own Daughters, the Lands &
Possessions we have here. And what hurt such Restrictions had been to
the Colony; And in the Conclusion told them that We and our Posterity
Would be ruined and rendred [sic] Miserable if they refused our Just
requests.

Some time in the month of October thereafter, We received an
Answer from the Honble. Trustees, Wherein they told us. We were a Set
of Clamourous [sic] people, Influenced by designing men and Negroe [sic] Merchants,
that we should have no part of what we asked granted to us; They told
us it could not be Supposed the Trustees were in any Shape
willing to allow of any Alteration in the Tenure of the Rands, thereby
to put it in the Power of unthrifty Progenitors, to ruin their Posterity
by disposing off and making a way with their Possessions; How hard
this is that a Body of Industrious people should suffer and be un-
reasonably bound up, for a Supposed unthrifty Member of the Society
the [ left blank ] will Judge; A Carefull [sic] Progenitor that has made
large Improvements for his Familys [sic] Sake in General, in order to divide
the Same amongs [sic] his Children, By this Constitution, he is restrained
from making any Dividend by which a Comfortable begining might be given
to a numerous Issue; He must leave what perhaps he has toild [sic] all his
Life for, to his Eldest Son, while his other Children must of Course
be turned upon the World a parcell [sic] of Beggers [sic]; Besides many
other hardships we are liable to by these Restrictions and Reservations in the
tenures; Not a few people have died here for want of necessarys [sic], and
at the same time had good lands and houses in the Colony, Which could
they have sold or disposed of they would have been enabled, to
Support themselves in time of their Sickness and perhaps it might have
been a means to Save them from the Grave for a Season; But they Starred
in the midst of their own Labour, that which had cost them much
time and toil as well as money. Could not then bring them a Morsell [sic] of
Bread; Neither would any person Credit them, for, the Houses or lands
was no way to be touched for their debts. The Honble. Trustees like
wise mentioned two reasons for refusing us the use of Negroes The
one, a late Insurection [sic] of the Blacks in South Carolina; The other a
Declaration from the Darien, a Settlement in this Province, That they
wanted no Negroes; Both reasons carry Something of a fair outside But
when narrowly looked into will be found of no weight; For, the late
Insurection [sic] in Carolina, Was not immediately from their having Negroes
to do the laborious Work in their Plantations in the Extream [sic] heat of
the Sun, But it proceeded from their having too great numbers of
Negroes and those Employd [sic] in all manner of handycraft and household
Bussiness [sic], Whereas, we asked for Negroes duly limited only to be
employ'd in the feild [sic]. None of them to be bred to any trade or handy
craft whatsoever:

As to the Declaration from the Darien, had the Honble. Board
known which way it was procured they never would have mentioned the
Same, The promise of a few Cattle made them Act Inconsistent with their
own or Posteritys [sic] Interest, and put their hands to a paper Contrary to
their real Sentiments which can be proved by Several Affidavits.

In a few months thereafter the Honble. Trustees sent over some
Resolutions relating to the Tenures of Lands in this Province, Whereby
we are allowed to give and device, our Possessions to our Daughters in
Tail Male, But it is so full of Reservations, Conditions and Provisoes,
[sic] that we do not think our selves any way Eased by it; There
fore, We again Remonstrate to the Honble. Trustees, We told them our
friends in England had last Summer informed us, that the Honble. Board
being resolved to take Cognisance [sic] of our Greivances[sic], had sent
Orders to this Place, for every Body to write his own Complaints and get
the Seal of this Township affixed to them; We acquainted their Honours
[sic] that we never heard of any Such Orders being arrived at this place,
till the tenth of November last when at a Court held that day, their
Secretary read the Same and likewise an Answer prepared by him thereto;
Which he Signed as did Seventeen others all of them persons Employ'd by,
or receiving Sallerys [sic] from the Publick [sic].

We, the Majority of the people, who could not put our hands to
many Articles in that paper and Especially as it Set forth none of their
real Greivances [sic]; Modestly demanding the Seal to be affixed to our
Complaints, was roughly denyed [sic] the use of it We then set forth our
Lamentable State to their Honours [sic] We put them in mind of the
Misery that we daily suffer, and told them that our Stay here had con-
vinced us more and more of the impossibility of living in this place
without the liberty we asked for in our Representation, And that
certainly their Honrs, was misinformed of the State of this Colony by
the person or persons, appointed by them for that purpose, otherwise,
it would he hard to beleive [sic] that their Honrs, so famous for
Benificient [sic] dispositions, would keep us poor Wretches so long in
Bondage and Slavery.

We wished they could See the Colony with their own eyes, that
they could see the many tracts of Lane's that have been cleared here.
And now all abandoned and forsaken, the Owners either dead through
their hard Labour in the burning Sun; or fled from their Plantations
at the approach of Misery, Poverty, and Oppression: We wished they
could See this Town of Savannah that once was full of people. Now
almost desolate. And we told them, We was sure no other Arguments
would be necessary to Convince the Honble. Board that the present
Constitution can never Answer.

That the province was deserted by its Inhabitants we informed
them, and that the forty five, and five Acre Lots are grown up with
Weeds, Our Villages forsaken, and most of the five hundred Acre
Tracts, that once was Settled are now lying Waste and Uncultivated, all
which we proved by Several Affidavits annexed to the Remonstrance. We
refer'd their Honrs, to their own Plantations where their German
Servants are Employ'd, And we declared to them, unless the Building of
Mr. Whitfields Orphan house had kept the few people that remain together,
by this time, no one would have been here but such who received
Sallarys [sic] from their Honrs., and the German Servants they maintain; We
then told them the few that remain'd must quickly follow those who are
gone, if their Honrs, thought not proper to Comply with o'Ur Reasonable
and Just requests. Which we laid before the Honble. Board as follows.

(1) A Free title to the Lands here, as all his Majestys [sic] Subjects in
the rest of his Colonys have.

(2) The use of Negroes with proper Limitations.

(3) That any Person having a Right and Title to lands here, may take
it up in the most Convenient place for himself; the Land not being
taken up already.

(4) To be released from the Excessive Quit Rent of twenty Shillings for
the hundred Acres, None of his Majestys [sic] other Colonies
paying one Sixth part so much.

(5) To have the Liberty of Choosing our Own Magistrates, And in Case
of any Danger or Extrordinary [sic] affairs a Number of Men should be
appointed to Assist the Magistrates, that it might not be left to
the Opinion of one or two men at most. As it is done now; And that
the Honble. Trustees Treasurer, be no Bailiff or Recorder here.

(6) That Our Constables and Tything [sic] men be under the Command of their
Ears, and the Magistrates only.

Thus far have we gone on in our Application to the Honble. Board,
But being very doubtfull [sic] that our Remonstrance will meet with no
better Reception than our Petition and Representation before mentioned.
And being on the Brink of Ruin, We in the Humblest manner, make our
Application to you the Supream [sic] Legislature, Our Last and final Resort,
Earnestly praying that you will Commiserate our wretched Condition,
and remove the heavy load of restrictions and Provisoes [sic] that Sit so
uneasy upon us.

May observe, what we have from time to time laid
before the Honble. Trustees, We have asked nothing unreasonable.
Nothing Unjust, Nothing but what all our fellow Subjects Enjoy
in the Best of his Majestys [sic] Provinces, And what in a Special Manner
ought to be allowed to a frontier if rightly Considered of; What Man or
Men will fight for that which he does not think his own?

No Free men or Even tennants [sic] can be supposed to Fight and put
their Lives in Jeopardy for Houses and Lands that they have no Title
too. That their Arbitrary Lords may turn them out of if they think
proper Every day they live; Can it be imagined any free man will stay
in a frontier Colony, where he is every hour liable to be knock'd o' the
head. At the Same time pays heavier taxes, and is restrained from the
Just Freedom that all the Adjacent Provinces possess. When he may Enjoy
Liberty, Property, and be free from danger of Enemys [sic] in most of his
Majestys [sic] other Dominions in America;

It was to have lands that we might truly call our own for us and
our posterity. It was to have lands that we might Cultivate in what
manner and with what we should think proper, that we left our Native
Country to Settle on a peice [sic] of ground Situate, in the Mouths of
the Indians, French, and Spaniards.

We humbly beg leave, further to inform

That our Asking the limited use of Negroes is Entirely agreeable to Justice and Reason, and that we are not led a Side by designing Men and Negroe [sic] Merchants as we have been told, It is Experience, Seven long years Experience that has confirmed us of the Impossibility of White men being able to Work here and live; Consider the difference of the Climate think how unfit a British Constitution is to undergo hard labour in a Country twenty three degrees to the South of England. A Great Argument made use of, by the Promoters of the Settlement of Georgia, Was, That it lay in the right Climate for raising Silk, Wine, Oil &c. being in the same Latitude as
Schiras [sic] in Persia, Jerusalem in Palestine, that the Silk, Wine, Oil
&c Being natives in Such Climes would certainly prosper, their Juices
would have a due and proper Circulation, Consequently they would arrive
at full perfection; Whereas, in our Northern Colonies they being too
Cold, the Plants were too much Contracted and Chilled; When carried to
our Islands in the West Indies, the Extrordinary [sic] heats there had the
Contrary Effects of the Cold; If the difference of Climates, has such
Effects on Plants, Will not the Human Body he affected in proportion?
most certain it will; Unless we are in a proper temprature [sic] of Air, We
cannot go thro the proper Functions of life required; unless our
fluids, have a due and natural Circulation our Constitution will
quickly dwindle to nothing; The Summers here which are very long,
quite unbraces the Fibers and vast perspiration, occasions Such an
Expence [sic] of Spirits that no Englishman can work in the feild [sic]
without endangering his life; And Summer is the time when all the feild [sic]
work is done; If such Care is taken to find out proper Countrys [sic] and
Climates to raise Commodities that may be Beneficiall [sic] to great Britain
the Same care should provide fit persons to tend them. Shall
such Extrordinary [sic] Care be taken of a Plant a Shrub, and no care be
taken of our poor Countrymens [sic] Constitutions? Odd is the Compassion
that makes some talk so much against Slaves and Slavery and at the
Same time oblige their fellow Subjects Natives of the Same Land with
themselves, to go thorough the Same Labour that the Negroes they are
daily Commiserating are Employ'd in; A white Servt. in the Southern
parts of America is as much a Slave during the Term of his Indenture as
'ere a Negroe [sic], he must go thorough the Same Work if his Master obliges
him to it, and sometimes there is such Cruel Masters who will Correct
them Severely when they do not. Free Men are every bit as bad. For they
must (if in Georgia) do the Same hard work And how unable they
are to bear up under that fatigue any person who will make a little
Inquiry may Easily Judge How Shocking must it he even to a person of
the least humanity to See his own Countryman, perhaps his own Townsman
Labouring [sic] in the Corn or Rice feild [sic]. Broiling in the Sun, Pale and
Fainting under the Excessive heat. And Instances there has [sic] been of
their dieing [sic] on the very Spot.

How terrible must such a Sight be to any man who has the least
grain of Compassion within him? How must it make his heart flow with
Sorrow to See the misery of his fellow Creatures?

Let him turn his Eyes round to the Negroes in the same feilds [sic]
there he will See the reverse, he will see the utmost Vigours [sic] Exerted
in every Act, they go through their Work with pleasure, they Welcome
the rising Sun with their Songs and when in his Meridian their Spirits
are at the Highest; They are far more happy here than in their own
Country. There they are abject Slaves, their Lives and whatever else
they have. Every hour in the hands of some petty tyrrant [sic]; Here, it is
true they are the property of particular Men, But their Lives are in no
Danger they are Sure of being fed and Cloathed [sic] it being their Masters
Interest to take the utmost Care of them.

We are very Sensible of the Danger there is in having too great Numbers
of Negroes, And what other Colonys [sic] have Suffered by them;
But it is Contrary to Common Reason, to Argue from the abuse of any
thing to the utter destruction of it. Many Men has been ruined by
employing too great Numbers of Bricklayers, Carpenters &c. Must
therefore the Use of them be deny'd to all others Must a Man have his
hands cut off, because he may Sometime Steal or Commit Murder with
them; Or have his tongue Cut out because he may Swear falsly, tell
lyes [sic], or talk Sedition; What Conveniency or Advantage can we propose
in life, that has not Some inconveniency [sic] Attending it. We cannot go to
Sea without we risque [sic] Being drown'd; We cannot enter into the Justest
and Most necessary Battle without endangering our lives; Must therefore
no Body go to Sea least they be drowned. Must no person fight in the
Justest, and Lawfullest [sic] Cause, least they he killed; Sure no person of
Common Sense can Either think or Say So. How unreasonable is it then,
that we should he debarred the limited and due proportioned use of
Negroes. Because the Inhabitants of South Carolina, and some of the
West India Islands, have Introduced too great Numbers of them to their
own hurt and Detriment.

Our asking leave to Chuse [sic] our Lands We humbly beg to offer it to
as a fair and Just request. Especially in a New Colony, for Persons of
different trades and Occupations, And even people of different Capacitys
[sic], require Different Sorts of Lands and Situation, Without that, No
person can go on to any Advantage for the Publick [sic], or Satisfaction
to himself.

Our praying to be released from the Excessive Quit rent, We
humbly beg leave to say, is Just and Equitable also. None of his
Majestys [sic] other Colonys [sic] paying one Sixth part so much, and
there is nothing more valuable in the lands here, than in all our
Neighbouring [sic] Provinces, for from the Best observations of knowing
men, who has travelled over it from the Sea Coast five or Six hundred Miles
back, Nine parts of ten, is a Sandy Barren Soil, on which nothing but Pine
Trees grow And is of no manner of use or Advantage within Land, But
for Cattle to range on in the Summer.

The fifth Article we beg of the Trustees is so agreeeble to the
Naeture of Britains and as we humbly think so Consistant [sic] with the
Constitution of our Native Land that we Intreat to
look kindly upon it. Our Sufferings likewise have Been so very
great, by the Unlimited Power Excercised [sic] over us, that we could
Sit no longer under it without Complaining; Far be it from us to Say,
or Even Imagine that the Honble. Trustees know any thing of such
Oppression, or can in any Shape he accessory thereto, further than
Appointing those Magistrates over us. Who without all doubt are recom-
mended to them, as Honest, Just, Impartial, men, that will Act well and
truly in their Office, and fit for such a Trust, But alas most of them
forget that it is a Trust, they soon deem it an Estate, and never
dreaming of being called to an Account they mind the Laws of Great
Britain no further than it Suits their own or friends Conveniency
They Act contrary to ye famous Declaration of Rights made by our Fore
Fathers at ye Glorious Revolution they have Suspended Laws, Excessive
Bail hath been required to Elude the benefit of the Laws made for the
liberty of the Subject, And Several persons have been ill used harrased
[sic] and abused, for Petitioning, and Setting forth their Greivances [sic]
and Complaints to the Honble. Trustees and others who had power to redress
them. All which (as they our Ancestors then declared) are utterly and
directly Contrary to the Known Laws, Statutes, end freedom of the
Realm! These and many more Greivances [sic] we daily labour under and we
cannot but Attribute the Cause of many of them, to the Trustees
Treasurer and Cash Keeper being a Bailif [sic] for no money Circulating in
this Province but through his hands, he has it in his power to
pay, or not to pay, he may refuse the Justest demands and no redress
can be had against him; He is a Magistrate and above the Law, Tho
lowest in Commission he is chief in Acting, He Stops the Sallarys [sic] of
the other Balifs [sic] if they do any matter Contrary to his pleasure: In
the mean time he riots in plenty on the Substance of the people. He
uses the publick [sic] money in various ways to his own private Advantage,
He is principal Merchant, He forstalls [sic] the Markets In short he Mono-
polizes all things whereby he can Increase his own treasures.

Our Sixth Article is a Declaration that we desire to live under a
Civil Government, And that we are Jealous a Military one, would fain
be intruded upon us by our Rulers in this place, for we do not beleive
[sic] the Honble. Trustees know ought of the matter.

We could now bring many Arguments to prove the Necessity there is
to allow What we humbly have craved, otherwise the Entire desertion of
the Colony will Quickly Ensue: We could lay before you the many
Falacys [sic] in the Accounts, that Industriously have been spread abroad,
of the Flourishing State of this Province: We could show the Township
of Augusta is no such place as the Trustees Agents make them beleive, [sic]
that in place of Six hundred men said to be there, one hundred
is the utmost; neither is there a third part of the Horses belonging to
it as they have represented. And whatever Reports may be made of large
Quantitys [sic] of Corn being raised there, is not at all Surprising the
Inhabitants of that Township having the full use of Negroes without any
limitation; But as we are afraid to Encroach upon the time of
the [ left blank in original ] which at this Juncture must
be of
the utmost value We shall cease to mention any farther particulars on
these heads Especially as the State of the Colony, with Respect to our
Mother Country is a sufficient Evidence of it Self, to Convince the
World that on the present footing it Cannot prosper; Has it not been
Settled the Space of Eight years. Been Supported at a great Expence [sic] by
the publick [sic]. Ho less than fourscore thousand pounds Sterling,
besides private donations; This was done no doubt with a Veiw [sic] and
Expectation that Georgia was to return Silk, Wine, Oil, Flax, and
Hemp &c. Has this Province begun to make any Such return? No. There
has not a hundred pound weight of Silk been made in the Colony as yet,
of Wine not ten Gallons, of Flax not fifty pound weight, and of
Henp and Oil none; So far have we been from a Probability of raising
any thing fit for Exportation, that we may Safely Say Never so much
Corn grew in the Colony, as would have mainteined [sic] the Hoggs [sic] and
Poultry in it. And they are not very Numerous Either; As for the
reports of Ships loading here with Rice, it is true, they have taken
in their loading at this Town of Savannah, But the Cargoes came from
South Carolina, Not a Single pound of Rice made in Georgia was ever
Exported out of it: One Ship indeed went from this, with tarr [sic] made
here, and live Oak that grew here, but it turned out so poorly No more
of that Produce will be sent to England while the Constitution continues.
Had free titles to our lands and the limited use of Negroes
been allowed of in this Colony, Before this time it would have flourished;
We would have been daily repaying our Mother Country what she laid out
in Nursing us up; by this time Georgia would have been a frontier
indeed able to repell [sic] its Enemys [sic]; But instead thereof. We are
only the remnant of a Miserable people loaded with Conditions, Restrictions,

Reservetions and provisoes [sic], which is so far from tending to the
Cultivation of the Lands, the Increase of the Inhabitants, the defence [sic],
Strength and Security of the Colony that they ruin the place and Enslave the
people in it.

Thus have we laid before [ left blank in the original ] The many
Greivances [sic] we groan under, and tho in a poor Manner Yet we hope in
some measure You may thereby See the Calamitous State of this Province,
And we the Unhappy Inhabitants of it: As we leave it humbly to your
great Wisdoms You who are the Representatives of a Free people, of a
Nation that can Boast of Liberty and Property, So we cannot but Expect
releife [sic] and redress; Tho we are a few miserable and forlorn Creatures
Let us not be cut off from our Birth Right; We are Britons and Loyall [sic]
Subjects of his Majesty King George; We are a part tho a very poor
one, of the Community Therefore we presume to ask your Protection and
Assistance: The more Wretched and Miserable the fitter objects of your
Compassion, Without you releive [sic] us we must Perish, All you have given
for the Support of the Colony will be certain loss to the nation, and a
number of Members of the Common wealth, that with Lawfull [sic] liberty
might be usefull [sic] in the Society, will sink into destruction and ruin.

We humbly Supplicate you therefore to deliver us from the Yoak [sic]
we are not able to bear. By doing So, You will raise a lasting Monument
of praise to your Selves in the Breast of every poor Georgian, and we
may say in the Breast of every true Englishman The Ears that hear of
it will bless you, and the Eyes that See it will bear Witness to
the Glorious Act; for the Poor cryed [sic] and you delivered them. And the
Fatherless, and them who had none to help them; Therefore the Blessing
of them who was ready to perish will come upon your heads -------

That it may so happen is the Earnest,
Sincere, and hearty Prayer of Your humble Petitioners

Savannah 29. Dec. 1740.

Peter Morrel
Casper Owstitur.
Michael Bugholter Senr
Coyers Surbous.

Adrian Loyar
Joseph Wardrop
George Buncle
Thomas Tripp
Robert Hows.
Thomas Antrabus
James Corneck
James White.
James Wilson
Peter Miller.
John Kelly
William Grickson
Lovis Sterner.
James Marsh.
Charles Grimaldi,
Thomas Clayat.

Edward Davidson.
William Blythaan.
Janes Dods.
Samuel Tisdale.
David Snook
Ambrose Barr.

James Scot.
John Macdonald
William Evans.
John Shinshack
John Smith
Thomas Dawson.

John Cuthbert.
Peter Emery
Thomas Morrise.
Isaac Cohun.
Henry Moulston
William Kennedy.


Alexr. Taylor.
Henry Green.
John Macintire.
John Brown
Andrew Grant
William Frejicis
Stephen Dantane de Monford
Simon Rouvere
Mathew Mane
Mchl. Bugholter Junr.
John Sellie
David Gander
Thomas Salter
Edward Bush
Benjamin Sheftiel
John Clark
John Robe
John Graham
Alexr. Ross.
James Landre

Owen Macleod.
Jean Piere Briton
John Fallowfield Bailif
John Pye Recorder
Andrew Duchee
Walter Fox
John Lindall
Thomas Ormston
Hugh Ross
William Ewen
Peter Joubert
William Elbert
Benjamine Adams
Edward Townshend
John Goldwire
Henry Lloyd
James Anderson
Thomas Tibbut
Richard Mellichamp
Henry Manly

We John Fallowfield one of the Baylifs and John Pye Recorder of
the Town and County of Savannah do hereby certifye [sic] that we have compared
the within Petition with the Original, and find the Same to be Just and
True Given under our hands and Seals this Thirty first day of Jany. in
the year of our Lord 1740/41

John Fallowfield
John Pye

NB. This is not a true certificate with respect to the names & numbers
of the Subscribers for 18 who Sign'd the Original are omitted, and
27 who did not Sign are incerted [sic].

Persons who Sign'd omitted


Addison, Edwd. Freeholder
Beillou, Pet. Freeholder
Dodding, Jo.
Germain, Michi. P.
Guisn, Jasin
Bird, Mark Freeholder
La Vyte, Ja.
Mathews, Jacob Landholder
Morrison, Ambrose Freehold.er
Musal ( )
Mouse, Tho. Freeholder
Nunez Eenriques Isaac Freeholder
Orms, Tho.
Rogers, Cha. Freeholder
Steven, Lewis
Stanfitchet, Will.
Woodroof, Will. Freeholder

Persons Set down, who did not Sign the Original

Barr, Ambrose. Servt. out of his time, or Inmate

Blythman, Will. Freeholder

Clayat, Tho. An Apprentice, perhaps his time out.

Cohun, Isaac Jew. Freeholder

Cuthbert Jo.

Davidson, Edwd. Trust Servt. not out of his time.

Dawson, Tho. Servt. out of his time now day Labourer [sic]

Dodds, Ja. Day Labourer [sic]

Evans, Will.

Gander, David Freeholder

Grimaldi Cha. A boy: Servt. to Burnside, esteem'd a fool.

Hows Robt. Day Labourer [sic]

Kennedy, Will. Servant out of his time

Macleod, Owen Servt. to Mr. Whitfeild

Macintire, Jo. Servt. at day Labour

Marsh Ja. Servt. to Mr. Whitfeild

Miller Pet Servt

Morris Tho. Servt. attempted twice to run away

Owstiter, Caspar. Freeholder

Robe Jo. Servt. out of his time

Rosse Alexr. Freeholder

Scot, Ja. Servt. out of his time

Stamer Lewis Freeholder

Surbous Coyers

Taylor Alexr. Servt. out of his time

Tesdale Saml. Freeholder

27. White, Ja. Servt. out of his time

NB. This was Sent to Capt. Tailfer by the Malecontents of
Georgia in Dec. 1740 And recd, about July 1741

To the Honhle. Trustees for establishing the
Colony of Georgia, The humble petition
of the Presidents, Inmates, and others
not being Land holders in & about the
Town of Savannah, & the rest of the
Colony of Georgia

Humbly Sheweth [sic],

That we whose names are hereunto Subscribed, having most
of us been Servants in this Colony, with a view to Settle our Selves
after Servitude, upon lands; And discharged our times faithfully
therein; having been Residents in it for a considerable Space of time.
by wch. means have acquired great experience in the planting & cultivating
of the land in this Province, Whereby we are thoroughly Sensible of
the impossibility of white Men ever being able to work in the feild [sic] in
the extream [sic] heat here, having proved the Same too often in our own
persons: Therefore, we most humbly intreat your Honours [sic] to comply with
the requests of the Landholders which they have truly and justly Set
forth in their Remonstrance, dated the 22d. of November 1740. What
they have declared in that paper is fact, and the grievancies [sic] they
complain of are the real Causes why we and many others who have left
this Colony upon the expiration of their Indentures did not take up
lands and Settle on Plantations, for we had Seen too many fatal
Instances of people endeavouring [sic] to live according to the present Con-
stitution, ever to pretend to maintain our Selves that way. We there-
fore must again humbly pray yr. Honours [sic] to be So gracious as to grant
us Such liberty as the rest of his Majesties Colonies enjoy, that we
may have it in our power to get our bread, tho with the Sweat of our
brows, which at present we cannot do in this; for had we not got
employment all this Summer by past in building the Orphan house, we
must by this time have been dispearsed [sic] through out the Neighbouring [sic]
Provinces, or Starved in this. Were it possible to live here, we
would chuse it, rather than any other where, as we have Served
our time in the place, & Some of us have got families in it: But if
the restrictions we now labour under continue. We, as well as the rest
of the Inhabitants must retreat where we can get land that we my [sic] call
our own, and meat and aparel [sic] for our Selves & families.

That your Honours [sic] may grant our petition,
is the hearty prayers of

Subscribers 20 Remarks

Will, Barlow his Mark, was Servt. to Jo. Brownfield

Ambrose Barr his mark

Tho. Dawson was Servt. to Patrick Houston: arrived in the
Colony 1. Aug. 1734

Rod. Dinesea

Ja. Dods

Jo. Frazer his mark. A Trust Servt.: arrived in the
Colony 20 Nov. 1737

Tho. Frazer his mark: was Servt. to Patrick Houston:
arrived in the Colony 1 Aug. 1734

Geo. Frazer his mark

Ja. Grant his mark. Was Servt. to Col. Stephens: I
guess he arrived in the Colony 1 Aug, 1734

Will. Greenfeild his mark. Sent at the Tr. Expence [sic] a Servt. &
placed at Fort Arguile. arrived 1 feb. 1732/3

Will. Gun his Mark, was Servt. to Mackay of Scourie.
arrived in the Colony 10 Jan. 1735/6

Will. Kenedy A Taylor: Servt. to Jo. Cuthbert of Drakes,
arrived in the Colony 10 Jan. 1735/6

Jo. Murry his Mark. Servt. to Mackay of Scourie. arrived
in the Colony 10 Jan. 1735/6

Jo. Mackay his mark, was a Trust Servant

Jo. Robe was a Servant and went over about Jan. 1733/4

Alexr. Rose A Freeholder by grant but took up no land,
arrived in the Colony 28 Dec. 1734

Ja. Scot Servant to Andrew Grant: arrived in the
Colony 1 Aug. 1734

Ja. Stewart his Mark. There is a Ranger in the highland
Compy. of Rangers of this name, but probably it
is another person formerly Servt. to Tho. Causton.

Alexr. Taylor Was Servt. to Will. & Hugh Sterling, arrived
in the Colony 1 Aug. 1734

Leonard Whiting was Servt. to Jo. Brownfeild.

These 20 Inmates and Servants out of their time are all Scotch
Men, and have been Spirited up by their Run away Masters, & doubtless
have been promised to be made Overseers of their Negroes when they can
procure them, otherwise the introduction of Slaves could be of no
Service to this low Set of Men, whom no Mercht. would credit them with.
It is observable that not one foreign Servant out of his time has
petition'd.

Mr. Bolzius to Mr. Verelts

Ebenezer in Georgia 4 Jany. 1741

Dear Sir

I received with great pleasure your kind Letter of the 17th
Dec. last, the Contents of which did agree with those, which his Excel-
lency Genl, Oglethorpe just before had acquainted me with, that the
Honble. Trustees were Strongly inclined to increase our Settlement with
a New party of Salsburgers [sic], if the Parliament enables them to it. Now
gives us Henry Newman Esqr. the joyfull [sic] Acct. that the Parliament have
granted them a New Supply, and that they have Signifyed [sic] to the Society
their readiness for sending over a Transport of 50 people for the
Enlargement of our Congregation. We are now 195 heads in all. Men,
Women, and Children, and live under Gods Protection and Provindence [sic] so
comfortably well, that we have great many Reasons to be from the bottom
of our hearts Sensible of the great many benefits in Spiritual and
Temporal matters, which the Lord daily bestows upon us by the Honble.
Trustees and other dear Benefactors, for which we return by this most
humble thanks wishing them all manner of Blessings for this and the
other Life. Especially I thank you humbly for your many kindnesses
you shew me and our Congregation in sending over to Charles Town, or
Georgia our things which are by Benefactors from Germany or by the
Revd. Mr. Ziegenhagen directed to us, and accept kindly of our Packets,
which we are to send to the Society and to our friends in Europe,
which has been hitherto always the Safest way of sending and receiving
Letters. I beg humbly the Continuance of this great Favour [sic].

The Cask which you mention in your letter, was together with
two large Boxes brought to Savannah from Charles Town, for which I
have pay'd 30 Sh. Sterl. freight from Charles Town to Savannah, but the
Bundle you mention likewise, seems not to belong to us, wherefore I
left it in the Store at Savannah under Mr. Jones's care, till the owner
is found out, for which Inquiry will be made. I am very glad, that Mr.
Jones has given an Account of the Linnen [sic], and hope the Honble. Trustees
will without any delay, give orders towards the payment thereof as well
as generously grant my humble Petitions, which you had a mind to lay
before them with my Letters, for which the Lord will reward them manyfold
with temporal and Eternal Blessings which are the Contents of the Continual
prayers of their and your

very humble servant

John Martin Bolzius

Mr. Tho. Jones to Col. Will. Stephens

Frederica Febry. 19 1740/1

Dear Sir

If I could have imparted my thoughts to you in some unknown
Character, or Language, you should have heard from me oftener. In
Confidence that the Bearer will deliver this into your own hands I
have adventured to relate to you, in part, the Calamitous Circumstances
I am in, which are the more distressing by being involved therein unex-
pectedly, and unprepared to encounter such a Sudden Shock.

I am now convinced that I shall not obtain, what I once hoped
for, and what I thought to have been the Chief reason for my being
Order'd to attend, the General at Frederica, Vizt. To Examine the Store
Accompts at Frederica, and to State the Accots. of Expences [sic] &c for the
Support of the Colony, for the Year ending Michs: 1739 (which his
Excelly. undertook to defray, as he told me for L 5,000 Sterling) Also
the Acct. of what has been paid, pursuant to the Trustees Estimate of
Expences [sic], for the Southern Division of the Colony, for the year 1740.

Together with the Store Acct. to Michs. last, from which time takes all
Transactions in the Store on his own proper Acct. I have with me the
Accts. of both years for the Northern Division, but cannot prevail with
his Excellency to peruse them, or to have them examined --- The only
matter which I now Sollicit [sic] for, is to obtain the payment of those
Several Sums of money laid out by his Order (in the year 1740) and for
his proper Acct. (to the amot. of L 500) The Greatest part
thereof was, for provisions bot. and sent to Frederica, which had been
received there in good Order, as appears by the Storekeepers Registers.

The General told me (when I mentioned this affair to him) that he never
had ordered me to buy any thing for him, but had at the same time sent
me his Bills of Exchange for the Value That he wod. never pay such
demands After I had recover'd from the Surprise this Answer had put
me in, I entreated his Excellency to peruse the Acct. (which I had by
me and produced) of all the Bills of Exche. and Sola. Bills I ever
received from him. For, what purposes, and how the same had been applied.
As would appear by Vouchers which I had ready to produce. That I had
given Rects. for all the Sums of money I had received of him, and I
doubted not, but every Sum paid me, was regularly enter'd in his Acct.
of Cash kept p Mr. Moore, He said he wod. not look into Accts. being
certain that it was so. This obliged me to send Will: Russell to
Savannah for the Generals Letters directed to me. When Russell returned
with those letters, I requested his Excellency to peruse his own Orders
to me -- He said if those things were not paid for by him already, I
must place them to Acct. -- I replyed -- That I knew no Acct. I could
carry them to -- That the Trustees having sent an Estimate of the years
Expence [sic], and at Sundry times sent their Sola Bills to Col; Stephens,
towards defraying the Same, We had hitherto regularly paid those Expences [sic],
in the Northern Division of the Colony, As directed by their Honours [sic], and
also those other Expenses which his Excellency had Orderd, (tho not provided
for by the Estimate,) Such as the Tythingmens [sic] allowance &c, which we
doubted not, but the Honble. the Trustees would allow of, upon his
Excellencys [sic] representing the necessity there was of such payments to
be made (as he had assured me he would do. )


That the Money we had advanced (by his Excellys. Order) for
provisions &c for the use of the Troops in the Es^edition against
Augustine, tho the same was intended for the Benefit of the Colony and
the Kings Service, Yet was not provided for by the Estimate went us by
the Trustees, Therefore we could not Acct. to the Trustees for the
liberty taken, in making use of their money for other purposes, than
we were directed to do The General said that he did not know what I
meant by distinguishing between the Kings money and the Trustees, For
what the Trustees sent, they received from the Government; He Saw no
need of Seperate [sic] Accts.---

I also desired his Excellency to Order the paymt. of the Sum of
L 307 Advanced (p his Orders) for defraying the Charge and payment of
the Garrison at Fort Augusta for one year to Michs. 1740. As also the
further Sum of L 58 for the Qr. to Xmas last, which Sum I had sent to
Mr. Kent from hence, and was directed to pay the Same by his Excellence,
being the Sum due to the Garrison for that Quarter, (as the Acct.
and Muster Roll) I added that I did not include in these Accts. any
of those Effects of the Trustees, which had been at any time
sent from Savannah to Frederica Store, nor any Expences [sic] or Sums of
money paid by me before Michs. 1739 Neither the Sum of L 253 6,
paid in Discharge of Arrears, and for maintaining the Garrison of
Augusta (Exclusive of the Sum of L 63 received of his Excellence
Bills Exchange on Mr. Verelst for that Acct.) being enabled to dis-
charge those, as also several other paymts. by the produce of the
Trustees Effects in their Store at Savannah ---

I Urged, that if his Excellence did not pay the Sum we had already
advanced. (out of the money sent for defraying the Estimate
Expence) we were uacapable [sic] of making any further payments.
towards the Support of that Garrison.

The General then said -- That he purposed to Augment that
Garrison to twenty private Centinells [sic], under the Command of the
Lieut, being at this time absolutely necessary, when there was a rupture
between the Creeks and Cherokees, and directed me to leave the Acct.
with him, Saying he would consider of it, and write to the Trustees
I Sometimes suspect that these delays are intended to seek an
Occasion on some pretence [sic], at least to imprison me (as I have been
threatne'd [sic] by Hawkins) and to Seize what papers and Accts. I have by
me -- which Method the General himself told me, he would take with Mr.
Moore (his Secretary), Saying that if Mr. Moore ever conversed with any
person that was disagreeable to him (the General) he would confine him,
and Secure his papers and Effects, untill [sic] he could send to England

and have a person from thence to Examine his Accounts: whether the
General told me this, in Order to, intimidate me, or as a matter he
really intended, I know not But least I should meet with such treat-
ment unawares, I have (enclosed) sent a Sheet of paper being minutes I
took of Certain passages while fresh in my Memory, (which is very
treacherous) which I desire you will keep by you, untill [sic] you see me.
If you'le [sic] please to give it the reading over -- You may easily imagine.
That the freedom I have used with one, who can bear no Contradiction,
and expects. That his Inferiours [sic] should have such complisance [sic]
for him, as to Judge nothing to he right or Just, but what he saith or doeth,
would add no small weight to the many other Offences [sic] which I am charged
with from August last to this time, --

The first Offence and most agravated, is. That I should with Mr.
Parker for a breach of the peace only, imprison Captain Brown and his
Friends whom, I knew he had a very great regard for, And that after he
had writ to me on their behalf, we did not comply with what he required,
but obliged them to find Sureties, and sent him my pretended Reasons
for what we had done This Charge (tho in different ways of Express-
ing the same) has been the Sketches of many Conversations I have had
with him, And has given him Room to declare what he expects the Bailiffs
of Savannah should observe and take for their Rule in Acting for the
future, relating to the Inhabitants of Augusta and the Indian Nations --

They ought not to issue any Warrants or other process for debts con-
tracted, or pretended frauds, nor for breaches of the peace, nor
indeed any other Offence [sic], unless in Cases of Murder, or Popular
Tumults in resisting Lawfull [sic] Authority, as in the Case of Wiggins,
Because, it was necessary to have such a place, as the Mint was, in the
Colony where persons might be exempt from Civil Judicature, except as
before related, I made answer, if what he now mentioned, were the true
intentions of the Trustees, they ought to be made publick [sic] at Augusta --

That many of the Store keepers there (as reported) had brought
considerable Effects into the Colony and gave large Credits, Some of
them trading for the value of several thousands of pounds Sterling p
Ann. That it might be reasonably concluded, That those traders settled
there depending on the Assistance and protection of the Laws for the
Security of their persons and propertys [sic], as English Subjects, That
it would he the greatest Cruelty to Expose those persons and their
Substance to a Merciless Banditti, or the Lawless will of every
abandoned Wretch Untill [sic] they had at least timely notice given them
to withdraw with their Effects (if they thought fit) and legal Assis-
tance afforded them to recover their Just Debts, The General then
descanted upon the good Order and tranquility the Colony was in, when
there was no other but himself to direct and determine all Contro-
versies, But after the Trustees had appointed Bailiffs and a Court to
be held Mr. Causton brought all affairs in Controversy to be tryed [sic]
by Juries, wch. have been the Bane of the Colony, and the greatest
grievance it labours [sic] under to this day.

Most of the other Offences [sic] which I am charged with, tho by him
mentioned Seperate [sic], yet all proceed from my having a Judgment or
Opinion in things, which will be only guided by my own reason As to the
Complaints made of me to others, I do not much regard them Yet will
instance one where my good friend was brought in for a Snack, Mr. Hird,
of this Town, being last week to wait on the General, in Conversation,
mentioned the Scarcity of Corn and Dearness of Provisions al Frederica,
The General told him. That, the Inhabitants of Ebenezer and Purisburg
had large quantitys [sic] of Corn which they would Sell Cheap, But they of
Savannah would not let them have Boats to bring any down thither; Saith
Hird, Mr. Jones is here, there's none at Savannah but Col. Stephens who
has the Direction of Such Affairs Be it who it will. Quoth the
General, they have a great Quantity of Indian Meal and of Flower, in
the Store, which they Suffer to rot, rather than let me have it brought
hither ----

The General has often told me, that the Efforts made by the
Juncto [sic] at Savannah, and the Carolinians, to distress and ruin this
Colony; were the Effects of Spanish Contrivances, and Supported by
Spanish Money; though unknown to the parties themselves, who appeared
most Zealous in Carrying on the Design Which (tho only a Conjecture)
Seems not improbable Yet all their Schemes and Contrivances could never
have brought about, the Ruin of the Colony while the Government thought
proper to protect and Assist it But the present Management will (unless
Providence enterposes [sic]) effectually bring about, what they in vain
attempted. And that before the Governmt. can be apprised thereof, in order
to take proper measures for preventing the impending Ruin I greatly
Suspect the hand of Joab in this Contrivance also tho I am fully
perswaded [sic], the principal Actor therein. Abhors Bribes, or even to
listen to any overtures made by Spanish Emissaries against the Interest
of his King and Country, Yet as there is no new thing under the Sun, and
what has been, may be; We find in Sacred Writ, that the Philistines, when
they could not withstand the powers of that Almighty Champion, and Defender
of the Liberties of the people of Israel -- At length found out an Avariatious
[sic] Harlot, which for Bribes was prevailed on to perswade [sic] an
enamoured [sic]Sampson to Cut off his Locks (wherein his Strength lay) and
then to deliver him into the hands of his Enemies -- Such another Tragedy
(which seems to be taken from the same Plan) is now in Acting, wherein
our English Delilah has out done the Foreign -- I am not willing to
tire your patience further, at this time, by giving a Vent to my
Griefs in relating other Occurrences which Increase my fears, Nor have
time to fill another Sheet before the Boat goes off. I acknowledge
ye Recpt. of yrs. p Houston which was deliverd [sic] me unopen'd I
shewd [sic] it the Genl. he has not yet taken any notice to me of what
you mentioned therein, I return you my thanks for the Same, as well as
many other Instances of your friendship and Concern for me I think it
needless to remind you that I write alone to Col. Stephens, (yet as
Secretary to the Trustees)

T. J.

Frederica 13 March 1740/1

Sir

I have advice from the Trustees that the Expences [sic] of the year
1738 was to be discharged in Georgia, which you have not yet done not
withstanding they sent Sola Bills for that purpose.

You was also Commnissioned [sic] to Examine Accts. proceeding them, and
report the same to England, this you have refused to do, therefore you
must expect to pay me L 25 p Ct. for all things used in their Service
as shall appear, please to observe also that I have waited 6 months
almost for the Ballance [sic] of my Salary and expences for the Sick
Attendance and Medicines &c. which is contray [sic] to the Trustees
Intention and intirely [sic] owing to you.

I desire to know your Answer, whether you will pay me or not, or
whether you will Certify my Accts. or Examine them, that I may send my
Answers to them.

Your humble Servant

Thomas Hawkins

To Mr. Thomas Jones.

Mr. Tho. Jones to Genl. Oglethorpe
Savannah 18 March 1740/1

Sir

I have not yet had any Conveniency to send to Carolina nor to Augusta in
complysnce [sic] with the Instructions received from your Excellency but
shall not fail to embrace the first opportunity that offers. --

Capt. Barnes's Sloop from New York went from hence last week,
and hath not left the Anchor and Cable, which you expected, to have
received.

I am informed that great quantitys [sic] of the flower. Rum &c, being
the Cargos of the Brigantine lately wrecked on this Coast, have been
taken up and brought to Savannah, and there bought by Baillou, who hath
put the flower on board John Dicks Boat, In Order to vend the same at
Frederica Mr. Noble Jones's Scout Boat hath also taken up about 30
Casks of Flower which are now at Mr. Jones's house And the Schooner
(Capt. Lyfords) took up several Casks of Flower, Rum, &c, which they
sold at Savannah. If you think it necessary to make any farther Enquiry,
into the affair, Bailou, The Patroon of the Schooner, and Capt. Higgenbotham
can (being Examined) give a more particular Account.

Mr. John Mackintosh from Fort Palachocolas is in Town, and has
given me his Acct. of what is due to himself and men for one year
(which Acct. shall bring with me to Frederica for your Excellences
perusal and Approbation) I have paid him one hundred pounds Sterling
on Acct. Lacklan Mackintosh is also at Savannah together with
Greenfield, (another belonging to Fort Argile) having left Pavy alone
at the Fort Yesterday in the Afternoon Mr. Jacob Mathews applyed [sic] to
the Bailiffs here for a Warrant to apprehend Pavy, on a Complaint set
forth in the Deposition of Evans (a Copy thereof I have sent enclosed)
The Bailiffs together with Col. Stephens met Mr. Mathews to consider of
the matter, and were of Opinion That it was not proper to apprehend
Pavy and bring him away from the Fort, untill [sic] some others were gone
thither to take care thereof, That it did not appear to us by
Evens's Deposition, That Pavy was charged therein with any Criminal
Act Mr. Mathews was very much displeased. But upon Col. Stephens and
my promise that we would send for Pavy to Savannah when Lacklan returned
to the Fort, He seemed satisfied I have paid Lacklan for himself and
the other persons employ'd at the Fort, forty eight pounds twelve
Shillings on Account.

This Morning I received the Inclosed letter from Mr. Bolzius
directed to Mr. Harris The Woman which he referrs [sic] to, has been
examined this day, by Mr. Parker, Mr. Fallowfield and my Self, (Col.
Stephens being present) She owned that She had declared upon Oath what
is contained in the depositions taken by Mr. Fallowfield (which Mr.
Norris has taken with him) That her Master had prevailed with her to
do so by threatning [sic], if She refused, to have her Committed to the
Loghouse, but if She Swore as therein mentioned he would make her
free, and provide for her, and carry her to her friends in Pensylvania [sic]
That he gave her two Sola Bills of one pound each, and ten pounds
ten Shillings in Carolina Currency (which money she produced) That he
directed her to go to Carolina, telling her that nobody here would
hinder her, And that in a months time he would come to her, and bring
her Chest with Cloaths [sic] (left at Savannah) to her -- Her Examination
(of which what I have mentioned is the Substance) I intend to send
next opportunity I know not what Judgment to make in the Affair
Mr. Norris may Explain what is doubtfull [sic] therein --

This Morning also a Negroe [sic] Servant belonging to Mr. Mallair
late of Purisburg (but now of this Town) was taken at work in the
Town, We are to meet in the Evening in Order to hear and determine the
matter --

I am promised to have the Perriagua ready by the begining [sic] of
next week, and shall then send what Corn we have, and the remainder of
Minis's Cargoe [sic].

Town Court
Frederica
30th March
1741.

Copy of the Proceedings relating to a
Negroe [sic] Slave Condemned in the Town
Court of Frederica, Pursuant to the
Law against Negroes.

To the Constables of Frederica,

Wheress it Appears upon the Oaths of Wm. Germain and Henry Manly
that a Negroe [sic] Slave was found working in the Plantation of Thomas Upton
contrany to the Laws and Constitutions of this Province You are there
fore pursuant to an Act provided Intituled [sic] an Act to prevent the use
of Negroes and Black Slaves to Expose the said Negroe [sic] now in your
Custody to Publick [sic] Sale and receive the money from thence arising and
observe the Instructions of the said Act Given under our hands this
30th of March 1741

Coppy [sic] of the Judgment given in the
Town Court for the Sale of a Negroe [sic]
Slave and Order thereon

William Germain and Henry Manly having appeared before me with
an Acct. that a Certain Negroe [sic] was taken and Condemned to be sold by
the Magistrates of the Town Court, and that the money arising from the
Sale of the Said Negroe [sic] amounting to thirteen pounds Sterl. being
fairly sold by Auction to the Best Bidder was paid into the hands of
the Constable by Thomas Sumner who Purchased the Said Negroe [sic] they did
Pray to be heard relating to their taking of the said Negroe [sic]
and to receive an Allowance for the Same according to the Trustees
orders in the like Cases, and each did demand the one in Behalf of
himself and his Boats Crew, and the other in behalf of himself the said
allowance and the Constables having also appeared who had been at
certain charges and loss of time in holding and Trying the said
Negroe [sic], On Consideration of the said matters had I do hereby Order that
Wm. Germain he paid five pounds four Shillings and Henry Manly he paid
One pound Six Shillings being one moiety, and out of the other moiety
of the said thirteen pounds there he paid unto the two Constables Vizt.
Thomas Hird and Wm. Moore Twenty Shillings, and thirty Shillings for a
Strong and Sufficient Chest of two Inch Boards to he paid unto
Thomas Sumner And the remainder of the money ariseing [sic] from the Sale of
the Said Negroe [sic] he put into the said Chest to he applyed [sic] to such
Charitable uses as shell from time to time Appear to me Necessary And
that the said money he paid into the hands of Thomas Marriott for him
to pay pursuant to the said Order Given at the Town of Frederica this
present first of April in the year of our Lord One thousand seven
hundred and forty one.

Coppy [sic] of the Generals Order for the
Distribution of the money ariseing [sic]
from the Sale of the Negroe [sic]

We the Constables of the Town of Frederica do Return that we
have Executed the forementioned Order and that the said Negroe [sic]
was sold unto Thomas Sumner at a free and open Auction for the Sum of
thirteen pounds Sterl. and that the said money was received by us and
paid unto Thomas Marriott and by him paid and divided according to the
Orders Received from the Trustees herein Under Written

Coppy [sic] of the Constables return

Mr. Tho. Jones to Genl. Oglethorpe

Savannah 22d April 1741

Sir

The Reason I presume to give your Excelly. this further trouble
is, The Apprehensions I have not only of Injuries I may receive, but
that thro the Malicious contrivances of the Runagades [sic] at Charles Town,
to be Executed by their Agent Duchee, VJe have Cause to fear very
soon some publick [sic] Outrage is intended.

On Easter Monday a Considerable number of the loose Idle people
were got together to raffle, and other diversions, which for the most
part kept together, and rather increase than diminish to this time.
They spend the Day in play, the night often in Raffling, and sometimes
continue till morning, always to be seen heated with Liquor.

Mr. Mathews hath five or Six people in Town, (said to be his
Men) who look on themselves priviledged (by their Behaviour [sic]) to commit
any disorders inpune. He (Mr. Mathews) about 11 a Clock [sic] last night
was hardly prevailed on from coming to my Lodgings in Order to beat me.
But threatens to do me Mischief this day. Because I presumed, with Mr.
Parker, to Require Sureties of his Lieut. Wm. Francis for begetting a
Maid servant of the Trusts (at my house) with Child, whom he had long
Courted and promised to marry, but now refuses and also for my refusing
to Suffer the Maid to go and live with Mr. Mathews, where Francis now
is, which the Maid entreates [sic] she may not be obliged to do.

It is with the greatest regret that I give your Excelly [sic]. this
trouble. If Mr. Mathews and his people were out of this Town, as I
image [sic] they are intended for other Service, We should have fewer
to deal with in case any Attempts should he at any time made to disturb
the publick [sic] safety ---

One Penner (a Servant of the Trusts. Relation of the Maid who
lived with Mr. Norris, and is with Child) who run away with her, but
brought back again has complained to me, That (at Mr. Norris his
desire) he brought to his house, a Chest with Bed, Bolster, Pillows,
Sheets, Books, and other things, which (he says) Mr. Norris promised
to bring along with him to Charles Town, where Penner and the maid were
to remain till Mr. Norris came to them, and farther to provide for them
both. ---

The Maid also is in great want of her Bed, Linnen [sic], &c. being near
her time of lying in If Mr. Norris is at Frederica and it be agreeable
to your Excelly [sic]. to acquaint him therewith -- I hope he will send
those things for the poor people who are much in want of them. Or if
they are left at Savannah that he will Order them to be delivered.

Frederica, Friday The Deposition of Ambrose Tatner Taken
1 May 1741 before his Excellcy. Genll. Oglethorpe

The Deponent Sais [sic] that he went to Mrs. Biglys [sic] on some Business
and talking to her she smiled and said (amongst other things) that
Elizabeth the Revd. Mr. Norris's maid was with Child and this Deponent
smiled and asked her who is father to it and she said her Master, and
she heard the said servant was gone with Mr. Norris and that this
Deponent wondered She was carried away so Privately to Savannah by Mr.
Norris, being Examined in the presence of Mr. Norris he desired the
said Mrs. Bigly to he called and the Said Bigly did own that She did
say the same words to him.

Signed hy Ambs. Tatner

A True Coppy [sic]
Thomas Rawlinson

Frederica Friday The Deposition of Angenes Bigley taken
1. May 1741 before his Excellcy. Genll. Oglethorpe

This Deponent Says that She told Tatner that the Revd. Mr.
Norris's Maid was with Child by Mr. Norris and the said Young Woman
did own to her that she was with Child. And that the Young Women had
also Said the same to Hanah Walthaurer Who told her that the said maid
was with Child by the said Revd. Mr. Willm. Norris.

This is the true Interpretation of Agenes Biglys [sic] Deposition.

Signed hy John Lavaly

A True Coppy [sic]
Thomas Rawlinson

Frederica, Friday The Deposition of Hanah Walthaurer taken
1. May 1741 before his Excellcy. Genll. Oglethorpe


This Deponent Says the day before the Revd. Mr. Norris's Maid
(by Name Elisabeth) went to Savannah with Mr. Norris this Depont.
Seeing the said Elizabeth Crying Spoke to the said Elizabeth and asked
her what ailed her, who said to her are you blind having had so many
Children and cannot See and She knew She was with Child And the
Deponent said alas Poor Rooaf and Elizabeth said It is not his and
this Deponent answer'd It is not mine Elizabeth said No but it is my
Masters This Depoinent [sic] Said to her have a care you know that by your
time and She said She took right notice of the time for it was done at
Mr. Carterets that She seemed to be very much Grieved and did Say She
did not know what Mr. Norris designed to do with her This Deponent
asked her whether She told her Master and She said She did
This is the true Interpretation of Hannah Walthaurers Deposition

Signed John Lavaly

A True Coppy [sic]
Thomas Rawlinson

Frederica Friday The Deposition of Mary Wollere Taken
1 May 1741 before his Excellcy. Genll. Oglethorpe

The Deponent Says that Angenes Bigly having told her that
Elizabeth maid to the Revd. Mr. Norris was with Child and being a
friend of hers She was uneasy and Run to See her about it and She told
this Deponent It was her Masters Child and this deponent asked her
whether She had yet told her Master that She was with Child and She
said She did and her Master bid her be easy for he would send her away
And Elizabeth farther said that the Revd. Mr. Norris had laid with her
at Mr. Carterets [sic] house the same night he came from Mr. Carrs

Signed by Mary Wolere

A True Coppy [sic]
Thomas Rawlinson

Mr. Fra. Moore to the Accompt. Mr. Verelts

Frederica in Georgia 20 May 1741

Sir

A few days ago I received the favour [sic] of yours of the 9th Feby.
last with the Impartial Enquiry and a Letter from Mr. Temple, both
which gave me great pleasure the being full of plain Truths, a thing
rarely found either in Letters or Pamphlets concerning this Colony. I
Fancy that those persons who were so very fond of having Negroes here,
will when they read the beforementioned Paper, alter their Opinion,
though there are some so onstinate [sic] as to resolve never to own
themselves in the wrong. As to the Cultivation of this Country, I am a
Stranger to it, having for want of a Dutch Family to improve a larger
Tract of Land, laid out all my Substance on a Torn Lot, on which I
have built Two houses, one of Brick, the other of wood. Plans and
Prospect of which I have drawn and sent to you inclosed with this
Having already experienced your kindess [sic] on several Occasions,
I hope you Will pardon me if I desire your assistance in some affairs
which may be now of very great service to me. On the 30th day of March
1736. I was sworn in Recorder of this Town, and immediately proceeded
Return of Men at the Darien who are Capable of Using Anns, as also, of
the Women and Children with their Ages 6 May 1741

Age
Of the Highland Hangers years

Hugh Morison 27

John Mack Lean 23

Rodk. Mackintosh 21

Wm. Monro 50

Ronald Mack Donald 25

Jo. Camron 24

James Stewart 29

John Mack Leod 32

Jo. Mackintosh 18

Wm. Mackintosh 16

Of the Highland Independant [sic] Company

Ensign Charles Mackay 21

Serjt. Clark 27

Wm. Mackay 26

Daniel Mackay 26

Hugh Mack Leod 25

Wm. Calder 25

Hugh Morison 27

Angus Mackay 24

Donald Rose 26

Hugh Mack Leod 28

Angus Mack Leod 23

David Miller 32

John Grant 17

Gilbert Grant 15

Hodk, Mack Leod 24

Hugh Clark 16

Total 26

Servants

Wm. Mackenzie 19

Wm. Mackbeane 19

Jon. Fraser 23

Donald Mackintosh 26

Dongal Mack Donald 26

Wm. Mackay 27

Wm. Mackbeane 50

Hugh Ross 54

Alexr. Clunes 28

Thomas Mackenzie 27

Niel Mackay 23

Children. Boys

Lanchlan Mackintosh 13

John Mackintosh 12

Fineas Mackintosh 8

George Mackintosh 2

Wm. Clark 1st. 14

Angus Clark 11

Age
Years months

Alexr. Mackintosh 13

John Clark 3 9

Wm. Clark 2

Hugh Clark 3

Donald Mackay 13

Donald Mack Donald 6

Hugh Mackintosh 2

James O Burges 4 3

Hugh Mackay 1

John Mack Donald 2 3

Wm. Stromach 4

Girls

Anne Mackintosh 4

Barbra Clark 8

Total of this and the preceed. Page 56 Heads

Brought over heads 56

Betrage Mackintosh 11

Barbra Mackay 11

Georgia MacDonald 6

Janet MacDonald 2

Anne Stewart 3 6

Sarah Grant 2

Priscella Stromach 3

Anne Fraser 8

Women

Margery Mackintosh

Barbra Mackay

Eliz. Clark

Barbra Clark

Kathrine Mackintosh

Winwood Mack Donald

Margaret Fraser

Kathrine Stronach

Helen Mack Donald

Kathrine Mackintosh

Kathrine Mackay

Margt. Grant

Margt. Burges

Anne Stewart

Jane Mackay

Florence Mack Donald

Esobole Mackintosh

Janet Frasier

Christian Murray

Residents

John Stronach

Alexr. MacDonald

Robt. Crookshanks Invalid Total 86

Rangers 10

Indept. Company 16

Servants 11

Children

Boys 17

Girls 10

Women married and unmarried 19

Residenters 3

Total Heads 86

List of the Darien Widows who Husbands have been either killed
or taken in the Kings service at Mossa 6th May 1741

Children
Captain Mackintosh Wife 6
Ronald Mack Donald Do. 4
James Mackay Do. 4
Joseph Burges Do. 1
Alexr. Cameron Do. --
John Bain Mackintosh Do. 1
Daniel Clark Do. 4
John Mackintosh Lynuulg Do. 3
-------------------
Total 8 23

to take Affidavits concerning the Spaniards not being then in posses-
sion of, or having any Settlements on any part of the Coast of this
Province to the Northward of the River St. Juans (now found to be St.
Matthao) which Affidavits were sent home to the Ministry. In a few
weeks after my being sworn in Recorder, the General nominated the three
Bailiffs, who are all still in their Offices except Mr. Perkins who
sometime since resigned, and hath lately left the Colony, Since my
last arrival here I took up a Town lot and have laid out almost
Four Hundred Pounds Sterling upon it. As I have done this at my own
personal Expence [sic], and as I have met with a great many losses in this
Country by being too kind to People, and as the ready money I paid for
my Improvements hath enabled others in this Town to build houses (which
they themselves say they should otherwise never have been able to do,)
I must earnestly intreat the favour [sic] of you to intercede with the
Honourable [sic] Trustees to allow me a Salary as Recorder from the said
30th of March 1736 to Michaelmass 1739 which was the time the Trustees
Estimate took place. I am sure that their Honour's would do it, were they
satisfied of the manner in which I behaved during the said time, and
the care I took to prevent uneasinesses amongst the People, and my
being with them constantly for a good part of the time, made my
endeavours [sic] have the more Effect.

Another favour [sic] I have to beg, is to present the inclosed Indenture
and Certificate to their Honours [sic], who I doubt not, will immediately
Order the sum specified to be repaid, when I do affirm that Duncan
Dollas was bound to Archibald Macbeene, Agent in Scotland for the
Trustees, on the same day and on the same terms as Alexander Mackgruer
was, and that I paid the said Dollas L 10 Sterling on the 11th day of
December 1739 by Order of General Oglethorpe, on Acct. of his Wages.
That Alexr. M'gruer not being at the Same time at Frederica, he had no
opportunity of receiving any money on the same Account. That upon my
knowing the same was due, and the General being absent when M'gruer came
down hither along with Capt. John Mackintosh, in Order to receive his
Wages, they both desired me to advance him something on the Strength of
it, and accordingly I did pay the sum of L 5.2.8 for sundrys [sic] he
then took up that he was in want of. The persons who signed the in-
closed Certificate know the whole affair. Wherefore if their Honours [sic]
should be pleased to Order the same to be repaid me, and if they should
also think proper to allow me a Salary for the time of my being Recorder
as aforesaid, I must beg of you to receive the Same in my name,
and on my Account, and to let me know by the first opportunity what
their Honrs. please to Order me on said Accts. Your Compliance in the
forementioned Affairs will very much oblige me, and you are sensible in
what manner to ask so as not to be denied.

I would not have troubled their Honours [sic] upon any such Account,
had I not been so unwary as to run out much more in Building than I
proposed to do. Capt. Thomson knows what Improvements I have made,
and will give you an Acct. whether the Plans and Prospect are rightly
drawn, or if I have mentioned any thing to you that is false. I
hope you will excuse my giving you this trouble, but one thing more
I have to beg your Interest in, as it is not relating to the Trustees,
I have mentioned it in a Letter by it self and sent it Captn. Thomson
with this. I am

Sir

Yr. most obliged and most

humble Servant

Fras: Moore

Certificate of Fra. Moores having paid Alexander Mc gruer 5.2.8

Frederica 20 May 1741

These are to Certify the Honourable [sic] the Trustees for Establish
ing the Colony of Georgia in America that Duncan Dollas and Alexander
Mack Gruer were hired by Archibald M'beane in Scotland to serve the
said Trustees for the Space of four years in Georgia for the sum of
five pounds Sterlg. each per annum. That Duncan Dollas was paid Ten
pounds Sterling per Order of Genll. Oglethorpe in full for two years
Service, and that Alexander M'gruer not being then at Frederica had
not an opportunity of receiving any of his Wages, but that upon the
Strength of the same being due to him by the said Trustees. Mr.
Francis Moore did advance the said M'gruer the sum of five pounds two
Shillings and eight pence Sterling, but the said M'gruer being soon
after killed at Moosa near Augustine, he never received any part of his
Wages except what he received of Mr. Moore as aforesaid. Witness our
hands

John Stronack
E. Paterson