Volume 14205
 
 

[Editor's note:  At this time writers capitalized words in ways we do not do today, thus: "with a Drum to Summon the Garrison."  Also the modern convention of "I before e except after c" had not come into fashion, thus:  feild.  Finally, we have left the Latin unmarked.]




 
Fra. Moore to Mr. Verelts
 
Frederica June 9: 1740
 
Sir
 
I am come up hither to carry some Cash and other things down to 
the General, who I expect to meet at Augustine I am sorry to tell you 
when I left him (which was on the 6th Instant at Fort Diego in Florida) 
he was ill, tho much better than he had been for some time before.
 
I must not omitt [sic] acquainting you that this day month the General 
landed on the Spanish shore and the next day marched about l6 miles 
along the Sea Beach, then Struck inland about 7 or 8 miles more, and 
there found a Fort called St. Diego, the next morning he began to attack 
it and the Enemy returned the fire very vigorously, so that they were 
most part of the next day firing at one another. The next morning the 
General sent a Spaniard (one of those before taken at St. Francis de 
Pupa, and of whom you have doubtless long since had a particular 
Account) with a Drum to Summon the Garrison, he acquainted them with the 
good usage he had met with from the English, and upon that they treated, 
and the Same day Surrender's the Fort and all belonging to it to the 
General, in which were two Pieces of large Cannon, 9 Swivel Guns, 70 
Small Arms, 50 Prisoners and a good deal of Ammunition. The Troops and 
Indians feed plentifully upon fat Spanish beef, there being some thousand 
head about Fort Diego; to which place I am going in a day or two. And 
having a good many things to do first I hope you will excuse this short 
acct. how affairs go in this part of the World. 

I cannot conclude without giving you my Opinion that the Kings Ships hereabouts are the least serviceable of any thing I know. I am credibly informed that some time ago (at the very juncture when the Strictest care was to have been taken to prevent any Succours [sic] going into Augustine from Cuba) our Men of War suffer'd 5 or 6 Galleys to pass into that place, whether it was through Negligence, or something else, I leave you to Judge, but if it is true. It is not impossible but on the other hand very probable, that those Galleys so got in, may be the occasion of our not being able to 
take that place. God forbid they should, but I say it is not impossible. 

I should reasonably imagine that when it was of the utmost Consequence 
to have one Ship constantly Cruzing [sic] off Augustine, to prevent 
Succours [sic] going in there (which was what the General always said was the 
only thing he was afraid of) there would be care took to relieve each 
other off the said Port, but instead of that I hear, Captain Townshend 
had Orders to Cruize [sic] there for a certain time, not till he should be 
relieved, which time being expired, he returned to the General Rendezvous 
of Men of War at Charles Town, and before another ship could go from 
thence to Augustine, the Galleys from Cuba came in there with 400 men 
and some Provisions. If it is true (and I believe it is) that the said 
Galleys are got in to the Enemy's Releif, we shall have a tough piece of 
Work to take it. When I come back from the Siege I will send you 
another Letter, in the mean time should be proud of a Line from you and 
must desire you you to believe me to be
 
Sir
 
Your most obedient humble servant
 
Fras. Moore 
 
P. S. 
We have had lately 2 Duels in Florida, in one of them Mr. Eyles 
a Surgeons Mate was killed, in the other Mr. Peter Grant Naval Officer 
had the same fate.
 
Mr. Harman Verelst.




 

Mr. Geo. Witfeild [sic] to Mr. Newman
 
Savannah 20 June 1740
 
Dear Sir
 
With great pleasure I can inform you of the Success and blessing 
that attends the People of Ebenezer. On Wednesday I return'd from 
thence much delighted with the decency. Order and Unanimity wherewith 
every thing seemed to he carryed [sic] on; Never did I see so much land cultivated in so short a time by such a small number of hands. Surely God has answer'd their Prayers, has cast their lot at length in a fair ground, and given them a goodly heritage. For near 4 Miles together did I walk over fruitfull [sic] Plantations, and in a short time I beleive [sic] their fields will stand so thick with wheat and other grain that they will laught [sic] and sing. Surely the Saltsburgers are an happy people. For I am perswaded [sic] that they have the Lord for their God. When I reflect on them, and the Inhabitants of the other parts of the Colony, it puts me in mind of the great difference God once made, when there was darkness amongst the Egyptians but light in the land of Goshen.
 
I took Sweet Council with Mr. Boltzius [sic] and Mr. Gronau and have 
helped their Orphan House to the utmost of my power. As God shall 
enable me I will do more. For I am verily perswaded [sic] my money cannot well be employ'd better. Yesterday I sent some Cotton to employ their People in Spining [sic] and am Shortly to send them a Weavers Loom. They can now furnish themselves with food, and if assisted a little at first, may by the Blessing of God in a little while raise a manufactory for Cloathing [sic] amongst themselves. I have Severall [sic] Spinners and one Weaver employ'd at Savannah and have now above a hundred yards of home Spun Cloth in the House, picking Cotton is an Excellent employment for my little Orphans. Blessed be God all things go on well. Since my arrival our Dear Lord Jesus has been pleased to manifest forth his Glory, and several of the Children are likely to be brought truly to beleive [sic] on him. A particular Acct. of our Oeconomy [sic] I purpose bringing with me when I come to England. God only knows when that will be. In the mean while I write this for the Satisfaction of the Gentlemen of the Society and to give them a proof of my being
 
Dear Sir
 
Yr. and their very humble
 
Servant
 
George Whitfield

 
Pray my particular Love to 
Mr. Therold, Capt. Hudson, 
Mr. Ziegenhagen and Mr. Vernon.




 
Copy of a Letter from Mr. John Martin Bolzius to Mr. Henry Newman, 
Dated at Ehenezer in Georgia 26th June 1740.

 
Dear Sir
 
The Contents of your very kind Letter dated the 28th of October 
last have given us very great Satisfaction, being acquainted by You with 
the Continuance of your and the Honble. Society's great Favour [sic] towards 
us and our Flock. We beseech God to reward them abundantly for their hearty 
Wishes, Cares and real Favours [sic], they have heaped upon us from the time 
of our Setting out from Europe, to this very moment; And doubt not but the 
mercifull [sic] God, who has given us Grace to see the Fruits of our Labour 
here, will let us have the Satisfaction to hear the Effects of Prayers and 
fervent Wishes, which we unanimously bring before the Throne of Grace for 
the Welfare of the Honble. Society and all our Benefactors. We enjoy now 
very good Health, in the Space of this Year nobody is buried at our Place, 
except a little Boy of 4 Years. There is now an exceeding good Prospect of 
a plentiful Harvest in the Fields of the Saltzburghers about the Town, as 
well as upon their respective Plantations, for which we have reason and 
Encouragement to give hearty Thanks to God, and to You a joyfull [sic] 
Account, being by your favour [sic] very much interested in our Settlements 
Welfare. The same good God, who gives us so many Marks of his gracious 
Countenance over Us, and has delivered us from so many Dangers at Sea and 
Land, is able enough and graciously inclined by his Promises to assist us 
against all Invaders, or intended Invasions of our Temporal Enemies: Therefore 
depending in Faith and Confidence upon his Almighty Power, Wisdom and 
Mercy, we feel not the least fear of the present War within us, but are 
in hopes to see a happy Issue of it for the establishing of our 
Security and Welfare in the Colony. His Excellency General Oglethorpe 
gives us many testimonies of his undeserved Favours [sic] to us and our 
Flock, of which we reckon our Selves quite unworthy: If God would he 
pleased to give his Blessing to his great Expeditions, and grant a happy 
Issue of the War, he will do what lies in his Power to see our Settlement 
increased by a considerable Number of Saltzburghers or other Distressed 
Protestants, to share the Temporal and Spiritual Benefits we enjoy in this 
Corner of the Earth, by the good Providence of God; In which good Undertaking, 
we doubt not, he will have the Honble. Trustees Assistance. Our Saltzburghers 
are very glad to hear, that the Honble. Trustees have been pleased to grant 
to them, as well as to other Settlers in the Colony, that the Lands and 
Improvements thereof shall descend not only to the Male Heirs, but to the 
Female too, which will prove a very great Encouragement to their Industry.

 
Our Doctor Mr. Thilo [sic], being resolved to serve the Colony and our 
Place, not only through the Space of three Years, as are the Contents of 
his Agreement, but as many Years longer as the Honble. Trustees and 
Society are inclined to make an Allowance of his and his Family's 
Maintenance; An Experienced Physician is necessarily required at our Place, 
and the Saltzburghers are for the present not able to maintain him, or to pay 
for Medecines [sic]; Therefore We beg the Favour [sic]of You to recommend to 
their Honours [sic] the Trustees and Society another Allowance, and if 
possible a little Salary or some Sort of Assitance [sic], towards the 
Subsistance [sic] of Mr. Thilo, his Wife's and young Child's; which will 
be a Matter of great Satisfaction to us and our Friends in Europe.
 
We add no more, but our most humble Respects to the very worthy 
Members of the Honble. Society, which you would be pleased to accept of
 
Dear Sir &c.







From our Camp on the Island of St. 
Annesteria [sic] before St. Augustine the 
30th of June 1740.

 
Sir
 
I have just time to Acquaint You, that I, Genl. Oglethorpe and 
all his Officers and his Regiment are well, and that now we are very 
Busy in Bombarding and Cannonading the Town and Castle of St. Augustine 
and have made our Approaches with our Cannon and Mortars within half a 
Mile of the Town and have done great Execution in Knocking down and 
Burning with our Shells part of the Town and Castle. And the Enemy 
fire upon us Day and Night from the Town, Castle, and their Galleys and 
Launches, Balls from 24, 18 and 9 Pounders, but as yet have done us 
little Damage only one of our Men had both his Legs taken off with one 
of them. We are all very well Intrenched and are now going to Attack 
the Town and Castle. Genl. Oglethorpe is Marched with a strong 
Detachment from off this Island to the Main called Moucey or the Negroes 
Fort, to Attack the Town and Castle and to surround them and keep them 
in. The remainder of our Forces with the Carolina Regiment Commanded by 
Colo. Vahderhussen, Rangers and Indians are to Attack on the left of the 
Town, and the Men of Wars Men to the amount of 200 are to Attack the 
Spanish Gallies [sic] in their Boats and Gallies[sic] , and by a Signal 
Given we all Storm at once; and under God and in so just a War, we shall 
carry it. ---- I am now Marching into our Trenches.

 
Extract of a Letter from Captn. Norbury 
to Mr. Walter Hayter.




 
A Scandalous letter reflecting on Col. Oglethorpe Suppose'd to be 
wrote [sic] by One Wrag [sic] of Charlestown

 
Charles Town, South Carolina
 
2 July 1740. 

Sir
 
Our Expedition against St, Augustine hath not been attended with 
the success that might have been expected; all which is owing to the 
______, who follows no advice, but pursues his own Intentions, 
which I leave to you and any impartial man to Judge by what follows.
 
On the 12 of may [sic] he took Fort Diego, as he calls it, which in fact is a low Pen of that persons name, and is within 25 miles of Augustine, where there was great plenty of Cattle, but he will not suffer our people to enjoy any part thereof. Sometime after our Forces took a Negroe [sic] Fort within two miles of Augustine town, but he marched back again to Fort Diego. Another time he took a march with 250 men to the Walls of the Town, and had twney [sic] men to drag a large Cannon so many miles as above mention'd, at day break our people were ready to enter the Town without opposition, when he called them off and marched hack again to Diego; and the men had to haul the heavy Piece of Cannon back again; and when they were got back they were quite tired and faint, as at this Season any men would be under better Circumstances than those poor wretches were, who had not above one Biscuit a Day for 3 or 4 days Successive March; So that he seems only to harrass [sic] the men, without any Design of coming to Action.
 
Another circumstance of Ill Conduct is as follows: He sent a 
Gentleman of this Country, one Col. Palmer, to take possession of the 
Negroe [sic] Fort aforementiond with 133 Men, whilst he himself staid at a 
place Six or Seven miles distant from it, and a Navigable Creek between 
them, in order to allarm [sic] the Spaniards, to use his own Expression. 
When the Colonel had been there 8 days, as he expected so it happened; 
however he would not quit his post, though he thought himself sent for a 
Sacrifice, and he lost his Life by it, for he was attacked before day 
break by above 500 Spaniards, and Indians; and tho the Gates of this 
fort were destroyed when it was taken, and were not repaired again, our 
people made a Glorious defence [sic], and Col. Palmer himself in particular, 
for he shot three men after they had entered the fort, and then clapt his 
hand to his Breast, Said he was Shot, and Staggdr'd; upon which the Spaniard 
who shot him came up to him with a Club'd Musket to dispatch him. when the 
Colonel shortne'd his Gun, drew the Trigger and shot the Fellow, and they 
both fell down dead by one another. The Ensign received 18 Stabs before he 
parted with his Colours [sic], and even then with difficulty, tho he had but 
30 men left. The Colonels [sic] Son, when he saw his Father dead, made his 
way from the Counterscrap [sic] through above 50 Men, v;ith only eight 
besides himself, ordering them to fire by two and two, and they opening 
to the right and Left he passed through them, constantly firing, and under 
favour [sic] of the smoak [sic], for it was not quite day: they then got to the 
River, and by good fortune they found a boat, in which they got over to the 
other side, and by that time they Saw above 50 Indians in pursuit of them.
 
This Acct. I had from the Colonels Son; and wherein is the Conduct 
of the _________to be justified? Should he not rather have sent 
another party (as he says these were sent to decoy and allarm [sic] the 
Spaniards) to Succour [sic] these men and cut off the Enemy's retreat? but 
this he did not do, but remained at the distance of 6 or Seven miles. 
Upon my word I have seen a great many Letters from persons of Note as 
well as private persons, and have had Conversation with some who have 
been there, and every one blames his Conduct; and our Voluntiers [sic] 
are daily coming away, as they see there is no prospect of Succeeding 
under such Mad conduct as they call it, Our men of war have given all 
the Assitance [sic] in their power, and Capt. Warren is the life and Spirit 
of the Cause; But as the Hurricane is now coming on, they must and will drew 
off, and so must our troops, for they have but one month more to Stay by our 
Act by which they are enlisted; and the ______ _______ will be left to himself, 
and must retreat to Frederica, whereas he might as well have been in Augustine. 
He can't expect any more Assistance from this Country, for we have run our 
Selves to an Insupportable charge to defray this Expedition. Had he not been 
there, our own Forces with the men of War's Assistance would have been Masters 
of the place before now; so that he will not acquire any Honour [sic] by this 
affair, I don't say this I assure you to aggravate any Circumstance, but I am 
very sorry we are not likely to Succeed. His and our Forces are not above 13OO 
men exclusive of the men of Wars Crews; and these are divided into four Bodies 
which is another Piece of ill Conduct. I could say a great deal more, but am 
quite tired of dwelling on so disagreeable a Subject, and remain
 
Sir

 
Yours &c.
 
P. S. July 4th.
 
Yesterday arrived a Sloop from St. Augustine, in which came 
several Gentlemen of this Town, who all complain of the _________'s ill 
Conduct, and say his Actions have been such as shew that he had 
no design to take the Town; for he should have invested it at first, and 
then they might easily have taken it, and that would have effectually 
prevented any Supplies from the Havanna [sic], which we hear they have lately 
had; and that the easterly Winds begin to set so strong, so that the 
men of War will be obliged to come away next week; and it is generally 
thought here that it will not be taken this Season, and this Country 
can't afford Supplies for another Expedition; and if the Governor don't 
send troops and a better officer. It must remain in their hands. This 
is what every one who comes from that place agree in, and there is a 
great Dissatisfaction between him and his Officers.





 
Capt. Hugh Mackay's letter upon Sight of Wrags Scandalous letter 
from Charlestown of 2 July, reflecting on Col. Oglethorpe. 
London 29th November 1740

 
Sir 
Upon seeing a letter published in the daily post of Wednesday the 
26th Inst. Supposed to he from Charles Town, South Carolina, dat. 2 
July last, misrepresenting, in the most false and malicious manner, the 
late Expedition against St. Augustine; and hearing that before the 
publishing the said Letter it had been industriously handed about, 
and shewn [sic] at Coffee houses, aiming thereby to defame the Character 
of a Gentleman, whose unwearied endeavours [sic] for the publick [sic]
Service has greatly impaired his health; and as I, who am a Captain in 
General Oglethorpe's Regiment, was present, and acted upon that occasion 
as Brigade Major, and therefore must know the whole transactions, I think 
it my Duty to take the following notice of it.
 
As to the Cow or Cow Pen he speaks of, it is a Square Fort with 
four Carriage Guns and four Swivel Guns, and had a Garrison in it of 
forty seven Soldiers of the Regular Troops, and Seven Negroes, who were 
all made Prisoners of War. The Cattle found there, and in parts adjacent, 
were equally distributed to the Kings Troops and the Carolina 
Regiment according to the returns each.
 
In respect of the Carolina Peoples being ready to enter the Town of 
Augustine without Opposition it's entirely false and with out the 
least foundation.
 
In regard to Colonel Palmer's misfortune, who was killed in the 
first fire from the Spaniards, he brought it upon himself by disobeying 
the Orders he received, which positively enjoined his keeping in the 
woods, and avoiding Action, and by Acting contrary to the advice of the 
Officers under his command, some of whom were present when he received 
his Orders, and Lodging himself in the Negroe [sic] Fort Moose, where 
they were Surrounded and defeated; The Gates of which Fort, and the House 
within it, the General had before burnt.
 
With respect to the Carolina Volunteers, that they did go away is 
certain, without Leave given, or asked, and their Captain with them. A 
Captain of the Carolina. Regiment who left his Command in the guard of 
the Trenches, without being relieved, or asking any leave, and went with 
them. After such behaviour [sic] what Credit can be given to such men, 
tho termed persons of note?
 
As to Captain Warren, whose name is mentioned to endeavour [sic] to 
throw an Odium elsewhere, I am convinced by the personal acquaintance I 
have with him, that he will upon all occasions, do his duty in the Service 
of his King and country as also Captain Laws and Captain Townshend, that 
were a Shore with him in this Service.
 
The morning after we landed upon the Island of Anastatia [sic] I stood 
by while Capt. Warren read to General Oglethorpe a Letter to Captain 
Perse, the Commodore, acquainting him of our Landing without any loss, 
and the Spaniards withdrawing from that Island; in which Captain Warren 
said. That all that was now necessary to Secure the Reduction of the 
place, was the taking of the Spanish Galleys, which Undertaking he would 
himself head with the Kings Boats under the Cannon of the Fort, if he 
would give him leave. Several Councils of War were held on Board his 
Majestys [sic] [sic] Ships by the Sea Captains, but Captain Warrens Proposition 
was not undertaken.
 
Least malicious people should Suggest that I might be sent to England by 
Genl. Oglethorpe on this occasion, I solemnly declare, that I 
came at my own desire by his Leave, and had no Instructions from him, 
directly or indirectly, concerning this Affair; but my Regard to Truth, 
and Abhorrence of all false and malicious Reports whatsoever have induced
me to publish this, to which I set my Name.
 
Hugh Mackay
 
From my Lodgings in Johnson's Court 
Charing Cross, Nov. 29, 1740



 
Extract of a Letter from Mr. Thomas Jenys to Mr. Matthew Brown; 
Dated at Charles Town 13th July 1740.
 
Sir
 
Last Night I arrived here from the Camp which was formed against 
St. Augustine, the Siege of which place could not be carried on during 
the Hurricane Season, which sometimes begins in this month; So that the 
Fleet were not thought secure to lay there beyond the 5th Currt [sic].; 
Though they did, in order to see our small Craft and Artillery secured, 
remain some days after.
 
On the 5th I saw the Spaniards make a Sally out of the Castle to 
attack Genl. Oglethorpe, who was with about 250 Men about one Mile of 
from the Land Side of the Castle. After the Spaniards had received 
two Platoons by an advanced Party of about 50 Soldiers, they scour'd 
off; And I saw them run into the Castle with the utmost Precipitation. 
'Tis said, they were about 500 Men. We had only one Man slightly 
wounded, but can't say how many Spaniards fell. The Fire from the 
Castle and three Batteries were very hot. So much for the Siege.



 
Account of the Augustine Expedition
 
by Alexander Vanderdusen Esq.
 
Coll, of the Carolina Regiment, employ'd. in Seige of that Town; wrote to 
Lieut. Govt. Bull, and by him Sent to Sr. Charles Wager.
 
At the Camp upon Anastasia 3. July 1740. 
to the 14th do.

 
Sir

 
A great many transactions have happen'd here, of which it is 
impossible to give you a particular Acct. at present, for I am obliged 
to be every way, & have very little time to Spare. You will hear of 
a great many actions that will Seem to bear censure, and very much magnified 
by Some to excuse their own cowardice, but none I am Sure that can 
be laid to my charge, and that I could prevent.
 
May 31. 1740 I was order'd to march to Augustine; The General march'd 
with 200 Men, & I with 250 Men, and arrived there in 2 days after our 
Setting out. We march'd into the Negroes [sic] Fort which they had abandon'd 
before. The Genl. went to reconnoitre the place, and found it to be 
regular & Strong, with a great many new additions; and found it would be 
impracticable to attack it upon that Side, without our large Artillery, 
which we could not carry by land. But we observed that point Quartel [sic] 
which ly's [sic] to the North of the Bar, and Seperated [sic] from the 
Negroe [sic] Fort by a Breach, would be very fit for a Battery, in order to Secure a comunication [sic] with the Men of War. We went out in the day 
time, and Some of our Men took Some horses from under the Castle Walls, 
and at night the Genl, & I went out with a Party of Men, & Some Drums, 
end allarm'd the Castle, and the next morning march'd back to Diego with 
colours [sic] flying.
 
The day after our arrival, I was order'd to march, with what 
number of Men I had then arrived, to take possession of Point Ouartell [sic] 
which I accordingly did, and arrived there the next morning. The Men of 
War did not perceive us 'till the Galleys began to fire upon us, and 
then Sent off 3 of their barges, & 3 of their Lieuts. on Shoar [sic], 
with a resolution of a Council of War they had held; and desired I would 
comunicate [sic] the Same to the Genl. A Copy of which you have here as 
follows.

 
At a Council of War, held on board his Majtys. Ship Flamborow 
off the Bar of St. Augustine this 5th day of June 1740. Present,   
Capt. Vincent Pearse, Sr. Yelverton Payton Bart. Capt. Peter Warring, 
Capt. Cha. Fanshsw, & Capt. Willm. Laws;
 
Genl. Oglethorpe having desired to know the longest 
time his Majesties Ships can Stay upon this Coast, the opinion 
of the Council was demanded thereupon: and having examined 
the Pylots [sic] of all his Majesties Ships here, 
This is our unanimous opinions. We cannot Stay longer here 
than the 5th of July next, without running the utmost hazards 
of his Majesties Ships going on Shoar [sic]: But in case the Easterly 
Winds Should Set in Sooner, we must depart.

 
Then the next question was put.
 
What further Service we could do, towards the Reduction of St. 
Augustine.
 
It is agreed by the Council, that if Genl. Oglethorpe beseiges [sic] 
the Fortress of Augustine, and will Spare 200 of his own Regiment at 
least; That the Men of War will land 200 Men more to 
attack & take possession of the Island Eustatia [sic], which appears 
to he absolutly necessary towards the reduction of St. Augustine, 
as it will cut off comunicatlon by Sea; which will answer the 
End of the Ships, till the Season of the year will admit of 
their returning on that Service.
 
Given under our hands on board his Majesties [sic] Ship Flamborow 
Off the Bar of Augustine this 5 of June 1740. Sign'd 
Vincent Pearse, Yelverton Peyton, Cha. Fanshaw.


 
The next day, the Comadore [sic] Sent me a letter acquainting me, 
that he had Sent Capt. Townsend & Capt. Laws to the Palmetto hutts [sic]. 
which is a Place about 50 miles to the Northward of Said Point Quartell 
[sic] to take on board the Genl. and his troops, in order to land them on 
the Isld. Anastatia [sic]. I received a letter that morning from the Genl. 
wherein he told me he was going to embark 200 of his Men, and 200 
Indians, which I dissapproved [sic] of for the Same reasons I had before 
Sent to the Comadore [sic], a part of which letter. So far as it concernes 
[sic] this affair is as follows:

 
Sir,
 
The Genl. does not Say any thing to me of his going to 
embark on board your Ships, which if put in execution, I take 
to he a very great disservice; For it will leave the Galleys 
Masters of the harbour [sic], to Stop all comunication [sic] but 
that by Sea, which is very uncertain. But if my opinion was to be 
follow'd, which is Lt. Col. Cooks also, I would have all 
our guns and other Implements of War landed at this Point, or 
at least as many as Shall be found necessary, and then raise 
our Batteries, which will make us Masters of the Harbour [sic], and 
then we may pass over at our pleasure with our boats & yours to 
assist them, when we cross with part of our Men to Secure the 
Mantassas [sic]. leaving Col. Cook here with the rest to manage the 
Batteries, & Secure to our Selves in the Same manner a passage 
to the Town, without being hurt by the Galleys; by which being 
harrass'd on all Sides without having it in their power to help 
themselves, or hurt us.
 
Four days after, the Genl. landed on the Said Island with 200 
of his Men, 200 Sailors, & 200 Indians. The Spaniards had 
abandon'd it before their arrival, and drove off all their 
Cattel [sic]. Col. Cook (who was just arrived with a few Men & one 
of his Mortars) & I, planted 3 guns & a mortar upon the Point. 
without a bed to the mortar, for that they had landed with 
Several of the guns upon the Island. We hove that day the first 
Shell which broke even in the Castle, and with our Small guns 
(without carriages) we kept off the galleys. The next day I Saw 
the Scooner [sic], and a great many Small Vessels come within the Bar; 
I took a Small Canoe, and went over, and found the Genl. with 
Capt. Warring, Mr. Rutledge, Capt. Wright, and a great many 
other Gentlemen about him, and found they had form'd a Council, 
in which it was agreed that that Island was the only proper 
place to plant the Guns & Mortars upon, and found that all that 
I and Col. Cook had offer'd, was taken no notice of; And I was 
order'd over with part of the Regiment. Col. Palmer with his 
Son, and 70 Highlanders & Uchee Indians, had been Sent to the 
Negroe [sic] Fort to keep the Spaniards in on that Side. Col. 
Palmer & his Son who was Capt. of the Rangers, had 80 L p  month, 
besides f L Share for every horse they catch'd, which 
encouragement made them Spend most of their time in catching 
horses; which the Spaniards having information of. Sent out 
their Negroes & Foresadoes [sic], & a Party of horse, in all about 
350 Men, and Surprized [sic] them a little before the break of day. 
There were about 20 of ours killd, and 10 taken prisoners, the rest 
made their escape, and most of them came down to the River Side, 
and I went to bring them over, So that you may guess the Spaniards 
did not make the most of the Victory, else none of our 
people would have escaped: it was agreed upon, there was as 
many Spaniards as English kill'd. This misfortune, tho by their 
own neglect, has Struck Such a panick [sic] fear among our people, 
both Officers and Soldiers, that they feign them Selves Sick, 
and are plaguing me every day for leave to go home.
 
After my arrival in the Island, it was agreed that the 
Genl. with all his Men and Indians should go over to the Negroe [sic] 
Port in order to allarm [sic] the Spaniards upon the back of the 
Towns & deserts, while I with my boats, in conjunction with 
the Men of War, was to attack the Galleys, and afterwards attempt 
landing in the town, where the Genl. was to meet me; Upon which 
resolution, the Genl. went over with all his Men.
 
I then proposed an attack upon the Galleys, but the Gentlemen of the 
Men of War, made So many difficulties, that I found the thing would not
So easily he carryed [sic] on, as it had been  talked of. I offer'd to 
undertake it my Self, if they would lend me their boats & comand [sic] 
Some of their Men, which they would not. I then proposed that Capt. 
Terrell who had offer'd his Service Should comand [sic] the Attack, was 
agreed to, but when Capt. Warren went on board the Comadore [sic], he 
disliked of it, and Said he was Surprized [sic] a thing of Such 
consequence Should be agreed upon, without his  knowledge. I went on 
board the Comadore [sic] with Capt. Warren, and argued the necessity 
of attacking the Galleys, and that the difficulty was not So great, as
they imagined; Upon which it was again agreed to put the thing in execution, 
and that the Comodores [sic] Lieut. Should go and take the Comand [sic]. 
But when these Gentlemen came on Shoar [sic], new; difficulties were 
Statted [sic], and  Capt. Warrin [sic] desired me to acquaint the Comadore [sic]what assistance I could give towards destroying the Galleys, which 
I did by letter, as follows;

 
June 25. 1740
 
Sir,
 
Capt. Warrin [sic] told me it would be proper to acquaint you what 
boats & Forces I proposed, for destroying those Galleys; I 
have therefore Sent you an account of the Same as follows; 
viz. Two boats of 10 Oars,
 
1 of 14, 
2 of 8, 
& 8 of 6 each; 

besides Several Canoes of large Size, on board which I Shall put 100 
Men that are used to boats, with proper officers to comand [sic] them. 
I Shall line all the River with the best of my Regiment, and as the 
Channel runs close under this Shoar [sic], the boats will be cover'd 
by us. I went all along the River Side last night, and Saw the Situation 
of the Galleys, and therefore I am very certain it must be attended by 
Success, & wth. as little danger any thing of that nature can possibly be 
To which I received the following Answer,

 
Sir,
 
I have the favour [sic] of yours by Capt. Warren, and Shall be 
glad to do any thing in my power to effect what your propose; 
But as the case is circumstanced, I am afraid the Affair is too 
hazardous for us to undertake, as you will perceive by the 
Resolutions of the Council of War yesterday, which I have 
desired Capt. Warrin [sic] to comunicate [sic] to you. I have Sent 
by him a list of the boats belonging to us, and the number of Men 
they ought to carry to be fit for Action; and by that I believe you 
will think the Strength we can muster between us, will not be 
able to carry the project proposed in execution, with any hopes 
of Success.
 
However to Shew my Inclination for his Majestie's [sic] Service on 
this occasion, I am ready to leave it to the mature deliberation 
of the Gentlemen on our Service & yours on Shoar [sic]: But as a 
failure of Such an attempt must be of the worst consequence, 
both to the Ships, and your troops, and the Colony of Carolina, 
who is chiefly interested in this Undertaking, I hope yours & 
their prudence will lead you to undertake nothing, but where 
there is a probability of Success.
 
This, under the circumstances we are in, in regard to the 
difference of our force, and the passing So near (as I am 
inform'd by the Pilots) to the fire of their Canon & muketry [sic]
from the Castle and town, before they can come at the Galleys, 
makes the Success So doubtfull [sic], as it requires the most mature 
deliberation before it is put in execution. Our Ships, from the 
assistance already given, are So reduced as to Men, that they are 
incapable of the Service, the Ships of War are intended for.
 
Vincent Pearse


 
Upon this. We had a Council of War in my Tent: the Resolution of which 
you have in the following letter to the Comodore [sic],
 
But before this resolution was put in execution, I received the Result 
of that Council of War held on board the Commodore, as follows,
 
Sir,
 
Under the present difficulties, it is thought impracticable 
to attack the Galleys as proposed: with which I have 
acquainted the Genl. by the letters of this days date.
 
Vincent Pearse


 
Upon which I went on board the Comodore [sic] with Capt. Warrin, & found 
there all the 7 Captns., Capt. Fanshaw being just arrived from the 
Musquetoes [sic] who told us he had Seen a large Sloop, 2 Scooners. [sic], 
and Some launches which were arrived here with provisions; which are the 
Same Vessels wch. we had been inform'd of by Deserters. The weather look'd 
very Suspicious; They told me they would be obliged to Slip their Cables, 
& could give me no further assistance. Upon which I went down, and wrote 
a letter, and deliver'd it to the Comodore [sic], of which a Copy is as 
follows: 


 
Sir
 
I received the honour [sic] of yours the 25th inst. where you 
recomend[sic] the consideration of an attack upon the Galleys, to the 
Gentlemen of your Service ours on Shoar[sic].
 
On which we had a conference in my Tent, Where were present
 
Capt. Warrin,
 
Capt. Laws
 
Capt. Townsend,
 
Col. Cook, & my Self; 

and it was agreed we Should attack the Galleys with our boats, provided 
there was water enough in the Swashes for our boats to pass; which Said Resolution was Sent on 
board to you,
 
I have Since been inform'd by Capt. Tirrell who went to Sound 
last night at half Tide, that he found 4 foot upon the Nth, and 
on the South end of the Said Swash 6 foot: which is enough for 
any of the boats, which are to he employed in the Said Enterprize.[sic]
 
I have this morning received the honour [sic] of yours, dat, 26. 
Wherein you tell me that the Resolution of the Council of War 
held on board you, was that under the present circumstances, it 
was thought impractiable to attack the Galleys as proposed. But 
the reason of those new difficulties has not been comunicated[sic] 
to me. I must therefore take the liberty to acquaint you, that I 
would never have proposed an attack upon the Galleys, by boats 
and to go round under the Castle, if the thing had not appear'd 
to me, and all other persons who have had an opportunity to See the 
place and Situation of the Galleys to be practicable, & attended 
with the greatest probability of Success, and with as little 
danger as things of that nature are lyable [sic] to; However, 
I must leave this to your consideration.

 
You are now to consider the Situation we Shall be left in when 
the time comes you are to go away. I Shall be left on a large 
Island, where the Enemy can land upon us from all parts, if those 
Galleys are left in their possession, and they may cut off 
all Comunication [sic] between the Genl. & me. If a N.W, Wind blows, 
all our Craft must go on Shoar [sic], & is lyable[sic] to be attack'd 
by them, my Force not being able to defend both Ends of the Island.
 
If I Send my Craft round to the Matansas, which is the best & 
only place, I must follow with all my Forces, in order to defend 
my Self and them, and So leave this Side open to the Enemies, 
and the Barr for any embarkations, Either to go in or out: And 
it is impossible for me to transport the Artillery, which must 
fall a Prey to the Enemy: But must leave this also to your 
consideration.

 
You are too well acquainted with the fatal consequence must follow 
from our being defeated upon the Province of S. Carolina, & 
therefore needless for me to repeat. I Shall only give my 
opinion in duty to my Country, and those under my comand [sic] who 
must be left behind, if the Galleys are not to be attack'd, as 
Supposed impracticable by your last Resolutions; I Should think 
that the only thing left at present, and you will be judge 
whether it may be put in execution, is that One or both of his 
Majesty's Sloops might he lighten'd, and go in over the Barr of 
Matansas, which will Secure that Side, and I think my Self Strong 
enough to defend that, The Genl. with his troops upon their backs 
will keep them in a close blockade, and must Soon reduce them to 
Surrender. But Suppose they Should hold out longer than might 
reasonably he expected, We Shall hinder all comunication [sic], and 
may Send to Carolina, or any of the Neighhouring [sic]Colonies for a 
greater Supply of Men & other Necessaries. I am &c.

 
Alexr. Vanderdusen


 
Upon consideration of this. They came to another Resolution, as follows:
 
It is resolv'd by the Council, that the 2 Men of War Sloops, 
Shall if possible be got into the Mattansas [sic], well man'd and 
armed, for the protection of the Forces left on the Island of 
St. Ustatia [sic]; and this is all the Assistance can he given from 
his Majesty's Ships.
 
Dated on board the Flamborow off the Barr of Augustine
 
Vincent Pearse.
 
The Wind increasing, I got into a Small boat, & came towards the Shoar [sic], 
and they Slip'd their cables and made off to Sea. At their return, they 
Sent a Shoar [sic] the following letter, being a copy of what they had Sent to 
the Genl., the Substance of which is contained in the following letter 
which I wrote to the Genl,


 
Sir,
 
I have received a Copy of the Resolution of the last Council of War 
held on hoard the Flamborow, founded on a Report made to them by the 
Pylots [sic] who went to Sound the Matensas[sic], which Report makes it impracticahle [sic] to carry in those Men of War Sloops proposed; And 
other part of the Resolutions, if put in practice, will put it out of their power to go on with the Seige [sic], it not being in my power to maintain 
this Island, nor can I get my Men off if I were order'd so to do, and in particular the Artillery which are ashoar [sic] here; And in my opinion 
there is no other way to maintain our Conquest, but by Securing the 
Matansas [sic] and this Island, which I think may be done and to as 
good purpose, as if the Men of War could have gone in.
 
The way I should have proposed, is to Send the Carolina 
Scooner [sic] , and all the other Craft into the Matansas. and to make 
a Battery on the Bluff opposite to the Mouth of the River St. 
Sebastian, which I mentioned to your Excellency yesterday, which 
Battery will keep the Galleys from moving any further to the 
Southward, & the Battery on the beach will keep them from going 
on the Barr, So that we Shall block them up in a place where they 
can be of no use, and hinder all the comunication [sic]from the South 
ward: But as this is not in my power without assistance, I would 
advise application to be made to the Comodore [sic]for these 200 Men 
belonging to the Fleet, to be left ashoar [sic]with proper Officers to 
comand [sic] them, and they would maintain 1 of the batterys [sic], till 
thehurricane months be over, & the fleet return to our assistance.

 
We were inform'd this night that one of the loaden [sic] 
with provisions was coming through the Matansas[sic], and that the 
rest were coming. At night I took the Company of Grenadiers & 
march'd to the Narrowes [sic] between this Island and the Main, to See 
if I could discover any of them coming through: At break of day 
I Saw three launches & a Sloop with a flag at the Mast head, 
lying just by the place where we were. I march'd towards them, 
but the Galleys perceiving us, came directly to their assistance, 
and obliged me to retire having no great guns to Support us; So 
that 7 Men of War had not been able to hinder them from coming 
in, tho they Saw them at the Musquitoes [sic]. I am &c.
 
Alex. Vanderdusen.
 
The Genl. receiving ray letter, wrote to the Comodore [sic] as follows:
 
Sir,
 
By a Report of the Officers of the Land Forces under my comand[sic], 
whom I have Spoke to, I find from Col. Vanderdusen, that not 
withstanding the disappointment of the Men of War's Sloops not 
being able to be carryed [sic]into the Matansas [sic] He with his 
Forces will undertake to make a Battery on the Bluff opposite to 
the mouth of the River St. Sebastian, which will keep the 
Galleys from moving any further to the Southward, And the Battery 
on the beach will keep them from going to the Barr, which will 
block them up So as to be of no use; But he can Men 1 of the 
Batteries only, and cannot do this, unless I keep the main, and 
communicate with him from the South. He therefore desires me to 
apply to the Commodore for the 200 Men here belonging to the 
Fleet, to be left ashoar [sic] with proper Officers to comand [sic] 
them, & they would maintain One of the Batteries till the Hurricane 
months be over, and the Fleet return to our assistance, and that 
One of the Men of War may remain at Frederica.
 
 
If nothing can be done to Secure the Conquest of this Island, the 
next thing to be done is to Secure the Artillery & the Troops. 
By this days return, upwards of 50 Men are Sick, & unfit for 
Service of my Regiment, and Others do not fare better; it is 
impossible without assistance to carry off the Artillery; if 
that were once Safe, I would with the Land Forces & Indians keep 
the Main and the Town blockaded, till I hear what Supply's may 
probably come; But Sickness among us, Succours [sic] thrown into the 
Place by the Information you Sent me by Capt. Fanshaw, and 
besides, the half Galleys, makes it necessary for me to lay 
before you, what you may do, if they Should follow and fall on 
St. Andrews, Frederica, and all the Sea Settlements of Carolina, 
while the Garison [sic]of Georgia, and Strength of Carolina are 
engaged here.
 
I desire therefore you would think of protecting St. John's, or 
at least Frederica, where Ships may come into Jekyl Sound, and 
take Such other measures proper to preserve the Artillery of the 
Sea Coast.
 
Ja. Oglethorpe


 
The Answer Capt. Pearse made to this letter was,
 
Sir,
 
I had the favour [sic] of yours last night by Capt. Warren this 
morning. I call'd a Council of War upon it, the Result of which 
I here enclose to you, and agreable [sic] to it. Shall to morrow 
morning embark the Seamen, and Sail, according to the former 
Resolution of the Council of War. I Shall according to your desire 
order One of the Men of War to Jekyl Sound. I'm Sorry the Season 
of the year will not permit my longer Stay.
 
3 July 1740 Vincent Pearse

 
Upon receipt of this letter, the Genl. wrote the following letter to 
Col. Cook and me,
 
Sir,
 
I Send you the final result of the Sea: I find you 
cannot make good the Artillery and the Island, Persuade them 
to assist in embarking it. What cannot be preserved must be 
destroyed, and the Men and Craft preserved. You may either Send 
them to St. Johns, elsewhere, or here as you think proper.
 
Ja. Oglethorpe.

 
On the perusal of which, I Sent the following letter.

 
Sir,
 
Col. Cook Shew'd me a Small paper, wherein your Excellency 
desired him and me, if we could get no assistance from the 
Ships of War, and could not bring off all the Artillery to 
destroy the remainder of them. As to Artillery, Col. Cook has 
the charge of them, I Shall leave that entirely to him, & give 
him what assistance I can. You desire us to preserve the Men 
and Craft, and Send them to St. Johns or elsewhere, which will 
not be So easily done with Row boats: I have not a Sufficient 
number of them, for you have my principal Row boat, and Some of 
the Row boats ly [sic] at the Point.
 
But as I cannot apprehend our case So bad, as to leave our 
affairs in Such a manner, for if nothing else can be done, I am 
Sure if your Excellency come over to this Island, we may Still 
keep them blockaded 'till we get more assistance. If we make a 
Battery on the Bluff, the galleys will be kept in, and we may at 
all times Send Party's of Indians over to the Main and harrass [sic] 
them there, and we can Send all our Craft into the Metansas [sic], 
where you will be Safe, and may Send more provisions from time to 
time, as we may have occasion. Your Excellency Said you was to 
Send for Walkers Scooner [sic] by Mr. Jenys, which if done, and She 
arrives with Men, I am Sure we could destroy the Galleys, without 
the assistance of Men of War. Your Excellency will excuse me in 
giving my opinion, as our miscarriages will be of the 
greatest consequence to the Province I have the honour [sic] to be 
Sent by, I think it my duty to offer any thing I think may Save 
us from the last extremity. But must leave that to your Excellency's 
Superiour [sic] Judgment: And therefore desire to have positive 
Orders from your Excellency, how I am to Act, and Shall take 
care to put them in execution to the utmost of my power, & in 
the mean time remain &c.
 
Alex. Vanderdusen

 
In answer to which, the Genl. Sent me the following Answer:
 
Lieut. Col. Cook, and Col. Vanderdusen, to raise the Blockade 
from the Island Anastatia [sic], and carry off the Train & Troops with 
the loss you cant [sic] prevent; But to Spoyl [sic] rather than leave the 
Artillery; And this Shall be your Authority for So doing.
 
July 14. 1740. Ja. Oglethorpe



 
Mr. Jenys tells me that a great many Stories have been told of a 
difference between the Genl. & me, which made us draw different ways, & 
neglect the Main: but they are all false; tho I have not always approved 
of his conduct, yet, as my Instructions order me to follow his direction, 
I took care, what ever mismanagement there was, he Should not have it in 
his power to Say, that it was caused by the Carolina Colonel's disputing 
his Orders. But what Motive he has at present to leave the Blockade is 
above my Understanding, for I will affirm, that the Same Forces we have 
at present, without the Assistance of the Seamen, and in the Situation 
we are now, that is, having a Battery on the Bluff I mention'd to the 
Comodore [sic], with the Battery we have on the N. Point of the Island, 
would keep Such a Blockade both by land & Sea, that it would not be in 
their power to have the least comunication [sic]: and in the Same time 
would put my people in Such a way, that they would have nothing to fear, 
unless it were an attack of an Enemy upon our Works, where they must 
certainly come off with the loss if they made Such an attempt. But He 
comands [sic].
 
I shall desire nothing from your Honour [sic] at present, till I know 
what is to be done, which to my grief is nothing: for I see the Genl. 
wants to be gone: and in the mean time remains amidst all our 
Misfortunes.
 
Yr. Honours [sic] most humbe. Servt. 
Alex. Vanderdusen.



 
Copy of Genl. Oglethorpe's to Col. Cecil dat. 19 July 1740
 
You have heard that I had Orders to attack Augustine, and the 
Province of Carolina gave all the assistance they could. The Castle is 
built with stone, 4 Bastions, a good wet Ditch. The Town in Jany. last 
had only a small Entrenchment round it, the Garrison consisted of 8 
Companys [sic] from Old Spain, their Establishment 50 Each, but so many non 
Effectives that they remain but 280 Effectives. 3 Companys [sic] of Old 
Troops 100 by Establishment and not 40 Effectives, 1 of Artillery 
100 by Establishment and 43 Effectives, a Troop of horse 100 by 
Establishment and 45 Effectives. 140 Transports for working besides 
Slaves Inhabitants and Indians.
 
I therefore purposed that as the Town was scarce of Provisions, the 
Entrenchment weak, the Garrison not Compleat [sic], We should immediately 
attack or at least Invest it close by Sea and Land, and that the Seige [sic] 
should be begun in March at furtherst [sic]; For if we delay'd. Succours [sic] 
would come from the Havannah [sic] , they would fill up their non Effectives 
and fortify the Town; which if they could defend Bombardment would be of 
little Consequence, and the hot weather would come on before we could 
force the place.
 
Notwithstanding all I could do It was June before the Troops 
came to the Rendezvous, Succours [sic] got in from Cuba, the 
Governor fortifyed [sic] the Town, Freed their Transport Slaves, 
and Compleated [sic] the Garrison with them.
 
We battered and Bombarded the Place with little Effect, the 
weather forced the Men of War to leave us on the 5th July, as the hot 
weather did the Indians; Sickness came among our Men and we were 
obliged to raise the Seige [sic] as I foretold. However we brought 
of [sic] everything and still keep the Field in Florida, hoping for 
Succours.




 
Col. Oglethorpe to the Trustees Recd. 31 Octbr. 
Camp on St. Johns in Florida
 
19 July 1740
 
Gentlemen
 
I acquainted you with my taking the Fort of St. Francis Picolata 
and St. Diego, and about Eighty Prisoners from the Spaniards, and also 
of Several Indians joining us, and that the Assembly of Carolina had 
voted an assistance, of one Regiment &c. for besieging St. Augustine, 
but it was so late before they got all things ready that the month of 
May was come in before we got to the Rendezous [sic], whereas we ought to 
have taken the Field at farthest in March. I undertook the Siege 
because St. Augustine in January was Scarce of Food, the Castle had no 
Coverd [sic] way, the Entrenchments round the Coverd [sic] way was weak, 
and if the Town was taken, and the People drove into the Castle, a 
Bombardment would soon oblige them to Surrender for want of Room. The 
Troops of the Garrison were not Compleat [sic] , and a great number of 
Transport Pioneers were in the Place desirous to desert; I then laid it 
down that they should take the Advantage of the Circumstance and 
immediately invest the Town or at leant Stop up their Communications by 
Sea, which if they did not. Succours would come from the Havannah [sic], 
they would Fortify the Town, and a Bombardment would be of little service 
since the Inhabitants would have large Room to avoid it, and the season 
of the year would oblige the men of War to go off the Coast, and the Troops 
to retire from the heats, or perish with Sickness; After I had left Charles 
Town, and before we could invest the Place, the half Gallys got in from Cuba, 
we had no Pioneers to open trenches, no Engineers, but Coll. Cook, and Mr. 
Mace, no Bombardeers [sic] nor Gunner that understood the service, and no 
Sufficient train.
 
After April the Spaniards pardoned the Transports and Compleated [sic] 
the Garrison with them and Entrenched the Town Strongly towards the 
Land. However I agreed with the Commodore that if they would attack 
the half gallys [sic], and the Carolina Regiment Attack the Side of the 
Town, I would Storm the Entrenchment by Land.
 
The fleet Landed two hundred men, with the Captns. Warren, Laws, 
and Townshend, on the Island St. Anastatia [sic], and gave the utmost 
assistance in putting the few Guns and Mortars that we had into Battery. 
We Summoned the Governour [sic] who refused to surrender, We Cannonaded 
and Bombarded the Town for above twenty days. The Commodore acquainted me 
upon mature Examination, the Council of War found it impracticable to 
attack the half Gallies [sic], and that on the 5th July they must be obliged 
to retire into Harbour [sic] for fear of Hurricane Storms. The Indians also 
acquainted me that the heat and heavy Rains, would be unhealthy to keep 
the field and Resolved to return home.
 
About the same time Capt. Fanshaw who was Crusing off the Metanza's [sic] 
which is the Southern Enterance [sic] of Augustine, and the Musquetoes, acquainted  the Commodore that there were 7 Vessels loaded with Provisions &c. got  into the Musquetoes [sic], and that he could not get at them. Soon after 
that they got most of their Provisions into St. Augustine.
 
It being impossible to Continue the Siege I prevailed with the 
men of War to Stay some days longer, and Orderd [sic] Coll. Cook and Coll. 
Van Dussen, to Embark with the Train, Ammunition, Troops &c, on 
Board the Vessels (they being on the Island) which they did, and sent 
them into this River.
 
The Spaniards made a Sally on me (with about 500 Men) who lay on 
the land Side, I orderd [sic] Ensign Cathcart, with 20 Men, Supported by Major 
Hern and Capt. Desbrisay with upwards of one hundred men to Attack them, 
I followed with the Body. We drove them into the Works and pursued them 
to the very Barriers of the Coverd [sic] way. After the Train and Provision 
were Embarked and Safe out of the Harbour [sic], I marched with Drums beating. 
Colours [sic] flying in the day from my Camp near the Town to a Camp three 
miles distance, where I lay that night. The next day I marched nine 
miles, where I encamped that night. We discoverd [sic] a Party of Spanish 
horse Indians, whom we charged took one Spanish horseman, killed two 
Indians, the Rest run [sic] into Garrison.
 
I am now Encamped on St. Johns River waiting to know what the 
People of Carolina would desire me farther to do, for the Safety of the 
Provinces, which I think are very much exposed to the half Gallies with 
a wide Extended frontiere [sic] hardly to be defended by a few Men. I am 
Gentlemen
 
Your most obedient 
humble Servant
 
James Oglethorpe




 
Extract of a Letter from on Board His Majestys [sic] Ship the Hector, in 
Hampton Road Virginia dated 24. July 1740.

 
The following is the Acct. of our Cruize [sic] to Augustine. We 
sailed from Cape Henry the 12 April, touched at South Carolina, and 
proceeded to Augustine. June 1st. The North-America stationed Ships, 
Viz. the Flamborough [sic], Capt. Peerse; the Phoenix, Capt. Fanshaw; the 
Tarter Capt. Towshend; and the Squirrel, Capt. Warren, of 20 Guns; and 
the Spence Sloop, Capt. Laws; and the Wolf, Capt. Dandridge, joined us.
 
On the 2d. Col. Vander Dusson, with 3OO Carolina Soldiers, 
appeard [sic] to the North of the Town. On the 9th General Oglethorpe came, 
with about 300 Soldiers, and about 3OO Indians, by Sea, from the south 
parts of Georgia. On the 1Oth. all the Men of Wars boats mand [sic] and 
armed, carry'd them a shore, under the Cover of the Small Ships Guns, 
they Landed on the Island Annastatia [sic], without opposition, and took the 
look out belonging to the Spaniards. 

On the 13th Capt, Warren went in 
the schooner taken by the Shoreham off Cuba, and other Armed Sloops and 
Pettyaugers [sic], into their Harbour [sic], Just out of Cannon reach, and 
there anchor'd till the 26th. when the Sailors were employ'd in Landing 
Ordnance and other Stores, within reach of the Enemy's Cannon at Noon 
day. The Boldness which the British Seamen discoverd [sic] on that occasion 
was Surprising; for when the Spaniards fired, they'd bob and Scramble 
for the Shot as Children do for applies. The same Night two Batteries 
were raised, one of four Eighteen pounders and one large Mortar, which 
play'd with 20 Cohorns [sic]; but in my Opinion (for I was then a Shore) 
they were all too far distant to do any serviceable Execution. The 
27th. the General summon'd the Spanish Govr. to surrender, who sent him 
word, he should he glad to shake hands with him in his Castle. This 
haughty Answer was occasioned from a dear bought Victory, which 500 
Spaniards had obtained against 80 Highlanders, who were Surprised in 
their Sleep, and as two Deserters informed us, 50 of these latter were 
Slain, but died like Heroes, killing at least three times more than 
their number, but at last were over powerd [sic]. 

The Shipping Cost but one man, belonging to the Wolf, who was shot by a 
Cannon. On the 29th. the weather proving bad, obliged the men of War 
to cut and put to Sea. Two days before, the General with his Soldiers and 
Indians, pass'd a River, to be nearer the Town; but as we were obliged 
to make the best of our way to our Station, I cannot relate his farther 
proceedings. The Flamborough [sic] arrived 3 days after us at Virginia, who 
informed us, that the day they Sailed the General was perceived to 
cause the Spaniards who made two Great Sallies, to retreat both times 
to the Castle with precipitation. St. Augustine is Situated by nature 
very Strong, because of Shallow waters about it; in which they had 
Row Gallies [sic] of Force, under the Command of the Castle Guns, and no Ship 
of Force can come within 3 leagues of either Town or Castle.
 



26 July 1740
 
To the Kings most Excellent Majesty

 
The humble Petition and Representation of the Council and Assembly of 
your Majesty's Province of South Carolina upon the Present State of the 
said Province. 
 
Most Gracious Sovereign
 
We your Majestys [sic] most dutiful and loyal Subjects the Members of 
your Majestys [sic] Council and the Members of the Commons House of 
Assembly of this your Majestys [sic] Province of South Carolina, now met 
together in General Assembly to take under Consideration the dangerous 
Situation in which the Province now is. Most humbly beg leave to Represent 
to your Majesty, That it is with the utmost grief and Concern, We find 
this Province greatly reduced and weakned [sic] by a Series of Calamitys 
[sic] and Misfortunes which have attended it for some time past. The Small 
Pox in the year 1738, Succeeded by a Pestilential Fever in the year 1739. 
whereby Numbers who had escaped the first were carried of by the last; 
That again Succeeded by an Insurrection of our Slaves in which many of 
the Inhabitants were Murderd [sic] in a barbarous and Cruel manner, and 
that no sooner queld [sic] than another projected in Charles Town, and a 
third lately in the very heart of the Settlements but happily discoverd 
[sic] time enough to be prevented.
 
Wrestling with difficulties at home We See our selves at the same time 
exposed to dangers from abroad; To Enemies very near, and by far too 
numerous and Powerfull for us, and that the many Succours which 
your Majesty has been graciously pleased from time to time to give us, 
and what we weak as we are, have been able to do for our Selves come 
far short of your Majesty's Royal Intention and our Expectations from 
thence.
 
It is with great Reason we apprehend, that part of our Calamitys [sic] 
proceeding from the frequent attempts of our Slaves arrises from the 
designs and intrigues of our Enemies the Spaniards in St. Augustine and 
Florida; who have had the ruin and destruction of these your Majesty's 
Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia long in View. Witness the great 
preparations made at the Havannah [sic] and St. Augustine shout 3 years 
ago, for a Powerfull [sic] Desent [sic] on these Provinces, and Since that, 
in time of profound Peace also a Proclamation published at St. Augustine 
in his Catholick [sic]  Majestys[sic] Name, promising freedom and other 
Encouragement to all Slaves that should desert from your Majestys [sic] 
Subjects of this Province and join them. In Consequence of which 
Proclamation many have already deserted, and others encouraged daily 
to do the Same; and even those who have Committed the most Inhuman 
Murders, are there harbour'd, entertained and caressed: Such, may it 
please your Majesty was the Situation of this Province when General 
Oglethorpe applied to us, to Assist your Majestys [sic] forces in 
attacking St. Augustine, Induced by the Assurances we had from that 
General, and the Commodore of your Majestys [sic] Ships of War met 
together in the Harbour [sic] of Charles Town, of the great probability 
there was of Success and by the Advantage we were sensible would thereby 
accrue to your Majestys [sic] Subjects of this  Province and Georgia and 
for the Glory of your Majestys [sic] Arms, in reducing a Fortress which 
stands an Eye sore to the British Dominions in North America and as such 
has been before attempted by this Province, but without Success; We 
Exerted our Selves and chearfully [sic] Voted such a Supply of Forces 
as that General thought Sufficient to Succeed in that Expedition, together 
with a great quantity of Provisions, Artillery, Warlike Stores, Vessels for 
Transportation, Arms and Presents for five hundred Indians end many other 
necessarys [sic], but considering the uncertainty of Warlike Events, and 
that the Enemy might be stronger than the General had represented them 
to be, we added two hundred men more; The whole Expence [sic] amounting to 
a greater Sum than our present circumstances could well bear; With this 
additional Reinforcement we had the greatest Reason to hope for Success 
and more Especially as to all this was afterwards added your Majestys 
[sic] great Supply sent to the General of Warlike Stores proper for such 
an Undertaking. But so it has fallen out, that with hearts fulls of Sorrow 
and Anxiety, We are now obliged to represent to your Majesty; That this 
Attempt has proved altogether unsuccessful and the troops sent from this 
Province by Express Orders dated the 4 Inst, from General Oglethorpe to 
their Commanding Officer, Orderd [sic] to withdraw from before Augustine 
and to carry off or destroy the Cannon made use of by them against the 
Enemy;
 
Whether the bad success of this Expedition proceeds from Misconduct, 
or from any other Cause we shall not presume to Judge; But, 
may it please your Majesty, Such being the issue and event of this 
unhappy Expedition, in which all our hopes were placed We are now 
Exposed to a Powerfull [sic] Enemy, roused with Resentment and encouraged by 
our disappointment are become more formidable than ever, and if not 
speedily prevented by a Superiour [sic] force may soon turn their Arms 
against us. And what a Tragical Scene an Attack from a Foreign Enemy 
must produce when at the Same time our whole force will be Scare 
Sufficient to guard against that within us, is but too apparent.

 
Exposed as we are to present danger from the Spaniards, consequences 
more fatal to us as well as to the whole of your Majestys [sic] 
Dominions in America, are to be apprehended in Case of a Rupture with 
France, from the Wonderfull progress made in these few years by that 
Nation in their grand and long projected Scheme of opening a Communication 
between their Canada or Quebeck [sic] Settlements and those on the great 
River Messissippi [sic] to the Bay of Mexico, A Scheme great to them but 
dangerous to the British Dominions, as has been heretofore set forth by 
two Severed Representations made to to your Majesty from this 
province since the year 1734. This Communication being now opened by 
that means they have an Army of between three and four thousand men on 
our backs, and have of late built new forts, and Reinforced those 
formerly built by which there is great Reason to apprehend that they 
are able not only to prevent the progress and extention [sic] of the 
British Settlements in North America, but to invade some of what is 
already Settled.

 
As we have heretofore humbly Represented to your Majesty This 
Province and that of Georgia have the most to fear; not only on Acct. 
of their being the weakest and most exposed to their Enemies, but on 
Account of their Situation and the great advantage the French must 
consequently have by becoming Masters of them. The Country between 
these Colonies and the French Settlements and Garrisons on the River 
Messissippi [sic] and Moville [sic], being plain, flat and open, 
not intersected by the large Appalatchian [sic] Mountains, We have 
therefore no other Barrier but a few Nations of Indians far inferior 
in number to theirs. Next to them are the Chickesaws, a bold and 
brave people. Strict friends to your Majestys [sic] Subjects of this 
Province, but not now in number above four hundred men, with them the 
French have lately made an insidious Peace; and in their Security 
thereupon many of them have been cut off by the Chactaw [sic] Indians. 
These Chactaws [sic] are very numerous and under the imediate [sic] 
influence and direction of the French; This together with the many 
former Attacks upon that brave Nation of Chickesaws, leaves no 
Room to doubt of their intention to extripate [sic] that people as they have 
already done the Notchees [sic], with a View manifestly to make their next 
Attempt on the Creeks; the only remaining Barrier in that case between 
us and the French  In that Nation the French have long had a Fort 
called the Albama [sic] Fort, which they have lately reinforced; and by 
repeated intelligence from our Traders, are now using their utmost 
endeavours [sic] by Offers of great presents as well as threats to withdraw 
that people from our Interest, and to engage them to destroy our 
Traders now amongst them. In which were they to Succeed, terrible must 
be the fate of these your Majesty's Provinces of South Caroline and 
Georgia, who unless Supported must fall a Prey to them and their 
numerous Indians whose Devastations and Crueltys this Province has 
heretofore fatally experienced and they in that case become Masters of 
what they have long had in View (to wit) A Settlement and Ports 
on this Eastern part of the American continent. So absolutely necessary 
for the Support and advantage of their back Settlements, and of great 
use to their Sugar Islands in America which at present depend almost 
wholly upon the English Colonies for lumber and provisions; But as they 
are now Situated have no other opening but from the River Moville [sic] 
and Messissippi [sic] at the Extermity [sic] of the Bay of Applatche [sic] 
in the Entrance of the Gulph [sic] of Mexico which renders their Traffick 
[sic] from these Colonies not only tedious but dangerous; And then once having 
eecured [sic] a Settlement on this Shore, and a Communication opened to their 
Settlements on these Rivers, we have Reason to apprehend they may become 
Masters of all Florida and its Coasts, quite down to the Mouth of these 
great Rivers, including St. Augustine it self, if it remains unconquerd [sic] 
by your Majesty and that ]arge tract of fertile and rich Soil 
called the Appalatches [sic] formerly conquerd [sic] by the Inhabitants of 
this Province from the Spaniards. Such, May it please your Majesty, 
seem to be the great Schemes of the French, part of which are already 
executed and performed, and what are to come We can easily foresee, but 
are of too high and extensive a nature for us to prevent.
 
Expectations and hopes arising at first from the Settlement ofGeorgia, 
being now vanished and gone, by the drooping and languid Condition of 
the few Inhabitants which still remain there, our own Inhabitants and 
fortunes greatly reduced and impoverished by a long Series of Calamity's 
and misfortunes heretofore unknown we have nothing left but to fly to 
your Majesty for protection. And full of Gratitude for the many favours 
[sic] heretofore conferred on this Province and confiding in that Glorious 
[sic] disposition and Spirit so lately evidenced and made appear to us by 
your Majesty in the early care taken of these your remotest Subjects in 
America by the Assistance of so many of your Majestys [sic] Ships of War, 
the good effect of which we have already in many Instances experienced.
 
We most humbly and earnestly implore your Majesty's most Royal 
and Maternal Protection and Assistance against our Enemies by Land, 
particularly those in St. Augustine Who no doubt by our own disappointment 
now bid defiance to the Power and Force of this Province, And from 
whence we have Sustained so many losses and injuries by the Reception 
from time to time of our deserted Slaves and even of those who have 
Committed the most barbarous and Cruel Murders of their Masters. And 
We most humbly pray your Majesty, that in Case this Fortress should 
remain unconquer'd, then in any future peace to be concluded between 
your Majesty and the King of Spain Provision may be made for the 
Restoration of our Slaves already deserted, and for our Security 
against such evils for the future. As also for the great expence [sic] 
which has attended this Province in consequence thereof.
 
Dated 26 July 1740.



Mr. Moore to Mr. Verelts
 
Frederica 31st. July 1740
 
Sir
 
I wrote to you from hence the 19 Ultimo and soon after went to the Southward 
and met with his Excellency before Augustine on an Island called Annastasia 
[sic]. As Soon as I came to him he sent a Summons to the Governor of that place, 
who modestly and in a very Genteel handsome complisant [sic] manner refused to 
Surrender, on which we proceeded to bombard and Canonade. What I mentioned 
in my last about the Galleys is too true, we Saw 6 of them at Anchor before 
the Town, whom we obliged with our Cannon to remove, but they went to a place 
where they could annoy us and we not hurt them. In short it was thought 
impossible to take the place without first taking the Galleys, and 
therefore it was agreed by the Sea Officers, that the General should 
go with his Regimt. Indians &c over the Main near Augustine in Order to 
have Signals made him to attack the land side of the Town, at the very 
Same time that the men of Wars boats with their men, and some of the 
Carolina Regiment should attack the Galleys, and enter the Town on 
that side next the Sea. Accordingly the General went over to the main 
and lay within Cannon shot of Augustine, expecting the Signals for the 
Attack, but as soon as he was gone, the design of taking the Galleys 
began to dwindle to nothing, and the Captains alledged [sic] for excuse 
that there was not water enough for their Boats, but a Gentleman of good 
Credit going out in the night sounded the River up to the very  
Castle Walls, and found more than was wanted. The want of water 
therefore could not then be alledged [sic] as a Reason for Stopping so 
necessary as well as so glorious an Enterprise, which if done would be the 
only means of taking Augustine, and without which it would he impossible 
to take it. Commodore Pearse held several Councils of War on 
board about this affair, and at last came to a Resolution that the 
taking the Galleys was impracticable, far different from what they 
before thought. After his Excellcy. had been lying in a wet marsh 
about a week, finding that the frequent Councils of Sea Officers produced 
nothing but difficulties and a Resolution of not intending to 
attack the Galleys (though their own neglect was the Occasion of the 
Galleys being there) he came himself over to Anastatia [sic], and talked 
with some of the Sea Captains, about leaving some of their men behind. 
Sufficient to manage the Artillery, or else, he told them, he should 
be obliged on their going away (which was fixed for the 5th. July for 
fear of Hurricanes) to withdraw all the people as well as Cannon, 
Mortars &ca. from Anastasia and retire either to Diego, St. Johns or 
to Georgia, or else lye [sic] with his Regiment before Augustine till the 
Hurricane months should he over. After he had talked over this Affair 
to some of the Captains and wrote to the Commodore upon it (who keeps 
close on board about 3 or 4 miles from shore) he would not stay for an 
Answer but went at midnight over again to his Regiment, and in a day or 
two having received from the Commodore Answers to his Letters, and they 
being  in the negative with respect to his leaving any men behind 
him from on hoard the Ships, His Excellency Sent orders to Lieut. Colo. 
Cook to move all the Cannon &c. from Annastia [sic], at which time I being 
very ill, came from the Expedition, with several other sick people, 
and by the help of a good Nurse am now pretty well recoverd [sic]. Four 
days ago the General and all the Regiment, as also that of Carolina 
arrived here, The General is exceeding ill, God knows whether he will 
recover, for I never in my life saw him so ill. Captain Townshend is 
Now here but does not intend to Stay, he having had his Masts shivered 
with the Lightning. The General has promised to let him have every 
thing he wants as well as he can have at Carolina; but he is not willing 
to Stay (though Orderd [sic] to lye [sic] here) and too morrow designs for 
Charles Town, We never were (I think) in more Necessity of a Man of War, 
than now, but as Long as there is no power given to a Land Officer to 
Command the Captains of the Men of War, there will be but little service 
performed by them. To mend the matter too. Captain Townshend has about 
50 Spanish Prisoners on hoard him, which were taken at Fort Diego, those 
also he will put ashore too morrow morning, notwithstanding the utmost 
endeavours [sic] of his Excellency to perswade [sic] him to carry them to 
Chas.Town.

I should he glad to have the favour [sic] of hearing from you when at 
leisure. I hope you and Mrs. Verelst enjoy a good state of health and 
am

 
Sir 
Yr. most obedt. humble servt.
 
Fras. Moore





26 Aug. 1740


 
William Thomson of London Mariner aged Thirty Years and upwards 
maketh Oath and Saith That he this Deponent has been six Voyages from 
Europe to Georgia in America. That this Deponent left Georgia in the 
month of March last. That he is well acquainted with the Coast, 
Harbours [sic] and Climate of Georgia. That the Beacon or Land Mark at the 
Island of Tybee, erected by the Trustees, is visible above four Leagues 
at Sea, and is of the greatest Consequence to all Ships coming upon 
that Coast. That the Bar at Tybee is a very safe Entrance, whereon 
there is at least fifteen feet at low Water and twenty two feet at high 
Water in common Tides. That the Town of Savannah is about ten Miles 
up the River from Tybee, to which Place Ships of three hundred Tons 
may go up with Safety. That the Sea Coast from Tybee to Jekyll four 
Leagues from the Land is all even Ground not less than seven or eight 
fathom Water; And any Ship keeping in such a depth of Water may steer 
along that Coast with the greatest Safety, and anchor if they have 
Occasion; For no dangerous Banks reach so far from Land. That on the 
Bar at Jekyll there is much the same depth of Water as at Tybee, and 
when over the Bar there is a very convenient Harbour [sic] for almost any 
Number of Ships. That the Town of Frederica is about ten Miles up the 
River from Jekyll upon the Island of St. Simons, and when this 
Deponent last left Georgia the said Town was begun to be fortified 
round, but a Fort was before erected in the Front of the said 
Town commanding the River both ways, when the Town Guard was kept, 
which was built large enough upon Occasion to contain the Inhabitants 
of the said Town. That three Companies of General Oglethorpe's 
Regiment were incamped [sic] on the South Point of the said Island, 
and most of the Soldiers had Lots of Land set out near the Camp, which 
they cultivated, when not on Duty. That on the West part of Cumberland 
Island the Star Work Fort of St. Andrew is built. That the Climate of 
Georgia is very healthy, and the Soil much the same as in South 
Carolina; And that Vines and Mulberry Trees grow wild thereon. That 
the possession of Georgia so far to the Southward, and settling the 
Land with white Inhabitants, is a very great Security to all His 
Majesty's Northern Colonies in America, and particularly to that of 
South Carolina.
 
Wm. Thomson 
Sworn at the Publick [sic] Office 
this 26th day of August 1740 
before me 
M. Thurston


 
 
Copy of a Letter from Charles Pinckney to Peregni [sic] Fury dated at Boston 
the 1st August 1740.

 
Dear Sir
 
I wrote you the Middle of last Month from Newport and then told 
You of my design for this Place since which I have received from 
Carolina, a very Mellancholly [sic] Account of the Situation of our Affairs 
at St. Augustine where Matters (as is reported) have been Conducted in 
Such a manner as to create a good deal of disgust Between the General 
and Sea Officers insomuch that the Men of War it was said intended to 
leave the Place the 5th. day of July, and by the New York papers I 
perceived Capt. Peirce [sic] is arrived there from Augustine and Capt. Warren 
was hourly expected, this may prove a Business of very fatal Consequence 
to Us as well as Georgia if any thing Besides the Apprehensions of the 
approaching Hurricane Season, has parted the Land and Sea Forces, for 
the Consequence I Suppose is or will Be the Marching off of the Land 
Forces, and abandoning the Seige [sic]; The Consequence of which, if I 
foresee things aright will most certainly Be the intire [sic] loss of the 
whole Province of Georgia, For in such Case it is not to Be doubted 
But that the Spaniards will immediately enter Georgia when they find 
the War removed from their own Doors, and if they do, I am very 
credibly Informed they cannot raise 200'd Effective Men in the whole 
Collony [sic] exclusive of Mr. Oglethorpe's Regiment and which By my 
Information does not consist of more than 400 Men, and therefore they 
must of Necessity give up the Whole Province, and happy for us it will 
Be if they content themselves with that Conquest and do not think of 
entering ours, which if they do considering the Situation we are in 
with regard to our S---s [sic] the Consequences that must ensue are too 
horrible to be thought of. You'll therefore beleive [sic] that our 
Government has and will exert itself to Support the Seige [sic] and keep 
the War on the Florida Shore, And for this Purpose, Our Lieutenant Governor 
as my Letters inform me, immediately upon receiving the News of the Loss 
Mr. Oglethorpe had met with raised another Company of Men and sent to 
him but alas! We are not in a Situation to Repeat this Often we have 
but barely Men enough in Carolina to defend our Selves, and indeed 
hardly that; and therefore unless we are supported from home, either 
by one of the Regiments that are coming out under Lord Cathcart or 
by one to be raised in those Northen Colonys [sic], the Seige of St. 
Augustine must be if it is not already abandoned, and Georgia must fall 
into the hands of Spain; there is no avoiding it.

 
This Sir is a Melancholy account of things in our parts but it 
is a true one and the best I can send; surely then some Stepp [sic] should 
be taken at home to assist us; men in the thing we want and without which 
we are absolutely undone; in short we are perishing for want of 'em 
and here in New England they have more than they well know what to do 
with. They received directions from Col. Blakeney to raise 400 Men, 
and 1000 almost in a moment offered themselves, tis pity so much 
Ardour [sic] for the War as I perceive in these People should be lost, and 
his Majesties Dominions in the Southern Frontiers abandoned, and given 
up to the Enemy for want of Men to defend them. For I am very Confident 
that if orders were sent to raise 1000'd Men in the New England 
Colonies and to direct them to Georgia or Augustine they might be 
raised and transported thither by the last day of November if Lord 
Cathcart therefore, as it is said, will have too much on his hands at 
Cuba to Spare any of his Men to assist in the reduction of Augustine 
how easily may it he effected by sending Orders to the Governor of New 
England to raise and transport 1000 Men thither, which as I observed 
before may be landed in Georgia by the last Day of Novr. Surely upon 
a proper application the Trustees of Georgia. would assist in procuring 
this reinforcement for Mr. Oglethorpe so necessary for the safety and 
indeed the very being of Georgia. And that You may be able to convince 
those Gent of the necessity of something of this Sorts being done I 
inclose You a letter I just now have received from the General by which 
You'll perceive from the Stile and manner in which it is wrote that he 
is in a good deal of perplexity, and I think in real danger; and therefore 
I think should be immediately Communicated to the Trustees, but 
this I Submitt [sic] to Your Discretion as to the manner of doing it.
 
I shall make no manner of appollogy [sic] for troubling you with these 
matters, but Conclude myself Sir
 
Your most Obedient Humble Servt.





Copy of General Oglethorpe's Letter to Mr. Pinckney dated 30 June 
1740.

 
Sir

 
I acquainted you with the takeing [sic] of the Island of Annastatia [sic] 
the Seamen blocked the Town on that side Colonel Van Dussen on Point 
Cartell and Colonel Palmer with the Highlanders Indians and the Georgia 
Rangers, on the Main Land, they disobeying my Orders blocked themselves 
up in the Fort of Mossa, where they were surrounded, but the defeat 
was not so great as was first reported Colonel Palmer was killed and 
not 20 Highlanders fighting bravely and several Indians and some others, 
and twenty seven were taken, and all the rest are safe in the Camp.
 
This giving the Spaniards the Command of the Country rendered the 
bombarding of the Town of little Service, the Inhabitants saving them 
selves in the Country and fetching in Cattle &ca. with great difficulty 
I landed on the Main buried the dead with Soldierly Honours [sic], and 
marched to Augustine And all the Spaniards have again forsaken the 
Country and retired into the Port and Town which has been and will be 
severly [sic] battered by Our bombs and Cannon. More men are absolutely 
necessary, the Nature of the Ground obliging us to be divided, and also 
Walkers Scooner [sic] for attacking the Gallies [sic] Pardon the hurry I 
am in and beleive [sic] me to be Sir
 
Your most Obedient humble Servant






Mr. Tho. Hawkins to Mr. Martin recd. 13th. April 1741
 
Frederica 9 Augst. 1740
 
Sir
 
I am Sorry that I have no better Intelligence from these parts, 
than that the number of Widows are much increas'd at Darien by their 
husbands being kill'd or taken at the late expedition to St. Augustine, 
and that the Genl. is return'd in a weak State of health, and notwith- 
standing the greatest care has frequent Relapses, So that I have often 
doubted his Recovery.
 
No Inhabitant of this place is lost, only one Patrick Grant, who 
lived Some time ago at Savanah, and has for Some months past 
officiated as Naval Officer for this Port, who was killed at Diego by 
Lieut. Frederick Shenton of the Carolina Regimt. in a duel.
 
We have no Improvments [sic] of any consequence going forward here, 
only these; John Roberson Bricklayer, has built a good house, Somner a 
Carpenter, who arriv'd with the last detachment of the Regiment has 
built another. To my former buildings I have made an addition of 60 L 
Sterlg. in brick work, and hope to get the Same finish'd Soon; and 
notwithstanding most people decline Improvments [sic], I shall apply to the 
Honbe. Trustees for a confirmation of a Grant of 50 acres on the East 
Side of a large enclosure, which I intend for pasture, hoping to Set 
forward others by So doing. This I was promised by his Excellency, 
and I Shall Soon begin on ditching it. Nothing has been wanting in me 
by exemplary Improvments [sic], as far as the whole Incom [sic] both as a 
Magistrate & Surgeon will admit.
 
It has been my constant endeavour [sic] to avoid the frequency of 
Courts amongst the people who are Spared on in trifling occasions and 
prossecutions [sic].
 
We Shall make Entries of Clayme [sic] pursuant to the Honble. the 
Trustees Resolutions the latter end of this Month; All things conforming 
to their first Instructions will be carefully transmitted to Col. Stephens 
as Soon as compleated [sic].
 
I am Sir,
 
Yr. most obedt. humbe. Servant
 
Tho. Hawkins




 
An Account of Genl. Oglethorpes [sic] proceedings against Augustine 
received from him by the Honble. Colonel Cecil his Cousin, 
and brought over by Capt. Hugh Mackay who left the General at Frederica 
31st. August 1740 and deliver'd his Letters in Town 19th November 
following.

 
I received his Majestys [sic] Instructions with the assistance of 
Carolina to Attack Augustine if I thought there was a probability of 
Success and to raise what force I could in Georgia. The Ships upon 
the Northern Station were Order'd to assist in the Enterprise. I with 
the assistance of Carolina did undertake the Bombarding the Place, and 
it was highly probable that we should take the Same, if we Attacked it 
soon enough, because at that time there was a scarcity of Provisions, 
the Soldieres [sic] had not been paid their Arrears for some years, and the 
pay Ship and Cloathing [sic] was taken by Capt. Knowles, The Troops in the 
Garrison wanted about one third of being compleat [sic]. There was between 
one and two hundred Transports Prisoners in the Place, who only sought 
an opportunity to Escape, There was a great number of useless Mouths, 
Priests, Women, Children, and Slaves, which with the Garrison made 
above 2500 Souls and the Inside of the Castle was but 60 yards 
Square therefore I thought that if we Succeeded in any of the following 
points the place would be taken.
 
If the Men of War could Stop the Provinces and Succours coming 
in from Cuba they must Surrender through Want.
 
If we could take the Town which was Surrounded on the Land side 
with an Entrenchment but none at all on the Sea Side and might be 
probably taken by the Seamen Landing in Boats on the Sea Side whilst we 
should attack the Entrenchments on the Laud side Sword in hand, 
which tho a hot Service I beleive [sic] would have succeeded, if both had 
been attempted at the same time, and if we had been Masters of the 
Town, the People would have crowded the Castle so that a Bombardment 
must have forced them to Surrender.
 
If a Party in the Town had Strength (as they pretended they 
had,) to procure the Surrender of the place upon the Appearance of an 
Enemy in the Field sufficient to block up the place by Sea and Land.
 
To Accomplish the first of these, Commodore Pearse order'd 
Captn. Townshend to Cruise off Augustine, and Captn. Warren to relieve 
him, between the time that Captn. Townshend came off from that Station, 
and before Captn. Warren could get upon it, Six Galleys carrying nine 
Pound Guns in their Prows and two Sloops loaded with Provisions, with 
200 Men got into the place, so that when Captn. Warren arrived there, 
one Calm morning Six Galleys Attacked him and after a long Engagement 
and a great many Shot fired, he repulsed and pursued them but they 
Escaped into Augustine by running into Shoal Water. And these Succours [sic] 
got in there after the Resolution was taken at Charles Town to Attack 
the Place. In pursuance of which Resolution I was already at Frederica 
and had taken all measures for the Attack, the Indians were upon their 
March, and the People of Carolina had enter'd into the Expence [sic]. 
Therefore this unforeseen Obstacle happened after it was too late to 
give over the Attempt and prevented our hopes of succeeding by Starving 
them.

 
To bring the Second about, after I had taken Fort Diego and 
Commodore Pearse was arrived at the mouth of the River St. Johns or 
St. Matthao, I went on Board him and he agreed to go down off Augustine 
and Anchor with Seven Sail of Men of War close to the Bar, that I 
should March down to Augustine on the Land side and send a Party to give 
him Signals from the Shore that we should mutually Attempt to get 
a Communication with each other, I with the Regular Troops, the Carolina 
Regiment and all the Indians marched to Moosa, a Fort belonging to the 
Negroes, which I found abandoned, From whence I marched close to 
Augustine and Saw the Commodore and Men of War Anchored close to the 
Bar, but the Spanish Galleys being Masters of the Harbour [sic] between 
where I was and the Bar his Boats could not come in, nor I receive any 
thing from Sea, and had no Carriages to bring down Artillery and Provi- 
sions by land. I therefore returned to Diego and Commodore Pearse sent 
the Tartar Man of War towards St. Johns who landed a Messenger that came 
to me at Diego proposing that if I would furnish 200 Men he would join 
them with 200 Sailors and land on the Island Annastasia [sic] which if we 
could possess we might block up the place. Since that Island Commanded 
the Harbour [sic] and was within Cannon Shot of the Town. I went on Board 
the Men of War with 200 Men and Landed on Annastatia [sic], the Spaniards 
retired, we Erected the Bomb Batteries which reached the Town and 
mounted what few Cannon we had in Battery to drive the Gallies [sic] out of 
the River, and Command the Harbour [sic], but the distance was too great to 
do much damage to the Castle. We then found it was impracticable to 
Attack from the Sea Side cross the Harbour [sic] without first driving away 
the Gallies [sic], Therefore it was Resolved by the Sea Officers according 
as I wished that they would Attack the Gallies [sic] with their Boats, and I 
promised at the Same time to Attack the Town by Land with the Indians and 
Regular Troops, and Colo. Vanderdussens Regiment on Board Boats to 
assist against the Gallies [sic] , and if they Succeeded to Land upon the 
Town.Commodore Pearse and I sent A Joint Summons to the Town, to which the 
Governor answer'd very handsomely that he must defend it according to 
his oath and honour [sic]. Before I could get to the Main a party of 
Horse Indians and Highlanders whom I had left to alarm the Spaniards 
on the land side, and who were able by their nimbleness to avoid any 
Engagement which I positively ordered them to do, went and lodged too 
near the Town in a Negroe [sic] Fort in direct opposition to my orders, 
where they were Surrounded and defeated. I constantly pressed the Sea 
Officers to Attack the Gallies [sic], but they found great difficulty in 
Settling the Method. I went over to Point Quartell, and the Carolina 
Regiment to the Island of Annestasia [sic] to be ready to Execute our Part 
of the Attack. The Batteries continued playing though with very little 
Effect, for the Bombs fell either into the Town or Castle yet there 
was so much Room within the Town that the Inhabitants retired 
to Places out of the reach of them, whereas if the Town had been taken 
the Bombs would have made a terrible havock [sic] in so small a place as the 
Castle amongst a Crowd of People. Colo. Cook, and Colo. Vanderdussen 
whom I left on Annestatia [sic] pressed the Sea Officers to hasten the 
Attacking the Gallies [sic] and I was ready upon a Signal to Attack by land, 
and the 5 July approaching, the Day on which the Men of War resolved to 
retire made it the more necessary to hasten this matter. At last the 
Commodore acquainted me that the Council of War of Sea Officers found 
it impracticable to Attack the Gallies [sic]. About the Same time Seven 
Vessels arrived with Provisions and Men from the Havannah [sic] which got 
all safe into Augustine. This took away all hopes of carrying the place by 
taking the Town, which was the Second Point by which I hoped for Success 
in the Siege.
 
As for the third the inclination of a Party to surrender was 
very visible when I sent the Summons, In the Spanish Council of War, 
there being great debates in in favour [sic] of a Surrender, but the 
Governors Resolution overbore all, yet the party would have skew'd 
itself very Considerable had the want of Provisions continued.

 
When I found that the Town could receive Succours [sic] from the 
Havannah [sic], which we could not hinder and was then fresh provided. And 
being informed by the Prisoners that the Governor had freed the Trans- 
ports and compleated [sic] the Troops and increased the Entrenchments towards 
the Land, and the Men of War going off the Coasts and leaving us without 
assistance by Sea, The Men also of both Regiments growing Sick, and the 
Indians resolving to return to their Nation, The heat and unhealthfnlness [sic] 
of the Air being such that they could no longer keep the field, I 
was forced to raise the Siege. We carried off all the Cannon, Mortars 
&c, excepting one piece of Cannon that was burst in the Siege, and 
three Cannon on Point Quartell, the Boat that was to carry them being 
grounded and attacked by the Gallies [sic] we burnt it, and nailed and 
buried the Cannon, I marched by Land with Drums beating and Colours [sic] 
flying by day from our Camp which was within half Camion Shot of the 
Castle to St. Diego, and the Spaniards having sent out some Horse and 
Indians, they were Attacked by ours, one of their Horsemen taken and 
two of their Indians killed. I halted for some days on the Spanish 
side of St. Matthaos [sic] River, but finding no hopes of any further 
assistance, I returned the Troops to their different Quarters, And the 
Carolina Regiment was recalled by that Government to Charles Town.


 
Mr. Tho. Jones to Mr. Jo. Lydes Apothecary in London.
 
Savannah Septembr. 18th. 1740.


 
My Dear Friend.
 
I wrote to You from Fort Diego in Florida July 6th. Ult. wherein 
I gave you some Account of the State of our then Warlike preparations 
against the Spaniards, which have not succeeded according to Expecta- 
tion. Many of the Carolina Officers ran away; several of the private 
Men both of the Carolina and of the General's own Regiment (being 
Irish) deserted and went to the Spaniards. The Flux and Fever raged 
(especially among the Indians in the Camp) The Captains of our Men of 
War before Augustine were not Unanimous, and at length quitted that 
Station fearing the Hurricanes which sometimes have happened in the 
Months of August or September in these Coasts. The General is returned 
with the Troops (many of them Sick but now I hear pretty well recovered) 
to the Camp at St. Simons, having left Garrisons at the Forts, 
that are between the Camp and Florida: He has been himself very Ill, 
but is recovered. I have not been to wait on him since his return. I 
have received several Letters from him during the time he lay before 
Augustine. The Spaniards made several Sallies (with a Body commonly of 
Six Hundred Men) but were every time beat back by the General with his 
own Regiment and Indians, with the loss of several Men and Horses on 
their side And that without the loss of one Man of Ours in any of 
those Attacks. The Greatest Disaster that befell our Forces during 
this short Campaign was at Moosa about three Miles from Augustine, 
where a Company of Scotch Highlanders and some Indians (not observing 
the Orders given them by the General) were surpris'd by a Party of 500 
Spaniards in the Night time, who killed 16 and took 26 Prisoners, but 
some of the Scotch especially, the Indians taking to their Arms fought 
their way and killed about 40 Spaniards, among the rest their Chief 
Commander, and so made their way to our Camp.

 
It is generally thought, that if the General had carried on this 
Undertaking against Augustine with his own Regiment (which did not 
exceed 350 Men) the rest being left in Garrisons, his Highlanciers [sic] 
from Darien, and Rangers (being a Company of light Horsemen) with the 
Indians, not only Augustine, but all Florida had in all Human proba- 
bility submitted to the English without any further Expence [sic] of 
Blood or Treasure especially if the Captains of the Men of war had been 
of one mind.

 
I do not yet know whether the General will make another Attempt 
this Winter, but am certain he will not desire the assistance of the 
Carolina Regiment therein. I mentioned in my last a Family in Carolina 
(Bull) who came from Radnor Shire and probably may be Allied to You; 
The Eldest (by means of General Oglethorpe) is now Lieutenant Governor, 
His Eldest Son (who tells me Served his Apprenticeship to an Apothecary, 
the corner King Street Cheapside) had a Company given him in 
this Regiment. This Captain having One Night the Command of the Guard 
at their Camp (within hearing of the Cannon at St. Augustine) was it 
seems so frighted at the Boise that he hired a Boat which passed by, 
and went off with so many of his Guard, as could well get into the 
Boat, without giving any Notice, or the Guards being releiv'd [sic] 
and got safe to Carolina where he was well received on Account of his 
Valour [sic].
 
General Oglethorpe had given leave to raise two Companys [sic] for the 
Carolina Service in Georgia, and Writ to me for that purpose, of such 
as would Voluntarily enlist. I accordingly perswaded [sic] several of the 
Inhabitants, and gave leave to some Servants under my Care and Direction 
to enlist. The poor People have been treated with great Barbarity by 
their Carolina Officers (after the manner of using their Negroes) I 
hope to have an Opportunity of bringing them to Account for those 
proceedings, and of doing Justice to such of the poor People, who have 
survived their Cruelties.

 
I do not pretend to give a Succinct Account of the Campaign 
which I suppose you will find in your News Papers I shall not add but 
to fill up my Sheet shall give a short Account of my own Affairs.
 
You may remember that I took with me (as Servants) to Georgia, a 
Family related to my Friend Mr. William Cranke, Silkman, in Bishopsgate 
Street. Vizt. Samuel Vernon his Wife and two Daughters, from whom I 
proposed great Satisfaction not then doubting of their Fidelity in such 
Affairs I should have occasion for their assistance in, But I 
have been disappointed. I entrusted them from the time I first went on 
Board with every thing even with what Cash I had, and allowed them to 
buy for themselves, such Cloathing [sic] and other necessaries with my 
money as they wanted. We landed at St. Simons the 17th of September but I 
being under a necessity of hastening to Savannah left them at Frederica 
untill [sic] the General could spare a Vessell [sic] to convey them with 
my goods to Savannah. They were to have what provisions they should have 
occasion for, out of the Store there on my Accot. I had left with them 
sundry Liquors, Bohea Tea, Hyson Green Tea &c even what I imagined might 
have sufficed us for six months at least; but these things, as well as 
several small Sums of Money which I had lent to Gentlemen on the 
Passage, and which Vernon received of them I had no other Account of, 
than that they were expended.

 
When I arrived at Savannah, I took Lodgings and boarded at a 
Gentlewoman's House (Mrs. Vanderplank) where I have continued hitherto, 
but intend shortly to remove to my own House in Town or to an House of 
the Trustees (now vacant.) having a small but agreeable Family Vizt. a 
man and maid Servant, also one Mr. Harris recommended to me by your 
Friend in Fosket. He is a person of great Integrity, has been very 
serviceable to me, and in some measure made up the Disappointment I 
met with in others; and one William Russell a Sober Youth, whom I 
employ in Writing for me. My little Family, (may we be more thankfull [sic]) 
have been very Healthy. We abound in the necessary Conveniences 
of Life, are well supplied with fresh Provisions, Vizt. Beef from 1 1/2 d to 
2 1/2 d p lb. Pork from 2d to 2 1/2 d, Veal from 2  1/2d to 3d P lb., Mutton 
being yet very scarce is from 4 1/2 d to 5 p lb. Tame Fowl we have plenty 
of, therefore seldom buy any nor Wild Fowls, & Fish we abound with.
 
Mr. Harris who is an expert Fowler sometimes goes out with his Gun and 
seldom fails of bringing in, either wild Turkey, Curlews, Rabbit, 
Partridge Squirrel, Ducks or Geese (in their Season) sometimes 
Venison but that and Bear &c the Indians supply us with often. As to 
our Liquors we have Wine, chiefly Madeira, or Vidonia which costs us 
from 3s to 3s/6 a Gallon, Strong Beer 20s p Barrell of 30 Gall, Cyder 
10s p Barrell [sic]; our small Beer we Brew of Molasses and is Cheep [sic], 
Coffee about 18d p lb, Tea from 5s /0 7s p lb. The finest Wheat flour is at 
1d p lb. I bake our own Bread generally with half Wheat and half 
Indian wheat Flour; The Indian Wheat is Sold from 10d to 18d p Bushell [sic], 
is well tasted and very nourishing. Bread, The finest Rice is Sold 
here from 3s/6 to 5s p Hundredweight. We have good store of Pulse Roots, 
and Potherbs, such as Pease [sic] and Beans of divers kinds (many of them yet 
unknown in England) Pompions, Musk and Water Melons, Potatoes and 
generally all the roots and herbs used in England. As to our Fruit 
the most common are, Peaches and Nectarines, I believe that I had an 
hundred Bushells [sic] of the former in my little Garden in the Town, this 
Year. We have also Apples of divers kinds, Chincopin [sic] Nutts [sic],
Wallnutts [sic], Chesnutts [sic], Hickary [sic] and Ground nutts [sic], 
several sorts of Berries, besides those common with you, very good Grapes 
but no Oranges grow nearer than Amelia (to the Southwd.) We have exceeding 
fine water at Savannah, Fire Wood very reasonable. Such as have Houses of 
their own have no other burthen then performing, or paying for their 
Guard Duty, in their turn; there are no Taxes, all publick [sic] Buildings 
and other such Works, such as Bridges, Roads &c. have been carried on 
at the expence [sic] of the Trust. I have not seen any part of the World 
where Persons that would labour and used any Industry, might live more 
comfortably in.
 
Indeed, there is not that Improvement of Land near Savannah 
which might be expected, considering the great Encouragement to 
Industry that has been given by the Trustees. But many of the first 
settlers, were People who had been accustomed to an Idle way of Life 
at home and had neither Skill nor Inclination to labour, and their 
being (for the first Years) maintained at the expence [sic] of the 
Trust, instead of prompting them on to Industry, has rather tended 
to make them more careless and Idle.
 
What has been the greatest bane to this part of the Colony has 
been a company of Proud, Idle and Turbulent spirited Scotch, who 
arrived at Savannah about Six Years ago; most of them had no visible 
way of subsisting (a counting labour unbecoming Gentlemen) besides a 
few unhappy Servants whom they had persuaded to accompany them, by 
whose labour (letting them out to hire) they were supported in their 
Idleness and Extravagance for some Years: But those Servants Indentures 
being expired, Poverty began to stare them in the Face, yet would 
not stoop to any thing which they Imagined unbecoming Gentlemen, 
(tho' some of them in Rags) but kept their Daily Perambulation on the 
Parade, Prideing [sic] themselves in their fine shapes tho' they could not 
of their Cloaths[sic] , and kept up duly their Meetings at the Tavern where 
they combined not only to raise discontents among the Drunken Idle part of 
the Inhabitants (who were now left to provide for themselves.) but 
contrived also several Falsehoods, which have been industriously spread 
in England, representing this Colony as Unfruitfull [sic] and Unhealthy, 
therefore not worth the regard of the Government Their views therein 
could be no other. Than (if these Falsehoods were Creditted [sic]) The 
Government would yield up Georgia to the Spaniards, and then they would 
have a fair pretence [sic] of Petitioning the Government for a 
recompence [sic] of the loss of their Estates in Georgia; which they 
expected to receive without any Inquiry, what Improvements they had 
made on the Lands granted them?

 
What has contributed much towards the support of this Society 
has been the Alliance with Mr. Robert Williams (Our Countryman) by 
Patrick Telfair a Surgeon's marrying Mr. Williams's Sister. Telfair, 
who a little before had narrowly escaped, on a Tryal [sic], for the 
Murther [sic] of his Servant, was then come into tolerable Practice 
(having no other who professed any skill in Surgery at Savannah) and 
being the only Person of the Clubb [sic] that could command any Money, 
was their chief Dictator, Mr. Robert Williams was in Partnership with his 
Brother at St. Christophers, who carried on a Trade to Guinea for 
Negroe [sic] Slaves. Nothwithstanding the Act which passed soon after the 
first Establishment of this Colony against Negro Slavery therein. Yet 
these Scotch Gentlemen prevailed with Mr, Williams to Join with them 
in an Attempt to procure the Repeal of that Act, which he the more 
readilly [sic] concurred in, from the Prospect he had of having the 
Monopoly of Negroes, brought into the Colony, if they could have the 
Law repeal'd. 

Accordingly in the beginning of the Year 1739. This Doughty 
Club, formed as Memorial representing the Difficulties the Planters in 
this Colony laboured [sic] under for want of Negro Slaves, and prevailed 
with some of the Honest Laborious (but unthinking) People to Sign the 
same. There was not one of these Scotch Contrivers who had so much as 
one Acre of Land, or a Garden planted, and I am very certain that none 
among them (Telfair excepted) could pay the Purchase money for one 
Negro, nor even pay the Debts contracted by them in this Colony. This 
representation was sent to England by Mr. Williams (in order to be laid 
before the Trustees) which together with the Trustees answer thereto, I 
doubt not you have seen in your Publick [sic] Papers, therefore I shall 
not add on that head.

 
Three or Four Scotch Families (whom I find to be well Affected 
to our British Constitution) after their Arrival in Georgia seldom 
associated with the rest of their Countrymen, but took to Planting or 
followed other Occupations wherein they have been very Successful! 
and are usefull [sic] People in the Colony; but the others (who upon 
all Occasions discover an Inveteracy to the present Government finding 
fault with all the Measures that have been taken by the Government 
ever since the Revolution (excepting during the few Years of Bolingbroke's 
Ministry.) continued in Town where for a time they dressed Gay, set up a 
Free Mason's Clubb [sic], a St. Andrews Clubb [sic] and other Tipling 
Societies which they have kept up to this time (From what Fund they 
are supported in this expensive way of living is yet a secret, and 
only Guessed at.) This has proved the ruin of several Young, Vain and 
unexperienced people, who arrived in Georgia, by being either admitted 
Members of their Societies or by following the same example of Luxury.
 
Every one of this Scotch Clubb [sic] (one Douglas excepted) kept his 
Concubine publickly [sic], by whom they have had a number of spurious 
Children now living. Your Friend Robert Williams and his brother (when 
Adopted Members of St, Andrews) followed the same Example, They have at 
all times shewn [sic] their Aversion to and contempt of whatever had the 
appearance of Religion which at length broke out into a Rage, since our 
Minister Mr. Whitfield found fault with their setting up Horse Races 
this Summer, (when we were in danger of being Invaded by the Enemy) 
and had also often both in Publick and Private endeavoured [sic] to 
perswade [sic] them to part with or Marry their Concubines, promising 
to provide for and Educate their Spurious Children. In which he was 
seconded by Mr. Mc cloud (the Presbyterian Minister at Darien) who came 
to Savannah for that purpose, and used his utmost endeavours [sic] to 
persuade his Countrymen, but could not prevail with them.

 
Having mentioned Darien which is a Town inhabited by the High 
land Scotch, under the care of the said Mr. Mc Cloud. The people live 
very comfortably, with great Unanimity, I know of no other Settlement 
in this Colony, more desireable [sic] except Ebenezer a Town on the River 
Savannah at 35 miles distance from hence, inhabited by Saltzburghers 
and other Germans, under the Pastoral care of Mr. Bolzius and Mr. 
Gronau, who are discreet Worthy men. They consist of 60 Families or 
upwards. The Town is neatly Built, the Situation exceeding Pleasant, 
the People live in the Greatest Harmony with their Ministers, and with 
one another as one Family. They have no idle, drunken, or profligate 
People among them, but are industrious, many grown Wealthy, and their 
Industry hath been blessed with remarkable and uncommon success, to 
the envy of their Carolina neighbours [sic]. Having great Plenty of all 
the necessary conveniencies [sic] of Life, (except Cloathing [sic]) 
within themselves, and supply this Town and other neighbouring [sic] 
Places with Bread kind as also Beef, Veal, Pork, Poultry &c.
 
Many Artifices have been made use of to Gain over these Germans, 
and the Darien people, join with the discontented party here in 
petitioning for Negroe [sic] Slaves, and since they could not be prevailed 
on Letters have been writ to them from England, endeavouring [sic] to 
intimidate them into a compliance, threatning [sic] that if they did not 
come into the Scheme proposed the Spaniards would destroy them all. 
And the Government would not concern themselves with supporting this 
Colony. Mr. Bolzius shewed [sic] me a Letter writ unto him by one of the 
Scotch Clubb [sic], who went from hence to England, and takes upon himself to 
he their Chief Manager in London I have not the Letter by me therefore 
cannot write the Arguments made use of, but am certain that what I 
have mentioned is the purport thereof.
 
I have lately seen the Copy of a Memorial presented by this 
manager (Don Quixote Junr.) to a Member of Parliament setting forth 
the many Grievances which they have laboured [sic] under in this Colony; 
Among many others (all either False or Ridiculous) one great Grievance 
is (in behalf of Religion) That we have among us a Company of People 
whom they call Methodists; That there is no Publick [sic] School for the 
Education of their Children (meaning their Bastard brood for they have 
no other) unless they suffer them to he Educated by these Methodists  
Risumtineas Amice?
 
This day a Gentlemen (who had inconsiderately Signed the 
Famous representation for Negroes) but never could be prevailed on by 
the St. Andrews Clubb, to concur with them, or to approve of their 
Schemes) shewed me the Letter he then had received from their Manager 
in London wherein he sets himself out as a person of great importance 
(Velut Musca in Fabula) having already in his Imagination rescued 
the Colony from the Management of the Trustees and promises, if the 
People of the Colony will give him Power to procure such Advantages for 
them as will make them happy, otherwise will leave them to the Spaniards. 
I at first reading his Letter fancied that he had taken his 
hints from Absolom in 2d. Samuel 15.4 having already out done that 
rebellious Ingrate in his undutifulness to his aged Father (a worthy 
Gentleman now residing at Savannah) But having good reason to believe, 
that he is not well acquainted with, nor has any Great Value for the 
Book wherein that History is recorded, I rather think he has chosen 
Christopher Layer (my Quondam neighbour [sic]) for his Pattern  However I 
wish he may never meet with either of their Fates.

 
I have already exceeded the limits of a Letter and perhaps 
trespassed on my Friend's patience, by entring [sic] into a Detail of 
matters not very entertaining; Yet I thought it necessary lest my 
Friend should conclude, That if living I was wholly deprived of my 
Reason, by remaining in a Country (represented to be) wholly destitute 
of the Common Necessaries of Life, Or that Necessity obliged me to 
continue in it, or else that an eager desire of Wealth might tempt me 
to run any Hazard. This last I am assured my Friends who have known 
my Conversation and manner of Life in England, would hardly believe to 
be the case with me whatever instances may be Given of persons who have 
run great Risques [sic], healths and lives on that Account.
 
I hinted to you in my last, That I enjoyed a better State 
of Health since I came into this Colony, than I had for some years 
past, my Friends here have the same, tho' many of the Inhabitants have 
had Fluxes or intermitting Fevers frequently (often occasioned by Intemperance) 
yet few Die of those Distempers. I have carefully inquired 
into the Account of our Births and Burials at Savannah and its Districts, 
for one Year past. And find the former has exceeded the latter at 
three to two. I have not known any Town or Place in England where 
fewer have died in that space of time (in proportion to the Inhabitants) 
I have this day (that I might he at a greater Certainty) 
enquired at Mr. Whitefield's who has by far the largest Family of any 
in this Colony, consisting of near 15O persons; and received the follow 
ing Account from Rr. Habersham (who has the care and direction of the 
Family in Mr. Whitefield's absence) that their Family consists of Sixty 
Persons, including hired Servants, Sixty one Orphans and other poor 
Children, Twenty five Working Tradesmen and others in all 146 (exclu- 
sive of many others who have remained at their House a month, two, or 
three months at a time, and have been accounted to be of their Family.) 
That all the Family are in good Health, that none have Died, except one 
Mrs. Lewin an Aged Gentlewoman, who arrived here about Christmas last: 
She was Sick during the whole time of the Voyage from London, and 
expired shortly after her Arrival, here. Very few of their Family have 
at any time complained of any Ailment or Sickness excepting three poor 
Children who came Distempered into The Family, but are now recovered.
 
One of the said Children brought here from Purysburgh in 
Carolina, had the small Pox (a distemper seldom, if ever known in this 
part of the Colony, tho' frequent and often Contagious in Carolina.) 
The Child recovered and is very well. And tho none of the other 
Children at Mr. Whitefield's or belonging to this Town, were ever known to 
have been Visited with that Distemper, yet it proceeded no further. 
We had another like Instance this Summer. The Master of a Vessell [sic] 
bound to Charles Town was brought Sick Ashore here; it soon appeared 
that he had the small Pox, none of his Men on Board would come near him 
for some time it being reported, That his Distemper was of the Malignant 
kind. We provided a Nurse for him, and he was attended by Mr. 
Graham an Apothecary; He recover'd in some time and the Distemper 
spread no further. One Mr. Fallowfield (a late adopted Member of the 
St. Andrews Clubb [sic]) who have always studied to spread reports tending 
to raise discontents and discourage the Inhabitants) soon after told 
several of the Inhabitants, that the Infection (the Small Pox) was 
likely to spread thro' the Town, That it was got among the Children at 
Mr. Whitefield's and that two Children at his House (out of the Town) 
were dangerously Ill of that Distemper. This Report gave great 
uneasiness to many People (the Season being then very warm) But upon 
Inquiry at Mr. Whitefield's, That part of the report was found to be 
without any Foundation I went to Dr. Telfair, the Reporter's Patron 
(whom I knew often Visited his Family) who declared that the Children 
at Mr. Fallowfield's, had no other Ail than the Prickly heat or 
such like Eruptions (common to Young People.)
 
I am told, That many false, idle Reports have lately been 
spread in England by People come from Georgia who were a pest to the 
Colony while they continued in it. And either met with the Just and 
legal Punishiments [sic]that their outragious [sic] Villainies deserved or 
else their consciousness of Guilt has caused them privately to with- 
draw. A late Instance we had in one Thomas Christie who in the Infancy 
of the Colony was appointed Recorder. I am a stranger to his 
Abilities for the Discharge of that or any other Office of trust 
(unless it should be found necessary when the Colony is new Moddeled[sic]) 
to have a Director of a Rum-Boat for the supply of distant Plantations 
with Rum and Spirituous Liquors which he has been a Retailer of for 
several Years (in that way) And to avoid the Law prohibiting such 
Liquors in this Colony, he called the same Bottled Beef, so that 
Christies Bottled Beef is a common Proverb.

 
This Christie professing himself to be a Scotchman was early an 
Adopted Member of their Societies, he being Judged to have all the 
necessary Requisites, having brought with him a Concubine from England 
(disowning his Wife whom he left behind) with whom he lived for some 
Years, but at length turned her off, and took to him the Wife of one 
Turner now living with whom he Cohabited for some time past in a very 
lewd and scandalous manner, as hath been declared on Oath to a Grand 
Jury. He had run into every persons Debt so far as he could be 
creditted [sic], and got several Effects of other People into his 
Possession, which he sold and converted to his own use. At length the 
people began to be uneasy and clamorous on that Account. He then 
absconded and lay concealed with his Concubine for some time at the 
House of one Theo: Hetherington, (who is the Son of the Tallyman of 
that name.) and had Married one Mrs. Lacey, once well known in London 
for her Bagnio. Theo: Hetherington in the mean time used all the 
Stratagems he was capable of, to Contract Debts by borrowing Money and 
other ways. At lenth he, his Wife, Christie and his Concubine in the 
Night time withdrew to Carolina where they joined one Josh. Hetherington 
who had formerly lived in Georgia, and had broke out of our Town 
Goal when under a conviction for Felony and escaped to the common 
Asylum. These Two Brothers together with one Gould (who had fled from 
this Colony and taken Sanctuary in Carolina) set up a Tavern at Pon 
Pon in Carolina about June last, where they all except Theophilus died 
in a very short time Vizt. Theophilus's Wife, his Brother, Joseph 
Gould, Theophilus is living but Sick and Necessitous. Mr. Christie 
lurked about Charles Town for some time, but apprehending himself in 
danger of being apprehended and Obliged to accomt for some of his 
Actions, he got to be conveyed on Board of a Ship bound for England, by 
the Interest of one Mr. Wm. Williamson who told me That Christie 
boasted when he parted with him that he would (whenever he got to 
England) not only put England but all Europe in a Flame. --- 
Parturiunt montes.

 
That designing men of known Valour [sic] or of distinguishing endowments 
of mind should overturn a Constitution, is not much to be wondered at; 
But the Thoughts That a Jack Cade or a Tom Assinelto should bring about 
or even attempt such a Revolution is very Grateing [sic].
 
I am prevented from communicating to You some Observations, I 
have made in the Natural Productions of the Earth and Waters in these 
parts. As also some Account of this Country in General, Of the 
Seasons, Soil, Situation &c. The which was in my Intentions when I 
began this Letter. And may ere long Attempt If the Lord continues my 
Life and Health.
 
I shall not Apologize from entring [sic] upon so unpleasing a Subject, 
nor the manner of my communicating the same with my thoughts thereon 
to my very Good Friend, whose Candour [sic] and Love I have so long 
Experienced  But at this time must take my Leave recommending You 
and Yours with all my other Friends to the Divine Protection
 
I am
 
&c. 

Signed. 
Thomas Jones. 
To his Worthy Friend 
Mr. John Lyde





 
Recd. 8. April 1741
 
State of the Province of 
Georgia in the Year 1740. 10th. Novbr.

 
Coppy [sic]

 
The Province of Georgia, lies from the most Northern Stream of 
the River Savannah (the mouth of which is in the Latitude of 32 Deg.) 
along the sea Coast, to the most Southern Stream of the Altamahah (the 
mouth of which is 30 1/2 Deg.) and Westward from the heads of the said 
Rivers, respectively in direct Lines to the South Seas.
 
This Province was part of South Carolina; but the Eastern and 
Southern part of it, Inhabited by the Creek Indians; the Northern by 
the Cherokees and Chickesaws; the Western by the Chactahs; the 
Blew Mouths; and other Indians Nations, to the South Sea: The Creek 
Indians, who always acknowledged the King of England for their 
Sovereign, yet made War with the people of Carolina, to obtain Satis- 
faction for Injurys [sic] done by their pedling [sic] Traders: The War was 
Acct. of the Sums apply'd & expended for the Trust Service in the Northern 
part of the Colony of Georgia for 1 year, endg. Michlemass 1740. 
Recd. 16 November 1741

 
                      Not provided 
                      for in the    Particulars   Totals  Allowance   Estimate
                      Estimate


 
 
1. Upon Trust Servants                             532.11.11
 
2. Incident expences [sic] as follows: viz.
 
1. Boats, viz. provisions &c as follows

 
   Scout Boat               7.13.0 1/2 
   Colonies pettiagua       1. 9.1 
   Palachocla boat          5. 3.3 
   Arguile boat             0. 0.9 
   Ogeelsy Boat             0. 0.0.          26. 5. 7 1/2 
   Pylot boat at Tybee      5. 1.5 
   Repair of  boats         6. 2.8 
   Repair of Express boat   0.15.5


 
2. Buildg. a house to Receive Indians.        36. 2. 2 1/2
 
3. Bouverie farm, pd. Jo. Foulds Overseer     24. 7. 2
   of ye Fr. Servants there at 24 L p ann. 

4. Burial Ground at Savanah                     1. 8. 7
 
5. Cowpen                     0. 0. 0 
   Palachocolas Cowpen        0. 7. 7           15.19. 8 
   Feeding B!rust live Cattle 15.12.1.  
 
6. Expresses                                    63.10. 6
 
7. Guard at Savanah           12.11. 7 
   Do. at the Narrows          2.17.11          16. 1. 0 
   Do. at Thunderbolt            11. 6
 
8. Ebenezar [sic]                                 4.13. 8

 
9. Infirmary at Savannah                             2. 8
 
10. New Plantation near the town. 
Set out by Col. Oglethorpes Order,                42.18.10 1/2
unknown to the Trustees
 
 
11. To particular Persons viz.
 
To Noble Jones, as Surgeon, by Col. 
Oglethorpe's order, unknown to the 
Trustees                     26. 0.0
 
To Jo. Macdonald drumer at 
5 L  p an.                    6. 7. 0

 
To Slechtermans family. Sent                         41. 5.4 
to Port Arguile               6. 8.1
 
To Will. Russel, provision 
& clothes                     2.10.3

 
12. To Publick [sic] Works                          112. 3. 3
 
13. To Rejoicing days                                7.11 2 1/2
 
14. To Surveying                                     9.14.11   
 
15. To Trust Garden                                  1. 7. 2
 
16. To Trustees Great house in Savanah               3. 6. 2
 
17. To Trust Servts. over & above what 
mentioned in Article 1                               8. 1.11 1/2 
                                                   ---------------- 
                                                                   414.19.11 1/2 


 
3. Magistrates & Officers, viz.

 
1. To Mr. Hen. Parker 1. Bailif [sic] 
of Savanah, Sallary [sic].     30.0.0                    54.6.8 
& 2 Servts. at 12.3.4 each     24.6.8

 
2. Jo. Fallowfeild 2d. Bailif 20 L 
Sallary [sic], & 2 Servants at 12.3.4  wach              44. 6. 8


 
3. Tho. Jones 3d Bailif at do.                           44. 6. 8
 
4. Tho. Jones as Overseer of the Tr. Servants            30. 0. 0
 
5. To Tho. Christie, Eecorder 1 qur. only                 5. 0. 0
 
6. To Saml. Mercer 1. Constable                          10. 0. 0
 
7. To Robt, Potter, Constable 1 qur. only                 2.10. 0
                                                       -------------- 
                              Carry'd over              190.10. 0   -------------
                                                                    947.11.10 1/2


 
 
Brought Over                              190.10. 0     947.11.10 1/2

 
8. To Andrew Duchee 2d. Constable of Savanah 
at 10 L p ann.            5 Months 20 days                 4.15. 5
 
9. To Jo. Burton Tything Man               5. 0.0          5. 0. 0 
10. To Edwd. Jenkins do.                   5. 0.0          5. 0. 0 
11. To Elisha Poster do.                   5. 0.0          5. 0. 0 
12. To Ja. Papot do.                       5. 0.0          5. 0. 0 
13. To Walter Pox do.                      5. 0.0          5. 0. 0 
14. To Peter Morell do.                    5. 0.0          5. 0. 0 
15. To Jo. Lindal do.                      5. 0.0          5. 0. 0 
16. To Adrian Loyer do.                    5. 0.0          5. 0. 0 
17. To Will. Meers do.                     5. 0.0          5. 0. 0 
18. To Tho. Salter do.                     5. 0.0          5. 0. 0
 
19. to Jo. Sellier 1/2 year to 
    Lady day 1740                          2.10.0          2.10. 0
 
20. To Ja. Campbell 1 M. 7 days to 6 Novbr.  10.0            10. 0


 
21. To Tho. Ellis 1/2 year to 
    Michs. 1740                            2.10.0          2.10. 0

 
22. To Sami. Parker 5 M. 20 days to 
    Michs. 1740                            2. 7.2          2. 7. 2
 
23. To Jo. Giovanoli, chief Gardiner 
    in the Trust Garden 1 year endg. 
    Michs. 1740                                           20. 0. 0
 
24. To Jo. Clark, Pylot at Tybee 1 year                   12. 0. 0
 
25. To Lucy Mouse publick [sic] Midwife 1 year 5.0.0 
    and laying Mrs. Ledesma                5.0             5. 5. 0
 
26. To Phil. Bishop Schoolmastr. at Ebenezer 
    1 year                                                 5. 0. 0
 
27. To Sami. Parker & Tho. Bally, repairing 
    Militia Arms                                           4. 5. 4 
 

 
28. To Col. William Stephens, as Secrety. 
of the Province 
1 years Sallary to Michs. 1740    100. 0.0           188.15. 0.    418. 7.11 
& for a clerk 3/4 of a year        18.15.0

 
4. To the Widow Vandeplank by particular 
Allowance                                                           12.13. 4
 
5. To the church at Savanah, viz. 
1. Candles                          2. 4.6 
2. Wine                               18.0                           12. 6.10 
3. Repair of the Parsons house      9. 4.4

 
6. To Execution of Justice, prison &c viz.
                                                  ------------------------------- 
1. Provision for prisoners                            6. 4.10 1/2
 
2. Petty Expences, as taking Runaways, 
Sumong. Jurys &c.                                      4. 6. 2
                                                                    36.14/ 3 1/4 
3. A years Allowance to Mr. Dean, 
Sweepg. the jayl [sic].                                8. 6. 2
 
4. To Jo. Camphell jaylor [sic] at 20 L p ann. 
by Col. Oglethorpe's order unknown to 
the Trustees                          20.0.0           9. 9.11 
 
5. To Tho. Ellis, who acted in his absence             8. 6. 8
                                                    -----------------------------
 
7. 6. To Entertainment of Indians                                    105.16. 8

           
          ------------------------- 
8. To Trust Cattle viz.
 
1. Provision for people at Work at 
Ebenezar Cowpen              27. 7. 0 
 
2. A years allowance to Jos. Barker the 
Pindar there                                          24.12. 7
 
3. A month's Service of Jo. Mellidge there             2. 0. 0.       61 .18. 7
 
4. To Jo. Lindal, Pindar at Savannah                   2.19. 0 
 
5. To Hen. Parker for taking care of 84 
Steers on Hope Island, by Agreemt. of Col. 
Oglethorpe                                             5. 0. 0 
          -----------------------------

 
9. To Sickness, & relief of Trust Servants                         14.15. 4 1/2
 
10. To Schoolmaster at Savanah 1 year endg. 
Michs. 1740                             0. 0. 0
 
11. To expended on the Orphans                                      12.10. 4 1/2
                ---------------
                                                                  1622.15. 2-3/4 


 
 
            Brought Over                                   1622.15. 2-3/4


 
12. Silk Manufacture, viz.
 
1. Provisions to Camuch's family                 74.19.11 
2. Cartage for wood                               3. 8. 0.       79- 4. 6 
3. Petty incidental charges                         16. 7 
Total of payments On the years Estimate  ---------------------------------- 
ending Michs. 1740, as far as belong'd                        1701.19. 8-3/4 
to the Northern division of the Province
        
 
 
Other payments made belonging to the year 
ending Michlems. 1739

 
1. To Col. Will, Stephens 1 quartr. 
from Midsumr. to Michlemass 1739     25. 0. 0 
 
2. To Ja. Harbersham 1/4 Sallary [sic], as 
Schoolmasterat Savanah to Christmass [sic] 
1739           2.10. 0 
             49. 7. 0 
3. To Do. 1 years Sallary [sic] as Parish 
Clerk at Savanah, endg. Christmass [sic] 1739   1. 5. 0 
 
4. To Premium paid on 1O3 pound weight of 
Silk balls at 4 Shillings  pound, in the 
year ending Michlemass 1739      20.12. 0
 
 
 
NB. Mr. Tho. Jones Sent 400 L to Mr. Fra. 
Moore at Frederica towards discharging 
the Estimated Expences of the Southern 
division.

 
This Acct. was Sign'd by Mr. Tho. Jones, 
& Col. William Stephens 11 July 1741.



[This section seems to begin in mid-sentence. ed.]


 
concluded by a Peace; which Obliged the people of Carolina not to 
Settle beyond the River Savannah; and no Englishman was Settled within 
this District, that we know of, when the first Colony of Georgia 
arrived. The Country was then all Covered with Woods; Mr. Oglethorpe 
agreed with the Indians, and purchased of them the Limits mentioned in 
the Treaty.
 
The Town of Savannah was laid out, and began to be built; 
In which are now 142 houses, and good Habitable Hutts [sic]. The Soil in 
general, when cleared, is productive of Indian Corn, Rice, Pease [sic], 
Potatoes, Pumpions [sic], Melons; and many other kinds of Gourds, in great 
Quantitys [sic]; Wheat, Oats, Barly [sic], and other European Grains, tis 
found by divers Experiments may be propagated in many parts (more Especially 
in the Uplands towards Augusta) with Success. Mulberry trees and  Vines, 
agree Exceeding well with the Soil and Climate; and so does the 
Annual Cotton, whereof large Quantities have been raised; and tis much 
planted; but the Cotton which in some parts is perennial dies here in 
the Winter; which nevertheless the Annual is not inferiour [sic] to in 
Goodness, but requires more trouble in Cleansing from the seed. Cattle, 
Hogs, Poultry, and Fruit Trees, of most kinds, have encreased [sic] even 
beyond Imagination.
 
Ships of about 3OO Tonns [sic] can come up to the Town; where the worm 
(which is the plague of the American seas) does not eat; and the River 
is Navigable for large Boats, as far as the Town of Augusta, which lies 
in the Latitude of 33 deg. 5 Min. and is 250 Miles distant from 
Savannah by water; Small Boats can go 300 miles further to the Cherokees.
 
There is already a Considerable Trade in the River; and there 
is in this Town a Court House, a Goal, a Store house, a Large House 
for receiving the Indians, a Wharf or bridge, a Guard house and some 
other Publick [sic] Buildings; a Publick [sic] Garden of ten Acres cleared. Fenced, and planted with Orange trees Mulberry Trees, Vines, Some Olives 
which thrive very well. Peaches, Apples, &c.
 
It must be confessed that Oranges have not so universally thriven with us, 
as was expected, by reason of some Severe blasts by 
Frosts in the Spring, yet divers with proper Care, have preserved them; 
and as we see them grow and thrive well, with many of our neighbours [sic] 
of Carolina to the Northward; we are Convinced that they will with us 
also, as soon as we are become more perfect in the Knowledge of 
propagating them in a right manner: in order to which frequent Experiments 
are making; And we have already discovered not only what kind of Soil 
agrees best with them, but also that they flourish most when they 
grow under Forest Trees; whereby we imagine they are protected from 
Blasts; and tis observed that they take no harm from the droppings of 
any, except the Pine; which Suffers nothing to grow near it, unless of 
its own kind.
 
Notwithstanding the quantity of silk, hitherto made, has not 
been great, yet it increases; and will more and more Considerably, as 
the Mulberry Trees grow, whereof there are great numbers yearly 
planted.

 
Vines likewise of late are generally increased, many people 
appearing to have an Emulation of outdoing their Neighbours [sic]; and 
this year has produced a Considerable quantity of very fine Grapes; whereof 
one planter in particular made a tryal [sic], to see what kind of Wine they 
would make; which he put into a large Stone Bottle, and made a present of it 
to the General; who upon tasting, said he found it to he Something of the 
Nature of a Small French White Wine, with an agreeable Flavour [sic]; and 
Several persons here, who have lived formerly in Countrys [sic] 
where there is a plenty of Vineyards, do affirm that the young Vines, 
produce Small Wines at first, and the Strength and goodness of it 
encreases [sic] as the Vines grow Older.

 
Three miles up the River there is an Indian Town, and at Six 
miles distance ere Several considerable Plantations: At ten miles 
distance are some more, and at 15 miles distance is a little Village 
called Abercorn. Above that on the Carolina side is the Town of 
Purysburgh Twenty two miles from Savannah; and on the Georgia Side; 
Twelve miles from Purysburgh, is the Town of Ebenezer, which thrives 
very much; there are very good houses built for each of the Ministers, 
and an Orphan house; and they have partly framed Houses, and partly 
Hutts [sic], neatly built, and formed into Regular Streets; they have a 
great deal of Cattle, and Corn ground, So that they Sell provisions at 
Savannah, for they raise much more than they can Consume.

 
Thirty miles above Ebenezer on the Carolina Side, lies the 
Palachocolas [sic] Fort; Five miles above the Palachocolas [sic]on 
Georgia Side, lies the Euchee Town (or Mount Pleasant) to which about 
100 Indians belong; but few of them Stay now in the Towm, they Choosing 
rather to live dispersed.
 
All the Land from Ebenezer to the River Briers, belong to those Indians; 
who will not part with with the same; therefore it cannot be planted.

 
144 Miles above Mount Pleasant on the Carolina Side is Silver 
Bluff, where there is another Settlement of Euchee Indians: On both 
Sides of the River are feilds [sic] of Corn planted by them.
 
Thirty miles above Silver Bluff is New Windsor; formerly known 
by the Name of Savannah Town, or Moores Port; where there are but two 
or three Familys [sic]  on the Carolina Side, and a Small Fort.

 
Seven miles above New Windsor on the Georgia Side lies the Town 
of Augusta, just below the falls; this was laid out by the Trustees 
Orders in the year 1735; which has thriven prodigiously; there are 
several Warehouses thoroughly  well furnished with goods for the Indian 
Trade; and five large Boats belonging to the different Inhabitants 
of the Town; which can carry above 9 or 10,000 wt. of Deer Skin each, 
making four or five Voyages at least in a year to Chas. Town, for 
Exporting to England; and the Value of each Cargo is computed to be 
from 12 to L 1500 Sterl. Hither all the English Traders with their 
servants resort in the Spring; and tis Computed above 2000 horses 
come thither at that season, and the Traders, Packhorsemen, Servants, 
Townsmen and others, depending upon that Business are moderately 
Computed to be 600 White men; who live by their Trade; carrying upon 
Packhorses, all kinds of proper English Goods; for which the Indians 
pay in Deer Skins, Bever [sic], and other Furrs [sic]; each Indian hunter is 
reckoned to get $300 lb. of Deer Skins in a year. This is a very 
advantageous Trade to England since it is mostly paid for in 
Woollen [sic] and Iron.
 
Above this Town to the Northwest, and on the Georgia Side of the
River, the Cherokees live in the Valley of the Appelachin [sic] Mountains; 
they were about 5000 Warriours [sic]; but last year it is Computed they lost 
1000, partly by the small Pox, and partly (as they themselves say) by 
too much Rum brought from Carolina. The French are Striving to get 
this Nation from us, which if they do, Carolina must be Supported by a 
Vast number of troops or lost; But as long as we keep the Town of 
Augusta, our Party in the Cherokees, can be so easily furnished with 
Arms, Ammunition, and Necessarys [sic], that the French will not be able to 
gain any ground there.

 
The Creek Indians live to the Westward of this Town; Their Chief Town is the 
Cowetas, 200 miles from Augusta, and 120 miles from the nearest French Fort, 
The Lower Creeks consists of about 1000, and the Upper Creeks of about 700 
Warriours [sic], upon the Edge of whose Country, the French Fort of Albamaha 
lies; They are Esteemed to be sincerely Attached to His Majestys [sic] Interest.
 
Beyond the Creeks lie the Brave Chickesaws, who Inhabit near the Missisipi [sic] 
River, and possess the Banks of it; these have resisted Both the Bribes and Arms 
of the French; and Traders sent by Us live [sic]amongst them.
 
At Augusta there is a handsome Fort, where there is a Small 
Garison [sic] of about 10 or 15 men besides Officers; And one Reason that 
drew the Traders to settle the Town of Augusta, was the Safety they 
received from this Fort, which stands upon high ground on the 
side of the River Savannah; which is there 140 yards wide, and very
deep; another Reason was the Richness and Fertility of the Land; The 
great Value of this Town of Augusta occasioned the General to have a 
Path marked out, thro [sic] the Woods from thence to Old Ebenezer; and the 
Cherokee Indians have marked out one from thence to their Ration; so 
that Horsemen now can ride from the Town of Savannah to the Nation of 
Cherokees, and any other of the Indian Nations, all on the Georgia 
side of the River, but there are some bad places which ought to be 
Causewayed and made good; and which the General says he has not yet 
Capacity to do. This Road begins to be frequented, and will every 
day be more and more so, and by it the Cherokee Indians can at any 
time come down to our Assistance.
 
At Old Ebenezer there is a Cowpen, where the Trustees have a 
great number of Cattle; and 'tis hoped with Care they will amount to 
6 or 700 Head in another year; But they were much neglected; there 
not being horses or men sufficient to drive up the Young and outlying 
Cattle.
 
This is the Situation of the Settlements upon the River; At 
the Mouth of which, lies the Island of Tybee, with the Lighthouse, 
which has been of the greatest use to all Ships falling in with this 
part of America. But from Savannah Southward there are several Plan- 
tations (Besides the Villages of Hamstead and Highgate) several of 
which are Settled by such of the Inhabitants of the Town, as being 
able to purchase Cattle, have Petitioned for Leases of Lands, and 
are Settled upon those Lands by the Generals permission, untill [sic] the 
Trustees pleasure be known concerning the Leases; The terms they 
propose, is the Lease to be for 21 years, renewable every Seven years, 
upon paying one years purchase of the Improved Value; the first 7 
years to be free, and no fine paid for the first Renewal. Besides 
these Settlements there are some others of 500 Acres  Grant from the 
Trust; which extend as far as the Ogeechy [sic] River; Upon which River 
lies Fort Argyle, in such a Situation as is intended thereby to Command 
all the passes in that part of the province.
 
The next is Darien; where the Scots Highlanders are Settled; 
the Buildings are mostly Hutts [sic], but Tight and Warm; and the [sic] 
have a little Fort; They have been industrious in planting; and have got 
into driving of Cattle, for the Supply of the Regiments, &c; But this last 
year most of them going Voluntarily into the War, little was done at 
home where their Families remained.
 
Below the Town of Darien is the Town of Frederica, where there 
is a Strong Fort, and Storehouses; many good Buildings in the Town; 
some of which are Brick. There is a Meadow near adjoyning [sic] that is 
ditched in, of about 920 Acres, of which there is good hay made. The 
people have not planted much there this year. Occasioned by the War, so 
near their Doors; and being Chiefly Tradesmen, who make more by working, 
or Selling to the Camp, than they can by planting. There are some 
little Villages upon the island of St. Simons, and some very handsome 
handsome [sic] houses built by the Officers of the Regiment; and there 
has been Pot herbs. Pulse, and Frut [sic], productive upon the Island, of 
great use towards supplying the Town and Garrison; But Corn, Beer, and 
meat, they have from Elsewhere.
 
Between this Island and Jekyl [sic] Island is an Inlet of the Sea, 
called Jekyl [sic] Sound, which is a very fine Harbour [sic], and is one 
of the best Entrys [sic] the English have to the Southward of Virginia: 
This is an Excellent Station for Ships to Cruise on the Spaniards; it Commanding 
the homeward bound Trade, which must come thro' the Gulph [sic] of Florida, 
and near St. Simons: The Entry lies in 31. D 10.M The place is Barred, 
but upon the Bar there is water Sufficient every tide to carry in 20 
Gun Ships; and taking the best Opportunity, 40 Gun Ships may be 
carried in to refit, --a great Conveniency to a Squadron in this 
place. Upon Jekly [sic] Island there is but very little good Land; not above 
3 or 400 Acres, the rest being Sandy Sea Beach: Mr. Horton has his 
Lot upon this Island, and has made great Improvements there. To the 
Southward of Jekyl [sic] lies the Island of Cumberland, and the Fort of St. 
Andrews; Situated upon a fine Commanding ground, and on the S.E. of the 
Same Island, is another Strong Fort called Fort William, which Commands 
Amelia Sound, and the inland Passage from Augustine.
 
The next Island is Amelia: Beyond that is St. Johns, one of the 
Spanish Outguards: and Between forty and fifty miles from that 
that is Augustine.
 
We are now fully acquainted with the Colony, and what it will 
produce; the Inland part is hilly, till it rises into mountains, where 
all kinds of timber grow. Near the Sea the ground is more Level and 
Flat; where Laurels, Cedars, Cyprus, Bays, and Live Oak, are of the 
Size of timber Trees: Among the Shrubs, some of the principal are. 
Pomegranates, which will grow well in Hedges, Myrtle, Prickly Pear, 
Shumack [sic], Sassafrass [sic], China Root, Several Sorts of Snake Root 
Sc. The rising ground is frequently Clay, where Oak and Hickery [sic] 
mostly grow, as also does in a great part of the Flat Land that is dry, 
where Walnut, Ash, Gum Tree, Oak of Several kinds, Hickery [sic], Beech, 
Wild Cherries, &c, are in great plenty to he found; The Higher Lands are of 
a Sandy Surface; where Pines usually grow, all parts producing Trees of 
some kind or other; except the Savannahs, and Marshes, which bear 
Grass; and many of the Low Land Swamps covered with Canes, which are 
Excellent Food for Cattle in the Winter. Where the Oak and Hickery [sic] 
grow, the Soil is in general of a Strong nature; and very well esteemed 
for planting; being found by Experience to produce the best Crops of 
Indian Corn, and most sorts of Grains except Rice, which thrives best 
in Swampy Ground. 

This is only Spoken of the Lower parts of Georgia 
which reaches from the Sea Shore to the Foot of the Hills; being a Flat 
Country of 60 or 70 miles or more in Breadth. The Hill Country is very 
different, there being Marble, Chalk, Gravel, Rocks, and all the  
Same Variety of Soil that is in Europe. With respect to the Proportion 
of the different kinds of Soil, it cannot be given, unless the 
whole were Survey'd; but the American Dialect distinguishes Band into 
Pine, Oak and Hickery [sic], Swamp, Savannah and Marsh. Near the Town of 
Savannah we have found Stone, which is dugg [sic] for Building; as there is 
also good Clay, whereof Bricks are made; and a Pottery Work is carried 
on with Success, where Common Ware for most uses is made in good 
plenty, and Exported to the Neighbouring [sic] Provinces; and the Master who 
is of an Enterprizing [sic] Genius, has undertaken as soon as he has made 
proper Furnaces, to make a Superfine Sort, of such as shall be not 
inferiour [sic] to Porcelain itself; but a little time will discover his 
further performances.

 
The Coast is Low, with a hard Sandy Beach; when we approach it 
at 25 leagues distance we find ground in 25 Fathom Water, and it Shoals 
gradually to the Shore: the Soundings being so regular, makes it a 
safe Coast to fall in with; having good Anchoring all along and no 
Rocks: The Mouths of the Rivers Savannah and Altamahah [sic] makes a great 
number of Islands; and the Entrys [sic] between them form good Harbours [sic]: 
To the Southward of Tybee are the following Entrys [sic]; Viet. Wassaw [sic], 
Assebah [sic], St. Catherines, Sapello [sic], Doboy [sic], St. Simons, which 
is the North Entry to Frederica; Jekyl Sound, which is the South Entry to 
Frederica; to which place the Channel is Navigable from the Ordinary place of 
Anchoring in the Sound, for Ships of a good Burthen up to the Town.
 
The Staple of the Country of Georgia being presumed, and 
intended to be, principally Silk and Wine, every year Confirms more 
our hopes of Succeeding in those two, from the great Increase (as has 
been before observed) of the Vines and Mulberry Trees; wherein persever- 
ance only can bring it to perfection. Several other things might be 
produced, and perhapps [sic] more immediately profitable to the planters; 
but it is apprehended that it is not any Business of this Colony, nor any 
benefit to the Trade of England to interfere with what other English 
Plantations have produced, such as Rice &c.
 
As the Boundary of the Colony are now known, together with the 
Climate, and manner of Agriculture; more might be done henceforward in 
one year, than could in several years before we attained to that know 
ledge; But our People are weak; being decreased, by great numbers 
having been decoyed away to other Colonys [sic]: Many having taken to 
Idleness, upon Shutting up the Store went away; but those who Stayed 
and now remain, are Still a Body of the most valuable People, that find 
means to live Comfortably; Some by their trades; some by planting, and 
raising live Stock; and some by their Labour, either by Land or Water; 
and one of those remaining, are worth three that left us, for such 
Work; And if an Embarkation was to come in with the next year, it 
would be of great service to the Colony; the Saltzburghers wishing for 
more of their Countrymen, and having been very Industrious. 
The persons sent from England on the Charity Charity were 
of the unfortunate; many of whom have by their Industry proved that they 
deserved better, and have thriven; many also shewed they were brought 
into those misfortunes by their own faults; and when those who quitted 
their own Country to avoid Labour, Saw Labour stand before their Eyes 
in Georgia, they were easily perswaded [sic] to live in Carolina, by Cunning, 
rather than Work; this has been a great misfortune also upon many 
persons, who brought over servants indented to serve them for a 
Certain number of years; who being picked up in the Streets of London, 
or Some such manner; their Masters found them unfit for Labour; and 
many of them took such opportunitys [sic] as they could get, to desert and 
fly into Carolina, where they conoid be protected. Indeed Good and Bad 
which came from England, were mostly Inhabitants of Towns there; but 
such Seldome [sic] turn out good Husbandmen with their own hands; yet some 
of them proved very usefull [sic] in a New Colony; Since they most readily 
compose Towns, which is the first thing necessary, to be a receptacle 
for New Comers: And from thence, when all Demands of Labour, for 
Building, and Trade, are Supplyed [sic]; the Laborious people may enlarge 
into the Country, and raise provisions for the use of the Towns; 
Whereas if the first were all Labouring [sic] Countrymen, they would naturally 
disperse to the most fertile Land, and perhapps [sic] Succeed for a while, but 
want of Neighbourhood [sic] and Markets, would force most of them to remove; 
and the Country remain little or nothing the better 
improved; as it happened in Virginia, till the Government with great 
difficulty at last, raised Towns in that Province.

 
It ought not here to he passed over, how ready the Country is 
to receive a number of German Familys [sic], accustomed to Husbandry, 
such as usually come once a year down the Rhine to Holland, and Embark thence 
for America, or the East Indies; Some of these we have already had 
Experience of; insomuch that the people here, would take off a 
good number of them: And twould [sic] be of great service (as we apprehend) 
to this Colony, at present, to send a Ship over loaden [sic] with Germans, 
on the Same terms Mr. Hope does to Philada., only taking care that 
provisions for them in their passage be more plentifull [sic], and that they 
are less Crowded than on Board his Ships. The Terms are; they pay 
half their Passage themselves on Embarking; and Six Weeks after their 
Arrival, to pay the other half; which they generally do, with private 
Contracts to people; but in Case they do not; then they may be bound 
by the Ship Master for 4 or 5 years, if they are above 21 years of Age; 
but if under, they may be bound untill [sic] the Age of 21 if men, and 18 if 
Girls. It must be at the same time confessed, that divers of these 
foreigners have, during the time of their Servitude, shewn [sic] themselves 
of a dogged disposition; Surly and obstinate; discovering an Aversness [sic] 
to their Masters Orders; which proceeds (as we imagine) from a dislike of 
their being Subject to Strangers; whilst others again have behaved well; but 
it may be alledged [sic] with truth, that when, or wheresoever among us, any 
of them have Worked for their Own Benefit; they are Indefatigable, and outdone 
by none, which joined with great Parsimony, fits them for Excellent Settlers 
when free.
 
To Enable the Industrious English Settlers to go on with plant- 
ing, who are truly desirous of Cultivating Land; We humbly conceive 
nothing could be a greater Inducement to it, than that the Honble. 
Trustees would please to import yearly, so long as they see good, a 
Number of English or Welsh Servants, such as are used to hard labour in 
the Country, and Strangers to London; to be contracted with in England 
to serve the Trustees for Five years, from two to four pounds yearly 
Wages, according to their Ability, for finding themselves in Apparel.
 
Those Servants on their arrival to be hired by the Inhabitants for one 
year; the person hiring to pay over and above the Contracted Wages, One 
pound yearly to the Trustees, so that in five years the passage money 
will be paid; And to enable the planters to pay the said Wages; it is 
humbly proposed, that a Bounty be Settled on every product of 
the Land, Vizt. Corn, Pease, Potatoes, Wine, Silk, Cotton, Flax &c; to 
what value the Honourable [sic] Trustees shall Judge meet; to be limited in 
the following, or any other manner; Vizt. for the first-Years the 
said Bounty to be payable for Corn, Pease, Potatoes &c; only; and 
thence forward to cease wholly; and the residue of years wherein any 
Bounty should be allowed, to be payable only for Silk, Wine Oyl [sic] &c; 
By which means the planter so assisted, might be able to live; 
whilst at the same time he propagates. Vines, Mulberry Trees, &c; from 
which he can Expect no immediate Benefit before they come to some 
Maturity. A Rule to be made that they who hire the said servants, shall 
employ then only in plantation Work of their own, and not let them out 
at hire to work at Handycraft Trades, or any other Business &c. That 
each servant shall serve one whole year; and if they part at the years 
end, he shall find himself another Master within ----- days to serve for 
one year also; and so on to the End of their Respective Times to serve: 
by which means Good Masters will not want Good servants; and 'twill 
be a great means to make other Masters become Good, in Order to get 
Good Servants, Or else he content with the Bad or none. If any 
dispute arise between Masters and servants, such to he determined by 
the Magistrates according to the Laws of England, wherein the Magis- 
trate concerned as a Party, shall not appear as a Judge; or offer to 
interfere with the Opinion of the others; but acquiesce in their deter- 
mination, If it happens to be in favour [sic] of the servant, whom they 
ought to defend from Cruel Usage; and where they find such Evil Treat 
ment, either thro [sic] too severe Correction, or want of Sufficient 
wholesome food, according to the Custom of the Colony; the Magistrates 
to have power of vacating such Services; and obliging the servants to 
find another Master.
 
The kind Intention of the Honble. Trustees to Extend the Tenure 
of Lands in the manner proposed, (as signifyed [sic] to their Secretary 
here) gave great great Satisfaction to all reasonable persons; who 
seemed to desire no more, and only wish to find that ratifyed [sic]; 
which they apprehend to he not yet done; and that occasions some Anxiety 
about it.
 
Whither these helps, or whatever other, the honble. Trustees 
shall he pleased to afford us; the Ability of the Inhabitants to 
Support themselves, must still in a great measure depend on the Indus 
try and Frugality of each; Divers in the Province who understand 
planting, and are already Settled; provided they can attain to some 
live Stock, can and do Support themselves. Men working for Hire, Boat 
men, Packhorsemen, &c. Support themselves very well if they will work; 
and more such would, were they to be found: Shopkeepers, Tradesmen, 
and Artificers, Such as Tallow Chandlers, Soap Boylers [sic], Brasiers, 
Sadlers, Shoemakers, Tanners, &c, live very well on their Business here, 
And many more might, were there more Merchants to import Goods for 
Supplying the Indian Traders; which would encrease [sic] the resort to 
Savannah; whereas those Traders are now Obliged to get the greatest 
part of What they want from Charles Town in Carolina. New planters, 
and such as go upon particular Improvements; Such as Wine, Silk, &c, 
will need Some Assistance. Magistrates, Constables, & Tythingmen [sic], 
and others whose time is taken up in the Publick [sic] service, require 
some allowance for the Same; It is also needfull [sic] for the well being 
of the Colony, that Roads should be maintained; Posts for communication of 
Letters; and Forts upon the Frontiers, as well towards the Indians 
as Spaniards, be Supported; as likewise the publick [sic] Works; which the 
people here are in no degree able to bear.
 
When the East Part of the province of Georgia was taken possession 
of under the Trustees Charter by Mr. Oglethorpe, according to the 
Limits of the British Dominions in America; Forts were Erected upon 
the Extremitys [sic], to keep up marks of Possession; The Strength and 
Materials were of such a Nature as the men he had with him could make; 
and sufficient for Defence [sic] against any Strength that could be 
brought against them, by the Neighbouring [sic] Indians, or Spaniards 
in Florida.
 
The first foundation of the Colony was upon Tenures by which each 
Lot was to be Occupied by a Freeholder, Obliged to take Arms for the 
Defence [sic] of the Colony: And this Militia with the Assistance of our 
Friendly Indians, held the Colony against all Attempts of the Spaniards 
from Augustine; who alarmed them almost every Spring, pretending a 
Claim, and therefore a Right to Invade, without being said to infringe 
ye peace, but did not take one foot of ground from us.

 
In the beginning of the year 1738 great preparations were made 
at the Havannah [sic], and troops were sent from thence and Old Spain to 
Augustine for the taking possession (as they called it) of that part of 
Carolina in which Georgia was comprehended, and which they gave out 
Belonged to them. Upon the Trustees having Early notice of these great 
preparations, they applied to his Majesty to take upon him the Protec- 
tion of the Colony, which in its Infancy was unable to repel so 
great a Force; His Majesty thereupon order'd a Regiment to be raised 
And Posted on the Spanish Frontiers; Since which, the war is broke 
out, and that Regiment with the Assistance of Troops and Indians 
raised in Georgia and Carolina in Conjunction with a Squadron of men of 
War; Attacked Augustine; and after raising the Seige [sic] of that place, 
remained in the possession of the Frontiers as before the War: But for 
the Defence [sic] of the Colony now, it is necessary to have Vessels that can 
Act in Shoal water, on so large and extended a Frontier, towards the 
Sea, and Rangers who can ride the Woods; as also Artillery and all 
other things necessaryly [sic] appertaining thereto; and means for augmenting 
our Fortifications equal to the increased Strength of the Spaniards.



 
Savannah 10th Novbr. 1740
 
We whose names are hereunto Suhscribed being duly Sworn in Open 
Court, do declare that the above State of the Province of Georgia is 
true according to the best of our knowledge, and from the most certain 
informations we could obtain from others: And do desire that the Seal 
of this Court may be affixt thereto.
 
Patr. Graham 
Jos. Fitzwalter 
Jas. Canwells 
Thos. Upton 
Giles Becu 
Thos. Egerton 
Thos. Cundel

 
N.B. These 7 at their own 
Voluntary desire were 
admitted to Sign it 
and were Sworn before 
the Magistrates out of 
Court.

 
Antho. Camuse 
John Burton 
Josp. Pavey 
Robt. Hainks 
John Mellidge 
Thos. Bayley (Smith) 
George Johnson 
Samll. Parker 
Thomas Palmer.
 
Willm. Stephens 
Henry Parker 
Thomas Jones 
Samll. Mercer 
James Campbell 
John Rae 
Noble Jones 
Thomas Young 
Thomas Ellis.





 

Mr. Tho. Eyre to Robt. Eyre Esq. Recd. 2 May 1741 
Frederica 4 Dec. 1740

 
Sir

 
The 26th of last month I had the pleasure of receiving a letter 
from you inclosed in a packet to the Genl., in which there was an 
account of the box and particulars inclosed, wch, you were So good as 
to Send me. Nothing was more acceptable than the cloaks both to my 
friend and my Self. The Cash came very opportunly [sic] too to enable 
me to carry on my little Improvments and Buildings, which (tho Small) I 
Should have found ly [sic] heavy on me, if it had not been for the 
Supply which you were So kind as to Send me.
 
The Genl. Has fixt [sic] me intirely [sic] in this town, and has granted 
me a lot on which I have Several peach & orange trees, with a Small house 
which I have repair'd & now live in, a plan of which, together with one 
of the barracks now building for two Companies lying here, with the 
design of the Fort now carrying on, as also an abstract from my Journals 
I beg leave to Send you; The Originals I Shall keep until I have the 
pleasure of delivering them to you with my own hands.
 
I deliver'd your letter the moment I receiv'd it to his Excellency 
being in the room with him at the time that it came to hand: he 
Said Several kind things to me, and was very well pleas'd with the 
notice you take of me in honouring [sic] me with So many of your letters.
 
Upon my asking him what account I Should give of my Self to you, he 
gave me leave to assure you that I was of the number of Second Ensigns, 
and Should Succeed Ensign Mace as Sub-Ingenier [sic], Upon the death of 
Monsr. Thomas, the Genl. order'd two Comissions [sic] to be made out. 
One for Colo. Cook as chief Ingenier [sic], the other for Ensign Mace as 
Sub; Mr. Mace died imediatly [sic] upon our return from St. Augustine, upon 
which the Genl. dispatch'd a boat with a letter to me to St. Andrews, 
to assure me that I Should Succeed: this was the 26 of August last, 
and tho we have had frequent advice that those Commissions are 
establish'd, from Lt. Horton & Col. Williamson, the chief's at 15 
Shillgs., and the Sub's at 5 Shillgs. P diem, yet the Comissions [sic] are 
not come over as yet, nor dos the Genl. take any notice or concern 
himself about them. As the footing that the Ingeniers [sic] are upon 
in this place cannot be a Secret to you, I beg to know how they are to 
be paid, or upon what Estsblishmt. they are.
 
When the Genl. was pleas'd to Send me up to the Indian Nation, 
he gave me a comission [sic] as Agent; as my Predecesor [sic] Capt. Lacy 
had a Sallary [sic] for Sewing in the Same Station, I beg to know from you 
whether I may expect the Same or not; I never have apply'd for it, nor 
will I, unless you think it proper I Should. A Copy of my Comission, 
wth. the date of it, is inclosed with the other papers.
 
In one of your letters you observ'd that you Seldom heard from 
this part of the world: it would be the greatest concern to me if 
you Should think me neglectfull [sic] of your comands [sic]; but the ill 
usage which Several gentlemen complain'd of in having their letters inter- 
cepted & open'd, prevented my being So particular in my accounts of 
this Country, as I otherwise Should have been: However as my accounts 
Shall contain nothing but the real truth, and what I Shall never be 
backward to own, what follows is in brief the present State of this 
Southern part of Georgia.
 
At our return from St. Augustine our Settlements on Amelia & 
Cumberland were thrown up. The highland Servants who planted a Small 
Spot of ground on Amelia, enter'd into the Highland Independent Company 
at Darien, Where they are fixd & number'd as Freeholders of that 
town. Nothing keeps then from leaving the Province (as Several from 
Darien have lately done) but the pay of 3 Shillgs.  week. I have been 
in that town, and know most of the Inhabitants, and I assure you that 
the Improvments [sic] of the whole are not able to afford a comfortable 
living to One family. 
 
There never was any Improvment [sic] on Cumberland, except a Small 
Plantation of Indian Corn, pumkins [sic] and water melons; This was 
abandond [sic] as I Said before, and the 2 Companies which lay on this Island 
drawn off to garison [sic] Frederica,. Here are two Forts, one on the S. 
end of the Island, the other on the N. End. The first is call'd Fort 
William and garison'd with 30 Men, the other Fort St. Andrews and 
garison'd by 20 Men, who are relieved every month by detachments from 
the largest guns in England; Besides you may judge of the inconsider- 
ableness of these Forts, when the first did not cost 50 L, and the 
Second not above 12 L, consisting only of Small Streight [sic] trees cut 
into lengths of 14 foot, & Set close to one another upright in the ground.
 
On this Island (St. Simons) we have the town of Frederica, the 
Camp on the S. Point of the Island, a German Vilage [sic], and a new 
Settlement of about 20 marry'd Soldiers call'd Southampton.
 
The Town of Frederica contains about 40 Famelies [sic] besides the 
Soldiers, and of these, I dare answer, there is not one that plants or 
improves his 5 acre or 45 acre lot. The only thriving people are the 
Publick [sic] housekeepers. And the rest of the Inhabitants Support 
themselves mostly by the Soldiers as well as the Inn-keepers.
 
At the Camp on the S. Point there are lots run out, and a great deal of 
labour bestowed on them, yet to very little purposefor there is not one 
of those Planters that raised corn Sufficient for their fowls, and Several 
of them quite dispirited have thrown up their ground.
 
The people of Southampton have been Settled only Since last 
August, So that you cannot expect much Improvment [sic] from them.
 
The German Vilage [sic] consists only of 7 or 8 families, & those 
but lately Free from Service.
 
This is the real truth, and present State of these Southern 
parts: the Northern as far as I can learn are full as bad, and 
Savannah which Some time agone [sic] could raise 4 or 5OO Men, is now 
ruinous, the Inhabitants are gone away, and the houses are tumbling down. 
The people throughout the Province are discontented & uneasie, [sic] 
(not from any apprehensions from the Enemy) & not only hope, but expect
to be removed to Some of the Northern Provinces.
 
There never can remain any money in the Colony, as we are intirely [sic] 
maintain'd from New York & Carolina; Tis to those places  all our money goes, 
and for nothing but provisions only; We have no  manufacture here to give in 
return for necessaries, and the first Inhabitants of this place are ready to 
affirm, that they are worse in regard to their Stock now, than they were before 
the Regiment came among them. Upon the whole, I can't See this place is the 
least advantage to us, but a constant charge to the Goverment [sic]. The 
Spaniards were here long before us, but finding it to be not worth preserving, 
they abandon'd it. You may be inform'd that they were turnd [sic] out by the 
Indians, but the place is So Situated, that all the Indians in America could 
not dislodge them.
 
I assure you I am not byass'd [sic] in this relation by any prejudice; 
the Gentleman who delivers this (Ensign Leman of our Regiment) can 
vouch for the truth of it, tho I have no manner of reason to doubt of 
your beleif [sic]. But in a relation of this nature, I thought it 
advisable to give all the proofs possible of what I assert.
 
There are Several reasons to make us beleive [sic] that we (the 
Regiment) Shall not continue here: And on the other hand, we can hardly 
think, that after the expence [sic] it has been to the Government, this 
place Should be abandon'd. This Uncertainty we are under would make 
any account that you would be pleased to Send very agreable [sic]. The 
News too, for 3 or 4 months past, tho old to you would be new and 
entertaining here.
 
I have nothing more to add but that all the particulars you were So 
kind as to Send me came Safe to hand, and were acceptable. I am Sir 
with a Sincere wish for a continuance of yours and Mrs. Eyres health
 
Your most obliged & obedt. humbe. Servt. 
Tho. Eyre






 
4th. Decembr. 1740 Mr. Tho. Eyre, to Robt. Eyre Esq., 
reed. 2. May 1741
 
An Abstract from my Journals, from 
my Attending Genl. Oglethotpe to the 
Indian Nation to the raising of the 
Seige [sic] of St. Augustine

 
July 8th 1739.

General Oglethorpe set out from Frederica for the Indian 
Nation, the 10th we arrived at Savannah, where we lay untill [sic] the 
17th. A boat 50 Miles up the River Savannah, We got there the 21st. 
from whence after making necessary preparations for our Journey thro [sic] 
the Woods, We Set out the 25th. And August the 9th. Enter'd the 
Coweta Town, having Rode 275 Miles; Our Method of Travelling [sic] thro [sic]  the 
Woods was this. As Early as possible we set out and rode untill [sic] 11 
O Clock, when we lay by for two or three hours to dress our Meat, 
and rest our horses, After which we rode to within an hour of Sun Set, 
when we took up our Quarters for the night, Generally by the side of a 
Rivulet, We Secure our horses from Straying by tying their fore feet 
with a Leather Strapp [sic], and fastening a Bell about their necks to give us 
notice where they are in the morning, We then post our Guard to prevent 
a Surprise by the Spanish Indians, after this we divide our Selves into 
Small partys [sic], four or five to Each, and make our fires, round wch. we 
Stretch our Selves with our Saddle under our heads, our Arms by our 
Sides, the Ground our Bed, and our Covering the Heavens, and no 
better Accomodations yn. [sic] these in the Worst of Weather, In the 
day time we Generally had good diversion in hunting Buffaloe [sic], deer, 
Wild Turkeys &ca. with which the Country abounds.
 
The Land is of a Sandy nature, and Consequently Barren, On the Banks of Rivers 
we meet with a Spot of good ground, which Seldomreaches further yn. the River 
overflows after heavy rains. 
 
In our way we crossed Several Rivers, the most remarkable of which were, the 
Hogachee [sic] which after a Course of about 3OO miles Emptys [sic] itself 
into the Sea about 40 miles to the Southward of Savannah. On this river Stands 
Fort Argyle, on the Road from Darien to Savannah, Next the Oconee which Unites 
with the Oakmulgtee [sic] and forms the Allatemaha [sic] which near Darien 
discharges itself into the Sea after a Course pretty near Equal to that of the
Hogcachee [sic], and forms several Sounds or Inlets, particularly those of 
St. Simons, and Jekyl [sic]. But the two Principal rivers are the Flint and 
Chattahouchee [sic] (on which last the Lower Creek Indians are Settled) both 
of these rivers rise in the Cherrokee [sic] Mountains, and Uniting at a place 
called the Forks, about two days Journey below the Indian Nation run into the 
Bay of Apalachee near St. Marks, a place where Some Spaniards are Settled and 
have a Fort.
 
We were very well received and Entertained by the Indian Chiefs, 
particularly by Chicola who is the Principal man in the Lower Nation, 
they paid the General all the Honours [sic] that they were Capable of by 
Singing and dancing, before him with white Feathers in token of peace; 
They entertained us with Several of their Excercises [sic], particularly a 
Ball play, in which they shewed a great deal of Strength, Skill and 
Activity.
 
There is no such thing as property among those people 
except only in regard to their Wives, and altho in other Nations of 
Indians Even Wives are in Common, here they are not, but Adultery is 
punished in both the Offending Persons, by Cutting the Ears and hair 
of the Woman, and by severely beating and Cropping the man.
 
In giving a Character of these people, I may venture to Say 
that, they are an inoffensive people, of a Mild easy disposition. 
Courteous to Strangers, and very little acquainted with Vice before 
the Traders came among them, who have Almost Debauched them by their Bad 
Example.
 
The Land on which they are Settled is very fruitfull [sic] producing 
great (Quantitys of Indian Corn, Spanish Potatoes, Melons. Pease [sic] &ca. 
They raise also great Stocks of Fowles, and Hogs, which Enables them to 
Live in a Plentifull [sic] Manner.
 
Some few days passed before the Chiefs from every Town could be 
Assembled, on the 13th they met at the Cursita [sic] town, where Articles 
of Alliance, Peace and Commerce, were renew'd between the English and 
Creek Indians, and Copys [sic] of them given to several of the Chiefs, the 
Grants also of the Lands lying between the River Savannah, and River 
St. Johns, with the Islands on the Sea Coast Lying between the said 
rivers (Sapilo [sic], St. Catherines, and Ossabaw Excepted) was Confirm'd 
to the English;
 
The General then redressed Several Grievances which the Indians 
complained of, and recommended it to the Traders to Lower the price of 
Goods, which they did. After this the Genl. fell ill of a Feaver [sic] which 
continued violent so long, that we began to fear for him, however in 
a few days his Disorder left him, and immediatly [sic] on his Recovery 
he gave Orders for making necessary Preparations for our Return.
 
Accordingly the 27th. we set out, after taking our Leave of the Chiefs, 
and September the 5th. Enter'd Augusta, A Town Inhabited chiefly by 
Indian Storekeepers and Traders. The Town is well Scituated [sic] in a 
pleasant healthy part of the Country, and on the Banks of the River 
Savannah, on the Georgia Side of the River, we were Saluted at our 
Entrance with 17 Guns from the Fort, which is built with wood, in a 
Square form, on the Rivers side, and Commanded by Mr. Kent. Here the 
General met Mr. Brown with the Cherokee Indians who live in the Moun- 
tains, and to the Northward of the Creeks. The General gave them a 
kind Reception, promised them a Supply of Corn, upon their Complaining 
of a Scarcity, occasioned by the Small Pox which had Swept off great 
numbers of them, and dismissed them well Satisfied with Several pre- 
sents to their Chiefs. During our Stay here we had an Acct. by an 
Express that War was declared between England and Spain, which News 
obliged the General to dispatch business with the Utmost Expedition, 
so that on the 15th. we Set out by water for Savannah, and the 21st. 
arrived there. In our way we passed by several Forts and Settlements 
on both sides the River, particularly Fort Moore on the Carolina Side, 
within five Miles of Augusta, this Garison [sic] is Supported by the 
Carolinans [sic] as a Check upon the Indians, and for the Security of their 
Trade, At Pallachocolas another Fort on the Carolina Side we heard 
that the Negroes had risen and destroyed Several Families, but at length 
were happily dispersed by the Planters. 

We called at Ebenezer on the Georgia Side, where I had Just time to observe 
that the Inhabitants, the Saltzburghers were in a Thriving way (the 
Consequence of Industry) at Savannah the Genl. was assured of a Rupture 
between England and Spain, upon which Lieut. Dunbar was dispatched to 
Charles Town about some business of Importance, and on the 29tn. I received 
my Commissn. as Agent among the Cherokee Indians, and Instructions to make 
the best of my way directly to that Nation, and demand their assistance 
against the Spaniards, As the Number of Cherokees we expected down was 
pretty large, the General formed them into a Company under the Command 
of Capt. Sami. Brown, and he was to have had Six Lieuts. and twelve 
Ensigns I had a Power from the Genl. to grant Commissions, and engage 
as many White men to come down with them as I could raise. The Sight 
on which I received my Dispatches I set out by water for Ebenezer, where 
I got a Servant and horses, the horse that I rode failed me in about 50 
Miles riding, and reduced me to the necessity of Walking 80 miles the 
remainder of the way to Augusta, At which place I arrived October 4th. 
after three days travel in Extream [sic] bad weather, without provisions 
(having lost what we brought out with us in Swiming [sic] Rivers) besides 
having a Cane run thro [sic] my Leg, in Endeavouring [sic] to force my way 
thro [sic] a Boggy Swamp.
 
At Augusta I deliver'd to Mr. Brown (whom I found very ill) his 
Commission of Capt. of the Company of Cherokee Indians, I afterwards 
Signed one of Lieut, for Mr. Holmes, I also gave a Commission to one 
Gray from the Genl. to bring down as many of the Uchees, and 
Chickesaws who live about Augusta as possible; I also Spoke to them my 
Self, and was promised by both Mr. Gray and them, that they would set 
out in a few days to join the General. Mr. Brown's illness Continuing, 
and there being no prospect of his being in a Condition to under goe [sic] 
the fatigue of a Winters Journey, It was agreed that Mr. Holmes and I 
should go up to the Indian Nation, and endeavour [sic] to bring down those 
who were not gone out a hunting, altho we promised our Selves no Success, 
on Account of their Hunting Season being so far advanced, yet, thinking
 
that it might he a means of Engaging them for the Spring we Set out on 
the 16th. and on the 20th. got Safe into Toogolo [sic] the first town of the 
Nation that we come to, when we travel on the Georgia Side of the River 
Savannah, we rode about 160 miles, and Crossed Several Elvers which 
ran into the Savannah, particularly the Korougua [sic], and Choroweega [sic], 
The Country up this way is far preferable to that which lies towards the 
Creek Indians, The Land produces Oak, Icory [sic], and Chestnut, very few 
Pines, and has but a Small mixture of Sand in it.
 
The 21st I assembled the Chiefs of all the Adjacent towns at Toogolo [sic], 
where I deliver'd my Message to them, and told them that those 
who were willing to go with me, should have notice a few days before my 
return from the upper parts of the Nation. Their Answer was that they 
had lost most of their young men by the Small pox, that the living were 
Scarcely Sufficient to bury the dead, that those few who remained 
alive were out of hunting, in three months time they would return 
from the Woods, should go down with me. And this was the Answer I had in 
every Town where I had a meeting of the Chiefs. I travelled thro [sic] 
this whole Country, which is divided into different Settlements which are 
Separated from each other by a large Range of Mountains, some so high that 
the Snow lyes [sic] on them the whole year round, Severall [sic] of those 
ridges I have been obliged to pass, where the Road has been so narrow and 
Shelving that I was forced to dismount and walk, in other places the Road 
has been so Steep for miles together that there was no other way to get up 
but by Catching hold of the boughs of trees, and the Rocks which lie on 
the Side of the Mountains. The Remainder of the time which I Spent in the 
Nation, I was Employed in Examining the Traders Licences [sic], Turning out 
those who had no Authority to Trade, In Reconciling differences between the 
Indians and Traders, and putting a Stop to the Use of Rum, which the 
Carolinans [sic] brought and sold to the Indians. 

After these Affairs were Settled I left the 
nation on the 11th. Novr., and on the 15th. got into Augusta, where I 
found Mr. Brown in good health, I waited here a few days for Mr. Holmes 
who was willing to go down and wait on the General. The 25th. we set 
out by water, and Dec. 2d arrived at Savannah, from thence we set out 
on the 6th. and 11th. came up with the General who was Encamped on the 
Florida Side of the River St. Johns with a party of his own Regt. and 
some Indians. He received Mr. Holmes very well, and approved of my 
Conduct. In a Short time he dismissed Mr. Holmes and desired him to 
assure the Indians that I should return to their Nation immediately 
after this Expedition was over; We Marched half way to St. Augustine, 
Saw Several partys [sic] of the Enemies flying from us, but could not 
have the Satisfaction of Engaging with them. Our Indians killed a 
Negroe [sic], and brought his Scalp, after this we returned. And the 
14th. the General Embarqued [sic] with his Men for St. Simons, and 
dispatched Lieut. Dunbar, with 12 Soldiers, and ten Indians in two 
Boats up the River to Search for two Forts, after rowing 60 miles up 
the River (which widens in some places to 5 or 6 miles) we discover'd 
the two Forts, and Landing our party marched up and attacked that Fort 
on the St. Augustine Side, named Picolata, We held a Smart fire for a 
considerable time, but having one man killed and severall [sic] wounded 
our Commander thought  proper to retire, which we did in good Order, the 
Enemy not daring to follow us, we made the best of our way for Frederica, 
where we arrived the 23d,  and were well received by the General, who 
immediately made preparations for reducing those two Forts. 

He denyed [sic] me the pleasure of Attending him, but Jany. the 6th. 
dispatched me off for the Cherokees, the 10th. I arrived at Savannah, 
where I was obliged to make some Stay for an opportunity to go to Augusta, 
And at last I was obliged to take a passage by water tho both long and 
tedious and frequently obliged to Sit to an Oar, or Stand to the Helm 
where the Current was Strong against us. The 15th. of Feby. I got to Augusta; 
Here I had an Acct. by the Chickesaw [sic] King that his Excellency had had 
reduced the two Forts without the loss of a Man, and had taken Several 
prisoners.
 
The 19th. I Set out for the Cherokees Mr. Brown and Mr. Holmes 
being there before me, and 23 Enter'd Keeowee, the first Town on the 
Carolina Side of the River, I proceeded immediately for Mr. Brown's 
parts, here we Assembled the Chiefs of all the Middle Settlements, 
and had Encouragement from them to hope for Success, yt [sic] the Traders 
gave me a great deal of trouble, by privately dissuadeing [sic] 
the Indians from going with me, So Strong a party had they formed that 
just on the point of Leaving the Nation, I was threatned [sic] to be attacked 
If I should pretend to carry any of their people away, but they found 
me so well prepared that they thought proper to desist, and let me 
bring down 106 of the best men that they had, with 20 White men, whom 
I raised in the Nation; The 25th. I set out for Augusta with my party, 
and got there the 30th of March.
 
April the 9th. we got to Savannah, having met the General at 
Uchee Town, who hearing of our March, travelled so far to meet us. We 
Set out from Savannah the 12th. and the 20th. of April arrived at 
Frederica. Here I resigned my Charge of the Indians to the Commanding 
Officer Captain Brown, and  Genls. Order Acted as Sub-Ingineer [sic] 
Extray [sic].
 
The General set out the 25th. for St. Georges the Place of Rendezvous, 
for the Carolinans [sic] and us. And May the 2d, we followed with the 
Remaining part of the Officers and Soldiers. The 13th. we arrived at 
St. Georges with Several Detachments of the Carolina Regt. the 
l4th. the Genl. Joined us, and brought us the agreeable News that he 
had taken a Fort named Diego, with 47 Prisoners 15th  We all decamped 
to the Spanish side of the River St. Johns, from whence in a few days 
we marched for Diego, about 20 miles on our way to St. Augustine, 
Here I fell ill of a Feaver [sic], but got the better of it so much against 
the 29th. that I was in a Condition to attend the General to Moosa, a 
Fort within Two miles of St. Augustine, but nothing Extraordinary 
happening, we retired back again to Diego, after having burnt and 
destroyed the Fort. The 9th of June the Genl. Embarqued with 200 of 
his men on board the Men of War, in Order to make a Descent on St. 
Annastatia [sic], an Island lying right before the Town, and within less 
than Canon Shot of it. I attended the Train and the 12th. came up with the 
Carolina Camp lying on Point Cartel, directly opposite the Castle, 
After Bombarding them for some time from this Place, we were Order'd 
over to St. Annastatia [sic] with the Carolina Regiment.
 
The 15th. the Spaniards Sallyed [sic] upon the Highland Militia, at 
Moosa, under the Command of Hugh McKay Junr. and Coll. Palmer's Company 
of Wood Rangers, and Surprised them. Catching them a Sleep, we Sus- 
tained a Considerable loss, and it greatly Encouraged the Enemy. We 
removed over to St. Annastatia [sic] on tne 20th. and 24th the Genl. 
removed with the Body of his Regiment over to Moosa, having agreed with 
the Captains of the Men of War to attack the Town the Same night 
that they were to make an Attempt on the Row Galleys, By Manning all 
their Boats. But upon a trifling difference about who should Command 
among the Lieuts. of Men of War, the Design of attacking the Galleys 
was layed [sic] a Side, The Genl. deceived, his Measures Crossed, and all 
our hopes disappointed; The General sent frequent Messages to the 
Captains, But to no purpose. He even went himself. But with the Same 
Success, So that our failing in this Enterprize [sic] may Be Justly 
attributed to the Bad Conduct of the Men of War.
 
The 10th. of July we Broke up our Camps Before St. Augustine 
and made the Best of our way for the River St. Johns, the Spaniards 
never Offering to fall upon our Rear, Or give us the least Interrup- 
tion, The 12th. I got to St. Johns, and in 4 days more the General 
joined us, having stay'd some time at Diego, And thus this Expedition 
Begun at the desire of Carolina, and carryed [sic] on in a great measure 
at their Expence [sic] came to nothing.
 
By the 23d July all our Forces were arrived at St. Simons, The General 
thro [sic] the Extream [sic] fatigue he Suffered in the Expedition, and 
Vexation at his disappointment fell dangerously ill, and it is to Be 
Questioned whether ever he shall perfectly recover himself. In a few 
days after necessary Refreshments, the Carolinans [sic] returned to 
Charles Town very much dejected at the Bad Success of the Expedition.

 
An exact Acct as well as could be gatherd of the Forces of the Spaniards 
at St. Augustine: together with an Acct. of their Loss; Also the number 
of our Forces, and what loss we Sustain'd during the Seige [sic].


 
The Spaniards had in garison [sic]  
regular Troops                    700
 
Negroes, Mulattoes & 
Indians fit for Service           30O
                                 ------ 
                                 1000

 
Mounted on their Castle 50 Cannon, 
round the town 50 more, none of the 
last exceeding Six pounders.

 
Taken prisoners at LaPoosa         14 
Taken prisoners at Diego           47 
Killd at Moosa 2 Officers & 
14 Men                             16 
Kill'd by our Indians               5 
Kill'd from our Gun & Bomh 
Batteries by their own Accts       23 
deserted to us                      4 
Surprised hy our Indians in 
the Plantations                    12
                                 ------
Total loss                        121



 
We had of Regular Troops          400 
The Carolina Regimt.              6OO 
Highland Militia                   60 
Rangers                            50 
Indians                           220 
Landed from the Men 
of War                            200 
                                --------  
Effective;                       1530

 
Kill'd on Amelia                    4 
Kill'd up the River St. Johns       4 
Kill'd at Moosa                    63 
Kill'd at Diego                     1 
Indians kill'd at Cartel            2 
by canon Shot                       1 
deserted                           14 
Lost by Sickness, Indians, 
Georgians & Carolinians            47
                                 ------ 
                  Loss            136 
121




 
                   4 Dec. 1740
 
      Will. Ewell's acct. of Loss by Cultivation 
                 recd. 22 May 1741


 
Plantation of William Ewen in the Province of Georgia Dr.

 
                                                        L  S  D
1740/   To Servants and Cloathing [sic].                29.19.8
 
To Tooles [sic], fishing Tackle, Boat, powder,     
Shot &c.                                                 8. 5.8 1/2 
To a Stock of Cattle                                    14.11.8 1/2 
To Provisions (as a Settler) from the Trustees               
Store                           L 15.10. 0                                                
To Tools (as a Settler) from the Trustees 
Store                           L 10. 7. 9 1/2                                               
To Provisions                                           29. 8.3-3/4 
                                                      -----------------
                                                        82. 5.4-3/4

 
 
 
 
 
 
Per Contra Cr.
                                                            L  S  D 
 
By Peaches                                                  0.15-0 
By 9 Bushels Corn               @1.4d                       0.12.0 
   1/2 Bushel Pease                                         0. 1.0 
By 1 Hog supposed to weigh 40 lb . 
having no Weights and Scales         @2d  lb                0. 6.8 
  
By 1 Pig                                                    0. 1.6 
 
By 1 Hog Suppd. to weigh 60 lb        @2d lb                0.10.0 
By 1. Hog Suppd. to weigh 80 lb       @2d lb                0.13.4 
 
By 90 Bushels Corn                    @1s4d                 6. 0.0 
By 1 Hog Supposed to weigh 16 lb      @ 2d lb               0. 2.8 
By 1 Pig.                                                   0. 2.0 
By 1 Hog Supposed to weight 60 lb     @2s lbd               0.10.0 
By 1 Pig                                                    0. 2.0 
By 1 Cow Supposed to Weigh 3OO lb     @2d lb                2.10.0 
By 2 Hogs Wt. 174 lb                  @2d lb                1. 9.0 
By 10 lb. 6 oz. Tallow                @5d lb                0. 4.3 1/2 
By Live Stock remaining                                    16. 0.0
                    -------------
                                             L             29.19.5 1/2
                     Ballance [sic] Due to W.E.            52. 5.4 1/4 
                  -------------- 
                                             L             82. 5.4-3/4 
 
 
 
          By Servants returned to   
          the Trustees when paid                     L 18.7.6 



 
Savannah 2 Dec. 1740 
Appear'd before us John Fallowfield Baylif [sic] and John Pye Recorder. 
Wm. Ewen and upon his Oath Declared that the within Acct. is Just and 
True
 
John Fallowfield                    William Ewen
 
John Pye



 
Mr. Bolzius to Mr. Hen. Newman
 
Ebenezer 29 Dec. 1740

 
Dear Sir
 
We are in hopes our former letters of Sundry times are come Safe long 
before this to your hand, tho we have not enjoyed the Satisfaction to 
hear any thing, neither of you nor the Revd. Mr. Siegenhagon 
these 12 months. Our last letter to you was dated the 28th. of June 
last, in which we answer'd the contents of your favour [sic] of the 28th. 
October 1739. Almighty God count us worthy of being Shortly 
acquainted with your and the Honble. Societies Welfare, and the happy 
Success of their pious Undertakings for the Glory of God in Christ 
Jesus our Lord.
 
To the glory of his infinite mercy we must own that his manifold 
Blessings did attend us, this as well as the former years in the 
performances of our Ministerial Offices, of which God has given us the 
grace to See many Spiritual fruits among grown people & children.
 
Our & our hearers health have been hitherto Well tolerably, and 
when Some ill State of health did Sometimes befall us, it redounded by 
the bountifull [sic] Providence of God to our Spiritual Rest, for being 
prepared for our future happy departure from this needfull [sic] to a 
better World. 
 
At the close of this year, we make bold to lay a List of the 
Inhabitants of Ebenezer, before the Society, which you will be pleased 
to communicate to the Honble. Trustees if you think it fit. For the 
present consists the whole Congregation of the Saltsburgers [sic] in 64 
families, which contain 117 grown people men and women, and 72 big and 
Small children. 1 Man, 1 big girl, and 5 Small children died at home, 
and 3 Men in the Seige [sic] of Augustine. 12 children all belonging 
to our town are Christned [sic], and 7 couples given in marriage.

 
In the beginning of this year, the Saltshurgers [sic] have Settled 
their Plantations at Abercorn Creek (quite wrongfully call'd So), 
which now is call'd Ebenezer Mill River, since our good God has blessed 
the peoples endeavour's So far as to assist them at their building a 
Strong corn mill as is come to perfection, and will be (if God is 
pleas'd to preserve it) of great use to our and other places in the 
Colony & neighborhood; We doubt not but our dear Benefactors who have 
been always Strongly enclined [sic] to promote our Welfare, will contribute 
bountifully. Some towards the charges of this mill, and enable us to 
undertake other necessary buildings, for our and other comers advantage.
 
From that Contribution of which the Revd. Mr. Whitfield has been 
a happy Sollicitor [sic] in England, We design Shortly to build a convenient 
house for publick [sic] Worship, and are in hopes to enjoy the gracious 
countenance of the Lord, and the good assistance of generous Benefactors 
at this very necessary and usefull [sic] Building, Seeing, that not 
only a Church, but a School likewise is required for training up children 
in the fear of God, and necessary instructions.
 
Under the gracious protection of God, our little Institution of 
maintaining widows & orphans, and other helpless people, is carry'd on 
pretty well, and being founded on the Source and fountain of all 
blessings, even the living God, we doubt not it will be a further 
Refuge of many poor & distressed people, to their Spiritial [sic] and 
temporal releif [sic], There are now maintain'd in the Orphan house by 
mere benefactions from Europe 21 persons, and we beleive [sic] the 
benefits that are bestow'd upon them, answer the Ends intended by the 
Benefactors.
 
We are now destitute of an English Schoolmaster: Henry Bishop, who was Sent 
hither 6 years agone, by the Society under the conduct of Mr. Vatt, has 
taught the Children English for Some time, for which Labour [sic] he had 
5 L Sterlg. a year from the Store at Savanah, and his Freedom besides; 
But after he has marry'd a woman, he finds he cannot Subsist &. live by 
this Small Sallary [sic], therefore rather chose to follow Agriculture, 
than keep School. We take the freedom to acquaint you with this our Want, 
begging humbly the Societies favour [sic] of redressing it as far as 
lyes [sic] in their power.
 
The Saltsburgers [sic] have been for Some months busie [sic] in building 
the above mention'd Corn mill, and therefore could not do So much 
Labour [sic] in the ground and elsewhere for their maintenance: Would 
therefore be very glad if the Honble. Trustees would be pleas'd to pay 
the charges of it, as we made bold to beseech them in our last Letters 
in Septbr., and this month to Herman Verelts Esq; and we entreat the 
goodness of the Honble. Society to enforce the Supplication by their 
Recomendation.
 
Lastly, We beg of God that he may be pleas'd to crown you and 
the worthy Members of the Society in this new, & many more years, with 
all manner of blessings, for carrying on the praise worthy designs, 
for which they live & Act in this World, till God is pleas'd to 
release them from this and bring them to the other World, to reap 
eternally the happy fruits of their pious labours [sic], especially of that 
good Seed, which they have Sow'd by their benefactions at Ebenezer, to 
many peoples happiness. In the meantime we wont [sic] leave off to put up 
to the Throne of Grace our most humble prayers for their & your health 
and Welfare, by the assurance of which We remain
 
Dear Sir

Yr. obedt. very humble. Servants 
Jo. Martin Bolzius 
Israel Christian Gronau

 
Dr. Thylo & Mr. Ortman 
present their humbe. respects 
to you, begging the favour of 
you to recomend [sic] their poor 
circumstances of maintaining 
themselves to the Honbe. Society 








 
Saml. Perkins, and Fra. Moore to the Trustees, arriv'd 8 April 
1740
 
Frederica in Georgia 29 Dec. 1740
 
Gentlemen
 
As we never troubled your honours [sic] with any Letter, we hope you 
will please to pardon this notwithstanding it happens at a time, when 
not only the Affairs of this province, but also part of the National 
ones are under your Direction and Consideration.
 
Our having been Magistrates ever since this Town was settled in 
1736 and having Acted (as we Imagined) conformable to the Strict Oath 
we then took, and being now apprehensive of some misrepresentations 
to you against us obliges us to apply for protection to your Honours [sic], 
Against whom we never designed any ill, but on the Contrary we he 
endeavoured [sic] to Shew by our Behaviour [sic] here, that your 
Intention was to Encourage those who bore Offices under you, to Act with 
Humanity and Justice and not to Suffer those who pretend to be of a higher 
Rank than others (by reason that they have better friends, or have had the 
Good fortune to be particularly distinguished by your Honours [sic]) to 
oppress those who are poorer than themselves, who have anothing [sic] to 
depend on but their Honesty and Industry.
 
If the Endeavouring [sic] to Justify the poor and prevent their being 
ill used with Impunity be a Crime then we ere great Offenders; but as 
we never pretended to understand the Nicely of the Laws, and if it 
should appear to your Honours [sic], that we have done Something 
irregular in our Office, for want of knowing the nice terms (and yet at 
the Same time if what we are Charged with should appear to be agreeable 
to all Laws of Right and Reason) In that Case we hope your honours [sic] 
will rather impute it to our want of Experience in those Affairs than to any 
design of either doing an unjust thing or giving way to any private 
Pique of our own, to the person who thinks himself Injured. He is a 
person for whom you seem to have a great Regard, and has Often told us 
that he would Represent the Affair to your Honours [sic], if it was to be by 
him rightly and Justly stated, we are of Opinion that our Crime will 
not appear so prodigiously Black, as it is here endeavoured [sic] to be 
Represented, and what gives us great Satisfaction, is, that we are sure 
that your honours [sic] will have more Regard to an Acct. sent you by one 
party, who has made himself known to you (let the manner be ever so 
agreeable or Satisfactory to your Honours [sic]) than you will to that sent 
you by the other party, who thinks it a Misfortune to have done their 
duty in so obscure a Scituation [sic] that no opportunity has Offer'd of 
making them known, or ever being recommended to your Honours [sic].
 
In Order to give you a true notion of the Affair and being apprehensive 
of defects in what you may received from other hands, we beg leave to 
give you a Short Acct. of it, in doing of which we have great Regard 
to impose nothing upon your Honours [sic] but what we can make 
appear to be fact, having in our our hands Sufficient proofs for it and 
which we will transmit to you whenever required.
 
About two years ago Wm. Allen in Court demanded a Debt due to 
him of one pound thirteen shilling and Six pence for Clapboards and 
Labour by Thos. Hawkins, who disputed the same for some months, the 
Same was again brought into Court, upon which Mr. Hawkins paid one 
pound five shillings in part of the same (which we humbly apprehend 
was acknowledging the same to be just,) Allen afterwards brought the 
remaining part of the Debt into Court, upon which Mr. Hawkins then 
promised to pay him, but as soon as the Court was adjourned he refused 
to Comply with his promise, this he continued doing for 2 or three Court 
days at one Court in particular, a Jury was Sworn and ready to try 
the Affair between the Said Hawkins and Allen, upon which the former 
desired that the Same might not go any farther for that he would pay 
the said Allen his demands, no sooner was the Court over, but he again 
refused to pay what he had promised, thus did he continue trifling 
with Allen, and breaking his promises (which any other but himself 
would have been a Shamed of) untill [sic] the 4th. day of Feby. last, 
at which time Allen made oath in Court to the remaining part of his Debt, 
 
Complained how often Hawkins had trifled both with the Court and 
himself, and therefore he desired that the Same might be then deter- 
mined, Upon which there being no other Magistrates but ourselves, 
We sent to Mr. Hawkings [sic] the following Letter, Vizt.
 
Frederica 4th. 1739/40
 
Mr. Hawkins

We desire to Know what reasons you have to Offer for not having 
paid Wm. Allen the eight Shillings and Six pence which he has often 
proved before the Court to be due, and which you have often promised 
to pay, he has made Oath that you are so much Indebted to him, and we 
wait for your Answer before we distrain upon your Goods for the Said 
eight Shillings and Six pence, this Affair has been at least 5 months 
in dispute before the Several Courts, and we are now determined to be 
no longer troubled with it. We are
 
Sir
 
Yr. most humble servants
 
Samuel Perkins 
Francis Moore


 
The following is the Answer to the foregoing Letter, Vizt.
 
To Mr. Samuel Perkins 
and Francis Moore
 
Gentlemen
 
My health will not permiit [sic] me at present to attend the Court, as 
soon as able, I am willing and able to make my defence [sic] and hope 
in the mean time I shall not be Condemn'd unheard.
 
Yr. humble Servant
 
Thomas Hawkins


 
The above Excuse of not being well we looked upon to be only a 
design of his to gain a little more time to trifle with us, and there 
fore we immediately granted a distraint against him, which the next 
next day Executed, but Hawkins sent for John Calwell the other 
Magistrate and he replevied the Goods, Since which we dont [sic] find 
that any thing more hath been done in the Affair.

 
There was a Court held the 20th. day of August last, at which an 
Affair happened that Occasioned our two Names to he made use of (for 
having distrained upon the Goods of Thomas Hawkins) in a manner very 
disagreeable to any honest men; at the Same time Francis Moore not being 
then in Court so soon as Thomas Hawkins, the latter sent a Constable to 
acquain [sic] the Recorder, that if he would not come to Court, he would 
appoint another in his Stead. This proud imperious behaviour [sic] from one 
Magistrate to another, and finding our selves accused of a Crime little 
inferiour [sic] to Robbery (which taking the forementioned measures of 
endeavouring to make Thomas Hawkins pay Wm. Allen was represented to be) we 
refused to Act any longer as Magistrates unless Hawkins would pay the 
said Debt to Allen (who is a poor Industrious honest man, and at that 
time that Small Sum would have been greatly usefull [sic] to him) but he did 
not only refuse to pay the said Sum but also did in the presence of his 
Excellency General Oglethorpe declare the Debt to be unjust, and abso- 
lutely affirm that he had never promised to pay it, tho not only we two 
but also several other Freeholders of this Town, who were present when 
he made such promises have made Oath to the Contrary. 

 
We shall not concluded without acquainting your honours [sic], that tho we 
cannot Justify our Selves in this Affair, without Speaking plainly concerning 
Thomas Hawkins, yet we should be ungratfull [sic] to him if we did not in 
a great measure thank him, for whatever benefit hath Accrued to us in our 
Offices, because were it not for his trifling Debts and demands. Coming 
upon him from almost every one, that he has any dealings with, there would 
be but very little Occasion for any Courts to be held here.
 
As Thomas Hawkins has often declared that he would Appeal to 
your honours [sic] in the Case above mentioned, we think our Selves 
under a Necessity of doing the Same, and hope that your Honours [sic] 
will let us know, whether what we have done be agreeable to the manner 
in which you would have those persons Act, who bear Offices under you. 
We are Gentlement [sic] 
 
Yr. Honours [sic]
 
Most Obedient Servants.
 
Saml. Perkins 
Fras. Moore
 
To the Honble. the Trustees

 
Jo. Pye, Recorder of Savanah to the Trustees
 
Savannah Dec. 30. 1740

 
Gentlemen

 
Having wrote to your Honours [sic] about a month ago to desire you 
to send your Orders to the person appointed by your Honours [sic] to pay the 
publick [sic] debts in Savannah and as the present danger of the Seas may 
prevent your Honours [sic] from receiveing [sic] my former letter, I hope you will not take it amiss for my thus troubling your Honours [sic], Indeed I would not trouble you with my trifling affairs did not necessity oblige me.
 
The want of the money due from your Honours [sic] has drove [sic] me to 
great Extremety [sic], I have been obliged to Borrow money to Support my 
family for which I am lyable [sic] to be charged 10 p Ct. Interest.
 
I have Several times applyed [sic] to Col. Stephens and Mr. Jones to 
pay me part of it if they could not pay me all, their Answer was to me 
that your Honrs, had not sent Orders about what you would be pleased to 
allow me p Annum or the Commencement of the time, but said that they did 
not doubt but your honours [sic] would allow me the full Sum mentioned in 
the Estimate! Indeed Mr. Jones offer'd to lend me a Sum of money, but 
he required my note for it -- Indeed Gentlemen I do my utmost in per- 
forming the Trust imposed on me, I don't do as I would if your Honours [sic] 
sent me your Instructions  Mr. Jones and Mr. Parker who Act as one 
in every thing Say I have only power to Act as Recorder, that is to 
take down the proceedings of Court &c. if so Consequently they 
can carry what cause they will having only Mr. Fallowfield to oppose 
them.
 
I shall Act with a great deal of pleasure if your Honours [sic] will 
be pleased to send me in writing what the Business of a Recorders 
property is, As likewise your Orders to your Cashire [sic] to pay me.
 
They Sometime say I must keep a Clerk, but what occasion have I 
so to do: when tis certain I do all the Business my Self.
 
They Say likewise I ought to keep a Servant, but as I have not yet any 
Land to Cultivate your Honours [sic] may Judge whether I act imprudent, 
for had I a Clerk and a Servant, and no money to pay wages and procure 
Cloathing [sic] provisions &c certainly I should Launch my Self into debt 
by it as many others have done which would add more to my present 
hardships.
 
I am persuaded your Honours [sic] will not stop any of my Sallery [sic] for 
not keeping a Servant, when Mr. Jones receives his Sallary [sic], tho he have 
no Land or any Improvement. Pardon this freedome [sic] and give me leave to 
Subscribe my Self
 
Yr. Honours [sic] most Obedt. and
 
Dutifull [sic] Humble Servant
 
John Pye




 
From Mr. F. Moore rec. 8 April 1741 
Frederica in Georgia 30th Decr. 1740.

 
My Lord
 
Though I have the honour [sic] of being in some measure known to your 
Lordship, I would not have troubled you with any thing to take up that 
time which is continually imployd [sic] in doing good things, were it not 
that I am apprehensive Your Lordship has ere this been informed of 
some irregular Proceedings of mine in my Office of Recorder of 
Frederica, This I am sure of, that I have always acted conformable to 
my Oath, that is to spy, without Fear, Favour [sic] or Affection, and 
at the Same time that I have done Justice, I have given great Content, 
and have never been so ill treated as those have who carried it with a 
higher hand. If through Ignorance of the Forms of Law it should appear 
that I have done a thing that is wrong, I hope the Circumstances will 
be considered.
 
The thing I am charged with, is granting a Distraint before a 
Verdict was given.
 
If a Jury he sworn, ready to try a Cause, and the Defendant 
declares in Court that he will pay the Debt rather than have it tried. 
The thing there, my Lord, in Dispute is, whether that will enable the 
Court to grant a Distraint upon the Defendants not Conforming to his 
Voluntary promise made in Court, I am told by a very good hand, that 
it will not enable the Court so to do; had that person told it me 
before the Distraint was granted, the Cause would certainly have been 
tried by a Jury; but I am sorry to find that the word of  Trustees Chief 
Magistrate &ca. in this Southern part of the Province of Georgia, cannot 
when voluntarily spoken in open Court, be taken for eight Shillings and 
Sixpence; which is the Sum we distrained for.
 
In whatever light this Affair may be represented to Your 
Lordship, from other hands, I do affirm that the Account now sent the 
honourable [sic] Trustees in a Letter from Mr. Samuel Perkins and my self, 
is nothing but Fact, and I have Proofs of the same now in my hands, which 
shall be transmitted when required.
 
In August last I resigned my Office of Recorder, and at the same 
time protested to Act as such no more, untill [sic] Mr. Hawkins paid the 
Debt due to William Allen of eight shillings and six pence. He said he 
would not pay the same it being unjust, If so, what reason can be given 
for his promising, when in Court to pay the same.
 
Though Mr. Hawkins has often declared that he would represent 
this Unjust action of ours (as he calls it) to the Trust, it is not 
impossible but that he may have been perswaded [sic] to the contrary. How 
ever we cannot in Justice to our selves let it pass without acquainting 
their Honours [sic] of it, because the Same hath been here industriously 
represented as a Crime little inferiour [sic] (if at all) to a Robbery.
 
I beg pardon for the liberty I now take of inclosing your Lordship a 
Duplicate of our Letter to the Honorable  Trustees, and if your 
Lordship will let me know your Opinion of our Conduct in this Affair 
it shall be ever esteemed as the greatest honour [sic] to
 
Yr. Lordships most humble and most
 
Obedient Servant
 
Fras. Moore






NB. He Surrender'd his Comission [sic] the 
following year
 
6 Jany. 1740-1
 
James Oglethorpe Esqr.
 
To Andrew Duchee 
 
By Virtue of Powers Granted from his Majesty Georg the Second 
by the Grace of God King of Great Britain France and Ireland Defender 
of the Faith &c, I Do Appoint you Andrew Duchee, to be Constable of 
Percival Heathcoat and the Upper New Wards; You are to Train and 
Exercise the Militia of the Said Wards and to keep the peace and Obey 
all such Orders as you shall receive from me, or from such Person or 
Persons, As I shall appoint to Command, Train and Exercise the Militia, 
and this shall continue in full force untill [sic] I or such as I shall 
Succeed, to my Commands shall recall the Same, And then it shall 
Cease and determine
 
Given under my hand and Seal at Savannah in Georgia the 9th. 
day of April 1740.
 
James Oglethorpe
 
Copia Vera
 
Witness 
Jno. Pye 
P Joubert 
William Ewen


 
Arrived 8. April 1741
 
Ebenezar [sic]  8 Jany. 1740/1
 
Hond. Father & Mother
 
This with our kind loves to you all, I an willing to let you 
know of my Welfare. I wrote you last year, but recd, no Answer.
 
Genl. Oglethorpe gave me my freedom last year, as I wrote you, Allow'd 
me a Small quantity of provision, and a Cow, a calf, a Sheep, promising 
me Some housewarming. Tools, & a hog, but his fatigue being So great, 
was obliged to embark for Augustine with our Indians & his Soldiers, 
and Some Carolina people; took 2 forts from the Spaniards, But the 
Indians and his white Servants all growing Sick, he was not able to 
take Augustine from the Spaniards, he being himself very Sick, the 
Spaniards knowing of it, fell out of the Castle twice upon him, but he 
beat them in again in their Castle: his people growing worser, he was 
obliged to march home, he being ever Since at home, at his house in 
Frederica, he being Still Sick, never coming to Georgia, I dont [sic] know 
whether I Shall get what he promised me.
 
To tell you plainly, I have alter'd my course of living, that 
is, I am marry'd to a high German girl, of decent, Sober, godly 
bewtifull [sic] body, one whom love above all the World. The Revd. Mr. 
Bolzius marry'd us. My Master. I having built a house upon our town 
Lot, which every Freeholder is obliged to do, and fence in the Lot, 
and plant it with Mulberry, peach, & apple trees. Design to remove 
this Winter to our plantation to Settle my Self there, to clear land 
for planting, and to build a house to live in upon our plantation, it 
being 6 miles out of town. Our plantations are Settled very regularly, 
they lying all along by a river called Abercorn River, So that every 
 
one of our people can go from his Plantation by water, in a Canoa [sic] to 
town, or to Georgia town or any where else to Sell their goods. I 
have likewise a Canoa or boat which I made my Self: We make them out 
of great large Cyprus trees: they must be hewn out all in one piece.
 
This with my and my wifes [sic] loves to you all, we remain your most 
dutyfull [sic] children
 
Henry and Frederica Bishop



 
Col. Oglethorpe to the Trustees, arrived 19 April 1741

 
Frederica 24th. Jany. 1740/1

 
Gentlemen
 
I write this upon a Single Point, that is, the keeping together 
the people that are upon this Island, and in this Town that do not 
belong to the Soldiery. I have not yet acquainted you, not thinking 
indeed there was occasion, that some months ago, one of the Bailiffs 
Mr. Perkins, and Francis Moore, who belongs to me. Acquainted the 
Court that they resigned their Offices, and about the Same time Doctor 
Hawkins the first Bailiff, desired I would accept of his. On my 
declining to have any Resignations, he, I suppose, waits for your 
Orders to accept of his Resignation. The Consequence of these humours [sic] 
which flow from differences between them, makes a kind of Stoppage of 
necessary business, and a great deal of unnecessary trouble. I could 
think but of one Single remedy, to make some Provisionary [sic] Bailiffs, 
till I know your Opinion, which I beleive [sic] will naturally be to 
continue such as are so made. When Divisions run high between particular 
people who are imployd [sic] by the publick [sic], I think the best way to 
quiet factions, is imploying [sic] those who are not concerned in the 
Difference.
 
I think Perkins has been long a Magistrate, so has Dr. Hawkins, 
as for Moore, he has Business enough besides, and more than any one man 
can turn his hands to. I think he is in the right not to wish to 
be in Employment here, what his Reasons are for resigning, I don't 
know, perhaps I might not think them right. This I certainly know, 
that the Magistrates here being quiet men, and of the place, and who 
would confine themselves to the meer [sic] Duty of Bailiffs of Corporate 
Towns in England would answer more your intentions and preserve the 
peace in the Place, better then they will do by imagining that they 
have any thing to do with other Affairs, or that they are greater men 
than the Bailiffs of Corporate Towns are in Europe.
 
I wrote this Letter purely upon this head, and shall not trouble 
you with a vast deal that I should have to say, upon the prudence and 
necessity of this Step, since I beleive it will be a thing generally 
approved of, if not, I can produce and prove a number of reasons for 
the doing it, and am perswaded [sic] that it is almost the only measure that 
can give quiet here. You are very sinsible [sic] when you Established these 
Courts, being entirely according to the Old English Constitution, that 
Bailiffs are not required to understand the niceties of Westminster 
hall. I am therefore far from blaming Conduct which arises from any 
Ignorance of that kind, and am willing at any time to give advice, as I 
have been from the first obliged to do, as far as my small Capacity 
will go. I look upon them all as my Children and advise them not to 
carry private differences into publick [sic] Contentions, and therefore 
think the best way of doing is to remove those who never can agree in their 
Opinions, and find out others who will not differ without reason 
of such importance as will justify the same.

 
I am sorry to write upon so small an occasion when I have so 
many of so much importance particularly to give you an Answer to 
several very proper Questions which I received from you, that will 
give you still greater light into the affairs here, and whereby you 
will be better enabled to inform Mankind how much this Country has been 
misrepresented by men whose Ends ere not yet quite apparent, but which 
every day will prove more and more to concur entirely with what the 
Spaniards wish.

 
I have appointed Mr. Thomas Marriotte to Act as Second Bailiff 
in the room of Mr. Samuel Perkins, He is Son to Captain Marriott, and 
came over with me. He has taken up the Lot that was Whites, he told me 
he would write to you upon this Occasion, to acquaint you that he is 
very willing to do every thing that he can, and to execute the Office 
to the very best of his Understanding. He has hitherto behaved very 
well, and I hope he will not change for the worse. I am

 
Gentlemen
 
Your most Obedient 
humble Servant 
James Oglethorpe
 
The Honourable the Trustees.




 
Col. Oglethorpe's Vindication of his Conduct; Sent to the 
Trustees 24. Jany. 1740/l and arrived by Mr. Carteret 19 April 
1741

 
Some Transactions in Georgia and Florida 
in the years 1739 and 1740

 
The Spanish Minister at London Sir Thomas Fitzgerald presented 
a Memorial against the Colony of Georgia and claimed as part of the 
Spanish province of Florida, as far as thirty three degrees and half 
 
North Latituded [sic], and in pursuance of that, presented another memorial 
in very Strong terms, requiring the abandoning of what he called 
florida [sic], and the not imploying [sic] James Oglethorpe either in Georgia or 
Carolina and his Majesty also received advice from Commodore Dent and 
from the Havannah [sic], confirmed by Advices from the Lieutenant Governor 
of South Carolina of the preparations arrived at Augustine for the 
Invasion of Georgia, a particular Acct. of which is contained in the 
annixed [sic] Affidavit, on which his Majesty was graciously pleased to Order 
a Strong Remonstrance to be made to the King of Spain against molesting 
his British Subjects in Georgia and Carolina, and at the same time 
Order'd James Oglethorpe with a Regiment to defend those provinces.
 
The first Detachment arrived in May 1738 himself with the remainder in 
September following, The Spaniards notwithstanding their vast prepara- 
tions stayed for more Succours [sic] from Ciba before they would hazard the 
attacking Georgia, during which time his Majesty having insisted upon 
an Order from the King of Spain to forbid the Spaniards Committing 
Hostilities in Georgia the Same was sent to Augustine and the troops 
and Embarkations [sic] returned to Cuba except 8 Companies of 50 men 
each of the following Regiments Viz.
 
                      Companies
 
     Esturias.            2 
     Cantabria.           2 
     Mercia.              2 
     Valentia.            2 
     Catalonia.           1

 
Besides the Old Garrison which consisted of
 
 
     3 Indept. Companies of 100 men each 
     1 Company of Artillery 100 
     1 Troop of horse 100


 
After his Arrival he received in June 1739 an Account of the Convention 
with Spain together with Orders not to fortify, dated Whitehall 18 
March 1738/9 which he so exactly observed that most of the little 
forts in Georgia only built with Wood and Earth, ran to decay, and he 
took the occasion of this Tranquility to visit the Indians inhabiting 
in the West of Georgia, and to be present at the great Assembly of the 
States of the Upper and lower Creeks in the Cowheta [sic] Town. On his 
return from thence he met a Rumour [sic] at Augusta, that there was 
a breach with the Spaniards, on which he hasted to Savannah 3OO miles 
from thence. His Pacquetts [sic] from his Grace the Duke of Newcastle 
having by some delay in America been prevent from coming to his hand, 
he received them not till some time after his arrival there. Had his Graces 
Orders been obeyed in America, and the Packet sent to him with proper 
Expedition; he could have obtained the assistance of a numerous body of 
Indians. 

 
The Spaniards attacked the Island Amelia on the 13th. day of 
November 1739, and Surprized [sic] and killed two Highlandmen, cutting off 
their heads and dismembring [sic] their Bodies in a barbarous manner, which 
made it immediately necessary to take all measures, though expence [sic] 
thereupon accrued to execute his Majesty's Orders, Which were for his 
Majestys [sic] to Annoy those of Spain in the best manner they were able, 
and to put himself into as good a posture of Defence [sic] as possible to oppose any attempts that may be made against Georgia by the Spaniards,
taking care to get the Earliest Intelligence he could of their Designs.

 
He immediately granted Commissions to such privateers as applyed [sic] 
for them. It was impossible for him to put the Colony into any posture 
of defence [sic], without having some men to bring Intelligence and Search 
the Woods, and watch the motions of the Spaniards and their Indians, 
which none but horsemen or Indians could do, for foot could not 
March quick enough, therefore he raised two Troops of Rangers, or 
horsemen, and sent up Captain Cuthbert to Carolina to by [sic] horses 
for them.
 
It was also necessary to Call down the Creek and Cherokee Indians, to 
hinder the Spanish Indians called Yamasees [sic] and Florida's, and the 
Slaves who had run away to them for Carolina, from harrassing [sic] the 
Country and ruing the Plantations, and from facilitating a Revolt of 
the Carolina Slaves, for this purpose he sent up Mr. Eyre, Captain 
Brown and others to the Cherokee Captain Wiggin Mr. Willy and 
others to the Creeks, and Capt. Dunbar to fetch the Uchees and the 
Savannas.

 
Georgia and Carolina towards the Sea Coast is divided into Islands so 
that all the Rivers from the Santee in the North part of 
South Carolina, down to St. Johns River in Florida, which is near 400 
miles communicate with each other by Canals, and large Boats or half 
Galleys can go through those Canals between the Islands and the Main 
without going out to Sea. There are numbers of these Canals running 
among the woods, so that they make a Labyrinth of waters, and great 
numbers of Islands, therefore it was necessary to have aimed Boats for 
preventing the savages of the Spanish Boats, through these Canals, as 
well as for transporting Soldiers, Ammunition, and Provisions from 
Island to Island, for the Regiment is obliged to be garrisoned in the 
Islands of Cumberland, St. Simons, and Jekyll, and if they had not 
Boats their Communication would he entirely cutt [sic] off, He therefore 
got as many Boats as he could, and armed them as well as what could be 
bought in that Country would allow, and hired Boats and Vessels for 
transporting Men &c. He also continued the Trustees Garrison at Fort 
Augusta, which was to have been releived [sic] by a Detachment of the 
Regiment, that place being absolutely necessary for keeping the 
Communication with the Cherokee and Creek Indians, and preventing any 
Incursions from Enemy Indians, But it was such a distance from the 
Regiment, that at that time it was improper to divide them and weaken 
the Body on the Frontiers by so considerable a Detachment.

 
The Men of War being rarely here, it was necessary to have a 
Sloop of Some Strength and Arms to send Advice by Sea or fetch in 
Vessels since a Pilot Boat would be too much exposed to be taken by any 
Spanish Craft, or even Indian Canooes [sic], he therefore took Mr. Loggie 
into service who had been Mate on Board the Hawk and gave him the 
Command of a Sloop; He also brought in Provisions, least we should 
be distressed by the Communications being interrupted by Spanish 
Privateers by Sea, or Parties by Land, It was necessary to keep all 
Methods of Supply open, therefore he did what he could to encourage the 
keeping the Road open from Savannah to Darien and the bringing down 
Cattle from the latter place by land from the Old Settlements, next it 
was necessary to fortify, and the Old Forts being run to ruin, it 
seemed better at once to reintrench [sic] Frederica and make the Stand 
there.
 
It was necessary also to get Store houses, Powderhouses, and other 
buildings, all which, was attempted to be done as far as the number of 
men he could hire, would enable him. He had also a Road for Communica- 
tion opened through the Woods from the forts at the Entrance of Jekyll 
Harbour [sic] to the Town of Frederica, and several other things done 
in the Fortification way.
 
Upon the Murder being Committed by the Spaniards on Amelia, and 
on Advices that the Spaniards had again landed there, and lain hid in 
the woods. He immediately with what Boats he could hire, and men he 
could raise, pursued them, but they being escaped off that Island, he 
returned to Frederica and prepared to get Boats for Scowering [sic] the 
River St. Johns to burn their Boats there and prevent their harrassing [sic] 
us by water. On the 9th December he landed on the Spanish main, the Creek 
Indians, the King of the Chickasaws with his Indians, and also some of 
the Uchee Nation, having joyned [sic] him, he ravaged Florida as far as 
Fort St. Diego and burnt what Craft was in the River St. Johns, excepting 
a ten Oared Boat that Sheltered its Self under Fort St. Francis.
 
He then thought the best measure to be took would be the Attacking 
Fort St. Francis, and by that means hinder the Communication 
between the Spaniards at St. Augustine and the main land of Florida, for 
that River and the lakes of Florida make an island of the place in 
which St. Augustine stands, and this fort was built within the Bounds 
of the Charter of King Charles the Second, and the Act cf Parliament 
pursuant to the Treaty of 167O give to the English.
 
He prepared for the Seige [sic] of that place which was pretty expensive 
as well by reason of hiring Boats as for provisions, Ammunition And a 
Small train of four pounders. He took that place and Picolata on 
the 7th day of Jany. 1739/40, with a serjeant [sic], Corporall [sic], 
and nine of the troops Prisoners, having Examined them with Captain 
Pearse, and the Account they gave confirming other Advices, that the 
Garrison of Augustine was in great distress for want of pay and 
provisions, and that the Old Companies wanted near half their Compliment of 
men, he met the field Officers and Captains with Captain Pearse, and by 
their Advice resolved to desire the Assistance of the people of Carolina 
against Augustine they having Already declared their great desire 
for taking that place. He sent up Major Heron with an Account of what 
was necessary for the Bombardment, they refused the particulars, but 
offerd [sic] L 120,000, Currency, upon Conditions which to him seemed 
Contrary to his Majestys [sic] Instructions and detrimental to the Royal 
Authority and dependance all Colonies ought to have on his Majesty. He 
went to Charles Town to perswade [sic] them to give the necessary Assistance 
without these Limitations, He also wrote to Virginia, to Providence, 
and the Officers Commanding his Majestys [sic] ships. The Governour of 
Virginia gave no Assistance, but the Lieutenant Governour [sic] and Council 
of Providence sent Mortar peices [sic]. Shells, and powder, with great zeal.
 
Captain Pearse, Captain Warren and the other men of War were very willing 
to Assist, but the Carolina Preparations were Slow, and he did not 
receive his Majestys [sic] Orders by the Colchester man of War till the 28 
April 1740, The Man of War could not come from Virginia, so we lost her 
Assistance. He immediately pursuant to his Majestys [sic] Orders raised a 
Company of Highlanders and made several other Expences [sic], but could not 
get Pioneers nor Plank nor many other materials necessary, nor did the 
Carolina people send Sufficient, however he landed in Florida, a new 
Expence [sic] then arose, to encourage the Rangers and Indians to go 
out against the Spaniards he gave a Premium of five pounds Sterling a 
horse, hoping they would he usefull [sic] in drawing the Artillery, but they 
proved wild and weak, and the Cannon which we had from Charles Town 
had Sea Carriages which horses could not draw, we were therefore 
obliged to pay Seamen and others for drawing them. He found that the 
half Galleys escaped the Men of War, and got in with succours [sic] from 
Cuba whilst he was upon the way from Charles Town, it was then too late 
to give over the Enterprise, so we Continued it, and did Bombard and 
Canonade [sic] the place for twenty days, and blocked it  up Close on 
the land side and the North Bar, but seven Vessels loaded with Provisions 
and men from Cuba escaped the Men of War, and got in by Sea at the South 
Entry. 

The men of War being absolutely resolved not to stay longer than the 5th 
July, and the place being Victualled [sic] and Succoured [sic] from Cuba 
we with some difficulty drew off the Cannon and Mortars, and embarked them. 
Sir Yelverton Peyton being gone off and the rest being resolved to go. 
The men of War sailed from Augustine on the [    ] day of July, and he 
drew off the day afterwards marching to St. Diego where he halted two days, 
and having carried the Spanish Cannon from thence, he marched to St. Johns, 
where he halted for some days, and from  thence our men being grown extreamly [sic] Sickly, and himself worn down  with a feaver [sic] which he had struggled 
against all the Campaign,  having drawn off the Garrison from St. Diego, he also drew off that from  Pupa, which he rased [sic]; he  also drew off the Garrison from Amelia that he might keep the Regiment together and leaving Coll. Cook to repair the Fortifications on the South end of Cumberland, and at St. Andrews, he drew off the two Companies from Cumberland that the whole Regiment might be together on the Island, and only releived [sic] the Forts William and St. Andrews on Cumberland by Detachments. He was so ill himself as to keep his Bed, and is not yet able to go through business, but notwithstanding that, he was forced to inspect the remounting the Rangers, 
to raise men for the Boats, and cause them to be repaired, the Man of War 
going away he was obliged to keep on the large Sloop which he had bought for 
guarding the Rivers, by the Advice of Captain Pearse, and one other Small one, 
the men of War drawing so much water as not to be able to come into many of them.
 
Advices came to him that Matthews and some planters on the Alatamaha 
were quitting their Settlements apprehending an Invasion from 
the Spanish Indians, he therefore Order'd a Garrison to be raised of 
twenty men it being too far to be releived [sic] by a Garrison of the 
Regiment. It was also necessary that they should have horses.
 
The Inhabitants of Savannah being apprehensive that the Spanish 
Boats might annoy them by water, or Indians by land, and a Murder 
having been Committed in the woods of that Neighbourhood [sic],he 
appointed one Boat to watch the Inletts [sic], and ten horsemen to 
Scower [sic] the Woods and the Murderers being a Spanish Docter [sic] 
and an Irish Deserter were taken and Executed, He also at the Request 
of the people of Ebenezer granted 7 horsemen, and at Mount Pleasant 
on the River Savannah, which place and Palichocolas are the two Fords 
at which the Negroes can best pass from Carolina, to the Spaniards, he appointed 12 Horsemen. 



 
Col. Oglethorpe to Ld. Egmont arrived 19 April 1741 
Frederica 25th. Jany. 1740/1
 
My Lord
 
My long Sickness which is rather a Continuance of a Feaver [sic] I 
carried from Charles Town and encreased [sic] in the Indian Nation, 
than a New Illness, will, I am sure to your good nature be an excuse for my 
not writing frequently. This illness has hung upon me almost con- 
tinually, some Intervals I have had, but the Common Fatigues neces- 
sary to doing any thing in this Country, such as lying in Boats, or on 
the ground exposed to the injurys [sic] of the weather in the heats of 
Summer, as well as the Colds of Winter, have occasioned frequent 
Relapses, and I have been the least Capable of Business when I had the 
most occasion for it. I was seized in a very violent manner with a fit of 
the Feaver [sic] a few days after I passed Saint Johns River, I struggled 
against it as long as we kept the Field; a bear Skin for a Bed, and a 
Cloak for a Tent, bad water and Violent Rains were but ill remedies for 
such a Distemper. Yet God be praised, I rather mended than grew worse 
whilst we kept the feild [sic], though upon the march to Augustine I was 
hardly able to walk, yet I saw the troops all safe in their Garrisons, 
or out of danger of any pursuits from the Spaniards. I then returned 
to Frederica, and my Spirits which I had pushed to the utmost, no 
longer able to Support me, I Staggerd [sic] from the Boat to my Lodging 
and was forced to keep my bed; and have hardly been able to go abroad 
since, I am now better in my health, but every time I have gone out, 
have in some measure (241) relapsed, and can hardly apply my self either 
to Business or to any Study for any time. I beleive [sic] this Letter is an 
Instance to your Lordship, that I must be much weakened by Sickness 
when I trouble any one at the distance of so many thousand miles, with 
a detail of so inconsiderable a thing as my health, but I know your 
Lordships goodness and Compassion will make you Excuse my not writing 
to you when you see the occasion.

 
I cannot but say that other peoples not acting with the Same 
Vigour [sic] as I expected for the publick [sic] service might 
contribute  much to my Sickness, but my Illness never hindred [sic] 
me from being present at every place necessary either by Land or by 
water; If the Enemy had been as well hindered from receiving 
Succours by Sea, as they were by Land by a very handfull [sic] of men, 
Augustine had certainly surrendered.
 
I cannot but say that the behaviour [sic] of the Regiment was so good 
that I beleive [sic] theres hardly an Instance of any man going through 
more Fatigue with chearfullness [sic]. They showed the greatest Courage 
upon every occasion. The Indians, particularly the Creeks, showed the 
utmost Intrepidity, and were of the greatest service, and parties of 
them releived [sic] one another, do this hour, block up the Spaniards by 
Land. The Georgia Rangers, the Highlanders and some of the Creek 
Indians had but too fatal an occasion of giving proofs of their 
Resolution at Moosa, where of those who died, fought with an Obstinacy 
worthy of the Greeks or Romans. Griffin a half Indian, Brother to 
Musgrove the Interpreters Wife, after his legs were Shot through, 
kneeling and supported by a bank, refused quarter, and still fought on, 
loading and firing several Shot. Captain Thomas Jones, the Son of an 
Englishman by a Creek Indian Woman, killed the Spanish Officer who led 
on the party that entred [sic] the Gate, and after the Fort was taken, 
fought his way through the Spaniards and came down to the River. I have 
sent him up to the Indian Nation, from whence he is with a party of 
Creeks to fall upon the Spaniards at Augustine.
 
We are Extreemly [sic] exposed here and unless the Government allows 
us Armed Boats and Sloops sufficient to oppose the half Galleys, 
Rangers Sufficient to Scower [sic] the Continent, and Presents to 
Support the Indians in the War, we certainly shall be here but in a 
very bad Situation.
 
I am perswaded [sic]every body will do their Duty, but in War, if one 
has not what is necessary one can do no more but die. Indeed God 
often miraculously delivers from the hands of Enemys [sic], but it is
presumption to hope for Miracles without taking all human measures. I 
ventured to keep up the Rangers, and strove to recruit them, also to 
get Boats and men, and have manned a Sloop.
 
As for the Men of War, we have seen nothing of them since they 
left us after the Siege, till Christmass [sic], at which time Captain 
Townshend called off this Bar, and then went to Charles Town, he did not 
come A shore, Stayed but a day or two, and would not come into the 
Harbour [sic], though I gave him notice that there was a Privateer 
fitted out from Augustine, which had not only taken prizes, but even 
carried away the Pilot Boat from off Charles Town Bar. I sent our 
Sloop to Convoy the Vessel that brought us the Kings provisions and 
she is returned back safe but miserably mawled by bad weather.
 
With Respect to the Colony, Increase or Improvements can hardly 
he expected in a neglected Frontier in time of War. Many people see 
well the Situation we are in, few are willing to have it thought that 
they remove through fear, tho they are uneasy at Staying, and find out 
twenty pretences [sic] of discontent. To this and the Arts of Spanish 
Agents who work underground, so as not to bhe perceived, and the 
naturall [sic] Scoundrilness [sic] of the Common Run of ill educated men, 
I am apt to impute the General dislike which I find there is to do any 
thing in the field, even to their raising their own provisions. The 
naturall [sic] Consequence of ill success amongst such kinds of people, 
whether real or apprehended, is to fly from difficulties and Dangers, 
and to abuse and Create lyes [sic] even of their Benefactors, when they 
think they can obtain any thing more advantagious, or avoid any disadvantage. 
I should have been troubled if I would have given my self any trouble 
about it, with an infinite deal of Impertinence, Folly and Nonsense, 
by the little divisions amongst the people, who have quite forgot the 
Situation they came into this Country in. But all these kind of Tittle 
tales I let them Squabble out, and and am far from hindering any from 
quitting the place, that satisfy the Debts they owe.
 
Indeed I have something more serious to think of, that is, to make such 
a defence [sic] as a man of Honour [sic] ought to do. Fortifications we 
have none of any Consideration, we could not Fortify during the peace, and 
I have had neither Funds or time to make any Considerable works since. 
What I did at first Settling the Colony were then very terrible for the 
small number of men I then had, and against the Enemy I had then to 
deal with, but nothing equal to oppose what I may expect if the English 
Expedition against the Havannah [sic] fails. The first Forts were made 
either of Wood or Earth, and easily went to ruin, there being no Fund 
either from the King or the Trustees for Supporting them. However, at 
my own hazard I ventured to make an Intrenchment round the Town of 
Frederica, to make a Battery or two upon Jekyll Sound, to repair the 
Fort at St. Andrews, and make another little one on the South End of 
that Island, but you may easily guess what poor Works those must be, 
which a Gentleman is able to Answer out of his own Fortune, if the 
Expences [sic] are not approved of by the publick [sic], yet the Works 
about Frederica would have been in a much better way, and now in a 
posture of defence [sic], could I have got men to work, but money will 
not do it, though I pay every week; the generality of the Soldiers are 
averse to work, and as for the Inhabitants, I do not know what to make 
of them, there is not one of them that will work at 12 d a day, though 
it is to save their own houses and persons from the Enemy. 

Nay, they are so silly as to build in the Town tho it is unfortified, and 
yet will not Contribute their Labour for hire, though it is to make those 
Buildings safe. Another great hindrance to the Works has been the Death of 
Mr. Mace, my Sickness, and that of Calwell whom I have taught something of 
Engineering. Since the Siege of Augustine I have never been able to 
get above 30 men to work at a time, sometimes not Six, and sometimes 
none at all, so that there is but a fourth part of the fort finished, 
and the Town is open at all the Angles, and half of the West side 
unintrenched [sic]. I fear the hot weather will come on before we shall 
have finished any thing, and if our Troops should miscarry in the Siege 
of Havannah [sic] I doubt not but we shall be visited by as large a force, 
as this province was intended to be attacked with in the year 1738.  We 
will certainly do the best we can, but if we are destroyed I hope, at 
least my Character will not Suffer since I have neither Cannon, Engi- 
neers, Fortifications, Troops nor Provisions Sufficient to make a 
defence [sic]. The Regiment is a very good one, but I do not think, that 
without advantage of Fortifications one man can he expected to Conquer 
her, and that there will probably be the odds against us, if the 
Spaniards hold the Havannah [sic]. These are things that I do not care to 
mention, much less write, least the Speaking might discourage the 
people here, or the Writing fell into the hands of the Enemy, but I 
take this opportunity of a Gentleman who will certainly sink the Letter 
if he sees danger of being taken, and I write that measures may be taken 
for our Assistance.

 
These Ills may he prevented if it is possible to send us a 
number of Labouring [sic] men, either Britons or Germans, Sufficient 
to fortify one place upon this Island well. If we have funds for keeping 
up two troops of Rangers, one upon the main, and one upon the 
Islands, Presents for keeping 4 or 500 Indians continually in Action 
against the Spaniards. (I by Experience find that they stand at least 
in L 10  p head, to them and the Interpreters bringing them down). One 
hundred men with Armed Boats and Sloops to Act by water, and a years 
provisions to he constantly kept for the Regiment in the Town. In 
this Situation, if the Town was fortified according to my plan I should 
not doubt, either to defend it against all the Spanish Force in America, 
or to fall with great Reputation, but as I can hardly hope that England 
will be at this Expence [sic], I must now even console my Self with doing 
my Duty. I have acquainted every Body what should have been done for the 
Seige [sic] of Augustine, but as it was not I did not Succeed for want of 
those very things I before demanded from Carolina and could not obtain.
 
It is now incumbent upon me to write the Circumstances we are 
in, to the Ministry, which I shall do by this occasion, I acquaint 
your Lordship with it since I know your warm heart to your Country, 
your good wishes to me, and that you will Speak to all where you see it 
will be of service.
 
Besides this long letter I shall trouble your Lordship with a 
Short one recommending the Gentleman who carries it. I am
 
Your Lordships
 
most obedt. humble servant
 
James Oglethorpe
 
I intended to have wrote [sic] another letter to yr. Lordship but Mr, 
Carteret will deliver you this whom I recommend to your Lordship, He 
can give you an Acct. of the last Expedition in which he was my Aid de 
Camp.



Col. Oglethorpe to Mr. Vernon Recd, 19. Aprl. 1741
 
Frederica 26 Jany. 1740/1
 
Sir
 
The Admiral has favour'd me with Some letters as well as you, and I am 
happy in congratulating you upon his first Success, and was as 
deeply concern'd for the condition he was So kind to inform me the 
fleet was afterwards in for want of materials, as also his desire to 
attempt Something early. Upon the very first breach with Spain, I wrote 
to him to acquaint him how desirous I was of being with him, & offer'd 
if I could dispatch the Affair of Augustine, and drive the Spaniards 
thence, instantly to go on board any Vessels as he Should Send me. I 
take this to he within the power of my Comission [sic] & his, viz. One who 
is Genl. and Comands [sic] in Chief, may at the request of an Admiral go on 
board his Squadron, if he thinks it for his Majesties Service.
 
I am Sorry to acquaint you, that instead of attacking Augustine 
in Jany. which if the Assembly of Carolina would have assisted me, I 
might have done, and probably the place must have Surrender'd by 
March, it was May before their assistance came down, and the place was 
both victualled [sic] & reinforced with Men and half galleys. As I was 
hamper'd. So it was impossible for the Admiral to Send any Ships to 
fetch us: however, I am fully persuaded great things will be done in 
America, by the great Succours [sic] Sent from Europe.
 
You mention'd the coming to an Agreement with Carolina relating 
to the Indian Trade: They will hear of no agreement at all, nor of any 
reason on that head. I was thrice at Charlestown, & they never would 
appoint any One to confer with me upon it. All that I could learn 
from their Conversation (and their Conversation is what they do not 
think themselves bound to Stick by) was that they expected to have 
Agents in the Indian Nations which are in Georgia, and those Agents to 
have power of judging & punishing any extroardinary [sic] Facts comitted 
[sic] there, to be tried at Charlestown. They never would hear any reason 
when I spoke upon that head. I can account for it no otherwise, but 
that they think they have already what they want, and desire no other 
use of the Indian Trade but to have a pretence [sic] to differ with this 
Colony, which certainly the people of Charlestown wish was destroyed.
 
They all Say that every trade that comes here lessens theirs, and 
cannot bear the thoughts of any Court in their Neighborhood, where 
causes can be decided on the Spot. They have prevented & destroyed the 
Towns of Port Royal and Cape Fear, by drawing their Merchants to
 
Charlestown by various litigated Suits &c; They cannot do that to the 
Province of Georgia, therefore their Endeavours [sic] have been to get the 
Inhabitants out of it, and that is their real End. As to their Indian 
trade they have had no kind of impediment in it Since I came over this 
time, except the Staving their Rum, in which there was no difference 
made between the people of Carolina and Georgia.


       (NB Col. Oglethorpe wrote to the Trustees 5 Oct. 
        1739 that Col. Bull had consented to his 
        Suppression of Rum and joyn'd in it.)


 
With respect to Matters here, it is impossible the Trust can be 
more Embarrass'd by the cunning & concealed opposition of the Spaniards 
in Loudon, than I am here, and I think exactly as you do, that I would 
even through off the whole Burden and give up the thing, but that I, as 
you do, think it So much for the publick [sic] Service, to continue my 
endeavours [sic] in executing my duty, both in directing and Supporting the 
Colony, that I will go on, till I can put it on Some hopefull [sic] footing, 
or am order'd Otherwise. No place ever flourish'd as this did, whilst 
the people obey'd the Trustees orders, & the advice I gave them, and 
their flourishing Situation for the first two years, compared with 
their dwindling or encrerasing [sic] according as they follow'd their own 
folly, or took my advice, fully proves this. There has been and I am 
afraid there is Still a diabolical Spirit Stirring: I beleive [sic] the 
Spaniards are at the bottom of it, but the Unhappy poor people that do 
their work for them, mostly do it ignorantly. Pride, Ignorance, 
Malice or Rapaciousness are mostly their motives: if they are 
baulked in any piece of Impertinence or pride, they grow angry at the 
person who hinders them; If I will not give then way, I am their Butt; 
Next, if they cannot drive the Trustees at home into their opinion, 
they abuse them, and take every measure that can oppose the prosperity 
of the Country, thinking thereby to vex Somebody, & that is a kind of 
revenge.
 
With respect to me, there have been Such extream [sic] great 
liberties taken of abusing me here, that I really beleive [sic] there is 
hardly a Man in the Universe that has had more lies raised of him, and 
the wretches who are objects of Comiseration [sic] and not my Resentment, 
makes it impossible for me to take notice of it, much less to have 
Satisfaction. There is no Calumny that can be Said of a Man that hath 
not been framed & told about me, and many Lies have arose I beleive [sic] 
from those who have had most obligations; but these Lies having little 
effect upon me, & my actions disproving them, there is a new fashion of 
lying come up, that is to Say, either going to Carolina to lie again 
there, where the distance makes them easier beleived [sic], & less easie 
[sic] to be confuted. Or writing to England, which is Still a greater 
distance, where the Calumnies may be beleived [sic], till they can be 
heard. They think by this, that of a great deal of dirt. Some will Stick, 
and I beleive [sic] So too, for I am persuaded it is impossible any man can 
Imagine that a number of people can be all lyars [sic], against One Man, 
without reason, & he their Benefactor. Yet I am very Sure, that there 
is not One thing from the beginning of the Colony to this day, in which 
I have not done justly & honestly, chusing [sic] rather mildness than 
Severity. I can also farther Say, that I have acted to the best of my 
experience, & can prove most of those things that have been here dis- 
liked, to have been wise and necessary measures. As I have reason to 
apprehend that this general clamour [sic] of idle, wicked, & ungratefull [sic] 
people must have had Some root, and that I find by your kind letters as 
well as others, that it has been Set on foot in Europe against the 
Trustees, and the use there has been to Strive to Lessen their 
Credit, and thereby to hinder the Colonys [sic] having proper Support 
from the Parliament, I cannot but think, that the use of these calumnies 
will be to lessen the Small Interest I have in England, & thereby to 
hinder the Service I may do against the Enemey [sic] here; and what Sr. Tho. 
Fitzgerald could not do by an open Remonstrance against me, is Strove to 
be effected by the Clamours [sic] of the wickedest of Wretches.

 
I Should never have troubled my Self about Slander, had it not 
had effects on the Kings Service: to be Sure, Slanders drive away 
numbers from Savanah, and that was an ill Effect, and those which 
Lessen'd the Confidence the people of Carolina had in me, delayed their 
preparations, and we have Severely felt the ill Effects of those delays. 
I must therefore, as an addition to all the former marks of friendship 
I have received from you, and also as a piece of justice, that if there 
are any more of those pretty reflections on my conduct come over, you 
will act the Same generous part, as you got done in the case of young 
Stephens, that you will get the Trustees to transmitt [sic] them to me, that 
I may justify my Self, & not Suffer in the opinion of my friends, till 
Such time as I have an opportunity of Shewing the pride and folly of 
their Reasons Or the falsness [sic] of the Facts. In the case of Stephens 
I beleive [sic] it will appear plan to you how much that unhappy man was 
mislead here, and how groundless his assertions were; but the uncer- 
tainty I was at till very lately, and the promises he gave to the idle 
people at Savannah, had a very had effect upon the Colony. If two more 
people were to prove treacherous in the Same manner, I doubt much 
whether it would be recover'd. For my part I ly [sic] under an 
indisposition of body and a mind not easily able to apply to business. 
I am daily teared with inpertinencies [sic]. Insults, and abuses from 
the people of the Colony, in Such a manner that I really do not know 
what measures to to take, did I not love them as my children, I Should 
let them perish in their follys [sic]. I bear with every thing, and Strive 
to reclaim the worst, out of regard to a great many good people, who I 
would do any thing to protect. They cannot make the good & honest 
beleive [sic] their lyes [sic] here, and therefore have, & continue as I 
hear transferring them to England, therefore I thought of troubling you with 
this freedom. Since I know your prudence will prevent younger people 
from being preposest [sic].
 
The Trustees determination concerning their Intention of the 
Orphan house, was the Same that Mr. Whitfeild took ill of me for telling 
him here. I hope it will now do pretty well under Regulations.
 
With respect to the Trustees Accts. and Several queries in Mr. 
Verelts letters, I have been long Striving to get through them; I 
hope Soon to do it, & I can Satisfy every one of the Queries, my 
illness has hinder'd me hitherto.
 
With respect to the Servants work, they have been often employ'd 
on the fortifications; when they have, it will be posted to that 
account, and if the king pays for those fortifications, they will be 
reimbursed out of it. Several of them gained Sufficient to reimburse 
their passage by their Service in the Independent Company, and have now 
their freedom; and when that is paid by the Crown, the Trustees will be 
reimbursed their passage.
 
There are numbers of other things which the Accounts only can 
explain. I think I have got the people of Savannah on Such a footing 
that they can now buy or raise their provisions, therefore I beleive [sic] 
the Trustees will have little occasion of Accounts there any more, tho 
there are great numbers of publick [sic] Services necessary for the Province, 
of which I have often wrote at large. I think if the people had a 
little more Sense & less Stubborness [sic], the Improvments of Silk 
and wine would be certain; But there is Such an oddness of Spirit, that the 
first thing that a Men dos [sic] here, is to throw up his Improvments in 
disgust. I Shall trouble you no more upon this head, but must take the 
liberty of recomending [sic] to you Mr. Carteret, who will give you a full 
account of the last Campaign here. I hope you will beleive [sic] me to be
 
Dear Sir
 
Yr. most obedt. humbe. Servant
 
Ja. Oglethorpe








 
Mr. Tho. Hawkins to Mr. Martin arriv'd 19 April 1741
 
Frederica 26 Jany. 1740/1

 
Sir

 
You'll please to inform the honourable [sic] Trustees that your 
Letter dated last march [sic] did not come to my hands till the 24th. of 
December past, which related to several material particulers concerning 
the State of the province, their Honours [sic] may reasonably have had 
Answers from hence by that time, but as tis the Common fate of some 
Letters to come late and others not at all, I hope the honble. Gentle 
men will not impute the want of Answers to my want of assiduity.


 
Soon after our Return from the Expedition to St. Augustine 
Colonel Stephens was here some weeks, during which time several 
Depositions were attested before me concerning the Querries [sic] 
mentioned in your letter, the same were forwarded by him, for their 
honours [sic] Satisfaction.
 
I am Sorry the present Situation of Affairs cannot afford a 
Satisfactory Letter since my last return of the number of Inhabitants 
to Coll, Stephens. We have lost Several of the Darien at the Expedi- 
tion one John Holmes Macintosh of Darien is gone from hence and 
Settled in Carolina, as are John Levally Junr., a Shoemaker and his 
Family, William Addison of this place is also gone with his Family from 
hence and Jacob Faulcon and Son, And Andrew Mitchel and Family. The 
people in General decline all manner of improvement, and from an 
Industrious Sett are become the most Malicious, Idle, and disorderly, 
and right or wrong will have their way, So that any Person 
intrusted [sic] with any Superiour [sic] Office, or that has the least 
Appearance of doing better than themselves is harrased [sic] out by ill 
Usage and insults, and I am sorry to see the very people (thro want of 
Gratitude or honesty) daily encourages them who are fed either by their 
honours [sic] or his Excellency.
 
On the other hand there is one of the persons intrusted [sic] with the 
Examination of Accounts and publick [sic] money making the most absurd 
Scrutinies into Just Accts. and denying payment of the very Sallerys [sic] 
order'd in their Honours [sic] Estimate for the year past notwithstanding 
proper Certificates are produced, intending under the Specious Shew of 
extraordinary honesty to ingratiate himself by revileing [sic] others, and 
reserving in his hands the money for Trafick [sic] at an immoderate profit, 
while the person has dearly earned, and perhapps [sic] wants it to Support 
the necessaries of a numerous family.

 
I have this day renewed my desire of being paid my Just demands 
which I beg may be forwarded, and heartily desire an acquitance [sic]
from Publick [sic] service if the payment is so uncertain and the Office 
attended with so many abuses, which is like to Continue from such 
ungratefull [sic] people, I have done my utmost in Improvements which 
are Superiour [sic] to any Others, I should be sorry to leave them, 
but shall be obliged unless payment is made me; my Cattle and Hogs, 
which by this would have been worth 100 L Sterling are most of them 
destroyed and Shot. My Building materialls [sic] Cutt [sic]in peices [sic] 
for publick [sic] use without payment; My Constitution ruined by Fatigues; 
My Character hurted [sic] by Malicious Aspersions, My Dues kept from me.

 
These, Sir, are the Reasons that I cannot with Satisfaction 
make any progress; these are the Retaliations I meet with for 5 years 
service, and must of Necessity prove my destruction unless duely [sic] 
Considered. I Appeal to Mr. Carteret, a Gentleman that has taken the 
trouble of this, whether every Circumstance I have troubled you with is 
not veil grounded upon Reason and Facts. I am
 
Sir
 
Yr. most obedt, humble servt.
 
Thomas Hawkins
 
To. Benj. Martyn Esqr.






 
Sent 26 Jany. 1740/1 and arrived 19 Aprl. 1741
 
An Appeal of Thomas Hawkins 
of Frederica in Georgia to the Honourable [sic] 
the Trustees of that Province
 
Frederica 14th. April 1740


 
The Case

 
About 14 months ago John Allen legally indebted to Andrew Walset 
of the Town of Frederica was Summoned to appear at the Town Court, 
where the said Allen acknowledged his Debt. As I was unwilling to set 
forward executions amongst the people, I offer'd to pay the plaintiff 
his money if the Defendant would engage to do me work to that value. 
About a month afterwards I desired him to Splitt [sic] me the value in 
Clapboards. In my Absence from Town a parcell [sic] of worthless and unmer- 
chantable [sic] Stuff was laid at my Door amounting neither in number or 
goodness to his proposal, for which reason I stop'd payment of four 
Shillings and Six pence the Value of the differency [sic] the number of the 
received was made Oath of by my servant before Mr. Calwell one of the 
Magistrates. Allen naturally of a turbulent Disposition was 
encouraged and put on in Abuseing [sic] me, and frequently threatned my life 
And had it not been for my Application to the Lt. Colonel (who was then 
at St. Simons) and by my desire lent a party of men to Suppress him he 
certainly would have murther'd [sic] every one in my house. For which 
Intent he had loaded his Muskett [sic] with Balls and with his Bayonet 
fizt came to the Door and Swore Revenge, he was thereupon confined, but 
again released by Mr. Perkins and Mr. Moore without any Satisfaction 
for the Insult given me. But was by them set forward in his Abuses 
notwithstanding my proceeding kindness. And at the next Court they 
were pleased to tell me that I must pay the before mentioned Allen the 
four Shillings and six pence; I answer'd I should pay him without 
Scruple was the Same his real due, but not otherwise.

 
This Affair passed on to the proceeding Court, which to the best 
of my knowledge was in Jany. when being confined by a Rhumatic Fever to 
my Bed I received a Letter from Mr. Perkins and Mr. Moore to the Intent 
that unless I made my Defence [sic] at that Court that they would grant 
an Execution against My Goods. My Answer to them was; that I was both 
willing and able to make my defence [sic], but was so ill at the present 
time that I could not come, they also added another Charge of 4 Shillings 
for a Spade broke by my servant, but they had no proof either for the 
one or the other; Notwithstanding the next day they very Arbitrarily 
Seised [sic] my Goods without regular proceedings or Jury, I replevined [sic] 
them, And Since made a tender of the 8 Shillings and 6 pence to Mr. 
Recorder which he would not take. I therefore desist from paying the 
man his Unjust demand till the Same is order'd by their Honours [sic] 
to whom I make my Appeal.
 
Thomas Hawkins


 
 
Frederica 26th 1740/1

 
Sir

 
I am desired by his Excellenc [sic] General Oglethorpe to acquaint you 
that I am settled in Frederica Town being lately married to Capt. 
Dunbarr's Sister who hath a Lot in Frederica which is now mine. If I can 
be any ways Serviceable to the honourable [sic] Trustees or to you, I shall 
be proud of being favoured [sic] with your Commands.
 
I have often expected the Trustees would have taken some notice 
of me, as I never joined since my first arrival with any discontented 
party nor signed any petition all which I thought would be troublesome 
to them. Doctor Houstoun and several others of my friends acquainted 
me of many fair promises made for me at the Board and by several of 
the Trustees privately before I left Scotland by which they over-
perswaded [sic] me to preferr [sic] Georgia to North Carolina where 
I then designed to have settled. 

But never the least favour [sic] have I received from the 
Trustees since my arrival altho I think I have done as much to deserve 
their favour [sic] as some others who has had them, but length of time and 
distance makes promises frequently forgot. The General says he will 
mention me to you himself, so I shall trouble you no more at present. 
If I can be any ways Serviceable to you in the Colony please favour [sic] 
me with your Commands which shall be punctually Obey'd by
 
Sir
 
Your most humble and Obedt. Servt.
 
Pat. Houstoun
 
To Mr. Harman Verelst



 
Mr. Tho. Jones to Col. Stephens 
Frederica 31 Jany. 1741/1

 
Sir/

 
The Trustees Servants (who came here with Russell with the 
Express Boat) tell me. That Mr. Houston hath order'd them to get the 
Boat ready, for that he designs to go for Savannah this day; I do not 
expect that I shall be asked for my Consent to let the Boat and ser- 
vants go; This Gentleman since his late Allyance [sic] with the prime 
Minister, is greatly flushed, and aims, I beleive [sic], at no less 
than to be Comptroller of the Finances, He comes furnished with proper, 
but private Instructions to confer with Messrs. Fallowfield, Duchee, 
and Grant, which I heard from the General (upon my requesting him to 
appoint a Constable, according to your desire, which he would not do 
untill [sic] Houston returned)
 
We are barren of Hews here from abroad, what grows in these 
parts are such monstrous productions, not proper to be exposed to 
View -- But what our Enemies will in time expose with pleasure --
 
I am at no certainty when I shall be dismissed, I am seldome [sic] of 
late Sent for unless it be to exercise my Patience in being a Witness 
to the Examinations of Persons about Trifles, Such as Scolding Bouts, 
Breaches of the Peace &c, which the Magistrates here are forbid to 
meddle with.
 
The Trustees appointments and Orders are not regarded in this 
part of the province I expect 'ere long, that such measures will be 
taken as may bring Savannah into the same Case. I would have sent some 
Cash, and also a Set of Bills of Exchange payable Mr. Brownfield 
P, Bearer, but think it more adviseable [sic] to send the Same p John 
Ray, whom you may expect at Savannah in a few days  I am
                                       
                                           &C.
 
To Wm. Stephens Esqr.






 
Mr. Whitfield to the Trustees
 
On board the Minerva 2 Feby. 1740/1
 
Hond. Gentlemen
 
I received your letter dated June 11th and I have also seen the 
Orders you have been pleased to send to the Magistrates of Savannah. 
I find by both you are fearfull [sic] least I should have too much power, and also think I gave Acted beyond my Commission  If I have it was with 
out design --
 
The Magistrates I applyed [sic] to upon my first arrival at Savannah 
 -- They understood my Grant in the Same Sense which I did, and I took 
no Orphan into my house without their Consent. Mr. Fallowfield and Mr. 
Parker sent their Orphans. The latter tho unwilling at first at 
length Complied. I apprehended the Generals proceeding in respect to 
the Milledges [sic] to be Arbitrary and inconsistent with my Grant, and 
therefore wrote to you in the manner I did  I always acted Singly 
with his Excellency, sent him the Copy of every letter in which I 
mentioned his name, and left him to make what Reply he should think 
proper -- But it is all well -- I have to the best of my knowledge 
Acted with a Single Eye to Gods Glory, and a hearty desire to promote 
the welfare of the Colony. 

God I am persuaded will yet bless the 
Orphan house, The greatest difficulties I hope are now Surmounted, and 
whatever treatment I may meet with, all I believe at Savannah must 
Confess, that if the Orphan house had not been Erected, there would 
Scarce any Inhabitants at all have been left in it by this time -- I 
thank you Honrd. Gentlemen for Excusing those engaged in Works for 
the Orphan house from Civil Offices -- But I must intreat you also to 
let me and my Executors have the power of Nominating our Successors for 
ever. This I think is the least you can do, for my laying out so many 
thousand pounds, and I am sure had I known or Suspected that such a 
Power had not been given me in the grant, I would not have expended a 
Single Halfpenny -- With my own hand I wrote my or his Successors for 
ever in the Copy of the first Grant which was sent me, and from which 
Mr. Towers and I cut off Several pages. Perhaps that is lost and only 
a Copy of my present Grant taken, and there lies the mistake. But I 
humbly desire Honrd. Gentlemen that mistake may now be rectified, and 
that the House may be left to the Management of me and my Successors to 
to be nominated by me and my Executors for ever. The power granted the 
Magistrates will be always a Sufficient Check to and Guard against any 
Illegal proceedings, I humbly desire this as a favour --
 
As for the Cotton Manufactory the Magistrates are of Opinion 
you could not intend to hinder us from Spinning and weaving 
Cloaths [sic] only for our own Use (which is all I propose) and 
therefore a loom is yet up in the Orphan house. The General I know 
has Offer'd premiums for persons that would Spin and Weave  Why Hond. 
Gentlemen are my proceedings thus diverted? The Spinning and Weaving 
in the Orphan house will never hurt the Silk Manufactory Supposing 
it does ever cone to any thing. But there is no great likelihood of 
it at present  I fear, as many do, You are misinformed about the 
Affairs of poor deserted Georgia.
 
Shortly I shall publish the Acct. of monies which I have disbursted [sic] 
and then you will See Honrd. Gentlemen, how much the Colony under God is 
obliged to me --
 
I have now resigned the Parsonage of Savannah and also brought 
away the Schoolmaster to his Native Country. If you will be pleased to 
allow six pounds, for the Expence [sic] of his passage it would be kind; If 
not I will pay it my Self  The Expence [sic] I have been at for Candles for 
the publick [sic] Worship for the last twelve month is five pounds  I have 
dropped all Intentions of assisting further in Building the Church, and 
have orderd [sic] the money that remained in my hands above what has been 
Expended for Stone to be paid to Colonel Stephens  My Affairs would 
not possibly admit me to Stay longer now at Savannah.
 
I am coming over for a few months to England and then purpose 
God willing to return again to America  Be pleased to Order me an 
Answer to this to be left at Mr. James Huttons without Temple Bar --
 
And now Honrd. Gentlemen  The Lord be with you  I wish you 
good luck in the name of the Lord. As an unworthy Servant and Minister 
of Jesus Christ, I beseech you to let Gods Glory be your first and 
Chief Aim. For Georgia will never flourish unless that be first and 
Chiefly consulted. Thus it was with New England Settlement. It was 
never well Established, till Established by Religious people. Hond. 
Gentlemen, pray be no offended at my freedom. Indeed I speak out of 
the Simplicity of my heart and would Speak and write with 
humility -- I am sure no one preys more earnestly for the prosperity 
of Georgia then   Honrd. Gentlemen
 
Your very humble servant
 
George Whitefield





 
Capt. Joseph Averys Proposals, feb [sic]. 1740-1 Recd. 22 May 1741
 
Proposals
 
To his Excellency General Oglethorpe one of the Trustees for 
Establishing the Colony of Georgia, and to the rest of that 
honourable [sic] Body.

 
By Capt. Joseph Avery, Settled and residing upon the Head of 
the River May in South Carolina about 20 miles from Savannah in 
Georgia, For taking up land in that province near the said Town and 
for Seting [sic] up upon that Lend a building yard for Ships, Vessels, 
Boats &c. And for carrying it on. And that the said building yard and 
other Parts of the Province may be supplyed [sic] with Boards, Planks &c, 
without which the Undertaking cannot be carried on at Reasonable prices, he 
also farther [sic] proposes to Erect and Set going One or more Saw Mills as 
he shall find proper and Convenient pieces upon the said River, He 
likewise proposes to Improve his said Land in a different manner to 
what his been hitherto practised [sic] as an Example to the rest of the 
Colony, These three Branches are Explained distinctly as follows.

 
1.
 
As to Building Ships, and makeing [sic] Dockyards, Workhouses, Storehouses 
&c, The said Undertaker having from bis Youth been bred in his Majestys [sic] 
Dockyards in Britain to Ship Building, and in the knowledge of all 
other Maritime Affairs, and since that in the practice of it. And 
having always had a Mathematical and Mechanical Inclination and 
Genius, and a good deal of Practice that way in Surveying for the 
Crown and other different parts of Engeneering [sic] for Genl. Wade and 
others; It cannot therefore he supposed that he would propose any 
thing to the Honble. Trustees, to deceive them that he knows not how to 
perform. Because it would deceive himself, he being resolved to Act 
upon his Own bottom, provided the Grant of Land he agreeable to him, 
and that they give him all the Reasonable Assistance they can, if it be 
found no way prejudicial to them, but of publick [sic] benefit to the Colony.
 
In Order to make this Business Successful! and of Use to the 
Province, tis Necessary the price of Ship building he reduced pretty 
near to what it is at New England and Philadelphia, otherwise none will 
build here But by Necessity, But as the Excessive price of Workmen's 
Wages at present renders that impossible. So the Undertaker proposes 
that such of the Orphans that are able and Strong of a good Genius, 
and that are inclined that way, be put Apprentice to him for Seven 
Years, two, three, or four each year as shall be found necessary for 
eight or ten years to come. Also that all such Ingenious foreigners 
that are Young, or that he shall Judge will be of use to him, that are 
sent by the Trust to the Colony that he may be allowed to have them at 
prime Cost to breed that Way, those Methods in a few years he will 
have a Sufficient number of Workmen of his own breeding that will be 
well Skill'd. So as to carry on that Undertaking to Advantage.


2d.
 
As to Building and Erecting Saw Mills and supplying them with timber 
and carrying them on.

 
In the Year 1722 the said undertaker having Bought General Ross's 
Firr Woods in the High lands of Scotland, went down to Manufactor 
[sic] and send them to London, In performing which amongst other 
Methods he did him self (for his use) Erect and Build Five Saw Mills, 
Two double, and three Single to cut Boards and Planks &c. All which 
Mills wrought to good purpose as long as the Woods lasted, the building 
and working them being no great Expence [sic] where Workmens [sic] Wages 
is so cheap. But here the Undertaker proposes to build all such Saw Mills 
as he shall find fit and proper places for upon his own Acct, The 
Trustees advancing or lending him so much money from time to time as 
he May want to carry on and Compleat [sic] those works, he paying them 
in Boards or Sawing Work, or Else in money as they shall have an Occasion 
for, till the said sum they advance be fully paid and Satisfied.

 
NB: liberty must be granted to the said Undertaker for Cutting 
Timber for the Use of Building Ships, Houses, Saw Mills or any other of 
his Works, Upon all such land as is not granted away by the Trust to 
others. Or else so far as they Shall think proper and Convenient for that use. 



3d.
 
As to the holding land fit for his purpose of Building Dock yards. Saw 
Mills &c; and also for Improvements in the manner as before proposed 
by him.

 
The Said Undertaker having been some time at Savannah, and 
having Carefully and Considerately Viewd [sic] the ground about it for 
the Two purposes above, finding no place so Convenient for that purpose as 
on the South side of the River Savannah about three quarters of a Mile 
below the Town Opposite to a Small Island of Marsh in the middle of the 
River and below Andrew Duchees five Acre Lot, Land as he is informed 
not yet taken up. Altho this Land in high Spring tides is overflood, 
and is partly Wood and partly marsh land, yet he finds it only the 
fitest [sic] place for the two purposes proposed by him, And first for Dock 
yards, altho it must be banked in to make it dry and fit to live and 
work upon. Yet the Channel of the River is deep Close to the Bank, and 
the Bank is good and fit for Wharfs to Build Ships upon and to lay 
against. And there is also several Creeks which would be easily made 
into dry Docks with Wood upon the Land for Manufactories.
 
And Secondly, as the Undertaker did for Several Noblemen and 
Gentlemen in Scotland, take in and Improve large parcells [sic] of Marsh and 
overflood Ground by banking Sluceing [sic] &ca. And did make them Arable and 
Grass Land to Considerable value, Value, which was a good Example 
to that Country. So he presumes he can do the like here, which as it 
may prove an Example to others may be of great use to the Colony.
 
This he proposes to do provided that he has Five hundred Acres 
granted to him, The Small Island of Marsh in the Middle of the River 
being part of it. And the Land where the Dock yard is to be, and the 
Marsh land below it Adjoyning [sic] to the Remaining part of the Five hundred 
Acres, The Title to be freehold to the Undertaker and his Heirs and 
otherways by Will according to the last Grant sent over by the Trustees, 
And that he may be left at Liberty to improve it in such a Manner as he 
shall think proper. And if it shall be thought proper by the Trustees 
hereafter to grant to Assignes [sic], then that Clause may also he added to 
the said Grent.
 
And as the Said Undertaker has two Sons, therefore all Lands 
found hereafter Necessary for for the Saw Mills, According to the 
Restrictions in Quantity may he Granted to them, and all Encouragement 
given as it shall appear hereafter to he of use to the Colony.
 
P.S.

Perhapps [sic] it may he objected against the Undertaker, that as he 
has so great a Quantity of land in Carolina as 48 thousand Acres, And 
in one place about 15 thousand Acres  Where he is now settled, with 
plenty of timber for Building and other Conveniencies [sic] and a good 
Plantation, what should move him to leave it and settle in Georgia. To 
this he returns three (as he Supposes Sufficient) Reasons.
 
1. That Undertaking, being so large that Engaged him to Settle there. And 
the Gentlemen concerned as he then Supposed being Sufficient to carry 
it on, but Since that becoming Bankrupt and so no way able to Assist in 
carrying on what was first proposed, made the whole design Abortive.

 
2d. The design being made abortive as above, Altho the Said Undertaker, 
could live well enough upon his Plantation, yet it was so Solatarily [sic] 
and lonely, quite different and disagreeable to what he had been used 
to, and Land being of little value in this Country made him Chuse [sic] what 
he beleives [sic] will be of less profit to him, for the Conveniency of 
Conversation.

 
3d. The Temper and Genius of the Carolinans [sic] in general is not very agreeable to him.



 


 
  Wrote about feby. 1740-1 & Recd. 22 May 1741
 
     A True Accot. of the Inhabitants in the Village 
     on the Island of Skidoway [sic] in the Province of 
     Georgia from their first Settling there on the 
     16 Jany. 1733 to this present time. As also the 
     present State and Condition of that Village.




Thomas Mouse, Wife & 5 Daughters 

 
Has cleared and planted about 10 Acres of lend. And has from time 
to time used his utmost endeavours [sic] to live upon the produce, but 
finding It would not maintain his Family; he applyed [sic] to Genl. 
Oglethorpe for a licence [sic] to keep a publick [sic] House; It being a 
place that the Boats Generally Stays at for the tide in their way to the 
Southward; He obtained a Licence [sic], and continued some time in that 
way of Business which helps out with his planting. This year there has 
been but few Boats passing and repassing to and from the Southward; And 
the produce of the lands not being Sufficient to maintain him and Family. 
After having Spent about 6 years and 4 months on the said Islands, he was 
obliged to leave his Buildings and all his Improvements and go to 
Savannah for Employ, where he and Family now continues; his Wife being 
a Midwife, and himself Worked for the Reverend Mr. Whitfield at the 
Orphan house.


Francis Brooks
 
Married his Eldest daughter and was appointed  Commander of a 
Scout Boat, in which he was Shot by the Spaniards near Francisco De 
Pupo, on Florida. His Wife and two Children now lives at Savannah and 
works at her Needle, which is some little help towards her 
Support.

 
Wm. Johnson Dallmas has cleared little or no Land he being groubled (likely troubled) with a Fistelo, and Sickness for a long time, dyed [sic] about 2 years after his arrival.

 
Thomas Smyth and Wife -- having cleared 2 Acres of Land. He was some time Sick and dyed [sic] about 2 years after his arrival. Thomas Wattle married the Widow and came to live at Savannah; He some time after left his Wife and went to New York. His Wife lives now at Savannah, and takes Lodgers.

 
Wm. Helfeston and Wife -- He dyed [sic] Soon after his arrival. Ambrose Morrison Married his Widow, came to live at Savannah, where She lived some time and then Dyed [sic]; Ambrose Morrison Soon after went into the Indian Nation, where he now is.
 
Paul Joue. Dyed [sic] soon after his arrival.
 
Head Gardner, Wife and Child -- having cleared about 2 Acres of Land could not get a Maintenance by it he continued about 4 years on the Island most part in a poor Condition. He hired himself in the Scout Boat. After he left the Scout Boat, he worked as a Labourer [sic] at Savannah; then he went to work at Mr. Whitfields Plantation, where a Branch of a Tree fell on him and killed him. He left a Widow and two Small Children, who now lives 
at Savannah and gets her living in a poor manner partly by work 
at her Needle.

 
Sam: Ward -- Having cleared 5 Acres of Land could not get a Maintenance by it, he lived about 4 years on the Island, part of the time in a poor Condition; afterwards he hired himself in the Scout Boat and went to the Southward, and married there, then left the Scout Boat came to Savannah, where he stayd [sic] some time, then went to South Carolina, and from thence he and his Wife went to England.


 
John Stonehewer -- Having cleared about 5 Acres of Land, but could not get a Maintenance by it. After having continued 4 years on the Island he left all 
his Improvements and went to Beaufort in S. Carolina, and worked at his 
Trade he being a Barber, and dyed [sic] there.

 
Charles Wheeler -- Having cleared about 1 Acre of Land; he being broken Back'd was not fit for hard Labour; continued about 4 years in the Island, during which time was most Supported by his Friends in England. Afterwards he 
went to Chas. Town in South Carolina, where he got his living by his pen 
and Dyed [sic] there.

 
Goodwin Cheney -- Having cleared no Lands continued about 3 years, then went to the Settling of St. Georges Island to the Southward where he dyed [sic].

 
Daniel Harwood -- Went away soon after his arrival, to Philladelphia [sic].

 
Wm. Headly -- Went away soon after his arrival, on Board the Hawk Sloop.

 
John Griffin and Daughter -- having cleared about 5 Acres of Land and could not get a Maintenance by it, he continued about 3 years on the Island. Was obliged to leave all his Imrprovemts. [sic] and go to Savannah for Employ where he stayd [sic] some time; Afterwards went to Philedelphia [sic] and lives there by his Trade, he being a Weaver, his Daughter lives at Savannah.

 
John Latter and Andrew Barber -- Both working in Joint Labour their Lands lying together, they cleared about 16 Acres; the Scout Boat at this time was Stationed here, & they both worked in it; John Latter soon after went Commander & A. Barber in the Boat where She was moved to; they did not plant any more there. John Latter has continued in that and other Boats till this 
time. Andrew Barter Stay'd on the Island about 6 months longer than 
Jno. Latter. He continued in that Scout Boat and other Boats till he 
went to North Carolina.

Wm. Ewen -- Having cleared about 5 Acres of land but could not get a Maintenance by it, having continued about 3 years was obliged to leave all his Improvements, and go to Savannah for Employ, and is now there.


 
All the Habitations on the Islands are near, or gone to ruin, 
and all the cleared land is grown up with weeds, and Small trees. And 
is now become a Strange place to to the Inhabitants.
 
There was a Guard house buldt [sic] here and is now gone to Ruin, and 
the Guns carried to some other Place.
 
William Ewen 
Thomas Mouse



 


 
Wrote feby. [sic] 174O-1 Recd. 22 May 1741
 
Charlestown in Carolina
 
Extracts from the Register of Mortality of 
the Deceased from the Province of Georgia


1 Aug, 1734
 
Sarah Coates 
James Rylly 
Charles Wheeler
Stephen Proctor 
John Cuthbert / 16 Nov, 1739 
Nathanl. Young. Son of Thos. Young 

 9 Dec. 1738
 
Charles Briton 
Wife of Thos. Young 
 
 
 
Sept. 1739. 

James Muir
James Anderson, a Child
 
10 July 1733.  

Do. Wife, from the Workhouse 
John Dunbar. 
Mary Cook, D. of Thos. Cook


 
1740. 

John Davis 
Rachel Ure
Alexander Munro
Francis Durand Servt.

 
15 feb. 1734/5  

Rylly, Child 
of James Rylly 
Wife of Philip Bishop 1740
Elizabeth, Child of Thos. Young

Sept. 1739

Samuel Holmes
Joseph Hetherington  1740

Sept. 1739
 
John Desborough 
Eleanor Fetters
James Gould
Mrs. Hetherington, formerly
Wife of Capt. Lacy 1740


Sept. 1739
 
Dodson Desborough

1740
 
Edwd. Desborough
Edward Johnson
Robert Bathurst, Son to Sr. Francis 
9 Sept. 1739 
John Coats  4 Sept. 1739

1740

Thomas Proctor 
Eleanor Peters, Daugr. 
of Eleanor Peters 
James Proctor 
John Proctor
Lewis Jones 
Thomas Atwell  Jan. 1737-8
Wife  1739 
Son  1738
Robert Bell 1740


1739
 
Neal Wife 
of Thomas Neal formerly 
wife of Mr. Amatis
Wife of John Desborough 1740
John Wedd 
Anthony Sallie
Archibald Mack Beau 
Son


Dec. 1739
 
Catharina his Wife 
3 Children of Do 
Mary Johnston. Daughter of Geo: Syms 
David Jewey 
Joseph Smiths Wife 
Child 
 
16 Feb. 1733-4 
 
Joseph Taylor 
John Brodie, Child 
------ Jones 
James Dickson 
 
 
12 Mar. 1739/40

Robert Potter
Christopher Gallimore Servt.

 
30 Aug. 1740 

Mrs. Jenkins, wife of Edward Jenkins Senr.

 
Wm. Smith Register


 
(286) Sign'd 22 Nov. 1740 Copy'd 2d. Dec. 1740 Recd. 22 May 1741
 
The Remonstrance of 
the Inhabitants of the 
Town and County of Savannah, 
and the rest of the Inhabitants 
of the Province of Georgia in 
America.
 
To the Honourable [sic] the Trustees for 
Establishing that Colony.
 
May it Please Your Honours [sic] 
 




Isaac Nunez Henriques’ Acct of loss by cultivation.  Wrote feb [sic] 1740-1 Recd. 22 May 1741

An account of charge and benefits of Mr. Isaac Nunez Henriques on the Improvements that he has made in the Colony of Georgia in America, from 12th. July 1733 it being the time of his arrival.


Charges                            Dr.


To on house, one Warehouse, one Framed Kitchen
With a stone chimney in town                          75.0.0

To Fencing and ditching five Acres of Swamp Land
And Clearing three acres thereof, and building one
Framed house thereon, Dimensions 12 feet on 16.                          36.2.0

To clearing 8 Acres of land in Five and forty
Acres farm lot and Building a Tenement of 20
Feet by 12                                          22.0.0
                              —————————
                       L    133.2.0


To one English Servant at first cost for two
Years servitude                                   5.0.0

To maintaining the aforesaid Servant for two years                           9.4.8

To one English servant for a year and a half 
Servitude at first cost                                  8.0.0

To the maintainance [sic] and clothing of Do, during
The time                                      6.8.6

To two Dutch Servants at first Cost              12.5.0



Per Contra               Cr.
                       L   S  
1735 To two bushels of Mays [sic] or Indian corn and
           One Bushel of Indian Pease [sic] reaped on the 
           5 acre garden lot                                      0.14.0


1736   To 15 bushels of rough rice reaped in the
            Above garden lot                                 0.15.0


1737 To 18 Bushels of Do. Reaped on Do. Deli-
  verde in the store           1.16.0

  To 25 bushels of mays [sic] or Indian corn
  reaped on the 45 acre farm lot        1.17.0

  To 1 bushel of corn reaped on the said
  Farm lot               0. 1.0

  To 2 bushels of pease [sic] (indians) [sic]       0. 3.0

1738 To 30 Do. of Rough Rice reaped on the said
  farm lot              2. 5.9

  To 9 bushels of Rough Rice on the said
  Farm Lot             0.  9.0

  To disposing of the two Dutch Servants
  mentioned above            7. 0.9
              ——————
                15.  0.9
              ——————
      Total sum of Expense    L       195.6.8






To the charges of maintaining the said Dutch
Servants for 20 months at Viz. p month


40 lb of meat at  2d p lb     L  0.6.8
24 lb of bread at 1d 1/2 p lb                  L  0.3.0
2 Bushels of Corn                           L  0.3.0
4 lb butter                                    L  0.2.0

Multiplyd [sic] for 20 months                  L  0.14.8   14.3.6


To Cloathing [sic] the said Dutch Servts. 
For 20 months Viz.

To 6 pairs of shows for the man   1.10.0
To 4 shirts for Do.                      0.12.0
To 4 pair of Trowzers [sic] for Do.       0.12.0

To one jackett [sic] for Do               0.08.0
To 6 pair of shoes for ye Woman.          1. 1.0
To 4 shifts and aprons                    0.17.0
To Handkerchefs and caps                 0. 4.0
To a Jacket and Petticoat                 0.18.0
To a calf and fowls for
encouraging the said
Dutch Servants cost   1.12.0 _______________            6.2.6
                                       6. 2.0                              
                                                                 -------
                                                                 195.6.8
                           

Total sum of expense               L.    195.6.8

Total benefits received                  15.0.9

Lost on the Acct.                                         180.1.11

No bounty received on the 
crops as promised




 
Savannah 2 Dec. 1740
 
Appeard [sic] before Us John Fallowfield Baylif [sic] and John Pye Recorder 
Isaac Nunez Henriquez And Upon his Oath declared that the within 
Acct. is Just and true
 
Isaac Nunez Henriques 
John Fallowfield 
John Pye






 
Some time in July last We received Intelligence from our 
Friends and Relations in England, that Your Honours [sic] resolving to take 
the present state of this Colony into Serious Consideration, Had, in 
Order to he fully and truely [sic]Informed of the Grievances the people here 
labour [sic] under, Sent Instructions to your Secretary and the Magistrates 
here, to acquaint the Inhabitants, That they should write their Grievances 
and Complaints, and get the Seal of this Town Affixed to them. In 
Order to have the Same transmitted to the Honourable [sic] Board; But 
to our very good Surprize [sic], no mention of any thing of that nature was 
made for four months after we Received that Advice; When suddenly and 
without any previous notice. On Monday the tenth of November last; At a 
Court holden on Acct. of the Claims of Land, Your Honours [sic] Secretary 
Collonell [sic] Stephens, did then and there read some paragraphs of a 
Letter from the Honourable [sic] Board, as he said, Directing the people to 
set forth their Miserys [sic], Hardships and Difficulties, to your Honours [sic]; 
Then he told us, that with great care and pains he had formed an 
Answer to the paragraphs above mentioned. And had drawn up the State 
and Condition of the Colony Justly, as he thought; A long paper was 
then read over to us. Setting forth the Colony in the Most advantagious [sic] light; Enumerating the many Usefall [sic], fine and Curious productions 
of it; with Sundry other matters and things. That we the Old Settlers 
here cannot join in; for we cannot call to remembrance ever to have seen 
a Hedge in the Country, far less pomegranates growing in them; As to the 
Silk, the Wine, the Oyl [sic], the Wheat &c. the small quantitys [sic] of 
either of them that has been raised here in the Space of Eight years, too 
plainly shows, that the produce is not so Extraordinary as your Secretary 
would make your Honours [sic] Believe; Notwithstanding, Sixteen persons, some 
Land Holders, some not. Swore to the Truth of the aforementioned Paper, 
And Signed the Same in Publick [sic] Court. 
 
We, whose names are under Written, who refused to put our hands 
to any such Declaration, Modestly told your Honours [sic] Secretary, 
that we apprehended by the paragraphs he had read, the meaning of the 
Honourable [sic] Boards was, that every Person should write their own Grivances 
[sic]; He told us no. Unless we Signed what he had prepared, our own writing 
would be of no Effect, neither should we have the liberty of the Seal: 
Therefore as we cannot Swear to the Truth of many particulars in that 
paper, and as we think it does not Set forth any of our Grivances [sic] 
in a proper manner. We the poor remnant of the Inhabitants of this place 
earnestly beg leave, once more to Address your Honours [sic], and lay before 
you our yet miserable and Lamentable state and Condition.



 
In our Representation to your Honours [sic] dated the 9th of December 
One thousand Seven hundred and thirty eight, we declared the impossi- 
bility of Living in this Country, without free Titles to our Landes [sic], 
and the Use of Negroes [sic] properly limited; But, to our very great Sorrow, 
your Honours [sic] denyed [sic] us every Article. Hardships and difficulties 
have we suffer'd since that time; Still expecting your Honours [sic] would 
open your Ears to our Cry's, and give Attention to our Just and Reason- 
able Complaints; But our Grivances [sic] still continuing, and no Redress 
in View, Affliction is daily added to our Afflictions, And the 
Grounds of our Complaining is greatly enlarged. Our Continuance here, 
has encreased [sic] our Experience, and Convinced us more and more of the 
Impossibility of living here in any shape. Unless we have the liberty 
and Freedom before mentioned! Could your Hononrs [sic] see the fruitless 
Industry that most people have used here? Could you see the many 
tracts of Land, that have been cleared here, with the Sweat of the 
Brows of many a Poor man, who never was bred to such Labour? And all 
these abandoned, the Owners, either dead thro want of due Sustenance, 
And their hard Work in the Scorching Sun, or else fled from their 
Plantations, at the approach of Oppression and poverty; No other Argu- 
ments would be necessary to convince the Honourable [sic] Board, that the 
present Establishment can never Answer. Could your Honours [sic] only View 
this Town of Savannah? could you see the number of Lots Fenced, And 
the many thousand Hutts [sic] that are built? We are sure you would not say 
we had been Idle, but rather Industrious; And all those houses was 
once full of people; Now Alas they are almost desolate and forsaken. 
Could your Honours [sic] see this with your own Eyes? Surely, Gentlemen of 
so Benevolent and Benign Dispositions as you are, would not withhold 
from a number of distressed people as we are. What would make us easy, 
happy and contented. And we are perswaded [sic] had a true and Genuine 
State of of this Colony ever been laid before your Honours [sic], by 
the person, or persons, Employ'd by you for that purpose, without all 
doubt our Grivances[sic] had been removed long ere now; But we apprehend 
fair and Specious Accts. is all they send your Honours [sic]; They Represent 
the state of the Colony quite different from what it really is. The 
Province is shown as in a Prosperous condition, when at the same time 
tis evident to every Person in this place, to all our Adjoining Neighbours 
[sic], and even to those very Persons, who we believe write you these 
Accounts, that Georgia is going hourly to Destruction.
 
 
We therefore Intreat your Honours [sic] to give Ear to us, this once, 
this last time. We ever shall he able to Address the Honourable [sic] Board, 
Unless Our Requests are Complyed [sic] with; Will your Honours but credit 
us, while we write nothing but what is agreeable to reason! Will you 
believe us, while we write nothing but what is truth? Most of us have 
been in this Colony for Seven years past. We have tryed [sic] all that in us 
lay, to make the Province flourish as well as our own Familys [sic] prosper, 
but to no purpose. We are Just now as far from being able to Support 
our Selves by our Lands, as we was the first year the Colony was 
Settled, Proofs of this are plenty. Too many Instances, Sad Instances, 
of fruitless and Mispent [sic] time and Labour, are to be Seen throughout 
this Province. 
 
In this Township of Savannah, Upwards of Eighty three five Acre 
Lots, Some wholly, some in part, have been fenced and Cultivated, but 
 instead of Supporting and Maintaining the Owners, they runed [sic] them in 
debt and ruined them. The forty five Acre Lots answer'd no better 
end, as plainly appears by the Annex'd Affidavits; The People who hold 
five hundred Acre Tracts, are losers, According to the Quantity of 
Land Cleared and planted by them As is fully Evidenced by the 
Declaration of Several of the Owners hereto annexed also. But what 
better proof can we offer to your Honours [sic], than your own Farm, 
where your Dutch Servants are daily Employ'd.
 
In Short, so far as planting been from Supporting this Colony, 
that we may Justly say it never maintained one Single person in it. 
Had not your Honours [sic] Publick [sic] Works Employ'd many of the people, 
together with the Scout Boats, the Bangers, and other things of that
nature, the Generallity [sic] of the Inhabitents [sic] must have Starved. Can we 
bring any Stronger proofs to your Honours [sic] of the Decay of the place, 
then to inform you, that it is deserted by its Inhabitants and forsaken 
by its people? In the Town of Savannah, at this present time, there's 
Seventy Two Empty Houses and Huts, theres not many more Inhabited, and 
these very poorly. Some of them by your Honour's [sic] Dutch Servts. The five 
Acre Lots are grown up with Weeds; the forty five Acre Lots are in the 
same condition, The Villages are forsaken: In Hampstead, there's 
only one Family; In Highgate two. Newington is abandoned; Abercorn has 
only three Familys; Tybee is without Inhabitants, so is Skidoway [sic]; 
Ogeechee is in the Same State; and most of the five hundred Acre 
Tracts that once was Settled, are now lying Wast [sic] and Uncultivated.
 
Certain it is, that this Town for near these Twelve months past, has 
been almost wholly supported by the money Expended in Building the 
Orphan House, Mr. Whitfield having daily Employ'd, (at a medium for the 
above mentioned Space of time. Sixty persons, some Carpenters, Brick 
layers, Sawyers, Plaisterours [sic] and Common Labourers [sic], the Wages 
of which people have amounted to near fifteen hundred pounds Sterling; this 
has kept the few people that remained, together, who otherwise would have 
been Scattered abroad, and none left here by this time, but those who 
have Sallerys [sic] from your Honours [sic], and the Dutch Servants you maintain.
 
Was the province of Georgia so fine and Flourishing, as some 
would make your Honours [sic] believe, what should drive people away 
from it? Who would be such fools, as to leave their Houses and Plantations 
in a Prosperous and thriving Colony, and run away into other Provinces, 
where they are Strangers, Unknown, and unacquainted? no man of Common Sense 
can be Supposed Guilty of such Jolly; The People who have left this, are not 
the Idle, the Drunken, and the Lazy and the Indolent, As some have informed 
your Honours [sic], but many, the most Industrious; they have found, by long 
Experience, the Impossibility, and Improbability of living in this place, 
unless your Honours [sic] approved of Our Representation; and when your 
deniall [sic] came, they withdrew to other Colonys [sic], where they might 
Enjoy their Libertys [sic], and have Propertys.
 
We, the few that remain must quickly follow them who are gone, 
if your Honuors does not think fit to Grant, the following (as we 
think) reasonable Articles, which we humbly lay before the Honourable [sic] 
Board.-Viz.

1st.
 
A Free and Ample Title to our lands, as the Rest of his Majestys 
Colonys [sic] have.

2d.
 
The Use of Negroes properly limitted [sic]. Without these two Articles are 
granted. We cannot live, we cannot prosper; if they are refused us, we 
must retire Miserable Objects into Some other part of his Majestys 
Dominions in America, having destroyed Seven years of our time. Broke 
our Constitutions, and ruined our Familys [sic] in this. The famous Province 
of Pensilvania flourishes, on Acct. of the Free Tenour [sic] of their Lands, 
by it they are Encouraged to Clear and Cultivate their Country, Build 
and Beautify their Towns, Some for themselves and posterity. Others, 
with a View to Sell the Same to Strangers, Who daily flock into a 
place, where they can call their Houses and Plantations their own; And such 
Strangers as come amongst them with any Substance, Chuse [sic] rather to 
purchase a Tract of Land ready cleared, with a House and other Conveniencys 
[sic], for the Sake of their own and Familys Healths, who being unacquainted  
with the Country. And unnsed to the Climate, may be lyable [sic] to many fatal 
Distempers, by Sitting down in the Midst of a Forrest, while the Originall  
[sic] Owners, being Seasoned in the Country, is enabled by the Sale, to take 
up fresh Lands, and make greater and larger Improvements; And men of such 
Spirits have been always Encouraged by the Proprietors, as Usefull [sic] Members 
of the Society, neither have these persons defrauded their Posterity, by having 
it in their Power to Dispose of their Possessions; On the contrary, they 
have left them large and plentifull [sic] Fortunes. New York, and the rest 
of his Majestys [sic] Colony's, by Enjoying the Freedom we crave, are all 
doing well, while this poor province and the people in it; for want of such 
liberty, are a Load and Burthen to their Mother Country, without the 
least prospect of ever being able to repay the money given to Support 
it.

 
3dly. 

That any person having a Right and Title to Land here, shall have 
Liberty to take the Same up where he finds it most Convenient (the 
Land not being already taken vp by another) Different Lands, Suiting 
different Capacitys [sic], Trades and Occupations.
 
4thly. That we be released from the Excessive Quitrent of Twenty Shillings 
for the 100 Acres of Land, None of the neighbouring [sic] Colonys [sic]
paying one Sixth part so much; And we must inform your Honours [sic], that 
the  Qualitys [sic]  of Land here, is not so extraordinary as some may imagine, 
for from the best Observation of people, who have travelled over it, from the 
Sea Coasts five or Six hundred Miles Back, Nine Tenths of the Country 
is Pine Barren, as it is called here, which within Land is good for no 
purpose, Except for Cattle to range on in the Summer.

5th.
 
That we may have the Liberty of Choosing our own Bayliffs [sic] yearly; 
And in Case of Danger, or any Extraordinary Affair, that may happen, 
whereby the Welfare of the Colony shall lye [sic] at Stake; A number of 
Men shall be appointed to Assist the Magistrates, that it may not be left 
to the Opinion of one or two Men at most, as it is now done. One great 
Misery, that has always, and does now, Attend this Colony, is, The 
Store keeper and Cash keeper, at least the Cash payer, being A Magistrate, 
By which means, such Person has an Opportunity of Leading 
aside, most of them who receive Sallarys [sic] from your Honours [sic], 
and many other people of Weak minds, and so is capable of the most 
Illegall [sic] Acts.
 
6th

That our Constables and Tythingmen [sic] may be under the Command of 
your Honours [sic] and the Magistrates only.

 
That your Honours [sic] may Grant our Request, and comply with our 
desires, is our earnest and Sincere Wish: If so, Georgia will yet, we 
hope. Flourish; the Town of Savannah: that is now Deserted, be full 
of Inhabitants; Our Villages that are now Abandoned, Quickly be stocked 
with People, and the whole Country have Cause to rejoice --
 
We are with all due Respect 
Your Honours [sic] most Obedt. 
and Humble Servants
 
Savannah 22d. November 1740 John Fallowfield
 
Andw. Duchee; John Lyndall; Thos. Ormston; Richd. Mellichamp; Andrew 
Grant; John Pye, Joseph Wardrope; Adn. Loyer; Jacob Mathews; David 
Snook; John Graham; Wm. Grickson; Wm. Ewen; Thos. Tibbutt; William 
Elbert; Abraham De Lyon; BenJ. Shaftall; Edward Townsend; Peter 
Joubert; James White; Benj; Adams; Hen; Green; John Smyth; George 
Buncle; Hen. Lloyd; Jean pire Breton; Walter Fox; Thos. Satter; John 
Kelly; Henry H M Moltons; John Clark; Jas. Wilsons; Edward Bush; 
Ja. Chandsack; James Anderson; Edward Stamp Addison; Peter Emery, 
Mich. Mark Germain; Hen; ll Manly; Pet Morell; Thos, Mouce;  
Wm, Woodroofe; Wm, Star; Fitchet; Thos. Trip; Hugh Ross; Thos, 
Antrobus; Davd. Michall; Louis Stamen; Davd. Guinder, John Selly; 
James Cormeck; Jno. Goldwire; Pet. Baillou; John Brown; Charles Rogers 
Gasper Augsteter; Ambrose Morrison; Mathw. Move; John Mackdonald; 
John Dudding; Isaac Nunez Hennquez; Michl. Burgholter.
 
We John Fallowfield Baylif [sic], and John Pye Recorder, of the Town and 
County of Savannah, Do hereby Certifie [sic], that the above is a True 
Coppy [sic] of the Original, Examined by us this 2d day of Dec. 1740. Given under 
our hands and Seals the day and year above Written
 
John Fallowfield 
John Pye





2d. Decbr. 1740 Recd. 22 May 1741

 
To the Honble. The Trustees For 
Establishing the Colony of Georgia 
In America

 
We whose Names sire underwritten, being a part of the number of 
those unfortunate Inhabitants, and Settlers in Georgia, who have been 
obliged to leave that Colony and relinquish our Possessions, upon 
Account of the Impossibility of living there According to the present 
Establishmt. of the Constitution, together with the manifold Restric- 
tions Grievances and expressions, contained therein, and to repair to 
some other part of his Majestys [sic] Dominions, in the lawfull [sic] 
pursuit of our Subsistence, which we could not procure in the foresaid 
Colony; and residing at present in Charles Town in the Province of South 
Carolina, and having received Information of the Transactions in 
Georgia, with regard to your Honours [sic] Letters Directed to William 
Stephens Secretary, Enjoining, That the people should set forth their 
Grievances and have the Seal affix'd thereto, in Order to be laid 
before the Honourable [sic] Board; We could not but think it highly our Duty, 
to Join our humble Address with the Application of our poor unfortunate 
fellow Subjects, Who still reside in the Colony of Georgia, The many 
Particular and General Applications. That we have made and laid 
before your Honours [sic], and the repeated refusall [sic] of which we have 
received, had indeed made us leave off all thoughts of any further 
Address; nor should we have thought it to any purpose to trouble your 
Honours [sic] with this at present, had we not some grounds to believe, from 
the Contents of your foresaid [sic] letters to Mr. Stephens, that you are 
desirous of being truly informed of the State of that Miserable Colony; 
and we now are hopefull [sic] that the Account of the manner in which your 
Orders have been Executed, will at least unfold to your Honours [sic], both 
the means, that have all along been artfully practised [sic], to prevent you 
from knowing the true State of the Colony and the Condition of the 
people, and likewise the Series of Contrivance, that has all along been 
used, to disappoint the poor Inhabitants of reaping any Benifit [sic] from 
your Honrs. Justice and Humanity. 

This Letter of your Honours [sic] was kept private a long time, being only Communicated to three or four persons, and the Receipt of the Same denyed [sic] to Several of us Subscribers by Mr. Stephens, when we asked him concerning it, after it had been  communicated to the above number of Persons; And when he produced the Same in Court, he only read such particular Paragraphs as he thought proper; and instead of allowing the people to Represent their own Grievances &ca. He obtruded a paper ready prepared, which consisted of Several Sheets, as a true State both of their Grievances and of the Colony, and would neither allow the people to take a Coppy [sic] thereof, nor time to peruse and consider the Same in Court, but insisted upon their immediate Subscribing and Swearing to the Truth of it; and tho a Small number of dependant [sic] persons Complyed [sic] with his desire. Yet, it is with pleasure we find, that neither promises nor threats, nor all the Acts made use of, could gain any considerable number, either for Quantity or Quality, The whole consisting of 

(1.) 

those who are Supported by your 
Honours [sic] in a Publick [sic] Office independant [sic] of the Success 
of Improvements in the Colony, and several of them, when not so Supported, 
were of contrary Sentiments, as appears by their Signing our Representation 
dated 9th December 1738; 

(2d.) 

those who were then in your Publick [sic] Employ, Such as Sawyers, Labourers [sic]  
and others, and therefore afraid 
of losing their Bread, as some Actually did for signing the Remonstrance; 
or lastly, those who having lately finished the time of their 
Servitude were either not competent Judges of the necessities of the 
Colony, or else were engaged by promises of favours. Many Indeed, we 
must Acknowledge, who were in the utmost Streights [sic], and dreaded the 
Resentments that would unavoidably follow, and fearing to declare 
themselves upon account of those Resentments, or perhapps [sic] waiting the 
Issue in order to make the most of it afterwards, were willing to 
remain Neuter, At least to Sign no paper. And this Mr. Stephens and Mr. 
Jones &ca. were Satisfyed [sic] with; But the far greater Number of the 
Inhabitants, in defiance of all the Straits and temptations they were 
beset with, have discharged their Consciences of their Duty to their 
Maker, their Country, themselves, and your Honrs, as will appear by 
their Remonstrance hereto prefixed; and it is certain that Several of 
them were immediately turned out of your Honours [sic]  Publick [sic] 
Service and Employment for so doing. How the Subscribers of Mr. Stephens 
paper can answer it to their own Consciences, we shall not take upon us to 
determine. But in Order to let your Honours [sic] know, with what Subterfuges and Reservations they Paliate [sic] their Conduct, We must inform your 
Honours [sic], that Noble Jones having come to this Town, As we apprehend, in 
Order to forward Said paper to your Honours, and being Asked PublicIcLy 
by Several of us Subscribers, Whether he could Say in his Conscience, 
that the Method proposed in Stephens Paper could really Retreive [sic] the 
Colony, or any other method than what we insisted on. Noble Jones very 
readily answer'd in the Words following, or Words to the Same meaning; 
I am very Sensible our Scheme is Impracticable, but we hope by asking 
Impossibilities, to oblige the Trustees, to Grant us what is Reasonable. 
We shall only further observe, that to Swell the the Number of Subscriptions, 
Mr. Stephens has admitted of a Woman for herself. Husband and Child &ca. But 
there are none such admitted in the Remonstrance.
 
 
We hope the display of the above Conduct in this Affair, will 
convince your Honours [sic] what real Injury is done to your Characters and 
Reputations, as well as to our happiness, by these designing men, who 
have all along Sacrificed both, to Views, which it is not our present 
business to enter into.
 
As to the only Seeming promising Settlement in Georgia, Viz. 
Augusta, where there are about thirty Settlers, we must Inform your 
Honours [sic], that it is entirely owing, to the Allowance or Connivance, of 
their keeping Negroes, there being at least 100 kept there belonging to 
the Inhabitants; and it is Absolutely Certain, that if those Negroes 
were not Indulged them, not one Trader would Settle on that side of the 
River.
 
With regard to us the Subscribers of this paper, and most part 
of those others, who have been necessitated to retire from that fatal 
Colony, and betake themselves to some other part of his Majestys [sic] 
Dominions, we can only say, that we have exerted and applyed [sic] our 
Industry as far as possibly we could, and endeavoured [sic] to procure 
a Livelyhood [sic] by all means that could be made use of. Still waiting 
with Patience, for a redress of our Grievances and Oppressions, from your 
Honours [sic], to whom we from time to time represented them in a true 
and genuine light; but having stay'd so long, untill [sic] Want and Misery 
became very pressing, and at last receiving an utter denial to all our 
Just Bequests, we were obliged to withdraw our Selves to some other 
Country, where we might be able to Subsist. After having exhausted our 
years, our Strength, our Health, our Servants, our Means, and our 
Credit, in pursuing an impracticable Scheme in Georgia. An undeniable
proof of which is, that altho Malignant Distempers these two or three 
years last Summers, raged in Charles Town, and throughout most of the 
Country about it, yet the poor reduced Inhabitants of Georgia, having 
consumed their All in Endeavouring [sic] to get a Livelyhood [sic] by 
their Lands there, and the greatest part having not left wherewithall 
[sic] to carry them to their Native Country, or even any farther then 
South Carolina, Which being an Adjacent Province, only Separated by the 
River Savannah, they could get there without any Expence [sic], these 
poor people we say, were obliged to run the risque [sic] of the contagion 
by going into Carolina, which they had a chance to Escape, rather than 
stay in Georgia and be certainly Starved. And to convince your Honrs, 
that this is no feigned Story or Supposition, Above 60 (and many more 
whom we cant recollect and of whom no Acct, has been kept) of these poor 
miserable Objects dyed [sic] here, many of whom, were buried at the 
publick [sic] Charge; as appears by an Extract from the Publick [sic] 
Register of Mortality herewith annexed. Most part of this time Mr. Wm. 
Stephens your Secretary, and Mr. Thos. Jones Youngest Bailiff, kept up 
your Publick [sic] Store in their own names, which your Honours [sic] 
had formerly Order'd  to be sold off, and having all the Publick [sic] 
Money in their hands,  they engrossed all the Cargoes of Provisions 
brought to Savannah, and sold out the Same again to the Inhabitants at 
exorbitant rates. And to undeceive your Honours [sic] and the World, 
with Regard to that most vile and false Aspersion, thrown upon these 
distressed people by Mr. William Stephens your Secretary, Mr. Thomas 
Jones and others. Viz that they were the Lazy, the Idle, and 
unindustrious [sic]; All those who survived and now remains here, are 
in some Employ, So as to procure a tolerable Subsistance [sic]; Some 
having a Plantation and Negroes of their own, Some employed as Overseers, 
some as Merchants Clerks and Book keepers, some as Shop keepers, and others 
working at their handy-craft Trades and labour [sic] &ca.
 
We could enlarge Gentlemen, and say a great deal more upon this 
Subject, but if what is now, and has been hitherto Offer'd, cannot have 
the desired Effect of opening your Eyes to those gross Misinformations 
and Misrepresentations, that have been industriously and Successively 
Exhibited to your Honours [sic] by a few designing men, and of opening 
your Ears to our Just and reasonable Complaints, We Say, if all which 
is nov:, or has hitherto been done, cannot have that long wished for 
Effect, nothing that men are able to advance can.

 
We have from the begining [sic] laid before your Honrs, the Restric- 
tions, Hardships and insuperable Difficulties, contained in our Con- 
stitution, and we have foretold the unavoidable Effects and bad Conse- 
quences of continuing them: We have from time to time, candidly and 
truly represented to your Honours [sic], the nature of the Country, 
the State and Condition, both of the Colony and our Selves, and we have 
adduced proofs, too too many proofs; wofull [sic] proofs indeed! of the 
facts we laid down; but the Saddest and most dismal proof of the whole, 
is, that great numbers of the Miserable Inhabitants have, by their own 
Ruin and Deaths, in a manner affixed the Seal of Martyrdom to the truth 
of our Complaints. Melancholy thought! Too sad to dwell upon.
 
We would only ask your Honours [sic], what could induce us, who are 
now in a Land of Liberty, property and plenty, to trouble you with this 
Address, after so many fruitless and unavailing Applications! What else 
could, but a thorough knowledge of the Facts we advance, A Steady and 
Unshaken regard to Truth, and a Sincere and and real Sympathy with the 
Miseries and distresses of our poor Unfortunate Fellow Subjects, who yet 
remain in the Colony of Georgia.
 
We beseech You Gentlemen, seriously and impartially to reflect 
upon and consider the whole proceedings from the beginning untill [sic] this 
present time, and we dare affirm, you will easily and plainly See, that 
continued Chain of Artifice and Delusion, which has been carryed [sic] on 
throughout the whole, and then we need only add, that for Gods Sake, 
for your own Sake, and for the Sakes of your distressed Fellow Creatures 
the Settlers of Georgia now Surviving and Residing there or else where. 
We Obteat [sic], we Adjure you, to Comply with their Just requests, as the 
only means, of rescuing them and Families from the very brink of ruin 
Destruction, and enabling them to continue there; of recalling 
those numbers that are Scatter'd thorough all the Provinces of America; 
of Inviting our Fellow Subjects to Settle and people it, and of making 
it Soon a flourishing Colony, and of Great advantage to its Mother 
Country. That this may soon happen is the Sincere and Earnest prayers 
of 
May it please your Honours [sic] 
Your most Obedt. humble servants
 
Hugh Anderson 
Pat. Tailfer  
David Douglass 
John Mackintoshe 
Edward Jenkins 
Benj: Mackintoshe 
W. Stirling 
Tho. Baillie 
Francis Hetherington 
Wm. Rigden 
Francis X Dalgrace 
John Scott 
Jacob Oliuera






Jo. Fallowfeild, Bailif of Savanah, to the Trustees  
 
Recd. 5 June 1741

 
Savannah 1 Jany. 1740/1

 
May it please your Honrs.

 
Your Favour received dat. March 25 1740, wherein you desire me 
to discourage that Mutinious [sic] Spirit which has lately appear'd 
against all Order and Government and the Laws of the Country, No Mutiny 
has ever been here to my knowledge, and I have been here near 7 years. 
But if ever any do whilst I am in Commission your Honours [sic] may 
depend none will be readier to Surpress [sic] it than my Self, but I 
must say it is so far different from any thing of that kind that the 
people are here as humble and as meek as Lambs, I am sorry to tell your 
Honours [sic] here are but very few people left. The Town is full of 
Buildings but thin of Inhabitants, three houses are empty through the 
Town for one that has a Family in it. Things may be represented to your 
Honours [sic] in a flattering light. But I am determined to write the 
Truth and not deceive your Honrs.
 
The Welfare of the Colony I ougght to have as much at heart as 
any man Living for my Improvements is very considerable, which none 
here will or can deny. Therefore on the failure of it after Seven 
years time in the prime of my Days and some hundreds of pounds 
Sterling expence [sic], must leave it to your Honours [sic] of the 
Disappointment it must he to leave the place and at last to have to 
begin again some where else, which am affraid [sic] will be my case with 
those that are now left here in Savannah if we have not the priviledge [
sic] as they have in Carolina; It is quite contrary to my Inclinations to 
be troublesome to yr. Honourable [sic] Board With Complaints either 
publick or private, yet as your Honours [sic] thought proper to appoint me 
Second Bailiff of this Town and County, and having been duly sworn upon the 
Evangelists to do Justice, and Act uprightly in that Office, I cannot in 
Conscience Sit Silent while the province Groans under the insupportable 
Tyranny of some people here, who Act under the Cloak of your Honours [sic] 
Name and Authority, The Grievance of the few remaining people, are not only 
what they set forth in their late Representation, But their naturall [sic] 
Rights are denyed [sic] them, the priviledges [sic] of British Subjects are 
with held from them. The protection of the Laws of the Ration, whereof they 
are members if refused them. Mr. Thomas Jones who your Honours [sic] 
appointed Third Bailiff is the Chief Actor here in all those Dispotick [sic] 
Measures, I call him the Principal in the place, because he has 
the possession and paying a way your Honours money. The Direction of 
your Publick [sic] Works and the Government of all your Servants, He Rules 
all, Guides all, and directs all, and that in a haughty and Imperious 
manner. As my Oath Obliges me to see Strict and impartial! Justice 
done to every one. So I endeavoured [sic] as far as in me lay, to put a 
Stop to such proceedings. But I found it was out of my power, I 
objected against Such measures in private with the other Magistrates 
and before your Secretary but to no purpose. I then Objected in 
publick [sic] Court, which had no better Effect, For Mr. Henry Parker who 
your Honours [sic] replaced as first Bailiff is Intirely [sic] at Jones Disposal, 
otherwise his Family would Starve. Mr. Pye the Recorder having been 
lately a Clerk, in your Honour's [sic] Store where Mr. Jones was his Master, 
The terror of whom is not wire off yet, and your Secretary William 
Stephens is quite affraid [sic] of him. So that none is left to 
withstand The Tyrannical doings of Mr. Jones but my Self. I must here 
humbly beg pardon of your Honours [sic] for writing so truly, but as I write 
nothing but the truth, and that to Discharge ngr Conscience, I cannot 
think your honours [sic] will lay any Blame to my Door. What I write I am 
ready to prove by the Testimony of Severall [sic] Wittnesses, Some that 
remain here in the Colony, and numbers that are gone away. Upon Acct. 
of the Arbitrary Government in it, I could give your Honours [sic] many 
Instances of these Cruel, Illegall [sic] and unjust doings, but shall only 
trouble you with a few, tho from the whole I wash my hands, having 
many a time Declared against them.
 
The first Illegal and unjust Act Mr. Jones comitted [sic] after being 
in a Bailiff was Joining with your Secretary in keeping up and 
detaining your Honrs. Appointment for Thomas Christie to be first Bailiff 
and William Williamson to be Recorder, tho often demanded, and as  
often refused, Yet in the mean time, he the said Jones did Support and 
encourage Henry Parker to Continue to sit and Act as first Bailiff, 
altho he was by your Honours [sic] turned out of all his places at that very 
time, and aforesaid Thomas Christie having Some time After Received a 
Letter for your Honours [sic] wherein you directed him as first Bailiff and 
one of the Commissioners for Settling your Accts. with all Speed to 
forward the said Accounts that the Same might he laid before the 
Parliament, Upon Receipt of which Letter Mr. Christie went to Mr. Stephens 
and the Said Jones and Shewed them the Letter, and desired them to read 
the Trustees Instructions, But they would not; Mr. Christie then to 
discharge his Duty to The Trustees and free himself from Blame, resolved to 
read the Same in Publick [sic] Court, But that he was not allowed to do, for 
he no Sooner began to Read than Mr. Stephens, Mr. Parker, Mr. Jones Stopt [sic] 
him and said he must read no such Letter there, for it was not fitt [sic] that 
the people should know all the Trustees Orders.




 
One thing more of a Publick [sic] nature that concerns the Said 
Christie I must inform your Honours [sic] of, William Woodroof of This Town, 
Freeholder, having Recover'd by Judgment of Court, a Certain Sum of 
money due to him by one Dedicot , and having forbore the said Dedicot a 
long time, at length apply'd to Mr. Thomas Christie as Recorder to Issue 
a Warrant to Stop the Said Dedicot from going out of the Province 
untill [sic] he was satisfyed [sic]; Which Mr. Christie according did, and 
Dedicot was Stopt [sic]; But Thomas Jones having a desire that the said 
Dedicot should go. Sent for the Officer or Tythingman who had Dedicot in 
Custody, and in a Violent manner where is the Warrant you pretend to 
Stopt [sic]this Man by, The Officer then deliver'd it to him. Upon which 
the said Jones Said, I discharge this Warrant, let him go where he has a mind to, 
I order it, Il'e keep you free from harm; And the Said Dedicot was 
discharged without giving any Security, or Satisfaction given to the Said 
Woodroof; And still continuing in the same passion, he abused 
the Said Christie in a Violent manner, and said he was no Magistrate, 
and that he would take care he should be none in a little time. 

I was present at the same time and blamed the said Jones for his 
proceedings about Mr. Christie, and told him at the Same time, the 
Recorder had Granted Warrants in Mr. Caustons time and the Trustees had 
always looked on the Recorder as a Magistrate before ever he came here, 
and he, the said Jones, at a Court held for this Town and County, did 
most Arrogantly give a Charge to the Grand Jury, without consulting or
Advising with either of us, Mr. Parker or my Self Thereupon, and most 
Impudently when he himself was ended desired Mr. Whitfield to Confirm 
what he had said, and Give a Charge to the Grand Jury likewise, which 
he the said Whitfield did. And at the Same Court Lewis Bynon, Indian 
Trader, having Charged Kenneth Mackenzie with Felony, and applying to 
the Grand Jury to Induct for the Same; The said Jones Sitting on the 
Bench did say the Jury will not Induct him of Felony but they shall 
present him for Misdemeanors, and if you Indict him upon Felony the 
Bill will be brought in Ignorant, And Isaac Mott one of Bynam's 
Wittnesses [sic] rising up Said, I have Sworn he carryed [sic]away Mr. 
Bynams Goods with a Felonious Intent; Mr. Jones in a Passion Replyed, 
Sirrah [sic] hold your tongue, otherwise I will send you to Jayl [sic] 
directly, with Sundry other Opprobrious Names, And he the said Jones has 
at Sundry times thrown people into Jayl [sic] on frivolous affairs, and 
has required excessive and Exorbitant Bail before they would be released; 
And the Said Jones has pass'd over many vile Actions where great Bail 
ought Justly to have been required. Viz. The above mentioned Mckenzie 
being apprehended, and Felony Sworn against him, the said Jones did 
take for Bail a person, no Freeholder here, and Bound McKenzie and him 
only in Thirty pound Sterling when at the Same time he Obliged another 
person to give Bail to the Same amount and likewise to have a Free 
holder Bound with him only for threatning [sic] to break anothers [sic] 
Head.
 
Having discharged my Duty so far in Relation to the Magistrates 
and Publick [sic] Indicaturs [sic] , and the Management therein I will next 
proceed to give your Honours[sic]  an Account of how your Publick [sic] Works 
goes on, for I am Doubtfull [sic] they are reported to your Honrs, different 
from what they really are. Your Farms, as they are called, never has produced 
so much grain as maintains the servants who plants it.
 
The Saw Mill at Ebenezer that cost yr, Honrs, so much money is 
now gone to ruin, without ever having Sawed Five pounds worth of 
Boards.
 
Your Corn Mills are likewise gone to Destruction.
 
The Church in Savannah has not yet got its Foundation laid. The 
five hundred pounds your Honours [sic] sent over to be distributed 
amongst Industrious people has never been applyed [sic] for that 
purpose.  Your Honours [sic] large Magazine which you Order'd to be 
lett [sic], as you was to keep no more Store, is possesed [sic] by Mr. 
Jones who  Carries on a Considerable Trade There, and Still under the 
protection of your Honours [sic] Name.
 
A Large House lately built here for the Reception of the Indians 
at your Honours [sic] Expence, is now converted into a Slaughter House for 
the use of Two of Mr. Jones Creatures. Coll. Stephens and he, having 
furnished them with money to Buy Cattle in Carolina, and drive them to 
this Town, to kill and Salt them here for the Use of the Generals 
Regiment.
 
The Copper your Honours [sic] sent over to this Province for Change 
it is not Circulate here; Mr. Jones disposes of it to the York Merchants 
who gives one Shilling Sterling Value of any kind of Goods for 
Tenpence in Copper, by which means there is no Small change here. So 
that most people are loosers [sic], while he alone is gainer. The disposal 
of the divers Sallarys [sic] which your Honrs, thought fitt [sic] to Intrust the Magistrates with are entirely disposed of by him, and in such a, manner that 
Severall [sic] of his Tools wallow in plenty, while many poor people Starve;
 
The Said Jones took upon him to Grant a Lycence [sic] of himself, 
without ever consulting another Magistrate, to one Ellis which was then 
Goaler, which was very unfitt [sic] for the Trust either as Goaler or to keep 
a Publick [sic] House, which has plainly appeared since by keeping of late 
Hours, and having Company in his House, Two Prisoners broke out of 
Goal, One a Spaniard detained for Suspicion of being a Spye [sic], the other 
of being an Irish Roman Catholick [sic]; These Fellows Sculking [sic] about the 
Woods could not be found though great Search was made, and every person 
thought they had got to Augustine.





 
State of the Colony of Georgia by Mr. Tho. Causton 19 feb. [sic] 1740-1 
Recd. 5 June 1741
 
To the Honourable [sic] the Trustees 
For Establishing Georgia in America



 
Gentlemen



 
I am truly sensible, that the fundamental Reasons for Undertaking 
to Establish the Colony of Georgia, was to supply those Balsamick [sic]
comforts, which the Afflicted groan for want of, and which Justice and Humanity, and Zeal for their generall [sic] welfare could inspire 
you with.
 
As Your Honours [sic] endeavours for this end have been very obvious. 
So have they been equally inimitable by Supporting a regular and free 
Road to Justice, and the Exercise of such Christian principles, as each 
Member might (agreeable to true Religion) in Safety and necessary 
assurance enjoy.
 
It always has been my Endeavours [sic] (so far as my poor Abilities 
would admitt [sic]) both by precept and Example to nourish a Duty 
confessing such facts, and endeavouring [sic] to beat down that Hudra 
[sic] which has long lurked, and lately appeared so dreadfull [sic] and 
bold as to fee their mischevious hope and publish Doubts, that these your 
endeavours [sic] Shall not have Success.





 
Duty farther leading, I humbly presume to offer the following to your 
Honours [sic] Consideration, hoping it will be received as part of my 
united endeavours [sic] with the most chosen of your people; who having 
a Steady View for the Welfare of the whole, renounce the private; (by 
delivering their free Sentiments) when the publick [sic] and true Interest 
(by false amusements) must consequently Suffer.
 
It is notorious that some of the late (if not present) Inhabitants of the 
Colony, tho well acquainted with the nature of the landand its Scituation [sic] 
as well for produce as Trade, and with the reasons for these necessary 
Limitations, which your Honours [sic] from Undoubtedprudence, and due 
Consideration have thought proper Basis for the Colony to grow on; and under 
Such knowledge desired to become Members thereof; have ventured to assert 
(so contrary to truth) that the Colony is wholly barren, uncapable [sic] of 
usefull [sic] produce, and  not worth the protection of the British Nation; 
And presume to instruct  your Wisdom, or rather Undutifully to prescribe Laws for rendering ineffectual  some of those necessary restraints, which the common 
Safety not only of this Colony, but that of our Neighbours [sic] also do 
most immediately require.
 
As the Actions of these pretenders to Policy and goodness prove 
it difficult (on the present footing) to ensnare the people, and ruin 
their posterity by the plausible Schemes of trade, more dreadfull [sic], 
than common Usury; and that the design in Stirring up unwary people to 
joyn [sic] them is really to Execute, what a Publick [sic] Enemy might 
(probably wish; So that it is easy to believe, that your Honours [sic] 
(when Attackt [sic]) will in Justice to your good and Obedient people 
effecttually [sic] disapoint [sic] such destructive Schemes; Listen (with 
a Compassionate Ear) to their true Calamitys [sic], And in humanity break 
these threatening Circles of ruin, and find Some means so to Support their honest Endeavours [sic], that they or their posterity may (one day) triumph 
over their difficulties, and thereby display the Folly of those who 
(contrary to their true Interest) will obstinately bait the trap designed for their destruction.
 
It is no venture to Say that the Colony by its Scituation [sic] is 
blest with such a temperate and refreshing Air, that the health of the 
Inhabitants have been much preserved, when their Neighbours [sic] 
(past the power of Medicine) have been almost annually afflicted and 
cut off.
 
Nature daily furnishes the beholder with variety of Fruits or 
Luxurious branches; Such as Grapes, Mulberrys, Oranges, Apples, Plumbs 
and Cherrys; Sufficiently proving that if it's Inhabitants were able 
to Use that Skill, which the like fruits require to raise them to a 
proper Excellency; these and many others would Shew forth their Virtues 
in a Degree equal to the most delicate of its kind.

 
Wheat, Barley (especially of the Barbary kind) Oats, 
Pease [sic], Rye, Potatoes, and Turnips may be raised; and Experience gives 
hopes that (by proper Culture) they may each be brought to a very 
usefull [sic] degree of perfection. And if it is necessary to descend to the 
Common productions of neighboring plantations, and the Various fruits 
flowers &c. commonly raised in Gardens it is universally known, that 
those raised in this Colony are Equall [sic]  to theirs; Experience has 
also taught, that the annuall [sic] Cotton, which is the most proper kind 
for Cloathing [sic] , and also tobacco, may each of them be raised (if the home 
consumption should require it) of equal goodness to any other Growth. 
That among the Various kinds of Grass or what is best fit for pasture. 
Clover and black Grass, are a naturall [sic] produce; but as the Land is 
Generally light and Sandy each of them are (by Grassing) liable to be 
plucked up by the Roots, Scorched by the Severity of the Sun, or killed 
by the Frosts. Therefore it will not he amiss to mention that I have 
now growing Lucern which takes a deep root, withstands the Suns 
Violence and Winters frost, does afford three mowings and continues 
green all the Winter.
 
Altho the Soil is (for the most part) among the present Settlements, 
high, dry, and Sandy, Such highland is also intermixt [sic] with large 
tracts of Clay, gravell [sic] or Loom, where its productions will (very 
probably) in some futurity gratifye [sic] the labourers [sic] toil; 
other other parts of it being (at present) a Chaos of Brooks, Creeks, Valleys 
or Swamps, most probably occasioned by the naturall [sic] Course of Rivers, 
or the overbearing torrent of floods, contain a Clay, enriched with the 
Treasures (those floods) have laid up and will doubtless,;when drained, 
and duly prepared Strike the Accuser dumb, by shewing Spacious 
tracts for many miles together with a prodigious fruituity [sic].
 
As this Account thus faithfully related (will I hope) Sufficiently shew, 
that the Scituation [sic] of the Colony is healthy and productive of 
grain, fruits and herbage, it is humbly Submitted if other productions 
proper for trade (the Climate admitting) may not be attended with equal 
Success.
 
As the Colony is well known to he a Frontier against two powerfull [sic]  
Enemys [sic] it follows that proper means has been and is necessary for 
its defence [sic]; I therefore doubt not an allowance to say, that the Town 
of Savannah and the severall [sic] contigious [sic] Settlements in the northern 
Division, As also those in the Southern were formed and designed for 
the imediate [sic] Safety of each Respectively and the Generall [sic] 
defence [sic]  of the Whole; Those in the Northern Division are the Town of 
Savannah, On the Eastward of which, are Tybee, Skidoway, and Thunderbolt, 
As also the Settlements made by Mr. Patrick Houston, Wm. Stephens Esqr. Mr. 
Samuel Mercer, The Revd. Mr. Whitfield. Mr. James Burnside, Mr. 
Thomas Upton, Mr. Noble Jones, Mr. John Fallowfield, Mr. Henry Parker, 
Mr. Edward Jenkins and my Self, On the Southern parts thereof are 
Hampstead and Highgate, Stirling and Fort Argyle; And on the Western 
side are Newington, the Lands of Mr. John Amory, and Mr. Isaac Young 
Senr. also Grantham, Westbrook, Josephs Town, Abercorn, Ebenezer and 
Augusta.

 
That these Several Towns and Settlements have been thus capable 
of defence [sic] and (in all probability) of maintaining their respective 
possessions will, with great Submission, appear, when it is considered 
that each of them are under Military regulations, whereby every tenth 
man has Commission to train and Exercise such other nine as according 
to his Settlement were under his care. And that other Officers have 
also Commissions to take the General Command within their Respective 
Wards and Districts, whilst at Fort Argyle (under proper Fortifications) 
are Lodged a Troop of twenty horse under a Captain and Lieutenant. And 
at Augusta is also another fortification wherein have been Garrisoned 
a Captain a Lieut. Serjeant [sic], Constable and fifteen private men; 
also another Fortification on Savannah River called Pallachocola, 
Lodging a Captain and ten other Rangers. In the Southern Division are 
the Town of Frederica on the Island St. Simons, and the Town of Darien 
on the main Land, with many other Settlements and Garisons [sic] 
Scituate [sic] on the Several Islands end. Passes Judged to require the 
most immediate Security and most proper for Defence [sic].
 
And that such a Defence [sic] may he thought more practicable, I 
venture to affirm that in the year 1737 before the Town of Augusta 
was begun or Garrison Erected, more than 500 men were resident in the 
Northern Division able and willing to bear Armes [sic] exclusive of the 
two partys [sic] of Rangers. And with the most humble duty Submitt [sic] to 
your Honours [sic] particular Consideration (in just recommendation of them) 
if such 500 men had been attackt [sic] (being voluntarily in Armes [sic] 
for their own defence) would not (very probably) have given as fatal a 
Repulse to any Invader as 1000 Mercenary Soldiers, who were wont to 
desert or perish by their Excessive Debauchees and move no farther 
than discipline compells [sic].
 
That those Inhabitants did also give the Strongest hope, of such 
a Success appears by the remembrance, that they Several times readily 
appeared in Arms when powerfull [sic] Invaders were approaching, and 
have pursued them to the (then known) limitts [sic] of the Colony 
obliging their Enemys [sic] to flee before them; And such certainly was, 
the Intrepidity of the people, under the blessed Influence of Divine 
Providence, that such a dread was thereby fixt [sic] on the Hearts of 
the Enemys [sic] as to render all their Schemes against the Colony of 
none effect.
 
Having thus endeavoured [sic] to lay before your Honours [sic] the 
Scituation [sic] of the Colony as well respecting the health of the 
Inhabitants, the nature of its productions and the Utility of the 
Several Settlements with regard to publick Safety and defence, I beg 
your Attention to such particular reasons as in my poor Opinion may 
(probably) have immediately occasioned the Small progress in the 
Cultivation of Land; In which it will he proper to take a View of Each Settlement by itself, because of the variations attending, with regard 
to each other, as the nature of the Soil, Scituation [sic], and what is 
more or less aluring [sic] or unavoidable.

 
The Town of Savannah being necessanily [sic] built for the immediate 
residence of the first Adventurers, their too early Seperation [sic] 
on any pretence [sic] whatever was thereby prevented; and twas very 
early known, that thereby his Majestys [sic] Subjects in these parts 
were less exposed to the frequent Incursions of the Spaniards and 
such partys [sic] of the Natives as were often bribed to make Inroads, 
Murder the Inhabitants, and rob them of their Slaves, Crops, Cattle &c. 
The means to effect which good End, Each Adventurer Acted as a Sawyer, 
Carpenter, Smith, or hewers of timber to furnish materials; reserving 
only some few to prepare a Plantation of of Mulbery [sic] Trees, raise 
necessary garden herbage and Issue Stores; And being also formed into 
a Militia, they did the duty of a Soldier by ten at a time both Night 
and day. So that (at the first) each mans turn was every 4th. Night, 
which Induction (tho necessary) consequently prevented the immediate 
progress in some, and laid a foundation for many to lay a Side the 
thoughts of raising food from the ground when their mechanical knowledge 
thus acquired enabled them to procure the Conveniencies [sic] they 
wanted. And I imagine this will cease to be a Wonder, when it is also 
consider'd (that the Town being the common resort of Travellers [sic] 
and liable to the frequent Visits of the planters and others resident 
in the province of South Carolina) Its Inhabitants were either thro 
design, or by a naturall [sic] Enquiry early told, that it was 
impossible the productions of food would ever recompance [sic] the 
Planters labour [sic] in clearing &c. by White persons.
 
And I will farther venture to Say, because it is well known, 
that in this begining of the Settlemt. all the Commands were so 
strictly and necesserily [sic] injoyned [sic], and so dutifully obey'd, 
that the Honble. Person who commanded justly deserved the Applause, Love, 
and Honour [sic] of the British Nation, and his Majestys [sic] Subjects 
else where resident; And the Adventurers by their Industry, Obedience, and 
Courage might Challenge any other Body of people who have hitherto, in 
any other place, made any other Settlement. And with further Submission 
It is an Act of the greatest Injustice to reproach the Indefatigable 
measures which the Commander thus took; and it is also most absurd 
to Say, that the Land is barren or not of equal fruitfullness [sic] with 
its neighbours [sic], when Its Inhabitants were either, otherwise 
employd [sic].  So naturally tempted to regain necessarys [sic] of 
Cloathing &c. (by hire or acquired Art) which (by time spent in publick 
[sic] service) were wanting, or so terrified from the hopes of Success 
in planting. And therefore had not tryed [sic].

 
Another Reason (which is certainly an Impediment to planting or 
at least to those who have warm inclinations to Act in that light for 
the Colonys welfare in opposition to the ensnaring Devices of its 
vowed Enemys [sic]) is that the tracts of Land granted to them (being by 
Lott) agreeable to a plan laid Down as Sufficient to yeild [sic] to each 
other five of them fifty Acres, And the land carrying in its kind part 
far more promising than other for productions. It happened that some of 
them had land of the worst kind, and therefore chose to lay a Side Such 
planting least the dreaded disappointment should not only prove their 
mispent [sic] time, but also give the Clamourous [sic] an Opportunity 
to be more turbulent. Whilst those who had determined never to plant, 
but on terms of their own making either by meeting with the Like Lots, 
or if their chance was better, they would seem to dislike it, or pretend 
to forget or deny they had ever seen it. And if the Well disposed, did 
gain Land agreeable to their wishes; their adjoyning [sic] neighbour had 
not equall [sic] Sentiments, and therefore was in fact obliged to 
clear eight Acres 'ere he could expect to receive the produce of five; 
because otherwise the planted would be over shadowed as not to produce 
half a Crop was also obliged to make a good Pence round it by his own 
labour, when his respective neighbour [sic] ought to make a part of it in 
proportion to what would also enclose his land. And if after these a 
Crop should be raised agreeable to Expectation, he was yet at a loss, 
how to bring his Crop to Market, because no way could (within his 
power) be made Sufficiently passable; And if the willing planter is, 
with these know obstructions cut off from the promised encouragemt. 
thus merited, and in no Shape Supported  by Bounty, Loan, or otherwise, 
nor no Manufacture giving any approaching hope, he naturally recounts 
his charge, and ceases to proceed in which he daily looses by.
 
It is undeniable, that the produce of Corn &c. often fails to 
feed the planters Family, much less Cloath [sic], and defend them in 
Sickness and curable Diseases or enable them to Sell at an equal price 
with their Neighbours [sic]; and therefore certainly a dreadfull truth to 
those who (being ambitious of merit in planting) Sacrificed their time 
and Substance therein, and are now unavoidably ruined by it, and drove 
by necessity to Seek their bread by a fresh Adventure.
 
If this shall he found to he the case of the most dutifull [sic] and 
Industrious; I presume to hope, that your honours [sic] will Soon cause 
some means to he executed whereby the planters labour [sic] may he made 
more tolerable, and their benefits equal with those in their Adjoining 
Colony.
 
A Beneficial price for Mulbery [sic] leaves p Tree, measure, or weight, 
and Silk Balls  pound, would probably he also a help to the planters, 
and Encourage the Silk Manufacture, It might create a Strife to excell 
[sic] in the care of feeding Silk Worms, and by Excellence to give such 
large employ to the present Silk Winders, that they would be more Sensible 
of the Advantages they might gain by taking Apprentices for Instruction in 
that Art, So that Succeeding Generations might not fail in the Practice 
of it.
 
A Reasonable Bounty (agreeable to the value) on Lumber fit for 
Merchandize, would greatly encourage the planter, because he would have 
the opportunity of making Such Lumber at the same time he cleared his 
Land; And the Appointing an Officer to View, mark, and report on oath 
such Lumber, might not only protect him from the Impositions of the 
Artfull [sic] Trader, but also he a necessary Verification that such 
Lumber was Exported.
 
And if the like he granted for raising Vines or Grapes proper 
for Vintage, or making such into Wine; Or for raising Hemp, Flax, 
Drugs or other merchandize, which may he thought proper produce for 
the Colony; It would not only Add to the Support of the Planter, but 
also raise the Credit of the Colony, beyond the reach of its most 
Aspiring Enemy.
 
If these Incouragements [sic] should be thought necessary or any 
thing like it. Some time might probably elapse before a Market for 
Such Lumber can be had, or productions raised, I therefore hope it 
will be no Crime to Say that some immediate Encouragement is necessary 
to continue the present and advance the planting to greater Degree of 
Benefit. Contrarywise [sic] the Consequence is too dreadfull [sic] to 
Guess at.
 
There is yet a farther means necessary for their present and 
future happiness, which being a matter of Eight and Justice, I ought 
not to omitt [sic]; The first Adventurers Soon after their arrival, 
and other Succeeding Inhabitents [sic], received by Donation or purchase 
divers Cattle, And as the first Adventurers were either Employed by 
Joint labour in building, or not Sufferd [sic] to Expose themselves to 
ranging the Woods, wherein they were Strangers, and having no enclo- 
sures or time to make them, those Cattle naturally took to a Common 
Range, and have since that time Wanderd [sic], much time has been spent, 
many agreements have been made for hunting them together without its 
desired effect; few people caring or have Skill to ride the Woods, or of 
ability enough to buy a horse, or pay for the trouble of those who do 
hunt; It is therefore much wanted, that Some regular Authority should 
oblige such reasonable payment to the Hunters for Cattle Brought home, 
and for some Regular Determination concerning the Claims which may be 
made on Cattle which have for so long Season unavoidably ranged; in 
Regard many of those Cattle are in remote parts, and unmarkt [sic] they 
are exposed as a prey to ill designing People who (possibly) may presume 
to kill or destroy them, Therefore if the people had any Power transmitted 
to Authenticate their Agreements having the force of Law, it might enable 
them ip to procure better Success; And if your Honours [sic] would be 
pleased to declare your Opinion what punishment would be proper for those 
who shall kill or destroy Cattle without some publick [sic] Notice, or 
should make wrong Claims, In what manner the Hunters should be Satisfied; 
And what right the Inhabitants of Savannah and other Settlements have to 
the Commonage or pasture of their respective Cattle, It might encourage 
their Industry, and be a means for them to raise in Safety such an 
Advantageous encrease [sic] as may in a Short time Supply a Market.
 
Far be it from me to Suppose, that every Man, who has hitherto 
chose to pursue Sawing, Boat Service, or other Labour rather than that 
of planting, would not also unite their Endeavours [sic] with the planter 
should such Encouragement be granted as may be depended to carry them 
thro [sic] their difficultys [sic]. And tho they may have also received 
favours [sic] equall [sic] to those who have planted; Necessity by Sickness 
or otherwise, perhapps [sic] obliged them to Seek some immediate gain for 
their Support; But certainly they have never been wanting in their Carriage 
in time of danger.
 
Experience teaches, that few Designs are so well formed as to 
admitt [sic] of no Disappointment; So in the Case of this Settlement, it is 
too plainly verified that perswasions [sic] and fond Imaginations revitted [sic] 
an early Opinion that the gain of hire was preferable as being more 
certain than that of Planting. Happy also had it been (if those who 
are bold enough to disquiet the minds of the people by ensnaring 
Schemes Cram their Diswasions [sic] to planting on every one who 
attempted it) had never come into the Colony; And when it is known,
that these are the people so often complained of as prone to Contention, 
Idleness and Luxury, that were evil mouthed to their benefactors, and 
like Drones devouring the Bread of the Industrious, It is to be hoped 
that those Industrious will not be condemned to Suffer with the Guilty 
and that no generall [sic] Infamy will be allowed to pass, whilst any 
Industrious man remains in the northern Division where by to eclipse their 
priviledge [sic] or prevent their hope.
 
The present State of the Town of Savannah is, that the Inhabitants 
are more than half gone, within this two years; That the Officers 
Civil and Military with those who are not yet obliged to perform Mili- 
tary Duty exceed in Number, those of them who are to perform such Duty 
as private Centinells [sic], many doubtless have their particular Reasons 
for leaving the Colony, and 'tho some of them might be Spared because of 
their Ill Conduct, a far greater number have left it who might have 
become usefull [sic] Members and Planters.

 
The Settlement at Tybee I imagine will be allowed to be an usefull [sic] 
Settlement As well in regard to the light house there erected, as also 
for the Conveniency of the look out which might have  have been there 
kept; It was supplyed [sic] with three Small Cannon and one Six pounder; 
its Inhabitants were 12 Setlers [sic] some of whom had familys; It 
contains good Pasturage for Cattle and Variety of Masl [sic] for Hogs. 
Each Setler [sic] was paid 2 Shillgs. P day for assisting the Carpenter 
who raised the light House, himself halving 5 sh. P Day, which took upwards 
of two years in Framing and raising, they received also provision, and 
each of them had a Cow and Calf besides other favours [sic] for their further 
Encouragement. Yet nevertheless they neglected to make any Improvements. 
Suffer'd their Cattle to run Wild, and according to the reigning Custom, 
reported that the Island was barren, and not fitt [sic] to live on, 
when in truth they lived such debaucht [sic] lives, that they beggard 
themselves, most of them dying of its Consequencys [sic], and the Remainder 
not haveg. Discretion to Guid [sic] themselves deserted.
 
Three other persons have since had leave to Settle there, but their 
Improvements are inconsiderable; the Light house is become ruinous. 
But those who are proper Judges say that in such a Timber Frame, any 
Decayed parts, may be taken out, and new; Work Supplyed [sic], and tho 
the charge may be great, the building will continue, and may at the 
Same time be finisht [sic]. When contrarywise the loss of it will be much 
regretted by all Vessels coming on that Coast.

The Settlement on the Island of Skidoway [sic] is Scituate [sic] on 
an usefull [sic] Spot for the publick [sic] Safety, and imediate [sic] 
advantage, the Soil being very fruitfull [sic]; It was Supplyed [sic] with 7 Cannon, 
and the Settlers being ten received two years Provisions a Cow and Calf each 
and many other Indulgencys [sic]  in Sickness &c. All of them together 
did not at any one time plant more than five Acres; there is but one 
Family of these remaining (Viz. Thomas Mouse) who having a very good 
house built for him as a Gift, and having lycence [sic] to Sell liquors. 
Did in pursuit of the Victualling [sic] trade Creditt [sic] the Settlers, 
So that being in Debt, those who did not dye [sic] of their Debauches, fled 
the Colony. Said Mouse in the year 1739, (a Bounty of 2 Shill p Bushell on 
Corn to be raised being promised) planted 8 Acres, and since has not medled [sic] 
with planting.
 
Another part of this Island was possest [sic] by the persons belonging 
to the Carolina Scout Boat, the Same being also Stationed there; they 
Brought into tillage about 12 Acres of Land with Agreeable Success, 
this Land still continues in the hands of one of those who assisted to 
clear it it, and in the year 1739 was also planted. Since which nothing 
has been attempted of that kind.
 
Wm. Ewen once in your Honours [sic] Service has also a Settlement 
on the Island he purchast [sic] Cattle and Servants, built habitations and 
cleared fenced, and planted about 6 Acres of Land, the great Expence [sic] 
and Disappointments in not receiving his right to the promised Bounty 
for Corn raised in the year 1739 Obliged him to part with his Servants 
and cease planting for the present.
 
The Cows, Calfs, and Hogs which were a Gift both here and at 
Tybee, are become a Wild Herd, and I fear are the Common Game of 
Travellers.
 
The Settlement at Thunderbolt in its Scituation [sic] was as usefull [sic] 
for publick [sic] Safety as private property, they were allowed 5 Small 
Cannon and one Six pounder with Amunition [sic]. And many Assistances 
towards Erecting the Fortifications. Mr. Robert Lacy at first gave 
hopes that he would make an Agreeable progress in planting and making 
potash; but those hopes Soon Vanished, he being led to Assert that 
nothing would do, but by the use of Negroes, and therefore Employed his 
Servants at Sawing or hire. He Obtained the Command at Augusta, and 
was sent Agent to the Cherokee Indians, and he entred [sic] his Servants 
on the Establishment of the Garison [sic], He died in the year 1738 
leaving his land under the appearance of a Wilderness.
 
Philip Bishop and Joseph Hetherington made no remarkable progress in 
their Improvments [sic] farther than a dwelling house for each 
which are now Ruinous, Under pretence [sic] of planting they obtained many 
times Credit at the Stores, But amongst other disorders they were accused 
of felony in Stealing Cattle and convicted in two Several Indictments, 
they broke Goal and fled to Carolina; Theophilus Hetherington married the 
Widow Lacy and being a Busy Enemy to the Colony soon left it, and went 
with his Wife to Charles Town, where She is since dead. So that this 
whole Settlement is become Vacated by all its first Inhabitants.
 
Two Men who were once Mr. Lacys Servants pretend to get their 
living by Sawing there. They claim Possession in the Name and Right of 
Theos. Hetherington and (possibly) Should they live to See the present 
Labour of planting made so easy as to equal that of South Carolina 
might (by a Grant) become better Settlers than the first have proved.
 
Mr. Patrick Houston having began a Farm on a branch of the River 
Vernon in the year 1736 having been Supported therein by the publick 
[sic] Store and many other favours [sic] from General Oglethorpe has 
built convenient habitations for himself and servants, and cleared and 
planted about 30 Acres of his land, and so Fenced his whole Tract, as to 
prevent any Injury from the common Range; His land may be termed of the 
best kind, and has afforded reasonable crops, but having found a more 
advantagious [sic] living, his plantation is much neglected, and it is 
very Evident that notwithstanding all assistance and Success in Crops, 
he has much encreast [sic] his debts.
 
Near to Mr. Houstons is a Tract of land which in the year 1739 
was possest [sic] by Wm. Stepens Esqr. and Samuel Mercer, there is no doubt 
if they pursue their usual Industry and withstand the losses which 
every one at present Sustain by planting these intended Farms, as yet 
of short Standing, will in due time shew forth the known Skill of 
the Owners.
 
The Revd. Mr. Whitfield possesses a Tract of Land, whereon in 
the year 1739 he began what is at present called the Orphan House with 
Several other Houses (no doubt) agreeable to his purpose, The Orphan 
House has an handsome appearance and all the Buildings are near finisht [sic], 
the Land, which is (at present) cleared will afford Convenient Gardens 
and Yards containing about ten Acres, exclusive of an Avenue about 50 
yards Broad and half a mile in length, which at present is only opened 
by the fall of the Trees, the whole is well defended with a good Fence, 
and he has purchased a Considerable Stock of Cattle, he has in a great 
measure defrayed the Expence [sic] of making a Road to Savannah for 
about 11 Miles wherein is 12 Bridges, the Employ which many Inhabitants 
have had on this Occasion has certainly prevented many from leaving 
the Colony, and the hopes of its continuance should prevent murmurs 
about those Religious matters which few have (tis feared) Judgment or 
principle enough to understand as they ought, especially if they would 
but duly remember that your Honours [sic] are their Common Earthly parent, 
and Will suffer no wrong to be done them.
 
Mr. James Burnside in the year 1737. enterd [sic] on Land heretofore 
called Rotten possum and purchased a Stock of Cattle, he built habita- 
tions for his Family, and pursued planting till the year 1739, his 
Success being very bad, and becoming a Disciple of Mr. Whitfields was 
employd [sic] in Overseeing the Works of the Orphan House, (tho he received 
many favours from General Oglethorpe to enable his continuance on his 
land) he has left it and disposed of his Cattle and premises to Mr. 
Whitfield, and now Complains very much of his losses, in attenting to 
live by planting.
 
In the year 1740 Mr. Thomas Upton acquired the possession of 
land heretofore called All Honey, he has made several Visits with 
Workmen, and has begun to Sett up Hutts [sic], but alarms of Wax and various 
incidents has often Stopt [sic] his proceedings, and indeed it is very 
difficult to guess what may be expected.
 
Another Tract of Land is possest [sic] by Mr. Noble Jones, Mr. John 
Fallowfield, and Mr. Henry Parker, who all entred [sic] in the year 
1736.
 
The first has erected what very Justly (when finished) may be 
called a good house with Convenient Out-houses for Servants, Cattle 
&ca. he has also fenced and brought into tillage about 14 Acres of 
Land, he appears very Industrious, the Land is of the best kind, and 
has produced very well, he is favoured [sic] with a Small Military Employ, 
by the Command of a Small Fort near his house, where is Stationed a 
Boat also under his Command, with 12 men, to Serve in Boat and 
Garison [sic].
 
Mr. John Fallowfield has built necessary Cover for his Family, 
has cleared about eight Acres, but having little Success in planting he 
has left it and lives by his allowance as Bailiff of Savannah and fees 
for Navall [sic] Officer.
 
Mr. Henry Parker has built a good house and is near finished 
that and other Conveniencys [sic] he planted about 4 Acres in the year 1737. 
his former Endeavours [sic] on his Town Farm, is a proof that he wants 
neither Skill nor Inclination, but a loosing Account, on the cease of 
the Bounty and other Support for planting he seems to have laid 
aside the present thoughts of planting. His town Farm is returning to a 
Wilderness, no progress is made for it on his New Farm worth notice, 
and he Supports his Family at daily loss by the Allowance as first 
Bailiff.
 
Mr. Edward Jenkins took possession (without any leave) in the 
year 1738 on part of Wilmington Island, he purchased divers Cattle, 
built a little house, and planted about eight Acres of Land, for reasons 
best known to himself, (tho he kept a Publick [sic] house and got money, 
his cattle are Sold and he has left the Colony and entred [sic] upon 
business at Charles Town.

 
The remaining Tract of Land mentioned on the East Side of the 
Town of Savannah is that, granted to my Self, but my too much Indulged 
Enemys [sic] having loaded me and my Improvemts. with the fruits of Envy I 
may (perhapps [sic]) be thought Guilty of partiality should I (on this 
occasion) relate any particulars; I too well know, (by your Honours [sic] 
Resentments) that my Adversarys [sic] have prevailed, otherwise those who 
Act (as they pretend) by your Authority would not dare to Act Unjustly 
by me, and contrive means to Starve me; Such Actions must consequently 
change my usual thoughts, when no other remedy is left but the Laws of 
the Mother Country. I am a dally looser [sic] notwithstanding all my 
endeavours [sic] and necessity from those those losses and unjust treatment 
compells [sic] me to lessen my Stock of Cattle for Support, I am unjustly 
deprived of all Benefitt [sic], my Mulbery [sic] Plantation ruined, and 
all hopes of Benifitt [sic] thereby prevented. In the year 1739 I planted 50 
Acres of Land and raised as much, corn as according to a promised Bounty 
amounted to 50 L which was paid to the Generality of them, who planted, 
or rather to those whom Mr. Thomas Jones was pleased to favour [sic]; but as 
I am not of the number, I only obtained 5 L on Acct. and am insulted by him 
if I offer to Speak to him. This disappointment and the extra expence [sic] 
I was at to obtain it, resolving to Shew forth my Zeal for the generall [sic] 
good. Obliges to lament that ever I began a Farm, and to use my 
Endeavours [sic] to quitt [sic] it with as little loss as I can, and seek my 
bread in another place.
 
The Land belonging to Hampstead and Highgate are for the greatest 
part Pine Land, and the remainder, low, wet and Spungy of a Rich Loomy 
nature, and doubtless if the Setlers [sic] are ever able to clear grub and 
drain those Lands, their moisture with a proper tillage, would render it 
Surprisingly fruitfull [sic]; But so the truth is, that when Springs are in 
reality (as is here) the drainings [sic] of the High Pine Land, and 
passing thro a hungry sand Chills every thing that is planted except 
Rice, till Such Culture prevents it.
 
Those at Hampstead have Shewn [sic] their Industry with very little Success, 
and tho they have been well Supported, But tired with their Experiments 
on land so little fruitfull [sic] they have all left it but one man, who 
is a Switzer and having some Cattle is in hopes of better things.
 
The Inhabitants of High Gate have not (for the Generality) been wanting 
in their Industry, Some of them being quite dispirited by disappointments 
in planting and ashamed to continue under the Support of the Publick [sic] 
Store, left their Settlements to Seek other Labour, those who continue are 
two, and having Genius for Gardening have by a proper Support raised good 
Garden Ware, and brought their goods almost every day on foot, to Sell at 
Savannah, but I fear they begin to dispair, Support being lost, having 
already declared they cannot hold it. And I am told they are frequently 
attackt [sic] with false tales.
 
Messrs. Sterling and others in the year 1739 began a Settlement 
on the South Side of the River Ogeeche with divers Servants; they were 
assisted with a Creditt [sic] from your Honours [sic] Store, they built 
necessary habitations, and planted upwards of 60 Acres, their Land was 
esteemed good, and they received agreeable Crops; they continued such 
planting till the year 1736, were paid for what they could spare, and 
was fetched from their Land at your Honours [sic] charge, and they were 
also paid (as Bounty) one Shilling p Bushel for Corn and pease, and Six 
pence for Potatoes. But they say they have lost by the Account, and 
they have quitted the Colony, some being also dead.
 
Fort Argyle is a Garison [sic] for the Lodge of 20 Rangers under a 
Captain and Lieutenant, there was at first 10 Freeholders under a 
Tythingman [sic] and allowed Support Equal to other Settlemts.

 
They had no Success in planting, and very probably gave too 
willing an Ear to an Opinion, that nothing but Slaves could raise any 
thing worthy of the Labour, They either left their Settlements or 
enterd [sic] into the Troop. The Fort is Scituate [sic] near the Common 
fording place used by the Creek Indians &c, from their Nation to Savannah 
or Carolina which is called the Lower path. The Troop was broke in the 
year 1738, But as its Scituation [sic] is of great Consequence, three 
persons keep possession, and it is to be hoped such another troop will 
be thought proper to answer the End of the former.

 
Agreeable to Directions from General Oglethorpe a Village was 
Settled Called Newington in the year 1737, on the Western Road 
within 4 miles of Savannah, 5 of which Settlers had been Servants, and 
had behaved well, they received Support at the Begining [sic], as also 
Tools and a Boat (having a Water passage which came pretty near 
them, they were promised Cattle agreeable to your Honours [sic] Orders. 
They were many times attackt [sic] by the Enemys [sic] to the Colony and 
closely perswaded [sic] to quitt [sic] their land, but perswasions [sic] 
not Succeeding they were called Caustonians; They continued till the end 
of the year 1738, having made Covering, and the Land shewing good hopes 
of an agreeable fertility. They applyed [sic] for further Support, and 
being denied by Mr. Thomas Jones; They therefore left their Settlement, 
and all (but one) have left the Colony or are dead.
 
Mr. John Amory began to improve a peice [sic] of Land agreeable to 
his Grant near adjoyning [sic] to Newington, It is reported he planted 8 
Acres, he received a Creditt [sic] agreeable to your Orders, which being 
Expended in the later end of the year 1738, he applyed [sic] to Mr. Thomas 
Jones, and being denyed [sic] farther Creditt [sic] he quitted his Land 
and the Colony.
 
Mr. Isaac Young Senr. in the year 1737, had also land agreeable to his 
Grant and his own Choice, Survey'd and set out adjoining to Mr. Amory, 
he Suffered himself to be perswaded [sic] against planting, and where he 
was called upon, having received a Credit, to know what progress he had 
made, he denied that such Land was set out, and If I mistake not, made 
Oath at a meeting of a pretended Grand Jury, that he was denied any Land 
at all (or to that purpose) tho in a very Small time, Mr. Gibbs arriving 
was directed to Settle also by them; When Isaac Young threatned [sic] to 
Sue him, and Seize any Crop he should raise, alledging [sic] the ground 
to be his, tho he well knew to the Contrary; the meaning for which, I 
imagine, was that he wanted to have his Grant enlarged, He left the Colony 
in the year 1739 himself and most of his Family are dead.
 
The Severall [sic] Settlements which are mentioned by the name of 
Grantham are those which are granted to Joseph Watson, John Musgrove, 
Robert Williams and Brothers.
 
Mr. Watson erected the Frame of a good house in the year 1734, 
and cleared near 7 Acres of Land, some part of which he planted, with 
Success; he purchas'd a few Cattle, and seemed to give hopes that a 
well Settled Farm might be expected; but falling unhappily into 
disputes with his Partner Musgrove with whom he had been admitted to he 
a joint Trader to the Indians near Savannah, he committed divers outrages, drank so much with an Eminent Indian that the Indian dyed of 
the Debauch, and a Murder also ensued by another of his Disorders; So 
that twas difficult to determine if he was in his Senses; he was justly 
prosecuted for these Offences [sic] and being found Guilty, was as well for 
his own preservation from Indian resentment, as publick [sic] Safety Committed 
to a Close Confinement in his own Lodgings within the Town, which Com- 
mittment was soon after confirmed by your Honours [sic] and a Severe charge on 
the Magistrates for his Secure keeping, with your Declaration, that a 
Charge of Murther [sic] should he laid against him, and a Speciall [sic] Commission sent to try him hereon. Such Imprisonment was continued till the year
1737 when your Orders directed that the Magistrates should give Judg- 
ment on the said Verdict against him and he (being in his Senses) 
might be admitted to Bail. All his Improvements (in the mean time) 
became ruinous, are of no value, and he has left the Colony.

Mr. Musgrove was a Trader to the same Indians and dwelt near the 
place where Savannah now Stands. At the Arrival of the first 
Adventurers, he obtained this other Settlement whereby to keep a 
Cowpen, and there built a good house; He being dead, his Widow married 
John Mathews who planted (in good Order) 40 Acres; He has much encreased 
[sic] his Stock of Cattle and continues the Indian Trade, Since the year 
1739 he has not planted any thing considerable. He is lately appointed 
Commander of a Troop of Rangers.
 
Mr. Robert Williams and Compy, took possession of their Land in 
the year 1736 and built several Small houses and Stores for himself and 
Servts. and Goods they planted and fenced about 40 Acres; they made 
Several Experiments with very little Success, they endeavoured [sic] 
to carryon a Lumber Trade, and Loaded three Ships and one Sloop. How 
far their Expectations might be raised on their coming to the Colony 
is best known to themselves; but it is certain they frequently declared 
themselves disappointed, and loosers [sic] both by planting and trade; 
In this temper they never ceased to encrease [sic] Discord, Doubts, and 
unhappy Dislikes to the Country in the minds of every one who attempted planting, with Severe Reflections on your Honrs. and every one who 
executed your Commands. They purchased divers Cattle, and having in the 
year 1740 left the Colony, directed Mr. Matthews to take Care of Land 
and Stock.
 
Westbrook, at first contained only a Grant to Walter Augustine and Compy. Since which Sr. Fra. Bathurst arrived and Settled next to said Augustine.

 
Mr. Augustine built necessary Covering, and planted with 
good Success about 12 Acres, therefore, in regard to Such Industry, and 
his Endeavours [sic] in Erecting a Saw Mill, he recd, many assistances 
from your Honours [sic] Stores; It was generally expected his Saw mill 
would have Succeeded, it having Sawed a Considerable quantity of Boards &ca. But whether he was deluded by the Enemys [sic] to the Colony, threatned [sic] by those he was indebted to, or being Ankt [sic] with Jews they were too Sharp for him. Or which prevailed most is not known by me, but tis certain that some if not all prevailed so that he percipitately [sic] left the Colony, tho his Support was continued, and has since refused to return.
 
Sr. Francis Bathurst built convenient habitations and planted 
ten Acres of Land, he had great losses by servants Sickness &ca. which 
very much encreased [sic] his Expence [sic], The Land is fruitfull [sic]; 
Two Ladys [sic] and himself being dead, his Children ceast [sic] planting, or any real care of the land under the Common Pretence [sic] to Negroes, they soon consumed every little thing they could get. His Son Robert being under Age, was to Succeed to the Land. Aged about 16 years. Francis Peircy a Gardener married one of his Daughters, and was accused before me, of Selling two Servants which had been supplyed [sic] Sr. Francis on Credit, the Sale was declared void, and other matters of the like nature appearing, he was bound over in his own Recognizance for wasting the Goods of an Infant (R. Bathurst) But as the Lad thought himself too Old to want Advice, tho in fact too weak, as well as young to avoid the fawning pretentions [sic] of those who made a Prey of him, and tho he was promised necessary Support on Creditt [sic], if he would he diligent in those Cultirations [sic] of Land which his Father had began, and used with the utmost tenderness; He was Obstinate in his humour [sic], preferred the fatall [sic] advice of his pretended friends, left the Colony with said Peircy and is since murther'd [sic] in South Carolina by the Insurrection of Negroes.
 
Among the severall [sic] Settlements proposed to he made at Josephs 
Town, only Mr. Patrick Mackay and Mr. John Cuthbert have made any 
progress, the former began a good house, which is now much decayed, he 
having since made a large plantation with about 12 Negroes on the 
Carolina side of the River Savannah; He planted at Josephs Town about 30 
Acres, for two years. Since which it has been neglected, tho Some part 
or other is planted every year by Servants who keep possession and eat 
more than they raise.
 
Mr. John Cuthbert, tho a much later Inhabitant has made a greater 
progress; He has built convenient habitations and Cover for Cattle &ca. 
planted about 30 Acres; He had the Command of a Troop of Rangers, and 
those Affairs calling him to Charles Town, he there dyed [sic] of an Epidemicall [sic] Distemper, His Sister Succeeds to his Land, is Since married to Mr. Patrick Graham of Savannah Surgeon, who is very Industrious and endeavours [sic] to improve the Land.
 
The Village of Abercorn is Scituate [sic] on a Creek of the Same name, 
once famous for a Magazine of Corn &c. kept there by Indians in their 
Wars on the English; It contains a Loomy Soil mixt with Gravel towards 
the Rivers, the remainder producing much Cane is Supposed to be of a 
Clay or Something like it equally good. 
 
As the Inhabitants were out Settlers, they received innumerable  
Indulgencies [sic]. They often pretended to work on their Land but as often 
forfeited their promise; very few did any thing worth notice, in the 
Space of 5 or 6 years; The whole Body together made an opening in the 
Wood to the Extent of twenty Acres; but did not (at any one time) plant 
more than 12 Acres; Richard Hughes, a Smith, and Robert Bunyan a 
Carpenter seemed to be the most Industrious; But these with the rest 
being also overswayed [sic] by the Accustomed delusions left the 
Settlement and the Colony.
 
The Town of Ebenezer is wholly Inhabited by Saltzburghers, they 
from the begining [sic] have Submitted to the immediate advice of their Good 
Ministers and have united their Endeavours [sic] by joint Labour.
 
Their first Settlement, was on the Common Path from the most 
usual Ferry, whereby Travellers passed by Land from South Carolina to 
these parts, and which also near this place meets the Path from Port 
Argyle, and the Creek Nation; The land about the Town was generally 
Pine Land, and conseqently [sic] less productive of Grain in its own nature; 
It is well waterd [sic] by various Brooks, near which large pastures of Cane 
are so conveniently mixt, that they afford their Cattle a delicious 
plenty; Their Cattle throve and doubtless a Continuance of Industry 
must from such land have raised Fodder for them when brought home; and 
thereby Sufficient Manure for their upper land. But these people were 
so closely attackt [sic] by the Enemys [sic] of the Colony, As not enduring the prospect of what Such Industry might produce; That an uneasiness arose, 
and no Arguments could prevent their breach of Patience and Incessant 
applications for the Removall [sic] of the Town, to the Side of the River
Savannah altho the Same Land now possesst [sic] would have fallen into 
the first Township.
 
In the New Town they continue their Joint Labour to great Advantage far 
Superiour [sic] to any thing in the Colony; They have built a Mill to 
make a Sort of meal of their Indian Corn; and have Several Comodious [sic]  
Buildings; They have planted upwards of 200 Acres with good Success, 
and by their Joint Labour plant the most promising Spots only.
 
Those People certainly deserve applause as well for their Industry, 
as also Obedience and peaceable Behaviour [sic] having not yet given the 
Civil Magistrates any material Trouble, and tho their Support has been 
long and Expensive whereby they have passed through their difficulties 
with Some Chearfullness [sic], they have certainly shewed forth all the 
returns which Industry and good Husbandry can produce.
 
Where the Town of Ebenezer was first intended there is a Cowpen 
kept on your Honours [sic] Account, 200 Head of Cattle had been long 
since delivered to the care of the Keeper; He was always complaining 
for Assistance in Horses and men, concerning which I was obliged to 
Exceed your Honrs. Orders; I am Sensible that he was not gratified in 
all he Asked; And as I could never get a Just Account of the Increase, 
I am apt to think that no person is able to give any new guess what 
such Increase may extend to, because the Keeper continues his uncertain 
measures.
 
There is also at the Same place a Saw Mill on your Honours [sic] 
Account; the Erecting thereof took two years time to finish; It Sawed 
about 1000 Foot of Plank p Day, and was Supposed to be very Secure and 
well done; But by the rising of the waters, loosness [sic] of the Soil, 
or some other such Cause, the Waters made a Breach, part of the Mill is 
oversett [sic] and the mill is rendred [sic] useless.

 
The Town of Augusta must be allowed to be of Singular Service to 
the Colony in General as also for the Commodiousness and safety of the 
Traders to the Severall [sic] Indian Nations within, or contiguous to the 
Colony, and the Safety of the Merchandizes necessary for Such Trade and 
the gaining imediate [sic] Intelligence of what may happen to be in motion 
either by Friends or Enemys [sic]; It undoubted raises its own Reputation, so 
unjustly impeacht [sic], gives daily tokens of its plentifull [sic] productions, And the whole is fully proved in that all the Inhabitants 
which dwelt on the Carolina side of the River, called New Windsor or Fort 
Moore are removed from thence, and are become Inhabitants of the Town 
and have removed their Goods. As to the productions, altho the Land at 
Savannah and Contiguous Settlements, Do not produce more (on an 
Average) then ten Bushells [sic] an Acre, the Land about this Town produces, 
Sixty Bushells [sic] on an Acre, or thereabouts; There is a Garrison 
kept with a proper Fortification wherein was a Captain, a Leiutenant [sic], a, Serjeant [sic], a Constable and 15 private men; Severall [sic] Houses are built for the Town, and many of the Inhabitants have purchased large Stocks of Cattle, and made considerable improvements; But it is generally known, 
that as they live remote from the Town of Savannah where the Seat of 
Justice is Supposed to be maintained, they have little Regard to the 
Act against Negroes or other Laws And in fact perform all their planting 
by Slaves.
 
The Southern Settlements being each of them, as so many Garisons [sic]; 
The Inhabitants of Frederica and Darien have had their Share of Military 
Alarms, and without doubt much of their time has been also Spent 
therein. Those of Frederica have made no progress in their Land worthy 
a Relation, the former attempts being returned to their naturall [sic] 
Order, except some small Gardens, So that it might he Justly said the 
Inhabitants are no ways inclined to planting.
 
The Settlers at the Darien for the two first years gave very 
visible hope of their Desire to improve their Land by Joint Labour and 
according planted about 200 Acres in one field, but the small productions 
and Loss by such Labour, (the usuall [sic] Support ceasing) lead them to 
quitt [sic] their Progress in Planting. Most of them went to the Seige [sic] 
of St. Augustine, where the generallity [sic] of them, were either killed 
or taken prisoners. So that the Town being almost depopulated of its first Inhabitants, the remaining Widows and broken Familys [sic] are a melancholly [sic] Object. And many of the Inhabitants both here and at Frederica have 
left the Colony.
 
A Settlement was form'd by Wm. Horton Esqr. on Jekyl [sic] Island where 
he built a house, kept a Stock of Cattle and had ten servants Supported 
by the Store, But declaring the Labour was vain he Sett [sic] his Servants 
to hire.
 
Captain James Gascogine and several Officers who have and do bear Military Employ, built themselves houses and keep Cattle, which are Scituate [sic] according to the Command they bear and are quitted or held as he continues 
in or is removed from his Command.
 
His Majestys [sic] Regiment of foot have their head Quarters at St. 
Simons Island, whilst the remainder being in proper bodys [sic], form 
Garrisons on such other Islands and passes most Immediately yeilding [sic] publick [sic] Security and Defence [sic].
 
Having thus also related the begining [sic], progress, and present 
Circumstances of the Several Settlements, and Set forth some of those 
Reasons, which have occasioned the neglect of planting, and of the 
Inhabitants departure from the Colony; I beg your patience while 
I add a farther Reason for such Departure, wch. I humbly conceive each 
well wisher ought not to conceal.

 
It is notorious, that Mr. Thomas Jones has obliged many of the 
Debtors to your Honours [sic] Stores (as his humour [sic] without any 
regard to humanity pleased) to make immediate payment, by Stoping of what 
they earned in Publick [sic] service, tho at the Same time, he knew they wanted Bread; he also refuses (thro the same humour [sic]) to pay what is justly due to the people, tho it it well known he is possest [sic] not only of Stores, but also Cash sufficient to prevent any Complaint of that Kind, and perhapps [sic] often repeated petitions, he will declare that the Stores which belonged to your Honours [sic], are now the property of Wm. Stephens Esqr. and himself; and as such will either deliver Goods and take Receipts as Cash, Or pay Cash on an Unreasonable Discount, An Instance of which, will appear by the Coppy [sic] of an Affidavitt [sic] herewith enclosed.
 
As your Honours [sic] did not think proper, that the Issues of remaining 
Stores should continue for other use than paying the just Demands then 
owing to the Creditors, consequently all thoughts of Former Support must 
likewise discontinue; Therefore as such Orders gave a Chill to the peoples Expectations and progress they reasonably imagined an Indulgence of time for what they owed, would be allowed. Seeing that till some way of living was found, whereby to Spare it. Such Severity was directly starving them.
 
As my own imediate [sic] Interest in the Colony is (at least) equall [sic] 
with others, I had reason to Expect that when your Secretary received 
your Orders to transmitt [sic] a State of the Colony upon the Oaths of its 
Inhabitants, he would have thought me worthy to have joyned [sic] in it; But 
as he has Been pleased to call and consult only those who dare not 
contradict what he says is proper for them, I hope I shall not be blamed 
for this Attempt. I chose to lay aside the thoughts of troubling your 
Honours [sic] with the Consequences of Such Conduct in your Secretary well 
knowing it must aggravate the Multitude of Mistakes which cannot be 
prevented till your Honours [sic] by proper Channells [sic] are informed, and Shall thereby Judge of the Causes thereof.

 
Wishes and Inclination ever directing to Act for the Interest 
of the Colony free from partiality or Party opinion, I beg leave to 
Say, that these my Endeavours [sic] candidly recd. I may be lead [sic] to imagine 
that the face of Affairs may in some measure recover its clouded 
Aspect, Most humbly therefore depending on your Honours [sic] Determination 
on these and what else of this kind may be laid before you; I Subscribe 
that I am
 
with my best Endeavours [sic]
 
Yr. Honours [sic] most Dutifull [sic] Servant
 
T. Causton

 
Dated in Georgia 
Feby. 19th. 1740-1





 
Mr. Tho. Causton to the Trustees Arrived June 1741 
Oxtead [sic] 28 Feby. 1740-1

 
Gentlemen 
As any importunity from me may incur your honours [sic] blame, it is 
necessary I Should Set forth reasons for repeating in any degree, what 
I may have already requested.
 
The Correspondence with this your Colony in regard to time & 
distance is Such, that a whole year is comonly [sic] past before the 
matters compain'd of, or comands [sic] given can be effectually redrest [sic], 
or the obedience known. And as a guilty person Seldom wants craft 
to prevaricate in answer to a complaint, or to  frame fictitious Stories 
or reasons for not executing a comand [sic], much more time may (very probably) be emloy'd or Spent, and the Suffering Party be totally undone.
 
I have Strove to endure the unlawfull [sic] measures of your Officers, 
till my health and Small Effects are exhausted: I have complain'd to 
your Honours [sic], but (to my knowledge) no means is proposed, or Orders 
given, whereby a deserv'd comfort may restore the One, or a just reward 
prevent the misery of the other.
 
The deaths in my family (occasion'd by the terrour [sic] of their 
injustice) is a murder as effectually comitted [sic], as if a dagger 
had done it, and I most humbly appeal if it is just, to insinuate that 
I am guilty of crimes, & must be hid (which in this Country implys [sic] murder'd) and my Effects Sequester'd, without informing me of Such particulars, whereto I may endeavour [sic] to form a defence [sic]: To 
bind me in bonds to continue in the Colony without any cause assign'd, 
or in any Shape proved: To publish that I attempted to fly the Colony 
when no kind of Step was taken towards it: To distress & impoverish me 
here by various Injuries, and to prevent me from acquiring my bread elsewhere.
 
Mr. Woodrofe is order'd to arrest me for a bill which I drew 
in pursuance of your Honours [sic] Orders, and paid to Tho. Andrews for 
account of Services to the Chickesaw Nation, tho 'tis well known that by 
virtue of a receipt Sign'd by Said Andrews for the value of the bill, 
his Acct. with the Stores is So far discharged.
 
James Houston a late Clerk in your Honours [sic] Store at Savannah, 
received 10 Sterling of me (which I rais'd by Sale of part of my Stock 
of Cattle) to purchase necessaries for me at Charlestown and else where 
in Carolina, and accordingly Sign'd the  (a)  paper enclosed: but instead of 
Such purchasse [sic], or complying with his promise, he at length wrote me 
the  (b)  letter enclosed.
 
I Imagine that these Facts evidence the danger I am in, of being 
in a worse condition than the most abject Slave, and therefore may very 
reasonably think my Self justified, if to my latest moments I repeat my 
prayers for redress. And particularly to Research for your Honours [sic] 
Orders;
 
1. That I may be paid for what I have thus Suffer'd by Houston out of 
Such moneys as is due to him for his Services:
 
2. That I may be paid for damage done by your Servants to my mulberry 
trees, agreable [sic] to my former petition:
 
3. And That I may be paid the remainder of the bounty on corn &c rais'd 
in the year 1739 agreable [sic] to what I mention'd on that head in my 
letter herewith transmitted.
 
I presume to hope that I am not obliged to employ my time, or 
practice a carefull [sic] conduct thus in vain, or in vain Seek justice 
in America, and therefore pray
 
4, That your Officers may Set forth Satisfactory reasons for Such 
conduct; And Since want thus daily approches [sic], and the matter 
which gives it wings thus appears to be the fruits of an Over bearing 
malice in your officers, I imagine I may be pardon'd if I again beg 
not to be thus lost by the delay of your judgment, and take the liberty 
to Subscribe my Self
 
Your Honours [sic] most dutifull [sic] Servt.
 
T. Causton


 
(a.) Oxstead 14 Oct. 1740. Recd. from Mr. Tho. Causton ten pounds 
Sterling, which I promise to be accountable.
 
P James Houston



 
(b.) Beaufort 2 feby. 1740-1




 
Mr. Causton,
 
Sir
 
Since I was last in Georgia, I could not Stir from this 
place to go to Charlestown my Self, but I have Sent your money down 
twice to buy the things you wanted, but there was no possibility of 
buying any thing there Since the fire happen'd, every thing being So 
very dear; Therefore I have given your Acct. Cr. for your bill in part 
of wages due to me in the Store, and I do not know when I Shall be able 
to pass it, all the people here looking on that money no more than 
dirt. I desire you would order payment for the remainder of the 
ballance [sic] due to me, certified by Mr. Loyer 28 Oct. 1738, which 
is 23.11.7 Sterl. besides the Interest on the Sum to this time. I design 
to go for Jamaica in 2 months and from thence to England, where I Shall 
use all means to recover that, and all the other losses my father has 
Sustain'd upon the Acct. of the Colony of Georgia. Sir, I would have you to 
consider that I am reduced now to very low circumstances, and that its a 
great wrong to detain my just wages, for any man has reason to expect 
that God who is just and righteous will avenge the mischief that one 
man does to another.
 
Yrs. &c.
 
Ja. Houston

 
I can find no body to bring Cattle or Sheep 
to you. None caring to have any thing to do in your Colony



 
Recd. 24 June

 
Savannah 25 March 1741
 
May it please Your Lordship

 
I hope You'll excuse the Freedome [sic] I have taken by presenting 
these lines to yr. Lordsp.
 
I have had the Honour [sic] to serve the Honble. the Trustees these 
four years past; the last year of which time I have had the Honour [sic] to 
bear a Commission to Act as Recorder in the Town of Savannah, And as the 
said Business did not fully Employ my time I took under my Care a Boy of 
Mr. Samll. Browns; half an Indian, which Boy can now write, Read and 
Acct. pretty well.
 
By the Behaviour [sic]  and Genius of the said Boy I am ensured had I 
Encouragement, I could Teach any Number of Indian Boys with the same 
ease.
 
If your lordship think it will be agreeable to the Honourable [sic] 
the Trustees I beg the favour [sic] of you to mention it to them. And if their Honrs, will be pleased to favour [sic] me with their Commands, I will Execute them to the utmost of my Power.
 
I am hard put to it, for want of my money for my Service, as 
Recorder; I have wrote severall [sic] Letters to the Honble. [sic] the Trustees, and should he glad to receive their Answer, till which time I 
dont [sic] expect to receive any thing.
 
I hope your Lordship will excuse this Freedom, and give me leave 
to Subscribe my Self.
 
Your Lordsps.
 
most dutifull [sic] & Obedt. humble servt.
 
John Pye






From Will. Ewen recd. 2 Septbr. 1741
 
Savannah 17 April 1741
 
To the Honble. Trustees for
 
Establishing the Colony of Georgia In
America

 
Gentlemen 
Having some time ago lay'd before your Honrs. the losses I have 
Sustained by my Plantation; the hardships and difficulties I was drove 
to before I left it: I cannot at this time omit acquainting your Honrs, 
with the unjust proceedings of Mr. Thomas Jones; who without any Cause 
of offence [sic] has many times too plainly Shewn [sic] me, the Ill will, Malice, and Spite he bears me; not only striving to Blast my Character (whereby to prevent my getting any Bread) but also prevents me using those means whereby I should attain to the Balance of my Acct. which is my Just 
due.
 
I have here inclosed to your Honours [sic] my Acct. Sworn before one 
of the Bayliffs [sic], and the Recorder of Savannah.
 
I have often waited on Mr. Thomas Jones, and have desired him to 
settle my Acct. so that I might have it enter'd in the Store Books; but 
it was all to no purpose; for he always had an Excuse ready as 
soon as he saw me come near him, and in a haughty manner, he would tell 
me he was busy; and that he had other affairs to mind. I apprehend that 
as your Honrs, thought proper to appoint Mr. Thomas Jones, Storekeeper, 
and to assist in Settling the Publick [sic] Accts. that your Honrs, has order'd him a Sufficient allowance for the same: and that he should Act in a 
mild manner, and Strive to make the people quiet and easy: under their 
misfortunes. But instead of performing his Duty in your Honours [sic] 
Service his time and thoughts is carried another way with the gain he daily 
gets in trade with Coll. Wm. Stephens in your Honrs. Store. He always 
Seems to be ready and willing to add affliction to the afflicted, but 
hates to be a friend to the distressed; neither can it be expected from 
such men who makes interest their only Views.

 
The Months Service mentioned in any Acct. was at the time of 
Mr. Thomas Caustons [sic] leaving the Stores, and Mr. Thomas Jones Receiving 
'em. I was left in Charge of the Stores by Mr. Causton, but obey'd 
Mr. Jones's Orders most of the time this months Service Mr. Jones said 
he did not know of; and therefore could not allow of it, till he had 
seen Mr. Causton, and that he should certify it to him. Accordingly I 
desired Mr. Causton to go with me to Mr. Jones (which he did) and Mr. 
Jones was well Satisfied, and Order'd Mr. Pye to enter it in the 
Store Book (and say he would pay me this Acct. in Cash at any other time 
but that Instant because he was in hast) this he said in presence of 
Mr. Thomas Causton, and Mr. John Pye; But after I had left Mr. Jones, 
he order'd Mr. Pye not to enter it in the Books, neither has he paid me 
the money but denys he ever said he would.
 
The next Article in my Acct. is for taking an Inventory of 
the Stores at the time when Mr. Thomas Jones was to receive them, this 
Mr. Jones allows to be right, but says he has no Orders to pay it, and 
that I shall be paid; (But how, or which way I cannot learn.)
 
The two following articles is my Servants deliver'd to Mr. Thomas 
Jones When I was making improvements on my Land, and had used my utmost 
endeavours [sic] with my self and Servants; All that I could raise from the 
Ground, (tho very good of the kind) was not Sufficient to maintain my 
Servants in provisions. Exclusive of Cloaths [sic], Sickness, tools &c. Thus 
Seeing poverty approaching in the midst of Industry; I wrote a Letter 
to Genl. Oglethorpe at Frederica, desiring I might have the Liberty to 
return my Servants to the Store again; Acquainting his Excellency at 
the Same time, that the produce of the Land was not enough to maintain 
them in Provisions. His Excellency agreeable to my Letter, Sent
orders in writing to Mr. Thomas Jones to take my Servants and to give me 
Credit for them; Accordingly I deliver'd my Servants to Mr. Thomas Jones 
and they are now in your Honours Service. (But Mr. Jones has not paid 
me nor given me Credit for them.)
 
The last Article in my Acct. is the Bounty on 90 Bushells [sic] of 
Corn in the year 1739. This Year Genl. Oglethorpe gave Orders for all 
the people that intended to plant their Lands to meet him at his house 
Accordingly they did; His Excellency in consideration of the peoples 
had Crops the year before, did then promise they should have a Bounty 
on Corn, Pease and pottatoes [sic], I raised this year 90 Bushells of Corn 
had it measured by an officer as it was orderd, and a Certificate 
under his hand for the Same. I gave my Certificate to Mr. Thomas Jones, 
and desired he would pay me the Bounty money, acquainting him that it 
would be a great help to me. His Answer was that he had no money and he 
could not pay it. I waited on Mr. Jones Several times from my planta- 
tion, being 20 miles by water, and told him my necessity, but he would 
not hear, pay me, nor settle my Accts. The last time I waited on him, 
he told me I should have come Sooner for now he had paid all the money 
he had for that purpose.
 
There is few men by my Self that he has not paid them all their 
Bounty money or half, (But it is to those that he likes best) he told me 
he would then enter it in the Books for me; Accordingly he did, but it 
Was about 12 months after the time.
 
I have here eIso enclosed a Coppy [sic] of my Acct. as it stands in 
the Store Books; which was deliver'd me by William Bussell who is Mr. 
Jones Bookkeeper, So that your Honrs, may plainly see, that it is Mr. 
Jones intent that he will prevent, if he can, that my Acct. should be 
settled.

 
Therefore I humbly intreat your Honrs, that you will Consider 
this my Complaint and send me some Speedy redress, least my wants come 
on too fast, and necessity drive me a way to some other place to seek 
my Bread.
 
As I am truly Sensible of your Honours [sic] Justice and goodness, and 
that it is not your Honours [sic] Intentions, that any man should be 
opprest [sic] by any of your Officers whom your Honrs, confide in to Execute your Orders here. Therefore I hope your Honours [sic] will not impute this my 
hard case to proceed from a troublesome, or disrespectfull [sic] disposition, 
but for want, and Necessity. I shall beg leave to Subscribe my Self, 
with all due respect
 
Yr. Honours [sic]
 
Most obedt. hum. Servt. to Command
 
William Ewen




The Honble. the Trustees for Establishing 
the Colony of Georgia in America 
To William Ewen Dr.

 
1738
 
Oct. 28. To a months Service in your Honrs. Stores          L.  S.   D. 
from 28 Sept. to 28, Oct. at L 30 p Ann.                    2 . 10 . 0 

 
1738 
Nov. 19. To my Service for taking an Inventory of the   
Stores from 19 Nov. to the 8 Jany. Being 7 )                 4.   0.  6 
weeks at 30  Ann.

 
March 21. To my Servant Gasper Sneiden and his Wife  
          deliver'd to Mr. Thomas Jones.                      12. 5. 0 
1739.



 
Aug. 9. To my Servant Chrisr. Sheffer deliver'd to   
            Mr. Thomas Jones                                   6. 2. 6 
 
 
To the Bounty on 90 Bushells [sic] of Corn at 2s/ p  
Bushell [sic] as p Certificate deliver'd Mr. Thomas            9. 0. 0 
Jones dat. Nov. 3d 1739 .
                                 -------------
 
                                                              L 33 .18 . 0

 
Per Contra - - Cr.
 
   By Sundrys Received from the Store As p Mr.   
   Jones Acct.)                                                 7. 2. 0


 
Ballance [sic] due to W. Ewen.                                 26. 16. 0
                         ------------- 
                                                          L.   33 .18 . 0.

 
Savannah March 7th 1740 
Then appeared Before us John Fallowfield Bayliff [sic] and John Pye 
Recorder of the Town aforesaid; William Ewen, who upon his Oath Declared 
that the above Acct. is justly due and owing to him from the Honourable [sic] 
the Trustees, Witness our hands the day and Year above Written--
 
                       John Fallowfield
William Ewen 
                       John Pye




 
Will. Ewens further Acct.
 
Wm. Ewen - - - Dr.

 
1738
                                                        L. S. D.   
 
Oct. 27. To 1. Cask of Midling Bisct. Wt. 202, @13s/    1. 6. 3 
         1 Bl. Flower Wt.                 206  @12s/    1. 4. 9
 
Dec. 18  Flower       24                       @2d/     0. 4. 0   
 
Jany. 8. Ditto 1 Bl. Wt. 183 #                 @12d/    1. 2. 0 
         Corn 10 Bushlls.                      @1/6 /   0.15. 0 
         Tobacco 6 #                           @5d /    0. 2. 6 
         Beef 48 #                             @2d /    0. 8. 0
 
12.      Damaged Corn 2 Busls.                 @1s/     0. 2. 0
 
Feby.1O. Corn 6 Bushells                       @1s/6/   0. 9. 0 
         Ditto Demd. Corn 6 Bush.              @1s/     0. 6. 0
 
March 12. Tobacco 6 #                          @5d/     0. 2. 6
 
 
1740

 
Apr. 5 Damaged Corn 14. Bush.                  @5d/     0. 5.10 
 
 
July 17. Damaged Corn 10 Bush.                 @6/      0. 5. 0
 
Sundrys [sic] D, for planting. Viz
 
Potatoes  7 Bush           @10d 
Corn      1 Bush.          @20d 
Pease.    1 Ditto          @20d.......................  0. 9. 2 
                                                       --------- 
                                                L.      7. 2. 0 
L. S. D. 
 
 
 
Per Contra - Cr.

 
1739

                                                         L. S. D. 
By the Bounty allowed on 90 Bush, of Corn                
raised on his plantation at 2 s/ p Bushell [sic]         9. 0. 0




 
 Will. Evens letter of Attorney I7 April 1741 recd. 2 Septbr.
 
Savannah in Georgia
 
Know all men by these presents that I William Even of the Place 
and province aforesaid; Planter; have constituted made and appointed 
and by these presents do constitute make and appoint my Loveing [sic] Sister 
Lawfull [sic] Attorney, for me and in my name and Stead, and to my use, to 
all demand Sue for levy, recover and receive all Sum and Sums of money 
debts, dues. Accounts, and all other demands what so ever; which are 
or Shall he due, owing payable and belonging to me or detained from me 
any manner of ways or means what so ever; Giving and Granting 
unto my said Attorney by these presents; my full and whole Power, 
Strength and Authority in and about the premisses, to have Use, and 
take, all Lawfull [sic] ways and means in my name for the Recovery thereof, 
and upon the receipt of any such Debts, dues or Sums of money afore- 
said acquittance's or other Sufficient discharges, for me and in my name 
to make Seal and deliver and generally all and every other Act 
and Acts, thing and things, device and devices, in the Law whatsoever 
needfull [sic] and necessary to be done in and about the premisses, for me 
and in my name to do. Execute and perform, as fully largely and Amply, 
to all intents and purposes as I my Self might or could do. If I was 
Personally present, or as the matter required more Speciall [sic] 
Authority then is herein given, and Attorneys one or more under her 
hand for the purposes aforesaid to make and constitute, and again at 
pleasure to revoke ratifying allowing and holding for firm and Effec- 
tually all and whatsoever my Said Attorney shall Lawfully do in and 
about the premisses by virtue hereof. In Witness whereof I have here 
unto set my hand and Seal this Seventeenth day of April in the Fourteenth 
year of the Reign of our Soveraign [sic] Lord George the Second by the 
Grace of God &c: Annoque Domini one thousand Seven Hundred and Forty 
one
 
                          William Ewen         Seal

Seal'd and deliver'd 
(where no Stampt [sic] paper 
is to be had) in Presence 
of
 
John Pye 
John Ged





 
 
  
Case of Capt. Patrick Mackays refusal to Suffer Mr. Fallowfield to 
Search his Ship
 
Savannah in Georgia
 
A Sloop belonging to Captain Patrick Mackay, arrived in the River 
Savannah from Charles Town on the 26 Inst, and the next day came up, 
and now lies in the Back River near his Plantation: Whereupon Mr. 
Fallowfield, the Collector here, demanded to see his papers, and Certi- 
ficate of Clearance from Charles Town: Which Capt. Mackay refuses to 
shew him; alledging [sic] that he has no Right to demand them; for that the 
Coasting Navigation of the Back River, is within the Province of 
Carolina; and that the Government of Carolina will not consent to his 
doing the Same; but will approve of and justify his refusing; as he is 
verily perswaded [sic] to beleive. Upon Mr. Fallowfields [sic] saying that he would (as he thought it his Duty) go aboard and Examine the Vessel; Capt. 
Mackay Answerd [sic], that then he should be obliged to defend his Vessel by 
Force  To prevent which, it was agreed to defer any farther proceedings 
therein, till his Excellencys [sic] Opinion should be known; which 
is testifyed [sic] by me this 28th day of April 1741.
 
Will: Stephens Secry.

 
Copy of the above Written was sent the next day to Genl. Oglethorpe 
at Frederica, under Cover, p Mr. Jacob Mathews Henry Myeres [sic] letter 
to Mr. Beasent, at the Horse Shoe and Crown in Thames Street. 
London.






 
Frederica 7 May 1741
 
Dear Sir
 
I received your kind letters of the 21 May, and 24 August 1739. 
and am much obliged to you for your benevolence towards me and my 
family, and am sorry that so many kind expressions should be made to 
me who can make no return. May God Bless you and yours.
 
By the last I received one Guinea, and by the first, which came 
last to hand, I received from the Revd. Mr. Whitfield twenty one 
Shillings. May the same great God reward you. Your two letters at 
first view seemed as there had been three Guineas, please in your 
next acquaint me thereof. I long vehemently to hear of you, and I'm  
much afraid your letters ha e [sic] not come safe, and if you are so 
kind as to write me further, pray send them to the Georgia Office to 
Mr. Harman Verelst who will forward them to me.
 
Then as you want some news of our Country, I shall tell you as 
far as the present War time will admit. Our Town goes on very well. 
Several houses has been built since my last, and the whole precints [sic] 
is walled in, in a Strong fortified manner, which renders it the Safetest 
[sic] place of this side of North America. It's true, that as we are on the 
frontiers the late Expedition has kept back our Town a little, and the 
people of Carolina who are our great inveterate Enemies have biass'd [sic] 
Several of our people to leave the place, but as they were the least 
usefull [sic] we shall not miss them much, for the Safety we lye [sic] in 
will bring better to us. It is here as in all parts of the World, labour 
and great industry must be used, and when peace is made this place will 
be a happy Country. We have had hitherto very bad luck with our 
Clergymen, and one is much wanted at present; I dont [sic] Speak of Mr. 
Whitfield, he never was here but twice, and then he did not stay above 
three nights at most. As you are pretty conversant with the World, it 
would be kind of you to recommend us a Sensible man experienced with 
such affairs, a pains taking man with Children, and one that would 
only mind real Spiritual affairs; Such a Gentleman would live vastly 
happy here, for the Honble. the Trustees have given great Encourage- 
ment, and would be excessively kind to one that minded his duty, tho 
they have hitherto been much imposed upon. As to me and my family, I 
thank God we have for near these 12 months past, one or other been 
ailing, and my Daughter Catherine is this day buried; we are all 
in a mending condition, and I hope we shall be able to go on again. 
These and such like difficulties have prevented my being in a better 
house, however I live in good hopes to see our place a beautifull [sic] 
fine Country.
 
I again beg to hear frequently from you. My Wife and I, with the 
whole family joyn [sic] in hearty prayers for you, and am most 
Sincerly [sic]
 
Dear Sir and Dear Madam
 
Your most dutifull [sic] Servant
 
Mark of M Henry Myeres.



 
You say Madam I have forgot you, but I assure you that I never shall, 
or how can I forget one of whom I have been so often served: Your 
tender affectionate care of me deserves better usage, and all I can do 
is to pray that God would be graciously pleased to be dear to you, and 
as you often draw near to him, no doubt he will be found of you.
 
I dont [sic] know whether these I employ'd to write to you for me 
acquainted you that I had two houses of wood, comfortable enough, and 
as the Bricks were dear, and much labour for young Beginners, we have 
fallen upon much cheaper and better way of making houses, of a mixture 
of Lime end Oyster shells (of which we have vast quantities) framed in 
Boxes, which soon dries, and makes a Beautifull strong and lasting 
Wall. No doubt Mr. Beasant has seen such in some parts of England, 
And they have beautifull [sic] houses at Giberaltar [sic] of that sort, 
tho they have plenty of Stone. If my health had permitted, I should 
have had a large one before now, but intend to go about it, God willing, 
before long. Dear Madam, pray our kind service to Mr. Toung and his Good 
family, and we are much obliged to him for thinking of us.
 
I have five Acres of Land cleared and planted these several 
years; what is usual to plant in this country in new land is Indian 
com. Pease, Potatoes, and several sorts of viney plants, such as 
Pumkins, Water Melons, Melons and Cucumbers.
 
We have choice sorts of Pulse and Roots. All the European 
Garden seeds thrive well here. Now that the Roots of the Trees are 
rotten, I intend to plow next year, when I'le [sic] sow wheat, Barley, 
Oats and other grain. Ploughs have not been used by our Neighbours [sic] 
the Carolinians, which is the Occasion that there's so little of their 
Country brought in, and if it were not for the Rice, they make their 
Negroes plant, they'd starve, for they are a Luxurious, lazy Idle and 
effeminate people, they hate our General because he's an Active Bold 
Stirring man, hating Idleness and the use of Slaves, and if it had not 
been for him and our Country, the Spaniards would have been Masters of 
theirs long before now, for their Slaves would all turn to the Enemy 
because of Bondage and Bardarous [sic] usage. A Negroe [sic] Overseer 
is a worse and more Inhuman Office, than that of a hangman.

 
Several of our people Who have gone home to England; have given 
a vile character of the place and Government, without any reason, But 
Because they were Idle and Seditious, finding it hard to get Bread at 
that rate they went off, tho such people will find it hard to live any 
where. I am as Before
 
Dear Sir
 
Your thankfull [sic] Servant
 
mark of Henry M. Myeres

 
A few Garden Seeds if occasion offer'd, 
would Be of great use to me, close 
packed up in a Small Box.





 
Mr. Tho. Jones to Col. Will. Stephens 
Frederica 22 Dec, 1740 - 4 a Clock
 
Sir
 
I had the favour [sic] of yours p Morrison wherein you justly reprove me 
for not writing to you p Wm. Bussell  I must Submitt to your Censure 
and Bear the Blame, untill [sic] (if it please God to spare my life and 
restore my liberty) I have the pleasure to see you at Savannah, 
Where I may viva voce talk aBout such matters as are not proper yet to 
commit to writing  I have some time fancied my self in the same case 
with John Mackintosh at Augustine who is said to have the honour [sic] of 

 
[This letter finishes after the pages of Financial statements.  This is how it was arranged in the original and we have left it as it was.] 
 
 
 

Trust servants in the North part of Georgia and their days of work for 13 months from 13 Oct 1739 to 11 October 1740


                   Oct. Nov. Dec. Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr  May June July Aug Sept Oct
A
B

Berrier, Jo.   20 20  18   20   20   20   19.  20.  19.  20.  20. 20  20
---, Margaret W.     5.   20. 18   20   20   20.  19   20.  19.  20.  20. 20. 20
---, Artwell, S      15   15  18.  20.  20.  20.  19.  20.  19.  15.  19. 20. 20
---, Peter, S         5.  20. 18.  20.  20.  20.  19.  20.  19.  20.  20. 20. 20
---, Margt. D        20   20. 18.  20.  20.  20   19.  20.  19.  20.  20. 20. 20
Bender, Christr.          18. 13.   4


    Total Work.           Payments (combined)

Berrier, Jo.   36.4
---, Margaret W.  34.3
---, Artwell, S   34.2                28.16.10
---, Peter, S    34.3
---, Margt. D   36.4
Bender, Christr.   7.0    1. 3. 4





                    Oct. Nov. Dec. Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr  May June July Aug Sept Oct
C

Clause, Leopold    17 1/2  14.  18.  20. 20   20.  17.  14.  14.  15.  10. 20. 20
---,    Cathn, W            18.  20. 20.  15.  19.  10.  13.  19.  20. 20. 20
---, Michl. Son             18.  20. 15.  15.  19.  10.  20.  20.  20. 20. 20

Creamer, Christian  
---, Christn., son.       20.  18. 20.  20.  20.  19.   20.  19.  20.  20. 20  20
---, Mary D.                 18  20   20   20   19    20   19   20   20  20 20 

Curtes, Jacob        9 1/2


       Total Work             Payments (combined)

Clause, Leopold        31. 2/12
---,    Cathn, W   27.5                     19. 9. 2
---, Michl. Son    28.1          

Creamer, Christian      0
---, Christn., son.    33.5                      9. 6. 8
---, Mary D.        30.6             

Curtes, Jacob   Supposed to run away 1739 December  0. 6. 4





                    Oct. Nov. Dec. Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr  May June July Aug Sept Oct
D

Deigler, Daniel      20   20   17   20   20   20   19   20   19   20  20  20  20
---. Maria, W.   12 1/2   20   17   20   20   20   19   20   19   20  20  20  20 
---, Cath D.         20   20   17   20   20   20   19   20   19   20  20  20  20 
---, Maria. D             20   17   20   20   20   19   20   19   20  20  20  20
 
Densler, Conrad.     20   20   17   10   20   20   19   20   19   20  20  20  20
---, Hen. Son        20   20   17   20   20   20   19   20   19   20  20  20  20
---, Anne, d         5    20   17   20   20   20   19   20   19   20  20  20  20
---, Regula, d                      20             19   20   19   20  20  20  20

Dice, Jacob          15   20   18   20   20   20   19   20   19   20  20  20  20
---, Margt. W             15   18   10             13    9   19   20  20  20  20

Dowle ( ) Widow                13   20   20   20   19   20   19   20  10  15  20
---, Peter, son      15   20   18   20   20   20   19   20   19   20  20  20  20
---, Anne, d.        15   10   18   20   20   20   19  20  19  171/2 171/2 20 20    
---, Maria d.        10   10   18   20   20   20   19  20  19  171/2 171/2 20 10    

     Total Work                   Payments

Deigler, Daniel   36.3
---. Maria, W   35 1/2     22.19.9  
---, Cath D            36.3    
---, Maria. D     33.4
 
Densler, Conrad   35.0
---, Hen. Son   36.3      19.1.0
---, Anne, d   34.2
---, Regula, d   22.4

Dice, Jacob   35.6      12.9.4
---, Margt. W   23.3

Dowle ( ) Widow   28.0
---, Peter, son   35.6      24.13.10
---, Anne, d.   33.5
---, Maria d.   31.4


E

F


                      Oct. Nov. Dec. Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr  May June July Aug Sept Oct


Fierer, Conrad         20   20   18   20   20   15   19   20   19  17   20  20  20
---, Christian. Wife. 2 1/2 20   18   20   20   15   19   19   19  20   20  20  20

Fritz, Henry           20   20   17   20   20   20   19   20   19  20          
---, Jerry, son        20    8   20   20   20   20   17   14   20  20   20  14
---, Nic, son.         20   20   17   20   20   20   14                  5  20  20
---, Hannet, son            15   18   20   20   20   19   20   19  20   20  20  20

H

Haverner, Paul         20   20   17   20   20   20   19   20   19  20   20  20  20
---, Pistra Clara Wife.           7   25   20   20   19   20   19  20   20  20  20

Hanouren, Lewisa.      18   18    5   20   20   20   19   20    

Hover, Plessi          16   17   22   24   24   24   23                     12  24

K

Keller, Am. Eliz. Wid. 20   20   20   20   20   20   19   20   19  20   20  20  20
---, Sophia, d.        20   20   18   20   20   20   19   20   19  20   20  20  20
---, Lees, d           15   20   18   20   20   20   19    5    


        Total Work    Payments

Fierer, Conrad        35.3        
---, Christian. Wife              33 1 1/2        14. 4.11


Fritz, Henry                      27.6
---, Jerry, son                   26.1            23. 06. 4     ran away Dec. 1740   
---, Nic, son                     25.1
---, Hannet, son                  33.0
                                                  -------------
                                                   171.17.6

H

Haverner, Paul                    36.3
---, Pistra Clara Wife            30.0              13.15.0


Hanouren, Lewisa                  18.6                3.14.8   Free June 1740


Hover, Plessi                     26.4                6. 4. 0


K

Keller, Am. Eliz. Widow           36.6 
---, Sophia, d                    36.4                20.10.10
---, Lees, d                      19.4





                      Oct. Nov. Dec. Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr  May June July Aug Sept Oct
K. (cont.)

Keller, Mariaker d     5   20    18   20   20   20   19   20   19  20   20   20  20 
---, Barbara d                   18   10   20   20   14

Kiefer, Theobald       20   20   18   20   20   20   19   15   19  20   20  20  20   
---, Cath. wife        20   20   20   20   20   20   20   20   19  20   20  20  20
---, Fred s            20   20   20   20   20   20   20   20   20  20   20  20  20
---, Maria d            5   20   18   20   20   20   19   20   19  20   20  20  20


Kiefer, David, son.         20   18   20   20   20   19   20   19  20   20  20  20
---, Margt. Wife        5   20   18   20   20   20   19   20   19  20   20  20  20  


L


Levenberger, Christr.             16   24   24   24   14   24   23  24   24  24  24
---, Margt. Wife.                 10   24   24   24   23   24   23  24   24  24  24



M


Miller (Christina) Widow     20   13   20   20   20   19   19   19  15   20  20  20      
---, Philip, s               20   18   20   20   20   19   20   19  15   16  20  20      
---, Jo. Nice s              20   18   20   20   20   19    
---, Veronice d              20   13   20        15   19  17 1/2 19  15  16  20  20  
---, Cath.  D                20   18   20        15   19  17 1/2 19              10       





     Total work                  Payments


Keller, Mariaker d          34.3                      (see previous page)
---, Barbara d              11.5 
           
Kiefer, Theobald            35.6 
---, Cath. wife             37.0                       27. 5.10
---, Fred s                 37.1 
---, Maria d                34.0   


Kiefer, David, son.         33.0             13.14.6
---, Margt. Wife            34.3   

L


Levenberger, Christr.       36.3                        14. 7. 4   
---, Margt. Wife.           35.3             



M


Miller (Christina) Widow    32.1    
---, Philip, s              31.0             given away 1709* [sic] to widow Harris
---, Jo. Nice s             15.2                 16.16. 6
---, Veronice d             27.5    
---, Cath.  D               19.5 1/2                    * this must be 1739




                         Oct. Nov. Dec. Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr  May June July Aug Sept Oct
                         Days


N

Nongazer, Jacob           20   20   18        20        19   15   13  20   20  20  20 
---, Margt. Wife           5   20   18   20   20        19   19   19  20   20  20  20 
       
Nongazer, (anapl) moth.    9 1/2  
---, Philip, Son           5   20   17   20   20   20   19   20   19  20   20  20  20 
---, ( ) Wife                  20   17   20   20   20   19   20   19  20   20  20  20 
---, Henry, son           20   20   17   20   20   20   19   20   19  20   20  20  20 
---, Cath. da             20   20   17   20   20   20   19   20   19  20   20  20  20  


O

Ordner, Adam              20   20   17   20   20   20   19   20   19  20   20  10  20
---(M. Christine)wife                     5   20   20   19   20   19  20   20  10  20


P

Pelicue, John                            20   20   20   14                 20  10  20 
---, Barbara, Wife                        5   20   20   19   20   19  20   20  10  20 

Plessie, Jacob                           15   20   20   14   20   19  20   20      20
---, Cath. Wife                20   18   20   18   15   14   20   19  15   20      20  




      Total Work    Payments


Nongazer, Jacob             29.2.                 14. 3. 4
---, Margt. Wife          31.3     
       
Nongazer, (anapl) moth.      1.2 1/2  
---, Philip, Son            34.2   
---, ( ) Wife              33.4                  24.19. 9
---, Henry, son          36.3     
---, Cath. da      36.3


O


Ordner, Adam                      35.0    
---(M. Christine) wife               24.5                12. 9.10
                                                        -------------
                                                         339.19. 1

P

Pelicue, John     16.3 
---, Barbara Wife    25.4                  8. 0.10


Plessie, Jacob     24.0 
---, Cath. Wife.     27.0                  10.11. 6





                         Oct. Nov. Dec. Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr  May June July Aug Sept Oct
                         Days

R

Reitter, Caul             20   20   18   20   20   20   14   20   19  20   20  20  20
---, Eliz. Wife                20   18   20   20   20   14   20   19  20   20  20  20
---, Philip, son               20   18   20   20   20   14   20   19  20   20  20  20


S

Smith, John               16   26   22   24   24   24   23   24   23  24   24  24  


Sneider, Caspar           20   20   18   20   20   20   19   20   19  20   20  20  20
---,  Cath. Wife           5   20   18   20   19   15   19    5       15   20  20  20



Shefer, Christr             5       13   20   20   20   19   20   19   
---, Barbara, wife                                       5   20   19


Steinhewel, Christr.       20   20   18   20   20   20   19   20   19  20   20  20  20
---, Henry, son            20    8   18   20   20   20   19   20   19  20   20  20  20 
---, Maria d               20   20   18   20   20   20   19   20   19  20   20  20  20 
---, Dorothea, d           20   20   18   20   20   20   19   20   19  20   20  20  20   
---, Lee, d                 5   20   18   20   20   20   19   20   19  20   20  20  20


Stout, John                15   20   18   23   24   24    





                              Total Work                  Payments


Reitter, Caul                    35.6
---, Eliz. Wife                  33.0                      17.16.6
---, Philip, son                 33.0


S

Smith, John                      39.5                       9. 5. 4 Murdered Sept 1740


Sneider, Caspar                  36.4
---,  Cath. Wife                 28.0                       13. 8. 8



Shefer, Christr                  19.3
---, Barbara, wife                6.2                         5.12. 8 Free July 1740


Steinhewel, Christr.             36.4    
---, Henry, son                  33.4
---, Maria d                     36.2
---, Dorothea, d                 26.2
---, Lee, d                      34.1


Stout, John                      17.5                         4. 2. 8. Given away                 
                                                              April 1740 to Jo.              
                                                              Mellage 





                         Oct. Nov. Dec. Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr  May June July Aug Sept Oct
                         Days

Y


Young, Hier                20   20   17   20   20   20   19   20   19  20   20  20  20 
---, Peter Son             20   20   18   20   20   20   19   20   19  20   20  20  20 
---, Magdalen d.           20   20   17   20   20   20   19   20   19  20   20  20  20 
---, Barbel Wife                          10        20   19   20   19  20   20  20  20 
     of Hier



   
                             Total Work                 Payments

Young, Hier                     36.3
---, Peter Son                  36.4   
---, Magdalen d.                36.3                     21.14. 4
---, Barbel Wife                24.0   
     of Hier                                            -------------
                                                         460.19. 3



In all 86 Tr. Servants

Overseers of the Trust servants


                              Total Work              Payment

Pye, John for 8 m.             32.6                    19. 2. 8
6 days to 5th June


Harris, Fra: for 1 year        52.                     30. 0. 0
To Michs. 1740


Russel, Will. For 9
Months from Christmas          36.                     22.10. 0                        
1739 to Michs. 1740
                                Total -- Overseers.    71.12. 8

                                Tr. Servants          460.19. 3
                                                     ------------
                                                      532.11.11



 
The above Acct, is true Errors excepted
Savanah 11 July 1741. Thos. Jones



Names of Some other Tr. Servants not mention'd in this Acct. recidt. 
at Savanah 11 July 1741. Thos. Jones



Foulds Jo. 
Roberts Tho, 
Slechterman, Jo, 
Webb (  ) & family








 
dining often with the Governour, Sed Verbum Sat. I have not been 
debarred of any liberty here (at my own expence [sic]) hitherto. But least I 
should hereafter plead Ignorance of the Customs here. That, 
Sic Volo. Sic Jubeo. was to be the only Rule and measure for my Conduct 
and Behaviour [sic]  Will: Russell hath (in Terrorem without any Proof or 
reasonable Suspicion of a Crime) been confined in an open Hutt [sic], under 
a Guard of Soldiers, for three days and nights without any refreshment 
allowed, had not I supported him --- I applied to his Excellency 
when I first came hither That I might be allowed to lay before him our 
Accts. to Michs. last, which I had reedy for his perusal  I was 
order'd first to Examine and state his Acct. with Coll: Cook, which 
(tho somewhat confused) might have been finished in a day or two  
But cod. not prevail with the Genl. to agree to the Same as stated, 
till last Saturday; He is Jealous of all persons that he has concerns 
with in England as well as America (a few So Flatterers and 
others still more profligate, excepted)
 
What the Wise man has declared in Proverbs 29 12. is unquestionably true  
The Genl. promised me yesterday when I waited on him, that 
he would send for me this morning early, that he might Settle with 
Brown and write Letters to send p this Boat.
 
I have been of late treated with great openness and seeming confidence 
(which is my weak side) and might have betrayed me, had I not 
been first Attacked by frowns and distant threats, which never yet have 
done me the least Injury, and I hope never will.
 
I writ to you p Oldner who brings Mr. Clees Perriague; which 
hope came safe -- I. H. has not Spoke to me of late, but daily rails at 
and Curses the Trustees publickly [sic] he boasts that they are indebted 
to him for considerable Sums of money, And that a great part thereof 
has been due to him 5 years  But that I shall pay him the whole of 
those Demands before I go from Frederica  If Ha: imprisons me for 
this his pretended Claim on the Trustees (as he has threatned [sic] to do) I 
have no reason to hope, that the Genl. will interpose in my behalf  
When I told him I was ready to pay Hawkins any Sums of money, which he 
thought proper to Order the payment of, He refused to give any Order  
But with a Seeming displeasure asked. What Objections have you, or the 
Comrs.. made to Mr. Hawkins's Acct. sent you p Mr. Horton For it 
seems the Trustees upon am your report have not allowed his Demands
  
I shall not add nor enter into a Secret (but too publickly [sic] 
known) History of Transactions in the South Pudet hac Oprobia  
Publish it not in the Streets of Askelon nor tell it in Gath. least the 
Enemy rejoice, was very proper advice then, and may be at this day. 
I have seen your Letter &c, directed to his Excellcy.  I must 
deferr [sic] giving you an Acct. of the Conversation had on those matters to 
another Juncture.
 
I entreat you will in your next to the Trustees, together with 
my Duty, make known my humble request to them. That for the preserving 
their own Interest in this Colony, And out of Pity to me, they would 
appoint some person in my Stead; that may be capable of doing them 
that Service, which I find impossible for me to attempt.
 
 
I am
&c.





 
Petition of the Malcontents in Savannah to his Majesty, or to the 
Parliament as their Agents in England Should advise.
 
Sign'd 29 Decbr. 1740


 
The Humble Petition of the Poor Distresed [sic] 
Inhabitants of the Province of Georgia
in America
 
Humbly Sheweth [sic]
 
That we your Petitioners being all Subjects of Great Britain, 
and therefore Intitied [sic] to your Care amd protection. Most earnestly 
beg leave to lay our Unhappy and Deplorable State before you. All or most 
of us Came over here on the Publick [sic] Faith that Liberty and Property 
should take place in this Province to the full of its extent, that the 
Lands were so fertile We should be able to make a Comfortable Living 
by the Labour of White Men only; and that whatever restrictions might 
be for the present in the tenure of the lands were only to Continue a 
Year or two, till the place was settled and then should be removed.
 
Upon the belief of these particulars. Some at the Publick [sic] 
Expence [sic], Some at their own Embarked for this Colony, And on our arrival 
here with the utmost Alacrity, we set about clearing and Cultivating 
the Lands, in Order to get a Maintainance [sic]for our Selves and familys 
[sic]: The Honble. Trustees in the mean while Supported some of 
the People, The rest lived on their own Substance, and at their own 
Charge: Two years past over without the least appearance (in the 
manner we was obliged to go on) of our being able to raise even bread 
kind for our Selves The heats in Sumner likewise were so Excessive, 
that Many of the people died free men as well as servants, of Dis- 
tempers Contracted by the Laborious Work they was forced to go 
thorough in their Endeavours [sic] to raise a little Corn which alas 
proved abortive in the End.

 
We therefore set forth the Necessity of our Affairs to the 
Honble. Trustees, and humbly beged [sic] the Use of Negroes to do the hard 
Work requisite in the Extream [sic] heats, which we found our Selves unable 
to bear up under; but, the Honble. Board would not comply with our 
request. So that we was obliged still to go on according to the Honble. 
Trustees Schemes, being amused with Idle Storys [sic] Either, that the Season 
was too dry, or Else too wet, and that the Country would be more and 
more healthfull [sic] in proportion as the land was cleared. In this manner 
we went on till December one thousand Seven hundred and thirty Eight, 
When finding no Alteration in the tenure of the Lends; No possibility 
after five years Experience of Ever being able to live here according 
to the present Establishment: We again ke Represented to the 
Honble. Trustees our unability to maintain our Selves in this Province, 
Without a free title to our Lands, and the limited use of Negroes to 
Work in the feild [sic]; We laid before them the Improbability of Ships or 
any other Vessells [sic] Coming to this place if we had any produce. When in 
 
Carolina, which is the Opposite Shore of this River Savannah they may 
have every thing that possibly can be raised or made here, one half 
cheeper than ever we can afford them while this Establishment 
Continues: We set before them the great hardship of not being able to 
dispose of. Or even to give a way to our own Daughters, the Lands & 
Possessions we have here. And what hurt such Restrictions had been to 
the Colony; And in the Conclusion told them that We and our Posterity 
Would be ruined and rendred [sic] Miserable if they refused our Just 
requests.
 
Some time in the month of October thereafter, We received an 
Answer from the Honble. Trustees, Wherein they told us. We were a Set 
of Clamourous [sic] people, Influenced by designing men and Negroe [sic] Merchants, 
that we should have no part of what we asked granted to us; They told 
us it could not be Supposed the Trustees were in any Shape 
willing to allow of any Alteration in the Tenure of the Rands, thereby 
to put it in the Power of unthrifty Progenitors, to ruin their Posterity 
by disposing off and making a way with their Possessions; How hard 
this is that a Body of Industrious people should suffer and be un- 
reasonably bound up, for a Supposed unthrifty Member of the Society 
the [    left blank      ] will Judge; A Carefull [sic] Progenitor that has made 
large Improvements for his Familys [sic] Sake in General, in order to divide 
the Same amongs [sic] his Children, By this Constitution, he is restrained 
from making any Dividend by which a Comfortable begining might be given 
to a numerous Issue; He must leave what perhaps he has toild [sic] all his 
Life for, to his Eldest Son, while his other Children must of Course 
be turned upon the World a parcell [sic] of Beggers [sic]; Besides many 
other hardships we are liable to by these Restrictions and Reservations in the 
tenures; Not a few people have died here for want of necessarys [sic], and 
at the same time had good lands and houses in the Colony, Which could 
they have sold or disposed of they would have been enabled, to 
Support themselves in time of their Sickness and perhaps it might have 
been a means to Save them from the Grave for a Season; But they Starred 
in the midst of their own Labour, that which had cost them much 
time and toil as well as money. Could not then bring them a Morsell [sic] of 
Bread; Neither would any person Credit them, for, the Houses or lands 
was no way to be touched for their debts. The Honble. Trustees like 
wise mentioned two reasons for refusing us the use of Negroes The 
one, a late Insurection [sic] of the Blacks in South Carolina; The other a 
Declaration from the Darien, a Settlement in this Province, That they 
wanted no Negroes; Both reasons carry Something of a fair outside But 
when narrowly looked into will be found of no weight; For, the late 
Insurection [sic] in Carolina, Was not immediately from their having Negroes 
to do the laborious Work in their Plantations in the Extream [sic] heat of 
the Sun, But it proceeded from their having too great numbers of 
Negroes and those Employd [sic] in all manner of handycraft and household 
Bussiness [sic], Whereas, we asked for Negroes duly limited only to be 
employ'd in the feild [sic]. None of them to be bred to any trade or handy 
craft whatsoever:
 
As to the Declaration from the Darien, had the Honble. Board 
known which way it was procured they never would have mentioned the 
Same, The promise of a few Cattle made them Act Inconsistent with their 
own or Posteritys [sic] Interest, and put their hands to a paper Contrary to 
their real Sentiments which can be proved by Several Affidavits.
 
In a few months thereafter the Honble. Trustees sent over some 
Resolutions relating to the Tenures of Lands in this Province, Whereby 
we are allowed to give and device, our Possessions to our Daughters in 
Tail Male, But it is so full of Reservations, Conditions and Provisoes, 
[sic] that we do not think our selves any way Eased by it; There 
fore, We again Remonstrate to the Honble. Trustees, We told them our 
friends in England had last Summer informed us, that the Honble. Board 
being resolved to take Cognisance [sic] of our Greivances[sic], had sent 
Orders to this Place, for every Body to write his own Complaints and get 
the Seal of this Township affixed to them; We acquainted their Honours 
[sic] that we never heard of any Such Orders being arrived at this place, 
till the tenth of November last when at a Court held that day, their 
Secretary read the Same and likewise an Answer prepared by him thereto; 
Which he Signed as did Seventeen others all of them persons Employ'd by, 
or receiving Sallerys [sic] from the Publick [sic].
 
We, the Majority of the people, who could not put our hands to 
many Articles in that paper and Especially as it Set forth none of their 
real Greivances [sic]; Modestly demanding the Seal to be affixed to our 
Complaints, was roughly denyed [sic] the use of it We then set forth our 
Lamentable State to their Honours [sic] We put them in mind of the 
Misery that we daily suffer, and told them that our Stay here had con- 
vinced us more and more of the impossibility of living in this place 
without the liberty we asked for in our Representation, And that 
certainly their Honrs, was misinformed of the State of this Colony by 
the person or persons, appointed by them for that purpose, otherwise, 
it would he hard to beleive [sic] that their Honrs, so famous for   
Benificient [sic] dispositions, would keep us poor Wretches so long in 
Bondage and Slavery.
 
We wished they could See the Colony with their own eyes, that 
they could see the many tracts of Lane's that have been cleared here. 
And now all abandoned and forsaken, the Owners either dead through 
their hard Labour in the burning Sun; or fled from their Plantations 
at the approach of Misery, Poverty, and Oppression: We wished they 
could See this Town of Savannah that once was full of people. Now 
almost desolate. And we told them, We was sure no other Arguments 
would be necessary to Convince the Honble. Board that the present 
Constitution can never Answer.
 
That the province was deserted by its Inhabitants we informed 
them, and that the forty five, and five Acre Lots are grown up with 
Weeds, Our Villages forsaken, and most of the five hundred Acre 
Tracts, that once was Settled are now lying Waste and Uncultivated, all 
which we proved by Several Affidavits annexed to the Remonstrance. We 
refer'd their Honrs, to their own Plantations where their German 
Servants are Employ'd, And we declared to them, unless the Building of 
Mr. Whitfields Orphan house had kept the few people that remain together, 
by this time, no one would have been here but such who received 
Sallarys [sic] from their Honrs., and the German Servants they maintain; We 
then told them the few that remain'd must quickly follow those who are 
gone, if their Honrs, thought not proper to Comply with o'Ur Reasonable 
and Just requests. Which we laid before the Honble. Board as follows.
 
(1) A Free title to the Lands here, as all his Majestys [sic] Subjects in 
the rest of his Colonys have.
 
(2) The use of Negroes with proper Limitations.
 
(3) That any Person having a Right and Title to lands here, may take 
it up in the most Convenient place for himself; the Land not being 
taken up already.
 
(4) To be released from the Excessive Quit Rent of twenty Shillings for 
the hundred Acres, None of his Majestys [sic] other Colonies 
paying one Sixth part so much.
 
(5) To have the Liberty of Choosing our Own Magistrates, And in Case 
of any Danger or Extrordinary [sic] affairs a Number of Men should be 
appointed to Assist the Magistrates, that it might not be left to 
the Opinion of one or two men at most. As it is done now; And that 
the Honble. Trustees Treasurer, be no Bailiff or Recorder here.
 
(6) That Our Constables and Tything [sic] men be under the Command of their 
Ears, and the Magistrates only.
 
Thus far have we gone on in our Application to the Honble. Board, 
But being very doubtfull [sic] that our Remonstrance will meet with no 
better Reception than our Petition and Representation before mentioned. 
And being on the Brink of Ruin, We in the Humblest manner, make our 
Application to you the Supream [sic] Legislature, Our Last and final Resort, 
Earnestly praying that you will Commiserate our wretched Condition, 
and remove the heavy load of restrictions and Provisoes [sic] that Sit so 
uneasy upon us.
 
May observe, what we have from time to time laid 
before the Honble. Trustees, We have asked nothing unreasonable. 
Nothing Unjust, Nothing but what all our fellow Subjects Enjoy 
in the Best of his Majestys [sic] Provinces, And what in a Special Manner 
ought to be allowed to a frontier if rightly Considered of; What Man or 
Men will fight for that which he does not think his own?
 
No Free men or Even tennants [sic] can be supposed to Fight and put 
their Lives in Jeopardy for Houses and Lands that they have no Title 
too. That their Arbitrary Lords may turn them out of if they think 
proper Every day they live; Can it be imagined any free man will stay 
in a frontier Colony, where he is every hour liable to be knock'd o' the 
head. At the Same time pays heavier taxes, and is restrained from the 
Just Freedom that all the Adjacent Provinces possess. When he may Enjoy 
Liberty, Property, and be free from danger of Enemys [sic] in most of his 
Majestys [sic] other Dominions in America;
 
It was to have lands that we might truly call our own for us and 
our posterity. It was to have lands that we might Cultivate in what 
manner and with what we should think proper, that we left our Native 
Country to Settle on a peice [sic] of ground Situate, in the Mouths of 
the Indians, French, and Spaniards.

 
We humbly beg leave, further to inform

 
That our Asking the limited use of Negroes is Entirely agreeable to Justice and Reason, and that we are not led a Side by designing Men and Negroe [sic] Merchants as we have been told, It is Experience, Seven long years Experience that has confirmed us of the Impossibility of White men being able to Work here and live; Consider the difference of the Climate think how unfit a British Constitution is to undergo hard labour in a Country twenty three degrees to the South of England. A Great Argument made use of, by the Promoters of the Settlement of Georgia, Was, That it lay in the right Climate for raising Silk, Wine, Oil &c. being in the same Latitude as 
Schiras [sic] in Persia, Jerusalem in Palestine, that the Silk, Wine, Oil 
&c Being natives in Such Climes would certainly prosper, their Juices 
would have a due and proper Circulation, Consequently they would arrive 
at full perfection; Whereas, in our Northern Colonies they being too 
Cold, the Plants were too much Contracted and Chilled; When carried to 
our Islands in the West Indies, the Extrordinary [sic] heats there had the 
Contrary Effects of the Cold; If the difference of Climates, has such 
Effects on Plants, Will not the Human Body he affected in proportion? 
most certain it will; Unless we are in a proper temprature [sic] of Air, We 
cannot go thro the proper Functions of life required; unless our 
fluids, have a due and natural Circulation our Constitution will 
quickly dwindle to nothing; The Summers here which are very long, 
quite unbraces the Fibers and vast perspiration, occasions Such an 
Expence [sic] of Spirits that no Englishman can work in the feild [sic] 
without endangering his life; And Summer is the time when all the feild [sic] 
work is done; If such Care is taken to find out proper Countrys [sic] and 
Climates to raise Commodities that may be Beneficiall [sic] to great Britain 
the Same care should provide fit persons to tend them. Shall 
such Extrordinary [sic] Care be taken of a Plant a Shrub, and no care be 
taken of our poor Countrymens [sic] Constitutions? Odd is the Compassion 
that makes some talk so much against Slaves and Slavery and at the 
Same time oblige their fellow Subjects Natives of the Same Land with 
themselves, to go thorough the Same Labour that the Negroes they are 
daily Commiserating are Employ'd in; A white Servt. in the Southern 
parts of America is as much a Slave during the Term of his Indenture as 
'ere a Negroe [sic], he must go thorough the Same Work if his Master obliges 
him to it, and sometimes there is such Cruel Masters who will Correct 
them Severely when they do not. Free Men are every bit as bad. For they 
must (if in Georgia) do the Same hard work And how unable they 
are to bear up under that fatigue any person who will make a little 
Inquiry may Easily Judge How Shocking must it he even to a person of 
the least humanity to See his own Countryman, perhaps his own Townsman 
Labouring [sic] in the Corn or Rice feild [sic]. Broiling in the Sun, Pale and 
Fainting under the Excessive heat. And Instances there has [sic] been of 
their dieing [sic] on the very Spot.

 
How terrible must such a Sight be to any man who has the least 
grain of Compassion within him? How must it make his heart flow with 
Sorrow to See the misery of his fellow Creatures?
 
Let him turn his Eyes round to the Negroes in the same feilds [sic] 
there he will See the reverse, he will see the utmost Vigours [sic] Exerted 
in every Act, they go through their Work with pleasure, they Welcome 
the rising Sun with their Songs and when in his Meridian their Spirits 
are at the Highest; They are far more happy here than in their own 
Country. There they are abject Slaves, their Lives and whatever else 
they have. Every hour in the hands of some petty tyrrant [sic]; Here, it is 
true they are the property of particular Men, But their Lives are in no 
Danger they are Sure of being fed and Cloathed [sic] it being their Masters 
Interest to take the utmost Care of them.  
 
We are very Sensible of the Danger there is in having too great Numbers 
of Negroes, And what other Colonys [sic] have Suffered by them; 
But it is Contrary to Common Reason, to Argue from the abuse of any 
thing to the utter destruction of it. Many Men has been ruined by 
employing too great Numbers of Bricklayers, Carpenters &c. Must 
therefore the Use of them be deny'd to all others Must a Man have his 
hands cut off, because he may Sometime Steal or Commit Murder with 
them; Or have his tongue Cut out because he may Swear falsly, tell 
lyes [sic], or talk Sedition; What Conveniency or Advantage can we propose 
in life, that has not Some inconveniency [sic] Attending it. We cannot go to 
Sea without we risque [sic] Being drown'd; We cannot enter into the Justest 
and Most necessary Battle without endangering our lives; Must therefore 
no Body go to Sea least they be drowned. Must no person fight in the 
Justest, and Lawfullest [sic] Cause, least they he killed; Sure no person of 
Common Sense can Either think or Say So. How unreasonable is it then, 
that we should he debarred the limited and due proportioned use of 
Negroes. Because the Inhabitants of South Carolina, and some of the 
West India Islands, have Introduced too great Numbers of them to their 
own hurt and Detriment. 
 
Our asking leave to Chuse [sic] our Lands We humbly beg to offer it to 
as a fair and Just request. Especially in a New Colony, for Persons of 
different trades and Occupations, And even people of different Capacitys 
[sic], require Different Sorts of Lands and Situation, Without that, No 
person can go on to any Advantage for the Publick [sic], or Satisfaction 
to himself.
 
Our praying to be released from the Excessive Quit rent, We 
humbly beg leave to say, is Just and Equitable also. None of his 
Majestys [sic] other Colonys [sic] paying one Sixth part so much, and 
there is nothing more valuable in the lands here, than in all our 
Neighbouring [sic] Provinces, for from the Best observations of knowing 
men, who has travelled over it from the Sea Coast five or Six hundred Miles 
back, Nine parts of ten, is a Sandy Barren Soil, on which nothing but Pine 
Trees grow And is of no manner of use or Advantage within Land, But 
for Cattle to range on in the Summer. 
 
The fifth Article we beg of the Trustees is so agreeeble to the 
Naeture of Britains and as we humbly think so Consistant [sic] with the 
Constitution of our Native Land that we Intreat to 
look kindly upon it. Our Sufferings likewise have Been so very 
great, by the Unlimited Power Excercised [sic] over us, that we could 
Sit no longer under it without Complaining; Far be it from us to Say, 
or Even Imagine that the Honble. Trustees know any thing of such 
Oppression, or can in any Shape he accessory thereto, further than 
Appointing those Magistrates over us. Who without all doubt are recom- 
mended to them, as Honest, Just, Impartial, men, that will Act well and 
truly in their Office, and fit for such a Trust, But alas most of them 
forget that it is a Trust, they soon deem it an Estate, and never 
dreaming of being called to an Account they mind the Laws of Great 
Britain no further than it Suits their own or friends Conveniency 
They Act contrary to ye famous Declaration of Rights made by our Fore 
Fathers at ye Glorious Revolution they have Suspended Laws, Excessive 
Bail hath been required to Elude the benefit of the Laws made for the 
liberty of the Subject, And Several persons have been ill used harrased 
[sic] and abused, for Petitioning, and Setting forth their Greivances [sic] 
and Complaints to the Honble. Trustees and others who had power to redress 
them. All which (as they our Ancestors then declared) are utterly and 
directly Contrary to the Known Laws, Statutes, end freedom of the 
Realm! These and many more Greivances [sic] we daily labour under and we 
cannot but Attribute the Cause of many of them, to the Trustees 
Treasurer and Cash Keeper being a Bailif [sic] for no money Circulating in 
this Province but through his hands, he has it in his power to 
pay, or not to pay, he may refuse the Justest demands and no redress 
can be had against him; He is a Magistrate and above the Law, Tho 
lowest in Commission he is chief in Acting, He Stops the Sallarys [sic] of 
the other Balifs [sic] if they do any matter Contrary to his pleasure: In 
the mean time he riots in plenty on the Substance of the people. He 
uses the publick [sic] money in various ways to his own private Advantage, 
He is principal Merchant, He forstalls [sic] the Markets In short he Mono- 
polizes all things whereby he can Increase his own treasures.
 
Our Sixth Article is a Declaration that we desire to live under a 
Civil Government, And that we are Jealous a Military one, would fain 
be intruded upon us by our Rulers in this place, for we do not beleive 
[sic] the Honble. Trustees know ought of the matter.
 
We could now bring many Arguments to prove the Necessity there is 
to allow What we humbly have craved, otherwise the Entire desertion of 
the Colony will Quickly Ensue: We could lay before you the many 
Falacys [sic] in the Accounts, that Industriously have been spread abroad, 
of the Flourishing State of this Province: We could show the Township 
of Augusta is no such place as the Trustees Agents make them beleive, [sic] 
that in place of Six hundred men said to be there, one hundred 
is the utmost; neither is there a third part of the Horses belonging to 
it as they have represented. And whatever Reports may be made of large 
Quantitys [sic] of Corn being raised there, is not at all Surprising the 
Inhabitants of that Township having the full use of Negroes without any 
limitation; But as we are afraid to Encroach upon the time of 
the [    left blank in original           ]   which at this Juncture must 
be of 
the utmost value We shall cease to mention any farther particulars on 
these heads Especially as the State of the Colony, with Respect to our 
Mother Country is a sufficient Evidence of it Self, to Convince the 
World that on the present footing it Cannot prosper; Has it not been 
Settled the Space of Eight years. Been Supported at a great Expence [sic] by 
the publick [sic]. Ho less than fourscore thousand pounds Sterling, 
besides private donations; This was done no doubt with a Veiw [sic] and 
Expectation that Georgia was to return Silk, Wine, Oil, Flax, and 
Hemp &c. Has this Province begun to make any Such return? No. There 
has not a hundred pound weight of Silk been made in the Colony as yet, 
of Wine not ten Gallons, of Flax not fifty pound weight, and of   
Henp and Oil none; So far have we been from a Probability of raising 
any thing fit for Exportation, that we may Safely Say Never so much 
Corn grew in the Colony, as would have mainteined [sic] the Hoggs [sic] and 
Poultry in it. And they are not very Numerous Either; As for the 
reports of Ships loading here with Rice, it is true, they have taken 
in their loading at this Town of Savannah, But the Cargoes came from 
South Carolina, Not a Single pound of Rice made in Georgia was ever 
Exported out of it: One Ship indeed went from this, with tarr [sic] made 
here, and live Oak that grew here, but it turned out so poorly No more 
of that Produce will be sent to England while the Constitution continues. 
Had free titles to our lands and the limited use of Negroes 
been allowed of in this Colony, Before this time it would have flourished; 
We would have been daily repaying our Mother Country what she laid out 
in Nursing us up; by this time Georgia would have been a frontier 
indeed able to repell [sic] its Enemys [sic]; But instead thereof. We are 
only the remnant of a Miserable people loaded with Conditions, Restrictions, 
 
Reservetions and provisoes [sic], which is so far from tending to the 
Cultivation of the Lands, the Increase of the Inhabitants, the defence [sic], 
Strength and Security of the Colony that they ruin the place and Enslave the 
people in it.
 
Thus have we laid before [    left blank in the original    ]  The many 
Greivances [sic] we groan under, and tho in a poor Manner Yet we hope in 
some measure You may thereby See the Calamitous State of this Province, 
And we the Unhappy Inhabitants of it: As we leave it humbly to your 
great Wisdoms You who are the Representatives of a Free people, of a 
Nation that can Boast of Liberty and Property, So we cannot but Expect 
releife [sic] and redress; Tho we are a few miserable and forlorn Creatures 
Let us not be cut off from our Birth Right; We are Britons and Loyall [sic] 
Subjects of his Majesty King George; We are a part tho a very poor 
one, of the Community Therefore we presume to ask your Protection and 
Assistance: The more Wretched and Miserable the fitter objects of your 
Compassion, Without you releive [sic] us we must Perish, All you have given 
for the Support of the Colony will be certain loss to the nation, and a 
number of Members of the Common wealth, that with Lawfull [sic] liberty 
might be usefull [sic] in the Society, will sink into destruction and ruin.

 
We humbly Supplicate you therefore to deliver us from the Yoak [sic] 
we are not able to bear. By doing So, You will raise a lasting Monument 
of praise to your Selves in the Breast of every poor Georgian, and we 
may say in the Breast of every true Englishman  The Ears that hear of 
it will bless you, and the Eyes that See it will bear Witness to 
the Glorious Act; for the Poor cryed [sic] and you delivered them. And the 
Fatherless, and them who had none to help them; Therefore the Blessing 
of them who was ready to perish will come upon your heads -------


That it may so happen is the Earnest, 
Sincere, and hearty Prayer of Your humble Petitioners
 
Savannah 29. Dec. 1740.

 
Peter Morrel 
Casper Owstitur. 
Michael Bugholter Senr  
Coyers Surbous.

 
 
Adrian Loyar 
Joseph Wardrop 
George Buncle 
Thomas Tripp 
Robert Hows. 
Thomas Antrabus 
James Corneck 
James White. 
James Wilson 
Peter Miller. 
John Kelly 
William Grickson 
Lovis Sterner. 
James Marsh. 
Charles Grimaldi, 
Thomas Clayat.



Edward Davidson. 
William Blythaan. 
Janes Dods. 
Samuel Tisdale. 
David Snook 
Ambrose Barr.


 
James Scot. 
John Macdonald 
William Evans. 
John Shinshack 
John Smith 
Thomas Dawson.
 
John Cuthbert. 
Peter Emery 
Thomas Morrise. 
Isaac Cohun. 
Henry Moulston 
William Kennedy.
 
 
Alexr. Taylor. 
Henry Green. 
John Macintire. 
John Brown 
Andrew Grant 
William Frejicis 
Stephen Dantane de Monford 
Simon Rouvere 
Mathew Mane 
Mchl. Bugholter Junr. 
John Sellie 
David Gander 
Thomas Salter 
Edward Bush 
Benjamin Sheftiel 
John Clark 
John Robe 
John Graham 
Alexr. Ross. 
James Landre

 
Owen Macleod. 
Jean Piere Briton 
John Fallowfield Bailif 
John Pye Recorder 
Andrew Duchee 
Walter Fox 
John Lindall 
Thomas Ormston 
Hugh Ross 
William Ewen 
Peter Joubert 
William Elbert 
Benjamine Adams 
Edward Townshend 
John Goldwire 
Henry Lloyd 
James Anderson 
Thomas Tibbut 
Richard Mellichamp 
Henry Manly


 
We John Fallowfield one of the Baylifs and John Pye Recorder of 
the Town and County of Savannah do hereby certifye [sic] that we have compared 
the within Petition with the Original, and find the Same to be Just and 
True Given under our hands and Seals this Thirty first day of Jany. in 
the year of our Lord 1740/41
 
John Fallowfield 
John Pye



 
NB. This is not a true certificate with respect to the names & numbers 
of the Subscribers for 18 who Sign'd the Original are omitted, and 
27 who did not Sign are incerted [sic].
 
Persons who Sign'd omitted
 
 
Addison, Edwd. Freeholder 
Beillou, Pet. Freeholder 
Dodding, Jo. 
Germain, Michi. P. 
Guisn, Jasin 
Bird, Mark Freeholder 
La Vyte, Ja. 
Mathews, Jacob Landholder 
Morrison, Ambrose Freehold.er 
Musal ( ) 
Mouse, Tho. Freeholder
Nunez Eenriques Isaac Freeholder
Orms, Tho. 
Rogers, Cha. Freeholder 
Steven, Lewis 
Stanfitchet, Will. 
Woodroof, Will. Freeholder


Persons Set down, who did not Sign the Original

 
Barr, Ambrose.       Servt. out of his time, or Inmate
 
Blythman, Will.      Freeholder
 
Clayat, Tho.         An Apprentice, perhaps his time out. 
 
Cohun, Isaac Jew.    Freeholder
 
Cuthbert Jo.
 
Davidson, Edwd.      Trust Servt. not out of his time.
 
Dawson, Tho.         Servt. out of his time now day Labourer [sic]
 
Dodds, Ja.           Day Labourer [sic]
 
Evans, Will. 
 
Gander, David        Freeholder 
 
Grimaldi Cha.        A boy: Servt. to Burnside, esteem'd a fool.
 
Hows Robt.           Day Labourer [sic]
 
Kennedy, Will.       Servant out of his time
 
Macleod, Owen        Servt. to Mr. Whitfeild
 
Macintire, Jo.       Servt. at day Labour
 
Marsh Ja.            Servt. to Mr. Whitfeild 
 
Miller Pet           Servt 
  
Morris Tho.          Servt. attempted twice to run away
 
Owstiter, Caspar.    Freeholder
 
Robe Jo.             Servt. out of his time
 
Rosse Alexr.         Freeholder
 
Scot, Ja.            Servt. out of his time
 
Stamer Lewis         Freeholder
 
Surbous Coyers          
 
Taylor Alexr.        Servt. out of his time
 
Tesdale Saml.        Freeholder
 
27. White, Ja.       Servt. out of his time




 
NB. This was Sent to Capt. Tailfer by the Malecontents of 
Georgia in Dec. 1740 And recd, about July 1741
 
To the Honhle. Trustees for establishing the 
Colony of Georgia, The humble petition 
of the Presidents, Inmates, and others 
not being Land holders in & about the 
Town of Savannah, & the rest of the 
Colony of Georgia
 
Humbly Sheweth [sic],
 
That we whose names are hereunto Subscribed, having most 
of us been Servants in this Colony, with a view to Settle our Selves 
after Servitude, upon lands; And discharged our times faithfully 
therein; having been Residents in it for a considerable Space of time.
by wch. means have acquired great experience in the planting & cultivating 
of the land in this Province, Whereby we are thoroughly Sensible of 
the impossibility of white Men ever being able to work in the feild [sic] in 
the extream [sic] heat here, having proved the Same too often in our own 
persons: Therefore, we most humbly intreat your Honours [sic] to comply with 
the requests of the Landholders which they have truly and justly Set 
forth in their Remonstrance, dated the 22d. of November 1740. What 
they have declared in that paper is fact, and the grievancies [sic] they 
complain of are the real Causes why we and many others who have left 
this Colony upon the expiration of their Indentures did not take up 
lands and Settle on Plantations, for we had Seen too many fatal 
Instances of people endeavouring [sic] to live according to the present Con- 
stitution, ever to pretend to maintain our Selves that way. We there- 
fore must again humbly pray yr. Honours [sic] to be So gracious as to grant 
us Such liberty as the rest of his Majesties Colonies enjoy, that we 
may have it in our power to get our bread, tho with the Sweat of our 
brows, which at present we cannot do in this; for had we not got 
employment all this Summer by past in building the Orphan house, we 
must by this time have been dispearsed [sic] through out the Neighbouring [sic] 
Provinces, or Starved in this. Were it possible to live here, we 
would chuse it, rather than any other where, as we have Served 
our time in the place, & Some of us have got families in it: But if 
the restrictions we now labour under continue. We, as well as the rest 
of the Inhabitants must retreat where we can get land that we my [sic] call 
our own, and meat and aparel [sic] for our Selves & families.


That your Honours [sic] may grant our petition, 
is the hearty prayers of


 
 
Subscribers 20           Remarks

 
Will, Barlow             his Mark, was Servt. to Jo. Brownfield
 
Ambrose Barr             his mark
 
Tho. Dawson              was Servt. to Patrick Houston: arrived in the 
                         Colony 1. Aug. 1734
 
Rod. Dinesea             
 
Ja. Dods                  
 
Jo. Frazer               his mark. A Trust Servt.: arrived in the 
                         Colony 20 Nov. 1737
 
Tho. Frazer              his mark: was Servt. to Patrick Houston: 
                         arrived in the Colony 1 Aug. 1734

Geo. Frazer              his mark 
 
Ja. Grant                his mark. Was Servt. to Col. Stephens: I 
                         guess he arrived in the Colony 1 Aug, 1734
 
Will. Greenfeild         his mark. Sent at the Tr. Expence [sic] a Servt. & 
                         placed at Fort Arguile. arrived 1 feb. 1732/3
 
Will. Gun                his Mark, was Servt. to Mackay of Scourie. 
                         arrived in the Colony 10 Jan. 1735/6
 
Will. Kenedy             A Taylor: Servt. to Jo. Cuthbert of Drakes, 
                         arrived in the Colony 10 Jan. 1735/6
 
Jo. Murry                his Mark. Servt. to Mackay of Scourie. arrived 
                         in the Colony 10 Jan. 1735/6 
 
Jo. Mackay               his mark, was a Trust Servant
 
Jo. Robe                 was a Servant and went over about Jan. 1733/4
 
Alexr. Rose              A Freeholder by grant but took up no land, 
                         arrived in the Colony 28 Dec. 1734
 
Ja. Scot                 Servant to Andrew Grant: arrived in the 
                         Colony 1 Aug. 1734
 
Ja. Stewart              his Mark. There is a Ranger in the highland 
                         Compy. of Rangers of this name, but probably it 
                         is another person formerly Servt. to Tho. Causton.

Alexr. Taylor            Was Servt. to Will. & Hugh Sterling, arrived 
                         in the Colony 1 Aug. 1734
 
Leonard Whiting          was Servt. to Jo. Brownfeild.

 
 
These 20 Inmates and Servants out of their time are all Scotch 
Men, and have been Spirited up by their Run away Masters, & doubtless 
have been promised to be made Overseers of their Negroes when they can 
procure them, otherwise the introduction of Slaves could be of no 
Service to this low Set of Men, whom no Mercht. would credit them with. 
It is observable that not one foreign Servant out of his time has 
petition'd.





 
Mr. Bolzius to Mr. Verelts
 
Ebenezer in Georgia 4 Jany. 1741
 
Dear Sir
 
I received with great pleasure your kind Letter of the 17th 
Dec. last, the Contents of which did agree with those, which his Excel- 
lency Genl, Oglethorpe just before had acquainted me with, that the 
Honble. Trustees were Strongly inclined to increase our Settlement with 
a New party of Salsburgers [sic], if the Parliament enables them to it. Now 
gives us Henry Newman Esqr. the joyfull [sic] Acct. that the Parliament have 
granted them a New Supply, and that they have Signifyed [sic] to the Society 
their readiness for sending over a Transport of 50 people for the 
Enlargement of our Congregation. We are now 195 heads in all. Men, 
Women, and Children, and live under Gods Protection and Provindence [sic] so 
comfortably well, that we have great many Reasons to be from the bottom 
of our hearts Sensible of the great many benefits in Spiritual and 
Temporal matters, which the Lord daily bestows upon us by the Honble. 
Trustees and other dear Benefactors, for which we return by this most 
humble thanks wishing them all manner of Blessings for this and the 
other Life. Especially I thank you humbly for your many kindnesses 
you shew me and our Congregation in sending over to Charles Town, or 
Georgia our things which are by Benefactors from Germany or by the 
Revd. Mr. Ziegenhagen directed to us, and accept kindly of our Packets, 
which we are to send to the Society and to our friends in Europe, 
which has been hitherto always the Safest way of sending and receiving 
Letters. I beg humbly the Continuance of this great Favour [sic].

 
The Cask which you mention in your letter, was together with 
two large Boxes brought to Savannah from Charles Town, for which I 
have pay'd 30 Sh. Sterl. freight from Charles Town to Savannah, but the 
Bundle you mention likewise, seems not to belong to us, wherefore I 
left it in the Store at Savannah under Mr. Jones's care, till the owner 
is found out, for which Inquiry will be made. I am very glad, that Mr. 
Jones has given an Account of the Linnen [sic], and hope the Honble. Trustees 
will without any delay, give orders towards the payment thereof as well 
as generously grant my humble Petitions, which you had a mind to lay 
before them with my Letters, for which the Lord will reward them manyfold 
with temporal and Eternal Blessings which are the Contents of the Continual 
prayers of their and your
 
very humble servant
 
John Martin Bolzius




 
Mr. Tho. Jones to Col. Will. Stephens
 
Frederica Febry. 19 1740/1
 
Dear Sir
 
If I could have imparted my thoughts to you in some unknown 
Character, or Language, you should have heard from me oftener. In 
Confidence that the Bearer will deliver this into your own hands  I 
have adventured to relate to you, in part, the Calamitous Circumstances 
I am in, which are the more distressing by being involved therein unex- 
pectedly, and unprepared to encounter such a Sudden Shock.
 
I am now convinced that I shall not obtain, what I once hoped 
for, and what I thought to have been the Chief reason for my being 
Order'd to attend, the General at Frederica,  Vizt. To Examine the Store 
Accompts at Frederica, and to State the Accots. of Expences [sic] &c for the 
Support of the Colony, for the Year ending Michs: 1739 (which his 
Excelly. undertook to defray, as he told me for L 5,000 Sterling) Also 
the Acct. of what has been paid, pursuant to the Trustees Estimate of 
Expences [sic], for the Southern Division of the Colony, for the year 1740.
 
Together with the Store Acct. to Michs. last, from which time takes all 
Transactions in the Store on his own proper Acct. I have with me the 
Accts. of both years for the Northern Division, but cannot prevail with 
his Excellency to peruse them, or to have them examined --- The only 
matter which I now Sollicit [sic] for, is to obtain the payment of those 
Several Sums of money laid out by his Order (in the year 1740) and for 
his proper Acct. (to the amot. of L 500) The Greatest part 
thereof was, for provisions bot. and sent to Frederica, which had been 
received there in good Order, as appears by the Storekeepers Registers.
 
The General told me (when I mentioned this affair to him) that he never 
had ordered me to buy any thing for him, but had at the same time sent 
me his Bills of Exchange for the Value  That he wod. never pay such 
demands  After I had recover'd from the Surprise this Answer had put 
me in, I entreated his Excellency to peruse the Acct. (which I had by 
me and produced) of all the Bills of Exche. and Sola. Bills I ever 
received from him. For, what purposes, and how the same had been applied. 
As would appear by Vouchers which I had ready to produce. That I had 
given Rects. for all the Sums of money I had received of him, and I 
doubted not, but every Sum paid me, was regularly enter'd in his Acct. 
of Cash kept p Mr. Moore, He said he wod. not look into Accts. being 
certain that it was so. This obliged me to send Will: Russell to 
Savannah for the Generals Letters directed to me. When Russell returned 
with those letters, I requested his Excellency to peruse his own Orders 
to me -- He said if those things were not paid for by him already, I 
must place them to Acct. -- I replyed -- That I knew no Acct. I could 
carry them to -- That the Trustees having sent an Estimate of the years 
Expence [sic], and at Sundry times sent their Sola Bills to Col; Stephens, 
towards defraying the Same, We had hitherto regularly paid those Expences [sic], 
in the Northern Division of the Colony, As directed by their Honours [sic], and 
also those other Expenses which his Excellency had Orderd, (tho not provided 
for by the Estimate,) Such as the Tythingmens [sic] allowance &c, which we 
doubted not, but the Honble. the Trustees would allow of, upon his 
Excellencys [sic] representing the necessity there was of such payments to 
be made (as he had assured me he would do. )
 
 
That the Money we had advanced (by his Excellys. Order) for 
provisions &c for the use of the Troops in the Es^edition against 
Augustine, tho the same was intended for the Benefit of the Colony and 
the Kings Service, Yet was not provided for by the Estimate went us by 
the Trustees, Therefore we could not Acct. to the Trustees for the 
liberty taken, in making use of their money for other purposes, than 
we were directed to do  The General said that he did not know what I 
meant by distinguishing between the Kings money and the Trustees, For 
what the Trustees sent, they received from the Government; He Saw no 
need of Seperate [sic] Accts.---
 
I also desired his Excellency to Order the paymt. of the Sum of 
L 307 Advanced (p his Orders) for defraying the Charge and payment of 
the Garrison at Fort Augusta for one year to Michs. 1740. As also the 
further Sum of L 58 for the Qr. to Xmas last, which Sum I had sent to 
Mr. Kent from hence, and was directed to pay the Same by his Excellence, 
being the Sum due to the Garrison for that Quarter, (as  the Acct. 
and Muster Roll) I added that I did not include in these Accts. any 
of those Effects of the Trustees, which had been at any time 
sent from Savannah to Frederica Store, nor any Expences [sic] or Sums of 
money paid by me before Michs. 1739  Neither the Sum of L 253 6, 
paid in Discharge of Arrears, and for maintaining the Garrison of 
Augusta (Exclusive of the Sum of L 63 received of his Excellence  
Bills Exchange on Mr. Verelst for that Acct.) being enabled to dis- 
charge those, as also several other paymts. by the produce of the 
Trustees Effects in their Store at Savannah ---
 
I Urged, that if his Excellence did not pay the Sum we had already 
advanced. (out of the money sent for defraying the Estimate 
Expence) we were uacapable [sic] of making any further payments. 
towards the Support of that Garrison.
 
The General then said -- That he purposed to Augment that 
Garrison to twenty private Centinells [sic], under the Command of the 
Lieut, being at this time absolutely necessary, when there was a rupture 
between the Creeks and Cherokees, and directed me to leave the Acct. 
with him, Saying he would consider of it, and write to the Trustees  
I Sometimes suspect that these delays are intended to seek an 
Occasion on some pretence [sic], at least to imprison me (as I have been 
threatne'd [sic] by Hawkins) and to Seize what papers and Accts. I have by 
me -- which Method the General himself told me, he would take with Mr. 
Moore (his Secretary), Saying that if Mr. Moore ever conversed with any 
person that was disagreeable to him (the General) he would confine him, 
and Secure his papers and Effects, untill [sic] he could send to England 

 
and have a person from thence to Examine his Accounts: whether the 
General told me this, in Order to, intimidate me, or as a matter he 
really intended, I know not  But least I should meet with such treat- 
ment unawares, I have (enclosed) sent a Sheet of paper being minutes I 
took of Certain passages while fresh in my Memory, (which is very 
treacherous) which I desire you will keep by you, untill [sic] you see me. 
If you'le [sic] please to give it the reading over -- You may easily imagine. 
That the freedom I have used with one, who can bear no Contradiction, 
and expects. That his Inferiours [sic] should have such complisance [sic] 
for him, as to Judge nothing to he right or Just, but what he saith or doeth, 
would add no small weight to the many other Offences [sic] which I am charged 
with from August last to this time, --
 
The first Offence and most agravated, is. That I should with Mr. 
Parker for a breach of the peace only, imprison Captain Brown and his 
Friends whom, I knew he had a very great regard for, And that after he 
had writ to me on their behalf, we did not comply with what he required, 
but obliged them to find Sureties, and sent him my pretended Reasons 
for what we had done  This Charge (tho in different ways of Express- 
ing the same) has been the Sketches of many Conversations I have had 
with him, And has given him Room to declare what he expects the Bailiffs 
of Savannah should observe and take for their Rule in Acting for the 
future, relating to the Inhabitants of Augusta and the Indian Nations --
 
They ought not to issue any Warrants or other process for debts con- 
tracted, or pretended frauds, nor for breaches of the peace, nor 
indeed any other Offence [sic], unless in Cases of Murder, or Popular 
Tumults in resisting Lawfull [sic] Authority, as in the Case of Wiggins, 
Because, it was necessary to have such a place, as the Mint was, in the 
Colony where persons might be exempt from Civil Judicature, except as 
before related, I made answer, if what he now mentioned, were the true 
intentions of the Trustees, they ought to be made publick [sic] at Augusta --
 
That many of the Store keepers there (as reported) had brought 
considerable Effects into the Colony and gave large Credits, Some of 
them trading for the value of several thousands of pounds Sterling p 
Ann. That it might be reasonably concluded, That those traders settled 
there depending on the Assistance and protection of the Laws for the 
Security of their persons and propertys [sic], as English Subjects,  That 
it would he the greatest Cruelty to Expose those persons and their 
Substance to a Merciless Banditti, or the Lawless will of every 
abandoned Wretch  Untill [sic] they had at least timely notice given them 
to withdraw with their Effects (if they thought fit) and legal Assis- 
tance afforded them to recover their Just Debts,  The General then 
descanted upon the good Order and tranquility the Colony was in, when 
there was no other but himself to direct and determine all Contro- 
versies, But after the Trustees had appointed Bailiffs and a Court to 
be held  Mr. Causton brought all affairs in Controversy to be tryed [sic] 
by Juries, wch. have been the Bane of the Colony, and the greatest 
grievance it labours [sic] under to this day.

 
Most of the other Offences [sic] which I am charged with, tho by him 
mentioned Seperate [sic], yet all proceed from my having a Judgment or 
Opinion in things, which will be only guided by my own reason  As to the 
Complaints made of me to others, I do not much regard them  Yet will 
instance one where my good friend was brought in for a Snack, Mr. Hird, 
of this Town, being last week to wait on the General, in Conversation, 
mentioned the Scarcity of Corn and Dearness of Provisions al Frederica, 
The General told him. That, the Inhabitants of Ebenezer and Purisburg 
had large quantitys [sic] of Corn which they would Sell Cheap, But they of 
Savannah would not let them have Boats to bring any down thither; Saith 
Hird, Mr. Jones is here, there's none at Savannah but Col. Stephens who 
has the Direction of Such Affairs  Be it who it will. Quoth the 
General, they have a great Quantity of Indian Meal and of Flower, in 
the Store, which they Suffer to rot, rather than let me have it brought 
hither ----
 
The General has often told me, that the Efforts made by the 
Juncto [sic] at Savannah, and the Carolinians, to distress and ruin this 
Colony; were the Effects of Spanish Contrivances, and Supported by 
Spanish Money; though unknown to the parties themselves, who appeared 
most Zealous in Carrying on the Design  Which (tho only a Conjecture) 
Seems not improbable  Yet all their Schemes and Contrivances could never 
have brought about, the Ruin of the Colony while the Government thought 
proper to protect and Assist it  But the present Management will (unless 
Providence enterposes [sic]) effectually bring about, what they in vain 
attempted. And that before the Governmt. can be apprised thereof, in order 
to take proper measures for preventing the impending Ruin  I greatly 
Suspect the hand of Joab in this Contrivance also  tho I am fully 
perswaded [sic], the principal Actor therein. Abhors Bribes, or even to 
listen to any overtures made by Spanish Emissaries against the Interest 
of his King and Country, Yet as there is no new thing under the Sun, and 
what has been, may be; We find in Sacred Writ, that the Philistines, when 
they could not withstand the powers of that Almighty Champion, and Defender 
of the Liberties of the people of Israel -- At length found out an Avariatious 
[sic] Harlot, which for Bribes was prevailed on to perswade [sic] an 
enamoured [sic]Sampson to Cut off his Locks (wherein his Strength lay) and 
then to deliver him into the hands of his Enemies -- Such another Tragedy 
(which seems to be taken from the same Plan) is now in Acting, wherein 
our English Delilah has out done the Foreign -- I am not willing to 
tire your patience further, at this time, by giving a Vent to my 
Griefs in relating other Occurrences which Increase my fears, Nor have 
time to fill another Sheet before the Boat goes off.  I acknowledge 
ye Recpt. of yrs. p Houston which was deliverd [sic] me unopen'd  I 
shewd [sic] it the Genl. he has not yet taken any notice to me of what 
you mentioned therein, I return you my thanks for the Same, as well as 
many other Instances of your friendship and Concern for me  I think it 
needless to remind you that I write alone to Col. Stephens, (yet as 
Secretary to the Trustees)
 
T. J.




Frederica 13 March 1740/1
 
Sir
 
I have advice from the Trustees that the Expences [sic] of the year 
1738 was to be discharged in Georgia, which you have not yet done not 
withstanding they sent Sola Bills for that purpose.
 
You was also Commnissioned [sic] to Examine Accts. proceeding them, and 
report the same to England, this you have refused to do, therefore you 
must expect to pay me L 25 p Ct. for all things used in their Service 
as shall appear, please to observe also that I have waited 6 months 
almost for the Ballance [sic] of my Salary and expences for the Sick 
Attendance and Medicines &c. which is contray [sic] to the Trustees 
Intention and intirely [sic] owing to you.
 
I desire to know your Answer, whether you will pay me or not, or 
whether you will Certify my Accts. or Examine them, that I may send my 
Answers to them.
 
Your humble Servant
 
Thomas Hawkins
 
To Mr. Thomas Jones.





Mr. Tho. Jones to Genl. Oglethorpe 
Savannah 18 March 1740/1 

 
Sir

 
I have not yet had any Conveniency to send to Carolina nor to Augusta in 
complysnce [sic] with the Instructions received from your Excellency but 
shall not fail to embrace the first opportunity that offers. --
 
Capt. Barnes's Sloop from New York went from hence last week, 
and hath not left the Anchor and Cable, which you expected, to have 
received.
 
I am informed that great quantitys [sic] of the flower. Rum &c, being 
the Cargos of the Brigantine lately wrecked on this Coast, have been 
taken up and brought to Savannah, and there bought by Baillou, who hath 
put the flower on board John Dicks Boat, In Order to vend the same at 
Frederica  Mr. Noble Jones's Scout Boat hath also taken up about 30 
Casks of Flower which are now at Mr. Jones's house And the Schooner 
(Capt. Lyfords) took up several Casks of Flower, Rum, &c, which they 
sold at Savannah. If you think it necessary to make any farther Enquiry, 
into the affair, Bailou, The Patroon of the Schooner, and Capt. Higgenbotham 
can (being Examined) give a more particular Account.

 
Mr. John Mackintosh from Fort Palachocolas is in Town, and has 
given me his Acct. of what is due to himself and men for one year 
(which Acct. shall bring with me to Frederica for your Excellences 
perusal and Approbation) I have paid him one hundred pounds Sterling 
on Acct.  Lacklan Mackintosh is also at Savannah together with 
Greenfield, (another belonging to Fort Argile) having left Pavy alone 
at the Fort  Yesterday in the Afternoon Mr. Jacob Mathews applyed [sic] to 
the Bailiffs here for a Warrant to apprehend Pavy, on a Complaint set 
forth in the Deposition of Evans (a Copy thereof I have sent enclosed) 
The Bailiffs together with Col. Stephens met Mr. Mathews to consider of 
the matter, and were of Opinion That it was not proper to apprehend 
Pavy and bring him away from the Fort, untill [sic] some others were gone 
thither to take care thereof,  That it did not appear to us by 
Evens's Deposition, That Pavy was charged therein with any Criminal 
Act  Mr. Mathews was very much displeased. But upon Col. Stephens and 
my promise that we would send for Pavy to Savannah when Lacklan returned 
to the Fort, He seemed satisfied  I have paid Lacklan for himself and 
the other persons employ'd at the Fort, forty eight pounds twelve 
Shillings on Account.
 
This Morning I received the Inclosed letter from Mr. Bolzius 
directed to Mr. Harris  The Woman which he referrs [sic] to, has been 
examined this day, by Mr. Parker, Mr. Fallowfield and my Self, (Col. 
Stephens being present) She owned that She had declared upon Oath what 
is contained in the depositions taken by Mr. Fallowfield (which Mr. 
Norris has taken with him) That her Master had prevailed with her to 
do so by threatning [sic], if She refused, to have her Committed to the 
Loghouse, but if She Swore as therein mentioned he would make her 
free, and provide for her, and carry her to her friends in Pensylvania [sic] 
That he gave her two Sola Bills of one pound each, and ten pounds 
ten Shillings in Carolina Currency (which money she produced) That he 
directed her to go to Carolina, telling her that nobody here would 
hinder her, And that in a months time he would come to her, and bring 
her Chest with Cloaths [sic] (left at Savannah) to her -- Her Examination 
(of which what I have mentioned is the Substance) I intend to send  
next opportunity  I know not what Judgment to make in the Affair  
Mr. Norris may Explain what is doubtfull [sic] therein --
 
This Morning also a Negroe [sic] Servant belonging to Mr. Mallair 
late of Purisburg (but now of this Town) was taken at work in the 
Town, We are to meet in the Evening in Order to hear and determine the 
matter --
 
I am promised to have the Perriagua ready by the begining [sic] of 
next week, and shall then send what Corn we have, and the remainder of 
Minis's Cargoe [sic].
 
Town Court 
Frederica 
30th March 
1741.


 
Copy of the Proceedings relating to a 
Negroe [sic] Slave Condemned in the Town 
Court of Frederica, Pursuant to the 
Law against Negroes.

 
 
To the Constables of Frederica,
 
Wheress it Appears upon the Oaths of Wm. Germain and Henry Manly 
that a Negroe [sic] Slave was found working in the Plantation of Thomas Upton 
contrany to the Laws and Constitutions of this Province You are there 
fore pursuant to an Act provided Intituled [sic] an Act to prevent the use 
of Negroes and Black Slaves to Expose the said Negroe [sic] now in your 
Custody to Publick [sic] Sale and receive the money from thence arising and 
observe the Instructions of the said Act Given under our hands this 
30th of March 1741 
 
Coppy [sic] of the Judgment given in the 
Town Court for the Sale of a Negroe [sic] 
Slave and Order thereon


 
William Germain and Henry Manly having appeared before me with 
an Acct. that a Certain Negroe [sic] was taken and Condemned to be sold by 
the Magistrates of the Town Court, and that the money arising from the 
Sale of the Said Negroe [sic] amounting to thirteen pounds Sterl. being 
fairly sold by Auction to the Best Bidder was paid into the hands of 
the Constable by Thomas Sumner who Purchased the Said Negroe [sic] they did 
Pray to be heard relating to their taking of the said Negroe [sic] 
and to receive an Allowance for the Same according to the Trustees 
orders in the like Cases, and each did demand the one in Behalf of 
himself and his Boats Crew, and the other in behalf of himself the said 
allowance and the Constables having also appeared who had been at 
certain charges and loss of time in holding and Trying the said 
Negroe [sic], On Consideration of the said matters had I do hereby Order that 
Wm. Germain he paid five pounds four Shillings and Henry Manly he paid 
One pound Six Shillings being one moiety, and out of the other moiety 
of the said thirteen pounds there he paid unto the two Constables Vizt. 
Thomas Hird and Wm. Moore Twenty Shillings, and thirty Shillings for a 
Strong and Sufficient Chest of two Inch Boards to he paid unto 
Thomas Sumner And the remainder of the money ariseing [sic] from the Sale of 
the Said Negroe [sic] he put into the said Chest to he applyed [sic] to such 
Charitable uses as shell from time to time Appear to me Necessary And 
that the said money he paid into the hands of Thomas Marriott for him 
to pay pursuant to the said Order Given at the Town of Frederica this 
present first of April in the year of our Lord One thousand seven 
hundred and forty one.
 
Coppy [sic] of the Generals Order for the 
Distribution of the money ariseing [sic] 
from the Sale of the Negroe [sic]

 
We the Constables of the Town of Frederica do Return that we 
have Executed the forementioned Order and that the said Negroe [sic] 
was sold unto Thomas Sumner at a free and open Auction for the Sum of 
thirteen pounds Sterl. and that the said money was received by us and 
paid unto Thomas Marriott and by him paid and divided according to the 
Orders Received from the Trustees herein Under Written

 
Coppy [sic] of the Constables return





 
Mr. Tho. Jones to Genl. Oglethorpe

 
Savannah 22d April 1741

 
Sir
 
The Reason I presume to give your Excelly. this further trouble 
is, The Apprehensions I have not only of Injuries I may receive, but 
that thro the Malicious contrivances of the Runagades [sic] at Charles Town, 
to be Executed by their Agent Duchee, VJe have Cause to fear very 
soon some publick [sic] Outrage is intended. 
 
On Easter Monday a Considerable number of the loose Idle people 
were got together to raffle, and other diversions, which for the most 
part kept together, and rather increase than diminish to this time. 
They spend the Day in play, the night often in Raffling, and sometimes 
continue till morning, always to be seen heated with Liquor.
 
Mr. Mathews hath five or Six people in Town, (said to be his 
Men) who look on themselves priviledged (by their Behaviour [sic]) to commit 
any disorders inpune.  He (Mr. Mathews) about 11 a Clock [sic] last night 
was hardly prevailed on from coming to my Lodgings in Order to beat me. 
But threatens to do me Mischief this day. Because I presumed, with Mr. 
Parker, to Require Sureties of his Lieut. Wm. Francis for begetting a 
Maid servant of the Trusts (at my house) with Child, whom he had long 
Courted and promised to marry, but now refuses and also for my refusing 
to Suffer the Maid to go and live with Mr. Mathews, where Francis now 
is, which the Maid entreates [sic] she may not be obliged to do.
 
It is with the greatest regret that I give your Excelly [sic]. this 
trouble. If Mr. Mathews and his people were out of this Town, as I 
image [sic] they are intended for other Service, We should have fewer 
to deal with in case any Attempts should he at any time made to disturb 
the publick [sic] safety ---
 
One Penner (a Servant of the Trusts. Relation of the Maid who 
lived with Mr. Norris, and is with Child) who run away with her, but 
brought back again  has complained to me, That (at Mr. Norris his 
desire) he brought to his house, a Chest with Bed, Bolster, Pillows, 
Sheets, Books, and other things, which (he says) Mr. Norris promised 
to bring along with him to Charles Town, where Penner and the maid were 
to remain till Mr. Norris came to them, and farther to provide for them 
both. ---
 
The Maid also is in great want of her Bed, Linnen [sic], &c. being near 
her time of lying in  If Mr. Norris is at Frederica and it be agreeable 
to your Excelly [sic]. to acquaint him therewith -- I hope he will send 
those things for the poor people who are much in want of them. Or if 
they are left at Savannah that he will Order them to be delivered. 

 
Frederica, Friday        The Deposition of Ambrose Tatner Taken 
1 May 1741               before his Excellcy. Genll. Oglethorpe


 
The Deponent Sais [sic] that he went to Mrs. Biglys [sic] on some Business 
and talking to her she smiled and said (amongst other things) that 
Elizabeth the Revd. Mr. Norris's maid was with Child and this Deponent  
smiled and asked her who is father to it and she said her Master, and 
she heard the said servant was gone with Mr. Norris and that this 
Deponent wondered She was carried away so Privately to Savannah by Mr. 
Norris, being Examined in the presence of Mr. Norris he desired the 
said Mrs. Bigly to he called and the Said Bigly did own that She did 
say the same words to him.
 
Signed hy Ambs. Tatner
 
A True Coppy [sic] 
Thomas Rawlinson



 
Frederica Friday         The Deposition of Angenes Bigley taken 
1. May 1741              before his Excellcy. Genll. Oglethorpe


 
This Deponent Says that She told Tatner that the Revd. Mr. 
Norris's Maid was with Child by Mr. Norris and the said Young Woman 
did own to her that she was with Child. And that the Young Women had 
also Said the same to Hanah Walthaurer Who told her that the said maid 
was with Child by the said Revd. Mr. Willm. Norris.
 
This is the true Interpretation of Agenes Biglys [sic] Deposition.
 
Signed hy John Lavaly
 
A True Coppy [sic] 
Thomas Rawlinson




 
Frederica, Friday          The Deposition of Hanah Walthaurer taken 
1. May 1741                before his Excellcy. Genll. Oglethorpe 
 
 
This Deponent Says the day before the Revd. Mr. Norris's Maid 
(by Name Elisabeth) went to Savannah with Mr. Norris this Depont. 
Seeing the said Elizabeth Crying Spoke to the said Elizabeth and asked 
her what ailed her, who said to her are you blind having had so many 
Children and cannot See and She knew She was with Child And the 
Deponent said alas Poor Rooaf and Elizabeth said It is not his and 
this Deponent answer'd It is not mine Elizabeth said No but it is my 
Masters This Depoinent [sic] Said to her have a care you know that by your 
time and She said She took right notice of the time for it was done at 
Mr. Carterets that She seemed to be very much Grieved and did Say She 
did not know what Mr. Norris designed to do with her This Deponent 
asked her whether She told her Master and She said She did 
This is the true Interpretation of Hannah Walthaurers Deposition
 
Signed John Lavaly
 
A True Coppy [sic] 
Thomas Rawlinson



 
Frederica Friday         The Deposition of Mary Wollere Taken 
1 May 1741               before his Excellcy. Genll. Oglethorpe



 
The Deponent Says that Angenes Bigly having told her that 
Elizabeth maid to the Revd. Mr. Norris was with Child and being a 
friend of hers She was uneasy and Run to See her about it and She told 
this Deponent It was her Masters Child and this deponent asked her 
whether She had yet told her Master that She was with Child and She 
said She did and her Master bid her be easy for he would send her away 
And Elizabeth farther said that the Revd. Mr. Norris had laid with her 
at Mr. Carterets [sic] house the same night he came from Mr. Carrs
 
Signed by Mary Wolere
 
A True Coppy [sic] 
Thomas Rawlinson





 
Mr. Fra. Moore to the Accompt. Mr. Verelts
 
Frederica in Georgia 20 May 1741

Sir
 
A few days ago I received the favour [sic] of yours of the 9th Feby. 
last with the Impartial Enquiry and a Letter from Mr. Temple, both 
which gave me great pleasure the being full of plain Truths, a thing 
rarely found either in Letters or Pamphlets concerning this Colony. I 
Fancy that those persons who were so very fond of having Negroes here, 
will when they read the beforementioned Paper, alter their Opinion, 
though there are some so onstinate [sic] as to resolve never to own 
themselves in the wrong. As to the Cultivation of this Country, I am a 
Stranger to it, having for want of a Dutch Family to improve a larger 
Tract of Land, laid out all my Substance on a Torn Lot, on which I 
have built Two houses, one of Brick, the other of wood. Plans and 
Prospect of which I have drawn and sent to you inclosed with this 
Having already experienced your kindess [sic] on several Occasions, 
I hope you Will pardon me if I desire your assistance in some affairs 
which may be now of very great service to me. On the 30th day of March 
1736. I was sworn in Recorder of this Town, and immediately proceeded 
Return of Men at the Darien who are Capable of Using Anns, as also, of 
the Women and Children with their Ages 6 May 1741

 
                              Age 
Of the Highland Hangers       years

 
Hugh Morison                   27
 
John Mack Lean                 23
 
Rodk. Mackintosh               21
 
Wm. Monro                      50
 
Ronald Mack Donald             25
 
Jo. Camron                     24
 
James Stewart                  29
 
John Mack Leod                 32
 
Jo. Mackintosh                 18
 
Wm. Mackintosh                 16


 
Of the Highland Independant [sic] Company

 
Ensign Charles Mackay          21
 
Serjt. Clark                   27
 
Wm. Mackay                     26
 
Daniel Mackay                  26
 
Hugh Mack Leod                 25
 
Wm. Calder                     25
 
Hugh Morison                   27
 
Angus Mackay                   24
 
Donald Rose                    26
 
Hugh Mack Leod                 28
 
Angus Mack Leod                23
 
David Miller                   32
 
John Grant                     17
 
Gilbert Grant                  15
 
Hodk, Mack Leod                24
 
Hugh Clark                     16
 
Total             26




 
Servants
 
Wm. Mackenzie                  19
 
Wm. Mackbeane                  19
 
Jon. Fraser                    23
 
Donald Mackintosh              26
 
Dongal Mack Donald             26
 
Wm. Mackay                     27
 
Wm. Mackbeane                  50
 
Hugh Ross                      54
 
Alexr. Clunes                  28
 
Thomas Mackenzie               27
 
Niel Mackay                    23






 
Children. Boys


 
Lanchlan Mackintosh            13
 
John Mackintosh                12
 
Fineas Mackintosh               8
 
George Mackintosh               2
 
Wm. Clark 1st.                 14
 
Angus Clark                    11

 


                               Age   
                                Years      months
 
Alexr. Mackintosh               13
 
John Clark                        3           9
 
Wm. Clark                         2
 
Hugh Clark                                    3 
  
Donald Mackay                    13                  
 
Donald Mack Donald                            6  
 
Hugh Mackintosh                  2   
 
James O Burges                   4            3  
 
Hugh Mackay                                   1  
 
John Mack Donald                 2            3
 
Wm. Stromach                     4     



 
 
Girls
 
Anne Mackintosh                  4
 
Barbra Clark                     8

 
Total of this and the preceed. Page 56 Heads




 
Brought over heads 56

 
Betrage Mackintosh             11 
 
Barbra Mackay                  11
  
Georgia MacDonald               6
 
Janet MacDonald                 2
 
Anne Stewart                    3          6
 
Sarah Grant                     2
 
Priscella Stromach                         3   
 
Anne Fraser                     8





 
Women

 
Margery Mackintosh
 
Barbra Mackay
 
Eliz. Clark
 
Barbra Clark
 
Kathrine Mackintosh
 
Winwood Mack Donald
 
Margaret Fraser
 
Kathrine Stronach
 
Helen Mack Donald
 
Kathrine Mackintosh
 
Kathrine Mackay
 
Margt. Grant
 
Margt. Burges
 
Anne Stewart
 
Jane Mackay
 
Florence Mack Donald
 
Esobole Mackintosh
 
Janet Frasier
 
Christian Murray



 
Residents

 
John Stronach 
 
Alexr. MacDonald
 
Robt. Crookshanks          Invalid                  Total 86

 
 
Rangers                            10
 
Indept. Company                    16
 
Servants                           11
 
Children
 
Boys                               17
 
Girls                              10
 
Women married and unmarried        19
 
Residenters                         3

   
                       Total Heads 86


 
List of the Darien Widows who Husbands have been either killed 
or taken in the Kings service at Mossa   6th May 1741

                                             Children 
Captain Mackintosh               Wife         6 
Ronald Mack Donald               Do.          4 
James Mackay                     Do.          4 
Joseph Burges                    Do.          1 
Alexr. Cameron                   Do.          -- 
John Bain Mackintosh             Do.          1 
Daniel Clark                     Do.          4 
John Mackintosh Lynuulg          Do.          3 
                               ------------------- 
                     Total        8          23

 
  
to take Affidavits concerning the Spaniards not being then in posses- 
sion of, or having any Settlements on any part of the Coast of this 
Province to the Northward of the River St. Juans (now found to be St. 
Matthao) which Affidavits were sent home to the Ministry. In a few 
weeks after my being sworn in Recorder, the General nominated the three 
Bailiffs, who are all still in their Offices except Mr. Perkins who 
sometime since resigned, and hath lately left the Colony, Since my 
last arrival here I took up a Town lot and have laid out almost 
Four Hundred Pounds Sterling upon it. As I have done this at my own 
personal Expence [sic], and as I have met with a great many losses in this 
Country by being too kind to People, and as the ready money I paid for 
my Improvements hath enabled others in this Town to build houses (which 
they themselves say they should otherwise never have been able to do,) 
I must earnestly intreat the favour [sic] of you to intercede with the 
Honourable [sic] Trustees to allow me a Salary as Recorder from the said 
30th of March 1736 to Michaelmass 1739 which was the time the Trustees 
Estimate took place. I am sure that their Honour's would do it, were they 
satisfied of the manner in which I behaved during the said time, and 
the care I took to prevent uneasinesses amongst the People, and my 
being with them constantly for a good part of the time, made my 
endeavours [sic] have the more Effect.
 
Another favour [sic] I have to beg, is to present the inclosed Indenture 
and Certificate to their Honours [sic], who I doubt not, will immediately 
Order the sum specified to be repaid, when I do affirm that Duncan 
Dollas was bound to Archibald Macbeene, Agent in Scotland for the 
Trustees, on the same day and on the same terms as Alexander Mackgruer 
was, and that I paid the said Dollas L 10 Sterling on the 11th day of 
December 1739 by Order of General Oglethorpe, on Acct. of his Wages. 
That Alexr. M'gruer not being at the Same time at Frederica, he had no 
opportunity of receiving any money on the same Account. That upon my 
knowing the same was due, and the General being absent when M'gruer came 
down hither along with Capt. John Mackintosh, in Order to receive his 
Wages, they both desired me to advance him something on the Strength of 
it, and accordingly I did pay the sum of L 5.2.8 for sundrys [sic] he 
then took up that he was in want of. The persons who signed the in- 
closed Certificate know the whole affair. Wherefore if their Honours [sic] 
should be pleased to Order the same to be repaid me, and if they should 
also think proper to allow me a Salary for the time of my being Recorder 
as aforesaid, I must beg of you to receive the Same in my name, 
and on my Account, and to let me know by the first opportunity what 
their Honrs. please to Order me on said Accts. Your Compliance in the 
forementioned Affairs will very much oblige me, and you are sensible in 
what manner to ask so as not to be denied.
 
I would not have troubled their Honours [sic] upon any such Account, 
had I not been so unwary as to run out much more in Building than I 
proposed to do. Capt. Thomson knows what Improvements I have made, 
and will give you an Acct. whether the Plans and Prospect are rightly 
drawn, or if I have mentioned any thing to you that is false. I 
hope you will excuse my giving you this trouble, but one thing more 
I have to beg your Interest in, as it is not relating to the Trustees, 
I have mentioned it in a Letter by it self and sent it Captn. Thomson 
with this. I am
 
Sir
 
Yr. most obliged and most
 
humble Servant
 
Fras: Moore
 
Certificate of Fra. Moores having paid Alexander Mc gruer 5.2.8

 
Frederica 20 May 1741
 
These are to Certify the Honourable [sic] the Trustees for Establish 
ing the Colony of Georgia in America that Duncan Dollas and Alexander 
Mack Gruer were hired by Archibald M'beane in Scotland to serve the 
said Trustees for the Space of four years in Georgia for the sum of 
five pounds Sterlg. each per annum. That Duncan Dollas was paid Ten 
pounds Sterling per Order of Genll. Oglethorpe in full for two years 
Service, and that Alexander M'gruer not being then at Frederica had 
not an opportunity of receiving any of his Wages, but that upon the 
Strength of the same being due to him by the said Trustees. Mr. 
Francis Moore did advance the said M'gruer the sum of five pounds two 
Shillings and eight pence Sterling, but the said M'gruer being soon 
after killed at Moosa near Augustine, he never received any part of his 
Wages except what he received of Mr. Moore as aforesaid. Witness our 
hands
 
John Stronack 
E. Paterson