The history of the State of Georgia from 1850 to 1881 : embracing the three important epochs, the decade before the war of 1861-5, the war, the period of Reconstruction : with portraits of the leading public men of this era

THE HISTORY
STATE OF GEORGIA
From 1850 to 1881,
THREE IMPORTANT EPOuHS:
The Decade Before tlic "ar of 1861-5 ; Tlie War; The Period, of l^e construction,
PORTRAITS OF THE LEADING PUBLIC MEN
OF THIS ERA,
BY I. W_ AVE1RV,
COMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME, NEW YORK:
.BROWN & DERBY, PUBLISHERS, 21 PARK PLACE.

THIS VOLUME IS
PEOPLE OF GEORGIA,
Whose Strong State Life is Herein Pictured,
UNEMBELEISHED RECORD f <Mm anb
VIVID EPIC
VALOR, GENIUS ANI> STATESMANSHIP.

ERRATA.
Page 7, seventh line from bottom, "Tombs" should be "Toombs." Page 58, thirteenth line from bottom, " Xavy " should be "Treasury." Page 79, fourth line from bottom, " T. T\. Christian" should be " J. T.
Taylor." Page 70, fifteenth line from bottom, " "Wm. Smythe " should be " J. M.
Jones." Page 380, fifth line from bottom, "was" should be "were." Page 494, twenty-ninth line from bottom, " Grarnett " should be
" Grarnett." Page 510, twenty-fifth line from bottom, "John" should be "James." page GIT, third line from bottom, " Camak " should be "Orme."

E R R A T A.
Page 24, Eleventh lino from bottom, Howell Cobb was not a United States Senator.
" 150. "N. A. Carswell" should be " R. W. CarswelL" " 152. ec Republic," fourth line, should be " republics." " 215. "Major" should be " lA. Col." Stoval. " 285. Eighth line should be " Dr. H. R. Casey, Surgeon General." '-' 285. Ninth Hue should be " Medical Director, Dr. Thomas
Raines." " 364. Third line, P. I,. " Wynatt " should be " Mynatt," " 389. In fifth lirxe i:i was " should be " were." " 405. Thirteenth line from bottom, " repulsiO7> " should be " ex
pulsion." " 498. Eighteenth line, '' ayoung1 " should be " a young." . " 574. " F. G. Du Bugiioa " should be < F. G. Du^Bignon.". " 578. Thirteenth line from bottom, \vord "no" should be "any." " 585. Eleventh line front bottom, " rally " should be " sally." " 610. " Henry'lg, Moore " should be " Henry Moore." " 614. Seventh line. After " Andersori " the comma should be a,
period.

PREFACE.
WHATEVER may be thought of the estimate of men or dis cussion of events in this book, the fact will stand unchal lengeable that no volume ever had richer material for the Historian's pen. It has been a labor of love to portray this dear and powerful mother State of ours, and I have felt that no one could do a better service to her people than to show her to the world as she is. There is no true Geor gian who will not thrill with pride at the portraiture of individual manhood and state majesty. And whatever of criticism may be justly due to an imperfect execution of a good aim will be tenderly softened by the home reader's perception of the author's conscientious desire and faithful attempt to present the great reality of our matchless com monwealth.
The general reader, lacking the stimulus of state interest, can yet find an ample theme, for study and admiration in the decisive agency of Georgia ripon those massive questions of slavery, secession and reconstruction, which have shaped the affairs of this nation for the last half century. No na tional record of the colossal events, belonging to that mo mentous period of human civilization, can be complete or intelligible that lacks the potential impress of Georgia act and statesmanship. That this State furnished the molding

PREFACE.
spirits of the Southern Confederacy, and that the stupend ous endeavor at an independent nationality expired upon Georgia soil, must ever give to our Commonwealth the un fading interest and profound thought of all philosophical students of history.
o,

CONTENTS.
PART I. THE DECADE BEFORE THE WAR OF 1861-65.
CHAPTER I.
GEORGIA AN IMPERIAL COMMONWEALTH, .............. CHAPTER II.
THE START OF GOVERNOR BROWN'S STRONG LIFE, ........... CHAPTER III.
GOVERNOR BROWN'S MARKED CAREER AS A STATE SENATOR IN 1849, .... CHAPTER IV.
HERSCHELL V. JOHNSON AS GOVERNOR, ........ *f ....... CHAPTER V.
GOVERNOR BROWN'S SCRATCH NOMINATION FOR GOVERNOR IN 1857, .... CHAPTER VI.
BROWN DEFEATS BEN. HILL IN A HARD CANVASS, ........... CHAPTER VII.
BROWN'S ELECTION AS GOVERNOR THE PRECURSOR OF A STRIKING ERA OF CHANGE, ........................ CHAPTER VIII.
THE FTF.RV BATTLE OF THE BANKS, ................
CHAPTER IX. THE WAT GOVERNOR BROWN GASHED INTO OLD CUSTOMS, ........
CHAPTER X. THE SPIRIT OF 1858 IN QEORGIA, ...............'..
CHAPTER XT. Gov. BROWN'S SUPF.RB PUBLIC ENDORSEMENT AND DENOMINATION, ....
CHAPTER XII. THE GUBERNATORIAL TUSSLE BETWEEN Gov. BROWN AND WARREN AKIN, . .
CHAPTER XTTI. A HOT CHAPTER OF GATHERING REVOLUTION, ...........

COXTKXTS.
CHAPTER XIV. PAGE.
ND GEORGIA DEMOCRACY IN 18GO, - . . 114

CHAPTER XVI. THE STUBBORN BATTLE IN GEORGIA OVER DISUNION, ......... I3i

C H APTEJi XVIX,--

THK MOST VITAL CHAPTER OF GEORGIA HISTORY--HER SECESSION FROM THE

|

UNION, ......................... 143 I

PART II.

;

THE BLOODY HARVEST OF WAR.

|

CHAPTER XVIII.

\

THE PRINCELY PROSPERITY GEORGIA STAKED ON THE WAR, ....... 161

' CHAPTER XIX.

:

THE RAPE OF THE GUNS, .................... 171 !

CHAPTER XX.

;

THE BIRTH OF THE CONFEDERACY AND THE SHADOW OF WAR, ....... ISO j

CHAPTER XXI.

<

THE BLAZING WAR FEVER OF THE FIRST OF 1801, ........... 191 j

CHAPTER XXII.

:

THE PRECEDENT OF A CENTURY OVERTHROWN, AND BROWN MADE GOVERNOR

j

THE THIRD TIME, ..................... 201

CHAPTER XXIII. Gov. BROWN'S STORMY TIME WITH THE LEGISLATURE OF 18S1-2, ..... 212

CHAPTER XXIV. THE ORGANIZATION OF STATE TROOPS UNDER MAJOR-GENERAL HENRY R.
JACICSON, ........................

! 224

CHAPTER XXV. BROWN AND DAVIS IN THEIR GREAT TUSSLE OVER CONSCRIPTION, ..... 232

CHAPTER XXVI. A GLOOMY CHAPTER OF WAR'S RAVAGE, .............. 246
CHAPTER XXVII. THE INCREASING WAR FEVER OF 1863, ............... 258

CHAPTER XXVIII. THE FIRST HALF OF THE MOST THRILLING YEAR OF GEORGIA ANNAI.S, 18G4, . 268

CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XXIX.
SHERMAN TEARS ATLANTA FROM HOOD, ..... CHAPTER XXX.
P -TAN'S PEACE EFFORT AND FAMOUS MARCH TO THE SEA, ....... 30O CHAPTER XXXI.
Tii CLOSING THROES OF THE REVOLUTION, AND THE TRAGIC END, .... 317
PART III.
THE RECONSTRUCTION TRAVESTY AND A SUPERB REHABILITATION.
CHAPTER XXXII. THE TRANSITION PERIOD OF PURE BAYONET RULE, .......... 335
CHAPTER XXXIII. THE ORGANIZATION OF THE STATE GOVERNMENT UNDER PRESIDENT JOHNSON'S
PLAN, ......................... 345 CHAPTER XXXIV.
THE SECOND IRON-HANDED AND WHIMSICAL PHASE OF RECONSTRUCTION, . . 357
CHAPTER XXXV. A THROBBING CHAPTER OP RECONSTRUCTION HARLEQUINADE, ENDING WITH
Gov. JENKINS' REMOVAL,
CHAPTER XXXVI. THE FEVERISH MARCH OF EVENTS IN 1868, ....
CHAPTER XXXVII. THE FAMOUS LEGISLATIVE EXPURGATION or THE BLACKS, ....... 394
CHAPTER XXXVIII. Gov. BULLOCK'S DESPERATE ENDEAVOR TO RE-ENACT RECONSTRUCTION, . . . 407
CHAPTER XXXIX. A BURNING CHAPTER OF FOLLY AND SHAME, ............. 419
CHAPTER XL. THE TWIN INFAMIES OF PROLONGATION AND FINANCIAL MISMANAGEMENT, . . 438
CHAPTER XLT. THE DOWNFALL OF THE RECONSTRUCTION REGIME, AND BULLOCK'S RESIGNA
TION AND FLIGHT, ..................... 452
CHAPTER XL.II. THE FINAL ACT OF JOYOUS STATE REDEMPTION, ........... 404

X

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XLIII. PAGE.
GEORGIA'S FAMOUS EXPURGATION- OF FRAUDULENT BONDS,.. ....... 475
CHAPTER XLIV. THE ADMINISTRATION OF Gov. JAMES M. SMITH, ........... 501
CHAPTER XLV. Gov. ALFRED II. COLQUITT AND HIS MAGNIFICENT MAJORITY, . . . . . . 515
CHAPTER XLVI. Gov. COLQUITT'S BRILLIANT FINANCIAL ADMINISTRATION, ........ 528
CHAPTER XL VII. THE EXTRAORDINARY CRUSADE OF HOSTILITY TO Gov. COLQUITT, ..... 537
CHAPTER XL VIII. THE POWERFUL HISTORIC GEORGIA TRIUMVIRATE, COLQUITT, GORDON, AND
BROWN, ......................... 55:3
CHAPTER XLIX. Gov. COLQUITT RECOMMENDED FOR GOVERNOR BY THE MOST EXTRAORDINARY
AND EXCITING POLITICAL CONVENTION OF GEORGIA ANNALS, ..... 568
CHAPTER L. GOV. COLQUITT'S OVERWHELMING RE-ELECTION, ........... 589
CHAPTER LI. THE JOURNALISM AND LITERATURE OF GEORGIA, ........... 609
CHAPTER LII. THE RAILROADS, RESOURCES AND FUTURE OF GEORGIA, . , ....... 631
APPENDIX. A.--GEORGIA OFFICERS WHO SERVED IN THE CIVIL WAR IN THE CONFED
ERATE SERVICE, .................... 657 B.--CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN JEFFERSON DAVIS, PRESIDENT OF THE Cox-
FEDER JY, AND JOSEPH E. BROWN, GoV. OF GEORGIA, ON CONSCRIPTION, ........................ 695
C.--ORIGINAL COMMUNICATION OF MRS. MARY WILLIAMS, TO THE COLUMBUS (GA.) TIMES, SUGGESTING THE DECORATION DAY CUSTOM, . . . . 715

ILLUSTRATIONS.

LIST OF STEEL PLATE PORTRAITS.

1. I. W. AVERY, (Frontispiece.)

PAGE.

2. JOSEPH E. BROWN, JE'r. 29, .............. 23

3. Jos. HENRY LUMPKIN, ................ 54

4. C. J. MCDONALD, .................. 76

5. HOWELL COBB, ................... Ill

6. H. V. JOHNSON, j .................. 125

7. ROBERT TOOMBS^, .................. 140

8. GEO. W. CRAW.VOKD, ................ 150

9. ALEX. H. STEPHENS, ................. 181

10. E. A. NISBET, \ .................. 209

11. HENRY R. JACKSON, ................. 227

12. JEFP^ERSON DAVIS, .................. 233

13. B. H. HILL, ..................... 255

14. W. T. SHERMAN, .................. 274

15. JOSEPH E. JOHNSTON, ................ 280

16. JAMES B. McPHEiisoN. ................ 282

17. W. J. HARI>EE, .......... ^ ........ 313

18. C. J. JENKINS, ................... 352

19. JOSHUA HILL, ................... 398

20. O. A. LOCHRANE, .................. 456

21. HIRAM WARNER, .................. 493

22. THOS. M. NORWOOD, ................. 494

23. ALFRED II. COLQUITT, ................ 519

24. CAMPBELL WALLACE, ................ 554

25. JOSEPH E. BROWN, .................. 563

LIST OF ENGRAVED PORTRAITS.
26. W. II. STILES, ................... 34 27. JOHN E. WARD, .................. 51 28. MRS. M. WILLIAMS, ................. 242 29. A. R. LAWTON, ................... 294 30. THOS. HARDEMAN, .................. 351 31. R. E. LESTER, ................... 400

12

ILLUSTKATIOXS.

PAOB.

32. J. B. GORDON, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 506

33. JAMES JACKSON,

]

34. MARTIN J. CRAWFORD, [-Supreme Court Group, ....... 515

35. ALEX. M. SPEER,

J

36. A. O. BACON, ................... 523

37. JL. J. GARTRELL, .................. 557

38. L. N. TRAMMELL, .................. 574

39. PATRICK U'ALSH,

40. A. K. WRIGHT,

4* II^R^^^IOORE ^^^^hr- n^l and Constitutionalist*x Group, G10

43. JAMES GARDNER,

44. N. P. T. FINCH,

45. W. A. HEMPHILL, - Atlanta Constitution Group, ........ 614

46 EVAX I3 riowFij

47. CIIAS. H. SMITH, Bill Arp."

48. JOEL CHANDLER HARRIS, " Uncle Remus."

.

49. W. T. THOMPSON, Major Jones."

r 1Iumorists . *>-'!

50. R. M. JOHXSTOST, Author "Dukesboro Tales," etc. ,

51. C. C. JONES, JR., ............"...... 625

52. E. W. COLE,

i rP.K'l?""'' ^-^^"^^'^
56. L. P. GRANT, 57. G. J. FOREACRE,

...... 037

PART I. ^
The Decade before tlie "War
OF 186 1 -- 5.

CHAPTER I.
GEORGIA AN IMPERIAL COMMONWEALTH.
A Leader in the august Sisterhood of States.--Her Superior Individuality.--Her Adventurous Citizenship.--The Theater of Great Events.--The Most Potential Southern State in the War of 1861.--Her Affluence of Public Men in the .Last Quarter of a Century.--The Leading- Instrumentality of Joseph E. Brown.
THE annals of no State in this expansive Union will show a record more illustrious, and also more picturesque in coloring1, than our g-oodly Commonwealth of Georgia. She was one of the original colonies, the historic thirteen, that won independence in. the forever famous revolu tion of 177G, and formed the basis of our present marvelous nationality. Founded in 1733 by that noble English gentleman, Sir James Oglethorpe, and embracing th'e* princely scope of territory extending from the Atlantic coast to the Mississippi river, from which has been cut and formed several of our finest Southern states, Georg-ia has from that early day to the present maintained the luster of her origin, and illustrated in peace and war, in arts and arms, in achievement and states manship, in population and progress, the virtue, independence and power of a free, intellectual and Christian people.
Among all of the great, commonwealths of the Union, there is, per haps, no single one as royally endowed, by nature as Georgia. There are larger states, there are states surpassing- her in individual' lines of production, but in the possession of a lavish variety of resource, Georgia is the foremost. Whether we regard her versatile agricultural fertility, her varied mineral wealth, her manufacturing possibilities or her commercial advantag-es, she has them, all in affluent profusion; and superadding- to these a healthy climate ranging from the purest of mountain air to the fresh buoyancy of her ocean border, a prodigal possession of crystal springs and rivers, and scenery variedly picturesque, and it is no exaggeration to claim for her a leading position in the august sisterhood of the United States.
Her career has had a romantic character, befitting her superior individuality. Hers has been a continuously dramatic destiny. Georgia, from her founding in 1773, has made a luminous chronicle of eventful emprise and stirring incident. There seems to have been from the first

4

GEORGIA'S BRILLIANT PUBLIC MKN.

an adventurous quality in her citizenship that has shown itself in unusual accomplishment. She has exerted a marked influence in every line of her growth and phase of her progress. She has been the theater of startling- surprises and great operations. Both in military and in civil matters she has had uncommon prestige and achieved striking- experi ences. Especially in the wars that have convulsed the country has Georgia been conspicuous and brilliant. In both revolutions of 177y G and 1801 her soil was the arena of momentous and decisive movements, that gave her renown and imparted vital direction to the final result. In the great civil war, so fresh in. our memories, she played a role that, take it all in all, was in some respects the most striking- and eventful of any Southern state.
It has been her fortune, both before and during the late war, to have conflicts of argument, involving- fundamental principles in our government, with the national administrations, that have alike given the state celebrity and illustrated the independence of her state authori ties. The fact is that Georgia has antagonized every measure of the Federal Government, that has in her judgment encroached, upon con stitutional law or individual liberty.
The last thirty years, extending- from 1850 to the present, have been a marked era in her history----an era remarkable for the momentous and tragic incidents crowded into the brief period of a little more than a quarter of a century. The ag-itation of the slavery question, that finally culminated in the attempted dissolution of the Union and its tragic consequences, may be said in. the compromise measures of 1850, to have taken its first serious steps to the terrible end that came. It is the philosophy of compromise to procrastinate evil without curing it. And an inevitable conflict loses nothing- of its savagery by abortive patch work. The decade from 1850 to the civil crash of 1861, was a period of unconscious preparation for the mig-hty struggle. And as no state took a larger or more vital part in the conflict than Georgia when, the con flict came, so no state contributed more potentially to the influences preliminary to it in the ten years of seething revolutionary preface. Among the public men of national fame Georg-ia furnished some of the most daring thinkers, and famous orators of the day,--statesmen of large ability and. powerf ul public influence. Through her whole history Georg-ia has been particularly affluent in brilliant public men. It is doubtful whether she ever shone more resplenrlently in this wealth of gifted characters, than during- the thirty years to which reference is made. Our state affairs were, in the decade before the war, managed with

JOSKFII K. BROAVX.

5

.usually brilliant skill, while in the national councils we had represeiitcives of surpassing' prominence arid force.
Marking as this period of thirty years does, an era alike in the history of our state and the nation, distinctive arid dramatic, in which there was not only a revolution of arms of vast magnitude, but an even greater revolution of thought and social and political systems, I have selected it for the theme of this book. L,ooking- at the larg-e number of able arid influential men of Georgia who have figured and led in this important and dramatic period^the man above all others Avho has been more closely identified with the great events of this memorable epoch in Georgia and whose masterful individuality has been the most conspic uously impressed upon these events, is the calm face and slender figure of Joseph E. Brown. His public career for a quarter of _a century has been the history of his state. There is no year in this long episode of thrilling event that his instrumentality could be dropped out without creating an. important blank in the picture, while no incident of the romantic record could be properly narrated that lacked the recountingof his powerful agency. From the day that, absolutely unheralded and almost unknown to the state, he was by a mysterious stroke of fortune placed at the helm of state, he has been the moving power in public matters. If his ideas have been temporarily vanquished he has seen them ultimately triumphant. Affluent as the state has been in remark able men, it is a matter of material doubt if the annals of the common wealth can show a character of more brain and will than Brown--a public career more valiant and dramatic than his. Bold, able, clear headed, aggressive, placid, with unequaled powers of management, and an invincible method with the popular masses, he seized the public mind and impressed himself upon public affairs with as much force as any public man Georgia has ever had. Coming into public life when the state had a brilliant host of public men, illustrating her magnificently in eloquence, statesmanship and influence, " Joe Brown," as he has been familiarly called, immediately stepped in the very front, and has been ever since an imperious dominating leader. His public career has been a continuous surprise, bristling with dramatic alternations of popular admiration and odium, and almost uninterruptedly marked by triumphs of power clutched by marvelous exhibition of management in desperate political contests, larg-ely flavored with the most earnest personal spirit. In all the varied vicissitudes of Georgia's history with some of the most impressive characters to dazzle public attention, it is doubtful if any public man of her annals has filled a larger measure of public thought,

6

JOSEPH 13. BROWN.

or has taken a strong-er hold upon the measures and times with which he has been connected, than this indomitable type of equipoised judg-ment.
In view of Gov. Brown being the central figure of the last quarter of a century of Georg-ia matters, I have deemed it not inappropriate to devote a couple of chapters to his early life, not only for the interest of the work, but to throw upon the heavy facts of our grave history the illustration of so vital an ag'ericy during- this thrilling- period.

CHAPTER II.
THE START OF GOV. BROWN'S STRONG LIFE.
His Progenitors.--Bom of righting Sires.--Gameful by Heredity.--A Boyhood of Toil aiid"Close Living.--His Immigration to Historic Gaddistown.--The United States Senate arid Gaddistown.--The Famous Plow Bull.--Schooling in'South Carolina.-- A Pair of Steers for Board.--Remarkable Progress.--A Country School Teacher.-- Reads Law in Resting Hours.--Dr. Lewis.--Brown's Fidelity to Friends --Admitted to the Bar.--Goes to Yale -College Law School.--A Practitioner of Law.
THE full name of Senator Brown is Joseph Emerson Brown. He is not a native Georgian, but was born in the adjoining state of South Carolina, in Pickens District, on the 15th day of April, 1821. He was therefore sixty years of age April 15, 1881.' His birthplace was near the home of John C. Calhoun, that apostle of the doctrine of States Rights. It was here that young Brown had imbibed with the tenacity of his determined nature Calhoun's theory of state government. And it will be seen how, when he became Governor of Georgia, these decided views of state sovereignty molded his official conduct, arid led him to controversies that have become historic.
It is not by any means uninteresting to trace in the life of this gentle man the ancestral qualities that came to him legitimately by hereditary transmission. His remote progenitors on the paternal side were ScotchIrish Presbyterians, and way back in those dismal days of English history, when civil strife would seem to have culminated its horrors in the time of James the Second, they faithfully adhered to the fortunes of William and Mary. Their home was in the vicinity of Londonderry, Ireland, and when that place was subjected to the cruelties of a length ened siege, the ancestors of Joseph E. Brown vindicated their courage and their fidelity by an unmurmuring participation in the sufferings of that occasion. In an exceedingly vivid sketch comparing " Joe Brown and Bob Td^mbs," " H. W. G," in the Constitution newspaper, thus alludes to Brown's progenitors :
" Joe Brown and Bob Toombs ! Both illustrious and great--both powerful and strong--and yet at every point, and from every view, the perfect opposites of each other.
thought, two separate theories of social, religious and political life, been working out

8

BEOWX AXD TOOMBS.

the two types of men, which have in our day flowered into the perfection of contrast-- Aivid, thorough and pervasive. For seven generations the ancestors of Joe Brown have been restless, aggressive rebels--for a longer time the Toombs have been dauntless and intolerant followers of the king and kingliiiess. At the siege of Londonderry--the most remarkable fasting match beyond Tanner--Margaret and James Brown, grand parents of the James Brown who came to America and was grand-parent of Joe Brown --were within the walls, starving and fighting for William and Mary; and'I have no doubt there were hard-riding Toombs outside the walls, charging in the name of the peevish and unhappy James. Certain it is that forty years before the direct ancestors of General Toombs on the Toombs estate were hiding good King Charles in the oak at Boscabel, where, I have no doubt, the father and uncles of the Londonderry Brown, with cropped hair and severe mien, were proguirig about the place with their pikes, searching every bush, in the name of Cromwell and the psalm-singers. Fromthese initial points sprang the two strains of blood--the one affluent, impetuous, prod igal--the other slow, resolute, forceful. From these ancestors came the two men--the one superb, ruddy, fashioned with incomparable grace and fullness--the other pale, thoughtful, angular, stripped down to brain and sinew. From these opposing theories came the two types--the one patrician, imperious, swift in action and brooking no stay --the other democratic, sagacious, jealous of rights and submitting to no imposition. The one for the king--the other for the people. It does not matter that the elder Toombs was a rebel in Virginia against the fat George, for that revolt was kingly of itself, and the Virginian cavaliers went into it with love-locks flying and care cast to"the winds, feeling little of the patient spirit of James Brown, who, by his Carolina fireside, fashioned his remonstrance slowly, and at last put his life upon the issue."
In 1745, Brown's ancestors emigrated to America. This was some
thirteen years after the settlement of Georgia by Oglethorpe. They
first settled in the colony of Virginia, but subsequently removed to
South Carolina, where they became worthy citizens, keeping up their
stern fidelity to patriotic duty. Joseph Brown, the grandfather and
namesake of Senator Brown, was a resolute Whig" in the days of the
Revolution of 1776, and did his part g-amefully in that memorable strife.
He fought in many leading engagements, including- Camden, Kings
Mountain and others. He was true to the rebel instincts of the blood,
and upheld the colonial cause until independence crowned the long and
weary contest.
Of the family of Joseph Brown the revolutionary sire, Mackey Brown,
the father of Joseph E. Brown, when quite a young- man sought a home
in the state of Tennessee, in the middle section of that commonwealth
of bountiful products. Following the intrepid impulses that came to him from his Londonderry progenitors, Mackey Brown enlisted in the
Avar of 1812 in the brigade of General Carroll. He \vent with this com
mand to New Orleans, and shared actively in all of the campaigns of
that war, finally fig-hting with " Old Hickory " in the celebrated battle
of the 8th of January, 1815, which resulted in the death of General

GADDISTOWK.
Packenham, the British commander ; the defeat of the British army, and the election of General Jackson as President. It will thus be seen that Joe Brown comes of a fighting- stock, and the unyielding combativeness that has constituted one of the staple ingredients of his character, and a leading feature of his political life, is a quality of long-transmitted inheritance, perpetuated through generations of resolute blood and
fiery trial. Mackey Brown returned from the war to Tennessee and married
Sally Rice, whose people came from England and, settling in Virginia, emigrated to Tennessee. After the marriage, Mackey Brown arid his young wife moved back to South Carolina to Pickens District, where, in the quiet pursuit of an agricultural life, eleven children were born,
the oldest of whom was Joseph E. Brown. The early life of Joe Brown was uneventful. His parents were in
moderate circumstances, and he grew up accustomed to farm labor. He was educated in those simple habits of living, temperate, abstemious and healthful, from which in all the elevations of his extraordinary career he has never deviated. From the early age of eight he did steady farm work until he was nineteen years old, filling in the intervals witli the ordinary country schooling. Before he was grown, however, Mackey Brown left South Carolina and emigrated to Union county, Georgia, where Joseph E. Brown made the humble beginning of his wonderful career in this state. The little valley near which they settled
was called GADDISTOWX. Men make localities famous. It is the province of genius to thus
emulate great events in conferring celebrity upon places. The obscure little country place of Gaddistown has earned immortality through the poor uneducated boy that arrived there in his 'teens over forty years ago. "When at the close of the most protracted political and personal campaign ever held in Georgia, in which he was a leader and factor, this penniless and unlettered boy become a millionaire in wealth, all won by his own strong industry and enterprise, grasped in his powerful hand the glittering honor of a United States Senatorship by such a majority as the most fortunate of men rarely get, the wondering populace, caught from its rural hiding place in the mountains of Georgia, far away from the whistle of the steam car, the modest locality of Gaddistown and made it a household word forevermore. Such is the spell of genius. In. the badinage that flashed about the marvelous victory, Gaddistown bloomed into fame as the spot \vhere the millionaire Senator plowed his historic bull in the days of his penniless youth, and made the modest

10

BIT.T. AUP S RKMIXISCRXCK.

starting of his miraculous career. The papers rang with' the name of Gacldistown. In. the brilliant breakfast room of the Kimball House, where a large number of Senator Brown's friends gathered to dine in honor of his overwhelming- election that day, the Gaddistowri Club was organized in tribute to the henceforth immortal Gaddistown.
During these years of his youth up to the age of nineteen, young Brown learned nothing but the three R's,--reading-, 'riting and 'rithmetic, and these very limiteclly. He worked laboriously, plowing his now historic bull, hauling- wood to Dahlonega, selling vegetables in a basket to the hotel and others that would buy, and aiding in the frugal support of his father's large family. " Bill Arp," in one of his inimitable letters to the Constitution^ narrates the following* interestingincident of the period of Brown's life, told him by Gen. Ira Foster:

par<

The

iiey di.

me fifty ye,

"Joe culti 'atecl L little

side land -

> pc

trade and took back something for the family. In 1839, I think it was, I was riding to

Canton in a buggy, and I overtook a young man walking in a very muddy lane. He

had a striped bag'hung over his shoulder and looked very tired. "l asked him if he

would not take a seat, and he looked down at himself and said he was too muddy, and that he would dirty up the buggy. I insisted and lie broke off a splinter from a, rail and scraped his shoes and got in. I learned from him that his name was Joe Brown, and he was going to Canton to get something to do. I have kept an eye on him for

forty years. He is a wonder to me."

But there was a something* in the youth that impelled him irresistibly

to a higher and broader life, and his strong intelligence realized the

necessity of a better educational equipment. There is no doubt how

ever that in these years of youthful work were laid the foundation of

those inestimable habits of patience, pains-taking industry, frugality,

self-control, and a knowledge of and sympathy with the laboring masses

that have so marked his career, arid aided in his exceptional success.

In the fall of 1840 he obtained his father's consent to make a new

departure and gratify his craving* for education. All that his father

could do for the boy who was to carve out for himself so wonderful a

fortune, was to give him some home-made clothing and a yoke of steers.

With this modest endowment of worldly goods the youth went back to

Carolina and entered the Calhoun academy in Anderson district, prob

ably drawn there by his reverence for the name and doctrines of

Calhoun. The steers paid for eight months' board. The tuition was

miOVTX A J1AAV STUDKXT.

II

obtained on credit. It can be well imagined that a spirit so determined upon an education improved this opportunity to the fullest measure of an uncommon intellect. Returning- to Georgia in the fall of 1841, the earnest youngster taught school for three months to get the means to continue his schooling-, arid went back in January 18-43 to Calhoun academy, pursuing1 his studies by incurring debt for his tuition and board. A very successful and eminent teacher, Mr. "Wesley Loverett, was in charge of Calhoun academy, and the bond of sympathy between, him and his remarkable pupil was such, that when Mr. Leverett left the academy and removed to another school that he established near Anclersoii Court House, the wise youth followed him and. enjoyed his instruction, during that year. The progress of young Brown in his studies was very rapid and marked. His strong practical mind, with its keen hunger for knowledge and its native superiority of application and mental labor, achieved astonishing- results, delig-hting his preceptor. His money with which to pay board early gave out, but he readily obtained it on credit, there being no lack of friends to trust and encourage a spirit so bent upon an education. The extraordinary progress he made can be understood when it is known that in two years' study from the groundwork young' Brown had fitted himself to enter an advanced class in colleg-e. He had to forego colleg-e education, however, because he had not the means.
In January 1844 Mr. Brown, at the ag-e of twenty-two, .returned to Georgia and opened an academy in Canton, Cherokee county. He had to repay the debts incurred in his education, and he fully realized the obligation that rested upon him. He opened his academy with six scholars, the number rapidly increasing to sixty as his admirable capacity for teaching- was demonstrated. The school was popular. He taught the year throug-h, devoting- his days to his pupils and his even ings and Saturdays to laborious study of the law.
This earnest young- man wasted no hours. His mastery of the law was thoroug-h and close. A methodical division of his time with the intensest attention while at study enabled him to accomplish large results. As a teacher he was unusually successful, and had he pur sued that vocation he would have made an eminent instructor. His placid temper, great patience, determined will, admirable tact and practical clear methods, fitted him finely to teach and control scholars. At the end of the year he had made and saved enoug'h money to pay off the entire debt incurred in Carolina for his education, and with that scrupulous reg-ard for his obligations that has distinguished the man

12

BROWX A YOUNG LAAVYKR.

always, he made a special trip to that State and repaid to the last dollar every liability clue for board and tuition.
During the year 1845 he continued his law studies in Canton, teach ing the children of his friend and patron, Dr. John W. Lewis, for his board. The relations between Dr. Lewis and voung Brown were very close and tender. It illustrates a strong- quality of Senator Brown's nature that in after years, when he became influential and had patronage at his disposal, he remembered his early benefactor and. delig'htecl to honor him. Fidelity to his friends is a crowning quality of the man, and. has been a larg-e factor in his success. Ho appointed Dr. Lewis Superintendent of the State Road, and. afterwards Confederate State's Senator, when, there was a vacancy in that high office. Gratitude is g-olclen, and it belongs to Joseph E. Brown in a remarkable degree.
In August 1845, Mr. Brown was, after a searching examination of several hours, admitted to the bar. The presiding judge compli mented him highly upon his proficiency. He is said to have answered incorrectly but one question put to him by the examining committee of lawyers, who seeing that they had an unusually well-informed applicant to test, made the ordeal as critical as they could. At this same term of the court the young lawyer made his first speech and won a host of encomiums alike from the bar and the audience. In that maiden effort he, according- to the traditions of that clay, gave specimen of the simple N style of effective talk that made him afterwards so potential in speech while claiming- no pretensions to oratory. He had a clear method of presenting his cause, a faculty of putting the irresistible common sense of the subject, and a homely, direct power of reaching the hearts of his hearers that proved wonderfully successful.
Talking in Spring Place, Murray county, in 1806, at a term of the Superior Court there, with an old citizen and admirer of Brown, who had often seen him in the trial of cases, the citizen said that in many respects Brown was the most remarkable young lawyer he had ever known. He said, he had never seen a young lawyer, nor an old one either, that did not some time lose his equilibrium. In the ups and downs of a trial, the most experienced were thrown off their balance by some unexpected testimony or some sudden and crushing reverse. But nothing could disturb Brown. His composure and self-possession were immovable. The worst disaster in a trial found him as cool and placid as a summer morn, with every wit sharpened to nullify it. This game quality impressed others profoundly, and gave him a g-reat advantage i:i forensic battles.

RROWN" AT YALE COLLEGE.
Mr. Brown was now twenty-four years old, arid had studied the law nearly two years and passed a rare examination in his admission to the bar. He was better equipped for practice than the majority of young lawyers. But he \vas not satisfied with his preparation. Having an exalted standard of professional success before him, and appreciating that to be a great lawyer a man must broaden and liberalize his mind, as well as be thoroughly initiated into the fundamental principles of law and government, Brown resolved to enlarge and perfect his legal education. His staunch friend, Dr. Lewis, loaned him the money to carry out his purpose, and in October 1845, he entered the lawT school at Yale College and remained there until June 1840.
His year of study at Yale was very valuable. His hard digging at the law in the mountains of Georgia stood him in good stead in rounding off his leg-al education at venerable Yale. The -mountain youth stood at no disadvantage with the youngsters of wealth at the old college. He took the lead easily in his classes. He found it a light matter with h*s strong native powers, fortified by two years of close legal application in his quiet rural home, to take all of the studies of the three classes, and keep Lip with them, and yet in addition, attend many of the lectures of the professors in other departments, as Professor Silliman on Chemistry and Geology ; Dr. Taylor on Mental Philosophy ; Dr. Knight on Anatomy, and others. He graduated at the commence ment in 1840 in the law school, but did not remain to take his diploma in person. In that practical spirit that governed him in all matters, lie requested permission to stand his examination and leave in June, in order that he migiit get the business benefit of attending the fall courts at home in Georgia. His diploma was sent to him. He located in Canton, and at the ripe age of twenty-five years he began the practice of his cherished profession of the law, and soon, built into a lucrative business.
Looking at Senator Brown's course preliminarj^ to his beginning the practice of the law, there is a fine example for poor young men and a
ing, he, of his own \vise impulses, devoted six years to his education. His rare natural abilities were in the vigor of a youthful healthy man hood. He was ripe for the very best acquisition of learning and the most profitable training of his faculties. His powerful young mincl was just in that age of maturity of the learning- capacity, that made his studies doubly useful. This poor country youth was a tardy beginner

14

BKOWX MARRIED.

of life's practical business at twenty-five years of age, but lie in reality possessed a perfection of equipment that few beginners have. Purity of habit and principle that secluded country life gives, habituation to sqvere ordeals of physical and mental labor, a long course of legal education finished at the finest law school in the country, and a social and mental intelligence of unusual grasp capped and widened and polished by the collisions, the culture and worldly knowledge of a year at a cosmopolitan college, all were young Brown's, when he started life in the country village of Canton, in the sunny summer of 1846. And it is not by any means a surprising matter that he succeeded. Such powers, such knowledge and such methods as he had were bound to succeed. There was nothing brilliant about him. But he made the progress ever achieved by hard and continuous work. He never lost a client. He lived as he had been raised, moderately and helpfully, and his habits continued simple. He made -$1,200 the first year, and then pushed up slowly but steadily to 82,000 and $3,000. He never went backward. He made no blunders. His investments were all safe and judicious. He very early paid 8450 for a piece of land \vhich after wards turned out handsomely for him, a half interest in a copper mine thereon bringing- him 25,000, which he invested in farms, and which was the basis of his afterwards immense fortune.
The next wise and fortunate step that this rising young man took was to marry a good wife. In 1847 he was united in marriag-e to Miss Elizabeth Gresham, the daughter of the Rev. Joseph Gresham, a Baptist minister of South Carolina. He made a happy marriage, his \vife shar ing- congenially the eventful fortunes of his remarkable life, presiding well over his happy home, and raising admirably the large family of intelligent and worthy children that she has brought to him.
As a lawyer, as can be conceived, Mr. Brown immediately took a foremost rank. Instantaneously prompt and punctual, giving immedi ate attention to all matters entrusted to his care, untiringly industrious, working up his cases thoroughly, examining legal questions to the bottom, exhausting authorities, carefully correct in judgment, full of the resources of pleading and practice, and an earnest and convincingspeaker, he had every quality needed to give him both reputation and practice.
A gentleman had a claim against a farmer residing in ten or twelve miles of Canton. He arrived, there in the afternoon and was referred to Mr. Brown. He put the matter in Brown's hands, who told him to call the next morning. Brown rode out to the house of the citizen that

BROWN AS AX ADVOCATE.

15

very evening-, managed to get the money, returned to his office, and when the gentleman called by appointment early the next morning, paid him his money. He stopped at no trouble or labor in his business, and his swift promptness and tenacious attention to his cases wrought their inevitable results. Every lawyer in larg-e practice can point to his hard forensic battles and romantic victories, won by clever strokes of legal strategy and skillful operations of professional acumen. Mr. Brown had an unusual number of such struggles and triumphs. A plain man and severely practical, lacking the flash of oratory arid mak ing no g-littering personal display, yet there was a romance and dramatic effect in his management of some of his legal skirmishes, that surpassed the achievement of more showy solicitors. Some of his leg-al contests were surprises of skill and boldness. A very earnest man, of indomit able wT ill and unswerving purpose, he was a hard hitting forensic fighter. Secretive as to his plans, he sprung damaging' traps upon his opponents and he pursued a defeated antagonist unrelentingly. Hon. L. N. Trammell, speaking of his power as a lawyer, said his influence over a jurv was extraordinary. "While not an orator, his speeches were irresistible. Says Mr. Trammell, " Gov. Brown's speeches to juries were marvels of effect. They were as clear as a sunbeam. They exhausted practical sense, and reason, and put his side "of a case so strongly and logically, that he always carried conviction."

CHAPTER III.
GOV. BROWN'S MARKED CAREER AS A STATE SENATOR IN 1849.
His Early Drift to Politics.--Runs for Senator.--The Temperance Issue --His Election. --The Legislature of 1849 noted for its Fierce Political Controversies.--Andrew J. Miller and Joe Brown the Leaders.--The Veteran and the Neophyte.--Brown Leaps to the Front.--Brown and Alfred H. Colquitt.--A Curious Coincidence.--The Per son ell e of that Body.--The Judges of that Day.--Hiram Warner.--H. V. Johnson.-- Mrs. Johnson.--Henry R. Jackson.--Aug. Hansell.--James Jackson.--Gartrell's Resolutions.--The Heat upon Slavery.--Dissolution of the Union Intimated.--Chas. J. Jenkins.--Chas. J. McDonald.--Miller's Hobby.--The " Woman's Bill."--Gov. Brown against all the New Fauglecl Ideas.--Richard H. Clarke.--Thos. Butler King.--O. A. Lochrane.
BUT while Gov. Brown was and is a great lawyer, the dominant ten dency of his nature was political. A profound and able jurist, his forte was politics. His greatest capacities drove him to public life. He took to it as a fish does to water. His popular tact was unerring, his fitness for political contest perfect. Admitted to the bar in 1846, he drifted into politics in 1849. At that time there were forty-seven Senatorial Districts in the state, each furnishing a Senator. Forty-six of the Dis tricts were composed of two counties each, and Mr. Brown lived in the forty-first, which was composed of Cherokee and Cobb counties. He received the Democratic nomination. Opposed by Col. John M. Edge, the canvass was an active one and resulted in his triumphant election. The temperance issue was raised against Mr. Brown, he being a member of the order of the Sons of Temperance. With his usual positiveness he took square temperance ground when assailed. The objection was made to him that he was against the liquor traffic. He accepted it boldly, refused to treat to liquor in his canvass, and in his speeches broadly announced that he would treat no one, though the refusal might cause his defeat by thousands of votes. In a rural mountain section where the distillation of spirits is largely carried on, it might well be supposed that such a declaration would be perilous. The custom of candidates using liquor freely in their campaigns was general. He had the courage to break the custom, and after a \varm contest he was decisively elected.

THE LEGISLATURE OF 184=9-1850.

17

The legislature of 1849 and 1850 was a right memorable one. Georgia then had the system of biennial sessions, which she discarded soon, and then re-adopted in 1877, after she had forgotten the experi ence of a quarter of a century previous. The session was eighty-five days in length. The same policy was carried out that has prevailed in the biennial sessions of- 1878 and 1881, of having an adjourned term. And Senator [Brown voted against it in 1849, as he did against every daily adjournment, nearly, his disposition being to get through his leg islative work in the quickest possible time.
Among the more notable men of this Legislature were Andrew J. Miller and David J. Baily of the Senate, and Augustus H. Ivenan, Win. T. "Wofford, Thomas C. Howard, Gen. Harrison W. Riley, Parmedus Reynolds, Charles J. Jenkins, Linton Stephens and Lucius J. Gartrell, of the House. Joseph E. Brown was a new member and a new man in Georgia politics. This Legislature was noted for its fierce controversies upon political questions. Andrew J. Miller was the leader of the "Whigs. Representing the powerful constituency of Richmond county, a lawyer of acknowledged ability, a ready debater, of cool imperturbable temper, high integrity and unflinching firmness, he stood very high. Joseph E. Brown leaped to the leadership of the Democrats in spite of his youth and inexperience, and the two names that figure most frequently in the journals of the Senate during- that racy session are Miller and Brown. The young mountain novice tackled the old city veteran gamely and successfully. And the Democratic measures went through steadily under the firm leadership of this raw but powerful young neophyte. Brown was put on the Judiciary committee in recognition of his legal ability, that in three years' practice had established itself, and he was made chairman of the penitentiary committee. In addition he was put upon nearly every important special committee to consider special mat ters of moment. Among these were, committee to enquire into repeal of laws-in regard to introduction of slaves into this state : committee on bill to protect public worship : committee on bill to abolish costs in Supreme court: committee to re-organize the Judicial circuits: and other committees, in most of which Brown was chairman.
It is matter of curious note that the assistant secretary of the Senate was Alfred. H. Colquitt, who thirty years later made Joseph E. Brown United States Senator, and was united with him in the political cam paign of 1880, the most savage public contest ever witnessed in Georgia, which resulted in the re-election of Colquitt as Governor of Georgia, and the election of Brown as United States Senator. And it is also

18

THE JUDICIARY OT? 18i9.

another curious fact that of the two speeches reported during- the session of 1849--1850 one was a speech made by Brown, and it was reported by Mr. Colquitt for that strong- journal, the Macon TelegrapJi, which at that time was only a weekly paper.
Grov. Greo. W. Towns was the executive of the state. The state road was in running" order to Dalton, was graded to Chattanoog-a and the track laid to within seven miles of that place. The benefit of that road is shown by the fact that the business had increased for 1849 over forty-seven per cent, more than in 1847. At this time the judges were elected by the General Assembly, though an act was passed submitting" to the peo ple whether judges should be elected, by the Legislature or the people. The people decided in their own favor, and after this the judges were elected by the people of their respective circuits. This Legislature elected Hiram "Warner Judge of the Supreme Court, and Judges of the Superior Court as follows:--Eli H. Baxter, Northern, circuit; Henry R. Jackson, Eastern circuit; Augustin H. Stansell, Southern circuit; James , Jackson, "Western circuit; Ebenezer Starnes., Middle circuit; Herschel V. Johnson, Ocmulgee circuit; Jas. H. Stark, Flint circuit; Alfred Iverson, Chattahoochee circuit; John H. Lumpkin, Cherokee circuit. Of these gentlemen, a number became distinguished. H. ~\r. Johnson and Alfred Iverson were made United States Senators; H. "V. Johnson, Governor; Hiram "Warner and James Jackson, Congressmen and Chief Justice of the Supreme Court; E. Starnes, Judge of the Supreme Court; H. R. Jackson, United States Minister to Austria. There has perhaps never been a more brilliant array of judges in the history of the state. Judge "Warner has been almost continuously on the bench since, resigning the Chief Justiceship of the Supreme Court in 1880. Judge "Warner is in many respects a remarkable man. He came from New England. A tall, erect, muscular person of great decision of char acter, high order of ability, and extensive legal erudition, he has main tained a striking hold upon the people of Georgia in spite of a decided lack of social feeling and generous sentiment. A fearless utterance of his views, an iron resolution and a rigid integrity, have upheld, him in popular confidence, notwithstanding the severity of demeanor and a sort of determined rancor of prejudice. Cold and stern, he was able and believed to be honest. Alfred Iverson was a man of much power, a small person in stature, but of considerable speaking ability.
Governor Johnson was the ablest of these men. There has been no public man in Georgia in the last quarter of a century the superior in brain power of PI. V. Johnson. A powerful thinker, a strong speaker,

MES. H. V. JOH^SOX.

10

possessor of an exquisite style of writing-, the chastest and most vigx>rous master of language we have ever had in the state, he is one of our few public men that could be called great. He was a timid and a gloomy man, however, and in his manners a brusque person. The contrast between the bluntness of his ways and speech, and the classic elegance of his writings, w-as something inexplicable. His state papers were models of statesmanship arid polish. Judge, afterwards Governor Johnson, married a niece of President Polk, the most exquisitely beauti ful and intellectually gifted woman, of her day when young. After he became executive she made the state house famous by her entertain ments. Of exquisite figure, with features of faultless beauty, clear-cut, intellectual and of the most classic Grecian type, with a complexion as clear and rose-tinted as a healthy infant's, she added conversational powers of surpassing brilliancy, and an attractive sweetness of manner irresistible. She was a notable housewife and devoted mother, yet she was profoundly read in the political, scientific and religious literature of the day, and could talk upon these matters with wonderful power and genuine eloquence..
Henry R. Jackson was one of the most gifted of these men, a magical orator, a true poet and an able lawyer. And added to this was a chivalric, personal courage and a fiery scorn of anything- small. Judge Hansell is still Judge of the Superior Court, and preserves those high characteristics of manhood that marked him then. James Jackson was a most promising young man, belonging- to and constituting a typical member of the famous family of Jacksons that have filled so larg-e a role in Georgia annals, whose founder was one of the early Governors and a United States Senator; a man of iron, force of character, who burned the records of the great Yazoo fraud with a sun glass. It has been something for Joseph E. Brown to have outstripped these gifted aristo crats of Georgia civilization. In the election of these judges the Southern Rights question entered. Lumpkin, James Jackson and H. R. Jackson were Union Democrats, and came near defeat on that account. James Jackson wrote to Alex. Stephens asking his influence, appealing to his well-known proclivity to help young men. Through Mr. Stephens his brother Linton voted for Jackson, though Linton was a "Whig-.
The chief battle in this General Assembly was over some Democratic ;. resolutions, originated mainly by Lucius J. Gartrell and W. ~W. Clayton, declaring for strict state rights; for a national territory equally slave and free, and branding the "Wilmot proviso as unconstitutional. The report of the committee on the state of the Republic, introductory of

20

DISUNION FORESHADOWED.

these \varm resolutions, was written by Col. Thomas C. Howard, the chairman of the House committee, regarded then as the most promising young man in the state. An inimitable conversationalist, flashing-, witty and fervent, there is no man in Georgia that has ever surpassed him as a talker. He was then and is to-day a remarkable man. His report on these resolutions was a brilliant piece of writing. The debates over these resolutions were sharp and at times stormy. In the Senate, Miller and Brown had numerous skirmishes. Governor Colquitt told the writer that "the Democrats had a sense of security when Brown had charge of the Democratic side that they had under no other leader. His speeches were to the point, clear and forcible, and his readiness and resources equal to any occasion. The resolutions were finally passed. Among them is the following:
" 9th Resolved. That the people of Georgia entertain an ardent feeling of devotion to the union of these states, and that nothing short of a persistence in the present sys tem of encroachment upon our rights by the non-slaveholding states can induce us to contemplate the possibility of a dissolution/'
These resolutions provided for calling a State Convention in certain contingencies. They illustrate the inflammatory agitation that was convulsing the country upon the subject of slavery, and the contempla tion of a severance of the union as an ultimatum that came ten years later. On the final passage in the Senate the vote stood thirty-five yeas to three nays, Andrew J. Miller being one of the nays. In the House the vote stood ninety-two yeas and twenty-eight nays. Charles J. Jenkins was the leader of the union party in the House. Mr. Jenkins has been one of the purest and ablest public men the state has ever had. He afterwards became Governor and Judge of the Supreme Court, and President of a Constitutional Convention of 1877. Possessed of punc tilious integrity and high ability, known for an adamantine firmness and courage, patriotic and public-spirited, no man in the state has enjoyed a larger measure of respect than Mr. Jenkins. He has been a citizen of which any commonwealth coxilci be proud.
In connection with these resolutions the general assembly elected C. J.. McDonald, M. H. McAllister, C. Dougherty and William Law as cleleg-ates to a convention of the people of the slave-holding states of the union to be held on the first Monday in June, 1850, in Nashville, Tennessee, called in conformity with a recommendation of the people of Mississippi, to take some harmonious action in defense of the in stitutions of slavery and the rights incident to it under the Constitu tion of the United States. C. J. McDonald had been governor of the

AXDRKW J. MIU.JGR'S " WOMAN'S 1511.1,."

21

sta

an 1839 to 1843, and was a gentleman of ability who possessed

to a large degree the confidence of the people. M. H. McAllister was

a citizen, of Savannah, looming- up prominently for public honor, but

who injudiciously sacrificed the sure promise of distinction in Georgia

by removing- to California. C. Dougherty and William Law were both

lawyers of fine ability. Dougherty was a citizen of Athens, of bright

mind, member of a gifted family. He was defeated for governor on a

close vote by McDonald. Law was a citizen of Savannah, and became

a distinguished judge.

One of the notable battles in this legislature was over a measure that

became in those days known as the hobby of Andrew J. Miller, called

his "Woman's bill." The object was to secure to married women their

own property independent of the husband. Miller was sent to the

legislature time and again, and at every session he introduced this

measure, only to be repeatedly defeated. It finally became the law,

and its success was due to the persistent agitation of the persevering-

Miller. Joseph E. Brown had the old-fashioned notions of the marital

relation and fought all of these new-fariglecl ideas. Miller's Woman's

bill was defeated, by a vote of twenty-one yeas to twenty-three nays in

the Senate, Brown voting no. A bill to limit the liability of husbands

for debts of wives incurred before marriage, did pass the Senate, how

ever, and Brown vindicated his consistency by voting against it.

During the consideration of the "Woman's bill Judge Richard H. Clark

offered an amendment submitting the Woman's bill to a popular vote at

the governor's election in 1851. Senator "Woods proposed an amend

ment allowing females between sixteen and fifty years to vote. The

amendments were both rejected by only a small majority. Judge Clark

has been a well-known figure in Georgia matters. A delightful gentle

man socially, a writer of exquisite culture, a thorough lawyer and yet

with a decided bias to literature, Judge Clark has held a high position.

He has been one of the codifiers of the Georgia statute law, and a judge

of admitted ability. He is now judge of the city court of Atlanta.

At this session of the legislature important legislation was had on

the divorce law. Joseph E. Brown, as may be expected, fought every

proposition widening the domain of divorce, and maintained rig-id

adherence to all of the strictest ideas of marriage sanctity. He was for

striking out as grounds of divorce intermarriage within the Levitical

degrees, desertion for three years, and conviction for crime, and finally

voted against the bill. An effort was made to incorporate the Grand

Division of the Sons of Temperance, and referred to a special committee

22

THOU AS BUTI^R KIJNT G.

with Brown as chairman, who was known to be an ardent temperance champion. He made a strong- report against it, arg-uing that any legis lation of the sort would injure the cause of temperance, which was making- prog-ress, and should depend for success upon inherent moral influence.
Senator Brown gave a marked instance of his thoughtfulness of the interest of his immediate constituents, and his successful method of doing things in a little post route matter. Mr. Boycl offered resolutions for mail arrangements to be secured between Marietta and the towns of Roswell and Gumming-. Brown moved and carried the motion to strike out Roswell and Gumming- and substitute Canton therefor.
As illustrating the temper of the people on the subject of slavery, an episode occurred in the Senate which deserves mention. Among- the marked and influential public men of that day was the Hon. Thomas Butler King. He was a wealthy planter on the coast, a gentleman of aristocratic family, of high social influence and very strong ability. He was a Congressman and went later as Commissioner to Europe. Senator Brown introduced resolutions reciting- that it was reported that Mr. King- had resigned his seat in Congress and was in California,, alleging that he represented the cabinet at "Washington, and was seeking to become a Senator from California under a Free-soil Constitution, and resolving that it was derogatory to a Southern representative in Con gress to advocate the admission of California into the Union as a free state, and still more derogatory to such an individual to accept a seat in the National councils purchased by moral treason to that portion of the Union that has fostered him, and that Mr. King's conduct met the unqualified disapprobation of the General Assembly.
The resolutions were taken up by a vote of twenty-one to sixteen, and made the special order for a future clay, among those voting in the affirmative being Senator Thomas Purse of Savannah. Final action was never taken on them, they being- based upon misapprehension of Mr. King's real attitude. As a further exemplification of the temper of the times upon this absorbing question it may be stated as an incon gruous attempt to embody the spirit of the people that a military com pany in Lagrange was incorporated as the " Georgia Constitutional Guards of Troups."
This legislature passed a special act allowing a young man to practice law,' who has occupied a large portion of the public attention since, Mr. Osborn A. Lochrane. A poor Irish youth, he began his career in this country as a drug clerk in Athens, Gra. He made a speech iri a debating

Cv
ix "J

MILLER'S PROPHECY OF BROWX.

23

society that attracted the attention of Chief Justice Lumpkin, who advised him to read law. He did so, and has been a noted person in Georgia matters. He culminated his profession by a seat on the Supreme Court as Chief Justice. Judge Bleckley said of him to the writer, that he possessed a dual intelligence ; one, a flashing surface sparkle of froth and pleasantry, and underneath a strong, industrious, logical mind, searching-, original and vigorous. He has built into for tune and national repute as a lawyer. The friendly bonhommie of his nature has made enmity to him impossible. Tolerant to all political creeds, genial and humorous, full of business capacity, a thinker and an orator, Judge Lochrane has been a conspicuous example of unusual success, achieved by a capable intelligence sun-shining itself through the world.
Senator Brown's career as a state senator was a noted step in his upward progress. It was too limited an arena and too short an episode to give him a state repute. It enlarged his local fame and home influ ence. It formed a valuable part of his public education. It brought him into acquaintance with many of the leaders of thought in the state. It strengthened his confidence in his own powers and resources. And it was a curious piece of discernment, prophecy and candor in his venerable and distinguished opponent and rival in leadership, Andrew J. Miller, to have used this remark :
"Joe Brown will yet stamp the impress of his greatness upon the future history of the state."

CHAPTER IV.
HERSCHELL V. JOHNSON AS GOVERNOR
Howell Cobb and C. J. McDonald in 1851.--The Union Victorious over Southern Rights.--H. V. Johnson and C. J. Jenkiiis in 1853.--Alfred II. Colquitt makes Johnson Governor.--Southern Rights Triumphant.--Brown an Elector----The Whig Party Riven.--C. J. Jenkins for Vice-President.--The Tornado of Know-Nothingism.--A Mad Flurry and a Hard Fight.--Alex. Stephens and His Political Shroud.-- The Triangular Contest for Governor.--H. V. Johnson, Garnett Andrews and B. H. Overby.--Brown's Race for Judge against David Irwiii.--An Acrimonious Battle.--Young Brown Victorious.--Brown is a Perilous Political Fighter.--Gaddistown Stands to Brown.--Brown a Rare Judge--Racy Anecdotes of His Judicial Administration.--Brown Comes to the Edge of His Destiny.
RBTURisriisra home to the practice of law, Mr. Brown gave his atten tion with all the vigor of a decided nature and strong abilities to his con genial profession. He continued practice until the fall of 1855, when he took his chances before the people of his circuit for election to the office of judge. The method of selection of judges had been changed from election by the legislature to election- by the citizens of each judicial circuit.
During the intervening period Howell Cobb had been elected Gov ernor of Georgia, and served from 1851 to 1853, beating ex-Governor McDonald, in a well-contested race. The Southern Rights question had been made an issue, and Mr. Cobb, representing the Union party, had whipped the fight. Mr. Cobb was one of the really great men of the nation. Entering political life young, he had been almost uninterrupt edly successful. As a representative in Congress, a United States senator and a Cabinet minister, he had reflected luster upon his state, and made a national reputation for statesmanship. "Wise, conservative, able, resolute, amiable and social, Mr. Cobb was one of the most popular and esteemed public men Georgia has ever had.
In 1853, Herschell V. Johnson was elected Governor, beating Charles J. Jenkins by a small majority in one of the closest and sharpest cam paigns of Georgia annals. The Southern Rights party had received a black ^eye in the defeat of its candidate, ex-Governor McDonald, by Howell Cobb in. 1851, and it was claimed that the issxie was settled. But the Southern Rights men made a new effort in 1853, under H. V.

ALFRED II. COLQUITT ELECTS JOIIXSOX.

25

Johnson, and this time they succeeded, thongh by a close shave. It was in this race that Alfred H. Colquitt made his first important political fight. He took the field as the nominee of the Democratic Southern Rights convention for Congress against James Johnson, the Union candidatg^ The Union men in this district, the second, had a majority of fully three thousand. It looked like a forlorn hope to overcome it. But young Colquitt and that other bright youngster, Thomas C. Howard, took the stump, canvassing- through the congressional district for two months, riding in a buggy and making daily speeches. It was a lively battle and proved to be the crucial point of the gubernatorial contest. Young Colquitt had all the prestige of his gifted father's wonderful name and popularity. He was handsome, genial, able and eloquent. Added to this was the guidance of his father, who was an unprece dented political leader. The result was a surprise of effective work. Young Colquitt swept the district triumphantly, carrying the guber natorial guerdon 011 his strong shoulders, and he had the glory of not only winning his own. election by a reversal of the heavy majority against his party, but of securing the success of his party candidate for Governor. .
The only political part that Joseph E. Brown took very actively in these contests, was that in 1852 he was nominated on the Democratic electoral ticket for Pierce arid King, and kept up his practice of politi cal success by receiving the highest vote of any on the ticket, though he was its youngest member. It will recall an interesting fact of that campaign to state that a convention held in Macon nominated Daniel "Webster for President and Charles J. Jenkins for Vice-President. Mr. Jenkins had declined to support either Pierce, the Democratic candidate, or Gen. Scott, the "Whig candidate for the presidency. The national controversies on the slavery question had played the wild with parties in the South, and especially in Georgia. The Whigs were driven from their national party alignments. Robert Toombs and Alex. H. Ste phens, the chief Whig leaders in Georg-ia, had declared the "Whig party north unsound on slavery, so dear to them, and came to the Democratic party. A number of the "Whig leaders in our state found it hard to yield their old antagonism to the Democracy. It was a mixed state of things among the "Whigs, some supporting the Democracy, some sup porting the "Whig candidate, Scott, and some in the middle and southern parts of the state refusing to support either. Another issue split both "Whigs and Democrats in Georg-ia, and that was the Union and Southern Rights question. But its effect was more disastrous to the Whig

26

ItjtfOW--XOTHIiST GISM.

organization. Mr. Jenkins' attitude in the presidential campaign lost him strength in his gubernatorial race.
Right upon this disintegration of the Whig party was sprung a new political question, that furnished a new distraction for the seething- po litical elements. It swept the country like a prairie on fire. In the history of political agitations there never has been an instance of a more sudden or furious public storm than that created by " K^rowNOTHIXGISM." Crushed in the national contest and hopelessly riven, in the Southern states, the Whig party found a temporary refuge in this new-fangled American party. It had a large following- in Georgia for a while and a respectable one too. _ It was bitterly fought. Ex-Gov. McDonald, Howell Cobb, Alex. PI. Stephens, Robert Toombs and Hiram Warner wrote strong letters against it, while Mr. Stephens made some of the ablest speeches of his career on this subject. The term of Mr. Stephens in Congress was out. He was uncertain of running again. He wrote a letter to Judge Thomas W. Thomas ag'ainst Ivnow-Noth- v ingism in response to a request for his views. He was vigorously assailed, and declared to have made his political shroud, when, with that defiant audacity that has marked his life, he announced his can didacy and proceeded to test the issue of his "political shroud." His speeches were masterpieces, and he converted the shroud into a wreath of political laurels, returning to Congress by a majority of over 2,000.
The gubernatorial issue was Know-Nothingisni; H. V. Johnson was almost unanimously re-nominated by the Democratic convention, of which James Gardner was president. The candidate of the KnowNothii .gs was Garnett Andrews, and the temperance men ran B. H. Overby. The contest was sharp and animated. Johnson was re-elected, his vote being 54,476 against 43,750 for the American candidate, and 6,261 for the temperance man, and his majority 10,726 over Andrews, and 4,465 over both of the other candidates. The American party showed a surprising strength, and illustrated how Know-lSTothingism had clutched the country. Mr. Charles J. Jenkins, as in the presidential contest, followed a peculiar course. In a short and characteristic letter, he stated, " Being neither a Democrat nor a Know-Nothing there is no place for me in this contest."
As the reader will readily divine, Joseph E. Brown was a decided AntiKnow-Nothing. Its secrecy, its religious proscription, its warfare upon foreigners, little suited his republican tastes and political liberality. He was too thoroughly imbued with the spirit of our free institutions to

BROWX AXD IRWIX.

27

encourage ideas and theories so antagonistic to the genius of our demo cratic government. In his race for judge of the Blue Ridge Circuit the Know-Nothing- issue was sprung against him, though Judge David Irwin, his opponent, claimed not to be a member of the order. Judge Irwin was one of the leading citizens of our state, and is living to-day respected and-honored for his abilities and -worth. He was in active political life in 1840, an ardent "Whig. He was a candidate for elector on the Clay ticket in 1844. He was a decided Union advocate in the Southern Rights contest of 1850, and the years folio-wing. He had, to a large degree, the confidence of the people of his section. He had been elected to the bench in 1857, and was seeking re-election at the hands of people who knew and esteemed him in endorsement of a just and able administration, of the law. It will thus be seen, that a more for midable opponent young Brown could not have had.
The contest was lively and. became acrimonious. Judge Irwin's friends attacked Brown, savagely. Brown's friends were not slow to strike back without gloves. The press was kept warm with attacks and counter-attacks. The new county of Pickeiis, which was formed at the previous session of the legislature through the active agency of that well known legislator, L. J. Aired, and with the aid of Mr. Brown, gratefully remembered the latter, and at a meeting of the Democracy in Jasper in June, gave a ringing endorsement of Brown's candidacy. Irwin's friends charged that Brown was a partisan candidate and pull ing down the bench into political mire ; that Brown had sometime worn unlawful -weapons, etc., etc. Brown's friends retorted that Irwin was a Know-Nothing ; that he was slow in dispatching business, and had allowed the dockets to get behind ; that he was afraid to keep order in the court ; that he had always fought the Democracy, etc. The cam paign showed how, in a hot struggle, good men can be belabored and lampooned. Brown gave his popular arid powerful competitor a striking defeat. He had a reasonable majority to start with. But the fight strengthened Brown largely. He had the same methods then he has used since. He was aggressive, vigilant, untiring, arousing an impas sioned interest in his friends, and recriminating with all the vigorous audacity of his nature. The truth is that Georgia has never had. a more fearless and potential political fighter than Brown. "Woe be it to his adversary who goes at no-quarter hitting and has a weak record. Cool, resourceful, relentless, our public annals show no more perilous political opponent than he has proven himself in such a multiplied variety of desperate battles as demonstrate that his masterly powers were natural.

28

BROWX AS A JUDGE.

Of the eleven counties in the judicial circuit Irwin only carried three by small majorities., Campbell, Cobb and Polk. The ag-gregate majority in the three counties was only 68 ; Cobb, Irwin's own county, only giving him two majority. The remaining- seven counties, Cherokee, Fanning-, Forsyth, Gilmer, Luinpkin, Paulding, Pickens and Union, gave Brown 2,898 majority; Union with 'her now historic Gacldistown standing- gal lantly to her young- son by adoption, with his famous bull-plowing expe rience, and rolling- up for him a good solid majority of 517 in a vote of 1,000. It was a remarkable victory, especially in view of the strong man Judge Brown had to defeat. It was a fair, square fight too, even, equal and honestly won.
Judge Brown's administration of the bench was in many respects the most extraordinary phase of his public career. Though he had served only two years when, he was called to a higher place of trust, his brief period of judicial presiding- was eventful, and is a tradition of power and success in. these mountain counties to this day. Numbers of anec dotes are current illustrating his salient qualities and positive manage ment. He kept perfect order and an unbroken discipline. For years there had been a sort of steady drift to a loose, easy governing- of the courts, so much so that it was a matter of complaint that it retarded the dispatch of business. Lawyers had acquired a large latitude of free dom. Much of the power of the judge had been, gradually yielded in criminal matters, the injurious practice having grown of allowing solicit ors to compromise the grade of verdicts on the basis of certain agreed amount of fines fixed beforehand. This of course tended to make the administration of criminal justice a matter of pecuniary accommodation to the prosecuting officer. Judge Brown was just the man to remedy these matters and he did remedy them. He had nerve for anything-. He tackled these practices promptly. He instituted perfect order in the court-room, which aids the rapid dispatch of business. He drove through the dockets until he cleared them. He kept counsel to the point, and stopped legal discussion when his conclusion, was reached. He made his mind up with that decisiveness that has marked him in all things. The opinion is universal in his circuit that he was the best judge they ever had. If he had any fault it was a leaning to severity. He kept juries and court officers to their duty. Jurors and counsel \vere always on hand to the minute.
At one of the mountain courts the Solicitor General got on a spree. The Judge promptly appointed a solicitor for the time in his place. The intoxicated solicitor started to rebel, when the Judge coolly

ANECDOTES.

29

stopped the insubordination by quickly informing the officer that upon any further demonstration he should order him to jail.
At another court a drunken fellow, a very desperate rowdy and defi ant of the authorities, came into the court room and made a good, deal of noise. The Juclg-e promptly fined him. The fellow paid the fine and starte.d out staggering" noisily, and making- much fuss with his creakingboots. The Judge determined to make an effective example of him, and ordered the Sheriff to collect another fine for the noise he made in going out with his creaky boots. Thoroughly subdued and despair ing of getting* out noiselessly, the fellow slipped down on his knees and crawled out of the court house, humbly deprecating the Judge's wrath. The incident created much amusement and satisfied the people that Judge Brown meant to have order in his court. His iron \vill brooked no resistance to his legal authority. It must be held in mind that off from the railroads, in the rude mountain sections, men are more inclined to be impatient of restriction. There seems to be something in the mountain air that makes its citizens wilder when insubordinate. At the same time it is true that in those regions there is a very large meas ure of reverence given to the majesty of the law, as embodied in the Judge. He is a sort of an autocrat, and regarded with high respect as the powerful agent of the resistless and. awful genius of the law.
In the intellectual and legal qualifications of a judge, perhaps there has never been, in Georgia one to surpass Judge Brown. An analytical mind of unusual strength, close discrimination, patient research, quick legal intuitions, an. exhaustive study of authorities, a logical power of argument and a clearness of statement extraordinary, constituted an array of elements of fitness for judicial duty rarely equaled. An un usually small proportion of cases in his ridings were taken up to the Supreme Court, and his decisions -were rarely overruled. A firm, an honest, and an able Judge, he made the court honored as a model tri bunal of justice. Frowning- down unnecessary delays, he enabled suitors to get speedy trials. Adamantine in his stand against crime and crimi nals, he administered, the criminal law with a resolute hand. He al lowed no compromises with wrong-, but struck clown vice and violence whenever they showed themselves. Absolutely impartial, he was gov erned by neither favor nor prejudice, and decided the right as he honestly saw it, irrespective of personal considerations. A man of Christian character, he held in earnest keeping the good of society and the pres ervation of morals. Possessing a business sense of marvelous practi cality, he carried into the mariag-ement of his courts that system, clis-

30

BROWX AS A JUDGE.

patch and energy, that have given him his steady and phenomenal suc cess in his worldly matters.
This placid, positive, capable gentleman made a remarkable reputation as a Judge in his circuit, a reputation that in the land of telegraphs and railroads, mails and daily newspapers, would have carried his name broadcast, and made him a state fame. But, " cribbed, cabined and confined," in the remote hills of ^North-east Georgia, whatever his merit, he had little chance to be known outside of his hidden bailiwick. There he achieved a celebrity very marked. There was an iron force of char acter and a positive way of doing things that made the administration of this slender, quiet-mannered, calm-spoken Judge, a highly dramatic one.
He had come, however, to the edge of his destinies, that enlarged sphere of public duty for which nature had lavishly fitted him. And the transfer came curiously.

CHAPTER V.
GOV. BROWN'S SCRATCH NOMINATION FOR GOVERNOR IN 1857.
James Gardner, J. II. Lumpkin, and H. G. Lamar in Gubernatorial Conflict.--Gardner Wrecked by a Youthful Indiscretion .--L. N. Trammell's eye on Brown.--Incident of Trammell and S. J. Smith.--The Famous Convention.--Its Personelle,--Linton Stephens.--A Long and Heated Balloting.--A Dead-Lock for Three Days.-- Gardner's Nemesis.--Experimental Voting.--The Slaughter of Gardner keeps 011 to the Others.--Filibustering without Limit.--A Committee of Conference.-- Colquitt's Graze at Governor.--A Chapter of Surprises. -- The Gubernatorial Lightning Strikes Joe Brown, while he was Binding Wheat in the Mountains.--An Incident in 1880.--Dick Clarke's Speech.
THE gubernatorial campaign of 1857 was a very memorable one in Georgia politics. It was marked by much personal heat, it ended in a protracted, convention, and had an utterly unexpected result. It finally settled the gubernatorial aspirations of some very prominent and dis tinguished men, and brought to the front by one of those scratches that sometimes occur in politics, an. almost unknown individual who from that day to this has been the leading factor in public matters, who is to-day the most powerful citizen of our State, and whose future, if he lives and has his health, is big with great possibilities.
There were five prominent gentlemen for the hig-h position of Georgia's chief magistrate, James Gardner of Augusta, Henry G. Lamarof Macon, John H. Lumpkin of Rome, Win. H. Stiles of Savannah and Hiram Warner of Merriwether county. James Gardner, as editor of the Augusta Constitutionalist, had achieved a remarkable influence. A small, quiet-mannered gentleman, "without any capacity for public speak ing, he was possessed of more political writing- ability than any editor we have ever had in Georgia. Bold and able, coming- of a family known, for their courage and decision, Gardner made himself a power in Georgia politics, and his paper yielded a tremendous influence. He was, however, a romantic instance of how youthful folly can wreck a strong man's greatest hopes. Gardner in his youth had been guilty of an indiscretion with a young lady, whose family was powerful enough to make him feel their resentment. The ghost of this folly followed him relentlessly. It was exag-g-erated and used like an avenging Nemesis.

32

THE GOVERNORS RACE OF 1857.

It defeated him for the Democratic nomination for Governor, and blighted his political ambition.
John II. Lumpkin was the candidate of Xorllt Georgia, which sec tion vigorously claimed the right to have the Governor, Lumpkin had been a Congressman and Judge of the Superior Court, and was a gentleman of excellent ability. Henry G. Lamar was one of the ; famous and brilliant Lamar family, that have been so conspicuous in the annals of State and Nation. It has been a family of genius and cour age, a family adventurous and eloquent. Judge Lamar was a strong i member of this notable and gifted blood. lie, like Lumpkin, had been Judge and Congressman. "Win. II. Stiles of Chatham, was a stately 1 and aristocratic gentleman, a writer of exquisite ciilturc and a silvery tongued orator. He frequently served in the State Legislature. He possessed excellent abilities. Judge "Warner we have spoken of. In addition to these, the name of Alfred II. Colquitt was also discussed, who became Governor in 1877, twenty years later.
A few friends of Judge Brown in Ills section, among them L. N. Traininell, "Win. Phillipsand Sunnier J, Smith, had their eves upon him and determined, if there was any chance to do so, to press him for Gov ernor, But the general mention of his name fur ilui place even in his own section was not made, Judge Lumpkin being the accepted candi- date of the section. Mr. TniinincH told the writer that he and Smith ; rode down to the convention as delegates in a buggy together, and were | united in the purjio.se to push Brown if possible. Col. Trammel! has been a strong factor in State politics for twenty-five years. He was ; quite a young man then, with only ordinary facilities of education. His i father was a gentleman of great force of character. Young Traininell | has shown a remarkable capacity for political management, and as will I be seen, in this very campaign he gave evidence of his power. Col. j Smith was a large, powerful man, of extraordinary vehemence and volu- j bility in speaking. In the Legislature, when he got into a controversy ! with any one, lie had a habit of springing to his feet suddenly, rushing -j over in the vicinity of his opponent, pouring out the most fiery torrent ; of declamation with vigorous gestures, and then stopping suddenly, he would stalk back to his seat and drop into it with a startling suddenness. Tatum, of ])adc county, a great wag, put a rousing laugh upon Smith in one of these controversies by rising ami pointing his long finger at the rapidly retreating figure of Smith, exclaiming with mock solemnity the scriptural quotation, "The wicked fleeth when no man pursueth."
The convention of the Democratic party to nominate a Governor met

THE DEMOCRATIC COX VEXTIOX OF 1857.

33

in Milledgeville, the 24th of June, 1857. There were 107 counties rep resented, with 399 votes. The President of the convention was Tenant Lomax of Columbus, the editor of the Times, a gentleman of fine attainments. Counties with two Representatives cast five votes, and other counties tnree votes. Among" the delegates were Judge R. PI. Clarke, O. A. Lochrane and James A. Nisbet of Macon ; Alfred Austell of Campbell, now" a wealthy banker of Atlanta ; George A. Gordon and Philip M. Russell of Savannah; the latter a potential controller of Chatham county politics for the last quarter of a century ; "W"m. Hope Hull of Athens, now dead; Hugh Buchanan of Coweta county, Judge Thomas W. Thomas of Elbert, E. W. Chastain of Fannin, Judge Augustus R. Wright, J. W. H. Underwood and Daniel S. Printup of Rome, Thomas Morris of Franklin, John W. Durican of Fulton, W. H. Dabriey of Gordon, Linton Stephens of Hancock, F. H. West of Lee, C. J. "Williams and Peyton H. Colquitt of Muscogee, Herbert Fielder of Polk, T. L. Guerry of Randolph, Julian Gumming and Geo. T. Barnes of Augusta, E. W. Beck of Spaulding, "W. A. Hawkins of Americus, S. J. 'Smith of Towns, L. 1ST. Trammell of Union, Geo. Hillyer of Walton, B. D. Evans of "Washington, E. H. Pottle of Warren, D. B. Harrell of Wrebster.
Mr. Lochrane married a daughter of Henry G. Lamar; Judge Thomas of Elbert was in that day one of the pronounced and foremost men of the state. Judge Wright of Rome was one of the brightest thinkers and most sparkling orators we had, but an embodied independent. Col. Printup became afterwards a -wealthy railroad lawyer. A smart little gentleman was John W. Duncan, whose regret was that he was foreign born, thus excluding him from being President. Col. Dabney was a profound lawyer, and since the war was well known as having been defeated for congress by the doughty Parson Felton, who so long polit ically ruled the seventh congressional district. The most powerful man intellectually in this convention -was Linton Stephens, brother of Alex ander H. Stephens. A nervous, sinewy person, there was an intrepid audacity of brain in Stephens, and a m'uscular vigor of logic that few men have. His nature was jagged and aggressive. He worked badly in joint harness. His unmalleable spirit illy brooked government, and was not suited to harmonious cooperation. Positive and independent he had his own views of things, and was unbending in his convictions. We have had few men in Georgia the superior intellectually of Linton Stephens, but he was too uncompromising and outspoken to succeed by popular favor. He became judge of the supreme court, appointed by

34

THE CONTKST FOR GOVERNOR.

Gov. Brown, and. was afterwards elected and went to the legislature, but he never could get to Congress, where he would have been a conspicu ous figure. Gen. C. H. "Williams of Columbus became a gallant soldier of the war arid a warm friend of Gov. Brown. Peyton H. Colquitt, brother of Gov. Alfred H. Colquitt, was a splendid physical specimen of a man, was rising rapidly when the war broke out, and but for his death in the bloody battle of Chickamauga at the head of his regiment would have gone up to high political preferment. Herbert Fielder moved to Randolph county and has been a leading figure in state politics since the war, having been pressed for Governor and United States Senator. Col. E. W. Beck was sent to Congress. E. H. Pottle and D. B. Harrell both became judges. Augusta has furnished a rare family of men, of which Julian Gumming was the most gifted. He had glittering" charms of mind and speech, but died young. Another gentleman of unusual powers was Willis A. Hawkins, one of the most electrical talkers, and a superb advocate. He reached the Supreme Bench. Such was some of the material of this memorable convention.
A committee on resolutions was appointed, with Judge Thomas W. Thomas as chairman. Gen. C. H. "Williams put in nomination Lamar; Samuel Hall, Esq., nominated Gardner; Thomas Morris presented the name of Lumpkin; D. B. Harrell nominated Stiles, and R. J. Willis presented Hiram Wr arner. The first ballot resulted as follows : Lumpkin 112, Lamar 97, Gardner 100, Warner 53, and Stiles 35. Gardner showed a clean pair of heels and steadily rose to 141 on. the sixth ballot, with Lumpkin 124 and Lamar down to 46. A sharp fight was made over the right of alternates to vote, and resulted in their being allowed to do so. After the eighth ballot, Lamar having fallen to 35 with Gardner at 152 and Lumpkin 122, Lamar's name was withdrawn, and the ninth ballot resulted with Gardner 172, Lumpkin 127, and Warner 64. Mr. George Gordon then practically withdrew the name of Wm. H. Stiles in a neat speech, saying that it was not the purpose of the Chat ham delegation to present the name of Stiles at the opening of the convention, hoping if no selection, could be made from the more promi nent candidates the convention would unite on him. A delegate from another county had put in Col. Stiles, and the Chatham delegates could not withdraw him, but he begged those who had been supporting him to feel at liberty to vote for any one else. No one but a Savannah man could have made this diplomatic speech. By this time the convention had become thoroughly heated up. The alignments were distinctly
drawn. The fight on Gardner became desperate. The Nemesis of that

HON. WM. H. STILES, Ex-U. S. MINISTER TO AUSTRIA.

GARDNER, SLAUGHTERED.

35

youthful indiscretion stalked openly and importunately into the battle. Experimental votes were shot in for one after another of new men, Henry R. Jackson, Joseph Day, T. W. Thomas, J. H. Howard, H. Cobb of Houston, E, Starnes and J. N. Bethune.
Gardner's friends made a tremendous effort on the tenth ballot and strained his vote to 173, but it was the top notch that he reached. On the eleventh ballot he tumbled to 151, and it was evident that he was slaughtered and his chances gone. After the thirteenth ballot a short patriotic letter from Gardner to Col. Clanton, the chairman of the Rich mond county delegation, written, on the 19th of June, five days before, was read. It was a ringing little letter, characteristic of Gardner. ' It said that a contingency might arise where his nomination, was impracti cable ; that a harmonious union on a candidate was indispensable, and he regarded party harmony as above the success of any member of it ; if it became necessary he authorized the withdrawal of his name. And his name was taken out, and his gubernatorial hopes were forever dead. He was out, but a spirit had been raised that would not clown. The slaughter continued, and Gardner's friends prolonged the funeral. Thomas hoped, his friends would, not vote for him.
The name of Lamar was re-introduced by Gen. Williams. The four teenth ballot was taken amid a suppressed but fiery excitement. A solid legion of 151 votes were turned loose, and the seething body was burning to see where lightning- woxilcl strike. Lumpkin. 'bounded 'to 179, Lamar had. 137, Wrarner took his original 53 with three more, Stiles received 4 and Alfred H. Colquitt plumped in with 10. Lumpkins' friends became almost delirious. It looked as if his chances were sure at last. Their enthusiasm was unmeasured. The announcement of the ballot brought a storm of applause from them, arid the next ballot was taken, with feeling at fever heat. Mr. Harrell withdrew the name of Stiles, and the fifteenth ballot was taken, showing that Lumpkin had gained four votes, standing 183, Lamar 140, Wrarner 61, and Stiles 4. Lumpkin had reached in this ballot his highest point. On the next ballot he fell off, and though he rallied to 179 again, there was an unmistakable dead-lock. The balloting went on to the twentieth, extending the session of the convention, to the afternoon of the third clay. The feeling -was intense, and seemingly implacable. The Gardner men stood resenting his treatment and immovable. New names were flung into the contest but unavailingly. Votes were skirmished Lipon W. W. Holt, Geo. A. Gordon, J. "W. Lewis, H. V. Johnson, E. J. Har den, A. R. "Wright of Floyd, John E. "Ward, and even three were

thrown on the nineteenth ballot to Jos. E. Brown. There was nllibustering- without limit. Strong speeches of appeal in behalf of each can didate were made, but there -was the hot dead-lock unbroken and unbreak able. Col. Pottle futilely moved the abandonment of the two-thirds rule. On the nineteenth ballot "Warner was withdrawn. One more ballot was taken as a final test. It stood Liimpkin 179, Ramar 175, "Warner 1, H. V. Johnson 11, Wright of Floycl 5, John E. Ward 3, J. E. Brown 3.
The realization was universal that there could be no nomination in the continuance of the conflict. No man had even reached a bare ma jority, much less a two-thirds majority. The convention was wearied arid ripe for compromise. Mr. "Win. Hope Hull of Athens moved that a committee of three from each District, to be selected by the delegates from the District, be appointed to report a mode in \vhich the conven tion could be harmonious, and a nomination be made. This was done.
That quick-witted and uiiequalecl political manager, Col. R. N. Trammell, saw his opportunity for Brown, and in the meeting- of delegates of the 6th District he moved the selection of the chairman and then promptly moved that three gentlemen, whom he knew to be Brown men, be appointed as the committee men from his district. The com mittee of 24 were as follows :
1st District, JR.. Spaulding, G-. A. Gordon, Wm. Nichols. 2cl District, C. J. Williams, N. McBain, J. A. Tucker. 3d District, R. H. Clark, J. A. Ramsay, B. F. Ward. 4th District, H. Buchanan, W. T. Thurmond, W. Phillips. 5th District, J. W. H. Underwood, E. W. Chastain, W. Shropshire. 6th District, S. J. Smith, J. E. Roberts, W. H. Hull. 7th District, L. Stephens, Wm. McKinley, J. M. Ramar. 8th District, I. T. Irwin, A. C. Walker, E. H. Pottle. The committee retired. Wm. H. Hull and J. A. Tucker, both dead, are responsible for the following extraordinary scrap of secret history. In the committee it was first proposed that a ballot be taken, each one writing his preference on the ballot. The ballots were written and depos ited, but before they were read, Rinton Stephens stated that such a formality was not necessary, and moved that Judge Joseph E. Brown of Cherokee be selected as the compromise man, which was promptly carried by voice, and his name reported to the convention. Through curiosity the \vritten ballots were counted, and Alfred H. Colquitt was found to have had a majority of one. It was a close shave to becoming the Governor of a great state at the youthful age of 31. Had the ballot rT?s been examined and announced, what a change of result.

BKOWX XCmiXATED WORK-I^G- IX HIS WHEAT--FIELD.

37

It is curious to follow out the incident. Joseph E. Brown, thus unwit tingly defeated. Alfred H. Colquitt for Governor after Colquitt had been really nominated. Twenty years later, Colquitt became Governor of Georgia, winning1 in an easy fig-lit the place that he held in his grasp by an accident so long before. Twenty-three years later Colquitt, as Governor, appointed as United States Senator Governor Brown, who took the governorship from him so many years ago. And this was followed by Gov. Brown aiding Gov. Colquitt to a re-election as Gov ernor in 1880, in the fiercest and most protracted personal and political battle ever witnessed in Georgia. The matter certainly contributes a singular and romantic chapter of accidents, surprises and coincidences. Judge Hawkins, who wTas in the convention, told the writer that Colquitt had a strong following for Governor then.
But to Joseph E. Brown fell the glittering prize, dropping to him like heaven-descended manna, unsolicited, unexpected, the outcome of a heated struggle, and a providential gift born of a state political con vulsion. JSTot the least curious of the incidents of this remarkable nom ination is the undoubted fact, that at the very hour when, this magnifi cent honor was being conferred, Judge Brown, was working in his wheat-field on his farm, far away from the telegraph and railroad, in the quiet, distant county of Cherokee, unconscious of his exalted prefer ment. The incident keeps up the romantic character of the nomina tion, as well as preserves the consistency in the dramatic career of this homespun man. In the fall of 1880 the following- incident took place as narrated by the Atlanta Constitution, which furnishes Gov. Brown's own testimony to the fact.
" Gov. Brown on his way to Canton a few days ago, remarked to some men who were near Canton: ' That is the field, gentlemen, that I was tying wheat in the day I was first nominated as Governor of Georgia,' pointing out a field laving along Town Creek. 'I was then Judge of the Blue Ridge Circuit/ he continued, 'and I came home one day, and after dinner I went to the field to see how my hands were getting along with their work. I had four men cutting wheat with com mon cradles, and the binders were very much behind, and I pulled off my coat and pitched in, about half after 2 o'clock p. m., on the IStli of June, 1857. The weather was very warm, but I ordered my binders to keep up with me, and I tell j-ou it made me sweat, but I pushed my binders all the evening. About sundown I went home, and was shaving myself and preparing to wash myself for supper, when Col. Sam'1 Weil, now an attorney in Atlanta, but theii living in Canton, rode up rapidly to my house.

Milleclgeville ? ' I had no idea that I was ^the5" man, but I thought from what I had heard that John E. Ward was the most prominent man, so I guessed him. ' No,' said Col. Weil, 'it is Joseph E. Brown, of Cherokee.' Col. Weil was in Marietta when the telegram came announcing my nomination. I subsequently ascertained that the iiomi-

38

RESOLUTIONS ABOUT KANSAS.

nation had been made about three o'clock that day, and at the very time I was tying wheat in this field. They say in Canton that two or three men have been trying- to buy this field latterly. They want to sow it in wheat year after next."
Mr. I. T. Irwin of Wilkes, chairman, of the committee of 24, re ported to the convention the action of the committee, in a neat speech. Richard H. Clark of Bibb made the following characteristic and admi
rable speech in support of the report of the committee:
" Unlike the gentleman who preceded him, he was acquainted with Hon. Joseph E. Brown, had served with him in the Senate, knew him to be a man of sound principles, clear head, unquestioned ability, and speaking powers of the first order. The reputa tion made by him as a member of the legislature was of the first order. He is a man of unexceptionable character, in every respect, private or public. He is young enough for the services of the campaign, and for a long career of usefulness, and not too young fo

and the balance of the state take prii em, and will take greater pride in electin_
This was a graceful and merited tribute from a high source to Judge Brown. The nomination was made unanimous. Resolutions reported by the committee on business, were passed, commending1 the adminis tration of J-ames Buchanaii as President, and H. V. Johnson as Gover nor, and the coxirse of our United States Senators, Hon. Robert Toombs, and Hon. Alfred Iverson. The main resolution, however, was one condemning the inaugural address of Governor "Walker, of the terri tory of Kansas, which prescribed the terms on -which Kansas should be admitted into the Union as a state, and expressed the opinon that Kan sas would be a free state; and the resolution declared Gov. "Walker's course a gross departure from the principles of non-intervention and neiitrality established by the Kansas bill, and expressed confidence that Mr. Buchanan would recall Gov. "Walker.
The convention adjourned, having appointed a committee to notify Judge Brown of his nomination.

CHAPTER VI.
BROWN DEFEATS BEN HILL, IN A HARD CANVASS.
"Who is Joe Brown? the Query of the State.--The Know-Nothing Convention.--Its Personelle.--Dr. H. V. M. Miller, the " Demosthenes of the Mountains."--" Ranse Wright."--B. H. Hill Nominated.--An Earnest Campaign.--Brown's Practical Speeches.--The Calico Bed Quilt, and the Cherokee Girls.--The Heal Issue Know-Nothingism.--Great Gatherings.--Southern Conventions.--Brown and Hill lock Horns.--A Tilt between Severe Common Sense and Splendid Rhetoric.-- Brown's Phenominal Development.--Sharp Sparring.--Brown, " D------d sound in his Doctrine."--Porter Ingrain's Retort.--The Mountain Plow Boy Judge elected Governor over his brilliant Rival.--Kuow-Nothingism buried forever in Georgia.-- Gaddistown Triumphant.--The Man for Revolutions had come.
"WHO is Joe Brown ? was the earnest inquiry that rang- over the state upon the adjournment of the Convention. It came sneering-ly from the opposition press. It was echoed interrogatively by the Democratic papers. The paeans of local fame in the mountain countries,' unpenetrated by the iron track, had not sounded beyond, their borders. A brief service in the State Senate was easily forgotten in eight years of stirring public event, when one remained in the back ground out of sig-ht. In a lively sketch in the Constitution, " H. "W. Gr." thus refers to this matter:
" General Toomhs when in Texas, hearing that Joe Brown was nominated for Gov ernor, he did not even remember his name, and had to ask a Georgia-Texan ' who the devil it was.'
" But the next time he met him he remembered it. Of course we all remember when " Know-Nothings " took possession of the whig party, and Toombs and Stephens seceded. Stephens having a campaign right on him, and being pressed to locate himself, said he was neither whig nor democrat, but " Avas toting his own skillet," thus introducing that homely but expressive phrase into our political history. Toombs was in the senate and had time for reflection. It ended by his marching into the democratic camp. Shortly afterwards he was astounded at seeing the standard of his party, upon the success of which his seat in the senate depended, put in the hands of Joe Brown, a new campaign er, while the opposition was led by Ben Hill, then as now, an audacious and eloquent speaker, incomparable on the stump. Hill and Brown had had a meeting at Athens, I believe, and it was reported that Brown had been worsted. Howell Cobb wrote Toombs that he must take the canvass in hand at once, at least until Brown could learn how to manage himself. Toombs wrote to Brown to come to his home at Washington, which he did. General Toombs told me that he was not hopeful when he met the new candi date, but after talking to him a while, found that he had wonderful judgment and sagacity. After coquetting with Mr. Hill a while, they started out on a tour together,

40

THE K.>TOW--XOTI-IIXG LEADERS.

)ften about this experience, own was as fully equipped as if he 3d at the directness with which he

speaker and the people that not even the eloquence of Toombs could emphasize, or the matchless skill of Mr. Hill disturb. In Brown the people saw one of themselves--lifted above them by his superior ability, and his unerring sagacity--but talking to them com mon sense iu a sensible way. General Toombs soon saw that the new candidate was more than able to take care of himself, and left him to make his tour alone--impressed with the fact that a new element had been introduced into our politics and that a new. leader had arisen."
The American or Know-Nothing party held a convention. Fifty-sev en counties were represented. The gentlemen most prominently spoken of for the American nomination were Dr. H. V. M. Miller, Judge Robert Trippe, B. H. Hill, A. R. Wright of Augusta, General J. W. A. Sanforcl, Judge Baxter, and Col. John Milleclge, a uright, brainy, elo quent galaxy of men. Dr. Miller, though a physician, had won the soubriquet of the " Demosthenes of the Mountains " in his innumerable political encounters, for which he had the same passion that the Irishman is popularly believed to have for a " free fight." Deeply versed in con stitutional law and political lore, a reasoner of rare power, and as fine an orator as we have ever had in Georgia, capable of burning declama tion and closely-knit argument, he was the peer on the stump of any of the great political speakers of the last half century in Georgia. Unfor tunately for him, he had two perilous peculiarities, a biting- sarcasm that delighted in exhibition of its crushing power, and that spared neither friend nor foe, and a contemptuous and incurable disregard of party af filiations. He never in his life worked, in harmony with any party, or swallowed whole, any single party platform. And no man ever had more stubborn independence and self-assertion.
Ranse "Wright, as he was called familiarly, was another brilliant per son, a strong impassioned speaker, with a high order of mind. He wTas at times too self-willed and combative. He could not temporize enough, often raising unnecessary antagonisms. But he was a very gifted man, a powerful writer, an effective orator, and a rare lawyer. He made the Augusta Chronicle a ne-vvspaper power. He was a long time disappointed in political preferment, but he finally received the promo tion he so richly deserved, and was elected to Congress, but died soon after, just when long- delayed gratification of his ambition, was especially dear to him, and his ripe maturity of mental gifts gave large promise of brilliant public usefulness. He was a very handsome man of the

EIXJA3II'X II. HILL N OiilJNATED.

41

blonde order. He was offered the Know-Nothing- candidacy for Gov ernor, but finally declined. Among- the other leading- Georgians who were members of this party, were, F. S. Bartow, Jas. Johnson, N. G. Foster, A. .1. Miller, Wm. H. Crawforcl, Washington Po'e, E. G. Cabaniss, James Milner, F. H. Cone, Jno. McPherson Berrien, C. Peeples, C. A. L. Lamar, J. A. Billups, ---------- Stapleton, E. A. Nisbet, Thomas Hardernan, and others.
The American Convention put out Mr. Benjamin IT. Hill as its nom inee. Mr. Hill in some respects is as wondrously endowed a public man as the state has ever known. Tall and of commanding- presence, with a marvelously mobile face, he has never had a superior in oratory and"pure mental power in the commonwealth. It falls to the lot of few men to have such magical potency of speech, such irresistible mastery of assembled masses of men. A mind clear as a sunbeam in its intel lectual perceptions, operating* with a grand simplicity and invincible strength, and a capacity of expression so fluent, so luminous, and so intense as to be perfect, form a. brace of qualities that make the man a demi-god in brain and eloquence. But he has somehow lacked the steady purpose and cool judgment that belonged so richly to Governor Brown, and Mr. Hill has not been what could be called a successful polit ical leader, though he has won valuable victories. A pyrotechnical poli tician, he has had hosts of impassioned admirers, and g-enerally an ardent minority following- in the state. His superb abilities have won him office, in spite of defects that would have been fatal to a less gifted man. He is now in the Senate, where he has it in his g-rasp to achieve a great fame. His nomination by the Americans in 1857, created a sen sation, and his party exulted in his certain triumph over his plain and unknown competitor.
The campaign became an earnest one. Judge Brown was greeted with a ratification, meeting' at Canton, his home, and made a strong-, sensible speech, full of practicality. He referred modestly to his past career. He discussed the Kansas matter, condemning the course of x Gov. \Valker and upholding- Mr. Buchanan. He touched iipon State matters, foreshadowing- his purpose to make the State road a payingenterprise--a purpose carried out with signal success. He promised to call around him safe counsel, and administer the State government for the best interest of the people. His letter of acceptance of the nomi nation was brief, and a model of good taste and sound statesmanship. It was like the man, clear and wise, and it excellently typified his intel ligence. Two parts deserve reproduction. He said:

4:2

THE CALICO BED-QUILT.

i

" The circumstances of my nomination preclude the idea that I have made any prom

'

ises either express or implied ; and I shall neither make nor intimate any, to any one, j

as to the distribution of executive patronage in the event of my election. If your j.

nomination voluntarily tendered, should be ratified by my fellow-citizens at the ballot

box, I shall enter upon the discharge of the duties of the important official trust which

may be committed to me, perfectly free and independent of personal obligations. I

shall exercise all power I shall.,have under the constitution and laws according to my

best judgment, with an eye single to the promotion of the public interest, holding as I

do, that those powers are granted for the sole purpose of upholding and advancing

the rights and interest of the people."

.

The following parag'raph is a remarkably fine one, and embodied in a nutshell the Democratic creed:

" The Union is the effect of the Constitution. We value it. We cherish the Con- ' :stitution as its foundation, and because it provides the wisest plan of government for ;. confederated States, and secures, if properly administered, the blessings of civil, relig ious and political liberty to the people. With hearts of patriotism we are devoted both to the Constitution and to the Union."

The committee of notification were C. H. Williams, Geo. N. Phillips, E. D. Tracy, Win. Phillips, Lawsoii Fields, AY. Hope Hull, R. M. Johnston and AYm. Schley.
Much amusement was created and an infinite deal of fun was expended by the opposition press over the fact that the ladies of Cherokee Co. presented Judge Brown with a calico becl-quilt in honor of his nomina tion. The Democratic press turned the matter effectively in. Brown's favor. The incident took with the rural masses. Says the Milledgeville TTnion, concluding a "witty article on the subject:

" All we have to say is--go ahead gals--give Joe Brown just as many calico bed-

quilts as you please--it will be a compliment to the Mountain Boy, and save the state

some hundreds beside. Hurrah for the girls of Cherokee, the plough-boy Judge and ;

the calico bed-quilt."

,

The Cherokee girls and their calico bed-quilt became a slogan of vic tory for Brown.

Mr. Hill was notified of his nomination by a committee composed of

Hines Holt, R. J. Morgan, and J. AY. Jones. His letter of acceptance

was confined almost to an elaborate discussion of the AAralker-Kansas matter, and a rasping indictment of President Buchanan, and said very ; little on State matters, and that merely a general expression of opposi- \

tion to the Democracy.

f(

The Georgia Democracy was divided upon the subject of Walker's I

inaugural in Kansas, and the resolution of the Democratic convention '

condemning "Walker had created some spirited discussion in the Demo- ";

THE KJS-OW-jSrOTIlIXG ISSUE.

43

cratic press. The Know-Nothings hoped to profit by this division. They very adroitly assaulted "Walker, but held Buchanan responsible, and assailed him and the National Democracy.
The real issue of this gubernatorial race was a tapering continuation of the ephemeral but fiery Know-Nothing agitation. It was a stormful flurry while it lasted. The people of Georgia especially took the swift epidemic hard, and had a tumultuous paroxysm of it. Along in 185G there were mammoth mass meetings running- up into the tens of thou sands. October 17th and 18th, 1850, there was a vast Democratic gath ering1 in Atlanta, fully 15,000 people present. Thursday the 17th, John A. Calhoun, W. A. Wright of Newnan, George Hillyer of Walton county, and R. J. Moses of Columbus, spoke. And 011 Friday the 18th, Robert Toombs, Alex. H. Stephens, B. C. Yancy, Hiram "Warner, Thos. P. Saffold and L. J. Gartrell made speeches. Col. James Gardner was chairman of the huge affair. A banner was given to Newton county as the one sending- the largest delegation.
In October, Toombs spoke in. Augusta against Know-Nothingism in a noisy tumult. Savannah had upon this inflammable question the hottest municipal struggle she had experienced in years. The Democrats nom inated Dr. Jas. R. Screven ; and the American party Col. E. C. Anclersoii--both representative citizens. Dr. Screven was a stern, slender, wealthy little gentleman, a most positive and influential leader. Col. Anclerson w^as a large, genial, frank-mannered' gentleman of a worthy and powerful family of the old and honored inhabitants of the place, a man of independence and brain. This fine old city was convulsed with this contest. It was a close race, the two mettled racers running- nip and tuck. But the Democratic candidate came in on the home stretch with 1,101 votes against 071 for the Know-Nothings.
The Democratic mass meeting in Atlanta was followed by an equally huge convocation of the earnest Americans. This was October the 2nd, 1856. The lowest estimate of the number present was 12,000. HilliarcT, Alford, Hill, Miller, Trippe, "Wright and others spoke. At this meeting an ominous incident occurred. In raising a flag on a lofty pole, John McGehagan, a delegate from Morgan county, fell from the pole eighty feet to the ground and died in a few minutes.
In December, 1856, the Southern convention, called in the interest of Southern prosperity, met in Savannah. It had assembled in. Richmond in February, 1856, and adjourned to meet in Savannah. Southern con ventions were held at Macon, Augusta arid Charleston in 1838 and 1839, Memphis in 18-45 and 1849, Baltimore in 1852, New Orleans in 1851 and

44

EEOWX AXD HILL IX D1SCTJSSIOX.

1854, and in Charleston in 1855. Among the objects of these conven tions were the A^aluable ones of enlarging Southern industries and diver sifying Southern agriculture. Upon these industrial questions both parties were united, biit upon the policy as to guarding Southern politi cal rights the two were very widely apart, and the gubernatorial battle involved largely the national issue. The Georgia Know-Nothings were getting uneasy about their name, and showed some anxiety to g-et rid of this objectionable designation and establish their title as the American party. Linton Stephens, who wTas nominated, in the seventh district, in his letter of acceptance made the most incisive and trenchant presenta tion of the issues.
The discussion between. Judge Brown and Mr. Hill beg-an at ISTewnan. It would, be difficult to conceive two more radically different men in mind and methods. Mr. Hill was and is a hard foeman. to tackle on the stump. He is both showy and strong-. He had brilliant repute as a political controversialist. Judge Brown was unshow.y, conversational arid unknown. Both were bold men. Hill was imprudent sometimes, Brown never. Brown was just the man to puncture imaginative rhet oric. "When the heat occasioned by Hill's entrancing declamation had passed off, Brown had the facility to put the common, sense of the situa tion in a clear, direct, unanswerable way. Brown was cool, wary and ready-witted. In his first speeches alone he did not pass for his real worth. His conversational talks disappointed expectation. But he grew wonderfully. And discussion drew out his power. Hill made some inaccurate statements. Brown, used these inaccuracies with tre mendous effect. Hill was magnificently mature. Brown improved with an accelerating- rapidity every trial. It was with him a constant and marvelous development. Every discussion added to his controversial capacity. He never winced, under a blow no matter how severe, and the harder he was hit the harder he struck back. "Without humor he yet had a g-rim perception of incong-ruity that he put so plainly that it was like humor. The Democratic press crowed lustily over some of Brown's strokes at Hill. At ISTewnan, Brown said that the Federal government should act slowly. Hill replied that Buchanan was too slow a President for him, that he believed in a fast government, and he was afraid Brown would make too slow a Governor. Brown retorted very happily and tellingly upon his bright rival.
" It was true he was not a fast man. Mr. Hill was a Fast Young Man, he was a Fast Candidate, and if elected would doubtless make a Fast Governor. As for himself he was a slow man, and if elected would make a slow Governor. He liked Mr. Buchanan

THE COXGKESSIOXA:L CONTESTS.
for his slowne Every Preside: be cautious an.
The applause was lively over this palpable hit, arid no little badinage was used at Hill as the " Fast Candidate," afterwards. At Columbus they met. Columbus is a very fastidious place, used to city manners and college graces. Mr. Hill therefore suited better the ideas of such an audience with his more showy declamation and impassioned utter ances. Judge M. J. Crawford tells the good anecdote that while the Know-Nothing1 side was endeavoring to depreciate Brown for his plain ways and homely talking-, Mr. Porter Ing-ram came to the rescue and turned the tables by saying- earnestly that Brown was " d--d sound in his doctrine," unconsciously putting the invincible excellence of the man into the terse brevity of an axiom. The two candidates did not have many discussions. They each had their separate appointments, and there was a g-ood deal of sparring- about being- afraid to meet the other. Judge Brown in all of his appointments invited Mr. Hill to be present. The result was a foregone conclusion before the election. The Ameri can party only claimed that they would reduce the Democratic majority.
There -were several exceecling-ly racy Congressional contests go ing on. that added considerable piquancy to the g-ubernatorial fight. The two Stephens brothers were both running- for Congress and both on the stump making- effective speeches. Linton Stephens' oppo nent was Joshua Hill, a gentleman of very superior ability. Hill's letter of acceptance was a model of political satire. He made a happy use of the Democratic predicament in condemning- Walker but approv ing Buchanan whose appointee "Walker was. Linton Stephens and Joshua Hill were marked opposites, one vehement and intense, the other placid and plausible. In the First District, James L. Seward was the Democratic nominee against that most brilliant Savannah gentlenian, Francis S. Bartow. Seward \vas cool, adroit, managing-. Barto\v was eloquent, impulsive and wholly artless. The other Democratic candidates for Congressmen were, Martin J. Craw^ford, L. J. Gartrell, James Jackson, David J. Bailey, A. R. "Wright of Rome.
A leading- issue in the canvass was the sale of the State road, Mr. Hill being for its unconditional sale, and Brown advocating- its dis position only upon advantageous terms to the State. The road ^hacl been a source of expense to the State, and there was a g-ood deal of desire that the State should dispose of it in some way.
The election resulted in the success of Judge Brown over his gifted

46

THE MA2f FOK THE TIMES.

competitor by an increased Democratic majority over the majority in 1855. The mountain plow-boy Judge ran -with a nimble pair of heels and came in over 10,000 votes ahead. Alex. Stephens beat T. W. Miller easily for Congress. Joshua Hill left out Linton Stephens by a close shave of 275 votes. Robert Trippe, the Know-Nothing-, beat David J. Bailey by a small majority. James L. Sewarcl whipped out both Gaulden arid Ba.rtow. L. J. Gartrell, A. R. W right and James Jackson went in over Tidwell, Tatum arid Simmons by larg-e majorities. And a Legislature was elected overwhelmingly Democratic. It was certainly a crushing victory for the Democracy, and it buried Georgia KnowNothingism forever out of sight. It was the practical end of that short-lived but animated political doxy. After this, with a few mild nickers, it disappeared out of Georgia politics. Graver issues were rising, that involved something more than mere party success. The shadow of great events, drifting to an awful culmination, was darkening the country. Mightier matters than political changes were pending. The spirit of revolution, crxiel and implacable, was surely preparing1 for its colossal work of rupture and upheaval. And amid the marked forces of that vast civil convulsion, was the young- plow-boy of the Georgia mountains, the hero of the calico bed-quilt, slender, obscure and homely, who had just won in a gallant battle the glorious Governorship of his great State. Talk of Providence and romances ! Both were united in the philosophical chances of this pivotal election. The man for the times had come, iron-willed and fitted for revolutions.

CHAPTER VII.
BROWN'S ELECTION AS GOVERNOR THE PRECURSOR OF A STRIKING ERA OF CHANGE.
The Drift to a Stately Regime Checked.--A Popular Revolution.--The Antithesis of Gov. Johnson and Gov. Brown.--The Aristocrat and the Man of the People.-- Brown's Inauguration.--His Appearance.--The Bank Suspension.--Brown's Decla ration of War on the. Banks.--The General Assembly of 1857.--Its Personelle.-- John E. Ward.--John W. H. Underwood.--Robert Toombs.--Joseph Henry Lumpkin.--Toombs the Genius of the Impending Revolution and its Providential Instru ment.--An Analysis of the Great Slavery Issue Pending.--A Conflict between Legally Fortified Wrong and Unconstitutional Right.
THE inaug-uration of Gov. Joseph E. Brown stamped the beginning o a new era in Georgia. In the course of state progress and individ ual advancement, families of talent, decision and wealth had become aristocratic and dominating. The cities had steadily grasped control ling1 power, representing- culture and accumulations of bank capital and corporate influence. In the executive administration there was a ten dency to costly display and court entertainment, far removed frorq the Republican simplicity supposed to belong- to our free institutions. Men of higii family connections and polished manners had the best chances for public honors.
In this drift of things to a stately and aristocratic regime, the elec tion of a simple man of the people like Gov. Brown, representing to the fullest extent popular customs and ideas, was a decisive check to this tendency. Coming direct from the country people, and the mountain country at that, symbolizing- severe simplicity of life and utter absence of social display, Gov. Brown's elevation to the chief magistracy of our great and growing- commonwealth was a shock to the dominant public men and their views and practices. It meant serious innovation upon existing customs. It meant a grave warfare upon powerful institutions and cherished influences. It betokened an important revolution in well-established prejudices. It foreshadowed a severe struggle between conflicting theories of both social and financial government. And it seemed as if fortune had hit upon the right agent to conduct such a contest--an agent embodying the ideas he championed--an agent, earnest, firm-nerved, with unerring, intuitive popular discernment.

48

imowx A:N"D H. v. JOIIXSQX CONTRASTED.

The writer at that time was just about grown, had been closely famil iar with administrations for several years previous, and was well situated to be impressed, with the new regime. Gov. Johnson, who preceded Gov. Brown, was an aristocrat intellectually and socially. He did everything in a royal way. He had little popular tact, knew nothingof popular influences, and how to reach the masses. To strong intellect he added classic culture, and attached great value to courtly proprieties. He paid a large measure of deference to custom and social and intel lectual authority. Gov. Brown was the opposite--socially a democrat; looking under the garb for the throbbing heart and breathing humanity. He did everything simply and plainly, disliking display and averse to forms. He was full to the brim of popular ideas, had an almost infalli ble popular tact, knew wisely every popular influence, and had the keenest power of reaching the masses of any public man. we have ever had in Georgia. His powerful mind sought nothing from orna ment, dealt in no rhetorical finish, and was clisregarclful of ceremony. He was free from any sentiment of reverence for custom or authority unless his judgment approved. He gave no homage to power, and never hesitated to tackle it boldly. Social influence and official prestige affected him not at all. And yet Gov. Brown was under the strong despotism of old-fashioned and primitive ideas of moral government. But for either social glitter or the glamour of official distinction, he cared nothing. Whether fighting banks, legislature, the press, or a Confederate administration, this simple, plain-mannered man of the masses took up the wager of battle with a cool confidence in himself, and an invincible, unyielding spirit that was something dramatic. He was certainly a native-born belligerent. Nature had endowed him with powers of intellectual combat that few men possess. He showed him self at once a positive influence and a new and acknowledged success ful leader on a large arena.
His inauguration, in 1857, is well reiriembered. He was thirty-six years of age. His figure was boyishly slender and fragile, but very erect. His face was cleanly shaven, rather square-shaped and oblong, having no comely attractiveness about it, and yet a pleasant, placid countenance, with a mild expression in marked contrast with his iron temper and combative disposition. His mouth was wide and thinlipped, something like Henry Clay's, though not so extensive, and to a close observer indicating in its set the firmness of the man. His eyes had a gentle expression that in his smiling moods threw some sunshine over an otherwise rather expressionless face. His forehead

GOV. BRCT.V:N'S PERSOXAT. APPEARAXCE.

49

was very high arid a good demonstration of the phrenological theory that the brain is symbolecl in the formation of the head. His hair was dark and lay close to his head and behind his ears, leaving- a clear out line of the pale, bloodless face. His composure was perfect, though his manners, while not easy, were not awkward. There was about the man the quiet, steady calm of conscious brain power and self-reliant man hood, but none of the grace of the man of society. His country raisingwas distinct, and in his very clear and not at all musical voice there was the peculiar accent, long and tending to a rather drawling- tone, with an emphasis on the concluding syllable of words that marks rural pronun ciation. His use of the word judgment for instance, with a perceptible accent upon the syllable " ment," has given rise in connection with his wonderful possession of the golden quality of practical sense to the soubriquet of " old judgment," alike in recognition of his clear brain and his method of speaking. His g-arb was a plain black without attempt at fashionable fit, neat and simple. His very appearance and country marks but rendered him the more observable in his high pro motion, and created a varied commentary upon him. His canvass had somewhat introduced him to the people, biTt he was still generally un known. He was emphatically a new man, with his appearance unfavor able in impressing upon strangers his genuine power, and giving no indication of his uncommon qualities of will and ability. Those who knew him well staked confidently upon his being equal to the new situa tion of responsibility. Those who did not know him, and they were the overwhelming majority, underrated him wofully. And, supplementingthe impression made by his appearance with the accident of his nomi nation, they rated, him low. Nor did his brief inaugural allow much room for display of power. Yet brief as it was, and purely formal as it generally is, Gov. Brown threw out in his quiet way and in a few deliberate words an utterance that fell like a bomb-shell upon the State, that occasioned one of the toughest and most dramatic public battles of his career, and that g-ave a startled State a pretty fair example of the extraordinary mettle of this untried and youthful country Governor.
Before Governor Brown's inauguration and during Governor John son's incumbency the banks had suspended specie payment. Gov. Johnson in his message stated that " in the midst of prosperity and remunerating prices for the products of agricxilture our banks have generally suspended specie payments, resulting in panic, broken confi dence and g-eneral stagnation in commerce."
He stated further that he had taken no action, as the banks claimed

00

BROWN S WAR AGAINST SUSPENDING- BANKS.

to have acted in self-defense against heavy drafts on their coin from the North, and he thought it prudent to submit the matter to the Legisla ture soon to assemble, and he left it to them whether they would legal ize the suspension ; and ho cautiously intimated that perhaps it would be better to do so, first, however, instituting rigid inquiry to ascertain the sound banks. At this time the banks of Georgia had $12,040,000 of capital with $5,603,000 circulation, and \vere in. a fine condition. Enthroned in the cities, representing the available money of the State, animated by the shrewd and. cultured financial intelligence and wisdom of the successful capitalist, these banks constituted a formidable power, and any interference with them was a tremendous responsibility. Gov. Johnson, always a cautious man, handled the vast subject tenderly, and finally threw the grave responsibility on the Legislature.
Estimating the question properly, its magnitude and consequences, some conception may be formed of how the placid young, rustic Gov ernor stirred the State by announcing in his provincial accents, that in their unimpassioned utterance gave no indication of the grim nerve and intelligent purpose that lay behind them, that in his judgment the sus pension was unnecessary, and he should at once begin proceedings under the law to forfeit their charters. At first men thought it was a meaningless menace, uttered in ignorance of the subject, and even if intended, the colossal influence of the banks and their friends could bring sxich pressure as would turn the inexperienced executive right. But it was no hap-hazarcl announcement. And circumstances proved the country Governor to be the least malleable of metal, and rock-firm against any pressure. The excitement soon created, upon the realiza tion that the Governor was in earnest, was overwhelming". Capital is easy to be terror-stricken. It is the most tremulously impressible of all the mighty powers of the world. And this potential mass of twelve millions of solid Bank capital of Georgia became alarmed and aroused to frenzy. And it focalized its thunder upon the country Governor, who met the storm, the combative commencement of his eventful admin istration, as cool and game and eager as a gladiator.
Before giving this remarkable Battle of the Banks, it is necessary to present some idea of the General Assembly that Gov. Brown had to deal with. The Legislature of 1857 and 1858 was a very strong one, especially in its Bank representatives. It consisted of 154 Representa tives and 115 Senators. The Senatorial representation had been changed since Governor Brown was Senator in 1849 and 1850, when there were forty-seven Senators to a system that gave a Senator to each county.

HON. JOHN E. WARD, Ex-U. S. MINISTER TO CHINA.

JOHX E. WARD.

51

The joint assembly consisted of 269 members, a very large body. In its men the legislature was strong. John ~W. H. Underwood of Rome was Speaker of the House, and John E. "Wrard of Savannah, President of the Senate, both brilliantly able men. Mr. Ward was one of the most sparkling of our public leaders, a fluent, graceful speaker, a logical thinker, capable of effective effort though an indolent man, of inimita ble tact, delightful manners and sweet temper, a charming companion, generous, hospitable, genial, and withal, shrewd, able, practical and ambitious. Mr. \Vard was a born leader of men, and led wherever he went. He was strikingly handsome, and a magnificent type of the courtly. Southern gentleman. -He was president of the National Dem ocratic convention that nominated Buchanan, arid was United States minister to China at the beginning of the wai1^ and conducted the diffi cult diplomatic relations with that country connected with our Chinese troubles of those days. He had capacities for anything, and was one of our most promising Southern men at the commencement of the war. He was a rare advocate, in the lead of his profession of the law, ranking among the foremost in the able and brilliant bar of Savannah. Pie opposed secession; he had no confidence in the success of the South in the war; he wTas very quiet during" the war, and after the surrender moved to New York to practice law, thus removing from the most flat tering prospects of public distinction at the hands of his native state. It was a cruel sacrifice of rare political promise. Mr. "V^ard had made several fortunes at the bar, but spent them in his lavish hospitality. He was the leader of the Bank men in the legislature, and a consummate one.
In illustration of Mr. Ward's wonderful tact, it may be said that he did more to break down the powerful sectional prejudice that a long time existed among the up-country Georgians against the people of the sea-coast, and especially against the citizens of Savannah, whom they regarded as " stuck up," to use a homely phrase of those days. There was a sort of aristocratic assumacy, or the people of Upper Georgia so thought in the low country folk, that rendered them very unpopular, and raised constant antagonism. It was perilous to any measure in the General Assembly to originate from a Savannah man. The extent of this feeling cannot be conceived now when it has entirely disappeared. Mr. ^Vard, with his wonted sagacity, struck it down by a course of kind ness and conciliation, and he gained a wonderful hold upon the upcountry members.
Col. Underwood, the Speaker of the House, was a very bright young

52

COL. JOHZST TJXDEKWOOD.

man, who has since been a Congressman and a Judge of the Superior Court. His father was a noted wag, who is said to have given his son John a letter of recommendation sealed, which the young man took the precaution to read before delivery, and which, to his dismay, stated that " My son John is introduced by this letter as having the largest aspirations and smallest qualifications of any young man I know." The letter, tradi tion says, was not delivered. In spite of the waggish father's badinage young Underwood possessed both large aspirations and very considera ble qualifications. A racy talker, a fluent, effective speaker and a good lawyer, with a portly, fine presence and manner, he would have made a far more commanding figure in Georgia politics, even, than he has with the possession of a g-reater quota of stability. Among the more notable men of the House were Augustus H. Kenan of Milledgeville, Thomas Harcleman of Bibb county, H. J. Sprayberry of Catoosa county, George A. Gordon of Savannah, R. L. McWhorter and M. W. Lewis of Greene, D. y\r. Le\vis of Hancock, I. L. Fannin of Morgan, Wm. Luffman of Murray, "Wm. A. Reid of Putnam, John Milledge of Augusta, B. H. Bigham of Troup, George Hillyer of Walton. In the Senate were L. H. Briscoe of Milledgeville, Peter Cone of Bullock, Hugh Buchanan of Coweta, Jared I. Whitaker of Atlanta, Joel A. Billups of Morgan, Ran dolph Spaiding of Mclntosh, James Edmondson of Murray, Permetus Reynolds of Newton, "William Gibsori of Richmond, T. L. Guerry of Randolph, Wm. W. Paine of Telfair, A. G. Fambro of Upson, and W. A. Harris of Worth.
Col. George A. Gordon, of Savannah, was chairman of the House Committee on Banking, an ambitious, talented young lawyer, who be came a colonel of infantry in the war, moved to Alabama and died there after the surrender. Augustus H. Kenan was a stately, imperious gentleman, a despotic power in middle Georgia local politics. Thomas Harcleman of Macon went to Congress, served brilliantly in the Avar, has been a prominent candidate for Governor, has served repeatedly as Speaker of the House of Representatives and President of Democratic State Conventions, and is one of the most popular and eloquent public men in Georgia. H. J. Sprayberry of Catoosa county was a character ; a g-rotesque, keen-witted, rough backwoods lawyer, with a homely, homespun way of talking to rural juries that was wonderfully sxiccessful. He died several years ago. Dave Lewis of Hancock, as he was called, was quite a power in those days, a capital speaker. He is now president of the Dahlanego college. A bright youngster full of talent was George Hillyer of Walton, barely out of his teens, who made an

LEADIXG- LEGISLATORS.

53

entrance into politics and g-ave high promise of usefulness. He wisely after this retired from politics as an unprofitable business for young- men, moved to Atlanta after the war, was State Senator, is now a Judge of the Superior Court and growing- in fame and fortune. M. W. Lewis of Greeiie county, was a lawyer of much influence, was nomi nated for the present State Seriate and died shortly after. R. L. McWhorter has been, a power in Greene county, controlling- it politically like a local king-. During- the stormy days of reconstruction he was a mem ber of the Georg-ia Republican party, and one of the ablest, boldest and shrewdest of its leaders. Pie was Speaker of the House. He is a larg-e, powerful man of uncommon capacity for political management. He is a member of the Senate in the present General Assembly, and will be_a force in politics while he lives.
Old Peter Cone of Bullock county was another county king, an odd, blunt, comical old fellow, who in spite of his oddities had the respect of everybody for his honesty and good sense. He is dead. Hugh Buchanan of Coweta was one of the most prominent men of that Sen ate--a man of sterling- character and fine ability. Pie has been judge of the Superior Court and recently elected to Congress in the Fourth District. Of the men who were strong- in those days perhaps none has had such marked vicissitudes of fortune as Jared Irwiri "Whitaker of Atlanta. \Vealthy and influential, the proprietor of one of the leadingpapers, the Atlanta Intelligencer, representing- his county in legislatures or conventions whenever he'wished, member of the State Democratic Executive committee and State Commissary General during the whole war, handling millions, he was a recog-nizecl political power in the State. Losing- his fortune, then his influence, illy fitted to be a poor man, taking to drink, falling lower and lower, drifting- clown socially and pecuniarily, he is to-day to those who knew him in his better days a sad spectacle, seedy, impecunious and pitiful. Col. J. A. Billups of Morgan county, was a strong man in the Senate of 1857, and is to-day a gentle man of high character and standing-. Randolph Spalcling of Mclntosh, James Edinondson of Murray, and Permetus Reynolds of Newton are dead. Spalding was a good liver, luxurious, aristocratic, but a rare fel low; Edrnondson and Reynolds were both men of note. "William Gibson of Augusta was a very able man, a gallant colonel in the Con federacy, and a Judge of hig-h repute since the Avar. He is still living. T. L. Guerrv of Randolph was a strong spirit in that legislature, and had large promise of political promotion, but since the war seems to have retired into quiet privacy. "W. W. Paine of Telfair, a practical

54

JOSEPH HEXKY

useful member is now living in Savannah. He has been to Congress and to the legislature since the war. "W. A. Harris of ^Worth, bluff hearty Bill Harris as he is known, will always be a strong influence in politics while he lives. A positive, one-sided man, a true friend and an implacable enemy, fighting open handed for or against men or measures, he has been delegate to state conventions, State Senator, and repeatedly Secretary of the Senate, and is prominently spoken of for Congress from his district. JToJm^MJ^e^g^ p^^]^cjrinj;md__vvras a notable man in that day, of ancient arid honored blood, his father having been GcOJEfiruor of__Geogia from 1802 to 1806._ He was a stout blondish person, of most genial manners and address, a gentleman of the old school. He died a few years ago, leaving a brig-ht son. to wear the distinguished name, who is a prominent young lawyer of Atlanta.
The leg-islature of 1857--8, was a strong body, made up of men of mark arid it did important legislation. It was a fitting legislative ac companiment to the new Governor. A body of ability and decision, it was a worthy opponent for the combative young Executive. This gen eral assembly re-elected Hon. Robert Toombs to the United States Sen ate, and put Joseph Henry Lumpkin on the Supreme Bench. These were two notable men, who -will live long in the memory of Georgians. Lumpkin was the most genial hearted public man we have ever had in the state, arid the most liberal in his culture. , To the sweetest nature he added, an exquisite learning. To the most gracious benevolence he sup plemented, intellect of the highest order. He was a beautiful old man, with such grace arid dignity as rarely falls to men. He -wore his hair long, which set off his gentle, handsome, intelligent face, and \vell proportioned fig-ure. He was \vell grounded in the rigid principles of the law, and yet he broadened their application with a magnificent erudition. His mind was buoyant -with vital force, and was strengthened and ornamented by great learning and a robust, healthy imagination. He loved young men, and his kind -words have cheered many a struggling young- spirit.
Robert Toombs was one of the princely-brained men of the Union, the kingliest character the commonwealth has gloried in, the man of all the most affluent in personal gifts. Gov. Brown states that he first met him in Milledgeville in 1849, -when he was State senator and Toombs -was a Whig congressman, idolized by his party, and with a national fame for eloquence. Toombs, he said, was the " handsomest man he ever saw. His physique was superb, his grand head fit for a crown, his presence that of a king-, overflowing- -with vitality, his majestic face illu mined with his divine genius." Toombs was about forty years of age,

KOBERT TOOMBS.

55

and in the very prime of his magnificent manhood. He had a figure like an Antinous, the very perfection of manly symmetry, and an impe rial grace of ca.rriag-e that sat upon him -well. His face was noble and superbly handsome, with great luminous dark eyes full of flashing soul, every feature perfect, a royal forehead, a matchless dome of thought that gained in power, through the rich glossy black hair that hung about it straying- carelessly over its marble front, sug-gesting rather than reveal ing its extent. His skin was clear with health. He talked constantly, his mobile countenance lit with an irradiating smile, or intense with some dominating and fiery impulse. His conversation was a torrent of striking thoughts, strikingly expressed. His vivacity never flag'ged. The man's mind and spirit were absolutely .perennial. He never seemed to have a moment of mental or physical \veariness. He scattered hu mor, wit, wisdom, with a limitless prodigality. He started in life mu nificently equipped in fortune and education. His father was rich, and he had every advantage. He succeeded right away at his profession, making-, it is said, $50,000 in five years, achieving success easily. It is rare that men so brilliant and impulsive as Toombs have the faculty of business. His pecuniary sagacity has been a marvel like his other gifts. No man has been a more careful manager of money, making it wisely, spending it in a princely way, yet handling it carefully and prudently. He bought immense tracts of Texan land, of which he has a hundred thousand dollars profit, and has enough to realize a quarter of a million more. In politics he was as swiftly successful as at the law. He went to the Legislature, then to Congress, and then to the Senate, grasping these honors by a sort of easy, natural right. He was lordly, grand, irresistible. Nothing- could daunt, nothing vanquish him. Toombs had genixis, and men recognized it. He was like an inspired man in his speeches. He reveled in public life and intellectual con flict. No man ever tripped him in debate. He was as ready and deadly as lig-htning. A. rival on the stump threw up to him a very un popular vote he had made in the Legislature. " Yes," thundered the quick-witted and audacious Toombs, " it was a d--d bad vote ! What have you got to say of it ! " And the storm of cheers from the crowd told how well he had baffled a wound. In a period of crazy contention, and when the public pulse was perilously inflamed, the opposition at a public meeting resolved he should not speak. \Veapons flashed in the sunlight. Blazing with indomitable fire, declaring they might kill, but they should hear him, the man awed down the infuriate mob and 'forced a listening to his bold words.

56

SLAVERY.

General Toombs was born for a revolutionary era. iSTo other man did as much to precipitate the Avar as he did. Notwithstanding- he came of a blood that had the hereditary instinct of loyalty to the crown, he has shown a wTild tendency all of his tumultuous life to rebellion. He be gan it at colleg-e ; he continued his destructive instinct upon the Union ; he was a defiant officer in the army ; he split from the Confederate authorities in fierce altercation ; and since the surrender he has gloried in being- the single untamed and unappeasable rebel against Federal rule. Believing as the writer does, that in the mighty scheme of human progress a Providential power fashions the order of things, and that great events like our colossal civil war, long preparing arid long- con tinuing, and long lasting in great result, are part of the divine plan of philosophical advancement, it is but a second step of belief to note that human agencies suitable to such crises are furnished by the same over ruling intelligence that framed the gigantic evolution of history. Slavery was a wrong for which the South was not responsible. Its ex tinction was inevitable. And some such convulsion had to tear it up from its terribly strong rooting. "We of the South, had become blunted by hereditary training* and education of centuries to the proper human repulsion at the awful fact of property in human souls. A striking- ex ample of the natural sentiment of humanity^ xipon. this, occurred in the writer's family a short while ag-o. A little daughter of t eight years of age in her reading- came across the word. " slave-" and. asked its defini tion. Her look of horror, as she understood it, was a revelation alike, that a thing that inspires such a feeling in the impartial instincts of a pure nature must be appallingly wrong, and that the public condemna tion of the non-slaveholding world would never cease to wage war upon the wrong1 until it was extirpated from Christian civilization.
Toombs was one of the Providential agencies of this inevitable revolu tion, the creature of what was so happily called the " irrepressible conflict" between freedom and slavery, and its resultant emancipation. He was a superb type of the Southerner, the " corner stone " of whose social and political system was slavery. He wras careless, imperial, defiant, auda cious, volcanic. Toombs represented alike a kingly race of men devoted to their institutions, and the grand principle of chartered rig-hts. He was ag-gressive, denunciatory, taunting. He struck for disunion, be lieving- that safety lay alone in the severance, and the bond would make unceasing strife. Looking" at the situation as preg-naiit with an inevit able issue of attempted separation, and the cure by a storm of an evil, Toombs was the man for the work. He inspirited the South and he

AGAIXST SLAVERY.

57

angered the North. The South was not responsible for slavery, and had for it the sacred guarantee of the Constitution. The North had put slavery upon us and was under bond to protect it. The South had legal rights in a great wrong. The Northe^m/f? only do its duty to civilization by breaking its obligations. To stimulate the South to de fend its right's, to incense the North in its aggression, upon the evil of the Union that was its reproach in the eyes of the world, was the work that Toombs and his compeers well performed. It was a conflict between, leg-ally fortified wrong* and unconstitutional and high-handed right. And Providence gave the victory to civilization against the forms of law, heroic devotion to a beloved duty and as grand a chivalry as the world ever knew. Toombs was the genius of the revolution, and will so live in history.

CHAPTER VIII.
THE FIERY BATTLE OF THE BANKS.
Brown and Toombs.--Howell Cobb, Alexander Stephens, Pen Pictures.--The young country Governor defies the capital and its leaders.--The Tremendous Pressure.-- Brown single-handed.--Bank Suspension legalized.--Brown's hard-hitting Veto.-- A striking instance of Nerve.--The white-heated Excitement.--The great Speech of Mr. Ward, President of the Senate.--The Veto overwhelmed.--Doggerel of the Day.--" Balanced to a Quarter of a Cent."--The Issue remitted to the People.--A hot Campaign of Ridicule, Abuse and Passion.--" Who is Brown ? "--"A d------n fool."--Brown Solidly Endorsed.--An Irresistible Torrent of Public Approval for Brown.--A Universal Victory over the colossal Moneyed Power for the new rockwilled "People's Governor."
GOVERNOR BROW:X and Gen. Toombs have been dramatically con nected through this long period of Georgia history that constitutes the theme of this work. The election that put Brown in the Executive chair, placed Toombs again in the Senate of the United States. Dur ing the war, Toombs stood by Brown in his controversies with the Con federate authorities. After the surrender, they were in a deadly antag onism, which nearly resulted in a duel. And in this progressive era of the state and nation, in 1881, they represent antipodal ideas and con flicting public theories.
In 1857, of which time we write, there were two others of Georgia's gifted sons that wielded a large national influence. Howell Cobb was Secretary of the l^favy'iri the cabinet of President Buchanan, and thus had the ear of that official in all of the Presidential policy of those dis tracting and momentous public events that so rsoon were to culminate so dramatically. Cobb was an ardent Union man, while intensely^ Southern. He was a \vise, conservative man, and firm. If any one could have used official opportunity in administrative position to keep a harmonious Union, he was the one. He had carried the state trium phantly on the Union issue, against extreme Southern Rights, in 1851. He was powerful at home, and honored beyond. He had uncommon statesmanship and extraordinary personal tact. But the drift of events was beyond the power of men to control. A higher power was at work in its own mysterious ways. The revolutiori was pending, and its genius was the destructive Toombs, and not the conservative Cobb.

ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS.

59

Another vital personality was that remarkable man, Alexander H. Stephens. He too was a Union man. It is hard to write about Alec Stephens. He has been all of his life a human miracle. His advent into public life nearly half a century ago was, and his career ever since has continued to be, a wonder. Antithesis has been exhausted in de scribing1 the man, and yet there is no adequate portraiture of him. For forty years and more Mr. Stephens has held a foremost place in the affairs of the state and nation, and his name and speeches, overleaping the bounds of the continent, reached the old world, rendering- him famous and illustrating Georgia. His purity of life, public spirit, stainless integrity, devotion to principle, love of truth, simplicity of character, munificent charity, lofty patriotism, independence of popular prejudice, sincerity of conviction, indomitable courage, magnetic elo quence and vigorous statesmanship have all been continuously displayed in his long-, useful and brilliant public career, and form a noble example for the imitation of our ambitious young- men.
That a mind so powerful and a spirit so knightly should inhabit a body so diseased and frail, has been the miracle of his conspicuous life. At any time during- his laborious and honored existence, his death could not have surprised. Yet his physical frailty never impaired his public usefulness. Nearly seventy years of age, he is still at his post of duty, filling, in his own unequaled way, the place in which he has won his proudest triumphs and most lasting fame--a Congressman from Georgia, a representative of the people and chosen by the people-- Georg-ia's great Commoner. The people that he has loved so well, and the state that he has so faithfully served and resplendently illustrated, delight to honor him and hold his solid fame as one of her most pre cious heritages.
Mr. Stephens, too, was one of the strong union men, and to the very last his potential voice was heard eloquently protesting- and unanswera bly arguing against secession. Mr.. Stephens has been a statesman and an orator, but the quality that more than all others has tended to give him his vast public influence has been his wonderful moral intrepidity. It is a rare quality, heaven-born and God-like,--such moral courage as he has shown all of his life long. No adverse public opinion has had any terrors for this fearless statesman. Majorities have been utterly powerless to sway him. No unpopularity, no prejudice, no popular frenzy has ever moved his firm soul one hair's-breadth from any con viction or prevented any utterance he deemed the truth. This is remarkable praise, but it is due to the man. But even the miraculous

60

THE BATTLE OF THE BAKKS.

Stephens was unable to stem the revolution. The storm was coming, and Toombs was its g-enius.
Recurring to the battle of the Banks, from which digression has been made to fill out the personal features of this important period of Georgia history, there probably has never been witnessed a more stubborn and heated contest in legislative walls than was fought in the Georgia Legis lature of 1857, over the bank question. It was soon found that Gov ernor Brown was in deadly earnest in the resolve to hold the banks to' . their full legal responsibility. The lobbies were thronged with bank men and their friends. The cool young country Governor met the ; issue unquailirigiy. Every argaunent and influence was brought to bear r upon him, but vainly. It was a crucial test of his nerve. Even a very brave and firm man would have wavered. It was boldly claimed that he would ruin the state and shock irreparably the public weal in thus warring upon the banking capital of the commonwealth. Neither appeal nor menace moved him from his position. It was a fearful responsibility that he assumed, but he never shrank from it. It involved, too, an appeal to the people, and public condemnation if he failed in the contest. It portended a no-quarter fight with capital and leader ship and commercial power. He defied them all. He had announced his purpose in his ringing- inaug-ural to hold the banks to the law, and he stuck to his purpose. A bill was introduced, and after infinite and I. elaborate discussion, passed, suspending- forfeiture proceedings against the suspended banks for one year. The act went to the Governor. Few believed that he \vould dare to veto the act. The vote in the House was 08 yeas and 33 nays ; in the Senate 58 yeas and 27 nays. The excitement was very great. "While it was true that the bill had passed both houses by a two-thirds majority, which, if it could be held, would, render an Executive veto a nullity, yet in the heated temper of the Assembly and the changing- influences of the time, there was no telling what might happen. A change of two or three votes would \ alter the result. It was represented to Governor Brown that he had made a fair, brave fight, and after a full discussion the legislature had r given a two-thirds majority, and he could well rest the matter there, p These importunities fell like water upon a rock. The placid and rural | Executive was in no terror of majorities, and then, as later, failed to f! learn the lesson of yielding his convictions to any pressure. He gently |' waved aside these advisers, and smilingly ignored counsel that he did }} not want, and shutting himself up in his quiet, he fulminated one of jf the boldest state papers he ever wrote, in sharp and iiriqualifiecl veto of |

GOVERXOR BROWX AXD THE BAXIvS.

61

the act. Heading- that veto messag*e in the lig-ht of all of the surround ings, and testing- it by cool criticism, lifted above the heat of the strug gle, it is a very remarkable document. Grov. Brown, it must be remem bered, was bred up far from commercial influences and habits. He had little practical experience of banks. He had known little of capitalists and had few dealings with capital. His views were not the cultivated experiences of the commercial world, but they were the instinctive notions of an uncommonly sharp mind, entirely unprejudiced, and look ing at the matter with a keen vision of the equities of the great subject, and seeking abstract justice at any cost. The views of his message clad in this light, are remarkable. He never wrote a more sinewy, evenhanded and abstractly logical paper, while his personal attitude was romantic in the extreme, and eminently characteristic of his self-reliance and intrepidity. Take a youthful countryman, unused to the dazzle of such high station, with its bewildering accompaniments, and put nini in Gov. Brown's place in this matter, subject to the pressure of every powerful influence of social splendor and worldly prestige, and his firm ness in pursuing his convictions to their conclusion, xinbacked as he was by any support whatever, and perplexed by the gravity of result that hung upon his action, was a striking- exhibition of personal firmness and official duty. It illustrated the man perfectly. It demonstrated his superlative fiber. It stamped his exalted power of leadership indis putably. He might be wrong-, and doubtless in a calm review of his views then uttered so incisively, made now in the light of a quarter of a century of unusual practical experience, he would recall much that he said then. But the fact still stands out saliently that his attitude was one of grand courage, and put him at one bound as an. established force in the state. His veto was a brave appeal to the august tribxmal of public opinion, against one of the ablest legislative bodies Georgia has ever had, and he struck the popular judgment with masterly power and a keen discrimination. There is in the message, too, a plain, direct, ungloved style of speech that was far removed from the diplomatic politeness of the accustomed state papers. The veto indulged in no regrets or Pickwickian expressions, but it handled the vital matters touched upon with simple practicality, and gave facts and views in unmincing wr orcls.
The veto was *, lengthy and elaborate one, discussing the subject fully. It beg-an by contrasting the money privileges of banks and those allowed individuals. The citizen could only loan money, dollar for dol lar, at seven per cent. The bank could issue three dollars for one and

G2

GOVEEXOR BROWX S BAXKL VETO.

use all four, realizing- from thirty to fifty per cent. The privilege was xinreasonable, and he branded banking as a " legalized system of specu lation, oppression and wrong." After using their unlimited privileges to amass fortunes, the banks in a pressure suspend, close doors, lock up specie, let their bills depreciate, buy them up at a discount, make further distress, and then when the storm is over, step out with in creased wealth amid general disaster. It was not rig'ht. The banks could pay specie by buying it at a small premium with their large earn ings. "Why did they not resume. Because it was to their interest not to do so. They made money out of the suspension. "Warming up, the plain-spoken Governor said that the banks that had suspended, and so con tinued were guilty of a " high commercial, moral and legal crime," depre ciating the value of property, causing pecuniary depression, injuring the public credit, and violating the law of the state. Private citizens had to meet their obligations. Banks should do so. The citizen could not suspend. The banks should not.
Since the establishment of the Banking system in Georgia, several periods of distress had occurred, in which the banks made money, while the people bore the loss. The banks claimed to be obliged to suspend, but it was because of their speculations. The merchant that overtrades, gets no sympathy when trouble overtakes him. The banks suspended as a speculation. In 1840 there was a financial crisis, when the bad con duct of the banks caused the passage of the very law of forfeiture for suspension that w:as sought to be set aside now. The banks were wealthy and powerful, and illustrated the growing power of corpora tions. Who doubts that they could, by a little sacrifice, have avoided suspension at the present, have bought gold and redeemed their prom ises. Instead of doing this they set the law at defiance, relying upon their power. They demand legalization of the wrong, threatening in jury to the public interest unless it is done. The issue was boldly ten dered. In his opinion the richest corporation should.be compelled to obey the law like the humblest citizen. He was resolved to know no man or association of men, and that all should bow to the authority of the law without regard to wealth, power or influence.
He alluded to the fact that numbers of banks in other states, and four or five in Georgia had not been obliged to suspend. Pie answered ' the point that our specie would, be drawn out from the Xorth by saying that too few of our bills were held North to injure LIS in this way. The further point was made that our banks had suspended in response to the suggestion of public meetings. His sharp reply was that bank men

JOHJST E. WARD'S GREAT SPEECH.

63

could easily get up such meeting's. The people generally did not want suspension. Their hundred dollars fell to ninety in value by suspension. Every point ingeniously made for suspension he as ingeniously met in his sledge-hammer way, running through the wrhole paper an adroit comparison of the advantages the banks had over the citizen. He struck hard. His last point was that there Avas a contract between the banks and the people to redeem their bills in specie on demand or pre sentation, and this had been violated. The law legalizing- suspension was a law impairing the obligation of contract, and therefore unconsti tutional. He wound up this caustic and ag-gressive message with these words :
" I feel it to be my duty I owe the people of Georgia, to do all in my power to avert the evils which would follow the passage of an act legalizing the suspension of the banks. All solvent banks will doubtless soon resume specie payment. I shall do all which the law makes it my duty to do, to have the charters of such as do not resume forfeited, and their assets placed in the hands of receivers, and converted into money ami paid to their creditors as soon as possible. No serious inconvenience will follow, as it is believed most of them are solvent, and will resume. Those which are not solvent will be wound up, and the sooner the better for the people."
The reading of the message created an intense feeling in both branches of the General Assembly. Mr. Ward, the President of the Senate was the bank leader in that body. The veto made a keen sense of alarm among the bank men. It was known that it was coming-. Mr. Ward was selected to reply to it. He sat up all night preparing- a speech. The message made a sensation. Its exhaustive, common sense discussion of the subject, and its determined views, fell upon the body, engendering- dismay. Mr. Hill of Harris moved to take up the message and read it. After the reading- Mr. Spalding- moved to take up the vetoed bill. The yeas and nays were called on this motion, arid resulted in sixty-one yeas and twenty-one nays. This was an ominous vote for the anti-bank men, being a loss of six votes from the twenty-seven that voted on its passage against it. Mr. Young- of the negative voters then moved to adjourn, fig-hting for time. Upon this the yeas and nays were called, yeas nineteen, nays fifty-nine. This was a still farther loss on the anti-bank side. Mr. Ward had come from the President's seat and he took the floor. He made a speech of great power and eloquence, an adroit, persuasive, subtle speech, by long odds the best of the session on any subject. With wonderful effect he sought to put the Governor in a position of hostility to the cities, and then proceeded to defend the cities, blending a careful indignation with a judicious pathos. His eulogy upon the banks and his picture of the bad results of interference

64

BAjSTK DOGGEBEL.

with them, were drawn with eloquent vividness. Every utterance of this admirable speech was conciliatory and plausible. It was a model of elocution and at the same time the very perfection of argument and appeal. It made Mr. "Ward great reputation in the state. He closed his speech by moving the passage of the vetoed bill and upon that motion called the " previous question " to cut off reply. The vote stood on this fifty-six yeas and twenty-four nays, a small gain for the antibank men. The vote upon the passage of the bill was then taken and stood sixty-one yeas to twenty-two nays, a loss of five votes from the nays on its original passag-e--a loss due to Mr. "Ward's powerful speech. In the House the vote stood the same as on its first passage, showing no
change. A classification of the voting made a month afterwards in the heated
discussion the matter continued to evoke, showed that in the House, where the vote stood sixty-eight yeas to thirty-four nays, forty-eight members voted "yea" both times and twenty-nine "nay" both times; that thirteen members voted nay first and yea afterwards; that two voted yea first and then nay; that fourteen voted yea at first and did not vote afterwards; that eight voted nay first and did not vote afterwards; and that one voted against and three for the bill on its second passage who did not vote first. And forty-four members did not vote at all on the perilous question. On the last ballot sixty, or more than a third of
the House, dodged a vote. The following- piece of doggerel took the public attention at tiie time,
and had a wide circulation:

A LEGISLATIVE LAY.
BY BILL VETO BANKS, ESQ.
On a night before Christmas when all through the " house " Not a member was stirring, not even a mouse ; The Sectaries stood at the Desk in great awe, As if 'twas the Devil himself that they saw. The members all nestled down close in their chairs ; Their hearts alternating with hopes and with fears; When up from the Senate arose such a clatter, The Speaker sent " Jess" to report on the matter. Away to the Senate he flew with a chill-- He heard that the Senate had passed the Bank bill. Then T--e came in, and the House got so still,-- His hair stood erect like the porcupine's quill. He read what the Senate had done, in the aisle, Then bowed himself out with such a sweet smile !

BANK. COOIv--KEEPING.
I knew by the walk, 'twas the " Cherokee brave, The Divil may take me, if lie could desave .' But the fun was not yet over, not by a half, Which I'll tell you directly, provided you laugh. " As leaves that before the wild hurricane fly,"
Confusion at once seized the House with a vim, And the shout went around, " up Baiikey, at him Then the Secretary called the roll over with care While the friends of dear Bankey sank deep in c
Tlie result which the ayes and the noes would so Not a breath of disturbance the quietness stirred, Not a hem, nor a cough, nor an audible word, The roll being called and the vote counted out, The Speaker said, passed, then as if in doubt, Said no, it was lost ; and then in the Mess, Some man changed his vote, and settled the fuss. And then such a shout! Ye Gods and small fishes! What rattling it made among Cunning-ham's dishes! So Bankey whipped Veto--and winks at his foes, And wiggles his thumb at the end of his nose ; He exclaimed as he left in the cars the next night, Happy Christmas to all and Bill Veto good night ! But Bankey will find before he 's much older, The people will turn him a very cold shoulder, Unless he behaves like honest men should, And ceases to speak iu the imperative mood.
But the matter was not ended. The legislative storm was but child's play to the public agitation.. The young- country Governor had awakened a popular tornado. Abuse and ridicule were heaped upon him. The use of the expression that the bank accounts " balanced to a quarter of a cent " was the theme of unlimited raillery over the alleged ignorance of the Governor, of Bank book-keeping. The bank cham pions had stated as a reason for legalizing- the suspension, that the peo ple owed the banks twenty-two millions, and the banks only owed the people live millions. In response to this argument the Governor said in his message that the sworn returns of the banks made to the Execu tive Department showed that the assets arid, liabilities of the banks " balanced to a quarter of a cent," a proper phrase to render the an tithesis striking-.
The bank question became a veritable sensation. The agitation was warm enough in the legislature. It grew hotter with its transfer to the tribunal of the entire state. The Mill e age ville Federal Union at first

06

THIS STATE Q:sr THE BAXIC QUESTION.

was the Governor's only newspaper advocate. The Augusta Chronicle and the Savannah Republican were the two champions of the bank side of the question. One after another the state press took sides with the Governor. The papers were full of it. And the discussion was bitter. .The Augusta Chronicle thus fulminated :
" Never liave we witnessed iu all our experience such a display of stupidity, igno rance, and low groveling deinagogism as Gov. Brown has made in his veto message. It is throughout the low and miserable effort of a, most contemptible demagogue, to array the prejudices of the poor agaiust the rich. * * *
" In conclusion we cannot but congratulate the Democracy on their triumphant success in finding out thus early, ' Who is Brown ? ' This was a question which excited no little solicitude in the outset of the late Gubernatorial canvass, and the faithful in this rcgioii were very much exercised to ascertain its true solution. Now when asked, ' }Vho is Brown ? ' they unhesitatingly respond, ' a d--d fool ? ' "
The Savannah Republican was no less savage. Said this paper:
" The friends of the Governor should hang their heads with mortification and shame, while the author himself should forthwith he-subjected to the surgical operation recom mended by Benton to Cass, viz, to be ' cut for the simples.' "
But to the supreme astonishment of the Bank men, the people of the state rallied to the Governor in almost solid array. Public meeting's were held on the subject, and the Governor endorsed by strong resolu tions. A meeting for instance, in Carroll county presided over by W. AY. Merrell, passed unanimously resolutions denouncing the suspension act as " unwise and lawless legislation." In "Wilkiiison county Dr. R. J. Cochran offered a resolution that was passed without a dissenting voice declaring the Governor's veto " elaborate, full, clear and unanswerable;" and a resolution was also passed rmqualiiiediy condemning Hon. John E. "Ward for calling the previous question, and depriving' the anti-bank men of a chance to reply to him. "\Vhitfield county had a rousing- meet ing and passed a strong set of resolutions reported by a committee com posed of W. II. Stanscl, C. B. Wellborn, Win. J. Underwood, Dr. B. B. Brown, and Rev. John M. Richardson. These resolutions commended the " Jacksoniaii firmness" of Gov. Brown. Even Bibb county en dorsed the Governor. In Monroe county resolutions were passed de manding that the state Constitution be altered so as to prevent the passage of laws legalizing bank suspensions. A meeting' at Culloden presided over by W. Rutherford declared that Gov. Brown, deserved the more credit because he did his duty in the very teeth of his own party. A Pickens county meeting denounced the papers abusing Gov. Brown as " hireling- bank organs." A Campbell county meeting resolved that Gov. Brown was " under all circumstances the friend of the people when

"WHO IS JOE BBOWX" AKSWERED.

67.

their rights are threatened." "VVesley Camp was chairman of this meet ing. A Cherokee county meeting declared its pride in Grov. Brown as a Cherokee citizen. Clinch county went ahead of all in declaring that the members who supported the suspension bill after hearing the Governor's veto were not deserving support a second time by their constituency.
These public expressions of opinion taken at random from the action of meetings in all parts of the state will give some idea of the emphatic unanimity of endorsement that Grov. Brown received from the people. It is not ascertainable that a single public meeting sided with the banks and condemned the Governor. In spite of the colossal moneyed power of the Banks the Executive single handed carried popular sentiment overwhelmingly. It constitutes a remarkable victory, and it put Grov. Brown, at the very inception of his career, solidly entrenched in the hearts of the masses as the friend of the people's rights, a position from which no effort was ever able to shake him until the nery days of recon struction, but which he has regained since then in the most marvelous manner.
No man could ask after this the sneering question, " Who is Joe Brown ?" lie had answered the query himself in no uncertain lan guage. Be had shot himself like a cannon ball into the very heart of the state. In every hamlet the people knew him as a man of brain, rock-willed, and the people's friend. He became as exaltedly elevated in public esteem as he had been unexpectedly thrown into high ofnce from obscurity. Be demonstrated the fact that his promotion " was the inevitable outcome of his young life--disciplined so marvelously, so full of thought, sagacity and judgment."

CHAPTER IX.
THE "WAY GOV. BROWN GASHED INTO OLD CUSTOMS.
The Abolition of Levees.--No Wine at His Table.--Interference by the Legislature with Pardons boldly Tackled.--The case of John Black.--Old time Ideas of Mar riage.--State Aid.--Salaries Increased.--Peterson Thweatt.--The State Koad, and a Vigorous Policy.--The Coincidence of Gov. Brown and the State Koad.--The Southern Commercial Convention.--A summary of Georgia's Leaders, Mark A. Cooper, A. H. Chappell, William Dougherty, Juuius Wing-field.--The Philosophy of Southern Conventions.--Powerful Instrumentalities of Sectional Division.-- Legacies for the Impending devolution.
THE installation of Joseph E. Brown as Governor of Georgia was truly an establishment of an era of change. The very social features of the executive administration were sweepingiy altered by this simplemannered and resolute young- countryman. It seemed as if no institu tion that he deemed to need correction was sacred against his deter mined hand. And. there was no fuss in his reforms. He quietly tiprooted long-established customs in a wray that evoked the horror of the reverential worshipers of venerable follies. It had been the custom for governors to begin their terms with a huge popular LEVEE, when, the dear people were allowed to come uninvited in masses. Magnificent supper was provided at tremendous cost. It was a festivity of mash and gluttony and plunder. Crates of crockery were broken. The ple beians came in swarms as their one social opportunity to mingle in high life, and they gorged, their stomachs and stored their pockets with, del icacies. One who lias never witnessed one of these hideous levees cannot conceive of their character. Floors w-ere ruined, table ware lost, and toil ets wrecked. It was jam and crush. It was becoming- yearly worse, larger crow-els, more disorder, increased destruction, and less regard for good manners. The rabble looked forward to, and improved it. The custom was old, and supposed to be the very symbol of our democratic principles. It was the practical incarnation of equality religiously cherished by the poor and the humble. Of all men, Gov. Brown, the representative of popular privileges, would, have been supposed to guard such a custom. His practical intelligence, on the contrarv, saw it was an occasion of license and rabble disorder, and not what it was meant to be, the tribute of all orderly citizens to a new Chief Magistrate. He swept it out of existence, declining to conform to the ancient precedent.

GOV. BKOWX S COLLISIONS WITH THE LEGISLATURE.

69

He instituted in its place, a series of Friday night receptions, which proved very pleasant.
Another change he made that drew upon him much bantering com ment, was abolishing .wine from his festal board. He was a temper ance man, and carried out his temperance principles practically. But the Governor quietly persisted in his plain temperance ways, and the people learned that ridicule or abuse were unable to move him.
He had several collisions with the General Assembly, in every case maintaining his views and asserting the prerogatives of his position in the straight-forward sort of way that was characteristic of the man. The Legislature passed a joint resolution requesting the Governor to pardon forthwith two female convicts. He vetoed the resolution promptly, and his message is a stinging rebuke. Adverting to the fact that no reason was given in the resolution for such clemency, and quoting the section of the constitution that gives the pardoning power to the Governor, he said that he understood that other resolutions of a similar character had been introduced, and gave his decision upon the matter in these incisive words:

"As a. general rule, in my opii

it would be better

.cases where

3 pur-

pose of finding them out, it is often necessary to investigate the evidence, and the cir

cumstances of the trial. The constitution has assigned the duty of investigation to the

Executive Department of the Government, without dividing the responsibility with the

General Assembly, and as it would greatly lengthen the sessions, and consume much of

the time of the Legislature, which could be as well employed in the consideration of

such matters as the constitution has confided to that branch of the government, I would

respectfully suggest that it might be better for each department of the government to

be content to confine itself within the sphere of action assigned to it by the constitu

tion."

This message put the Governor's views on the subject of the Legisla ture interfering with pardons in a pointed and unmistakable manner, but it did not settle the matter. The members wT ere somewhat taken aback at the sharp terms the Executive used, but the practice of going to the Legislature when the Governor would not interfere in criminal cases had ripened into too fixed a precedent, and was too convenient to be readily abandoned. It was a pernicious practice and plainly illegal, yet it had been permitted. Gov. Brown was resolved to check and if possible stop it entirely. The Legislature clung to the custom. A man by the name of John Black had been convicted of murder and sentenced to be hung in Habersham. The Legislature passed an act commuting the death penalty to life imprisonment. The Governor

70

STATE AID.

vetoed the bill in a lengthy messag-e of remarkable ability. The Leg-is lature in changing- the penalty fixed by law to a crime committed in violation of the law, after the courts had finally passed upon the criminal, made an assumption of the functions of the Judicial by the Legislative branch of the government, and it was unconstitutional. To annul the judgment of the court and pronounce another judgment was a judicial and not a legislative function. The constitution forbids the exercise of the powers of one by the other. The Governor went into the question elaborately, quoting largely from the authorities to show that the legis lative power to pardon in murder cases did not carry the power to commute. They either had -to pardon entirely, or not at all. The message was closed with a reference to the facts of the case, and to the considerations of public policy involved. If the Legislature was allowed to commute as well as pardon, all murder cases would be brought before the body, and there would be no more punishments by death for the most flag-rant murders. The bill was lost in the house after the Gov ernor's veto by a vote of 27 veas to 55 nays.
Among other vetoes that illustrate the Governor's views, was one of a bill allowing a number of married women to run business on their own account, on the ground of its destroying* the unity of marriage. Pie clung to his old-fashioned ideas which he had so strenuously advocated and voted for in the Leg-islature of 1849 when he was a State Senator.
The subject of state aid to railroads was very fully discussed by this Legislature, but finally voted down. The state aid leaders were Mr. Speaker LTriclerwoocl, D. "W. Lewis, Mr. Smith aiicl Col. Plardeinan. The anti-state aid leaders were Mr. Big-ham, Col. A. PI. Kenan, Mr. G. A. Gordon and Col. Jno. Milledge. At that time the aid of the state had already been pledged to the Main Trunk and Brunswick railroads to a million of dollars. The removal of the state penitentiary from Milleclgeville to Stone Mountain was fully argued, but finally defeated after an able speech against it by Senator L. IP. Briscoe, a very brilliant young fellow who had been a secretary of the executive department under Gov. Johnson. The new counties were created of "Wilcox, "White, Schley, Pierce, Mitchell, Milton, Glasscock and Dawson. The salaries of the following officers were increased: Governor from 83,000 to $4,000; Judges of Supreme Court, $2,500 to 83,500; Judges of Superior Court, $1,800 to 82,500. The practice of biennial sessions was also changed back to annual sessions, which had been the law before 1840, and the sessions were limited to 40 days, unless lengthened by a two-thirds vote of the Legislature.

PETKRSOX Til WE ATT.

71

The Legislature had elected as state house officers, J. 13. Trippe, Treasurer; E. P. Watkiris, Secretary of State, and Petersori Thweatt as Comptroller General. Mr. Thweatt deserves special mention. Before his administration the reports of the comptroller had been very meager affairs. He instituted a system of statistical returns that have been invaluable. He improved the collection of taxes, very largely increasing the return of taxable property and the revenue of the state. His administration of his office was conspicuously able. He is a short, very stout little gentleman with some oddities of manner, such as vocif erous whispering to his friends, and a wonderful faculty for hearty laughter; and he was sometimes very irascible, but withal a true-hearted arid generous gentleman, and as capable and faithful a public officer as the state ever had. He was comptroller a long time, but was defeated after the war, and could never get his consent to do anything else. His soul was in his office, and he clung for years to the hope of return to it, but vainly. He had taken his salary during the war in Georgia war notes, which were repudiated, and he spent years getting- the legis lature to let him sue the state for his notes. Legislature after legislature refused him the privilege, but with indomitable persistence he kept on until he succeeded only to have his suit .dismissed. Some of his annual addresses .to the members were remarkable papers, exhausting the printers fonts of quotation marks, italics and capitals; and indulging in such a labyrinthine net-work of parentheses as to make his documents rhetorical puzzles.
In his inaugural Gov. Brown devoted much attention, to the state road. In 185G it had paid into the state treasury $-43,500. Necessa rily large amounts had been used in equipping the road, but still the people grumbled that it was not a source of more revenue to the state. On the 1st of January, 1858, Governor Brown appointed John ~W. Lewis, his faithful friend, as . superintendent of the road, under an order remarkable for its concise comprehensiveness of reform and man agement. It directed cutting- expenses, dismissing every supernum erary, reducing salaries the same as 011 other roads, requiring absolute subordination, discharging dissipated, employes, using economy, demand ing trip settlements from conductors and weekly settlements from depot agents, and paying every dollar of net earnings monthly into the treasury. Lewis faithfully carried out his instructions. During his administration Gov. Brown paid as high as 8400,000 in a single year into the treasury. An amusing incident is related that soon after the appointment of Dr. Lewis as superintendent, he and Gov. Brown were

72

THE STATE ROAD. -

seen walking- the track, picking- up the iron spikes that were scattered and wasting- along- the line of road. The incident was circulated at the time in derision of the picayune economy of the new regime. Of course there was no truth in the story, except that the track hands were made to not only pick up the large quantity of loose spikes that had been left to rust along- the line of the road, but all of the waste iron was gathered and advertised for sale, and brought the handsome sum of $20,000. The incident illustrates Governor Brown's watchfulness of the public interest, and to what an extent his vigilance ran to details. There was between.six and seven hundred tons of this loose scrap iron thus collected and sold.
It forms a curious coincidence of Governor Brown's life that this state road which he managed so successfully for the state while he was Governor, and whose brilliant and. profitable handling made so marked a feature of his g-ubernatorial administration, should have come under his control as president of a leasing company that rented it from the state. The road seems to have been destined to become an important factor in his career. He is to-day the president of the lease company, and the road is most ably managed. It is a strange fact that the road has never paid much to the state except under his management. As Governor he made it pay from three to four hundred thousand dollars a year. And its regular rental is now 8300,000 a year.
One of those mammoth concerns that filled so large a share of South ern attention, but never seemed to have resulted in any practical benefit, a Southern Commercial Convention, assembled during- this year in Montg-omery, Alabama, on the second Monday in May. Gov. Brown appointed the following delegates which we give in full, as showing who \vere the leading men of the State at this time :
Delegates from the State jctt Large.--"'Wilson Lumpkin, George R. Gilmer, Wm. Schley, Geo. W. Crawforcl, H. V. Johnson, H. Warner, Hines Holt, Thomas W. Thomas, C. J. Jenkins, Wm. H. Stiles,- Jas. Gardner, B. H. Hill, F. H. Cone, L. Stephens, E. A. Nisbet, M. A. Cooper, D. J. Bailey, A. H. Chappell, Joel Crawforcl.
First District.--A. H. Hansell, P. Cone, E. J. Blackshcar, Charles Spalding, J. H. Cooper, F. S. Bartow, J. P. Screven, G. P. Harrison, Jno. W. Ancierson, A. R. Lamar.
Second District. --Wm. Dougherty, T. Lomax, J. ISL Bethune, J. A. Jones, Jr., Jno. A. Tucker, R. H. Clarke, L. M. Felton, A. H. Colquitt, W. A. Hawkins, W. M. Brown.

THE SOUTHERN COMMERCIAL COXVEXTIOX.

7-J

Third District. --W. Poe, O. A. Lochrane, Wr. K. De G raffenvied, P. W. Alexander, D. P. Hill, C. Peoples, A. F. Owen, Geo. R, Hunter, J. D. Watkins, A. R. Moore.
Fourth District. --E. Y. Hill, L. H. Featherstone, A. J. Boggess, B. H. Overby, J. Wr. Duncan, Robert J. Cowart, J. O. Gartrell, W. C. Daniel, "Win. A. Harris, H. Buchanan.
Fifth District.--Jno. H. Lumpkin, H. V. M. Miller, S. Fouche, Jno. A. Jones, W. T. "Wofford, Lindsay .Johnson, Joseph Pickett, G. J. Fain, C. B. Wellborn, Elisha Dyer.
Sixth District.--Sumner J. Smith, Robert McMillan, Asbury Hull, Wm. L. Mitchell, John Billups, Wm. A. Lewis, Jas. P. Simmons, Samuel Knox, W. Boyd, S. Reid.
Seventh District.--Augustus Reese, George R. Jesup, P. Reynolds, Miller Grieve, Sr., S. N. Boughton, R. M. Orme, Sr., David W. Lewis, J. W. Burney, Robert R. Slappey, Junius Wing-field.
Eighth District. --Isaiah T. Irwin, Jno. Milledge, Jas. T. Nisbet, W. Gibson, Thomas Barrett, A. J. Lawson, A. R. AVright, E. H. Pottle, Robert Hester, Dr. W. Willing-ham.
Of these g-entlemen Wilson Lumpkin, G-eorge R. Gilmer, ~Wm. Schley, Geo. "W. Cra\vford and H. ~V. Johnson had been Governor of the state. Judg-e F. H. Cone was the founder of the Know-Nothingparty in Georgia, a man of g-reat power in his day, who had a desperate personal conflict with Alexander H. Stephens, in which he cut Mr. Stephens badly "with a knife. Mark A. Cooper was a wealthy iron manufacturer, who was very prominent in Georgia politics. He was one of the famous trio of Colquitt, Cooper and Black that in 1840 revolutionized the politics of the state, and established the Democratic party in power. He was a leading candidate for Governor at one time. His large fortune was ruined by the war, and for many years he has been passing- his old ag-e in quiet retirement. A. H. Chappell "was a noted man for many years, a disting-uislie_d__C_ojigTessman: He was known for his long speeches, which tradition says he used to recite in advance of their delivery to his faithful horse in his rides horseback. It is also told of him that in a courtship after he was sixty years of ag-e, while visiting in Monroe county, where the lady lived, he engaged in a game of " blind man's buff" with her. The incident is probably not true, as Mr. Chappejl was a very stately, dignified gentleman, and it -was likely invented as a piece of campaign badinage. A.JR. LamarJias been for the last twenty-five years one of the conspiciious editors of

74:

JITJSTITJS AVI^TGFIET.TX

the State, conducting the Savannah Georgian and Columbus Times. Few men can equal him in his command of a- pure, forcible and cleg-ant stvle of writing. He has been one of the men who have labored long for party without reward.. Wm. Dougherty, who is dead, was the great lawyer of his day--a man of wonderful legal ability. He took little interest in politics, devoting- himself, unseduced by any charm of public station, to his profession. He was a striking-ly handsome man. Mr. Iv. I)e Graffcnreid was a lawyer of ability, much above mediocrity. He is dead. Cineinnatus Peoples became a j'udg-e. He was a larg-e, genial gentleman, possessed of unusual speaking- talent, with a rich vein of humorous illustration. His warm heart and generous impulses made him very popular. P. W. Alexander was a power as a journalist, editing the Savannah Republican. As a war correspondent he was the most famous one we had in the South. His Avar letters were models of critical accuracy, and clear, forcible clcscriptiveness. Of all of these leading- Georgians of two decades back, none of them recall tenderer memories of a beautiful manhood than Junius "Wing-field of Putnam county. He was a gifted lawyer, possessing- both high ability and a profound knowleclg-e of. the law. Biit the charm of the man was in his pure, gentle, lovable nature and spotless moral life. His domestic qualities were exquisite. He was one of the few men who to manliness and intellect added an almost womanly tenderness of character. He died a few years ago.
Of the hundred g-entlemen above recorded seventy of them have passed away, and many of them who were conspicuous persons in their day, are almost wholly unknown, now. Individuals of'brain, culture, influence and fame as they were then, they have lapsed out of recollec tion, their names buried in unused records of important events. The learned judge, the eloquent advocate, the famous orator, the influential leader, the honored statesman, the illustrious Chief Magistrate, have alike been rewarded with the same uncliscriminating- forg-etfulness.
The Southern Convention that met in Montgomery in 1858, like its predecessors, did nothing- tangible. Resolutions by the wholesale were passed, but no practical scheme was inaugurated for increasing Southern power and enlarging Southern independence. Tennessee, Virginia, the two Carolinas, Alabama, Georgia, Florida, Texas, Mississippi, Louisiana and Delaware were represented. Mr. A. P. Calhoun of South Carolina was made President, and Mark A. Cooper of Georgia one of the Vice Presidents. Mr. Spratt of South Carolina set the convention wagging fiercely upon a proposition to reopen the slave trade. This inflamma-

o^rvEXTioxs AGEXCIES FOR DISTJXIOX.

75

ble issue, ami another equally perilous condemning- the conference bill for the admission of Kansas as a state in the Union, which the entire Southern delegation in Congress had taken as the best they could do, were the two main, topics of discussion. Looking- back to that day in the calm philosophical retrospection of this, these conventions were simply potential agencies for driving- sectional differences to an inevitable rup ture and the logical war that followed so swiftly. Wm. L. Yancey of Alabama, and Air. Rhett of South Carolina were the moving spirits of this convention. "While its members were patriotic, its objects, its delib erations, its conclusions were sectional, irritating and defiant. Compar ing-these Southern, movements with the Northern abolition aggressions, we can see now what we could not realize then, that the Northern cru sade, while fanatical and unreasoning- in its zeal, was without local benefit to its zealots and embodied the protest of all disinterested civilization against slavery. The natural resistance of the South to these extraconstitutional' assaults upon the chief institution of Southern wealth and labor, and the prop of the Southern social polity, was based upon local interest, looked to home prosperity, Southern independence of the Union, and the withdrawal of Southern, business patronage from the North. Not only were they thus, practically antagonistic to Northern interest in their objects, but in. their spirit and language they were bit ter against Northern sentiment. They simply therefore fed sectional hostility and division.. It would be impossible to conceive of more powerful instrumentalities of sectional strife. Not so intended by us or so regarded by the North, they yet thus resulted. They -were an ef fective part of the preface to the great struggle in which Providence had doomed slavery. They were the concentrated utterance, intense, open-voiced, impassioned and majestic, of Southern resentment against Northern aggression upon slavery, and they both stimulated and foreshadowed the inevitable conflict that was coming- so soon. Even though their final action was legitimate, that could not remove the effect of the fiery sectional deliberations that frenzied the very fanaticism sought to be thwarted. This Convention met, argued, acted and adjourned, but its only legacies were fuel for the impending- Revo lution.

CHAPTER X.
THE SPIRIT OF 1858 IN GEORGIA.
The State Judiciary.--Its Personelle--Judge W. B. Fleming and D. F. Hammond only Survive in 1881.--H. L,. Benning.--The Bank Cases.--E. G. Cabaniss.--A New Fight of the Banks.--What Gov. Brown did as a Bank Reformer.--Brown as a Foeman.--The Cotton Planters' Convention.--The State Newspapers.--Wm. T. Thompson.--Joseph Clisby.--A. R. Lamar.--Deceased Journalists.--^Legislative Dots.--The State Road and Brown's Sweeping Reforms--John A. Tucker--John E. Ward.--Henry R. Jackson and his magnificent address upon the Expansion of American Empire and its effect on Southern Institutions.
THE composition of the Georgia judiciary in 1858 was as follows : Supreme Court.--Joseph H. Lumpkin, Chas. J. McD'onald, Henry L. Benning. Superior Oottrts.--Brunswick Circuit, A. E. Cochran; Blue Ridge . Circuit, Geo. D. Rice; Chattahooche Circuit, E. H. AVorrell; Cherokee Circuit, R. Trippe; Coweta Circuit, O. A. Bull; Eastern Circuit, W. B. Fleming; Flint Circuit, E. G. Cabaniss; Macon Circuit, A. P. Powers; Middle Circuit, W. W. Holt; Northern Circuit, James Thomas; Ocmulgee Circuit, R. V. Hardeman; Pataula Circuit, David J. Kicldoo; Southern Circuit, Peter E. Love; South-western Circuit, Alex A. Alien; Tallapoosa Circuit, Dennis F. Hammond; \Vestern Circuit, N. L. Hutchins. Of these officials all of the gentlemen who w^ere Justices of the Supreme Court are dead, and fourteen out of the sixteen Superior Court Judges. The only living ones of this array of judicial talent are Judge "W. B. Fleming, who is now Judge of the Eastern Circuit, and very old, and Dennis F. Hammond, who lives in Atlanta, in fine law practice and vigorous health. Judge Hammond is a gentleman of peculiar and original character, and has been perhaps as strong a man physically as we have ever had in Georgia. A thick-set, massive frame of iron strength, backed by a most resolute will and a most remarkable volubility of words in talk, belongs to him. While he is a preacher as well as lawyer, he belongs to the church militant, and has been ever ready to enforce his spiritual expoundings upon refractory subjects "with a physical drubbing. The anecdotes of his ready and irresistible combativeness are numerous and racy. Nature never made a sincerer or kinder or a more stubborn spirit. Judge Fleming has been an upright and able Judge, and has the gratification, of serving on

HEZSTKY L. BEXX1XG.

77

the bench of the Eastern Circuit, while he has a son equally able and respected, who presides in the Albany Circuit, Judge "William O. Fleming. Juclg-e Henry L. Benning, of the Supreme Bench, was a very marked man in Georgia. He made a gallant record as a Brigadier General in the late war. He won for himself the sturdy soubriquet of " Old Rock." He was a man of absolutely crystal truth. He had a candor and directness proverbial. He spoke with a low, guttural tone and a syllabic precision, that heightened the idea of his manly force of character. He was able to take unpopular positions without loss of respect, so strong was the confidence in his sincerity. A very strong effort was made in the General Assembly of 1858 to strike down " Old Rock." The sxiit of Beall vs. Robinson, from Muscogee county, was a case involving the liability of the stockholders of a broken bank for bills that had been issued. Judge Benning was the son-in-law of Col. Seaborn Jones, a stockholder, arid had been attorney for Gen. D. McDonald, another large stockholder of another bank. He presided in the case and gave decision against the bill-holders. A petition was presented to the General Assembly urging the body to take some action against Judge Benning-, and. a resolution was introduced in the Senate advising and requesting Judge Benning and McDonald to resig-n their offices. The matter created a good deal of feeling, but the Senate voted to lay the resolution on the table for the balance of the session by a vote of 07 yeas to 45 nays. Judge Benning had been tirged not to preside in the case, as it was similar to cases in which his client and his fatlier-in-law had been interested. He presided because he deemed it his duty not to shirk his responsibility, and in the decis ion he explains this very urgency of his duty. The famous lawyer, William Dougherty, was the moving power in these cases, and he inspired the hostile proceedings in the legislature. The incident unjustly did great injury to Judge Benning a long time, which he keenly felt. And after the war, when he was defeated for the Supreme Bench in the legislature by Dawson A. 'Walker, it was through the active agency of Mr. Dougherty on account of this very decision, Doug'herty declaring that he would support Benning for Governor, or anything else, but he should not go on the Supreme Bench if he could help it. Benning-, who was a man of sensitive honor, though of unbending will, afterwards declined to allow Gov. Smith to appoint him Judge of the Supreme Court, because he considered the action of the legislature in defeating him as a condemnation of his course in the Beall-Robinson matter.

78

COXTIXUED BATTLE OF THE BAXKS.

Of the judges mentioned Judge E. Gr. Cabaniss had a high measure of public esteem and influence. He was a very conservative public man of solid sense, and the personal consequence that belongs to careful judgment and scrupulous conscience. He belonged to that class of citizens known as " safe" men, clear-headed and calm-tempered. Judge Powers of the Macon Circuit soon resigned, and Gov. Brown ap pointed in his place for the interim Henry G-. Larnar, who had been so prominent in the gubernatorial contest that resulted in Gov. 13rowii's nomination.
During the year 1858 the banks resumed specie payment long before the time specified for resumption in November, but some twenty of the banks failed to make the semi-annual return on the 1st of June required under the law of the suspension. Upon the failure of the banks to do this the law. required the Governor to issue proclamation publishing the names of the delinquent banks, and notifying the Treasurer not to re ceive their bills. This the Governor did, and when the Legislature met in ^November his message was largely taken up with a continued dis cussion of the Bank question. The battle of the Executive with the banks had not ended. Popular sentiment had overwhelmingly backed the Governor, but the banks were strong and denant, and in the exist ing condition of the law they were powerful and independent. There was no formidable penalty attached to their disobedience of executive authority, and they had under the statutes as they were, in some cases issued as high as fifteen dollars for one, or at least previous returns so showed. Gov. Brown has always been a perilous foeman, never hold ing up while he could strike upon a resisting antagonist. If the bank authorities supposed for a moment they could successfully and with impunity defy him in his official authority they were sadly mistaken. He came back with renewed vim. He discussed the whole question with great ability. He urged that the banks be required to pay a pen alty of two per cent, a month upon their capital stock while they dis obeyed the statute, which is now the law. He also held up to light im perfections of the banking system, which needed correction. Reviewing this acrimonious agitation, recalling the abuses that had crept into our bank system, and estimating the value of the reforms made in conse quence of the stubborn fight of our resolute young Executive against the combined capital of the state in that memorable session of 1857--8, it will be seen that a very large amount of g-ood was accom plished and a substantial service was rendered to the people. Before this the state treasury had suffered a loss of over half a million of dollars

COTTO5T PLANTERS' COX VE^TIOX.

79

on account of the Central bank and. Darien bank. Besides, numerous financial panics in which the banks were controlling agencies had brought upon the citizens of the state individual loss. Gov. Brown was the direct cause of a wholesome and sweeping reform in our whole scheme of banking, a reform going to the very vitals of our prosperity, affecting commerce and agriculture. He so clearly and forcibly brought to light the evils of the then existing system, and he was so unyielding in pressing their reform, that a permanent change for the better was effected through his powerful instrumentality.
During the year 1858 a Cotton Planters' Convention was held in Milledgeville on the 8th of June, of which Howell Cobb was President, and Gen. B. B. Rutherford and Gen. J. AV. Armstrong, Vicc-Presidents. This convention illustrates the spirit of the South in" that day to organizations for Southern benefit. Mr. Cobb addressed the conven tion, stating its objects. Committees were ap%?ointed on the following subjects, comprehensive enough, it must ^e admitted: 1. The Cotton Power. 2. Cotton Power as an American Power. 3. Cotton Power aa a Southern Power. 4. Cotton Power as a Union Power. 5. Cotton Power as a Peace Power. G. Cotton Power as an anti-Abolition Power. 7. Direct Trade with Foreign Countries. The cooperation of other states was invited, and the convention adjourned to September, when it re-assembled in Macon. Some reports were made, and the convention adjourned subject to the call of the chairman without any action.
Among the leading papers in the state at this time were the Savannah _A"e?oa, AV. T. Thompson, editor; Savannah .T^j^M^cG^*, J. R. Sneed; Macon J&Jgyro^A, J. Clisby; Augusta (TAro^/cA? <z?tr? y&m^tgZ, AATm. Smythe; Augusta Co/2g^z;fJo7?JJ.sf, James Gardner; Columbus y?;/?;^ <m(? /Se?)Zm6Z, P. B. Colquitt and James Av\ AVarrcn; 7*6<?6?'<zJ ZT/zz'o/*, S. M. Boughton; /&>t(*A6r?z. J?ccw(7cr, R. M. Orme; Atlanta J/zfgJ/*gpgMCgr, A. A. Gaulding; GriHin JS/^/re ^(?g@, J. H. Steele; Macon &age J^reag/ Calhoun (reor/y%a JFY(/brm/ Cartersville J^*^"^^/ Cassville j%GM%<7m'<7/ Grimn Ja(&^>6)?(7f;ig /So*^A/ AA^iro Grass J?62JO>^ery Columbus J^z^zfZ/'gr, John H. Martin; Savannah (remv/jV???, A. H. Lamar; Athens TF(/fc/;mm;,/ Newiian _Z?o;?)%<?r cr;;r? /Sgp^f^eJy Albany ^RzZr/oZ/ Columbus (7oy7^<?r /S^o/?f?, Gen. J. 2\T. Bethune; Bainbridge ^4r/y;My Lagrange J?^o)Ver, C. H. C. Willingham; Madison ^/*%J;/ T^/^OJ'y Bainbridge /Soz^A^r/^ (-reoTv^rz./;/ Dalton y^jv/ea, T. R. Chris tian; /S'o^gA-TFea* J\^??ay T^umpkin .fWJd^Mv?&, Dr. J. C. C. Blackburn; 2&7)?/J6rJtc6 ^7)'?M(?(7ery Athens ^?<rr/?//rrj*y Sumter J?6/^?^J%c/%, C. AA^. Hancock. Of the editors then ruling the Georgia press there are liv-

80

THE GEORGIA PKESS IX 1858.

ing, "W. T. Thompson, still in charge of the Savannah N~e^cSj J. Clisby, yet at the head of the Macon Telegraph; James "W. TVarren is Sec retary in the Executive Department and a most polished writer; J. H. Martin, A, R. Lamar and Gen. J. N. Bethune are out of journalism; Dr. J. C. C. Blackburn is editing- the Jlfadisanian at Madison; J. R. Sueed is in the city of "Washington, filling- the place of Assistant Post master of the Senate. Col. Thompson won an enduring fame as a natural humorist by the publication of that inimitable book, " Major Jones' Courtship." But he had more than humorous power. A gen tleman of strong convictions and decided views, he was an able polit ical editor. Jos. Clisby of the Telegraph is one of the most versatile arid graceful writers of the Georgia press. Some of his writings have been marked by a remarkable grace and a vein, of delicate humor. A. R. Lamar was one of the purest writers of English that we have ever had 011 the Georgia papers. J. II. Martin has wielded a simple but vig orous style, and been noted for a judicial sort of conservatism in polit ical commentary. Dr. Blackburn was a facile writer, and flourishes a ready sparkling pen to this day. C. W. Hancock is still publishing the Suinter Hep'ubliccmy one of the best papers in the state, and is a vigor ous and versatile editor, Mr, C. II. C. Willing-ham is now editing the Cartersville Free jPressy and is to-day as he was twenty-five years ago one of the boldest and most graceful writers in our state journalism.
Of the deceased editors, Jas. Gardner, "Wm. Smythe,. S. M. Boughton, R. M. Orme and J. H. Steele were all editors of state repute as experi enced, aggressive and capable- political controversialists^--men that bore themselves gallantly in the memorable campaigns of those days, giving hard blows and upholding their respective sides with bright capacity and rare vigor. The Milleclgeville papers, though weeklies, were powers then, having large and general state circulation, and wielding- great influence. Both Mr. Boughton of the ~U~i'iio-n and Mr/ Orme of the Recorder were editors of unusual ability, and. their bouts were marked bv incisive force and a fine grasp of political argument.
The session of the General Assembly of 1858 has been touched upon in connection with the bank matter. Among- the chang-es that had taken place in the bodyy Mr. Cumbie, the representative of Baker county, had been cut off in the formation of the new county of MitchelL, arid Alfred H. Colquitt, the present Executive of Georgia, was elected as the representative from Baker. In the middle of the session, Mr. John E. 'Ward, the senator from Chatham county, arid the president of the senate was appointed the United States minister to China, and re-

RELIGIOJS- OK THE STATE ROAD.

81

signed his place. Mr. T. L. Guerry was elected president, and Mr. Wm. H. Stiles was returned from Chatham county, as its senator. The new counties of Banks, Brooks, Johnson, Echols and Quitmaii were created at this session, making thirteen new counties formed by this General Assembly. A bill was introduced and excitedly discussed to lease the state road. It is a curious coincidence that in his mes sage, Gov. Brown, in discussing the state road, maintained its great value and remunerativeness, and avowed that as a private citizen, lie would be ready to lease the road and bind himself to pay 825,000 a month to the state for a long term of years. This very arrangement he afterwards consummated and. is now executing. In spite of Gov.Brown's successful management of the road, the opposition press fought him savagely upon it. He persisted in his policy, cutting down every ex pense, keeping the road in good order, and paying- monthly into the treasury large sums, until the opposition, were silenced, and. reluctant enmity was obliged to accord to him a great practical triumph of rail road g-overnment.
Every species of detraction w^as employed against him. He had ap pointed as solicitor general of the Cherokee Circuit, in the place of J. C. Longstreet, deceased, Col. J. A. R. Hanks, who belonged to the Bap tists and sometimes preached. A howl wTas raised against Gov. Brown, on the ground that he was giving a monopoly of his official patronage to his Baptist brethren, and the charge was made that he had stocked the state road wTith this favored persuasion. Some statistical employes of the state road undertook to vindicate the Governor from this accusa tion, and published a table showing the religious complexion, of the road force. There were 7 Lutherans, 60 Missionary Baptists, 12 Primitive Baptists, 5 Campbellite Baptists, 31 Presbyterians, 57 Methodists, 8 Episcopalians, and 15 Catholics. This exploded the charge. There were many personal inducements for opposition, to the Governor, in his administration of the road. He had made an entire change of manage ment m the force from superintendent down, thus creating1 an intense enmity in the discharged employes. The public complaint because the road had paid so little money into the treasury, under previous admin istrations had been so great, that the Governor deemed it best to estab lish a new regime. Again, the leading politicians of the state had enjoyed the privilege of free passes upon the road, and Gx>v. Brown cut off this, to the great dissatisfaction of the favored gentlemen. In se lecting officers to run the road, he appointed men. solely on his knowledge of their qualifications, and without regard to application or

82

SPEECH OF GEX. IIE^RY K. JACICSO3ST.

endorsement, frequently tendering places to men who had not applied. The clamor of disappointed applicants thus added volume to the oppo sition. But the Governor had resolved to make the road a paying in stitution, arid he pushed this purpose to completion, with his accustomed judgment and decision. The petty fuss against his reform, was soon lost in the great current of popular appreciation of his genuine public service. "Nothing succeeds like success" has a profound truth in it. A state income from the road of 8200,000 the first year, and 6300,000 the second, and $400,000 the third, was an argument well calculated to silence grumblers and please the people.
The Governor in every matter that came under his control had an eye to promoting the State's interest. There was a large amount of the state school fund lying idle in the treasury. He deposited it with the Bank of Savannah until the time came to pay it out under the law, under an arrangement that brought the nice little sum of 86,000 interest into the treasury- Under previous administrations, beginning' with Gov. Geo. "W. Crawford, a "Whig executive, some twelve years before, who set the prec edent, the practice was to publish executive proclamations in only one of the papers at the seat of government, selecting the organ of the party in power. Gov. Brown broke this custom, giving the proclama tions to both papers.
It was during- the year 1858 that a gentleman of very considerable repute, John A. Tucker, of Terrell county, committed suicide. He was a man of strong natural talent, without culture, of great local influence and state prominence. He took his own life in one of the moods of melancholy superinduced by occasional dissipation to -which he was addicted. It was also during this year that a very general cattle dis ease prevailed, a sort of sore tongue among cows, that seized every thing', but was not very fatal.
This year saw a distinguished Georgian, Hon. John E. "Ward, selected as the United States minister to China, while another equally distin guished Georgian, Hon. Henry R. Jackson, had returned to his home in Savannah, after brilliant service as United States minister to Austria. Mr. Jackson was invited to address the Legislature on public matters, and did so on the evening- of the 23d of November, 1858, in a speech of remarkable eloquence and power, on the theme of the " Extension of American Empire, and its Effect on Southern Institutions." It -was a masterly vindication of the idea of territorial expansion, and abounded in passages of impassioned and beautiful rhetoric. The Federal TTnion in speaking of the address, said, " that golden thread of poesy, which

SPEECH OF OEX. IIEXEY K. JACIvSOJST.

83

in other days linked his soul to the beautifxil and the good of earth,
still shines through the inner, and sways the sweet influences of the
outer man." The folio-wing passage will give an idea of the exquisite
eloquence of this address :
" First and foremost among men, Washington, declining to place a crown upon his own brow, immaterialized the principle of government, taking it out of material forms and placing it in the abstract law. There it stands, cold yet pure, unsympathizing yet incorruptible, a crowned abstraction, holding the scepter of empire in its pulseless hand, the constitution of these United States. (Cheers.) Sublime reflection! that the American citizen is the subject only of thought. Exalting prerogative ! that wherever or whoever he may be, whether seated in the executive mansion, the nation's chief, or following his plow in the broad blaze of the noon-day sun in the solitude of the Western wilderness, he recognizes no material medium between himself and the soul of all thought, of all law, of all truth, and that when he kneels he kneels alone to his God! (Cheers.)"
He thus concluded in a storm of applause :
"Not yours the vast commercial emporium with its countless temptations to corrup tion and crime; not yours the ancient capitol, enriched by the accumulated hoards of lapsed ages of enervating time ; not yours the luxurious palace, adorned with the works of semi-sensual art ; but yours at last is THE STATE, in the simple words, but sublime thought of the poet:
' What constitutes a State ? Not high-raised battlement, nor labored mound, Huge walls nor moated gate,

Nor starred and spangled courts Where low-born baseness wafts perfume to pride, ,

Men who their duties know, but know their rights, And knowing, dare maintain. These constitute a State !' "

CHAPTER XL
GOVERNOR BROWNS SUPERB PUBLIC ENDORSEMENT AND RENOMINATION.
The Codification of Georgia Law.--Thomas II. R. Cobb.--The Universal Demand for Gov. Brown's Re-election.--The Unknown Gaddistowuer, the Master of the State in Twelve Months.--The Unparalleled Torrent of Popular Psaise.--Some of the Royal Voicings of Press and People.--Wonderful and Unprecedented Tributes. --A Monotony of Encomium.--The Democratic Nominating Convention.--Its Personelle.--John B. Walker's Plashing Speech.--Formalities Dispensed with--Brown Reuorninated in a Unanimous Whirlwind.--The Exquisite Impromptu Speech of Henry II. Jackson.--A Gem of Eloquence.--Brown Brought In----A Re markable Acceptance.--Resolves to make no Canvass.
IT was at this time that the important work of the c^ificaticm of our laws beg'an. The General Assembly elected as Codifiers, ex-Gov. Herschell V. Johnson, ex-Judge David Irwin, and Judge Iverson L. Harris, at that time presiding over the Ocmulgee Circuit. Judge Har ris was a citizen of Milledgeville, a lawyer of great ability and high character, who was afterwards elevated to the Supreme Bench. He was a gentleman of purity of nature and very positive and conscientious. He and ex-Gov. Johnson declined the duty, and Gov. Brown with ad mirable judgment appointed Judge Richard H. Clark and Thomas R. R. Cobb in their places. Mr. Cobb was the brother of Hon. Howell Cobb and one of the leading lawyers of the state. He possessed both high order of intellect and an elegant culture. He \vas also a man of herculean capacity for work. His industry was tireless. He had been for years reporter of the Supreme Court, was author of a Digest of Georgia law, and an erudite woijk on the Law f_Slave^j>. He was a man. of deep religious feeling- and an elder in the Presbyterian church. He was also a professor in the Lumpkiii law school at Athens. The Code was finished and adopted in. I860, to go into effect 011 the 1st day of January, 1862. A legislative committee consisting of Hines Holt, Dan'1 S. Printup and W. W. Paine of the Senate, and Geo. N. Lester, Isham S. Fannin, W. G. Delony, M. W. Lewis, C. N. Broyles and C. J. Williams of the House examined and reported in favor of the code. The work was an extensive, original and. unprecedented accomplish ment, embodying in concise and symmetrical form the vast body of

THE GUBERNATORIAL SUCCESSION.

85

common and statutory law in force in the state with the judicial expo sition of the same. In 1863 the Code was remodeled to conform to the Confederate Constitution. In 18G7 a revision, of the Code was made by David Irwin, covering- the changes made since the surrender, including the Constitution of 18G5, and this revised Code was examined and re ported upon by a committee of citizens, appointed by Gov. Jenkins un der a resolution of the General Assembly, composed of Gen. Andrew J. Hansell, Col. Logan E. Bleckley and Col. Nathaniel J. Hammond. This has been known as the Code of 1808. The last revision of the Code was in 1873, by David Irwin, Geo. N. Lester and 'Walter B. Hill, and the examination of it was done by the Attorney General of the state, Hon. N. J. Hammond, under direction of a resolution of the Gen eral Assembly of 1872. This revision contained the Constitution of 1868, and the supreme court decisions and the statute laws up to 1873.
In the beginning of the year 1859 the agitation of the gubernatorial succession commenced. The convention was called for June. The whole drift of democratic preference was for Governor Brown. ^N"o Executive in the history of the state has ever made such an impression upon the people. His establishment and maintenance of leadership was something phenomenal. His clutch of the popular heart was a miracle of personal achievement. His fierce strifes of public policv and sturdy championship of the public interest had rooted him deep and fixed in the affections and admiration of the masses. His popu larity was so pronounced that no democrat allowed, his name to be canvassed in opposition to the people's manifest desire for Brown. It must be considered that at this time it was but a little more than a year since he had been sprung, an unknown man, upon the people of the whole state. Yet in this brief time, in spite of inexperience and the drawbacks of his obscurity, he had by his iron force of character, magnificent genius of common-sense, and inborn statesmanship, im-. pressed himself upon the commonwealth as a vital, foremost, irresistible public leader, the uncontested and dominant master of the state. It was a proud work.
The spontaneous utterances of the press, and the unprompted resolu tions of county meetings in all parts of the state testify strikingly to the public estimate placed upon Governor Brown after this one short year of public service as chief magistrate. It was a realization of the ancient fable of the consummate Minerva springing full armed and matured at birth from the brain of Jove. Without the usual appren ticeship in public life, he had shown himself a full-grown statesman,

80

PRESS EXDORSEilKXTS OF GOV. BEOWX.

handling' the great and complicated affairs of state government with unsurpassable ability. Some of the endorsements of him are remark able. Col. W. A. Lewis of Forsyth Co., who had opposed Brown, "wrote to the Lawrenceville JVetcs that " he cordially endorsed. Gov. Brown's administration of the affairs of the state." Hon. "Wm. H. Stiles, -who was before the last convention, saw his name mentioned in the " Southern Confederacy," at Atlanta, as a probable candidate for Governor. He published a brief letter, saying, I have no desire to disturb an administration \vhich, so far at least as the public prints indicate, seems to afford such general satisfaction." In a very strong editorial Dr. Blackburn of the Lumpkin Palladium used these incisive sentences:
~ " His Excellency, Governor Brown, has, as we predicted in an editorial of May last,

proven himself fully competent to discharge the duties of Governor of a great and growing commonwealth, and now is entitled to the proud epithet of being the model Governor of this Union. Pie is a safe custodian of the people's honor, a fearless exponent of correct principles, and a safe keeper of the mighty resources of the Empire state. He has by his fearless course forced his traducers to acknowledge his adminis trative capability. He is our only choice for Governor for the next term, and we believe that we but reflect the honest sentiments of four-fifths of the Democracy of South-

The Columbus Times used this forcible language:
/ " The administration of Joseph E. Brown has been from the period of his inauguration to the present moment, successful and satisfactory to the people. We need not refer to the acts of his administration in proof of what we say--we need not allude to his bold, independent course in displacing officers--adhering to true and correct principles, and his successful management of the state affairs, to vindicate us in awarding to him what justice demands. We mean simply to echo the sentiments of the people in wishing the shafts of malice thrown at him to be broken, and that he will remain another term in the office which he now fills with so much credit to his party and honor to his state."
The Milledgeville ^Recorder, the uncompromising organ of the oppo sition, in the following paragraph of bitter sarcasm bore Linconscious testimony to the Governor's influence:
" It is known that Gov. Brown has won an enviable reputation as an honest man, especially in a financial point of view, and the knowledge and belief of it was quite visible upon the legislature. For it was a noticeable fact, that whenever a bill or resolu tion that had for its intention the appropriation or paying out of money, it was immediately suggested that it be referred to the Governor to do as he thought best. In other words, the legislature seemed willing to shift all responsibility, and dodge behind the accredited honesty of the Governor."
\The Macon Telegraph stated emphatically:

MJXLEDGEVILLE'S REMARKABLE TRIBUTE.
3 hundred, at least, of
These are specimens of the complimentary endorsement that the party pr~ess of that day g-ave Gov. Brown. It was, however, in the resolutions of the county meeting's that popular approval seems to have uttered its most ardent expressions. At a democratic meeting held in Milledgeville in March, presided over by Col. I). C. Campbell, a committee composed of Judge I. L. Harris, M. D. McComb, F. G. Grieve, Dr. W. A. Jarratt and D. P. Brown, reported the following extraordinary resolutions, which were unanimously adopted, and constitute as powerful a public tribute as any public man ever received:
"The year 1859 is destined, politically, in Georgia in some respects from appearances to be remarkable. Within the memory of the eldest among us, the high honor of being the Governor of the state has never been won and worn without a severe, and most usually, a bitter party contest. It has not imfrequently, also, been a matter of difficulty to ascertain the choice of the people, and hence the necessity which has hitherto existed for conventions to collect, concentrate and reflect their will.
"Iii the ranks of the democratic party there is no contest for this high office; if there have been any aspirations for it, they have been hushed in the general voice of the people of Georgia. One name--one person only is thought of--talked of for Governor. It is folly,--it is worse,--it would be madness, to attempt to frustrate that will that makes itself so unmistakably and audibly heard. Of the people--he is emphatically at this time the favorite of the people.
" It will be, we think, the peculiar good fortune of Gov. Brown, though he should again be presented by the democratic party for re-election--to meet with an acceptance from
cessors to secure. Such an event--a probability -most likely to occur--is strikingly suggestive. Can it be otherwise than that his administration of the executive depart ment has been singularly wise, prudent, just, vigilant, firm and energetic, and in accordance with the pulsations of the popular heart, to have commanded, as it has done, such an unwonted popular approval.
"Compelled by official duty to reside within our limits, the citizens of Baldwin county cheerfully bear testimony to the modest, affable and unpretending deportment, and to the plain", simple, republican habits of this distinguished citizen of the Cherokee section of Georgia, by which he has secured our affections and esteem."
This magnificent and spontaneous encomium, unlike the hackneyed formalism of such occasions, coming from the source that it did, extorted as it was by sheer merit and the luster of unembellished deed, giving exalted precedence to the simple man of the people above a long line of aristocratic and brilliant predecessors, was indeed such a grand public recognition as few men deserve and fewer obtain. The Democ racy of Talbot county resolved, " That the wisclom and unwavering firmness of his excellency Gov. Brown, his upright and judicious admin-

COUNTY EXDOESE3IEXTS OF GOT.
interest in his hands, not only warrant his continuance in office, but command, the respect and admiration of every true G-eorg-ian." The democrats of the plucky county of Campbell instructed their delegates " To fro for Brown first, Brown last, and Brown all the time, and never to surrender ' our choice ' to the factious opposition of a minority having personal injuries to redress and avenge." L. B. Watts was chairman of the meeting-, and Dr. T. C. Glover chairman of the committee that reported these pointed words, Butts county declared that " the admin istration of Gov. Brown meets with unanimous approval." B. F. Ward was chairman, and the committee, A. Taliaferro, C. S. Foster, E. Varner, Thomas McKibben and J. Carmichael. The Wilkinson county democracy said that Gov. Brown's administration had " met with the cor dial approbation of almost all parties throughout the state." In a Cobb countv meeting presided over by Judge Rice, T. H. Moore, chairman of committee, reported resolutions declaring- " that Joseph E. Brown is the people's choice, and they \vill be content with no other," and that a convention was unnecessary. Cherokee and Stewart counties had rousing meetings. In the Stewart gathering, Judge James Clarke speaking used this slashing- language: "Joseph E. Brown, at the com mencement of the last political campaign was called in derision ' the CJieroJcee co^o driver ' he has proved himself the driver oxt of the plunderers of your country; the driver out of dishonesty in. high places; the driver otit by his intrepid vetoes of vicious and corrupt legislation; and the driver o^ct of those exclusive privileges by which one set of men are enabled to enslave another." And he added this applauded compli ment : " Brown has proved himself as thoroxighly made of Jilckory as Old Hickory Jiimself" The Pulaski county democracy resolved to sup port "TTonest <Toe jBrown." In Washington county a meeting: presided over by Gen. T. J. Warthen, -with J. N. Gilmore and Evan P. Howell as secretaries, adopted unanimously a graceful and vigoroiis set of resolu tions reported by a committee composed of Gol. James S. Hook, Thomas O. Wicker, Beverly D. Evans, Jno. Kittrell and W. G. Ptobson. The resolutions bear the mark of having been \vritten by that writer and speaker of unusual power, Colonel, afterwards Judge Jas. S. Hook, one of the ablest lawyers and purest citizens of the state. The follow ing resolution is a glowing encomium upon Gov. Brown.
"'Rrsoli-ed, That the administration of Gov. Brown stands out in its own solid, yet unpretending grandeur, a splendid monument of high intellectual sagacity and moral

CASS COUXTV AT,OaTE AXTI-- BROWIN".

89

heroism, reminding us most vividry of the stern and manly irtues of those noble and great men who illustrate the early history of the republic."
The Merriwether county Democracy complimented Gov. Brown's " watchful guardianship." Wilcox county deemed it " but an act of sheer justice " to renomiriate him; Applirig county declared him "the man who was not afraid to throw himself between the frowns of the cor porations and the people's interest." Muscogee county, in a meeting presided over by Wiley "Williams, declared that Gov. Brown, "is our first choice." Even Chatham county, the central point of the bank influ ence, endorsed Gov. Brown's administration as a whole.
The endorsements above selected are taken from an unbroken current of commendation, that the people of the state gave to Gov. Brown. Xo public man has ever been so endorsed. There was almost literally no dissent in the Democratic party. Fulton county at first seemed divided upon Gov. Brown, there being- many disappointed state road exemployes in Atlanta, but a public meeting- decided overwhelmingiy for Brown. Polk county sent a divided delegation to the convention. And Cass county alone sent an anti-Brown delegation headed by a dis charged railroad official. The Wire Grass Reporter with a grim humor, said editorially, " "We were really getting a little wearied, and jaded at the everlasting .resolution, recurring- in every county, pronouncing- in favor of the renomination of Joseph E. Brown, until we came to Cass. Here we found a change come over the spirit of the meeting-; a new sensation sprung- quite refreshing- amid the Brown monotonv; a new ' hu-r-r-ah,' reminding- us strongly of Rip Van Winkle's approach to the whig- meeting after his thirty years' nap, swinging his beaver and huz zaing* for old King- George; and like Rip if the Cass boys do not get hustled for it, we shall wonder." Even some of the opposition press were for Gov. Brown. The Sumter Rep'uLHcan,, edited by Mr. Han cock, was for calling an American state convention, but urged that the convention should endorse Gov. Brown.
The Democratic convention, assembled in Milledgeville, on the loth of June, 1858. It was a very large and able body. There were 405 dele gates from 117 counties. Among them. were Gen. Henrv R. Jackson, and Hon. Julian Hartridge of Savannah, Hon. James Jackson of Clarke, Gen. William Phillips of Oobb, Milton A. Cancller of Dekalb, E. W. Chastain of Fannin, Logan E. Bleckley of Fulton, Daniel S. Printup of Rome, W. A. Lofton of Jasper, F. H. West of Lee, Samuel Hall of Macon, Randolph Spaulcling of Mclntosh, T. P. Saffolcl of Morgan, Porter Ingram of Muscogee, H. Fielder of Polk, L. J. Aired of Pick ens,

90

THE JDIEilOCKATIC COXVE^TIOX OF 1858.

Dr. J. C. C. Blackburn of Stewart, W. A. Hawkins of Sumter, D. N. Speer of Troup, C. J. Wellborn of Union, E. H. Pottle of Warren, George Hillyer ( of Walton, J. A. R. Hanks and W. K. Moore of Whitfield, Gen. T. J. Warthen and T. O. Wicker of Washing-ton, and Hon. James L. Seward of Thomas.
The business went through with a rush in this large convention. The party had spoken with an emphasis and. a unanimity rarely seen. The g-reat gathering was merely met to record the popular will. The ordi nary formalities were brushed aside. Mr. Steele moved to dispense with the calling the list of delegates and go to business, and it was promptly done. Col. John A. Jones moved a committee on organiza tion. E. W. Chastain moved that John B. Walker be made president by acclamation, and it went through like a flash. Mr. Walker was a farmer, but he made a ripping little speech. Modestly claiming to be no presiding officer, he glittered out in a rare succession of eloquent utterances. Said he, warming up:
" We have not assembled here, gentlemen, to discuss our political creed, to repair our political platform, to add a plank to it, or take one from it. No, gentlemen, we feel that our old political platform is one so durable, that time may wither at its base, eternity play around its summit. "We have come here to place upon that old political platform a 7nan that is worthy of our full and entire confidence, and who will secure the popular vote of the state."
He closed in a whirlwind of applause. Several motions were made for a business committee, but the body was in no mood for formalities. Hon. James L. Seward offered a crisp trio of resolutions. The first reaffirmed the Cincinnati platform of 1856; the second endorsed Pres ident Buchanan; the third was as follows:
r which Joseph E. Brown has manio the confidence of the whole people

ocratic party of Georgia for the next Governor."
The first and third resolutions were immediately adopted unani mously. The second resolution about Buchanan was adopted by 371 yeas to 3-i nays. Hon. Henry R. Jackson was called on by the conven tion for a speech. Rising in response to the call, Mr. Jackson began in that musical, tremulous, penetrating voice that so well suited the exquisite diction and eloquent thought that marked his speeches.
" And what am I to say, Mr. President, in response to a call so flattering to my vanity, but at the same time so wholly unexpected by me. Indeed the occasion for a speech would seem to have passed, when by its action this convention has already announced the almost universal thought. I seize upon the moment, then, not for argument but for

GEN. HENRY K. JACKSON'S ELOQUENT SPEECH.

91

congratulation that argument has been in truth at no time necessary to secure among us concert of opinion, of feeling and of action. The principles we profess, the course and character of the men we support--more potent than words of eloquent persuasion had already secured it for us.
" If I begin where the action of the convention left off--if I begin with the nomination of Joseph E. Brown for re-election to the Gubernatorial Chair, I feel that my last re mark comes with peculiar propriety from one who represents in part the County of Chatham and City of Savannah. It seems to have been at one time supposed that'such a nomination might not be acceptable to the Chatham Democracy. But I am assured that I utter the sentiments of those who have sent me here as a delegate, and also the sentiment of my colleagues, in that delegation, when I say that our honored Chief Magistrate, by the general ability of his State Administration, by his integrity of pur pose and energy of action has deservedly secured for himself the earnest support of the true-hearted democracy of Chatham, precisely as he has this day commanded the ap proval of the entire democracy of Georgia. It is not that there may not have been some conflicts of opinion between us in. the past ; nor that the possibility may not still exist of similar conflicts in the future; but because in the essentials of our political faith we are with him, and with him in full, honest and warm accord."
The applause that followed Mr. Jackson in these beautiful allusions to Grov. Brown showed how warmly he echoed the popular pulsation. He concluded with a brilliant defense of President Buchanan's course to the South. A committee was appointed of S. J. Smith, J. H. Steele, H. R. Jackson, D. C. Campbell and Porter Ingram to notify Grov. Brown, and request his acceptance of the nomination. The committee returned in a few moments escorting the fortunate recipient of this marvelous honor. Gov. Brown came in amid a storm of feeling, placid and com posed as he ever was. But a brief two years had elapsed since, un known to the state at large, he had while binding wheat--Ciriciimatus like--on his mountain-valley farm, away from the telegraph and the iron track, received the unexpected news of his nomination for gover nor. The question that pealed from the public voice, " "Who is Joe Brown ? " was an honest one. It had to be answered. The people did not know. The homely young countryman had answered it, and the answer was a real one. It was a response of unparalleled power. But a year and a half of executive duty Avas needed to result in a unanimous and irresistible demand by the great popular will for his re-in stallation in his exalted trust. The state kiie\v him, and knew him so well, that the people,--the " "Woolhats " that he came from, and whose interests he had guarded as \vell as the aristocrats who ridiculed him and whom he had fought, stood shoulder to shoulder in admiring recog nition of his high public service, and vied in doing1 honor to this simple but superb public administrator of the people's affairs. And it was a singular and impressive coincidence that the man of all others that

92

GOV. BROWN'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE.

stood as the eloquent mouthpiece of a great state in emphasizing this matchless tribute to the plain self-made man of the democratic masses was the aristocratic descendant of one of the great and illustrious fami lies of the republic,--a family princely from its achieved distinctions,-- who represented the courtliest constituency in the state, that placed high value .upon the hereditary transmission of gentle blood and thorough-bred ancestry. Not only this, but this constituency had been the very pedestal of these financial influences that' the executive had so successfully antagonized, and it was a striking reward of honest pur pose and undeniable ability that even these embittered powers joined in this splendid and substantial ovation.
Gov. Brown's impromptu response on this supreme occasion was in some respects a remarkable one. Expressing the deep sense of appre ciation of the public confidence, modestly referring to his past execu tive course, incisively endorsing the national policy indicated by the convention, he went on to speak with pride of the position of Georgia in the sisterhood of states and her unequaled resources. Her bonds were quoted at a higher premium than those of any other state. Her debt was only two and a half millions, while she owned, property worth from seven to ten millions. Her railroad enterprises were being pushed rapidly, so that the people of remote sections were becoming- neighbors. His earnest expressions of interest in the subject of popular education drew enthusiastic cheering. But the part of his speech that surprised the convention and illustrated his dutiful ideas, was his declaration that he should not undertake to canvass the state. He said :
" My official course has been open and above board, and is known to the people. I am willing to be judged by my acts. While in office I could not canvass the state with out frequently neglecting important official duties ; and I am unwilling to neglect the duties of an important official trust confided to me by the people for the purpose of canvassing for another term in office. If my health permits, and I perform faithfully my executive duties, and by necessary co-operation with the able, efficient and trust worthy officers of the state road, can assist them to pour into your state treasury from thirty-five to forty thousand dollars in cash per month, I shall feel that I am doing the state more service than I or any one who may be my opponent could do by traveling over her territory and making stump speeches. This monthly argument I expect to continue to repeat. Thirty-five to forty thousand dollars per month is an argument in favor of the democracy that will be felt in the elections."
Singularly free from the slightest attempt at rhetorical display, Gov. Brown's speeches have been exceptionally effective. His avowal that he would not canvass for re-election placed him, if anything could, with increased strength before the state.

CHAPTER XII. THE GUBERNATORIAL TUSSLE BETWEEN GOV. BROWN
AND WARREN AKIN.
THE Know-Nothing flurry was over. The name of " Know-Nothing " had been discarded for " American," and this title was becoming- weari some. The party was anti-Democratic, but at sea for a proper name. The press of that party was divided. The Macon Journal and 3Ie
candidat
ford of Milledgeville, J. M. Calhoun of Atlanta and Foster Augusta issued an address declaring- that they did not d able to call a convention, of the American party. They, however,
eries of unparalleled abuses and

94

THE OPPOSITION CONVENTION.

astounding- political documents ever issued, wound, up with these words, " Our word for it, we shall be able to organize such a party as will not only correct all local abuses, but rout the plunderers, and save the national government of our fathers from demoralization and ruin." This formidable fulmination of a bewildered committee representing- a shattered, and floundering- party org-anization, occasioned a flood of rail lery from the Democratic press of Georgia. Grandiloquence, bombast, last splutter of the wet powder pyramid, possum party, womblecropped family, congiomeratecl, ring-streaked, were some of the ridicul ing- phrases that found vent against this amusing- manifesto.
The Savannah Hep^Mica)^ wTas the most savage of the opposition press against Gov. Brown. It flamed out ferociously against him. It called him " that inflated little demagogue Joe Brown," that flapped his wings like " a bantam cock ; " said he was " disgustingly puerile " in his speech in the convention ; that an " ass " "would rule the people of Georgia as well. These terms were somewhat different from the pol ished encomiums of the eloquent Jackson. The Milledg-eville Recorder, the org-aii of the opposition party candidly owned, that Gov. Brown "has done well and deserves the thanks of the -whole people of Georgia." Thus divided among- themselves, the opposition were undecided what to do. There was one controlling reason why the org-anizatioii under some name should be kept alive, and this was that in several cong-ressional districts they could secure congressmen. The convention was called by the central committee in July in Milledg-eville. The Savannah -Republican, in bitter opposition to Gov. Brown, insisted that the opposition convention should not meet in Milledg-eville, because Brown had been nominated there. A call was issued for Macon, and the conven tion met there and adjourned, until the 10th of August, 1858, in Atlanta. The re-assembling- of the convention in Atlanta was during- a wet, g-loomy spell of weather, that typified the spirit ^and the prospects of the party it represented. Hon. D. A. Reese was chairman of the con vention. A business committee consisting- of C. H. Hopkins, Jonathan Davis, R. P. Trippe, B. H. Hill, Dr. H. V. M. Miller, Dr. R. D. Winn, David W. Lewis, John Milleclge, was appointed. Messrs. Trippe, Winn and Lewis not being present, their places were filled by Peter W. Alexan der, Mr. Gibbs of Walton and Miles W. Lewis. Dr. Miller, the chair man of the committee, reported that the committee had failed to agree as to the propriety of nominating a candidate for Governor, and desired to refer the matter to the convention.
A spirited scene occurred in the body over this matter. Col. W. F.

COL. WAKKE:^ AKI^ST.

95

Wrig-ht of Xewnan, who was running- for congress ag-ainst Col. Gartrell, let it out that in the event the convention decided to nominate the com mittee had determined on the man. Mr. Alexander wanted the vote of the convention to be by counties and not by deleg-ates. These two matters created quite a disturbance. Both Mr. Alexander and -Col. Joshua Hill of Morgan charged upon Col. "VVright a blunder in clivulg-ing the action of the committee. The confusion was very great. One delegate whose name is not given in the proceeding's threw a bombshell in the stormy assemblag-e by saying- that " he had supposed all along that the question was not w/io they should nominate, but who they could get to taJte tlie nomination. If they could get a responsible man to take it, he .'thought it foolish to waste any more time in determining how it was to be given to him."
After a tumultuous time the convention voted to have a nomination and the committee reported the name of Col. Warren Akin of Cass county, now ISartow, for Governor. The committee to notify Col. Akin of his nomination was James Johnson, John Milledge and Cincinnatus Peeples. Col. Akin accepted the nomination in a brief letter that con tained no enunciation of policy, but declared that he would not be able to canvass the state. This he re-considered afterwards, however, and he did make a series of speeches.
Col. Warren Akin at this time had not been prominent, in state pol itics, though he had considerable local reputation as a very able and successful lawyer. He was a self-made man, possessing decided ability, and very effective speaking- power, and as much purity of private char acter as any public man. we have ever had in Georgia. He was a local methodist preacher. Col. Akin was rather a small man in physique, but had a voice of remarkable compass, both shrill and deep, with pe culiar ring-ing- quality in its hig-h notes. He had unusual fervor and sincerity of conviction, and earnestness of character. He could not be called a popular gentleman, on account of a certain unyielding- vigor, and a forcible impatience at what he condemned. As a laborious student, in a clear comprehension of the law, and in strong- argument, Col. Akin had no superior, and few equals in his circtiit. No man in his section enjoyed a larger share of individual and public esteem than he, and his selection to lead .the forlorn hope of the opposition was a de served tribute to his worth and ability. He was afterwards elected to the confederate congress, and made merited reputation in that field.
He was a strong speaker, but in his canvass he -was riot at a proper advantage. He was principally confined to a warfare upon Gov.

90

GOV. BKOW:^ EE-ELECTED.

Brown's administration,, and that had been too good, a one to admit of successful assault. He traversed the state, making- as much of the can vass as any one could have done. The opposition press settled into a very bitter and slanderous war upon Gov. Brown, assailing him with detraction arid scandal. Gov. Brown staid in his office quietly discharg ing his executive duties, and letting the democratic press and the peo ple fight his battle. Col. Akin made a gallant but an unavailing campaign. He had. no hope of success, nor did the sensible men of his party. He made much reputation in the state for eloquence and ability, but he gained no votes from Brown. On the contrary, Gov. Brown in creased his previous majority of something over 10,000, to over 22,000, or more than doubled it. In Brown's own county, Cherokee, and Akin's own county, Cass, as well as in Baldwin, that had never given a democratic candidate for g-overnor a majority, Brown obtained majori ties.
Mixed with the gubernatorial canvass was the congressional cam paigns. The democrats had nominated Peter Love, Martin. J. Crawford, Alexander M. Speer, Lucius J. Gartrell, John W. H. Underwood, James Jackson, R. G. Harper, and Jenks Jones. Mr. Stephens had retired from public life, and Jenks Jones of Burke was the democratic nominee in his place. Against these gentlemen the opposition party was running- J. Mclrityre; against Crawford, Gen. Bethune and Mr. Douglass; Thomas Hardeman, Jr., W. F. Wright, ------ Shackel'ford, ------ Lytle, Joshua Hill and Raiise Wright. The opposition elected Hardeman and Hill by small majorities. Three of the democrats reelected had made high reputation, Martin. J. Crawforcl, James Jackson and Lucius J. Gartrell. All of these had delivered eloquent speeches in Congress, that had attracted much attention. Mr. Gartrell was a large, powerful man, robust, hearty and full of animal spirits, a bold, buoyant declaimer, and a ready debater. Crawford and Jackson were both slender, nervous men, but of intellectual vigor and earnest speakers. Crawford has, all of his life, been marked by a dry vein of exquisite humor, and a keen, practical wisdom that have made him not only an en tertaining companion, but a man of strong influence. Jackson, of the two, was the most fervent orator. Tsr o man in the state has been more free from partisanship, whether political or personal, than Crawforcl. It is a little curious that three of the gentlemen, conspicuous in that con gressional canvass of 1859, Crawford, Jackson and Speer, now occupy the supreme bench of Georgia, in this year 1881, and constitute a very able court. Mr. Speer was defeated, but he has from that clay to this

THE LEGISLATURE OF 1859.

97

been an influential pubUc man, especially noted for practical ability and a genial disposition. Mr. Jenks Jones is still living in Burke county, one of the honored and influential citizens of that fine old county, a lawyer of ability, and a gentleman of great local power.
The Legislature convened in November. It was overwhelmingly dem ocratic. Of those who had so vigorously fought the bank veto of Gov. Brown, few had been re-elected. The House included among its leading members, Clifford Anderson of Bibb, Julian Hartridge and John Screven of Chatham, George N. Lester of Cobb, R. N. Ely of Dougherty, T. W. Alexander of Floyd, R. L. McWhorter and M. W. Lewis of Greene, J. L. Harris of Glynn, D. "W. Lewis of Hancock, I. Fannin of Morgan, C. J. Williams of Muscogee, William Gibson of Richmond, and S. J. Smith of Towns. The speaker elect was Isaiah T. Irvin of "Wilkes county. Among the brightest of these men was Julian Hartridge of Savannah, a very ornate and eloquent speaker and brilliant lawyer, who afterwards became a congressman and died in congress. His colleague, John Screven, was a son of Dr. James P. Screven of Savannah, who was the chief founder of the Atlantic and Gulf railroad, in \vhich the state took a million dollars of stock. Col. John Screven is still living, a stately, slender gentleman of delightful address. He was for years mayor of Savannah, and succeeded his father as president of the Gulf road. Two members of this general assembly, by a curious coincidence, have held the position of Attorney General of the state under the present execu tive Gov. Colquitt, Robert N. Ely and Clifford Anderson. The admin istration of Mr. Ely as Attorney General, has been a conspicuous success, being especially noted for his collection of nearly a quarter of a million of back taxes from the railroads. Col. Anderson is a large, dig nified gentleman of high ability, and a graceful, strong speaker. Col. An derson was a member of the confederate congress, as also was George N. Lester. Mr. Lester has been Judge of the Superior court, and was de feated candidate for congress in the hot contest in the 7th district, in 1878, with the famous Parson Felton. Few men have equaled Judge Lester on the stump. Thick-set and solid in figure, with heavy, mas sive, homely features, bearded to the very eyebrows with dense black whiskers, \vith a voice of remarkable sweetness and power in its low tones, with an inexhaustible fund of humorous anecdotes, and an inimita ble humorous way of telling them, with a fine sonorous flow of words, and especial capacity of pathos, this gentleman is a rare talker on the hustings.
The Senate, which was an enormous body, comprising 132 senators,

98

ALEXANDER R. LAW-TON.

was an unusually able council. L. H. Briscoe, Phil Tracy, Peter Cone, A. S. Atkinson, Alexander R. Lawton, A. T. Hackett, Daniel S. Printup, Thomas Butler King, Geo. T. Bartlett, Harrison W. Riley, R. Spalding, R. P. Trippe, Hines Holt, George W. Jordan, T. L. Guerry, Clement A. Evans, "W. S.' "Wallace, W. W. Paine, James L. Seward, Edward A. Flewellen and William A. Harris, were in this senate. Philemon Tracy of Macon, was a most brilliant and promising young man, who died early. A. T. Hackett ,is at present a state senator, a ready speaker. Col. D. S. Printup has amassed a large fortune by successful practice of the law. Greorge T. Bartlett has been a judge of high repute. Old Gen. Harrison W. Riley was a character, an. illiterate man, but a local king, an odd, burly, shrewd old fellow, long since dead. Clement A. Evans brilliantly distinguished himself as a Brigadier General in the confederate army, and is .now a shining light in the Methodist Georgia conference--a preacher of great power and piety. George W. Jordan still continues to come to the legislature from Pulaski county, when he wishes. The strongest man in this legislature was probably Alexander R. Lawton of Savannah, who has frequently represented Chatham county in the Legislature, who was afterwards Quartermaster General of the confederacy, and who recently was defeated by Joseph E. Brown for the United. States Senate. Gen. Lawton has been a force in Georgia for the last twenty-five years. His erect, solid, sturdy, well-set figure and fine, open, resolute face, well typify the man, intel lectually and morally. His clear intelligence, intrepid firmness, unwav ering truth, straight-forward candor, unpretentious simplicity, blended dignity and politeness and business energy and promptness have made him a person of .growing public influence. Hon. T. L. Guerry was elected president of the Senate, and F. H. West secretary. /""' Gov. Brown was inaugurated and entered upon his second term as the Executive of Georgia under circumstances peculiarly auspicious. He had made an adminstration especially original and salient. He had ripened from being unknown into a state influence and political power unprecedently rapid and potential. He had received a popular endorse ment absolutely conclusive. He was enthroned in the public confidence. His ability, practical judgment, energy, immovable will, fearless courage, sagacity and devotion to the public interest, had all been shiningly shown and tested. He had performed great and undeniable public ser vice. He had reduced the rate of taxation from nine cents to six and one half cents on $100. He had brought up the State railroad from a condition of almost entire unremuneration to "where it had paid over

GOV. BKOWNs SECOND INAUGTTKAT-,.

99

I $400,000 in a single year, into the state treasury, to relieve the tax bur dens. He had established a school fund of 8150,000 a year. He had canceled an extra $100,000 of the public debt beyond what was due. He had been the direct means of hedging in a latitudinarian banking system with safeguards and restraints that to this day are preserved. He had vindicated the independence of the executive department of the state government from legislative encroachment. He had fearlessly inaugurated the practice of a true civil service policy. He had instilled into every branch of the state administration a healthy activity and official responsibility. And the people knew and credited him with his valuable work. His position at this time was a proud one. He stood upon a splen.Iid vantage ground of popxilar influence. He had attained this power by his own unaided brain and resolute will. And from this time on he was destined to be the master spirit,in Georgia affairs, holding
u his firm rule through all the tumultuous phases of a great strife, and amid every shifting- change of personal influence. His inaugural address was a practical, characteristic emanation. Allud ing- to the fact that he had become Governor the first time in a period of trouble and distrust, he modestly said that he had tried to meet his official responsibilities conscientiously. The people had passed their verdict upon his administration. Pie then entered into a brief review of the present condition of the State, making an eloquent sum mary of the resources and advantages of the commonwealth. Amid all of this sunshine and prosperity, however, there was a cloud upon the northern horizon that portended evil. He thus clearly stated the national issue pending.
" Our fathers consented to enter the confederacy of these states only upon terms of perfect equality; and we, as their sons, would be unworthy of our sires, if we consented to remain in the confederacy a day longer than this principle of equality is recognized. Prompted by ambitious leaders, who are willing to sacrifice their country for place and power, a majority of the people of the northern states have formed themselves into a great sectional, political party, which virtually denies our equality in the Union."
Proceeding to state that in the great presidential contest of 1860, soon to come, the issue lay between the Black Republican and Demo cratic parties, he thus concluded:
" I love the union of these states, and am prepared to make every reasonable sacrifice to maintain it, so long as it does not violate the rights of my native South. But should the two come into conflict, I love the rights of the South more, and am prepared to defend them at any sacrifice and at every hazard. In the present condition of affairs I would advise the citizens of Georgia to stand united with the National Democracy, so long as they continue to stand by her rights, and to protect them in the Union. B^^t should this

100

SPIRIT OF THE YEAR BEFOBE THE WAR.

organization be broken down, and her constitutional rights be denied, and her equality in the Union destroyed, I would then advise her citizens to strike for independence out of the Union--and to pledge each other, ' their lives, their fortunes, and their most sacred honor/ never to forsake each other till triumphant success shall have crowned their efforts. My fervent prayer to Almighty God is, that this necessity may be averted,-- that wisdom, moderation and justice may control all our National and State councils-- and that the rights of the States, and the Union of the States, may be thus perpetuated."
The concluding expressions of this inaug-ural were the outcome of the national situation in politics, and betokened the dangerous temper of the southern people at that time, but a little more than a year before the great civil war of the century. Gov. Brown's utterances were sig nificant, and emanating from that source, were full of portent. He was not a man to utter meaningless words. He was a singularly true expo nent of the controlling popular sentiment, and has been all of his life. A subtle sympathy with the masses added to extraordinary common sense methods has made him a natural born, popular leader. In the premonitory phase of the great conflict that began in 1861, Gov. Brown was in profound affinity with the southern side of that important moral and political convulsion. He represented two especial and practical characteristics of southern spirit, the intense state's rights conviction, and the decisive purpose to enforce that conviction. This matter will be more fully touched upon a little farther on, but at the present the narrative of state affairs "will be resumed. / Gov. Brown's second annual message was an entirely practical docu-N ment. It contained some of those business-like suggestions that his common sense intelligence was ever deducing from actual experience. And they were made in that direct, unmincing sort of way that belonged to the man. There was no circumlocution, no red-tape diplomacy in Gov. Brown's official utterances. He went directly to the pith of mat ters, and dealt with facts without ceremony. In his views he was governed by no consideration of the majesty of a coordinate branch of the state government. There was no glamour of official authority that affected him. He attacked what he conceived to be an error or a "wrong practice in the General Assembly, and asserted what he conceived to be a constitutional prerogative of the Governor's office in a fearless and frank manner, and without any punctilious palaver of etiquette. He was a homespun man of business, doing what he deemed his duty care less of opposition, or consequences. He rasped in his message what is to-day, and has always been, an evil practice of legislatures, viz., neg lecting the earlier part of a session, and hurrying business at the close, resulting in hasty and inconsiderate legislation. He also attacked

THE VETO POWER.

101

another chronic practice of legislation, demanding reform, and which the new Constitution of 1877 endeavored to correct,--trivial class and local action. He took ground against the expensive multiplication of new counties which had become a nuisance. He urged the reduction of the Senate from its unwieldy size. He assaulted the costly clerk system of the legislature, which had become an onerous pecuniary burden to the State. His entire message was full of plain, sensible recommenda tions in regard to the judiciary, education, militia, etc. Among other valuable suggestions he urged what has since been commenced, a mineralogical and geological survey of the State. He was then an ardent advocate for state aid in developing the resources of the commonwealth. His views on education, as can be supposed, were liberal and broad. All of his messages and inaugurals pressed the enlargement of free educational facilities for the people.
During his first term Gov. Brown had used the veto power more freely than any Governor in the state's history. His enemies had attempted to impair him in the public estimation for this. In his message he made a brief allusion to his exercise of the veto power, in which with a few sharp sentences he shattered these assaults. The constitution had assigned to the Governor certain powers and duties as well as to the General Assembly, and the people should hold himself responsible for the independent exercise of those powers. The revision of bills passed by the legislature was a constitutional power of the Executive. If the Governor out of mere respect for the General Assembly signed bills his judgment did not approve, he denied to the people the exercise of that executive revision which under the constitution they had a right to demand as a protection against hasty or unwise legislation. And the Governor -went or. with his vetoes. He vetoed a bill relieving a surety on a criminal bond; a man standing between the law and a criminal must take the consequences. He vetoed a bill granting a divorce to certain parties; divorces belonged to the courts. He vetoed a bill giving to certain minors the privileges of adults; the law fixing twentyone years as legal maturity is a wise one, founded on the experience of ages, and it is safe to adhere to it. He made other vetoes, but all of them based upon clear, sound reasons of law or public policy, and s evincing the vigilant care and unyielding decision that he brought to "the discharge of his executive duties.
The session of 1859 elected Hon. R. F. Lyon and Linton Stephens judges of the supreme court in the place of Henry L. Berming and Charles J. McDonald. Judge Lyon was almost wholly without speak-

102

UNEXPECTED TRIBUTE TO OGLETHOKPE.

ing ability as a lawyer, but he was an able counselor and gentleman of
fixed views. He is still living and in the practice of his profession.
The abolishment of imprisonment for debt was a subject of discussion
by this Legislature. The following- resolution passed the House, but
seems not to have been acted on farther, and is a tardy tribute to the
man it honors:
"Whereas, it has been customary from time immemorial with all civil and enlightened nations to.honor the memory of their illustrious and noLle dead, and emblazon their deeds in marble or brass for coming posterity, it is therefore but right and proper for us as Georgians, and the dictates of patriotism and a grateful people demand that the life,, memory and character of the illustrious founder of our great aud growing, state, should be rescued from the darkening shade of oblivion ; therefore be it
Resolved, That the Governor be authorized and requested to have erected in the capitol yard a handsome, elegant and appropriate marble monument to the memory of the illustrious founder of our state, Gen. James Oglethorpe, who combined in his life aud character the great aud noble qualities of a soldier, scholar, statesman, philanthropist and Christian."

CHAPTER XIII.
A HOT CHAPTER OF GATHERING REVOLUTION.
The Drive to Disunion.--Yancey's " Leaguers of the South."--Alec Stephens Retired.-- Toombs' Disunion Speech.--Senator Alfred Iverson's Griffiu Disunion Speech.-- Alec Stephens' Union Speech of Farewell at Augusta.--The two Utterances a striking picture of Contrasts.--The Disastrous Political Effect on Iversoii.--The John Brown Raid, and the Georgia Legislature's Burning Resolutions.--The State Aflame,--Two State Democratic Nominating Conventions in Georgia to send dele gates to the National Democratic Presidential Convention at Charleston.--The Split of the Georgia Democracy.--Howell Cobb and Alec Stephens, Presidential Timber.-- Cobb endorsed by one Convention, and not by the other, withdraws.--The Delegation to Charleston.--Personelle of the Georgia Conventions.--A Succession of Exciting Events.--Another Great Speech of Mr. Toombs.--"Pull Down the Pillars and Bring a Common Ruin."--Georgia the Dominant Factor in the Revolution at hand and Toombs its Genius.
DUEIXG the year 1859 the great conflict between the North and South was steadily maturing. Public sentiment in regard to slavery was in an inflamed and inflaming- condition. The popular pulse tingled at the very mention of the subject. The Black Republicans of the North were avowed in their purpose to crush slavery. "We had in the Soxith bold open disunionists. In Alabama an association had been estab lished by the Hon. William L. Yaricey, called the " Leaguers of the South," the motto of which was, <e A Southern Republic is our only safety." Alexander H. Stephens, the most conservative leader of the South, bade farewell to public life, and thus was eliminated from the national councils the most prudent, influential and eloquent union power we possessed. Mr. Toombs long before had made a burning speech in the United States Senate that thrilled the country, in which he daringly declared that unless the aggression upon slavery and the rights of the South ceased, he was for Disunion. The Supreme Court of the United States had decided in the celebrated Dred Scott case that there was 110 difference between slave property and other property, and a Territory could not discriminate against slaves. Mr. Douglas had planted himself upon the famous " squatter sovereignty" doctrine, which claimed the right of Territorial legislatures to determine the ques tion of slavery in the Territories. Mr. Douglas was bitterly abused by

104

SENATOH IVEKSOK'S DISUNION SPEECH.

a large portion of the Southern Democrats for this doctrine, while Mr. Buchanan was denounced by those who sustained Mr. Douglas.
Senator Iverson came home and made a lengthy speech in Griffin, Georgia, on the fourteenth day of July, 1859, that created intense and acrimonious discussion. It was a most aggressive Southern Rights speech. His slogan was, " Slavery, it must and shall be preserved." He denounced the Missouri Compromise which, " to save the union," had divided the national territory into " free" above and " slave" below a certain line of 36 30'. He denounced the Wilmot Proviso, which was to shut out slavery from all the territory acquired from Mexico. He denounced the famous Compromise measures of 1850, which provided for the admission of all new states, with or without slav ery, as their Constitutions might prescribe. He declared " all lost at the North," and the Northern Democracy " paralyzed and powerless." He denounced the Kansas bill which made Kansas a free state. He had once embraced the " squatter sovereignty " heresy, but he now repudiated it, and declared that it was the duty of Congress to protect slavery in the territories. Reading this speech of Mr. Iverson in the light of events since, it was profoundly prophetic. He declared that 1S61 would "witness the inauguration of a free soil President, and he boldly announced that the election of such a President he should con sider a declaration of war against slavery, and be in favor of separation and the formation of a Southern Confederacy. He was in favor now of a square defiance to the abolition party, a repudiation of all com promises, and a distinct unconditional demand for the equality and pro tection of slave property everywhere.
This speech was widely circulated and heatedly discussed. Mr. Iver son was charged with pandering to extreme Southern prejudice to get re-elected to the senate. Mr. Stephens but a few days before made his well remembered speech in Augusta, in retiring to private life, in which he had declared that the great questions of difference between the North and South he considered honorably and finally settled, and the country was in a most prosperous condition. He declared that slavery was firm and secure; that it was getting stronger and will continue to get stronger. He declared the compromise of 1850, which opened the territories to slavery and left them free to all, was a grand triumph of constitutional equality. He did not believe that we would have much more slave country without an increase of African stock. Mr. Stephens wound up with this tribute to the Union: " With our common country I leave like good wishes and the earnest hope for undisturbed peace and

STEPHENS AND IVERSON.

105

prosperity, and that our institutions unimpaired, national and state, may long continue to bless millions, yet unborn, as they have blessed us."
It would be difficult to conceive of two utterances of public view and policy so utterly and absolutely antipodal as these speeches of Mr. Stephens and Mr. Iverson. Mr. Stephens saw an era of peace, pros perity, order, the triumph of slavery and the South, and settled princi ples and a fixed Union. Mr. Iverson read in the public aspects, sectional strife, hopeless conflict of interest, the victory of abolitionism, con tinued aggressions and internecine struggles with the horror of Disunion which he demanded in preference to Mr. Stephens' settlement. It is bootless now to enter into any comparison of the conflicting- views of these two distinguished and able public men. Both were right in some things, and both wrong. No fallible human intelligence, however strong, can grasp the great plans of a Divine Providence. The mighty convulsion that was to end in the utter uprootal of slavery was swiftly culminating. "Under the ordinary human judgment, Mr. Stephens seemed right, and the general Georgia and Southern public sentiment concurred with him. Mr. Iverson was generally condemned, and there is little doubt that his radical disunion speech lost him his re-election as United States Senator. He was marvelously and prophetically right in many things. He did not exaggerate the truth when he said that there could be no compromise with abolitionism, and there would be no let up in its war upon slavery. He saw with amazing correctness the nature of the crusade against the slave institution, and he portrayed in wonderfully accurate words the drifting portents of the times. He diagnosed the coming storm clearer than his more generally sagacious contemporary. The earthquake was at hand, arid he foretold it with a wise wit. He was wonderfully right in another thing. Compromises had but postponed the day of a square fight for slavery. The true Southern policy was to have met the issue at once, and fully to have resisted concession at the beginning. The battle had to come for its existence. It would have been wise and politic to have maintained its proud and vital equality against every assault. Concession but strengthened the enemy. But Mr. Stephens was grandly right in his essentially wise and correct judgment that the proper place to fight abolitionism and defend slavery was IN THE UNION. Every advan tage was given the North in leaving it the name, the memories, the glory, the organization and sacred power of the Union. The Southern people were with Mr. Stephens then. Less wise and firm than he, they did not stay with him when the hour of passion was upon them. And

106

THE JOHN BKOWN EAID.

strange, most strange inconsistency, they repudiated Iverson and his policy at its very suggestion, and followed his policy when the con tingency he predicted came, and disregarded the counsel of the wiser Stephens. Iverson was for disunion if a sectional free soil president was elected, and the State of Georgia condemned the man and de nounced the suggestion. ^Vhen the event happened, in accordance with his prediction, they followed his counsel, though they had buried politically its author. It was a comical yet a pathetic political incon gruity.
But none the less did Senator Iverson's speech demonstrate the domi nant possibilities of revolution alive and flaming unconsciously yet pow erfully, and growing swiftly in the Southern heart, and working out mysteriously the colossal purposes of Providence. Mr. Toombs, in response to an. invitation, made a speech in Augusta, September 8, 1859, which was a careful, exhaustive and masterly review of the whole sub ject of federal legislation upon slavery, in which he, notwithstanding the squatter-sovereignty views of Mr. Douglas, from which he differed, declared his preference for him. Mr. Toombs also took position against putting a plank in the Democratic platform demanding the protection of slavery in the Territories. ^Vhile he believed in the right of Con gress to do it, he was against the exercise of the power. This speech was a remarkably conservative one.
There occurred at this time an incident that stimulated sectional pas sion to fever heat. Old John Brown, or, as he was better known, Ossawattamie Brown, of Kansas notoriety, organized a slave insurrection at Harper's Ferry, Virginia. Both the Governor of Virginia, Henry A. Wise, and President Buchanan promptly acted in suppressing the mat ter. This occurrence was like the application of a lighted match to a powder magazine. It inflamed the whole country, North and South. It drove argument and reason from the public forum. The South believed that the Harper's Ferry affair was but the small part of a general abolition movement to strike down slavery. In the Georgia Legislature Mr. Hartridge offered a set of resolutions declaring the fixed determination of the people of Georgia as to their future course and conduct. Referring to the John Brown raid, they said: " Fanaticism grown bold by impunity has invoked the aid of treason, murder and rapine, has crossed the border, and, advancing upon Southern soil, has spread bloodshed and excitement throughout a Southern State." These bold \vords of accusation concluded 'with this resolve:
" The State of Georgia holds herself ready to eiiter into any concert of action with

TWO STATE DEMOCKATIC CONVENTIONS CALLED.

107

the sister Southern States, which, will secure their common rights under the Constitu tion in the Union, or if that be no longer possible, their independence and security out of it."
Mr. Lewis, of Hancock, offered an amendment of bitter defiance that "We do not waive or postpone the conflict which such aggressions seek and provoke," and further, that the history of the past taught us " that it is unreasonable to expect the protection of our rights by the Federal government." Resolutions were passed thanking Governor Wise and President Buchanan for their prompt action in the matter. These official declarations of the General Assembly will afford some concep tion of the spirit of the people of Georgia and the crushing- drift of sentiment to a dissolution of the Union and Southern independence.
The National Democratic Convention to nominate a Presidential can didate was to meet in Charleston, S. C. Already public attention in Georgia was converging to that important gathering. On the evening of the 21st of November, 1859, a large portion of the Democratic members of the Legislature met in the Representative Chamber in Milledgeville. Peter Cone presided; James J. Diamond was Secretary. Thomas F. Jones, of Newton, offered resolutions, which were adopted, calling a State Convention, for the 8th of December to appoint delegates to Charleston. On the 22d of November the State Executive Committee, composed of D. C. Campbell, E. J. McGehee, Thos. P. Saffold and S. W. Burney, called the Democratic State Convention for the second Monday in March, 1860. Col. ~Wm. K. De Graffenreid, of this commit tee, dissented from the committee and joined the Democratic members of the Legislature in their call for a convention for December, before the Legislature adjourned. Thus there was a conflict upon this matter. It seemed as if the unfortunate slavery controversy that was convulsing the country and so swiftly sweeping to a great upheaval of peace, was affecting everything with its discordant spirit of dissension. The strife in the Georgia Democracy became lively over this twin convention busi ness. The practice had begun as far back as 1842 of the party mem bers of the Legislature calling State Conventions to appoint delegates to the Presidential nominating conventions, and had continued unbrokenly up to this time. And these State conventions consisted chiefly of the members of the Legislature, who represented their counties in the convention. If counties were not represented or represented only in part in the Legislature by Democrats, such counties sent other dele gates. The call of the members, therefore, for the convention of the 8th of December was in conformity with precedent, and its advocates

108

THE LEGISLATIVE DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION.

claimed that the Executive Committee could only attend to guberna torial contests.
The convention of the 8th -was held, but was not a full body, only 75 counties put of 132 being represented, while it was a large one. Isaiah T. Irwiri was made president, and F. H. "West and Greorge Hillyer sec retaries. The committee on business consisted of Messrs. Seward, Deloney, Smith of Talbot, Printup, Briscoe, Smythe, Oliver, Smith of Towns, Hill, Lawton, Broyles, King, Tracy, Cone, Rice, Fulton, Jones, Ragsdale, Hutchins and Morris. The resolutions of the convention recommended Howell Cobb for the Presidency, endorsed Buchanan for his course in the Harper's Ferry affair, and
" Pledged support of the nominee of the Charleston convention upon the condition that it determines to maintain the equality of the states and the rights of the Souththat we will yield nothing of those rights for the sake of harmony, but will demand a firm, strict and unqualified adherence to the doctrines and principles on the subject of slavery, and the rights of the South in the common territories of the Union, which have -been recently declared by the Supreme Court of the United States."
The following delegates were elected to the national convention: From the state at large: Isaiah T. Irwin, John H. Lumpkin, H. L. Benning, Henry R. Jackson; alternates, Charles J. McDonald, Thomas Butler King-, William H. Stiles, O. A. Lochrane.
The district delegates were: James L. Seward, Julian Hartridge, Arthur Hood, J. W. Evans, L. B. Smith, E. Strohecker, James J. Dia mond, L. H. Featherston, Gr. J. Fain, W. T. Wofford, William H. Hull, S. J. Smith, J. M. Lamar, L. H. Briscoe, D. C. Barrow, L. A. Nelms.
Fifty-two Democratic members of the legislature published their dis approval of the action of the convention in appointing delegates to the Charleston convention and protested against the authority of what they contemptuously called the " meeting" to bind the Democratic party. Among these were William A. Harris, A. S. Atkinson, A. B. Mathews, C. J. Williams, R. N. Ely, and James S. Reed. The two members of the executive committee in Milledgeville, Col. Campbell and Dr. McGeehee, issued a temperate card stating their reasons for calling the March convention and leaving the matter to the party to ratify or dis approve. Judge Benning, Gov. McDonald, Col. Featherston and Col. Lochrane of the delegates selected, declined to recognize the validity of their appointment and refused to serve. The papers rushed into a hot controversy over the matter. A good deal of temper was shown, and considerable recrimination indulged in. Mr. Howell Cobb was charged with inspiring the late convention and molding its action in the interest

HOWELH COBB FOB PRESIDENT.

109

of his presidential ambition. The name of Alexander H. Stephens was sprung1 by his friends for the Presidency, and a decided antagonism -was created between the adherents of these distinguished Georgians in con nection with the glittering prize of the national chief magistracy.
Hon. ^Yilliam H. Stiles, one of the alternate delegates chosen, wrote a letter to the Savannah Express maintaining that the March convention was the only regular and legitimate one, but suggesting-a compromise for harmony. His plan was for the delegates chosen to resig-n and the March convention to re-appoint them, and show the spectacle of a united Democracy and a united South. Hon. Howell Cobb wrote a most patri otic and characteristic letter, in 'which he used this conciliatory language:
" I can but repeat that my name shall not divide and distract the party. If there are a sufficient number in the Democratic party of Georgia opposed to my nomination, to justify the idea of serious divisions in the party, then I will unconditionally withdraw my name. This is no time for divisions in the south, and especially with southern Dem ocrats, and any personal sacrifice, which I may be called upon to make, to ensure union and harmony, shall be cheerfully made."
And he gave this positive assurance:
" So far as I am personally concerned, a demonstration of serious opposition to my nomination from the democracy of Georgia, in any shape or form, or from any conven tion, would end all connection of my name with the nomination at Charleston."
The position of Mr. Cobb was a peculiar one. He had, as secretary of the treasury under President Buchanan, made a national reputation for ability and statesmanship. The objection to him in Georgia was formulated in the foliowing words of the Columbus Times: " Mr. Cobb is far from being the choice of the Georgia democracy for the presidency, as his extreme TTnion vie^os are in antagonism with the prevailing senti ment in the Democratic ranks" And this criticism shows the tendency of public opinion to the final dissolution, and that conservative views were becoming powerless in the seething agitation.
Mr. Cobb's friends were advised by him to unite in sending delegates to the March convention, in order that the will of the party might be tested. At the various county meetings the matter was fully discussed, and the opinion was conflicting and varied. In many counties the del egates of the December convention were reappointed. A large number of counties endorsed Mr. Cobb for the presidency. A number expressly repudiated the action of the December convention. It was a warm issue and it stirred the State violently.
The March Democratic Convention assembled on the 14th, 1860, in Milledgeville. ^Ninety counties of the 132 in the State were represented by

110

THE CONVEXTIOX OF MARCH, 1860.

203 delegates. Among these were L. H. Briscoe, L. N. Whittle, O. A. Lochrane, P. Tracy, A. R. Lawton, Julian Hartridge, A. S. Atkinson, L. N. Trammell, D. S. Printup, Solomon Cohen, G-eo. A. Gordon, Jno. M. Guerarcl, Gen. G. P. Harrison, W. Phillips, R. N. Ely, J. W. Duncan, C. W. Styles, J. M. Mobley, J. G. Cain, Samuel Hall, T. P. Saffold, Porter Ingram, John. A. Jones, P. H. Colquitt, L. J. Aired, Henry Cleve land, Claiborne Sneed, J. D. Ashton, J. L. Seward, D. N. Speer, C. J. Wellborn, George Hillyer, E. P. Howell and E. R. Harden. Of these Henry Cleveland was the editor of the Augusta Constitutionalist, a bright writer, and who since the war has written a life of Alexander H. Stephens. Claiborne Sneed is now judge of the Augusta circuit, and has been a state representative, a gentleman of talent and force. E. P. Howell is now the editor of the Atlanta Constitution. He was state senator for two terms, and has evinced an extraordinary aptitude for public life, and is a gentleman of great shrewdness and practicality, and is destined to wield a strong public influence. D. N. Speer is the present State treasurer.
Hon. Alexander R. Lawton was made president of the convention. The proceedings continued for two clays, were stormy arid inharmonious, and finally adjourned, leaving the party in the State angry, rent, and at sea. Of the ninety counties forty-seven repudiated the December con vention and forty-three sustained it. Of the forty-two counties not represented in the convention, twenty-four were represented in the December convention. There were eig-hteen counties not represented in either convention. The forty-three coxinties in the March convention that supported the action of the December convention, added to the twenty-four counties represented in the December convention that were not represented in the March Convention, made sixty-seven counties, or two over half of the counties in the State that favored the December action. These figures will show how the party was split. The resolu tions of the December convention were voted down, thus throwing over Mr. Cobb and leaving the party without any enunciation of principle. The same delegates at large were appointed, but the alternates were different save ex-Gov. McDonald alone; Hiram Warner, Solomon Cohen and J. A. ^Vingfield being the three others in place of King, Stiles and Lochrane. Four delegates from each district were chosen by the dele gates of the respective districts. These were:
1st. J. L. Seward, J. Hartridge, H. M. Moore, Wm. B. Gaulden. 2nd. W. Johnson, John A. Jones, Wm. M. Slaughter, Jas. M. Clark. 3rd. E. L. Strohecker, L. B. Smith, O. C. Gibson, E. J. McGeehee.

IIOWELI, COBB'S WITHDRAWAL,.

Ill

4th. 3. J. Diamond, L. H. Featherston, W. Phillips, S. C. Candler. 5th. G. J. Fain, W. T. Wofford, James Hog-e, Lawson Fields. 6th. Wm. H. Hull, S. J. Smith, H. P. Thomas, A. Franklin Hill. 7th. L. H. Briscoe, Jefferson Lamar, J. "W. Burney, James Thoming. 8th. L. A. Nelms, D. C. Barrow, J. D. Ashton, H. B. Casey. Alternates from the districts were also appointed. The district dele gates of the December convention were all re-appointed save Arthur Hood and J. ~W. Evans. The alternates were nearly all different. An important resolution offered by Julian Hartridge, and xmanimously adopted, provided for the appointment of an Executive Committee by the President of the convention with power to call all conventions of the Democratic party of Georgia, and to exercise all the other powers belonging to such committee until another convention meets. This established the practice that has been uninterruptedly followed since of the appointment of an Executive Committee empowered fully to repre sent the party until another convention and the creation of a new com mittee. And Mr. Hartridge's resolution was intended to remedy the disastrous party difficulty, whose effects were being experienced in the existing widespread dissension. The committee appointed consisted of Porter Ingram, A. S. Atkinson, P. Tracy, C. Murphy, D. S. Printup, S. J. Smith, Li. H. Briscoe, and Henry Cleveland. The action of the convention in reftising to adopt the action of the December body urging Mr. Cobb for the Presidency, and failing to make a declaration of sentiment and policy, was a most unfortunate mat ter, and left a deep breach in the party. Mr. Cobb, in accordance with his published declarations previously made, addressed a letter to the President of the December convention, Mr. Irwin, unconditionally with drawing his name from the canvass for the presidency. His letter was a very graceful and appropriate one, in admirable temper and full of patriotic feeling. "While he claimed for the convention that endorsed him absolute party legality, yet he waived all question of regularity. He only regarded the party will. He frankly owned that while a major ity of the state Democracy supported him, there was a decided opposi tion to him. The connection of his name with the nomination was calculated to produce discord where there should be harmony, and he therefore withdrew it. The letter was a model of its kind, and its noble spirit and lofty utterances, so free from the slightest tinge of irritation or disappointment, placed him higher than ever in popular esteem. He wound up -with a reference to the approaching contest, in which a fanatical enemy was striving to seize the Federal government

112

EGBERT TOOMBS 5 GEE AT DISUNION SPEECH.

to bring dishonor upon the South. To overthrow this enemy, and save the government and the South from dishonor and ruin, which would fol low the successful inauguration of a Black Republican administration, was our duty. Union and harmony were necessary to do this, and to them he should contribute all he could with the confident hope of being fully and cordially sustained by the people of Georgia.
At this time the tendency to peace between the sections was not at all helped by a brilliant, daring and masterly speech of Robert Toornbs in the United States Senate, on a resolution offered by Stephen A. Douglas directing the judiciary committee to report a bill for the pro tection of each State and Territory against invasion by the authorities of every other state and territory. Mr. Toombs made a terrible arraignment of the Black Republican party. He said that the country was virtually in civil war; that a large body of the Senators before him were enemies of his country, and were using their official power to assail and destroy the institutions of the states. "We demand peace or war. Reviewing the action of the Republican party in regard to slavery, he asserted that the Republican hands were soiled with the blood of our constitutional compact. They mocked at constitutional obligations and jeered at oaths. They had lost their shame with their virtue. The speech was a scorching, splendid piece of ^invective, but it was more, it was a pro found, exhaustive and unanswerable argument, welded like an iron bar. Gathering vehemence as he concluded, this audacious Mirabeau thun dered these unforgivable words at his colleagues of the opposite party representing millions of Northern people.
" I denounce the Republican party as enemies of the Constitution and enemies of my country, and I shall treat them as such. I submit it to the judgment of the Senate, the country and the civilized world, if according to the public law of all civilized na tions, we have not just cause of war against our confederates."
The impassioned orator then declared that with the success of the " traitorous " Republican party " peace and safety are incompatible in the Union," and concluded with these burning words:
" Listen to no ' vain babblings,' to no treacherous jargon about ' overt acts ;' they have already been committed. Defend yourselves, the enemy is at your door; wait not to meet him at the hearth-stone--meet him at the door-sill--and drive him from the temple of liberty, or pull down its pillars and involve him in a common ruin."
The effect of these fiery and war-like utterances was simply indescrib able. They rendered peace impossible. They frrenzied the Republi cans, they enthused our own hot-heads beyond restraint. They drove on the revolution by a million-spirit power. Coming from a Senator,

THE REVOLUTION AT HAND.

113

spoken in the great and august forum of the national Senate Chamber representing the solemn sentiment and grand majesty of a sovereign state, they were tremendous expressions. They made% a peaceful solu tion of the impending strife an impossibility. They made the State of Georgia the dominant factor of the strife, and the foremost and control ling- agency of the Revolution. It booted little that such conservative and Union instruments as Stephens and Johnson were stemming the deadly drift. The spirit of discord was regnant. It had sundered the Georgia Democracy, and in that unhappy division had shorn the rising Cobb of his power and promise. It was not an unclramatic coincidence that while Georgia was foremost in her influence in the national coun cils through her imperious Toonibs, and was potentially stimulating the threatening disunion, she had two prominent candidates for the Presi dency of the Union, the most prominent of whom she herself slaugh tered. But a' higher power was ruling the destinies of nations. The great revolution was at hand, and our Georgia Toombs was its genius.

CHAPTER XIV.
THE FATAL SPLIT OF THE NATIONAL AND GEORGIA DEMOCRACY, IN 18GO.
The Charleston Convention.--The Georgia Delegation Snndered.--A Majority led by 2. L. Banning, secede.--A Minority Remain.--Solomon Cohen.--William B. Gaolden the " Lion of Liberty/'--Georgia Democracy Riven like the Delegates.--A vivid Batch of Letters 011 the Split from Hiram Warner, Howell Cobb, Joseph E. Brown, A. II. StO2)hens, Teter E. Love, Rol^ert Toombs, II. V. Johnson and E. A. IRabet.--Brown's cool Practical View.--Tj^estrango Reversals of Howcll Cobb, and II. V. Johnson.--The Constitutional Union (JouVAuiluu.--^a peooodSr --The Democratic Convention.--Ita Fersonelle.--A Volcanic Session and a Burst np.--A National State Democratic State Convention organized.--Two sets of Delegates to Baltimore.--Discord Rife.--The Disunion Drift Irresistible.--The Baltimore Convention.--Georgia Refused to__go in.--Donglas and U. V. Johnson Nominated.--The ^National State Bight's Convention organized.--Breckcnridge and Lane Isominatcd.--The Deadly IVork Done.--The Democracy in Fragments and the Revolntion Snre.
STvVJRTLi^d events sped swiftly in Georgia., as in the Union, in this cru cial year of 18GO. The Charleston Convention met on the 23d of April and continued in turbulent session until the 2nd day of May, when it adjourned without making a nomination, to reassemble in Baltimore on the 18th of June. Some 57 ballots were taken, l\lr. Douglas leading with 153^ out of 319, but unable to get more. The platform was hotly contested. Three reports were made by the committee on platform. One was the majority report made by the members of fifteen Southern states and the two states of Oregon and California, being seventeen of the thirty-three members of the committee. This report presented the Cincinnati platform with some additional resolutions declaring the equal right of slave property in the territories and the duty of Congress to protect it. The Cincinnati platform declared for non-interference by Congress with slavery in the territories. The majority report went be yond the Cincinnati platform in declaring it the duty of Congress to protect slave property in the territories. Two minority reports were presented, one offering the Cincinnati platform with some resolutions simply condemning interference with the fugitive slave law, but leaving out the protection of slave property in the territories. The last minor ity report was adopted, which was the squatter sovereignty })rogramme

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115

of Mr. Douglas. On the defeat of the majority report and the adop- ,, tion of the minority report, the delegates of Alabama, Mississippi, Florida, Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas and a part of those from Dela- ware, seceded from the convention under lead of "William L. Yancey of Alabama. The Georgia delegation obtained leave to retire, to consult as to their course, and split into fragments. A majority, consisting- of Junlus Wing-field^ Henry L. Bermirig, Henry R. Jackson, J. M. Clark, William M. Slaughter, John A. Jones, D. C. Barrow, J. J. Diamond, A. Franklin Hill, E. L. Strohecker, O. C. Gibson, H. P. Thomas, P. Tracy, J. M. Lamar, E. J. McGeehee, George Hillyor, Mark Johnson, E. R, Harden, J. IT. Lumpkin, J. G. Fain, James Hoge and W. J. Johnson, withdrew from the convention as a duty, as they declared. I. T. Irwin, W. II. Hull, L. IT. Briscoe and Julian. ITartridge withdrew7" in obedience to the vote of the majority. The balance of the delegation remained to share in the proceedings, consisting' of Solomon Cohen, Hiram "Warner, J. W. Burney, William 13. Gaulden, James L. Sewarcl, James The mas, S. C. Cancller, J. A. Render, L. A. Nelms, and Henry Cleveland.
Mr. Solomon Cohen made a speech explaining- his position. Mr. Cohen was a leading citizen of Savannah, who was at one time Post master, a gentleman of high social standing and considerable speaking abilitv. He and his colleagues, while in sympathy with the seceders in principle, remained behind hoping that a better spirit might prevail and justice be clone to the South by the Northern Democrats. Mr. Mont gomery of Pennsylvania, replied that he . was willing- for the Southern members to retire, if they wished, and that the majority of the conven tion had made up their minds and would not change. Upon this Col. Wm. B. Gaulden, who enjoyed the soubriquet of the "Roaring Lion of Liberty County, " arose and made a speech that convulsed the conven tion with laughter. He denounced protection to slavery as a humbug-, and said he intended to stand by his Northern brethren until the last day, late in the evening-. He then branched into an unqualified sup port of the African slave trade. But the fragment of the delegation were not permitted to vote, on the ground that the state delegation was instructed to vote as a unit. Mr. Sewarcl had previously attempted to cast his individual vote, and the resolution of the Georgia Conven tion upon the matter had been discussed, and the unit rule had been de clared to apply to the Georgia delegation. Mr. Cohen vainly protested against the disfraiichisement and denounced it as a usurpation.
The seceding members of the Charleston Convention, including- most of the majority part of the Georgia delegation, formed a separate con-

116

VI E

vention, and called a Convention for the 2nd Monday in June, in Rich mond.
The course of the Georgia delegation created a profound feeling at home. The minority of the delegation, issued a brief card explaining their course, and stating that they did not feel at liberty to bolt the convention and disrupt the party. The majority published a more lengthy address, signed, by Henry L. Bemiing, the chairman of the delegation, elaborately arguing- the whole question. They wound, up this very able paper with the statement that some of the ^Northern dele gates had shown a disposition to modify the platform, and there AYES some hope of this. They advised that a State Convention be called, and that such convention appoint delegates to both the Richmond and Baltimore conventions. The Executive Committee of the party issued a call for a state conA'ention to assemble in Milleclgcville, the 4th clay of June. A number of gentlemen of Macon, Robert Collins, John J. Grresham, James "W. Armstrong- and others, addressed a letter to the leading- public men of the State, expressing alarm at the rupture of the Charleston Convention and asking- their vieAvs of the situation. Re plies were received from Hiram "WarnerJ HoAvell Cobb, Joseph E. BroAvn, A. H. Stephens, Peter E. Love, Robert Toombs, H. V. Johnson and Eugenius A, Nesbit.
Judge Warner had. been one of the staying- delegates in the Charleston convention. His letter was an incisiAT e one. BelieATing the democratic organization of the Union to afford, the best guarantee for the preser vation of our rights, he resisted Mr. Yaneey's bold attempt to destroy it. Believing also in the doctrine of congressional non-intervention, and having thought the Cincinnati platform a good one in 185 G, he deemed it a good one in 1SGO, and declared the bolt from the Charleston con vention to haAre been based upon a flimsy pretext. Howell Cobb fully endorsed the action of the seceding- delegates, and said that the democ> racy of the state shoLild sustain them. Every state Avhose delegates Avere for the majority platform Avas a democratic state, and the other sixteen states were republican. The nomination of Mr. Douglas he condemned. He suggested, a state conA*eiition that should reappoint the same delegates to go to both Baltimore and Richmond, and advised a postponement of the Richmond convention Lintil after attempt AA~as exhausted at Baltimore to unite the party. The letter of Mr. Stephens Avas such an one as might be expected from him, calm, dispassionate, firm, statesmanlike. He argued that non-intervention had been the estab lished policy of the party. Pie had not favored it originally, but had

ROBERT TOOMBS' ILKTTER.

117'

acquiesced in it, and now thought we should abide it. A convention should be called and delegates sent to Baltimore. The demand of the seceders should be withdrawn and nomination of a good man made. If we were determined to quarrel with the jSTorth on general account, base it on the aggressive acts of our enemies and not the supposed short comings of our friends. He repeated his previously expressed views of the impregnability of the slave institution. Mr. Toombs -wrote a char-
eristic letter, short, pithy, snapping like a pistol shot, with consider. ..._.-i__.^-_.. -_x_.-~.-i.-i_., T-.-X i.--i_i:.._. J. 1._ _,,._.._!, _. _ -,loved lmrici.. The seceding- delegates should meet at Baltimore with the adjourned convention and endeavor to affect an adjustment. If this adjustment could not be made the Richmond convention could be held -with clearer
-

territorial domair sentences :
" Our greatest danger, to-day, is that the Union will survive the C Look at the preservation of your rights. The Union has more fri and will last as long, at least, as its continuance will be compatible
Mr. Love would not have advised secession, but did ,,,,,, ,,,,.___,, __ seceders. The seceders should go back to Baltimore and try to harmo-
Ex-G-ov. Johnson's letter was a long and able one, a model of
. determine our policy, and send delegates to Baltimore. e us save e naattioonnal democracy to destroy Sewarcl and hiss m myyrrmmidoonnss. Juudggee E.. A. Nesbit wrote a most positive, out--spoken letter and a strong one. He condemned the action of the seceders, and repudiated the Richmond convention. He asserted that some of the bolters of the other states had purposely seceded to split the party and disrupt the Union. He was against intervention as inconsistent, in bad faith, dishonorable, crip-

118

LETTER OF GOVERXOR 13KOWX.

pling- to the northern democracy, unsound in constitutional principle, carrying- the dang-erous right to strike down, slavery, and unavailing. He urged a convention and sending delegates to Baltimore, regardless of the Charleston action, to harmonize the party.
The letter of Joseph E. Brown was just such a cool, clear, practical common-sense, conclusive view of the perplexing subject as might have been expected from the man. It embodied a simple solution of the problem in. his plain business way. Ascribing- the discord to the per sonal ambition and animosity of leaders, and claiming- that the masses of the Democracy were true to the constitution, both North and South, he proceeded to discuss the situation. Making- no reflection upon, the Georgia clelegutes who seceded, or those that remained in the conven tion, he ascribed good motives to both, and believed, that the difference properly used could be turned to benefit. As an abstract question, he believed in the rig-ht to protection of slave property in the Territories. The wisdom and utility of making- an issue on. it was another question, and it would seem to be wise to wait until an occasion rises, which might never happen, before making- such an issue. Thc^Democratic doctrine heretofore had been non-i-ntervention__by__C-oTigrGss. The trouble now was over an attempt~tcTpimnTew plank in~frTe"platform of the party. Men might honestly differ on the expediency of such an innovation. It had been said that the Democratic construction, North and South, was different on the Cincinnati platform. The answer to this was that the Supreme Court in the Drecl Scott case had decided the principle, and the Northern wing of the party was willing to recognize the decision of the Supreme Court as the correct exposition. This should be a satisfactory settlement of the issue. He urged a State Con vention of men. of age and experience, to discuss and decide the matter without passion or crimination. Let delegates be sent to Baltimore and accept the Cincinnati platform with the additional resolution, that the Northern Democracy was willing to offer, recognizing the binding force and correct exposition of the Supreme Court decision, or something ( similar, and the trouble would be healed. The Democratic party alone ' presented any hope for the South in the contest with the Black 'Repub lican party, and we should cling to it. It will be time cnoug-h for the Richmond Convention when harmony at Baltimore on the ground indi cated fails.
These were a masterly vivid group of letters, and strangely variant. There were some curious changes indicated by them, the most notable being that Howell Cobb and Herschell "V. Johnson, wr ho had been in

THE STATE CONSTITUTIONAL UNION CONVENTION.

119

b being the Union representative and. Johnson the pronounced Southern Rights champion, had completely reversed posi tions. Cobb \vas the Southern. Rights advocate, and squarely defending the sececlers from the Charleston Convention; while Johnson con demned them and stood the Conservative exponent. Douglas and Buchanan were AT cry hostile,^and^Cobb, as a member of Buchanan's Cabinet, naturally antagonized Douglas and. his platform. It was at the time charged that the Presidential aspirations of both Cobb and Johnson somewhat controlled them in. that exciting- crisis.
The conflict of opinion among the leaders was the outcome of the popular agitation. The State was convulsed over this great political issue. In many localities there was a fiery feeling. A duel occurred between Dr. Holmes and Mr. IvTelms about the bxirning of the staying delegates in effigy, in which Mr. iSTelms was wounded.
The opposition had been for some time showing activity. The party was disorganized, but still vital. The Chronicle and Sentinel made a suggestion that met with favor and was soon adopted, of rebaptizing the party under the name of the "CONSTITUTIONAL UNION PAKTY." A Convention was called and held in Milleclgeville on the 2cl of May, I860. Gen. John W. A. Sanforcl was made President, and John Milledge and Dr. R. A. T. Riclley, Vice-Presidents; C. R. Hanleiter, L. F. TV. Andrews and C. H. C. TVillingham were Secretaries. Forty-four counties only were represented by 111 dele^fles. Among the leading members were A. H. Kenan, R. M. Orme, Clifford Andersen, M. TV. Lewis, R. L. McWhorter, D. \V. Lewis, R. P. Trippe, C. H. Hopkins, G. E. Thomas, P. Reynolds, John Milleclge, Ranse TVright, C. A. Evans and 13. H. Big-ham.
The resolutions adopted pledged the party to co-operate with all men who believed in the -duty of the government to protect slave property in the territories, and that any legislation to defeat the fugitive slave law was unconstitutional. An Executive Committee was made of J. TV. A. Sandford, C. H. Hopkins, H. Holt, L. F. TV. Andrews, R, A. T. Ridley, Dr. H. V. M. Miller, Dr. S. H. Freeman, D. TV. Lewis and John Miller. Delegates were appointed to a National Constitutional Union Conven tion at Baltimore, of whom those for the state at large were Dr. R. A. T. Riclley, Joshua Hill, A. R. TVright and J. C. S. Lee. The Chairman in his speech of thanks declared that the Democratic party that had controlled the country so long with a blundering policy was discordant, and could not even, be held together by the cohesive power of public plunder. Good men must now rally to save the country. The resolu-

120

THE STATE DEMOCRATIC CO^VEKTIOZST OP JUZSTE, 1861.

tions of this convention were ignored by the Constitutional Union Con vention, of Baltimore, which nominated the Hon. John Bell of Tennes see, and Edward Everett of Massachusetts, as its Presidential ticket. The Republican party had also nominated at Chicago Abe Lincoln of Illinois for President, and liannibal Hamlin of Maine for "Vice-President, upon a platform that declared the territories free, arid denied the right of Congress or any other power to give legal existence to slavery in any territory. The issue thus made was clear and distinct. It was more,-- it was defiant and aggressive.
The Democratic Convention of June the 4th, 1860, was looked to with profound interest. One hundred and twelve counties were represented by three hundred and forty delegates. It 'was a large body and in point of ability a strong- one. Among the delegates were L. PI. Briscoe, P. Tracy, J. Hartritlge, W. H. Stiles, IT. R. Jackson, S. Cohen, Ho well Cobb, N. Tift, J. H. Lumpkin, B. C. Yancey, T. C. Howard, Thos. Butler King, W. PL Dabney, W. E. - Simmons, Herschell V. Johnson, Saml. Hall,'Hiram Warner, T. P. Saffold, A. H. Chappell, J. Wing-field, T. L. Guerry, A. Hood, Jas. Gardner, Julian dimming, W. W. Montgomery, W. A. Hawkins, T. M. Furlow, PL K. Me Coy, J. C. Mauncl, J. L. Seward, George Hillyer, C. W. Styles, J. S. Hook, R. L. Warthen, B. D. Evans, J. C. Nichols, I. T. Irwin.
The President was T. L. Guerry. ^ The chairman of the Business Committee was "Win. IT. Stiles. On this committee wTere both Howell Cobb and Herschell V. Johnson. A majority and minority report were both made, the latter signed by II. V. Johnson, Thos. P. Saffold, H. K. McCoy, and A. Colvarcl. virhe__majority report took imperative ground for the protection of slavery in tEe~"terrTtories, endorsed the seceders from the Charleston Convention and reappointecl the entire delegation to the Charleston Convention, to represent the State in the Baltimore Convention, and if the slavery prog^mme was not adopted there to go into the Richmond Convention. V The minority report reaffirmed, the Cincinnati platform with an additional resolution declaring that slave property was entitled to the same legal recognition in the territories as any other property, and the right could not be impaired by Congress or a territorial government. The minority report further provided for a new delegation to Baltimore.
The session, of the convention, continued two clays. The discussion upon the reports was intense and elaborate. T. P. Saffold, Howell Cobb, J. L. Sewarcl, Dr. J. Branham, B. C. Yancey, James Gardner, H. V. Johnson and Henry R. Jackson all spoke. Several of the speeches

SPIRITS UP.

121

were very able. Ex-Gov. Johnson beg-aii his speech before the noon adjournment of the second day, and- concluded it after dinner. His speech was powerfully begun and a master-piece of argument and elo quence. Even his opponents acknowledged its magnificent power. But what slight causes can affect human effort. "Wearied, at the close of the morning session, and unable from the strain upon him to eat any dinner, he took a glass of wine upon an empty stomach to strengthen himself, and it sickened him, rendering-.the continuation of his speech so difficult that its' diminution of vigor was marked. Jackson and Cobb both made strong- efforts for the majority report. The Convention was nearly one-sided. The majority report was adopted by a vote of 298-f yeas to 41 i nays.
The minority of the Convention then entered a protest against the majority report thus adopted on the grounds that it asserted proposi tions that were in violation of the established Democratic doctrine of non-intervention, and that would disrupt the National Convention; that it by implication condemned the delegates who did not secede at Charleston; and that its appointment of delegates to Richmond de tached, this Convention practically from the National Democracy. Among others this protest was. signed by James Gardner, George W. Lamar, T. P. Saffold, J. L,. Seward, Hiram Warner and Jas. S. Hook.
The minority of the convention, also, immediately organized what they called " A National Democratic State Convention," of which Hiram Warner was made president. Twenty-four counties with C3 cleleg-ates were represented. In addition to the delegates above mentioned as protesting against the majority report there were H. "V. Johnson, Jas. A. Nisbet, Jas. T. Nisbet, A. E. Cochrane, J. W. Duncan, A. H.Chappell, Julian Gumming, W". "W. Montgomery and others. A full set of dele gates were appointed to the Baltimore convention, and the minority report was unanimously adopted. The delegates selected were:
State at large.--H. "V. Johnson, James Gardner, Absalom H. Chappell and Hiram Warner.
District Delegates.--1st, J. L. Seward, Wm. B. Gaulden; 2cl, R. Whitely, B. Y. Martin; 3d, N. Bass, S. W. Burney; 4th, J. P. Hambleton, S. C. Candler; 5th, A. B. Wright, H. P. Farrow; 6th, R. McMillan, J. P. Simmons; 7th, T. P. Saffold/J. Thomas; 8th, L. A. Nelms, A. C. Walker.
A committee of three, consisting- of H. "V. Johnson, Jas. A. Nisbet and Nathan Bass, was appointed to issue an address to the people of Georgia, explaining their action. The address evidently emanated from

122

THE BALTIMORE COXVE^TTIOX OF 18GO.

the brain of Gov. Johnson. It was a compact, vigorous, polished paper, blending force and finish. The minority report, it said, was admitted by the majority to be sound in principle, and only differed from the majority in not demanding- the undemocratic doctrine of intervention. It also refused to recognize the sectional convention at Richmond. The majority report denationalized the Georgia democracy and made it a probable conclusion that the State would not be received in the national convention. The minority had appointed deleg-ates upon a sound unob jectionable platform, and if the majority deleg-ates were rejected the minority deleg-ates would, attempt to prevent Georgia from being- unrep resented. The address made no censures upon any one, but candidly declared that it believed, that the urging of the doctrine of intervention was unwise, and fraught with danger,to the national democracy and to the best interests of the South. \s
It \vill be seen how every step of events in Georgia during this year was marked by unhealed arid growing divisions. The spirit of discord was rife, arid the drift to disunion was steady and irresistible. Men either could not or would not harmonize, though harmony was so easy. Looking at the differences at this long distance, out of the fever of those days, one \vonders, with the terrific conting-ency of a disruption of the party and its certain and immeasurable results of evil, that as sensible men as there were in control of matters, did not fix a settlement of the party divisions. There can be but one explanation. There were enough disunionists to drive party disintegration as the sure ag-ency of national dissolution. The abolitionists of the north were equally resolved to extirpate slavery, and furnished the needed stimulus of a biting- and incessant provocation. Conservative men were powerless, and a moderate policy impossible in the heated temper of the era.
The Richmond convention met and adjourned until the 21st of June, 1860. The Baltimore convention assembled. Both Georgia delegations applied for admission. The committee of credentials finally made majority and minority reports. The majority report favored the admis sion of both delegations with a division of Georgia's vote, and the admission of contesting delegations in place of seceders from the other Southern states. The minority report favored the admission of all the seceding- deleg-ations. The convention admitted the seceding Georgia delegation headed by H. L. Benning-, and rejected the national demo cratic delegation, headed by James Gardner. The seceding delegations from the other states were rejected and new ones admitted. Delegations from Alabama and Louisiana were not admitted at all. Upon this

THE >7ATIO]SrAt, DEMOCRACY RIVEX.

153

action the Georgia delegation refused to go in, and the majority of the delegations from Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, California and Oregon withdrew from the convention, and Delaware declined to take any part for the present. (^Missouri alone was entirely represented from the south, and a few delegates remained from Virginia, North Carolina and Tennessee. The party rupture was complete. There was no hope' of reconciliation. The disintegration proceeded. Kentucky withdrew. The majority of the Massachusetts delegation, went out. Hon. Caleb Gushing, the president of the convention, resigned, because his state of Massachusetts was thus unrepresented. One hundred and ninety dele gates were left, a new chairman was chosen, and Stephen A. Doug-las nominated for President, and Gov. Fitzpatrick of Alabama -for Vice President. Fitzpatrick wisely declined. In Washington, on the 25th, the Douglas delegates selected Herschell V. Johnson of Georgia in his place, who accepted, j
The seceders immediately org-anizecl a National State_Rights Convention. Hon. Caleb Gushing was made presicTejit. Two hundred and ten delegates, representing twenty-one states, and 284 votes, constituted the convention. The states were Vermont, Massachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiania, Mississippi, Texas, Arkansas, Missouri, Tennessee, Kentucky, California and. Oregon.. The majority report of the Charleston convention was adopted, and John C. Breckenridge of Kentucky was nominated for President, and Joseph Lane of Oregon for Vice-President.
The fatal work was clone. The democratic party in the very height of its power was stricken clown by its own hand. The only constitutionloving political org-anization in the country that had the popular confidence deliberately enacted its own disintegration, and turned, the government over to a sectional party. The result was a foregone conclusion. Split into warring fragments, the otherwise irresistible strength of the democ racy was wasted, and a minority party, th'e Black Republican, regardless of constitutions, but battling against slavery on grounds of humanity, had an easy victory. In the light of common sense the democratic division was a mad piece of policy, useless and destructive. In the illumination of a Providential purpose, it was the means to a great end, to be worked out through a travail, which, if it could have been foreseen, would have frightened back the consummation. The democratic rupture at Baltimore was the practical inception, of the revolution.

CHAPTER XV.
THE MOMENTOUS CLOSE OF THE LAST YEAR OF PEACE, I860..
A Matchless State Prosperity.--Brown's Growth in Public Esteem.--The Gallagher Rifle.--D. A. Walker.--II. V. Johnson's Up-hill Campaign.--Electoral Tickets for Breckenridge.--Douglas and Bell.--The State convulsed.--Francis S. Bartow and his flaming Speech.--An Era of Delirium.--An Epoch of Eloquence.--Georgia's Galaxy of Orators.--Varney Gawkill's Expulsion.--No Popular Election in Georgia. --The Legislature.--Gov. Brown's Message.--A Bold Paper.--Preparation for War Urged.--Retaliatory Legislation recommended.--A Convention advised.--The Leg islature elected the Breckenridge Ticket.--The Secession Convention called.--Ten Thousand Troops authorized.--Money Alarmed.--Business Shocked.--Brown's Bit ter Battle with the Legislature over the Bank Question.--Gov. Brown opposed Sus pension.--Bill Passed.--Veto.--Bill Passed over Veto.--House Attacked Governor. --Unquailing Message in Reply.--Resolutions of Censure by House.--A Universal righting Time.--Brown an Unyielding Eoe.--He Denounced the Censure and Scathed the House.--The Electoral Ticket call for Gov. Brown's Views on the Crisis.--A Strong Reply.
A:MID all this trouble in Georgia over Federal politics, the state con tinued to progress in prosperity under the matchless administration of Gov. Brown. He took no active part in national matters, but devoted himself with his accustomed zeal and vigilance, to the details of state government. He steadily g-rew in popular esteem, and daily widened his reputation and influence. He continued to deal with state questions, promptly and masterfully. The state road was made to pay increasingmonthly installments into the state treasury. The pardon power was rarely exercised. The surplus in the treasury, placed there by his superb management, was devoted to taking- up bonds not due, and thus diminishing the public debt and taxation.
"While he was not an. active participant in the political tumult of the day, he was a close observer of events, and had a keen, practical eye to the future and held in consideration the needs of the state. He foresaw the coming- conflict, and was for preparing- for it. Some Savannah g'entlemen, Dr. M. J. Gallagher and "W. H. Gladding, had invented a rifle. Gov. Brown had it tested with a view to its manufacture and distribu tion in the state. Mr. Eli McCormell and John Jones made a competi tive trial with it, upon twelve inch planks an inch apart. This rifle beat

II. V. JOIIXSOIV

VICE--PRESIDENT.

" Recent events have, I think, satisfied the southern people that it is wise for them to arm. I have but little confidence in high-sounding speeches and resolutions. We must meet aggression in future by energetic preparation and prompt action. The legislature which places your " Georgia Rifle " or some other first rate arm in the hand of every person in the state, qualified to do military duty, will have done more to protect the South against aggression than has been done by all the resolutions of its predecessors.
measure of our rights is denied in future, let us stand by our arms."
The resignation of L. Tvr. Crook as judge of the Cherokee Circxiit was the occasion of G-ov. Brown appointing in his place a gentleman who afterwards became quite a marked person. Judge Dawson A. Walker was a Tennesseeaii by birth. A self-made man and very plain in man ners and habits, he was a lawyer of uncommon ability and energy, and a citizen of integrity and pure character. He became a Judge of the Supreme Court, defeating- Henry L. Benning- before the legislature for that office by the aid of William Dougherty. He was the Republi can candidate for Governor against Gov. Smith. He has recently died enjoying general esteem.
The nomination of Breckenridge and Lane -was g-enerally endorsed in Georgia. The only leaders who supported Douglas and Johnson were Alex. H. Stephens, Ranse Wright, Eugenius A. Nesbit, Hiram Warner, B. Y. Martin, J. L. Seward and Absalom H. Chappell. There were a few in favor of Bell and Everett, but the mass of the public men, in cluding both the Democrats and the Opposition, were for Breckenridge and Lane. But three papers advocated Douglas and Johnson, the Augusta Constitutionalist., Rome Soutlierner and Atlanta Confederacy. Gov. Joseph E. Brown gave the Breckenridg-e ticket a hearty support. While deeply regretting-the division, of the Democratic party, and think ing that no sufficient cause existed for a split, as the division was made, he stood as he had always stood, with the South. Gov. Johnson,who had ' been so widely popular, experienced the vicissitudes of political favor. In Macon he was hung in effigy, but the act was severely condemned by the Breckenridge .press. He spoke a number of times. In Savannah he was hissed, and defiantly declared that he repeated his views in spite of the hisses of " serpents and geese," meeting the indignity differently from Mr. Toombs, who, when hissed in Boston during- his famous speech there, good-naturedly told the people that he had no objection to their hissing if they preferred that method of expressing their feelings ; and again, when at some reference to the fugitive slave law they hissed, he

126

THREE ELECTORAL TICKETS IX GEORGIA.

quietly remarked that they were hissing- the Constitution of their coun try arid not him. Gov. Johnson had an uphill business in this campaign.. He was a sensitive and not at all a combative man, and illy-suited for a struggle against such odds as he had to fig-lit, arid against the preju dices of his own people. The papers rang- with charges against his polit ical integrity, and these and the personal discourtesy that flamed out in this hot canvass were something he was little fitted to meet.
The Democratic State Convention met on the 8th of August, 1860, and selected a Breckenridg-e and Lane electoral ticket. A hundred counties were represented by several hundred delegates, including- the leading men of the State. Mr. Toombs was a delegate, as also the two brothers, Alfred H. Colquitt arid Peyton H. Colquitt from different counties. W. J. Vason was made President. Mr. Toombs was chair man of the bxisiness committee. The resolutions \vere short and to the point. The following bears unmistakable marks of Mr. Toombs' fiery spirit,
" 5th. Resolved, That we embrace with our whole hearts and trust with our whole counsels those noble patriots in the iioii-slavehohling- States, who, neither disheartened by treachery nor overawed by majorities, maintain the truth and stand by the Consti tution and the equality of the States, the only bond of everlasting Union."
The electoral ticket was: Electors at large.--C. J. McDonald, H. R, Jackson. Alternates.--A. IT. Colquitt, Win. H. Dabney. District Electors,-- 1st, Peter Cone; 3d, Wm. M. Slaughter; 3d, O. C. Gibson; 4th, IT. Buchanan; 5th, Lewis Tumlin; Cth, H. Strickland; 7th, W. A. Lofton; 8th, Wm. M. Mclntosh. The Douglas and Johnson. State Democratic Convention met in Miliedgeville on the 14th of August, 1860. A. J. Lawsori of Burke, was made President. Sixty-three counties were represented by 190 delegates. The electoral ticket selected was:
Electors at large. --Alex. IT. .Stephens, Aug. R. Wright, of FloycL Alternates.--T. P. Saffold, Jas. Gardner. District Electors.--1st, James L. Sewarcl; 2d, B. Y". Martin; 3d, Nathan Bass; 4th, H. Warner; 5th, J. W. Harris; 6th, J. P. Siminons; 7th, J. S. Hook; 8th, J. Gumming.
The resolutions were a simple endorsement of Douglas and Johnson and the platform of the convention that nominated them. A resolution was also passed inviting Mr. Douglas to visit Georgia and deliver an address. Gov. Johnson was invited before the Convention arid de livered a powerful and eloquent speech.

JfRAXCIS S. BARTOW.

127

The convention of the Bell and Everett party put the following ticket in the field:
State Electors. --William Law, B. ILJHill. District Electors.-- 1st, S. B. Spencer; 2d, M. Doug-lass; 3d, L. T. Doyal; 4th, W. T. Wright; 5th, J. R. Parrott; 6th, H. P. Bell; 7th, J. E. Dupree; 8th, L. Lamar. The issue was clearly made up with the three electoral tickets, all composed of the very best men in the State. There was no personal consideration in the support given. The issue was decided on its merits. The canvass was very active. The state was covered with large gather ings and swarmed with speakers. Many of the opposition party came over to Breckemiclge and Lane,, notably such men as Dr. IT. V. M. Miller, and Francis S. Bartow. The-canvass was aggressive on all sides. Mr. Bell was savagely assaulted for not having endorsed the Drecl Scott decision. Mr. Douglas was charged with being ready to ally with the Black Republicans, and one of his strongest and most influential sup porters, Hon. A. IT. Chappell, left him on account of this accusation. The point was fiercely pushed upon Grov. Johnson as to what he would do if Abo Lincoln was elected, and whether he would, submit. He thundered back that he would, hold the Breckenridg-e and Lane party responsible. The whole tendency of the intensely heated canvass was to educate and drive the popular will to disunion if the Black Republi cans succeeded. Said that most brilliant and impetuous spirit, Francis S. Bartow, in a burning- speech in Savannah, with a sad prophetic forecaste of his heroic death at Mariassas in. the very beginning of the war:

cloud forever above our heads. If the storm is to come, and it seems to me as though it must, l>e its fury ever so great, I court it now in the day of my vigor and strength. (Applause). If any man is to peril life, fortune and honor iii defense of our rights, I claim to be one of these men. (Immense applause.) Let it come now, I am ready for it. Put it not off until to-morrow, or the next day, we shall not be stronger by waiting. (Continued applause.) I do not wish to destroy the government. I am a Union man in every fiber of my heart. I have gloried in its missions of humanity, in its heroic birth, aud youthful struggles, and in the grandeur of its maturity. God never launched a nation on a more magnificent career. It has been the home of the oppressed and the asylum of the desolate from every land. In it to-day are wrapped the hopes of universal man--but I will peril all--ALL before I will abandon our rights in the Union or submit to be governed by an unprincipled majority. (Great applause)."
It is the nature of manly men--men of higvh spirit, to fret under sus
pense, and to precipitate impending and inevitable issues. It was this
spirit which made the situation in I860 so full of delirium and peril.
Southern men saw no end to the slavery agitation save in. submission or

128

A CARXIVAL OF ELOQUEXCE.

fig-lit. The former was out of the question. They invited the latter as the only means of settling the struggle. It was a desperate feeling, and it seized the most tame-spirited. There perhaps has never been a time that brought to the front more vehement and maddening elo quence than that stormy year of I860. Georgia was full of superb orators, and in the themes of that \vild day they found constant and congenial material for impassioned, and irresistible oratory. It is in such whirling times of upheaval and passion and madness that eloquent men find their most thrilling- mission. The canvass was a carnival of splendid speaking. Men's blood, was at fever heat under a long felt and long-repressed sense of wrong-. It was no day for reason or argument save what rolled with the passions, that were rising higher daily. Georgia has never been so affluent in great minds and superlative speakers as in that time. There was a superb galaxy of mental giants and genuine orators. Toombs, Johnson, Cobb, the Stephens brothers, Jackson, Bartow, Miller, the two "Wrrights, Hill, and Colquitt were all men of splendid power on the stump, all magnetic, and all threw themselves into that dramatic agita tion with the whole fervor of their souls. -Any one of these men was fitted to lead in any assemblage anywhere, while several enjoyed a national reputation of the very larg-est measure. Mr. Dougias himself came to Georgia and. spoke in Atlanta during the canvass to an. immense audience. Ben Hill and 'Warren. Akin bore the brunt of the battle on the Bell and Everett side, and did it well. Mr. Hill, near the close of the can vass, published a letter urging- the fusion of parties for the sake of the country, but he was unmercifully lampooned for the suggestion by the Breckenriclge and Lane press and speakers. And Col. Wifi. McKinley, the chairman of the Breckenriclge executive committee, published a card officially denying- for the committee any idea of such a fusion. It was charged, that the movement was a confession of weakness and a trick to defeat Breckenriclg-e, but in the light of results, it was a wise and a patriotic proposition.
As'an illustration of the spirit that prevailed, the treatment of Col. Varney A. Gaskill is in point. He was chairman of the Fulton county Breckenriclge executive committee. Believing that he was coquetting with the Bell and Everett people, the committee met and passed, and published the following" bitter resolution:
" Whereas, V. A. Gaskill having forfeited all confidence of this Executive Committee, by his political course in the presidential canvass, by his public and private political ter giversations, therefore,
Resolved, That V. A. Gaskill be expelled from this Executive committee, and that he is no longer worthy of our political fellowship."

BKEClvEiXKIDGE AXt> LAXIS ELECTED.

129

An org-anization was established in the state that was originated in Macon, called the " Minute Men," irrespective of party, whose purpose was to " sustain southern constitutional equality in the Union, or fail ing- in that, to establish our independence out of it." In Atlanta, the " Minute Men" was started by Col. T. C. Howard, andnmiiberecl over 400 members. Such men as Howell Cobb, noted as Unionists, emphatically menaced and foreshadowed disunion. Said Mr. Cobb at Marietta, but a short while before the election in a most powerful and effective speech: " The hour of Georgia's dishonor in the Union should be the hour of her independence out of the Union."
The clay of election came at last, and Uincoln and Hamlin were elected. In Georgia the vote stood as f ollows: Breckemiclg-e and Lane, 51,893, Douglas and Johnson, 11,580, Bell and Everett, 42,855. None of the electoral tickets having- received a majority of the whole vote, the choice of the electors was therefore thrown into the legislature. The success of the Black Republican ticket fell upon the South with maddening' effect. There had been a fixed belief that somehow such a result 'would not happen, and the Breckenridg'e men. in Georgia were pretty sure of carrying- the presidency. But there stood the inexorable result, arid, it produced the effect of a volcanic eruption. The Georgia legislatxire assembled for its reg-ular annual session, the same legislature that had held in 1859. The speaker of the House, Hon. I. T. Irwin, had died, and Gen. C. J. Williams was elected in his place. Several new senators and representatives had been elected, among- them, R. C. Humber, George T. Barnes and John Davison, who have been prominent since the war. Mr. Barnes is at present the Georgia member of the National Democratic Executive Committee, this being- his second term in that capacity. He is a g-eiitleman of fine talent and character.
The annual messag-e of Gov. Brown, was devoted to the business mat ters of the state, and made a striking- exhibit. The state road had paid $450,000 into the Treasury. Of the state debt not due, $117,000 had been paid in addition to the interest and principal due. The School Fund had been increased $200,000, besides $150,000 paid out for educa tional purposes. The sum of $75,000 had been appropriated at the last session to buy arms for the state military. An increase of the appro priation was recommended. All of the institutions of the state were in the best condition. The subject of our Federal relations, Gov. Brown made the occasion of a special messag-e of great length and elaboration, and practical ability. The message was written before it was certain that the Black Republican ticket was elected, but when sufficient re-

130

GOVERNOR BROWN S MESSAGE.

turns had come in to render it probable. Reviewing* the anti-fugitive slave law legislation of half a dozen of the northern states, he urged as the only means to meet such ag-gression, a system of retaliatory legisla tion against such states. He recommended measures of reprisal upon the property of Massachusetts citizens for instance in Georgia, and with drawal of protection to such citizens, besides discrimination against the manufactures and products of the offending* states. In. the event that the Black Republican, ticket was elected, he advised the calling of a con vention of the people of the state, to devise a proper course. He con cluded -with the recommendation that the sum of one million of dollars be appropriated for a military fund, with the view of armed resistance to any further aggression.
This message of Gov. Brown was a typical instance of the man's methods. Its keen discernment of the situation, its stern recognition of disagreeable facts, its thougiitful consideration of remedies, its thorough preparation for the worst, its bold assumption of responsibility, its daring ag*g*ressiveness, its large comprehension of probable needs, and its magnitude of plan, all inspired by prompt and iron-willed, nerve, and conducted with confidence and practical sense, were all just what the people had learned to expect from this remarkable man. The messag-e awakened, a general interest over the whole Union. It evoked bitter denunciations from abroad. For a month the table of the execu tive office was covered with letters from every factory in the North, representing* in every variety of penmanship, orthography and rhetoric, the ills which would befall any number of men, women and children, should Georgia carry out the policy of her Governor.
It was but a few days until the election of Lincoln and Hamlin was a certainty. County meeting's were held in all parts of Georgia, and resolutions poured in a steady current upon, the General Assembly urging* action. Savannah led off tinder inspiration of the impetuous Bartow, and declared that the election, of Lincoln, and Hamlin ought not to be SLibmitted to, and asking* for a convention, and measures to org-anize and arm the forces of the State. A convention of military companies presided over by John. "W. Anderson, resolved that " Georgia can no longer remain in the Union consistently with her safety and best interest." The appropriation of a million of dollars for military purposes, recommended by the Governor, was endorsed by this convention of soldiers, and their services tendered to the Governor.
Governor Brown issued his proclamation, announcing that there had been no selection of electors by the people, and the duty devolved xipon

THE FIRST STEP IK SECESSION.

131

the General Assembly, and he suggested that in view of the fact that the Black Republican candidates were elected, and the Georgia vote would not alter the result, that for the sake of harmony, so essential now in the South, a refusal to go through the forms of an election would be politic. He also announced by authority that ex-Gov. McDonald, one of the electors on the Breckenridge ticket, wTould not allow his name used, as he was too feeble to cast the vote. The legislature, however, deemed it imperative to choose the electors, and the Breckenridge ticket was elected, substitxitiiig- Alfred H. Colquitt for ex-Gov. McDonald.
This legislature of 1860 did important wrork. A convention, of the people of Georgia was called for the 16th day of January, 1861, the election of cleleg-ates to take place on the first "Wednesday in January, 1861. The act passed unanimously.
The committee upon the State of Republic addressed a communica tion to the following gentlemen, asking- them to meet together in a practical and conciliatory counsel, and suggest a line of policy for the legislature: Joseph E. Brown, Alex. H. Stephens, R. Toombs, Jos. H. Lumpkin, R. F. Lyon, Charles J. Jenkins, J. W. A. Sanforcl, H. I,. Bemiiiig, G. Andrews, Linton Stephens, M. J. Crawforcl, B. H. Hill, F. S. Bartow, James Jackson, T. R. R. Cobb, H. V. Johnson, E. H. Baxter, J. H. Howard. These gentlemen assembled and recommended the call ing- of a convention \vith the following preamble:
" Whereas, the present crisis in our national affairs, in the judgment of this General Assembly, demands resistance; and, whereas, it is the privilege and right of the sovereign people to determine upon the mode, measure and time of such resistance."
The office of Adjutant General of the state was created; the accept ance by the Governor of 10,000 troops was authorized; the purchase of 1,000 Maynard rifles and carbines for the coast defence ordered; and an appropriation of one million of dollars for military purposes made. A Direct Trade Company was incorporated; the sum of $2,500 appropri ated yearly to the State Agricultural Society, a practice still kept up; and $2,500 appropriated to the Cotton. Planters' Convention. All of these 'were practical matters, looking to preparation, for the troubles impending-, and for a changed condition of affairs.
The menacing- state of politics could, of course, have but one effect upon business. Capital became alarmed. All classes of business felt the shock of apprehension. Trade was disturbed, investments ceased, and general commerce was paralyzed. Money was locked up, and the cloud of financial distress darkened the country. The banks, North and

ANOTHER, BATTLE OF THE BAXIvS.
Avere destined to bo a fruitful and constant source of combat between G-overnor Brown and the legislatures of the State. Somehow or other they could not agree, and the Executive was not the sort of a person to yield his convictions to any pressure, nor to pin his opinions upon any number of coat sleeves. Pie promptly sent back a veto of the bank relief bill. He said that he had been opposed in 1857 to bank suspen sions, and his views had been, sustained by the people. There was less, reason now for a bank suspension than then. The advocates of bank relief admitted that the banks could meet their liabilities, but it would cost something-. In vieAV of their superior advantages some sacrifice is due from them. Bank men practiced upon popular credulity with the absurdity that suspensions were for the benefit of the people. If so, Avhy Avere the lobbies filled Avith bank officers spending- money to secure the passage of relief bills. He had seen such influences brought before in 1857. The people had not asked for suspension. The relief measure freed the banks from the penalties of not redeeming- their bills, and left the bill holder to suffer loss. Was this a benefit to the people ? It AAroulcl be time enougvh to legalize suspension on account of the political state of affairs Avhen an occasion arose, and as far as they should g-o Avoulcl be to put in the Executive discretion to Avithhold proceedings against the banks if it Avas required. In the event of suspension, of any Savannah, Aug-usta or Atlanta bank, the collection of debts in the state ceased until December 1st, 1861, and exectitions became stopped Avithout secxirity. These provisions Avere an injustice to plaintiffs in^/j fee arid to creditors, and g-ave all advantage to creditors out of the state Avho could resort to the United States Courts. Northern merchants could enforce claims ag-ainst Southern, merchants, Avhile Southern mer chants would be powerless to raise money from their debtors. AVas this resistcuiGG to Northern, ag-g-ression ? Regretting- to differ from the legislature, he yet Avas compelled to A-eto the bill because objectionable and unjust.
The bill Avas promptly passed over his veto, but the matter did not stop here. His utterances in the veto message about lobbyists seemed to have given offense. Mr. Dixon of Muscog-ee, offered a resolution requesting the Governor to give information showing- that any member had voted for the relief bill for money, or that any bank had used money to secure the passage of the bill. The words about Avhich expla nation Avas asked, Avere these:

THE HOUSE RASPS GOVERXOR BRO \VjST.

133

" Why is it, that these gentlemen never take upon themselves to guard the people's interest, and spend money to secure the passage of bills through the legislature, except when it is desirable to pass a bank suspension bill."
To this resolution the Governor returned, a well-tempered, polite reply, directed to the Senate, in which he said that he took pleasure in saying to the Senate, " that no charge of bribery was intended, that the language was general, and was meant to be directed against what is known as lobby influence, when gentlemen leave their homes, and spend money for traveling- expenses, tavern bills, etc., for the purpose of hanging around the General Assembly to try to influence the minds of members, so as to secure the passage of a particular bill." The unruffled and immovable Executive proceeded to say that he saw nothing- in the message " he desired to retract or modify." jSTo member of the Sen ate to whom his message was addressed appeared to have suspected reflection, on himself until the discovery was supposed to have been dis covered elsewhere. Tie did not doubt that upon a calm review each Senator would, now see that he saw in it no imputation, upon himself, as " conscious innocence -will never appropriate to itself language in which others can see no charge, or even dubious language as an imputation of criminality."
This message gave still farther offense to the House, which passed a resolution offered by Mr. Dixon, which was put on the journals of the House, reciting that the answer had not been communicated to the House, that it was an evasion of a charge the Governor could not main tain, and the language of the answer was disrespectful to the House, therefore,
" Resolved, That his Excellency, Gov. Brown, has not only abused the privileges of this House, but has failed to maintain in his official intercourse with this body, that dignity of deportment, which becomes the Chief Magistrate of Georgia."
It was a war-like time then. Men's fighting blood was up. And it took, in. the sweeping belligerence of the universal atmosphere, little provocation to get up a muss between anybody and about anvthmg. Joe Brown too was the worst person in the country to tackle. Mature, in making him, had rather put an over than an under stock of combativencss. It is rather to be suspected that his Excellency had a sort of natural relish for a set-to with other folks. Be this as it may, it stands true that no one ever struck Gov. Brown, without getting hit back, and if he ever declined a combat it is not chronicled., nor has it been susceptible of proof. This attack on. the Governor was a flimsy one, and it is surprising that it was made, and that the legislative body

134

GOVJ3KKOK BROWNS' STEIKES BACK AT TII35 HOUSE.

allowed itself to take part in it. Congregations of men. nor official veneer never had any terrors for this level-headed man of the people. He flung back the House censure with a cool, biting defiance and con tempt. Reviewing1 the matter concisely he showed that he had not evaded the charge, violated any privilege of the House, nor failed in dignity in his intercourse with the House. He used, this language about
the resolution of the House.
' " They Avere conceived in passion, prompted by a spirit of personal revenge, and not of public duty--undignified in their bearing, untrue in their statements, and unjust in the assault which they make iiport a co-ordinate branch of the government."
He ordered his reply to be entered upon the permanent records of the Executive Department, the legislature having adjourned before he pre. pared the message. Like everything else that he did, this spirited re ply and the controversy that elicited it, only strengthened Grov. Brown with the people as a fearless champion of the public interest and the bold assailant of evil.
It was a striking evidence of the hold he had on the public confidence and the estimate that was placed upon his judgment, that the electoral ticket chosen by the legislature addressed him alone of all the dis tinguished, public men of the State, a letter asking his views upon the situation as being " eagerly desired." Gov. Brown's response was a practical common-sense view of affairs, in which he said some very strik ing truths. The election, of Mr. Lincoln, simply as a successful candi date, would not justify secession, but as the triumph of the Northern section of the Union over the Southern section, upon a platform, of avowed, hostility to Southern rights, justified the South in withdrawing from a confederacy where she could not be protected. Submission to the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln now would, result in the final abolition of slavery. If resistance was not made now it would, be fruitless here after. He discussed, fully the business effect upon the South of the abolition of slavery. Impartially scrutinizing the outlook, he expressed the opinion that the South could never live in peace with the Northern abolitionists unless we could have new constitutional guarantees that would stop the slavery agitation. These the Northern, people would never give. There was no doubt that the States around Georgia would secede, and we would, thus be surrounded by free and independent states, with whom we have a common interest, and to refuse to stand with whom would in no way benefit us. Let wise men be sent to the convention, and let them act for the best to protect our rights arid pre serve our liberties.

CHAPTER XVI.
THE STUBBORN BATTLE IN GEORGIA OVER DISUNION.
A Majority Against Disunion.--The County Appeals to the Legislature.--A Striking Batch of Papers.--The Greene County Resolutions and M. W. Lewis.--Stately Invec tive.--Stephens, Johnson and Ben Hill, against Secession.--Dr. Lovick Fierce.-- Howell Cobb.--L. J. Gartrell.--The People Halting.--Toombs Drives the Wedge Finally.--His Master Stroke of Disunion.--His Conservative Daiibury Letter.--His Scheme of the Crittenden Resolutions, which Tested the Black Republican Wil lingness to Compromise.--His Ringing Dispatch for Disunion.--William L. Harris of Mississippi.--Gov. Brown and the Banks Again.--The Choice Pardon.--Charles J. Jenkins.
A PEETTY fair criterion of the disunion sentiment in Georgia before the election of Lincoln and Hamlin was the Breckenridge vote. The union element voted for Douglas and Bell. The Breckenridg^e plat form naturally attracted the most pronounced Southern rights men who were for making an unqualified issue for slavery. The vote showed a majority against disunion. The election of Lincoln set the current steadily to secession, and fixed a majority for national dissolution. But there was yet an immense reserve of decided union sentiment, that resolutely soug-ht to stem the disunion tide. Over forty counties held public meetings and transmitted resolutions to the General Assembly. These solemn utterances of public opinion constituted a remarkable body of popular expressions, ^^hether for or against disunion they were tinged with a "white heat, land echoed the tumultuous agitation of the time. The bulk of them demanded secession, but there were some most extraordinary, elocjuent and prophetic appeals and pleas for union.
The resolutions from Greene county, presented to the legislature byJV[iles_'W. Lewis, cover seven pages in the House .journajs-o-1860, and furnished a striking and masterly argument for a conservative course. Pronouncing- the election of Lincoln a violation of national comity, and not to be submitted to except temporarily, they yet declared it was not per se a sufficient cause for immediate dissolution, for a power ful array of reasons:--Because it was a constitutional election, ag-ainst Northern interest to dissolve the union, because the South was not yet united, because time and delay should be given to let the North try to do justice, because haste in the overthrow of the g-overnment would cut off sympathy for our movement, because the masses of the Southern

136

COUXTY IlESOLUTIOXS OX THE CKI3IS.

people were not ripe for disunion, becatise we AArere not ready for Avar, because no serious effort had been made at reconciliation, because Ave owed a duty to mankind to preserve our republic and its genius, because of the injury to our state and national securities and the terrible pecu niary results, and because a dissolution if proper ought to be done with slow deliberation and after every effort to preserve it, quoting the example of our colonies which only dissevered finally and irrevocably the bond to the mother country after tAvo years' fig-hting-. State conven tions, and then, a Southern convention, temperate but firm, should be held, urging our rights before the jSTorth and making a last grand united effort for a settlement such as we wished. The last of these powerful and statesmanlike resolutions deserves giving- entire.
" Resolved, That in view of the great and solemn crisis which is upon us, we request our fellow citizens to unite with us in prayer to Almighty God that he would deliver us from discord and disunion, and above all,"from civil war and from bloodshed ; and that he would so guide our counsels and actions that we may be able to maintain our rights without revolution."
There were a number of the counties that sent up similar resolutions to the above, Smriter, Milton, Troup arid others. But the majority struck hotly for immediate secession. Some were magnificent ebullitions of stately and impassioned infective. JSTo man can read this masterly set of public resolutions without being- impressed AArith their dignity, force, vig-or of thought and uncommon excellence of diction and august gravity and intensified ferA^or of spirit. They were the outcome of an aroused and welded public sentiment, focalized to the most impressive majesty of deep human feeling- and conviction. There AA^as an original ity of conception and a variety of treatment too about them that was

tion were discussed and expounded with a marvelous incisiveness and condensation, and an apothegrnatic felicity of language.
The Dougherty County resolutions reported to the House by Mr. R. N. Ely, presented forcibly an idea, urg-ecl by a number of other counties, that represented the view of the more conservative secessionists. This was the necessity of co-operation among- the Southern States. It was declared,
"It would be monstrous if a single Southern State should, without consultation and by separate action, attempt to decide the great question that now presses upon the South, not only for herself, but for her remaining fourteen sister states."

T1I.K UONK STAR, W1IITK 3?J,AG i:N* AUGUSTA.

187

This was the very thing that did happen, a thing- that Vvas a great -wrong, that was unwise and impolitic to the last degree, and that was remediless. These resolutions put the true wisdom of the crisis in these words:
" The time has come for the final settlement of the slavery question upon an enduring and cal basis, and to a General Conference of the Southern States, we would enduty of declaring what that basis shall be."
The Richmond County action, reported to the legislature by Mr. "Win. Gibson, contained this beautiful and significant incident. The chair man having- stated the object of the meeting-, then informed the assem blage that it had been made known to him that a white flag with the lone star, and inscribed thereon: " Georgia--Eqiicdity in or Indepen dence out of the Union " had been placed upon the cupola of the Temple of Justice in which they were then assembled; and was then waving over their heads; which announcement was received with long, con tinued applause. "When on motion it was unanimously resolved, " That this meeting- adopt the flag and its position as their act, evincive of their determination in the present crisis." It is at such fevered times when the public blood is in a state of exalted fervor that poetic trifles like the above incarnate the solemn purposes of earnest, iron-minded men and idealize a stern gravity into romance.
But serious as was the crisis, and ominous the drift to revolution, the people were not ripe for the plunge. Some very strong men were opposing the policy of secession. H. "V. Johnson, Alex. H. Stephens and Ben. IT. Hill stood firmly against it. Mr. Stephens made a speech to the Georgia legislature, that take it all in all, was the grandest of his life. Unaffected by the whirlwind of passion around him, that terror ized men, he littered a clear, firm counsel against secession. He claring-ly asserted that the South was not blameless, and with an unsurpassed moral and physical courage planted himself against disunion. In the ~" calm retrospection of those crazy days this appeal of reason was simply sublime.-.- Crv Lovick Pierce, the powerful methoclist Divine, threw his strong influence against it. Yet he was taunted in the press with in consistency, because in 18-14 he had urg-ed the secession of the southern Methodist church, becaiise Bishop Andrews was officially crucified by the northern Methodists for being a slave-holder. Ho well Cobb wrote from "Washington a long and urisurpassably able letter, calm, logical, dispassionate and even cold in its temperate, but inexorable argument, discussing- the whole situation and urging- immediate secession. He quoted voluminously from all of the Republican leaders, to show the im-

138

,

THE DRIFT TO SECESSION.

VX
movable abolition intent of the party, he demonstrated that the result

of the election was war to the death on slavery, he showed that there

was no hope for the South in any other remedy than secession, he

argued that honor and interest required immediate withdrawal from the

Union, and he announced that he was coming1 home to share the destiny

of his state, and resigned his position as Secretary of the Treasury. L.

J. Gartrell wrote to Dr. William C. Humphries of Atlanta, a letter

declaring that it was the policy and duty of Georgia to secede. Mr.

Gartrell had made an enviable reputation, in congress and stood among

the promising young- men. of the state. He had delivered several

speeches in congress that attracted much attention, and had borne him

self in debate so as to win. the respect of his opponents, as well as the

applause of his friends. The venerable ex-Gov. Wilson. Lumpkin, in a

letter to Asbury _Hull, H. C. M. Hammoiitl, R, S. Taylor and others,

stated that there was no hope from the North and secession was the

only chance of prosperity. Gov. Lumpkin had not been in public life

since 1843.

But the people still were not matured for the grave step. It was re

served for Robert Toombs with a consummate management to fashion

and drive the wedge that rivecl apart the stately structure into contend

ing halves. To him, beyond all question, belongs the leadership of the

South in sundering the Union. He was the unquestionable genius of

the revolution. "William L. Yancey was a powerful factor in the disin

tegration. But Toombs was the chief and master architect of the dis

ruption. His final achievement was a master stroke of diplomacy, sure,

subtle and invincible. It fell upon the South with resistless effect. It

swept away the last foot-hold of conservatism. The heaviest objection,

to a resort to disunion, was the idea that the Republicans were willing

to give guarantees against any further interference with slavery, and

this willingness should be tested before going- to the last extremity.

To meet this idea a number of southern senators and representatives,

including Iverson, Crawforcl, Jones, Jackson, Gartrell and Underwood of

Georgia, issued an address, brief and pointed, stating- that,all hope of

relief was gone, and both southern honor and safety required secession.

But this was not satisfactory to the conservative element. It was left

for Mr. Toombs to put the finishing stroke to the indecision and reluct

ance of the halting. The legislature had voted clown, a resolution in

favor of immediate secession, and in the senate a motion to reconsider

was lost after a stiff debate, in which Harris, Lawton, Moore, Spaulding

and Tracy were for immediate action, and Jones, Trippe, and Ben. Hill

f

ROBERT TOOMBS EIXES SECESSION.

139

were against it. Spaulding dubbed Trippe a submissionist; Jones sneered that the co-operationists would, have the fighting to do; Harris retorted that Jones was a " citizen in war and a soldier in peace;" Moore declared that Hill's speeches were on both sides; and Tracy charged that Hill " was in love with his subject, and that subject him self." The sharp sparring showed the feeling at play, and the result evinced the proper deliberation before a grave step.
Mr. Toombs had been invited to address the citizens of Danbury, Va., and wrote a letter declining, but giving his viewTs. This letter was a very adroit one. It was so moderate as to expose him to taunts from the extreme secessionists and conservatives both that he was backing clown. But it was the most practical drive yet made to unite the divided South in disunion. It recommended delay until the 4th of March, to test the Republican willingness to do right to the South. At the same time he incensed the Republicans by boldly charging- upon them the pxirpose to destroy slavery by hostile laws and stimulating re volts and protecting slave-thieves and insurrectionists. He declared the only remedy for these enormous evils was new constitutional guaran tees protecting the South. Let these be offered to the Republicans as a test of their spirit. These constitutional restrictions were worth a cart-loacl of political planks, and if the Republicans refused to grant them, then the time for action was at hand, and he was willing- to delay for such a test in concession, to the earnest and honest men who were hopeful of redress in. the Union. Air. Toombs knew well that the Republicans would, hoot at the idea of sucn constitutional amendments, but he knew that their rejection would, solidify our people.
In accordance with this programme of Mr. Toombs, the Hon. J. J. Crittenden of Kentucky offered before the United States Senate Crisis--CiTnTfct^e~of-.thirteen, a series of resolutions reciting* the pend ing trouble, arid proposing* as a settlement of it constitutional amend ments for the revival of the Missouri compromise line, denial of right to abolish slavery in the arsenals and District of Columbia, transit for slaves over non-slave-holding- territory and payment for fugitive slaves rescued from officers by mobs. A time wras appointed when, the committee agreed to be all present and act on the resolutions. On this committee were Messrs. Davis, Doolittle, Collamer, AArade, Toombs, Grimes, Hunter, Bigler, Crittenden, Douglas, Rice and Powell. Under the rules of the committee no proposition should be considered adopted that did not pass by a majority of the Republicans. The propositions were all rejected, JkTr. Toombs voting against them, though he declared

140

HO^T. "VVILT.TAil IL. IIAKKIS, OF ALISSISSIPPI.

he would g-o for them if the Republicans offered and went for them in good faith. But the fact stands that he voted against them. He immediately telegraphed a ring-ing address to the people of Georgia, reciting that the Black Republicans had not only voted against any constitutional guarantees for the South, but declared that they had no guarantees to offer. Pie wound, up with, these momentous words, the most important and effective for the disunion movement that had been announced by any man or set of men in this tremendous agitation:
" I tell you upon the faith, of a true man, that all further looking to the North for security for your constitutional rights in the Union, ought to be instantly abandoned. It is fraught with nothing but ruin to yourselves and your posterity.
" Secession by the fourth of March next, should be thundered from the ballot-box by the unanimous voice of Georgia on the second day of January next. Such a voice will be your best guarantee for LIBERTY, SECURITY, TRANQUILLITY AXD GLORY."
From this time on, though a very considerable pprtion^of_ the, peonle opposed .secession, the policy of disunion in Georgia was an established fact, and the movement sped swiftly and steadily to its consummation. The Hon. "William L. Plarris of Mississippi, as delegated commissioner from, that state to Georgia, made an address to the General Assembly communicating- officially the fact that Mississippi had called, a state convention to consider the situation, and asked Georgia's co-operation in the adoption of efficient measures for their common defense and safety. The address of Mr. Harris was a very eloquent and effective appeal. His references to Baldwin, Jackson and Troup, the famous Governors of Georgia, were very fine. He declared Georgia " the brig-htest exemplar" among* the advocates and defenders of state rigiats and state remedies. He touchiiigiy alluded to the fact that Mississippi was cut off from Georgia, "glorious old mother "--and that thousands and thousands of Georgia's sons and daughters were adopted children of Mississippi, who still fondly looked to their native state for sympathy and g-uidance. Mr. Harris in his mission, for Mississippi but reflected the feeling- in all of the Southern states which looked to the action of Georgia above any other state; and this deep interest in Georgia's action demonstrated how powerful and influential was our common wealth.
The Legislature adjourned on the 19th of December, 1860, havingpassed resolutions of sympathy with the message of Mississippi as com municated through Hon. Wm. L. Harris, and resolving- that should any or all of the Southern states determine in the present emergency to with draw from the Union., such seceding- states should form a confederacy.

THE CHOICE PAEDO^T.

141

Before the adjournment the bank agitation was resumed. After the passage of the bank relief bill over Governor Brown's veto, the banks began to suspend specie payment, and one bank had suspended before. The Governor issued, his proclamation as required by law, announcing the suspension, but he showed his unabated hostility to the measure and his unconquered resolution in spite of legislative majorities, by con cluding his proclamation making known the suspension with the paren thetical statement that he " feared too many know it now to their injury." After a brief trial of the suspension, act, Governor Brown addressed a message to the General Assembly making recommendations for additional legislation. He called their attention to the fact that in solvent banks, as well as solvent ones, had the benefit of the act, and were relieved of all responsibility. He went on to discuss the suspenpeiision, and showed that his prediction had come true that exchangee had g'one up to three per cent. He put in some heavy blows upon the bank relief champions, showing- how relief relieved the people, increas ing cost of purchases and freights. If the Legislature would not repeal the obnoxious law, at least let it reduce exchange to one per cent., and place insolvent banks in a different category from the solvent banks. These thing's were done.
Another matter that excited ixmch discussion was the pardon by the Legislature of a gentleman, by the name of "Win. A. Choice, convicted of murder. He was very highly connected, and powerful influences were brought to bear for the purpose of saving him from the penalties of the law. At the session of 1859 an act had passed for his pardon, and. Governor Brown had. vetoed it upon the merits of the case. Ben Hill took a strong interest in the case, and it was brought before the Legis lature again. Mr. Hill pushed it with great ability and vigor, and the pardon was again granted by the Legislature and again vetoed by Gov ernor Brown. The bill provided for placing- Choice in the Lunatic Asylum, and was passed over the Governor's veto by a constitutional majority. The case attracted general attention in the state, and a right warm feeling was stirred up between Governor Brown, and the friends of Choice. There was some newspaper controversy over it. In the Legislature also there was acrimony on the part of members growing out of the question whether Governor Brown had a right to veto a par don in a murder case.
The case illustrated the unyielding persistence of Governor Brown's character, and his unswerving adhesion to what he conceived to be his duty. The unfortunate subject of this controversy died within the last

142

c. J. JERKINS JUDGE OF SUPREME COUET.

year in the asylum. Commenting- upon this case, the Augusta Despatc7^ had these words:
" We are not much of an admirer of the ' one man power/ but the judgment, justice and bravery with which Governor Brown has exercised it makes us almost in love with it."
Judge Liiiton Stephens having- resigned as Judge of the Supreme Court, this Legislature did a graceful act of honor to the State in elect ing- Charles J. Jenkins.

CHAPTER XVII.

THE MOST VITAL CHAPTER OF GEORGIA HISTORY--HER SECESSION FROM THE UNION.
Georgia Foremost in the Slavery Agitation.--Her Potential Men.--Her Destiny of Leadership to Continue through Joe Brown.--Carolina Secession.--Its Flaming Effect.--Bartow and Lochrane.--Gov. Brown's Seizure of Fort Pulaski.--H. R. Jackson,--A. R. Eawton.--The Convention Endorses Brown.--The Southern Press on the Seizure.--The Macon Companies.--Richard R. Cuyler.--The Secession Con vention.--Georgia the Pivotal State.--Personelle of Convention.--Ablest Body of Georgia Annals.--E. A. Nisbet.--T. R. R. Cobb.--I Secei --Tc

Signing.--The Protest of Six.--The Ship given to the Lightning ._ .. _._..... The Inspiration and the Effect of Georgia's Secession.

FROM 1850, when Georg-ia leaped to the front in the slavery contro

versy, and gave to the country the famous " Georg-ia Platform," as the

crucial enunciation, of Southern doctrine on. slavery, up to the crisis in

1860, our state had been the foremost in the agitation. The phenomenal

Stephens had focalized the national g-aze in the memorable contentions

about this subject. The iinpeiiaT^TooiiiI)s~hael4Ld_the Soxithern states

men wii]i_-a_Jaleaidd_brjl^

that no man ever ,

surpass_ejL_JlL-^Ji^_^oejn.si._a,r_ena. The larg-e-soulecl Cobb had guided

the policy of Buchanan's administration in the culminating- years of the

political strife. In her ponderous-brained Johnson the state had fur

nished as a Vice-Presidential candidate on the Douglas ticket one of

the pivots of the campaign. ^/Around the name and agency of Georgia

hung the most potential prestig'e of any Southern state. Her positive

instrumentality in the drama was destined to continue. "We have seen

how Mr. Toombs drove the impending- storm to a crisis. "V\re shall see $/

how from this time on, the focal fig-ure in Georgia during- the four deadly

years that followed was Joseph E. Brown. He had done little during-

the long birth of the revolution. But when it became inevitable, his

agency as a leader was something- marvelous. It seemed as if nature

had put him in the place for the emerg-ency. His peculiar qualities

found a fitting field for their display and the public benefit. His acts

144

BUK^iXGr SPEECH OF JB\ s. IBAKTOW.

seemed like inspirations. There was a prevision of needs, a forecasts of events, a vigor of action and a daring- in responsibility, that exactly met the appalling crisis and savored of the heroic. The man seemed born for the time. The homespun mountaineer, hero of the plowing bull and the calico bed-quilt, had ripened into the acknowledged genius of a great commonwealth in the ordeal of a mighty revolution. The people, masses and leaders, looked to his cool sense, iron nerve, and resourceful capacity in this trial, and he met their demands and hopes fully. His leadership was intuitive, masterly, undisputed. He did as one made for the era.
Precisely at fifteen minutes past one o'clock on Thursday, the 20th day of December, 1860, under an ordinance of secession passed in sov ereign convention, the State of South Carolina withdrew from the Union of the United States, and resumed her independent state sovereignty. That act was the first step in the great civil commotion of the century. It was the beginning of an end of illimitable extent. It was not the practical inauguration of the Avar, but it was the preface to it. The news stirred, the South wildly. It fired the Southern people into a sort of delirium. All over Georgia the people celebrated the startling- event with gatherings and speeches, and a general exhilaration. In Atlanta guns were fired at sunrise. An immense crowd assembled, and a hun dred guns echoed the public joy from noon until sunset. There was a grand torchlig-ht procession and a balloon ascension. Abraham Lincoln was burned, in effigy, and Howell Cobb made a burning- and powerful speech.
On the 28th, a few days later, Francis S. Bartow and O. A. Lochrane addressed the citizens of Atlanta. "While Bartow was speaking, a dispatch was handed him just received, that Fort Moultrie in Charles ton Harbor had been burned by the Federal troops, and the g-arrison had gone over to Fort Sumter, and Charleston had ordered out two regiments. The scene that followed baffles description. The audience became wild with enthusiasm. Three cheers were given for South Carolina amid such a tornado of applause as is rarely heard. The ready and impassioned Bartow, resuming- his speech with folded arms, rang out with a biting* sarcasm, " Yes, "while you taUti of co-operation, you hear the thunders of the cannon and the clash of sabers reach you from South Carolina." The applause was deafening over this. Continuing, the orator thrilled forth: " Is this gallant, noble state of South Carolina, that had the boldness to take the lead in this matter, to be left to the cold calculating of the co-operationists of Georgia ? " Vehement replies

of No! Never!! Never!!! Never!!!! thundered from every part of the dense gathering1.
This action, of the Federal authorities in regard to Forts Moultrie and Sumter inflamed the already hig-h war fever of the South to an over mastering fury. Even such far-sighted men as Gov. Brown were not decided that the North would attempt coercion of the seceded states. They believed that war possibly might not follow. But the Fort Sum ter matter left no doubt of the Federal purpose to resist forcibly seces sion. The appointment of Mr. Holt as secretary of Avar in the place of Floyd confirmed this, Mr. Holt being alleged, by Mr. Toonibs to be inimical to the South, and his selection, foreshadowing active hostility. Under the light of this momentous revelation of policy, so full of un speakable results, the disunion sentiment still further increased. It was under this knowledge that the practical genius and prompt decision of Gov. Brown came into play with one of those strokes of action for which he has been noted. He began a series of daring- assumptions of responsibility that made Georgia memorable, and himself famous. He took a step of decisive leadership that at once showed, the people, not only of the State, but of the South, and of the rapidly disintegrating Union, that Georgia's Governor was fully equal to the needs of the emergency. And it was this step that continued the remarkable agency of this State as the most potential factor in this great strife, and it gave to Georgia whatever of glory may attach to committing the first overt act of war. Georgia, it must be remembered, was still a member of the Union. She did not secede until the 19th of January, 1861. She was in the Union, while Carolina was out of it. The seizure of the coast defenses was not only therefore a dictate of military forecaste and wisdom, but it was an aggressive act of war against the Federal gov ernment, whose authority was still operative.
Fort Pulaski at the mouth of the Savannah river commanded the ap proach to that city, and was the chief fortification on the Georgia coast. Quick to conceive a practical idea, Gov. Brown was as quick to execute it. In the event of war, Fort Pulaski was a military necessity to the State, and war was coming. Gov. Brown determined to seize it im mediately. There had been some private movement in Savannah look ing to an occupation of the Fort by the citizens of the city, but the cooler-headed men advised against such an act, and the Governor was advised of the purpose. He went to Savannah in person to decide, and promptly determined to officially order the seizure. The first regiment of Georgia Volunteers was commanded by Col. Alexander R. Lawton,

146

GOV. BROWN'S ORDER, TO GEX. A. R. LAWTO^.

to whom the Governor issued, the following- order, -which was carefully prepared, and explains the reasons for the act.

SAVAXXAII, January 2, 1861. }
Colonel A. R. Lawton, Commanding 1st Regiment Georgia Volunteers, Savannah: SIR : In view of the fact that the Government at Washington has, as we are in
formed upon high authority, decided on the policy of coercing- a seceding State back

at Charleston, and to occupy with Federal troops the Southern forts, including Fort

Pulaski in this State, which if done would give the Federal Government in any contest

great advantage over the people in this State ; to the end therefore that this strong

hold, which commands also the entrance into Georgia, mav not be occupied by anv hos

tile force until the Convention of the State of Georgia, which is to meet 011 the 16th

instant, has decided on the policy which Georgia will'adopt in this emergency, yon are

ordered to take possession of Fort Pulaski as by public order he

against all persons, to be abandoned only under orders from me or

an overpowering hostile force.

Immediately upon occupying the fort, you will take measures to put it in a thorough

state of defense, as far as its means and ours will permit; and for this purpose you will

advise with Captain Claghorri, Chatham Artillery, who has been charged with all mat

ters relating to ordnance and ordnance stores and their supply.

You will further arrange with Captain Claghorii a series of day and night signals for

communicating with the city of Savannah, for the purpose of calling for reinforcements,

or for other necessary purposes. And you will arrange with Mr. John Cumiingham,

Military Purvevor for the time being, for the employment of one or more steamboats,

or other moans of transportation by land or by water that may be necessary, and for

other supplies (except for ordnance stores, for which you will call upon Captain Clag-

horn) as may be required.

If circumstances should require it, the telegraph will be placed under surveillance.

I think from our conversation you fully understand my views, and relying upon your

patriotism, energy and sound discretion in the execution of this important and delicate

trust, I am, sir, very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

JOSEPH E. BROWN,

Governor and Comrnander-in-Chief."

An additional order was issued by the Adjutant-General, Henry C. \\rayne, in regard, to the details. There was a spirited rivalry among the volunteer companies of Savannah to participate in this duty. De tails from the Chatham Artillery, under Captain Joseph S. dag-horn; Savannah Volunteer Guards, under Captain John Screven, and Ogiethorpe Lig-ht Infantry, under Captain Francis S. Bartow, amounting to 134 men, 50 each being taken from the infantry companies and 34 from the artillery, were made of a force to seize the fort. The seizure was made on the morning of the 3d of January, I860. The writer w^as a member of the Ogiethorpe Light Infantry, and was one of the detail

1

FORT PITLASKI.

147

from that company for this duty. The seizure created the greatest ex citement over the -whole South. It was in accord with the spirit of the hour, and Governor Brown received unstinted encomiums for his deci sive conduct. Its effect on the other Southern states was electrical and wide-spread. It stimulated the war spirit, and immediately gave Georgia the prestige that she held to the end of the conflict.
Col. Lawton in. communicating the occupancy of the fort made the following statement of an incident that was regarded as an unpleasant complication, but which Gov. Brown promptly settled:
" On steaming clown the river this morning I ascertained with regret that certain un authorized, persons had taken possession of the United States revenue cutter, Dobbin, and are now exercising control over her in the waters of Georgia."
Col. Lawton stated that he had taken the cutter, and expressed re gret that such embarrassing questions should be presented by unauthor ized persons at that critical time. Gov. Brown immediately notified Mr. John Boston, collector of the port, that the cutter was at his dis posal, regretting the lawless seizure of the vessel, and the cutter was delivered to the captain.
The fort contained when thiis taken, twenty thirty-two pounder guns in bad condition, and very little ammunition. Every effort was made to put the fort in order. The garrison of gentleman soldiers was put under strict military discipline. The guns were properly mounted and ammunition supplied. Drilling and. practice firing were daily clone. The cartridge bag's for the heavy g-uns were furnished by the deft fin gers of the Savannah ladies. Some lady sent down to the fort a fine fruit-cake iced beautifully and the \vord " Secession " wrong-lit in with sugar, while another more practical, sent clown a package of lint. Gov. Brown remained long- enough in Savannah to see the seizure com pleted, and returned to the seat of government. Tie telegraphed an account of his proceedings to the Governors of Florida, Alabama, Mis sissippi and Louisiana, and received strong endorsements of his course in reply, and. the intimation that his example should be immediately fol lowed. Gov. Moore of Alabama immediately seized the forts and arse nals in. that state. The minute men of Macon passed unanimously some resolutions of Charles J. Harris, Esq., approving- the seizure, and pledg ing themselves to sustain Gov. Brown, at any sacrifice. The state con vention, that met soon after passed, this resolution:
" This convention highly approves the energetic and patriotic conduct of Gov. Brown in taking possession of Fort Pulaski by Georgia troops, and requests him to hold pos session until the relations of Georgia with the Federal government be determined bv

148

AVAR SPIRIT IN MAC ON.

The Governor on his way to Milledgeville was received all along- the line of railroad with demonstrations of approval of his course. On his arrival in Milleclg'eville, a larg-e number of citizens with music and torches went to the executive mansion and serenaded him, and he made a short talk that was cheered with a hearty good will. The press was very emphatic in approval of the Governor's action. Said the Augusta Democrat: " He has exhibited an. intelligence, firmness and compre hensive statesmanship, equaled by few and surpassed by none in the annals of the state." The Southern journals generally commended his course. The Alabama Spirit of tJie South thus paid him tribute:
"We cannot but admire the skillful and energetic manner in which Gov. Brown man ages and controls the public affairs of Georgia. He takes counsel of no man's fears ; lis tens to 110 timid suggestions of delay ; waits for no co-operation or compromise. He turns neither to the right hand nor the left, but proceeds right onward to vindicate the honor and protect the rights of his government. He executes his plans with the nerve of a soldier

enemies to scorn. He is full of Jacksoiiiaii will and courage ; possessing wisdom to de vise and boldness and sagacity to execute. He has much administrative capacity, and in our opinion is better fitted for President of a Southern confederacy than any man in the South/'
This as contemporary comment, outside of State bias, will afford some conception of how this self-reliant and. resolute Executive of Georgia in that troublous day impressed impartial public judgment. A little episode occurred at this time that will exemplify the popular feeling- as well as Governor Brown's spirit. The officers of the volun teer companies of Macon, Captain R. A. Smith, Captain E. Smith, Cap tain E. Fitzgerald, Captain T. M. Parker, Captain L. M. Lamar and Lieutenant "Wm. H. Ross telegraphed to Governor Brown, asking him " if he \vould sanction the movement of Georgia volunteers going to the aid of South Carolina." This was the prompt response:
" I will not. Your first duty is to Georgia. South Carolina is able at present to take care of herself. You may be needed at home very soon.
" JOSEPH E. BROWN."
On the 9th day of January, 1860, the State of Mississippi followed the example of South Carolina and formally seceded* from the Union. On the llth of January, Florida and Alabama withdrew. Each day as it dawned broug-ht some new contribution to the war spirit. The Fed eral steamer " Star of the West " attempted to run in to Fort Sumter and was fired upon by the Carolina troops in Fort Morris and driven back. It was a rising- Hood of combative feeling. The sense of coming conflict pervaded the most thoughtless, and serious people thrilled under

I

THE SECESSION SPIRIT

GEORGIA.

149

the moving- stimulus. Richard R. Cuyler, the President of the power ful Central Road Company, patriotically notified Gov. Brown that his bank was ready to take one hundred thousand dollars of the bonds for the defence of the State at par. Secession cockades and badges were made by the thousand and worn openly and gaily. Some lady wore a bonnet made of white and black Ge.orgia cotton, covered with a net work of black cotton, the streamers ornamented with Palmetto trees and Lone Stars embroidered with gold thread, while the feathers were formed of white and black worsted.
The Georgia Convention assembled on the IGth day of January, 1SG1. The eyes of the whole Union were upon this most august body. There was an interest in its deliberations, both profound and wide-spread. It was felt to be the turning' point of the real commencement of the revo lution. If staid, self-poised, deliberate powerful Georgia held back from the work of disintegration it would have been such a substantial check to the destructive movement as would have done much to stop it. Georgia's cooperation rendered the revolution sure. T4^e__Fecleral admiriistratioii lo^kjedL_anxiousIy_jbo__our State, as the cruciaJ agerjj^y^oJLJL-^1 e agitation. The people of the North focalized their attention upon this arbiter of an impending and incalculable convulsion. It was known that a majority of the people of Georgia favored secession, but the minority in favor of cooperation and delay was a very large and power ful body of public sentiment, ably and patriotically headed. The vote taken in the election for members of the convention showed an aggre gate of 50,243 for secession and 37,123 against, giving- a majority of only 13,120 for immediate disunion, out of 87,366. This was a much smaller majority than Gov. Brown had obtained in his last election. In many counties the anti-secessionists had heavy majorities. Such strong counties as Baldwin, Floyd, DeKalb, Cass, Franklin, Gordon, Gwimiett, Lumpkin, Murray, Walker, "Walton and others went some of them over whelmingly against disunion. In many counties it was the closest sort of a shave, giving either way only a vote or two. The most one-sided secession county in the whole State was Cobb, which gave 1,035 votes for and only seven against disunion. Chatham w^as also nearly unan imous for secession. In a very few counties no opposition candidate to secession was run. In Taliaferro and Tattnall no secession candidate was put up. These statistics will show how much the people were divided on this issue, and yet in the crazy fever of the war excitement and the more noisy demonstration of the secession champions, the op position was almost unheard and absolutely impotent. A few brave

150

PERSONELLE OF THE SECESSION CONVENTION.

spirits spoke out fearlessly, and courag-eously endeavored to stem the rushing and turbulent tide of disunion. But the g-eiierality of conser vative men feeling powerless to do anything, arid unwilling to incur a certain odium that clung- to men alleg'ed to be lukewarm or opposed to Southern interest, went quietly along- simply voting in the opposition.
The secession convention was the ablest body ever convened, in Georgia. Its membership included nearly every leading public man in the State, the leaders of all parties and shades of political opinion. The President of the Convention was George W. Crawford, who had been Governor of the State from 1843 to 1847, a g-eiitleman of larg-e influence and command ing- ability, and for years a recognized popular leader. There was Robert Toornbs, United States Senator, and for a short, time Secretary of State in the Confederate Administration ; ttio two famous Stephens brothers, Alexander H. Stephens, Vice President of the Confederate States, arid L.iiito.11 Stephens, Judge of the Supreme Court. Ex-Governor Herschell V. Johnson, candidate for Vice President on the Doug-las ticket and exUnited States Senator; Eugenius A. ISTesbit, ex-Member of Congress and ex-Judge of the Supreme Court ; Benjamin H. Hill, present United States Senator ; Alfred II. Colquitt, the present able arid popular Gov ernor of Georgia; Henry L.. Benning- and Hirain "Warner, ex-Juclg-e and ex-Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. There was also Augustus H. Kenan, "Washington Poe, David J. Bailey, ex-President of the Georgia Senate, Gen. W. T. Wofford, Francis S. Bartow, Thos. R. R. Cobb, Dr. H. R. Casey, Judge R. H. Clark, H. P. Bell, member of Cong'ress since the war, Dr. J. P. Logan of Fulton county, one of the most eminent and scientific physicians in the State, "Win. II. Dabnev, D. P. Hill, Goode Bryan, Judge "W. B. Fleming, Henry R. Harris, member of Con gress since the war, Thos. P. Saffold, Judge Augustus Reese, Purmetas Reynolds, Arthur Plood now Judge, Willis A. Hawkins, since Judge of the Supreme Court, T. M. Furlow, A. H. Plansell, S. B. Spencer, since Mayor of Atlanta, P. W. Alexander, C. W. Styles, N. A. Carswell, now Judge of the Superior Court, and John L. Harris, since then a Judge.
Among these gentlemen two were the most potential and unexpected workers for secession. Judge Eugenius A. N~esbit, the author of the Ordinance of Secession, had always been a very conservative public man. He was a small gentleman, though of great personal dignity. He possessed unusual culture and erudition. He was a Christian of pro found piety. He had been a Congressman and a Judge of the Supreme Court, and was known for eloquence, learning, ability, classical educa-

JOSEPH P.

151

tion, and a moral and social character of exquisite purity. The other of these two unlooked-for disunion advocates was Thos. R. R. Cobb, like Judge Nisbet, an earnest, fervent Christian worker, but who, unlike his distinguished colleague, had never taken any part in political life. He was a lawyer of marvelous industry a"nd acumen. The secession issue aroused all the fervor of his earnest soul. The election of Lincoln threw him into the' political arena, the* most intense, unwearied cham pion of secession in the state. All of the powerful energies of his mind and will were bent upon this mission of withdrawing Georgia from the Union arid establishing a Southern. Confederacy. He was, as Mr. Stephens fitly called him, a sort of Peter the Hermit in this secession crusade, pursuing* it with an unquenchable enthusiasm.
Nothing could more vividly show the engulfing fever of the clay than the fact that such men. as Dr. J. P. Logan were drawn into public activity. Leading- the medical profession, he was a scientific enthusiast in his high calling. A gentleman of imposing figure and a noble face, with genial dignity of manner, combining every Christian grace of character with decisive manhood, high intellectuality and rare medical skill and erudition, his interest in the movement showed how the solid strata of our best citizens was stimulated to zeal in this agitation.
was made the Secretary of the Convej3^tigjjj.__ Gov. and ex-Gov. Ho \veir~ orJb were invited to seats upon the floor. The convention was addressed by Hon. James L. Orr, Commissioner from South Carolina, and Hon. John G. Shorter, Commissioner from Alabama, explaining' the attitude of those states and seeking the cooperation of Georgia in disunion. On the 18th of January Judge Nisbet introduced a resolution declaring in favor of secession and for the appointment of a committee to report an ordinance of secession. This precipitated the issue. For this resolution ex-Gov. H. V. Johnson, acting in concert with Mr. Stephens, offered a substitute written by ex-Gov. Johnson, reciting Georgia's attachment to the Union ; the assaults that had been made upon slavery and the insecurity they begat in the Southern mind; the peril that threatened the South from a hostile majorit}^, a peril aug mented by the recent secession of several Southern states; and that while Georgia could not abide permanently in the Union without new and ample constitutional guarantees, yet she was not disposed, to with draw hastily or without consultation with her Southern Confederates, whose counsel and cooperation she invoked to secure our rights in the Union if possible, or to protect them out of the Union if necessary. The substitutes proposed an ordinance that Delaware, Maryland, "Vir-

152

DISCUSSION OF GIAXTS OVER SECESSION,

ginia, Kentucky, North Carolina, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Teniniet^snsueec dainiAdj. ^M.-Liisoso^ocuLirAi buec invited to send delegates to a congress in Atlanta the 16th day of February, 1861, to consider the situation and devise a course. The independent republic of South Carolina, Florida, Alabama and Mississippi were invited to send Commissioners to said Congress. It was further declared in the ordinance that Georgia pre sented as indispensable constitutional guarantees before she could re main in the Union, congressional inability to abolish or prohibit slavery in the territories, surrender of fugitive slaves, punishment of rescue of slaves from officers, protection of slave property like other property in the territories, the admission of new states with or without slavery as the people thereof wish; the right of transit and protection for slaves, and the prohibition of negroes holding Federal office. It was further ordained by the substitute that upon any attempt at coercion of the seceded states Georgia would, join them in resistance; that Georgia would hold Fort Pulaski and other Federal property until her final de cision; that Commissioners be sent to the other slave states; that if all efforts fail she will help form a Southern Confederacy, and that the con vention adjourn to the 25th clay of February, 1861, and concluding with the xmalterable determination of Georg-ia to maintain her rig-hts, equality and safety at all hazards, and to the last extremity.
The discussion over this issue was elaborate, able and eloquent. Judge Nisbet, Gov. Johnson, T. R. R. Cobb, Mr. Stephens, Mr. Toombs, Alexander Means, Augustus Reese, Ben Hill and Francis S. Bartow, all spooik^e. jI.bt was a LdUisScUuUsSsKiIoOnII ooifl giants. ^^TThhce s-e-c-e-s-s'ion c- 1hampions were Klsbet, Cobb, Toombs, Reese and Bartow, and pitted against them in .favor of further attempt at a friendly settlement of troubles, were ' Johnson, Stephens, Means and Hill. The key-note of the secessionists, f as condensed by Mr. T. R. R. Cobb in a speech of remarkable power, I was, " ^\re can make better terms out of the Union than in it! " And i Mr. Stephens gave it as his opinion, that this single, focal idea of Mr. Cobb, looking to a more certain re-formation of the Union on a higher vantage ground outside of the Union, did more in carrying the state '- out than all the arguments and eloquence of all others combined. The sound, unanswerable position of the anti-secessionists was enunciated by Mr. Stephens in the sentence, that " the point of resistance should be the point of aggression." Secession as a remedy for anticipated aggressions was not wise or politic, and these gentlemen opposing seces sion believed that Georgia, standing firm with the border states in an effort to obtain a redress of grievances, would succeed. It was a grand

GEAXD DEBATE.

153

debate over the grandest of themes, this discussion of superior minds, trained to controversy, upon a subject involving the happiness and welfare, not only of the commonwealth, but of the nation with its millions. The debate was historic, and deserves to be pictured for posterity. There is little doubt that it settled the issue--the mighty and appalling- issue of war or peace. The destinies of a nation hung upon it. Had the milder policy prevailed, and Georgia been in the role of peace-maker, there is no telling- how the end would have been. The conservative course was the wise one. It was too grave an issue and. too awful a result to have been decided hastily, and not to have first exhausted every possible means of friendly adjustment in the Union. But a Higher Power was ruling the occasion. The great and mysterious ends of Providence \vere in process of fulfillment. The frenzy of revolution was on the people: the counsels of prudence were subordi nated to the honorable resentment of a chivalric section, and the work of the emancipation of four millions of slaves progressed to its bloody and final consummation.
Ex-Gov. Johnson had moved the reference of the original and substi tute to a special committee. After the debate the previous question was called and sustained, which brought the convention to a direct vote on Mr. Nisbet's secession resolution. The resolution was passed by a vote of 1Q6 yeas to 130 nays, under all the circumstances a most extra ordinary vote in its development of anti-secession views. The truth is, that some of the ablest and strong-est intellects of the state and the convention opposed secession, and that measure was carried by so small a majority as to demonstrate how reluctant our people were to enter upon a violent course. Mr. Toombs was the undoubted head of the secessionists in the convention. His superb qualities of leadership, and his double leverage as a Senator in the United States and a member of the convention, with all the power and information that such senatorship gave him, equipped him for hastening the march of the revolution' He had made a speech in the United States Senate on the 7th of Janu ary, 1SG1, of surpassing power--a speech intended to put upon record the wrongs and the cause of the South--a speech of crushing logic and sublime eloquence. One by one he had in clear, forcible language laid down the demands of the South, and their foundation in solemn consti tutional guarantees. He candidly made the striking admission, " that a very large portion of the people of Georgia prefer to remain in this Union with their constitutional rights--I would say ninety per cent, of them--believing- it to be a good government." Unanswerably arguing

154

COMMITTEE TO DRAFT SECESSION

that the Constitution -was the compact of union, he discussed every grievance of which the South complained in the light of the Constitu tion. The speech was full of magnificent bursts of thrilling- eloquence. He concluded with this impassioned passage :

" These charges I have proven by the record, and I put them before the civilized world,

and demand the judgment of to-day, of to-morrow, of distant ages, and of heaven itself,

upon the justice of these causes. I am content., whatever it be, to peril all i

so holy s

ights

You have refused them. We appeal again. Restore us those rig/its as we had them, as

your court adjudges them to be, just as our people have said they are ; redress these, flagrant

wrongs, seen of all men, and it will restore fraternity, and peace and unity to all of us.

Refuse them, and what then? We shall then ask you, ' Let us depart in peace.' Refuse

that, and you present us war. We accept it; and inscribing upon our banners the glori

ous words, ' Liberty and Equality/ we will trust in the blood of the brave and the God

of Battles for security and tranquillity."

Coming to Georgia with these grim words of war upon his eloquent lips, echoing their stern spirit over the whole country, and flamingmen's hearts everywhere in the broad land, he took his seat in the sov ereign convention of his great state, and there resumed the fiery mission of a nation's severance. It was a wonderful work, this disintegration of a gigantic government. And looking back from a twenty years' stand point of time, one wonders that no prescience of the immeasurable mis eries that followed were vouchsafed to the architects, the undoubtedly patriotic and pure-souled architects of that act of colossal ruin arid destruction. God fo*r his own good reasons allowed no prophetic reve lations of the terrible future, and the revolution went on in which a. noble people, in a sacred cause of self-government, were crucified for a humanitarian wrong, for which they were not responsible. Thus inscrutably does Providence forge out its great plans.
The secession battle was fought and whipped over Judge ISTisbet's resolution. After its passage the colonial flag of Georgia was raised 'amidst a wild excitement. It was a short work to complete the act. Judge Nisbet promptly moved that the committee to report an ordinance of secession consist of seventeen memLers. It was carried. The Presi dent appointed the following gentlemen:
E. A. Nisbet, chairman; Robert Toombs, H. "V. Johnson, F. S. Bartow, H. L. Benning, W. M. Brown, G. D. Rice, T. H. Trippe, T. R. R. Cobb, A. H. Kenan, A. H. Stephens, Jas. Williamson, D. P. Hill, B. H. Hill, E. W. Chastain, A. H. Colquitt, Aug. Reese. Immediately after the appointment of the cofnmittee a message was received from Governor Brown in response to a resolution calling on him for any information

THE GEORGIA SECESSION OEl>Ii>rA^SrCE.

155

in his possession that would facilitate the action of the body, furnish ing- the ordinance of Georgia ratifying the Constitution of the United States, and also a copy of resolutions of the New York legislature ten dering aid to the President to uphold the Union. The committee reported the following Ordinance of Secession:
"AN ORDINANCE
" To dissolve the Union between the State of Georgia and other States united with her under a compact of Government entitled, ' The Constitution of the United States of America.'
" We the people of the State of Georgia, in Convention assembled, do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained;
" That the ordinance adopted by the people of the State of Georgia in Convention on the second day of January, in the year of onr Lord 1788, whereby the Constitution of the United States of America was assented to, ratified and adopted ; and also all acts and parts of acts of the General Assembly of this State ratifying- and adopting amendments of the said Constitution, are hereby repealed, rescinded and abrogated.
"We do further declare and ordain, That the union now subsisting between the State of Georgia and other States, under the name of the United States of America, is hereby dissolved, and that the State of Georgia is in the full possession and exercise of all those rights of sovereignty, which belong and appertain to a free and independent State."
On motion of Mr. Toombs the ordinance was twice read. Ben. Hill moved, as a substitute for the ordinance, the preamble and resolutions that had been offered by ex-Gov. H. V. Johnson. On this motion the vote stood 133 yeas to 164 nays, a slight gain in the anti-secession vote, though the motion was lost. Mr. ISTisbet then moved the passage of the ordinance, and the vote stood 208 yeas to 89 nays, showing that 44 of the anti-secession members voted for the ordinance under the idea that its passage was a foregone conclusion and further opposition was useless, while it was necessary to give all the moral force possible to the act. Ben. H. Hill voted on this ballot for secession. But H. V. Johnson, the Stephens brothers, Gen. AVofford and Hiram "Warner still voted against it. The announcement of the President, Mr. Crawford, ' that it was his pleasure and privilege to declare that the State of Georgia was free, sovereign and. independent, was followed by an applause that was tempered by the gravity of thoughtful men over a step of serious and unknown import. The hour of the passage of this momentous ordinance was two o'clock p. IM., the 19th day of January, 1861. / The Atlanta Intelligencer a year after, recalling the event, thus described it:
" There was an exultant shout, and men breathed freer and looked nobler, and felt more like freemen who had burst the shackles that had enstaved them for years. From the hall of the House of Representatives the momentoiTs event soon reached the vast and excited multitude outside, who had crowded to Milledgeville, most of them, with the

15G

PROTEST AGAIXST SECKSSIOX.

people shouted, the hells were rung, the cannon roared, the ci great was the rejoicing."
Mr. Xisbet offered this resolution, which was adopted:
" Whereas, the lack of unanimity in the action of this convention, in the passage of the Ordinance of Secession, indicates a difference of opinion amongst the members of the convention, not so much as to the rights which Georgia claims, or the wrongs of which she complains, as to the remedy and its application before a resort to other means of redress :
"And whereas, it is desirable to give expression to that intention which really exists among all members of this convention to sustain the State in the course of action which she has pronounced to be proper for the occasion., Therefore :
"Resolved, That members of this Convention, including those who voted against the said ordinance, as well as those who voted for it, will sign the same as a pledge of the unanimous determination of this Convention to sustain and defend the State in this her chosen remedy, with all its responsibilities and consequences, without regard to individual
At twelve o'clock on Monday, the 21st clay of January, 1861, the ordinance of secession, was signed in presence of the Governor and State House officers, Judges, and a throng of spectators, and the great seal of State attached. The delegates all signed the ordinance, but six of them did so under protest, which is as follows:
"We, the undersigned, delegates to the Convention of the State of Georgia, now in
an ordinance for the immediate and separate secession of this State, and would have preferred the policv of cooperation with our southern sister states, yet as good citizens, we yield to the will of a majority of her people as expressed by their representatives, and we hereby pledge 'our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor' to the defense of Georgia, if necessary, against hostile invasion from any source whatsoever.
"JAMES P. SIMMOXS, of Gwinnett. TIIOS. M. McRAE, of Montgomery.
DA vis TViiKLCiiEi,, of Hall. P. M. BVED, of Hall. JAMES SIJIMOXS, of Pickens. " MIT.T.EDGEVILT./E, GA., January 22, 1861."
This decisive act of Georgia settled the revolution. "Whatever doubts had existed as to the policy or purpose of the South as to secession \vere dissipated. The spirit of the Georgia convention, so _iy_en as it was by a conflict of opinion as to disunion, and yet so conciliatory and harmonious in the final action, confirmed the effect of its example abroad. Committed to secession after a stubborn conflict and close division, the State was compactly welded in its cordial support of the adopted

THE EI,EOTIiICA.L EFFECT OF GEORGIA'S SECESSION.

15?

policy. The ship was given to the lightning and the gale against the wishes of a powerful minority of her crew, but when the venture was made, every man leaped to his post for the storm, devoted, loyal, intrepid and invincible. The news of the action at Milledgeville was nashed over the wires, carrying the inflammable intelligence. It stirred the State to delirium. Ratification meetings were held every where. Guns were fired and orators spoke their burning words. The die was cast for war. and the chivalric spirit of a brave people gave back a unanimous and deep-souled response. In the sister states of the South the effect was electrical. That solid, staunch old Georgia should throw her splendid autonomy into the current of secession created a boundless enthusiasm, and the secession crusade became irresistible.
Looking at the motives that animated the people of Georgia in this most serious step, one must admit that they were pure, conscientious and chivalric. They believed they were risking life, property and honor for liberty and self-government--for a violated constitution, whose prin ciples incarnated the genius of republican institutions. It was eternally to their honor that they staked so much for their convictions of right. That they failed in their cherished cause detracts nothing from their heroic devotion and sacrifice to truth. That they should have been used by Providence in the execution of a humanitarian reform but consecrates their heroism.

PART II.
The Bloody Harvest of War.

CHAPTER XVIII.
THE PRINCELY PROSPERITY GEORGIA STAKED ON THE WAR.
Gov. Brown's Promptness.--The Seizure of the Augusta Arsenal.--Captain Elzey._ Col. Henry R, Jackson.--Col. Wrn. II. T. Walker.--Work of the Convention.--The Delegates to Montgomery.--Commissioners to Southern States.--Their Reports._ The Address of the Convention, written by Mr. Toombs.--A Summary of Georgia's Condition.--Striking Statistics.--Her Exceptional Attitude.--Sixty-two 'Millions. Growth in a Single Year.--A Komance of State Expansion.--A Flood Tide of Progress.--Gov. Brown's Marvelous Administration.-- Georgia's Largest Measure of Material Advancement under His Rule.--An Increase of 176 Millions in Brown's Four Years.--An Amazing Growth.--Georgia had Ennobled Peace.--She was to Illumine War.
FROM the elate of Georgia's secession, events went forward swiftlv. Gov. Brown with characteristic promptitude hastened to make practical the sovereignty of the State. The United States flag was still flying over the Augusta Arsenal. Captain Arnold Elzey was in charge of it, in command, of eighty United States soldiers. During the heated pub lic feeling before secession, the people were in great excitement over Federal occupation of the Arsenal. This excitement became almost uncontrollable when the Federal flag continued to float over the Arsenal after secession, and it was the all-absorbing theme of talk. Gov. Brown went promptly to Augusta, arriving there on the 22d of Jarmary, 1801. Colonel, afterwards Gen. Henry R, Jackson, accompanied the Governor as his aid. The following communication was addressed to Captain Elzey:
" AUGUSTA, GA., Jan. 23, 1861. "CAPT. AKXOT.D ET.ZKY, U. S. A., Commanding Augusta Arsenal :
"Sir.--I am instructed by his Excellency, Gov. ^Brown, to say to you that Georgia, having seceded from the United States of America, and resumed exclusive sovereignty-

1G2

THE AUGUSTA AKSEXAL.

claims that the State is not only at peace, but anxious to c lations with the United States Government.
" I am further instructed-to say that an answer will be
ing, at nine o'clock. " I am Sir, Very Respectfully, Your Obedient Servant, HENRY R. JACKSON. Aid de Camp, etc."

Captain Elzey refused to give up the Arsenal, and telegraphed the situation, to the authorities at Washington, receiving at one o'clock at

nig-ht this reply:

" WASHINGTON, Jan. 23, 1861.

" CAPT. ARNOLD, SECOND ARTILLERY, Commanding Augusta Arsenal, Ga. :

" The Governor of Georgia has assumed against your post and the United States an

attitude of war. His summons is harsh and peremptory. It is not expected that your

defense should be desperate. If forced to surrender by violence or starvation, you will

stipulate for honorable terms, and a free passage by water with your company to New

York.

" T. HOLT, Secretary of War."

During- the day of the 23d the volunteers of the city were ordered

out, and some 800 troops responded. The refusal of Captain Elzey to

surrender created the exciting- prospect of a battle, and hence every man turned out that could raise a uniform and gun. Troops came in from the country. The companies out were the Augusta Battalion, companies

A and B of the Minute Men and the militia, all under the immediate command of Lt. Col. Gumming-. Brig-. Gen. Harris had g-eneral direc

tion, aided by Brig. Gen. Williams of Columbus. Col. \Vin. Phillips was on the Governor's staff. Gov. Brown determined to make no

hostile demonstration 011 the 23d, but to allow Captain Elzey a clay for

consideration. The troops were dismissed until the 24th, at nine

o'clock, A. M., when they reassembled and were just about to march for

the Arsenal, -when Capt. Elzey sent the following communication, which

caused a countermanding of the order to march.

s AUGUSTA ARSENAL, ) RGIA, Jan. 24, 1861. \

" Sir,--I have the honor to inform you that I am directed by Captain Elzey, command ing this post, to say, in reply to the demand of the Governor of the State of Georgia,

of the State : he begs to request an interview with his Excellency, the Governor, for the

purpose of negotiating- honorable terms of surrender at as earlv an hour this morning as

practicable.

" I have the honor to be, very respectfully,

Your Obedient Servant, J. C. JONES,

" To COL. H. R. JACKSON, Aid de Camp."

Lieut. 2d Art. Adg.

LARGE CAPTURE OF VALUABLE ORDXAXCE.

163

At ten o'clock Gov. Brown, with Generals Williams and Harris, and his staff, Col. H. R. Jackson, Col. Wm. Phillips, Lt, Col. M. C. Fulton, Lt. Col. C. V. "Walker, and Lt. Col. Henry Cleveland rode to the Arse nal, where the terms of surrender were agreed upon.
1. The United States flag- was to be lowered arid saluted. 2. The company to march out with military honors. 3. A receipt to be given for the property with a view to future ad justment. 4. The company to retain its arms and property, to stay in its quar ters until withdrawal from the State, and to have passage to Xew York by Savannah. The State obtained a large quantity of valuable ordnance and munitions, among- them a fine battery of two twelve-pound howitz ers, two cannons, twenty-two thousand muskets and rifles, many of them of the best kind, and heavy stores of powder, grape and other am munition. After the arrangements were completed, a cordial exchange of friendly courtesies was had. Col. Wm. Henry Walker crossed the room arid heartily shook hands with Capt. Elzey, assxiring- him that he had done all that a brave officer could. A silent embrace was Capt. Elzey's reply, and the incident filled with tears the eyes of those who wit nessed the touching' incident between these two old army friends, sud denly placed in hostile relations to each other.. The two were at "West Point together. Col. Walker was afterwards made a Major General in the Confederate army. Ho was the possessor of a courage that bor dered upon the desperate. Pie was peculiarly unfortunate, having been frightfully wounded on three separate occasions in his service before the war, once being literally shot to pieces. Pie was finally killed in the battles around Atlanta, The garrison was called out and the four field pieces used in firing the salute. Thirty-three guns were fired, one for each star on the old flag, Georgia included. The flag descended from the staff between the thirty-second and thirty-third fire. All of the officers of the com pany, and some of those with the Governor had seen active service under it. Col. Jackson through the Mexican war. As the flag- fell from the staff, a deep feeling- of pain and regret was entertained. Refreshments were ordered by Capt. Elzey, and a number of toasts were pledged, several of them deserving preservation. Col. Jackson offered this feeling- and memorable sentiment: " The flag- of stars and stripes, may it never be disgraced, while it floats over a true Southern patriot." This toast was warmly appreciated by the officers of the

164

DELEGATES TO MONTGOMERY.

Federal company, who were Southern officers. Governor Brown, while not drinking- wine, proposed a toast to Captain. Elzey, in which he paid that officer a merited and generous compliment.
Grov. Brown returned irnmcdiatelv to Milleclg-eville. At three o'clock Gen. Harris, 'with twelve of the 'Washing-ton. Artillery, and a squad of the Oglethorpe Infantry, proceeded to the Arsenal and took possession. At half past four the representative flag- of Georgia was formally raised, a pure white banner with a large red five-pointed star in. the center, the symbol and the emblem of the state's supreme sovereignty. Salutes were fired with two cannon belonging to the "Washington Artillery ; one gun for the sovereignty of Georgia ; five guns for the seceded states; and fifteen for the prospective Southern Confederacy. In com menting upon Gov. Brown's judicious execution of this duty, the Augusta Constitutionalist complimented him upon the fact that he used every effort to preserve peace between the State and the United States, and it vfsed these words: " Our State may well'be proud of her Governor." It was apprehended at one time that bloodshed wonlcl ensue; but the prompt and overwhelming demonstration of force, giving- time for a calm knowledge of the situation, resulted in the peaceable surrender of the post with its incalculably valuable stores for the great conflict so soon at hand. This episode added to the enthu siasm of the hour, and stimulated the Avar feeling-. Captain Elzey afterwards became a General officer in the Confederate army.
The wT ork of the State Convention, proceeded rapidly. Ordinances were passed in quick succession, perfecting- the details of sovereign rule, in regard to citizenship, the courts, inter-state slave trade, postal arrangements, and other matters. Delegates were elected to the South ern Convention to meet at Montgomery on the 4th of February, 1SG1. These were:
State at Large.--Robert Toombs and Howell Cobb. 1st District, Francis S. Bartow; 2nd District, Martin J. Crawforcl; 3d District, Eugenius A. Nisbet; 4th District, Benjamin H. Hill; 5th Dis trict, Augustus R. Wright; 6th District, Thomas R. R. Cobb; 7th Dis trict, Augustus H. Kenan; 8th District, Alexander H. Stephens. This was a very strong delegation. Some complaint was made by the extreme secession press at the selection of B. H. Hill, A. H. Kenan. and A. R. Wright, on account of their not having been secessionists. The Convention selected also Commissioners to send to Southern states that had not seceded. The persons chosen were: For Virginia, H. Ij. Benning- of Muscog-ee.

OF SOUTHEKX COM^IISSIOXEES.

1G5

For Maryland, A. R. Wrig-ht of Richmond.
For Kentucky, H. R. Jackson of Chatham.
For Tennessee, H. P. Bell of Forsyth.
For Missouri, L. J. Gleiiu of Fulton.
For Arkansas, I). P. Hill of Harris.
For Delaware, 1). C. Campbell of Baldwin.
For jN^orth Carolina, Saiiil. Hall of Macon.
Col. Henry R. Jackson, declined to serve, and Dr. "W. C. Daniell was appointed in his stead. Vvr. J. Vason had been previously chosen as Commissioner to Louisiana, and J. TV. A. Sariford, Commissioner to Texas.
Reports of their mission to these states were made by Campbell, Sariford, Wright, Hall, Daniell, Vason and Bell. Col. D. P. Hill, the Commissioner to Arkansas, proceeded to that state and remained three months at work, and did not return until Arkansas seceded, at which time the Georgia Convention had adjourned, and his report was never made. He labored faithfully, however, canvassing- the state of Arkansas from one end to the other. Col. L. J. Glenn went to Missouri, but had a difficult time, meeting- with much trouble in his mission. The reports of the Commissioners constitute a very interesting' series of papers, and are embodied in the Journal of the Convention. Col. Campbell found in Delaware a Legislature hostile to secession, and hence limited his work to a brief letter to Gov. Burton, who transmitted it to the Gen eral Assembly without comments. Col. Campbell predicted that when Virginia and. Maryland seceded, Delaware would do so. Ranse "Wrig-ht, the Commissioner to Maryland, found Gov. Hicks of that state uncom promisingly opposed to secession, and if a disruption was made he favored a Central Confederacy, including- Xcw York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Delaware, Virginia, Missouri and Ohio, and was then in correspondence with the Governors of those states upon the subject. An unofficial convention of secessionists was in session in Maryland, but adjourned until some time in March. Col. Wrig-ht thoug-ht the people of Maryland would take the matter in their own hands and join the South. The letter of Col. TVright to Gov. Hicks was a very elo quent arid able presentation of the issues involved.
The report of Samuel Hall, the Commissioner to ^N"orth Carolina, rep resented a most cordial reception from the Governor, the legislature and citizens of that state. He addressed the legislature in a speech of elaboration and. power, that concluded with an eloquent anticipation of the future glory of a Southern Confederacy. His mission was a success

1G6

SECESSION ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE.

in. this, that the legislature submitted the question to the people -whether a convention should be called. Dr. Daniell was able to do nothing- in Kentucky. Wm. J. Vason, the Commissioner to Louisiana, addressed the legislature of that state, but found the state up to the neck in secession. Col. H. P. Bell, the Commissioner to Tennessee, found the people against secession, but Governor Harris was confident they would come to it in time. Col. Luther J. Glenn went to Missouri and faithfully executed his mission. He had a troublesome time, but over came the difficulties manfully.
The Convention continued in session until the 29th of January, 1861, when it adjourned, to meet in Savannah. A number of important mat ters were ordained, among- them, the reduction of the Senate of the state to a body of forty-four members, as it has been ever since and is now. The Congressional Districts were increased from nine to ten. The Governor was authorized to raise two regiments of troops for state defense.
The address of the Convention upon the Ordinance of Secession as reported by Mr. ^sisbet, chairman of the committee of seventeen, was written by Mr. Toombs, and was a masterly review of the causes that induced Georgia to secede. It is a clear, concise, ringing statement of the issue, pithy, concentrated and forcible. Arraigning the Republi can party for its crusade against slavery, the great question of slavery is the burden of the paper. The address concludes in these sinewy sentences. The people of Georgia

" Know the value of parchment rights in treacherous hands, and therefore they refuse to commit their own to the rulers whom the North offer us. Why ? Because by their declared principles and policy they have outlawed three thousand millions of our pro perty in the common territories of the Union, put it under the ban of the Republic in

but the destruction of ourselves,
our fathers delegated to the Gove: new safeguards for our libertv, eq

le powc -.eforth

A summary of the condition of Georgia in the year I860, the year before the great civil war, will not be out of place for the purpose of practically presenting the stupendous changes wrought by the revolu tion. The statistics are striking- ones, and demonstrate how sturdily this powerful Southern State adhered to the Confederate cause in that

GEORGIA'S EXTRAORDINARY PROGRESS I:NT i860.

107

most gig-antic strife of the world's history, and to what extent she de voted her men and means to what sne espoused. It is a matter of wellgrounded doubt if any State in the Union displayed greater heroism. And while she thus practically did her duty in sending- her sons and giving her resources to the cause, she held a singular and exceptional attitude in firmly antagonizing- every measure of the Confederate gov ernment that she thought an encroachment upon constitutional law and liberty. Her record in this particular is romantic and impressive in the extreme. She fought to the last some of the most pronounced measures of the Confederate government, arguing- and protesting- against their policy, arid yet in every case giving the substantial aid called for under such measures. Amid the direst necessities of the conflict she sought to preserve the principles of a constitutional government. She gave men and money whenever called for, more than called for. She prided herself upon, the promptitude with which she obeyed every requisition for soldiers. But she made a decided stand for the Constitution when ever she thought Confederate legislation invaded its principles or im periled its integrity, and when the final history of the Avar comes to be written, several of her conflicts of argument with the Confederate gov ernment, conducted by her stern-souled Executive, will stand as historic constitutional land-marks. As will be seen, hereafter, she was destined to be the theater of controlling- gigantic operations for a long- period, culminating in that famous " Sherman's march to the Sea," which quartered the ill-fated Confederacy and proved the most destructive blow the Southern cause received.
The statistics are taken from the report of the Comptroller General of the State, Col. Peterspn Thweatt, an officer who instituted the splen did system, and has been noted for his accuracy and industry. The aggregate wealth of Georgia in 1800 was 072,322,777. Some idea of the extraordinary progress Georgia was making- at that period in mate rial prosperity, may be understood from the fact that the gain of the state for 1800 over the year 1859, was the wonderful sum of $02,732,901. Could there be a more striking example of growth ? Over sixty millions in a single year. The fact reads like a romance. It sug gests the sudden expansion, of the golden Eldorados of the West. Georgia was marching- forward with a g-iant stride. JSTo wonder that she had won spontaneously the noble distinction of the " Empire State of the South." It was an honor due to her magical advancement, and her imperial resources. The details of her aggregate wealth showed the lare-est single element of wealth to be her slaves, 450,033 in number,

168

GEORGIA IX I860.

and worth 8302,694,855. Her land that paid tax was 33,345,289 acres, worth 8161,764,955. City -property stood valued at 835,139,415; money and solvent debts, 8107,336,258; merchandise, 815,577,193; man ufactories, 84,034,252; other uiimentioned property, 842,427/ ,295. Her polls were 99,748, which added to the voters not subject to poll tax, gave her fully 110,000 voters. Of free persons of color there were only 1,225.
There were 25 banks doing- business in the State with a capital of 817,000,000, of which they employed 89,028,078. Savannah had nine of these banks using- 85,101,337 of capital, and Augusta six with 82,675,000 capital. The State indebtedness was the small sum of 82,670,750, and the assets consisted of the Western and Atlantic Rail road, which had cost 84,441,532, and which paid into the treasury 8450,000 in 1860, or over ten per cent, interest upon cost, and other property worth 8807,025. The rate of taxation, was then 6 1-2 cents on the 8100, making a revenue of 8400,000. The income of the state was not only adequate for the yearly expenses of every description, but even at the low rate of taxation, was furnishing a surplus fund for redeem ing- a large amount of bonds not due, anticipating the maturity of in debtedness. The prosperity of the State was something amazing. She was rushing- forward with an accelerating sweep. It was a very flood tide of weal for a grand and expanding empire. The population was 1,023,801, of which the white part was 576,719, and the colored 447,082.
But in looking- at the superb condition of Georgia in that eventful year of 1860, so remarkable for its luxuriant prosperity as well as for the inception of a strife that dashed the proud State into the very dregs of a woe and poverty as absolute and boundless as her former stately fortune, it is an act of justice to credit to the administration of Gov ernor Brown its agency in this achievement of progress, whose details we have given. The statistics will show the striking- fact that, from the beginning- of the state government to the present time, with a record of some very brilliant periods of chief magistracy, Gov. Brown's regime of four years, from November 1857, to October I860, gave to Georgia the largest measure of material growth she has ever had. This is vast praise, but it is due. These four years of Joseph E. Brown's executive management stand out the one unequaled and infinitely superior epoch of state progress. Like a towering pyramid amid an unbroken stretch of ordinary structures, this historical period of culmi nating- power and splendor under the derided slave-ocracy of the South,

GEORGIA'S EXPAZSTSIOX ix FOUR YEARS.

169

is a grand monument to the administrative genius cf our Governor from Gaddistowri, the common-sense outcome and exponent of the
"Wpolhat masses. In 1856 the state's property was -$495,516,224, arid in 1860, 8672,322,-
7,7, and the stupendous and unparalleled increase in four years, 8176,811,553'. The first year the increase was 33 millions, the second year 11 millions, the third 70 millions, and- the 4th 62 millions, making- the amazing total of 17jljiiillIo-UsJai_AS,aiiQirtlis. It would be declared an incredible thing as a prospective achievement. It stands a consum mated historic fact, proven by solemn official records, whose correctness has never been disputed. But let us look into the details of this un precedented enlargement of wealth and power. Giving their proper credit to development arid to an improved and more rigid return of prop erty, the undeniable reality exists that in these magical four years the state grew with the expanding power of a giant under the positive braiiiful rule of Gov. Brown.
Slave property had increased 33,298 in. numbers and 892,260,221 in value; land had enhanced 830,034,909; city property had grown 88,957,798; merchandise had extended in commercial bulk, 86,360,105; arid money and good debts had swelled, the huge amount of 830,260,04*2. These are surprising figures, and create greater surprise, when it is remembered that Gov. Brown began Iris official rule at a time of bank suspension arid commercial distress, in which he had formulated a policy of his own in contravention of the views of capitalists aiicj. trade kings-- a policy looking alone to popular interest and the welfare of the masses. Not only this, but he boldly resisted a legislative doctoring of the finan cial evils that was in sympathy with the wishes of the financial moiiarchs, who were alone supposed to possess the ability to give relief. It was a daring attitude that he assumed, involving the restriction of bank privilege and the curbing of the money power. He was threatened with an " Illiacl of Woes " for the state as the logical sequence of his theory, and it took a boundless degree of personal nerve to stand to his views in the face of such menace and prophecy of disaster. The result was out of all probability. A scheme of law, that while giving the broadest proper latitude to the transaction of bank capital which engineered com merce, at the same time restrained with an iron hand those illicit specu lations that abused popular confidence and led to widespread financial distrust and ruin, was the very one to preserve the state from monetary trouble, arid was the ideal of Gov. Brown, for which he fought and was savagely berated. That the state grew so marvelously and presented

170

GEORGIA

PEACE A>HD AVAR.

such a development so rapidly after commercial depression, enhances the prestige of Gov. Brown's administration.
It must ever be a subject of profound regret that the unprecedented progress of Georgia was checked in. the very hour of its increasing sweep. Looking back to the^ponciition of Georgia in 1800, it would seem that Providence was making her and her people objects of especial favor. She was leading- the South in substantial advancement. She was foremost in the national councils. She had a prodigal affluence of eloquence arid statesmanship among- her citizens, giving- her power and fame. She had a future of immeasurable possibilities. It was in the line of her supremacy that she was so potential in precipitating the revo lution. Her sublime energies from this culmination of her princely prosperity were to be henceforth directed to the mad destruction of Avar instead of the arts and aims of peace, in which she had made such incredible strides. The transition but illustrated her native greatness. Her genius had ennobled peace; it illumined war; and the very wreck that she left of her proud and peerless prosperity attested her courage, chi\^alry and patriotism.

CHAPTER XIX.
THE RAPE OF THE GUNS.
Gov. Brown's Audacious Reprisal upon New York.--The New York Authorities Seize some Georgia Guns .--Gov.-Brown demands Them of Gov. Morgan.--Xo Answer.-- The Seizure of New York Ships at Savannah by Henry II. Jackson.--Tart Cor respondence between Governors Brown and Morgan..--The Guns Ordered Released. --The Ships Released.--The Guns Retained.--The Ships Re-Seined.--Spicy Press Comment.--Action of New York Legislature--Federal Congress and Confederate Congress--The Theme of National IJTiscussion.--Gov. Brown's Pluck.--The Ships ordered Sold.--The Guns Released.--Justice Tom from Unwilling Hands.--The
Confederate Congress Rasped Brown.--The Augusta Constitutionalist.--Brown for Confederate President.--Georgia Holds Public Attention.
"WE come now to an occurrence that gave basis to the most dramatic episode connected with Georgia's war record, a bold reprisal upon the State of New York, and which broug-ht Gov. Brown, to the attention of. the people of the whole Union in a manner that made him for the time the most marked man of the day. It established his character perma nently for resolute audacity and intrepid will. It added a flattering' prestige to the State abroad, and fixed Gov. Brown,' if possible, more firmly than ever in the popular esteem as the undeniable leader for the turbulent war times upon which we had fallen.
The firm of D. C. Hodgkins & Sons of Macon, had purchased two hundred guns in New York, and had them shipped on the steamer Monticello for Savannah. There were thirty-eight boxes of muskets altogether in the shipment, the balance over the two hundred, belongingit was said, to the State of Alabama. The New York police seized these guns on the 22nd of January, 18G1, without any lawful authority, and placed them in the State arsenal. Hodgkins & Sons were notified of the seizure and immediately sought Gov. Brown, furnishing- him' proof of their ownership. The Governor first satisfied himself as to the justice of Hodgkiiis' claim, and then beg-an a correspondence which grew to be very tart before it was finished, and involved a conflict between the Governors of New York and Georgia, the two " Empire States," that excited a deep interest, created a varied commentary over the whole country and resulted in a complete victory for Gov. Brown.

172

GOV. BKOWX AXD GOV. MORGAN".

On Saturday, the 2nd of February, 1861, Grov. Brown sent the following dispatch to Grov. Morgan of jSTew York in regard to the matter.

"EXECUTIVE DEPARTMKXT, ) MILLEJDGEVILLE, GA., Feb. 2, 1861. J His EXCELLENCY Gov. MORGAN, Albany, N. Y.:
" Sir,--I have before me satisfactory evidence that two hundred muskets belonging to I). C. Hodgkiiis & Sons, citizens of this State, were placed on board the ship Monticello, at New York for Savannah, and were seized by the police of that city on or about the 22iid of January last, and taken from the ship and are now detained in the State arsenal in the city. As Governor of Georgia I hereby demand that the guns be immediately delivered to G. B. Eamar of New York, who is hereby appointed my agent to receive them. I trust no similar outrage may be perpetrated in future.
" You will oblige by communicating your decision immediately by telegraph. " Very respectfully, your obedient servant, "JOSEPH E. BROWN."
It perhaps will serve to show the temper of those days that the ordi
nary ceremonious etiquette between the chief magistrates of two great
States was wholly waived, and the controversy at the beginning assumed
the hard tone of the prevailing spirit of sectional bitterness. Polite
phrases were dispensed with at once. Grov. Brown waited until Mon
day, the 4th of February, 1861, to hear from Gov. Morg-an, but receiving
no reply, he telegraphed the operator at Albany to learn if the dispatch
had been delivered to Grov. Morg-an. The reply wa.s that it had. Upon
this, Grov. Brown, with that decisiveness that he was wont to display
under such, as well as all circumstances, issued the following- order to
Col. Henry R. Jackson, his aid de camp in Savannah:

"EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT,

}

MILJLEDGEVILLB, GA., Feb. 5th, 1861. >

Half-past 9, P. M.

)

" I have demanded of the Governor of New York, the prompt delivery to my agent for I). C. Hodgkiiis & Sous, citizens of this State, of their guns, seized by the police of New York, on board the Monticello, and deposited in the arsenal of that .state. The demand has been delivered to him. He has had a reasonable time and has made no reply- I am determined to protect the persons and property of the citizens of this state against all such lawless violence, at all hazards.
" In doing so, I will, if necessary, meet force by force. I feel it my duty in thi to order reprisal. You will therefore direct Col. Eawton to order out sufficient mi force, and seize and hold, subject to my order, every ship now in the harbo iiah, belonging to citizens of New York. When the property of which our c

York who own them.

SEIZURE OF >TEAV YORK VESSELS.

173

a dispatch from Gov. Morgan acknowledging the receipt of the first dispatch, alleging that certain arms had been detained in New York, but saying " its grave character and unofficial form forbid him from tak ing action in regard to it without better authenticated information." Gov. Morgan's dispatch concluded by saying that a response was given to enable Gov. Brown, if the first dispatch was " veritable " to com municate his wishes by letter. The reply of Gov. Morgan was unfortu nate in several respects, especially iri connection with the prompt methods and. unyielding- temper of Gov. Brown. Such a dispatch to verify the authenticity of the first one could have been, sent immedi ately. The delay indicated, what was afterwards shown, a disposition to trick in the matter. Gov. Brown was neither insensible to the dis courtesy of silence, nor willing to lose his chances of redress by delay or subterfuge. The terms of the reply excited his suspicion of Gov. Morgan's fair dealing. Wary and resolved, he permitted Col. Jackson to proceed in making the seizure of vessels, so as to be upon perfectly equal terms with Gov. Morg-an. A less firm or vigilant person would, have acted on. Gov. Morgan's evasive telegram, which probably was inspired by information, of the order of reprisal.
On the 8th, Col. Jackson, seized the following vessels: the brig Kirby; bark, Adjuster; brig, Golden Lead; schooner,-Julia, and bark, Golden Murray. Col. Lawton effected the seizure. Detachments of the Phoenix Riflemen under Captain George Gordon were placed in charge of the ships, with instructions not to molest crew or cargo. On the 8th, the same clay, Gov. Brown, wrote fully to Gov. Morgan detailing the whole matter. After a recapitulation of the facts, Gov. Brown thus continued and concluded this plain-spoken letter.

"I am unal)le to perceive what reason i had to doubt that my dispatch was verita-

It ^ da

neiit and signed here by me. Yoji also ob-

ject to it on account of its unofficial form. It is n >nly dated at this Department, but

the additional language which your Excellency uld consider requisite to give to a demand of this character official form !
" A lengthy official correspondence in this case is neither invited or desired. The out rage was a public one. Citizens of this state have been robbed of their property in your state by officers under your control. As the Executive of Georgia, I have demanded its re-delivery to its owners. My demand when met, has been met evasively, by raising a technical objection to its form, which has no foundation in fact, as a simple reference fo the demand itself will show. The case is one, therefore, which requires action, not lengthy diplomacy. I have the honor therefore to notify your Excellency of the seizure 'of the vessels above mentioned under my order, and that I shall hold them until justice be done the injured citizens of this state, above named, by re-delivery of the

THE PKESS OX THE SEIZURE.

e appointed my agent to tizens of Xew York, who ghts of the people of the
may be exposed. " I cannot forget, however, that my first duty is to protect the citizens of this State against the lawless violence of the officers or citizens of cither states. If, in so doing, incidental injury should be done to orderly and law-abiding citizens of such offending state, for just and full indemnity they must look to their own government, which has brought the injury upon them. " I trust your Excellency may have no difficulty in arriving at the conclusion that this communication is ' official' and ' veritable.' "

At the hour of nine o'clock p. ii., on the 9th of February, the day

after his letter was written to Gov. Morg-an, and before it was received,

Gov. Brown received this telegram:

"NEW YORK, Feb. 9, 1861.

" The arms have been put at the command of the owners here : please release all

vessels.

V " G. J3. LAMAR."

Upon receipt of this dispatch Gov. Brown telegraphed to Col. Jackson:
" I have just received a telegram from G. B. Lamar, my agent in 'New York, stating that the arms have been put at the commands of the owners. The object for which the seizure was made having been accomplished, and the rights of the citizens of this State having been vindicated, you will order vessels seized to be immediately released."

Gov. Brown also replied by telegram to G. B. Lamar that he had ordered the release of the vessels. But the matter was not to end here. The subject was very fully discussed, and especially the law of reprisals. The Governor's authority to resort to this arbitrary remedy was clearly shown by quotation from "Vattel's " Law of Nations." The Savannah Republican took issue on the matter with the Governor, and condemned his course as hasty, and endorsing- Gov. Morgan's action in requiring- the dispatch to be authenticated. Public sentiment in the State was, how ever, almost unanimously in favor of Governor Brown's action, and there was much tart commentary on the Savannah ^Republican. Out of the State the Governor was hig-hly commended. The Charleston Courier said, he was "the man for his place and for the times." The Richmond Despatch said, there was a " broad grin over everybody's face at the lightning-like rapidity with which the New York police let f/o the guns" The New York Herald dubbed Gov. Morgan's act as " the climax of absurdity, folly and political iniquity," and further declared that:
i will find an abundant justification of the act he has ordered in the of his position, and in the necessity of indemnifying private citizens, who are his constituents, for an unwarrantable robbery comi which they could obtain no other redress. It is the very nes

ISTEW YORK LEGISLATURE AXD COXGRESS.
Mayor Wood replied, that the seizure had t
e, the law firm of Munn & Parson to inform the Hlouse, whether he had any official information on the subject, and In further gave notice of his purpose to call up and press

176

SECOXD SEIZURE OF VESSELS.

to a passage a bill previously introduced, providing for the protection of the commercial interests of the nation against flagitious attacks upon them by the seceded states.
The matter, it will be seen, was for the time the theme of national discussion, as well as of home interest. It was even molding national legislation. But in spite of promises it was unsettled, and it was des tined to test still further Gov. Brown's pluck and persistence, and evoke Confederate legislation against Gov. Brown's course, which was as powerless as all the other agencies at work to stop the resolute Executive in his protection of Georgia citizens and Georgia rights. Mr. Lamar was informed that the guns were at the command of their owners and, as has been stated, so notified Gov. Brown, who ordered the release of the ships. Mr. Lamar waited upon Mr. Kennedy, and to his surprise was informed that he had changed his mind and would not deliver up the arms to any person except the sheriff, until compelled to do so by law, and would also make further seizures of " contraband articles." The Xew York Herald announced the delivery of the arms, but the New Y"ork Tribune denied that they had been given up, prob ably acting* on partisan, information.
In this state of things Governor Brown met the new issue as squarely as he had the old one. He instantly ordered another seizure of vessels. There appears to be well-grounded, doubt for implicating Gov. Morgan in the treachery that was used, and the retention of the arms after their delivery had been agreed upon. In fact he denied to a Herald reporter that he had ever ordered any seizure at all of the arms, and expressed the opinion that the whole thing* had originated in a late charge of Judge Smalley to the grand jury. And a letter was published alleged to have been written by him to Funch and Meincke in uSTevv York city, owners of the bark "Adjuster," at the first seizure, advising them to go into the courts for their rights, giving- the opinion that the retalia tion was unjustifiable, and that if iclemnity could no where else be obtained, the Federal government itself would, in a last resort be liable. The Herald was disposed to place the responsibility either upon Super intendent Kennedy or the police commissioners, to whom he owed his appointment.
Gov. Brown's second order of seizure to Col. Henry R. Jackson, was issued on February 21st, 1861. His letter of instructions was quite full, going with considerable detail into the occurrence. In this he stated that Mr. John Boston, the collector of the port of Savannah, had received word, that the guns had been delivered up. He also

T

RELEASE Oi" THE SIIIP ADJUSTER.

177

referred to Gov. Morgan's silence on the subject. It was clearly evident that it was the settled policy of the N"ew York authorities to subject Southern commerce to a dishonorable surveillance., and to seize our property and plunder our citizens at their pleasure. He added these strong and manly words:

" Under these circumstances I feel that I, as the Executive of Georgia, would prove

recreant to the high trust reposed in me by my fellow-citizens, were I to refuse to pro

tect their rights against such unprovoked aggression, by all the means which the law of

nations, or the constitution and laws of this state have placed at my command. It

therefore

all

iry

may be

" necessary r tl;

als by the s

5 practi-

cable, of i

a the :

er property

i-ithin

, belo:

value to dou e th

property so s ized, bje

rde

tioii (togethe with any other proper

unlawfully seized by t

from the harbor, and are beyond the reach o

L-O! of the police of the

York or the authorities of that state."

In response to this order Col. Jackson seized three ships, the Martha J. Ward, the bark Adjuster and the brig- Julia A. Hal lock. Gov. Brown then wrote on. the 25th of February, 1801, to Gov. E. D. Morgai,11, 110 tifying him of the new seizure, and concluding with this informa,tion of the additional steps he should take:

" Should I fail to receive official information from your Excellency, p

the 25th

authorities of New York. That you i to you at A?bany, in duplicate, by diffc

permitted to ship them from the ause the vessels above named, to v, and out of the proceeds o the gainst the loss sustained by them o ajid detention of their property by the >t fail to receive this notice, it will be sent

Of the three vessels last seized the bark Adjuster was freighted, with a cargo of cotton belonging to British and. Russian subjects. Proof of this was furnished to Col. Jackson and by him forwarded to Gov. Brown, who at the intercession of the representatives of the British and Russian governments, permitted the bark to be released and pro ceed to sea instead of compelling them to unload and seek another ship. This was done to cultivate friendly relations with foreign powers and throw no obstructions in the way of foreign commerce. This release of the bark Adjuster was made on the 28th of February, 1801. On the 2nd of March, 1801, executive order was issued to Col. Jackson to adver-

178

THE CONFEDERATE COXGKESS CONDEitXS GOV. BROAVX.

tise the two remaining ships for sale on the 25th of March for cash. The advertisement of the sale was published, and would have been car ried out, but on the 18th of March, G. B. Larnar telegraphed, that the ten cases of arms had. been delivered and were on their way to Savannah. Discerning- that they were powerless against Governor Brown's sum mary and unalterable methods, the Xew York authorities wisely gave in and released the guns. The Governor, on the 22nd of March, upon entirely satisfactory proof of the release of the guns, concluded this novel altercation by ordering Col. Jackson to release the vessels. The order ended with these characteristic words:
eel bv

ties, and the ultimate vindication of the rig-lit by the steps I have been c< take, will prevent the recurrence of any like complication in the future."
The Provisional Government of the Confederate States had been organized on the 9th of February, ISGJp, and the Provisional Congress was in session in Montgomery. This Congress condemned the action of Governor Brown in seizing these vessels, on the ground that it was wrong in Gov. Brown to take such independent State action, as this was the province of the Confederate g-overnment. It is needless to say that the censure weighed not a feather in the estimation of the intrepid and independent Executive of Georgia, whose action was based upon a careful and deliberate investigation of his authority, and under a sense of duty as to the protection, he owed the citizens of Georgia. Xor did it swerve him one hairs-breadth from his course. It was a specimen of his practical and direct ways that he went straight to results. While the Confederate states' authorities with the multiplicity of great matters upon them, would have necessarily treated this as a minor affair, and pursued it leisurely and with ceremonious diplomacy, sending- special . envovs and using elaborate manifestoes, Gov. Browil took the short path to success,, and wasting time upon no formalities or circumlocution, he made his peremptory demand, and when it was refused, enforced it with an iron-handed retaliation that asked no favors and granted none, but tore justice from unwilling- authority.
The matter was pending from the 22cl day of January to the 22cl day of March, 18G1, just two months, and engrossed as the public mind was with the secession of states, the disintegration of the Union, and the formation of a new government, this striking- controversy between the two leading- states of the hostile sections, involving- sacred rights and testing strong remedies, held the popular thought and even evoked the

COilPLIilEXT TO GOVERXOR BROWX.

179

official consideration of both national governments. Some idea can be formed of how Gov. Brown's conduct in the affair impressed men from a lengthy editorial in Mr. Gardner's paper, the Augusta Constitutionalist. This editorial began by saying that the distinguished gentleman who occupied the Executive chair of Georgia had made sundry marks upon the records of the present, that time \vill not readily erase, and which the pen of the historian of those clays will not forget to copy. It re viewed some of his leading- acts of rule. Among- other things it showed how, when events were crowding* upon each other's heels,, and while the Federal administration was amusing- South Carolina with empty pledgees and really occupying the impregnable walls of Sumter, Governor Brown, without the firing- of a gun, displaced the Stars and Stripes, wherever they floated on Georgia soil. It took up the last act of the Governor in his daring reprisal upon New York. It referred to the charge that had been made, that Gov. Brown had, in this, made a political move for the Presidency of the Southern Confederate States. It showed that even the New York Herald, the leading- journal of the "West-em world, had in an able discussion of the matter, shown that the policy of reprisals had been conceived and urged upon the legislature of Georgia, by Gov. Brown, in his famous special message on the crisis, and that he was act ing in conformity with a settled policy. This editorial was remarkable in its unqualified tribute to Gov. Brown's statesmanship, as coming from a paper owned by a defeated rival for the governorship and which had persistently fought him. It declared that Georgia was indebted to South Carolina for this superb Governor, and it used this culminating language:
" He may reasonably expect anything, for from the poor boy of Pickens, South Caro lina, he became a Georgia lawyer of good reputation, the Judge of the Superior Court of the Blue TCidge Circuit, then Governor of Georgia; Governor again by the largest majority ever given >in the State; and as a distinguished Congressman once remarked to us, ' We might as well send him to the Senate, and nominate him for President, for he is bound to go through, and that will be the quickest way to get rid of him.'"

CHAPTER XX.
THE BIRTH OF THE CONFEDERACY AND THE SHADOW OF WAR.
Georgia Congressmen Withdraw.--Joshua Hill Resigns.--Southern Convention.-- Howell Cobb its President.--Georgia Leading.--Toombs and Tom Cobb govern ing spirits.--Jeff Davis, President, A. H. Stephens, Vice-President.--Martin J. Crawford, Commissioner to the United States.--His Mission Ending in a Haughty Defiance.--Brown's Vigorous War Preparations.--The Leap to Arms.--Georgia War Appointments.--Davis Speaks through Georgia.--The First Confederate Flag in Georgia.--Capt. G. W. Lee.--The Secession Convention in Savannah.-- George W. Crawford's Exquisite Speech.--The Spirit of the South.--Fighting Providence.--Troops Organized.--Guns Ordered.--The Seizure of the Dahloiiega Mint --Old Harrison Riley.--Gov. Brown's Admirable Tact in Dealing with the North Georgia Union Sentiment.--The United States Flag in Pickens County.
O:sr the 23d day of January, 1861, all of the Georgia Representatives in Congress, except Hon. Joshua Hill, withdrew from the body in a letter addressed to Hon. "William Penning'ton, Speaker of the House. The letter recited the fact of Georgia's secession, quoting the ordinance and concluded thus:
" The sovereign State of Georgia, of which we are representatives in this House, having thereby dissolved the political connection between that State and the Government of the United States, and having thereby repealed the ordinance of 1788, by which the Constitution of the United States was ratified, and having resumed all the powers dele-
members of the House of representatives of the United States Congress. Martin J. Crawford, Peter E. Love, Thomas J. Hardeman, Jr., Lucius J. Gartrell, John W. H. Underwood, James Jackson, John Jones."
Hou. Joshua Hill did not withdraw, but resig-ned in the followingbrief letter to Mr. Pennington, dated the 23d of January, 1801, also.
" Sir,-- Satisfied as I am, that a majority of the convention of the people of Georgia,
obedience to this wish of the people's representatives, hereby resign the seat I hold as a member of this House."
Mr. Hill, upon the seizure of Fort Pulaski by Gov. Brown, had made a speech in opposition to this action of the Governor. This speech was made in Congress, and on the 24th of January a large number of citi zens of Geneva, Talbot county, assembled and hung Mr. Hill in effigy

THE PROVISIONAL, CONFEDERATE GOVERNMENT.

181

for this speech. Gen. Scott was also burned in effigy by the students of Franklin college. Mr. John Boston, collector of the port of Savan nah, resigned his place. The flag- of Georgia was immediately hoisted on the staff over the custom house by Major Lachlan Mclntosh, who had resigned from the United States army. The flag- raised was of a neatdesign, bearing the coat of arms of the State, surmounted by six stars, the number of the seceded states. Over the whole was an. eye. The flag was white, "with the stars all deep red save Georgia, which w-as blue.
At 12^- o'clock on the 4th day of February, 1861, the convention of the seceded states met in Montg-omery, Alabama. Hon. Howell Cobb was made permanent president, and J. J. Hooper of Alabama, secretary. Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi and South Carolina were represented. A. provisional g-overnment was formed; and. on the 9th of February, 1SG1, Jefferson Davis was elected Provisional Presi dent, and Alexander H. Stephens Vice-President. There is no doxibt but that Mr. Toombs was expected to be the President. The Georgia, delegation held a meeting, all being present except Mr. Hill and Mr. Wright, and agreed to present the name of Mr. Toombs. It was sub sequently rumored that Mr. Toombs said his name wTas not to be pre sented, and it was then determined, if this was true, that the Georgians would support Mr. Davis for President, and Mr. Stephens for Vice-Presi dent. The motion to put Mr. Stephens in the second, place, if Mr. Toombs should not be presented for the first office, was made in the Georgia delegation by Mr. Kenan and seconded by Mr. ISasbet. The name of Howell Cobb was also spoken of, but some of the delegations from Carolina, Florida and Alabama, who heard of the proposition to elect Mr. Cobb wT ere unwilling to support him on account of old party conflicts. Mr. Toombs did forbid the use of his name, and Davis and Stephens were unanimously chosen. It will thus be seen that Georgia carried into the new Southern movement the same controlling- influence that she had been accustomed to wield, furnishing- a President for the convention, two strong- men for the Presidency of the Government, and the Vice-President of the Confederacy. Mr. Toombs and Thomas R. R. Cobb were the leading spirits of the committee to draft a constitution for a permanent g-overnment, and Mr. Bartow, chairman of the military com mittee. On the 18th of February, 1801, Jefferson Davis was inau gurated as Provisional President, and he made Robert Toombs his Secretary of State. A commission of three persons was appointed by Mr. Davis under resolution of the Confederate Congress, to go to "Washington arid neg-otiate friendly relations with the United States

182

A\'M. II. SEVTAKU AXJ) MARTI X J. CKAWFORD.

Government, This commission consisted of Hon. Martin J. Crawford of Georgia, John Forsyth of Alabama, and A. 13. Roman of Louisiana, ]SIr. Cra\vford of Georgia was the leading- spirit in this important com mission, clothed as it was with powers of the broadest extent and most delicate responsibility, in the settlement of the great and difficult ques tions that involved the two governments.
Mr. Crawford and Mr. Forsyth proceeded immediately to "Washington, arriving- there just as Mr. Buchaiian was about retiring- from office. On the 12th of March, ISGl," they addressed a communication, to Mr. "Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State under President Lincoln, notifying- him of their mission and asking- the appointment of an early day to present their credentials and enter upon their duties. On the 15th of March, Mr. Seward prepared what he termed a " Memorandum," decliningofficial intercourse with Messrs. Crawford and Forsyth. Under various pretexts and infinite duplicity the decision of Mr. Seward was withheld and the commissioners deceived until the 8th of April, when, it was delivered to them, they remaining- under pledges that Fort Sumter would be given up to the South, and a peaceful solution of troubles be made. The commissioners on the 9th of April addressed a reply to Mr. Seward--a powerful, incisive document, in which they clearly set forth the attitude of the seceded states, and the duplicity that had been shown to them. They declared that the refusal to entertain their over tures connected with concurrent action of the United States govern ment was viewed by them, and could only be received by the world, as a declaration of war ag-ainst the Confederate States. They climaxed this declaration with, these haughty words:
" The undersigned, in behalf of their government and people, accept the gauge of battle thus thrown down to them ; and appealing to God and the judgment of mankind for the righteousness of their cause, the people of the Confederate States will defend their liberties to the last against this flagrant and open attempt at their subjugation to sectional power."
Georgia was still in the lead of this great revolution. Her destiny seemed, inevitable for a foremost agency in the now certain strife. It was through one of her bold sons that a peaceful solution of the matter was sought, and when that failed, that the prompt, ringing-, defiant acceptance of the issue was with heroic emphasis and a lofty spirit formulated to the foe and the world. The war was a settled fact. The retention of Sumter, the war-like preparations and the refusal to treat with the Southern Commissioners, were simply the preface to the blood shed so soon to come. Both sides girded for the fight. Georgia espe-

THE WAR FEVER.

183

cially, under her prompt and thoroug-h-g-oing- Governor, went to work in dead earnest, getting* ready for genuine war. The people, though they had been divided in. the policy of disunion, rallied to the cause when it was decided.. There was a considerable union element in the mountain section that clung- to the Federal government, and that stood stubbornly xmioii to the end. It was qiiite a liberal sprinkling of the citizens populating the hilly belt far from the railroads, but with this exception the million of Georgia inhabitants backed loyally the South ern cause. Voting not much over 100,000 citizens, the state of Georgia gave 120,000 soldiers to the war, or 20,000 excess of her voting popu lation. This constitutes a wonderful record of chivalry, not surpassed in the world's history.
The war flush was on the state, and there "was a good deal of demon stration of enthusiasm, but with a settling of the public mind to the business of fighting-, there came a deeper real intensity, more quiet. We felt the heat, but the flash diminished. Men, too, were rig-ht noisy over the situation. There was much flurry, and occasionally the enthu siasm boiled over, but the consciousness of serious work ahead made thinking people serious, and toned down, the effervescence. There was an unbounded confidence in the future, save among a few. The leaders believed in success. The masses exaggerated the ease of whipping out the uSorth.. There was a curious and strange undervaluation, of the socalled Yankee as a fighter, the belief prevailing that one sturdy South erner could vanquish several ISTortherners. This idea prevailed largely, and gave an over confidence to our soldiers. Such men as Herschell V. Johnson and John E. A\rard doubted the final success and were pro foundly depressed. But the g-eneral feeling was buoyant and hopeful. Gov. Brown promptly proceeded to organize the two regular regiments authorized by the Convention. He appointed as Colonels, "William J. Hardee and Wm. H. T. Walker; Lieutenant Colonels, Chas. J. Williams and E. W. Chastain; Majors, L. B. McLaws, 'Wm. M. Gardner, Alfred Gumming" and E. R. Harden. Among- the other officers appointed were Joseph AVheeler, afterwards Lieutenant General of Cavalry, "W. W. Kirklancl, R. H. Anderson, Alfred Iverson, Jr., Geo. P. Harrison, Jr., and J. Alexander, Brigadier Generals, and P. M. B. Young", Major General.
Jefferson Davis came through Georgia on his way to Montgomery, to be inaugurated as President of the Confederacy. His trip from Chattanooga to Atlanta, and thence to Montgomery, was an ovation. At Ring-gold, Dalton, Re^aca, Adairsville, Cartersville and Marietta he

184

TIIE T-IEST COXFIiDEKATE M,AG- IX GEORGIA.

was greeted by crowds. Atlanta sent a delegation to meet him, of which Dr. ~W. F. AVestmoreland was a member. ]3artow county was then called Cass county, and its name was afterwards changed in honor of Francis S. Bartow. Mr. Da vis made a speech at Carters ville which he thus commenced.
" Georgians--for by no higher title could I address you--your history from the days of the devolution down to the finie that your immortal Troup maintained the rights of your State and of all the states, in his contest with Federal usurpation, has made Georgia sacred soil. Nor have you any reason to be other than proud-of the events recently transpiring within your borders, and especially the action of your present Governor in wresting from the robbers of the North the property of your own citizens which thev had stolen. His promptitude in demanding the property from the Governor of New York, and in seizing the vessels of citizens of New York, when the demand was not im mediately complied with, is worthy of all praise."
In. Atlanta the demonstration was a magnificent one. Over 5,000 people g-ave him a reception. Mayor .Tared I. "Whitaker introduced, him to the vast concourse. In his speech he paid high tribute to Georgia. At everv point on the Atlanta arid "West Point railroad crowds gathered to do him honor. At lSr ewnan, Miss Barney Doug-herty was delegated to present him with a large bouquet. On the 5th clay of March, 18G1, the first Georgia company was tendered for the Confeder ate service and accepted. It was an Atlanta company called " Lee's Volunteers," and commanded, by Capt. G. AV. Lee. In connection with this event, the flag of the Southern Confederacy was first raised in the State of Georgia. Capt. Lee was returning from Montgomery to At lanta after his mission. The passengers obtained at Grantville the requisite material, arid the flag was made on the train between Grant ville and Fair-burn, by Airs. W. T. Wilson and Airs. H. H. Witt of At lanta, Aliss L. Smith of Albany, Ga., Airs. Chas. Wallace of Knoxville, Term., Airs. R. F. Butt of New Orleans, and Airs. S. A. Awtry of Cusseta, Ala. Col. AV. T. Wilson presented the flag- to Capt. Lee in a stir ring speech, to which Capt. Lee replied eloquently. Judge Blalock of Fairburn, and J. AAr. Beal of Lagrarige also spoke. Capt. Lee paraded in Atlanta the next day with his company under this flag', which was an exact copy of the first flag of the Confederate States that had been raised in Montgomery, on the 4th of March, 1861. The flag' was com posed of a blue union with seven stars in a circle, representing the seven Confederate States, with three equal horizontal stripes of reel, white and red. The incident created much enthusiasm.
The Georgia Secession Convention resumed its session in Savannah, on'the 7th day of Alarch, 1SG1, arid continued its deliberations until Sat-

THE S1CCESSIOX COXVEXT1OX ADJOURXS

185

urclay, the 23rd day of March, .when it adjourned sine die. The Con stitution was unanimously ratified on the 10th day of March. The Gov ernor was authorized to raise and expend all of the funds necessary to carry out the acts for public defense, both by issuing- bonds and Treas ury notes. Resolutions were passed offering- to cede ten miles square of territory for a capital and permanent seat of g-overnment for the Con federate states. The control of military operations, and forts and arms was transferred to the Confederate government. A new state constitu tion was adopted. The president of the convention, ex-Gov. Georg-e "VV. Crawford, made an address upon its adjournment, brief, but with some very strong- and sententious expressions. Complimenting- the body upon its dignity, he thus continued:
" When first assembled there was less disagreement as to the burthen of our griev ances than to their remedy, and especially as to the time of its application. Happily, conciliation produced concord. When our common patroness spoke, her sons, less from

cue. Clasping each other with a traternal grasp, they were

i the

Thus i

of Georgia ever be.

" You have overturned a government which had become sectional in policy and sec

tional in hostility. It had lost nationality, and the first requisite of every government--

that of protection of person and property. True yon have overthrown the Federal

Union, but yon have preserved the Federal Constitution. You have retained ancestral

wisdom in the formation of your government, separated only from those abuses which

experience has developed. In short you have effected a political reformation."

These words, so happily chosen, so concisely and clearly put, are

remarkable in the definition they present of the loyal devotion of our

people to the idea of our constitutional g-overnment. Never were any

people more faithful to a principle than the South was in the late war to

the genius of true republican theory--to the very incarnation of char

tered liberty.*' It must stand as an unalterable truth, that the millions of

the South tried to shatter the Union, the better to preserve the consti

tution and its holy principles. No menjvvere ever truer to the spirit of

a g-overnment than the seceding- Southerners. They understood and

felt, and believed its doctrines, arid they sought to enforce them when

they conscientiously deemed them in danger. An.cl so the verdict of a

just and impartial posterity must be. They miscalculated the method,

and they staggered under the incubus of slavery, which closed to them

the practical sympathy of the world, as well as that higher and more

valuable support, the aid of the Divine Providence. "Weaker people

than ours have conquered more formidable oclcls. Our defeat must ever

be incredible in the lig-ht of the g-lowing history of successful human

186

THIS UXITEL) STATES MIXT AT DAHLOXEGA.

resistance. But in the illumination of a great Providential plan to uptear a million-rooted evil against human freedom, our failure is lustrously explicable. We fought, not men, but a Providential destiny.
The convention turned over matters of arms and soldiers to the Con federacy, but Gov. Brown was too provident to cease his organization of State military. He continued to organize the volunteer force. He contemplated creating two divisions, appointing- Col. Henry R. Jackson Major-General of the First division, and Col. Win. H. T. Walker MajorGeneral of the Second division; and Paul J. Semmes of Muscog-ee and Wm. Phillips of Cobb, Brigadiers. Only one division was found prac ticable, and Gen. "Walker was appointed to command it, Gen. Henry R. Jackson generously relinquishing- his own chances and urging- "Walker for the command. Gov. Brown had contracted with an iron company in Pittsburg, Pa., for a large number of cannon of larg-e caliber and long- range for coast defense, but when the guns were made, such was the prejudice of the people of that city against the seceding states, that the contractors declined delivering the guns and abandoned the contract. The Governor gave a new contract to the Tredeg-ar Iron "Works of Richmond, "Va., and procured these guns from that source. In order to stimulate the building of a foundry for casting cannon, the convention passed an ordinance offering- a bonus o 810,000 to any one erecting- such a foundry as could furnish three guns a week, and should make a 10-inch columbiacl at an early day.
The United States mint at Dahloriega, which had some 820,000 of gold coin belonging to the United States government, was taken posses sion, of in a way that demonstrated the discrimination that Gov. Brown exercised in his difficult i6le at this time. Reference has been made to the Union sentiment existing among- the mountain people. At the time the secession ordinance passed, Gen. Harrison "W. Riley, a leading- poli tician of Lumpkin county, declared that he meant to seize and hold the mint for the United States. The bold avowal created some excitement and alarm, as the extent of the Union feeling- in North Georgia was not known. Gov. Brown was intimately acquainted with the people of that section arid, knew precisely how to deal with them. The convention promptly passed an ordinance making- it treason for any person to be concerned in any attempt to give aid to the enemies of the State. Gov. Brown did not deem it advisable to make any show of military force in the mountain section, but thought it best to trust to the patriotic spirit of the masses there. Gen. Riley, while a very illiterate man, was a very influential one; a bluff, eccentric, determined spirit, with a wonderful

GOV. BKOWX AXD GEX. IIAKBISOX "W.

187

local popularity. The report of his threat to seize the mint was tele graphed to Gov. Brown, and a strong pressure was brought to bear upon him, by several leading men of the State, to send troops at once and secure the mint by force, and not permit the rebellious old Riley to get a foothold. The Governor knew Riley well from his boy hood, and was satisfied that a very large element in his course was a desire to attract notoriety, and that he was too shrewd, to undertake a rebellion against the State in Xorth-east Georgia, unless advantage was given him; and that with so large a proportion of Union sentiment as there was in that section of the State, if any difficulty was raised with Riley about the mint, the popular sympathy would, have been with him, and there would, have been serious troxible. Gov. Brown stated this to the gentlemen who approached him on the subject, and told them as he knew Riley well arid had been, partly raised in that section of Georgia, he would manage the matter rightly if they would leave it to his discre tion. A few days afterwards the Governor wrote to several prominent citizens of Dahlonega, telling them that he had heard such a report in reference to Gen. Riley, but had known him too long- and had too high an appreciation of his good sense and patriotism to believe he would attempt such a thing', and that as old, personal friends he and Riley must have no collision. The Governor did not think it best to write to Riley personally, but wrote to friends who would communicate the facts to him. This course had a soothing- effect upon Riley; and toned him down. The Governor also quietly notified the superintendent of the mint that the State now held and possessed it. The sxiperintendent formally recognized the authority of Georgia over and her right to the mint, and consented to act under the Executive, who gave him -written orders. If any military support was needed the Governor would give it. It shows the inflamed spirit of the clay that, not understanding the course of the Governor, several of the papers condemned his seeming inactivity in making a demonstration upon the mint; but it was all right when understood.
Another incident in connection with Pickens county will show with what consummate tact Gov. Brown dealt with the Union feeling- of the northern part of Georgia. At Jasper, Pickens county, where the Union loyalty was very ardent, a United States flag- was raised upon a pole, soon after secession, and kept afloat in bold open defiance of Con federate authority for several weeks. It was just sxich an incident as could have been injudiciously inflamed into a local breach that would have given infinite trouble during- the whole war, and resxiltecl in an

188

THE UNITED STATES FLAG

angry, canceroas and unhealable sore in our very midst. The provoca tion was very irritating- to the people after we had seceded, to have the flag- of the repudiated Union floating- defiantly, the insulting- symbol of a rejected authority, the aggressive emblem of a hostile power seeking our subjection. Appeals upon appeals were made to Gov. Brown to send troops to cut it down. To all of these the astute Executive was wisely deaf. He preferred to let the Union ebullition spend its force. There were very few slaves in. that section, and in consequence the slavery sentiment was not strong, while the devotion to the government was very ardent. The veneration for the United States flag- was espe-' cially earnest. Gov. Brown declined to have the flag cut down. He said:
'' By no means ; let it floai It floated over our fathers, and we all love the flag now. We have only been compelled to lay it aside by the injustice that has been practiced under its folds. If the people of Pickens desire to hang- it out, and keep it there, let them do so. I will send 110 troops to interfere with it."
The flag- continued to float for a while, until the people became ashamed of this sort of action, and took it down themselves without any disturbance whatever; and the county soon after came in with its troops, and olid good service in the Confederate cause.
As a further evidence of Gov. Brown's sagacious diplomacy in deal ing- with this tender-footed section with its intense Union drift, his conduct in the acceptance and org-anization of troops may be mentioned. Mr. Davis, the President of the Confederacy, made a requisition upon Gov. Brown for the first Georgia regiment that was called into the Confederate service, to go to Fort Pickens at Pensacola, to aid in its defense. Gov. Brown made a call for troops. Some idea of the boom ing war fever may be gleaned, when it is stated that over 250 companies were tendered for this service, out of which one regiment was to be selected. There was the greatest possible jealousy among the Captains of the different companies, each being anxious to secure a place in the regiment. The companies were selected according- to priority of the date of their tender, a list having been kept, and the time when each was offered being carefully noted. The only exception made to this rule was in the single case of the tenth company, which he gave to the corps of Captain Harris of Dahlonega, and the regiment was detained two days at Macon before the organization was completed, waiting for Harris's company to reach there, as the Governor learned they were on their way. The delay was occasioned by the company having to march from Dahlonega to Atlanta. On their arrival the preference was given

GOV. BBOWJSr's HAPPY DEALING WITH UX1OXISM.

189

to them in arms, accoutrements and equipments, conceding- to them the best of everything. These courtesies were written home to their friends, who were among the good families of Lumpkiii county, and they were written, by men then in the service of the Confederacy. Their friends, of course, took an interest in them, and their feelings naturally began to be drawn out after them. The result was that when another call was made, Lumpkiii county tendered another company.
A company was tendered from Fannin county, away across the Blue Ricl^-e. A place was left for the Fannin men until they had marched to Atlanta, where regiments were being organized, and they were put in in the same manner. This policy was pursued, giving- preference to the mountain companies in every case. In this way the Governor soon had one or more companies in the service from each county in that section; and it was not long- until the great mass of the people there had changed about, and stood with their friends who had g-one into the Confederate service. Some, it is true, remained Union men to the last, and some few gave troiible, but not a g-reat many. Had a different policy have been pursued and coercion been attempted, or any unkind means used ag-ainst them at the start, there would, have been serious trouble with that section of Georgia. As it was by this' astute and well-considered course, pursued with tact and persistence, a large and troublesome Union element was not only neutralized, but absolutely enlisted in the cause heartily. In. nothing- that happened did Gov. Brown more beneficially use his shrewd practical judgment for the South than in this matter. It was a serious peril and he discerned it at once. But for this masterly management, North and North East Georgia most probably would have become as dangerous a union strong-hold as the memorable country of East Tennessee. The value of Gov. Brown's statesmanship in this peril has never been understood or appreciated. But it was a great service, timely, and of an inestimable benefit.
Governor Brown, began to purchase arms before the legislature passed the act calling the secession convention, and he pressed the matter vigorously, importing every weapon he could until the firing upon Fort Sumter cut off our means of purchasing them from the Northern States. Even after that time, however, until the blockade was considered a serious obstruction, the importation of arms into the state was contin ued by Governor Brown. No state in the South did so much in this matter of furnishing- armed troops to the Confederacy as Georgia did under Gov. Brown's vigorous administration. Fully thirty reg-irnents were turned over to the Confederate government armed with weapons

190

BOATS FOE, COAST DEFENSE.

bought by the State of Georgia. And. in addition to these, there was a larg-e number of arms retained for our state troops.
Governor Brown was authorized to purchase some boats for coast defense, which he did immediately, placing* this little navy in charge of that heroic old seaman, Commodore Josiah Tattnall, who had resigned from the United States navy and offered his services to his native state. The strong points upon the coast around. Brunswick were fortified to the best of our means, and manned with six months' troops.

CHAPTER XXI.
THE BLAZING WAR FEVER OF THE FIRST OF 1861.
The State a Military Camp --Eage: ness to Enlist.--Pecuniary Sacrifices.--Miss Ilei * rietta Kenan.--" Mrs. Joe Brow .'s Boys."--Forty Georgia liegiments by Octobe --Gov. Brown's Marvelous Enei ry.--The People's Demand for Him to"be Gove nor a Third Time.--The Famou Letter of Thomas C. Trice--"No Time for Fo< Parties or Swelled-Head Goveri jrs."--The Striking Press Comment.--" The Mr for the Times/'--The First Georgia Regiment.--The Volunteers' Privilege of Electing Officers.--Gov. Brown's Ardent Speech.--The Great " Corner-Stone." Speech of Alex. Stephens.--The Most Momentous Utterance of the Century.--Its Immeasurable Effect.--The Anti-Slavery World Set against Us by It.--Georgia's Continuance of a Dominant Factorship in the Struggle.--Georgia Troops for Vir ginia.--Hardeman's Battalion --Military Ardor and Womanly Grief.--The Oglethorpe Light Infantry.--Brown and Bartow.--The Rape of "The Gnus.--A Hot Controversy.--" I Go to Illustrate Georgia."--Col. A. II. Colquitt--Bad Practice
DUKIZSTG the year 1861 the military activity in the State of Georgia was incessant and ubiquitous. The commonwealth was one vast re cruiting camp. The roll of the drum and the stirring' notes of the fife resounded from mountain to seaboard. Hill and valley echoed to the tread of armed men gathering, organizing- and leaving home and com fort for the tented field and the soldier's life. It was a wild time--a continuous day of fevered enthusiasm. Men, women and children par ticipated in the exaltation of patriotic spirit. There was no looking back. A. brave people had turned their energies to war, ari.d they went at it as a business. The war spirit boomed like a storm. The rivalry to enlist was universal and unquenchable. Letters poured in upon the Governor seeking commissions for perilous service, until the burden be came so heavy that he was forced to advertise in the papers that he did not have the clerical labor to even answer. For every requisition of troops there was a fifty-fold proffer of eager soldiers. Such a spirit of willing' chivalry as was exhibited was never exceeded in the annals of warfare. And to show the character of the men and organizations, a cavalry company in Rome, the Floyd Cavalry, represented a money property of 730,000 among 40 men, while another of 35 men in Milleclgeville, the Governor's Horse Guards, stood for two and a half mil lions of wealth on the tax books.

192

PATKIOTIC GENEROSITY OF THE PEOPLE.

All over the State citizens were offering- to make pecuniary sacrifices for the cause. Gov. Brown himself, subscribed and paid one thousand dollars toward the support of the Georgia troops in the service, and determined to appropriate the net income of his farm to the same great cause. His wife devoted her time, as did thousands upon thousands of other noble and delicate women, to making- clothing- for the soldiers. Miss Henrietta Iveiian, of Milledg-eville, a daughter of Col. Augustus H. Iveiian, a brilliant, queenly woman, tendered to Gov. Brown in behalf of herself and her mother, for the use of the state, their silver plate of considerable value. The Governor said if it became a necessity he would accept it. A company was organized below Gaddistowri, in Faimin County, and named " Mrs. Joe I3rowii's Boys." In recognition of the compliment, Mrs. Brown, the wife of the Governor, fitted this company with a suit of clothes, 'purchasing- the cloth in Milledg-eville and making- and sending one to each member. All over the state volun tary g-enerous patriotism was shown.
Some idea may be formed of how gloriously Georgia responded to the demands upon her manhood, from the fact that up to the first of October, 1861, she had sent forty magnificent regiments to the battle field. This makes a grand fact in her war record. And during- this whole seething- time Gov. Brown stood the central fig-ure and g-uiding intelligence, winning- opinions that seem almost extravag-ant, so laud atory were they of his energy, manag-emeiit and patriotism, His g-enius for organizing was something marvelous. His cool impetuosity and comprehensive forecast, his wise audacity and calculating-, methodical ability for any occasion, were matters of universal recognition and panegyric. The Southern press united in admiring- his peerless admin istration, while the people and press of Georgia idolized him. In the midst of all of the sweeping- war excitement the thoug-hts of the people, clear in advance of the end of his term beg-an to look to him for the unprecedented distinction of a third term, of gubernatorial service.
Early in March, 1861, a communication appeared from Mr. Thomas C. Trice of Pike county, urging- the people of Georgia without distinction of party to re-elect Gov. Brown. The letter of Mr. Trice was a plain, brief, matter-of-fact document, striking- right to the point in a few homely words, but it had a wonderful effect. There are times when men make a happy strike by voicing- the public thought. Said Mr. Trice in his homely way:
" I do not believe there is another man in Georgia, who is every way as well calcula ted for Governor as Joseph E. Browu. I do not mean by this that Joe Brown has more

r

THE MAX EOK THE TIMES.

193

sense than everybody else. I mean just what I say--that no man in Georgia will make such an Executive as Joe Brown, and therefore I think that he should be re-elected.
" We need just such a plain, sensible, practicable man as Joe Brown is to attend to the Executive business of the State," while we try to make bread at home. It is no time now

at home, and prudent, plain, investigating men to manage our State affairs."
This sententious, blunt-spoken expression of choice started a deluge of responses from all parts of the state endorsing* the idea. Mr. Trice awoke to find himself famous as the unexpected announcer of a univer sal notion. His crisp letter was a formulation of the public wish. Some of the endorsements \vere in very strong- words. One writer declared Gov. Brown, " with the single exception of Jefferson Davis, as first in the affections and confidence of the Southern people," and said that he was wanted in the Senate of the Confederate States. At that time, and since, it has been asserted that Gov. Brown aspired to Con federate office. But a day or two ago in the United States Senate, where Gov. Brown now is, Senator Mahone of Virginia asserted that Gov. Brown desired to be President of the Confederate States. There was not the slightest basis for such an assertion. As will be later seen, Gov. Brown had the honor of a Cabinet position in his grasp. But it is the truth that he had not only no wish for any Confederate office, but under no circumstances would, he have given rip the place of Governor of Greorgia for any position in the gift of the people. His measure of ambition was to serve his state as Executive. Perhaps the most com prehensive summary at the time of the estimate in which Gov. Brown was held in those days, and at the same time the most vivid picture of the situation, are found, in the following editorial from the Georgia Forester, which was universally copied then. The writing was headed, " THE MA^ST EOR The Times," itself a volume of meaning-. The editorial thus discoursed:
" Perhaps there never was a time when strong will, iron nerve and common sense, combined in a single character, were more to be valued, or when they were more needed than in the present crisis. A great revolution, civil and political, is progressing. One of the most powerful governments on earth is fast crumbling to pieces, and in its con vulsive death-struggles shakes the civilized world. The wildest passions are blazing with infuriate madness from the breasts of thirty millions of people.
"Amid this war of' elements, this storm of contending factions, and this whirlwind of evil passions, there is one man who stands like the towering sea-built rock, that breasts, breaks and scatters the angry, surging waves. One who calmly watches the quick, revolving wheel of events, and with daring intrepidity and dignified deliberation con fronts every issue that is presented, and foils every effort to circumvent his movements or to interrupt his quiet progress. Conscious of the vast responsibilities that rest upon
13

194

THE FIRST GEORGIA VOLtTXTEER REGIMENT.

him, and appreciating fully the dangers that surround and'threaten to engulf the glori-

ous ship he commands, with iron nerve and a will that increases in strc ngth and rises in

grandeu is IK ipproaches the Scylla and Charybdis of his voyage, right onward he

directs her c

> and bids defiance to the swelling wave and the light ning flash. Firm

in the right, ith truth in his heart, and God o'er his head, h<

ers pause

id^negotiate ; and wins the victory, while othea S stop

ulate the

co>sstt ooxf adeifeeart.

"Combining wisdom with patriotism, prudence with nerve, and boldness with justice

,ud deliberation, Joseph E. Brown is emphatically the man for the times."

These strong words bear the mark of the intensified fervor of the time which called them forth, but they constitute a remarkable tribute
" 18

went 011 steadily to consummation, over-riding- custom with the resistless current of the popular will, --that incarnation of the voice of God as embodied in the voice of the people.
Returning to the current of Avar progress, the organization of the

a.

n acon nepenen ouneers, Capt. Adderhold.

The appointment of officers by the Military Department of the Gov

ernment has been the practice of war and of regular armies of profes

sional soldiers; but the privilege of the election of officers by the men

they command is the delight of volunteers, the outcome of the spirit of

our free institutions, and the very foundation of an efficient volunteer

service. It was this privilege, so dear to our volunteer soldiery, that

inspired one of the historic controversies that Gov. Brown had after

wards with President Davis.. It was under this system of election that

all of our State regiments were organized, except the 1st Georgia Regu

lars, which w raised under a special law of the convention. The elec

tion for field officers for the regiment bound for Pensac ola, wa

ALEX. STEPHENS' GREAT

195

-at Camp Og-lethorpe, as it was appropriately named, and resulted : James N. Ramsay, Colonel; J. O. Clarke, Lieutenant Colonel; and Gr. H. Thompson, Major; Col. Ramsay was a Lieutenant, and beat Cap tains Jones arid Piiickarcl. The regiment was organized the 3d of April, 1861. On the 5th, Gov. Brown reviewed the troops before avast assem blage, and then delivered an eloquent and powerful speech, full of an impassioned feeling unusual with him, that stirred an over-mastering enthusiasm. He retrospectecl concisely but burning-ly the causes and progress of the revolution. In his references to their mission, he was * especially happy. He said truthfully, " My \vhole soul is in this move ment, and my heart swells with emotions I cannot utter." He con cluded amid a prolonged burst of applause with these solemn words:
" Go then, and IT ay the God of battles go i'itli you, and lead, protect and defend you, till the last foot-pri it of the invader shall be obliterated from the soil of our common country."
One company of this regiment was the Bainbritlg-e Volunteers, uniformed in coarse flannel shirts, and pantaloons of the coarsest negro cloth, yet representing over a million dollars of wealth. A battalion was organized at the same time, with Capt. Larcy as major.
It was but a few days before this that Hon. Alexander H. Stephens delivered a lengthy speech to an immense audience in Savannah, that went over the civilized world. It was a remarkable utterance in many respects, but in nothing more remarkable than in being- regarded as one of those advance, pioneer expressions of a cardinal idea of new and orig inal statesmanship, that are only formulated by master minds, and come but once in generations of men. The great eloquence of the man, the wonderful attraction attaching to him in view of his slender physical tenure of life, so disproportioned to his genius, the exalted position he held as Vice-President of the new Confederacy, and the resultant authoritative character of this deliverance, all made the speech a marked one. But the g-reat theory of the address--a bold, immense and revolu tionary innovation upon the settled convictions and prejudices of man kind--gave the speech its celebrity, and made it the theme of universal discussion among the ruling minds of the English-speaking language. The address was dubbed the " Corner-Stone " speech, and the grand central idea was that:
" Our new government was founded upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man--that slavery, subordination to the superior race, was his natural and moral condition. * * This stone, which was rejected by the first builders, ' is become the chief corner stone ' in our new edifice."

196

THE WORLD SET AGAINST THE SOUTH.

The enunciation of this startling- philosophy by Mr. Stephens evoked, an overwhelming- enthusiasm at home, and in the South, and excited a profound feeling- North and abroad. It became the representative idea of the Confederacy. It fixed clearly and simply the question of the rev olution. It was unanimously accepted by the South. It put the civil ized world upon notice as to what a recognition, of the Confederacy meant. It propounded a-prodigious issue, moral and political. It pre cipitated an unappealable arbitrament of the issue which concerned the most humanitarian, convictions of mankind upon the essence of human, freedom. Georgia again exercised that leading- agency in this colossal agitation to which she seemed, by some strang-e destiny fated. To one of her great spirits belonged the crowning- honor of originating' and formulating- in his eloquent and masterly utterances, the very funda mental thoug-ht of the gig-antic movement.
Mr. Stephens left nothing unsaid that perfected his great idea, He stated distinctly that the Union just split, rested xipon " the fundamen tally wrong- idea that the enslavement of the African was a violation of the laws of nature." He said that it was apprehended that we would " array ag-ainst us the civilized world." He continued in a magnificent display of eloquence, that drew deafening- applause that he " cared not who, or how many they may be, when we stand upon, the eternal prin ciples of truth, we are obliged and must triumph."
The moral effect of this great speech was beyond all calculation. It put sqtiarely ag-ainst the Confederacy the abolition sentiment of the world. It prevented foreign recognition. It narrowed, the issue from the broad domain of political independence founded upon a contract that had been violated, and upon, which the sympathy of the world was with us, to the untenable foothold of the intrinsic righteousness and. supreme good policy of slavery, in which civilized mankind stood immutably against us. The slavery qxtestion had been a large one in the agitation., but it simply represented, a greater question of self-gov ernment. This speech of the "Vice-President of the Confederacy claim ing- slavery to be a divinely originated institution based in truth, and the soul of the new government, set it up as the vital question of the conflict. It changed the battle-ground, shifted the Avar-flag, substituted a new slogan, and pxit us in isolation. It "was an heroic thing, and it \vorked to the great scheme of Providence for human, freedom. And it continued Georgia as the decisive factor of the revolution.
On the 13th of April, 1861, the siege of Fort Sumter ended by the surrender of Major Anderson. On. the 15th of April, President Lincoln

A WILD TIME OF PATRIOTISM A^D PARTING.

197

made his call for 75,000 men to suppress the rebellion. On the 18th of April, Virginia seceded from the Union. On the 19th of April, Presi dent Davis telegraphed Gov. Brown for two or three companies to go immediately to Norfolk, Virginia, and inquired when he could have them ready. G-ov. Brown went to the telegraph office in Milledgeville and telegraphed for volunteer companies in Macon, Griffin arid Colum bus, asking each Captain whether his company would like to go, and when they could be ready. The responses in every case were; " We would like to go; how much time can you give us?" He replied, "You must start to-morrow." While some of them said they would need more time, yet rather than lose their place in the battalion, they would go thus hastily. In twenty-four hours the battalion was on the cars in motion for Norfolk, and they were said to have arrived there about the first troops that reached the place, and a little before the Virginia troops arrived at the sea-board of their own state. This inci dent will show the. eager war spirit of the people, and Gov. Brown's swift celerity in answering requisitions. The four companies forming this battalion were the Macon Floycl Rifles, Capt. Thos. Hardeman; Macon Volunteers, Capt. Smith; Columbus City Light Guard, Capt. P. H. Colquitt, and a Griffin company under Capt. Doyal. Col. Thomas Hardeman, ex-member of Congress, was made the commander of this gallant corps, and he and they did some of the finest service per formed in the war.
Requisitions were rapidly made upon Gov. Brown for troops, first 5,000 and then 3,000 men, and promptly filled. There was no halting in this stern time. Men rushed forward to enlist, and the dear women sent them to the front in heroic tears. The people assembled by the thousand to bid adieu to the departing soldiers. It was a wild, day with its under-stratum of sobs and womanly grief. The huzzas ox shouting patriotism and the roar of -thundering cannon sped the gallant troops away, perhaps forever, amid a torrent of soulful weeping- and convulsive embraces. It was buoyant and sorrowful, an era of proud sadness and damp-eyed exhilaration. The bounding ardor of the soldier was chas tened in the tender grief of the women, left behind to pray. Handker chiefs and hands waved fervent farewells from apprehensive but resolute hearts. The whole State was aflame. In every county companies were made up. Newton coimty, that had been a Union strong-hold, organized five companies in a few clays, and raised a subscription of ten thousand dollars for aiding- these military corps. The city of Macon in a short while furnished five hundred men. These are examples of the rest.

198

A sAVA:sr:srAH COMPANY THE FIRST FOR THE AVAR.

Grov. Brown stood to his wonderful labor of org-ariization with an xmceasing persistence. His resourceful energy seemed to grow, if possible. He issued a proclamation prohibiting- the payment of any debt of money or property North; and the protesting by any bank of any paper due to Northern banks or people. He also issued a procla mation exempting- persons and operatives engaged in the manufacture of arms, woolen, or cotton goods or iron, from military duty. All of the troops enlisted for the Confederate service up to May, 1861, were twelve months' companies, of which five regiments were orgcanizecl.
President Davis called the Confederate Congress together on the 29th of April, 1861, and immediately an act was passed authorizing the enlistment of troops for the war. Francis S. Bartow, the chairman of the military committee, was the captain of a volunteer company in Savannah, the " Oglethorpe Light Infantry," of which the writer was a member arid a private. The company was organized in 1856, and was one of the popular corps in that gallant city always noted for its mili tary spirit and the number and efficiency of its military organizations. Capt. Bartow was in communication with the company, arid as soon as the act authorizing- war troops was passed and approved, he communi cated the fact by telegraph to his company. A meeting was promptly called. The writer well remembers the glowing spirit of that meeting-. Amid a storm of enthusiasm arid excitement a resolution was unani mously passed tendering the company for the war to the President. The tender was flashed over the wires in hot haste, so as to be the first, and the acceptance was sent back as quickly, Capt. Bartow immediately seeking Mr. Davis. To this superb company of young men, there being hardly a married man in it, among the best young citizens of Savannah, sons of her old and honored families, belong-s the honor of being the first company in. the entire Confederacy that gave its services to the South for the whole war. As this company had also furnished a detail of men for the detachment that seized Fort Pulaski under orders of Gov. Brown, before the State seceded, it had a record distinctive above all other companies of the great revolution, which will grow brig-hter with time. And as the company in its service in "Virginia and elsewhere, went through the greatest battles of the war during- the entire four years, beginning with the first Maiiassas, arid fought with an increasing chivalry to the very close, it achieved an illustrious history arid made an imperishable record of glory.
This company left for Virginia on the 21st clay of May, 1861, escorted to the depot by the entire soldiery of Savannah and swarming- throngs of

BAJITOW'S RAPE OF THE GV^fS.

199

citizens. Amid salvos of artillery and the enmassed applause of the assembled people of the whole city, the train moved off with this splen did young* organization. They had arms belonging to the State, and carried them without the consent of the Executive. This rape of the guns elicited a tart correspondence bet-ween Gov. Brown and Capt. Bartow, in which some hard thing's were said on both sides, which prob ably both of these patriotic gentlemen, would have wished unwritten. Gov. Brown contended for the State's authority. Capt. Bartow repelled what he regarded as an assault upon his patriotism. In his letter Bartow used an expression, that in connection -with his early and brilliant death at Manassas, became a marked utterance. He said, " I g*o to illustrate Georgia." All of these incidents, the participation in the seizure of Fort Pulaski, being' the first company to enlist for the Avar, the forcible taking away of the State's guns, the controversy over them, and Capt. Bartow's high position in the Confederate Congress, all tended at that time to make the Oglethorpe Light Infantry of Savannah a famous com pany. 'Its twenty-fifth anniversary was celebrated in Savannah on the 19th of January, 1881, by a handsome banquet, when its honorable history was recalled and commemorated. This company was organized with other Georgia companies in Virginia into the 8th Georgia regiment, and Capt. Bartow was made Colonel; "Wm. Montgomery Gardner, Lt. Colonel. The surgeon was Dr. H. V. M. Miller, so prominent in Georgia politics, who has recently presented a handsome portrait of Bartow to the YoungMen's Library Association of Atlanta. This regiment was finally com manded by Col. Lucius M. Lamar, a handsome and gallant officer and a member of the General Assembly of Georgia of 1880--1. It made a memorable record of service, on the march, in camp and in battle, coming up to every patriotic requirement, and in the lang*uag*e of the brilliant but ill-fated Bartow, " illustrating Georgia."
The first regiment org-ariized for the war was the 6th Georgia, of which Alfred Irl. Colquitt, the present Governor of Georgia, was made the Colonel. The practice of the Confederacy accepting troops directly without any reference to the State authority, was a bad one. All requisitions for soldiers should have been through the Executive. Thousands of Georgia soldiers went into the Confederate army in this way, of whom there is 110 record. JSTo report of them was ever made to the state authorities, and thus the Georgia records are, and must ever remain incomplete. The writer organized the 4th Regiment of Georgia Cavalry, sending the muster rolls directly to the TVar Department at Richmond, and there is no record of a soldier or officer in the war

200

THE TJXIC^O \V2ST HEKOES OP GEOKGIA.

archives of Georgia, while the organization had, first and last, over 1,500 men in it. This instance will illustrate the matter. It was an irregular way of doing thing's that we now see Gov. Brown was right in opposing. It made endless confusion and incurable uncertainty in the records of the state's service. It renders it an impossibility for the full roll of our Georgia soldiers ever to be obtained, and the entire measure of justice be done to the substantial devotion of the state to the Southern cause. Thousands of gallant Georgians fought and perished in this gig-antic struggle whose names and heroism are unknown and uiipreservecl.

CHAPTER XXII.
THE PRECEDENT OF A CENTURY OVERTHROWN, AND BROWN MADE GOVERNOR THE THIRD TIME.
Gov. Brown in a Constant Battle.--Unhinged Times.--Men's Fighting- Blood up.-- Brown's Curious Altercations.--The Columbus Guards.--The Startling Episode of the Salt Famine.--One o the Worst Terrors of The War.--Brown's Daring against the Salt Tyranny.--The First Manassas Battle.--Its Stupendous Effect.--The Georgia Coast.--" Dixie Doodle."--Curious War Names.--The " Nancy Harts."-- Spoiling for a Fight.-^The Bank Convention.--Cotton Planters' Convention.--The Cobbs.--Georgians to the Army.--Coast- Defense.--The New Georgia Constitution --Col. Whitaker's Letter to Gov. Brown.--Brown Allows his Name for Governor. --A Coincidence.--The Grandson of the only Third Term Governor urging Brown to a Third Term.--Bitter Assaults on Brown.--Opposition Convention.-- Its Personelle.-- H. V. Johnson Declines as a Delegate.--Judge E. A. Nesbit Nomi nated.--Thos. E. Lloyd.--The Press Nearly Solid against Brown.--Brown's
, Trenchant Address.--Brown Overwhelmingly Re-elected.
DURING the turbulent days of 1861, Gov. Brown did not by any means, find his executive office a bed of roses. It was not in the nature of things that a man so daring' and positive, so fearless in assuming re sponsibility, and so constitutionally combative, should not get into more or less turmoil beyond what an easier-tempered person would, have escaped. The Governor was not a milk and -water man, taking* things lightly and shifting serious burdens upon other convenient peo ple. He met his duties boldly, fully and promptly. He shirked no crisis. He confronted every emergency squarely. He made mistakes, as no human, being can avoid doing-. He was sometimes too aggressive. He occasionally bore too hard on men. He, perhaps, could not brook assault as peacefully as he might. He -was, mayhap, too rig-id and too unyielding -where some concession would, have availed better. But in spite of these things, it would have been almost out of the question to have supplied his place. The whole power and fervor of his strongintense soul were in the cause. It was no time for tender-footed and vacillating* spirits. An imperious, dominant will was the need of the era--an unhesitating, self-reliant intelligence. The times were un hinged too. Social bonds were loosened. The ligaments of law were slipping their hold. War was on us, and the passions gathering and

20.2

THE SALT FAMINE.

strengthening-. The epoch was every day getting" "wilder. Men were unconsciously going backward, in moral restraint under the license of war. They were ripening* in individual audacity, and the stern temper born of strife. It required a firm nerve to maintain its leadership among- the stormy elements at play.
Gov. Brown had some curious altercations about very strarig-e mat ters. The controversy with Bartow over his rape of g-uns was a speci men. This was extensively discussed, men and newspapers siding both ways. Mr. Davis, however, came throug-h Atlanta, and had a long- and friendly talk about the matter with Gov. Brown, and frankly acknowl edged that the policy of the Confederate authorities receiving troops over the head of the state Executives was wrong, and he intended to have no more of it, but get all of his requisitions supplied by the state Governors. Another wholly unnecessary difficulty was one between the Columbus Guards and Gov. Brown, in which the Executive simply tracked the law, and in doing so, came in collision with a body of men whose eager desire to enlist rushed them into clisreg-arcl of law. The statute prescribed the size of companies to be from fifty to eighty men, not exceeding the latter number. Capt. Ellis had 120 men, and the Governor refused to take the extra sixty men, though Martin J. Crawford urg-ed it. Capt. Ellis took his extra men to Savannah anyhow. The Governor stuck to the law, telegraphing- Gen. Eawton to enforce the statute. And the Governor was savagely assailed for his action. The fact is the men of the state were burning to enlist, and in the hot eagerness to do a freeman's duty, they quarreled over the privileg-e of service and the opportunity for peril. Nothing, however, swerved the Executive from his line of resolution. And in every case the public judgment sustained him when the facts were understood. In no case did he act from any personal motive. He sought the success of the cause, and he pursued his object with an immovable tenacity of purpose.
A remarkable instance of his daring readiness to take any risk for the public good, was in the prosaic but incalculably momentous neces sity of salt. This simple and cheap article of living-, that exercises so little thought, and that is as plentiful as the air, became the subject of an appalling- famine in the South. It lay in measureless quantities in the boundless ocean that bordered the Confederacy for a thousand miles. Yet -with the coast blockaded, with inadequate facilities for its manufacture, with its importation cut off by the bayonets of a beleaguering cordon of hostile soldiers, the scarcity of salt became a terror to the people. It was a romantic fate that made this boundless

THE TEKRIBLE EPISODE OF SALT TYBAXNY.

203

commodity worth almost pound for pound with silver. It was one of the strangest straits of the Confederacy, this famine of salt. Specula tors took advantage of it. Even early in 1SG1, the war of the salt chang-ers beg-an. And it continued until the legislature took the matter in hand arid sought to protect the people from these salt sharks. While the matter was pending the speculators took alarm and started to rush their hoards out of the state. The meat for the soldiers needed salt to cure it. The salt famine threatened the commonwealth in earnest. In this crisis Gov. IBrown, with his wonted boldness, liberally construing- the constitutional provision, that allowed the Executive in cases of emergency to seize private property for public use, clutched several larg-e lots of salt for the state, and prohibited its general ship ment out of the state. The speciilators howled. The price they gave with freight, storage, interest, clrayage and ten per cent, interest, was tendered to the subjects of this rape of salt. The Eegislature passed its protective measure, but the Governor had saved the state from the salt famine by his bold audacity arid prompt interference ahead of slow legislative action. The public uses were provided for, with some sur plus over, which was sold around to the poor people wTho could not pay speculation prices, and thus the public necessities were relieved.
His audacious exercise of authority, such as few men would have darecl to use, and especially when it was a matter of discussion as to the rig-ht, elicited some hard criticism from his enemies, but the people, the omnipotent depository of opinion and power, sustained him over whelmingly, as it will back any man in the end who is disinterestedly doing the right as he conscientiously sees it. This salt trouble was a permanent one during the war. The salt famine hung over the state with its vital terrors until the surrender. The legislatures fought it as sternly and persistently as they pushed the battles. They had to come to the relief of the poor finally. The state took in its own hands the manufacture of salt in self-defense. And not only this, but the state had to organize a great salt bureau, and appropriate half a million of dollars, and make distribution, of the despotic staple. In the archives of the Executive Department are huge volumes of records, arid enor mous books that a strong- man staggers in carrying- across the room, all devoted to the novel and terrible episode of our salt tyranny in the war.
The battle of the First Manassas took place on the 21st day of July, 1861, in which memorable engagement the 7th Georgia, and 8th Georgia regiments were engaged, and won a sig-nal fame. The 7th reg-

204

THE EFFECT OF THE FIRST MA^ASSAS BATTLE1.

iment was commanded by Col. Lucius J. Gartrell, ex-member of con gress. Gen. Johnson., in his official report, mentions the name of Col. Gartrell with others as having- distinguished themselves in that engage ment. His son, Henry Clay Gartrell, was killed in the battle. Col. Barlow commanded the Brigade consisting of the 7th, 8th, 9th and llth Georgia, and 1st Kentucky Regiments. This battle, the first im portant action of the war, was a remarkable one in its effects. It was a thorough victory for the Confederates, and a most disastrous defeat for the Federals. It was at first and for a long time believed that the Fed erals enormously outnumbered us, but recent statistics said to be cor rect show that the contending forces were nearer equality than has been supposed. The battle was bloody, and for a while desperate. Our losses were heavy. The Georgia troops especially happened at the very brunt of the fighting, and in pursuance of that same destiny, that seemed to press Georgia into the crucial situations of this great struggie at vital times, turned the tide of battle with a frightful loss of gallant men, including- the intrepid Bartow himself, who fell, caught in the arms of Col. Gartrell, uttering the now historic exclamation, " THEY HAVE KILLED ME, BUT XEVER GIVE IT UP! " The state of Georgia thus not only gave the deciding stroke in this momentous battle, but furnished the first conspicuous martyr of the war.
The battle gave a terrific momentum to the war spirit of the North, while it affected the South disastrously. It seemed a confirmation of the immeasurable fighting superiority of the South. It aroused the North; it demoralized and distracted the South by a controversy that alienated leaders and caused dissension, during- the whole war over an issue as to whether the fruits of the victory were not neglected. The pride, the resentment, the courag-e of the Northern people were stimu lated to desperation, and from this time on, the war progressed in dead earnest.
In Georgia the activity, if anything-, redoubled. Camps of instruction and of preparation were organized, and filled with troops drilling- and fitting for the next call. A larg-e attention was given to the coast of Georgia. The Confederate Government had placed Gen. A. R. Lawton in command from Savannah to the Florida line, and Commodore Tattnall in charge of the naval force. Every co-operation was given to these officers. Gov. Brown spent 880,000 in equipping Fort Pulaski. Up to the 26th of July, seventeen thousand men had been org-aiiized, armed and equipped at a" cost of 6300,000, and sent into service, most of them out of the state. Fully 30,000 g'uns and accoutrements were

HUMOROUS IXCIDE^TTS OF THS EARLY WAR FEVER.

205

supplied to the Confederacy by the state of Georgia, at her own cost, first and last. Three steamers had. been purchased for coast defense, one costing' $40,000 arid the others less. The Governor purchased $44,265 of material for making gunpowder, which, he allowed the Con federate authorities to take.
There were many interesting- features of the war fever of 1861, that would prove very readable. Amid the serious work was a by-play of light incident that helps to complete the picturesque picture of a dramatic time. Some patriotic poetaster drew from his muse a South ern version of the familiar " Yankee Doodle," and dubbed it " Dixie Doodle." The names of some of the companies were a typical outcome of the spirit of the times. The company commanded by the present Governor Colquitt, was the " Baker Fire Eaters," and his regiment was called the " Coffin Regiment," in memory of a soubriquet given to his famous father, "Walter T. Colquitt, in the memorable political campaign, of 1850 and 1851, as the " Elder Colonel of the Coffin Regiment." "Defenders of the South," Capt. J. A. Norwood of Troup County; " Union Invincibles," Captain Sam Patterson of Union Co.; " Dixey Boys," Capt. H. Bryan of Thomas Co.; " Miller Wild Cats," Capt. B. R. Kenclrick of Colquitt Co.; " Moiiroe Crowclers," of Forsyth Co.; "Sons of Liberty," Capt. E. F. Lawson; " Davis Invincibles," etc., were some of these suggestive names. The ladies of La Grange in their mili tary enthusiasm organized a company called the " Nancy Harts," in honor of that revolutionary heroine of whom it was said, " she was a rare patriot, but a devil of a wife." Of this company Dr. A. C. "Ware was Captain; Mrs. Nannie Morgan, First Lieutenant; Mrs. P. B. Heard, Second Lieutenant; Miss A. Smith, Third Lieutenant; Miss A. Bull, First Sergeant; Miss A. Hill, Second Sergeant; Miss M. E. Colquitt, Third Sergeant; Miss P. Beall, First Corporal; Miss L. Pullen, Second Corporal; Miss S. Bull, Third Corporal; Miss E. Key, Treasurer. Mrs. Overby, widow of B. H. Overby, and daughter of Hugh L. Haralson, g-ave $100 for the soldiers' families, and pledged herself to continue the patriotic contribution. The " Wrig'htsville Infantry," commanded by Captain Jessie A. Glenn, was ordered to Savannah. The newspapers copied extensively a piteous letter from Capt. Glenn to Hon. A. R. "Wright, after whom the company was named, begging to get away from Savannah to some place "-where there is a prospect of ci fie/Jit.''"* The universal hankering was to get a chance at the enemy, and Capt. Glenn voiced the general wish.
Two Conventions were held in Georgia in June, 1861, of public inter-

206

GEORGIA LEADERS GO ITSTTO THE AKMY.

est. The first was at Atlanta, a " Bank Convention of the Confederate

States," which met June 3d, and did important work in aiding- the finan

cial measures of the new government. Georgia, Alabama, Florida and

South Carolina were represented. The Georg-ia deleg-ates were R. R.

Cuyler, S. Cohen, H. Roberts, Isaac Scott, W. S. Cothran, A. Austell,

"W. H. Iiimari, G. B. Lamar, and "W. E. Jackson. The President was

G. B. Lamar, arid.-Vice-President, Jas. S. Gibbs of South Carolina.

Resolutions were passed for the banks to receive Confederate Treas

ury notes, and asking- railroads and tax officers to take them. The sec

ond Convention was the Cotton. Planters' Convention in Macori. A

committee composed of J. H. R. "Washington, Pulaski S. Holt and

Nathan Bass was appointed to issue a call for a Confederate Cotton

Planters' convention, which was done. A camp of instruction, called

Camp McDonald, was organized in Cobb county of some 2,000 troops

under command of Brig. Gen. "Wm. Phillips. "War speeches were made

in Atlanta by distinguished gentlemen passing- through, among them

Hon. Roger A. Pryor and Hon. R. M. T. Hunter of Virginia.

The Confederate Congress adjourned in May, at Montgomery, to meet

in July, at Richmond. It first authorized an issue* of fifty millions of

bonds for war purposes. Howell Cobb and T. R. R. Cobb issued an

address to the planters of Georgia, urg-ing them from patriotic consid

erations to invest in these bonds, in which address they called attention

to the two proud facts that Georg-ia was the only State that had adopted

the Confederate Constitution by a unanimous vote, and that she was

offering the largest number of volunteers of any State, thus preserving

that leadership in this revolution that Georgia had maintained. As

Bartow had gone into the army, so our other Georgia leaders drifted in.

Howell Cobb accepted the tender of a regiment in June, 1861, unable

to resist the -war impulse. He was followed swiftly by his brother,

Thomas R. R. Cobb, and by Mr. Toombs, and all of them became Briga

dier Generals. The regiments of Georgia regulars were consolidated

into one, and officered by Col. C. J. "Williams and Lieut. Col. E. ~W.

' Chastain.

.

In September, Gov. Brown made a visit to the coast, and found the

force under the Confederate authorities there, wholly inadequate to the

defense. He promptly, on his own. responsibility, called out additional

State troops. Up to the first of September, twenty-five regiments and

three battalions had been organized in Georgia under Gov. Brown's

authority, and. some seven independent regiments, making 30,000 troops

Georgia had furnished for the war, and of this number, over 20,000

GOVERNOR BROWX URGED FOR A THIRD TERM.

207

were In Virginia. Many of them were suffering for clothing. Gov. Brown issued proclamations making- earnest appeals for the people at home to contribute money and clothing. He also made proclamation that he was exhausted of arms, and called upon the people to loan the State their private rifles and shot-guns for public defense. He ordered a full enrollment of all men. liable to militia duty. All of his measures were vig-orous and timely. Every point connected, with the State's interest was closely watched and promptly attended to.
The vote upon the new Constitution of Georgia will show how com pletely the people were absorbed in the war to the exclusion of all other considerations. The vote for ratification was 11,499, and against rati fication 10,70-i, a majority of only 795 for ratification, and a total vote of but 22,203 out of 120,000.
The time was approaching for the election of a Governor. The people early in the year had sounded in no uncertain tones the desire to have Gov. Brown, re-chosen, in spite of the custom that limited Gov ernors to two terms. In August, Jarecl I. AVhittaker addressed a letter to Gov. Brown propounding two inquiries:
" First.--Whether in his opinion it was proper, under existing circumstances, to hold a convention to nominate a candidate for Governor, and conventions in the districts to nominate candidates for Congress.
" Second.--Whether, if it should be the wish of the mass of the people of Georgia, without regard to old party differences, Gov. Brown would in that critical period of the State's history, consent to serve a third term in the executive office."
To this letter Gov. Brown, on. the 13th day of August, 1861, replied. He advised against holding conventions. There were no political divisions and no need for any party machinery, while the people had no time for any unnecessary assemblages. In regard to his being- Governor a third time, he frankly stated that neither his personal interest nor inclinations prompted him to give his consent to run again. He made this allusion to the past:
" In the days of your honored grandfather, Jared Irwin, who served with so much ability as Governor of Georgia, there was no such usage as that of a first or second term, only, for he was called to the executive chair the third time. The political usage has since been for the executive to retire at the end of the first or second term. It has, how ever, been but a usage, as there is no constitutional difficulty in the way of the same person holding the office for a third term. I have had no inclination to violate this usage. If I have made no character in the office in four years, I may not expect to do so in six. If I have made any reputation during that time, I have then something to risk by holding the office another term in the midst of a revolution."
It was a right interesting coincidence, that the grandson of the only

208

A STATE COXVEXTIOX CABLED.

Governor in the history of the State who had been elected for three terms, should be the instrument of pressing- upon Gov. Brown the popular wish for his undertaking- the responsibilities and wearing the honors of a third term. Gov. Brown continued his letter, quoting- the reasons that had been urged for his taking- a third. These -were, his familiarity with the duties and the situation, and the clang-er of putting a new and inexperienced man in the place, and his duty as one who had done so much to bring- about secession to now stand to his post and bear his burden of the revolution. He, therefore, felt that he could not refuse if the people desired his services, but that he could not and would not make any canvass for the election.
This permission of Gov. Brown for the popular use of his name for Governor was the signal for a heavy assault upon him. In his positive administration, he had awakened some bitter personal enmities. His wonderful popularity excited a wide jealousy among* the leaders of public opinion in the State. Before his letter some of the press had suggested and advocated a/convention for September, and the opposition pushed the movement. $*A. convention was called for the llth of September, 1861, in Milleclg-eville. Numbers of counties called meetings and by resolu tions refused to send delegates. Herschell V. Johnson was chosen a deleg-ate to the convention, and declined in a strong letter. He said the contest before the convention for the nomination woxilcl be purely a personal one, in which he took no interest, the candidates being all worthy; that the State needed a united people, and the convention would not concentrate public opinion; that a larg-e part of the people, not being represented in the convention, would not be bound by its action; that Gov. Brown was virtually an independent candidate, and thus two candidates were a certainty; that Lincler these circumstances he would not be trammeled, but should vote for the man whose elevation he deemed best " calculated to promote the public welfare irrespective of partisan or personal considerations."
There is no doubt that this pertinent letter of ex-Gov. Johnson had a powerful effect in checking representation in the convention. There is no doubt, either, that the people were with Gov. Brown. The homely words of Trice had struck a bed-rock basis of popular endorsement. The convention had 174 representatives from only fifty-eight counties out of 132, and it was claimed that only forty of these had delegates actually empowered. Col. Cincinnatus Peeples was temporary chairman, arid Judge Dennis F. Hammond permanent president. Wm. L. Mitchell, chairman of the committee on business, reported the nomination of

EUGEXIUS A. ^ISBET KOMIXATED FOR GOVEKXOK.

209

Judg-e Eugenius A. ]X"isbet for Governor. Hon. George ]NT. T^ester moved

the appointment of a committee, which reported .an electoral ticket,

headed by David Irwin of Cobb and Thos. E. Lloyd of Chatham. The

district electoral nominees were John L. Harris, Arthur Hood, J. L.

Wimberly, Dr. E. McGehee, I. P. Garvin, I. G. Fannin, O. C. Gibson,

John Ray, H. H. Cannon and H. F. Price.

Of these gentlemen, Hon. Thomas E. Lloycl of Savannah was the

admitted leader of the bar in that city of accomplished lawyers. A

modest gentleman of fortune and old family, indifferent to politics,

nothing- of an advocate, lacking- wholly the charm of eloquence, he was

yet a profound and learned counselor of law, and the very head of the

civil branch of jurisprudence. A good liver, fond of his billiards and

his wine, a luxurious bachelor, he was yet an unwearied student of his

profession, and the most pains-taking, erudite and accurate attorney at

a bar noted for its able and learned members. He was a legal umpire

in disputed points of law. He had a purely legal mind, clear, philosoph

ical, discriminating-, quick, powerful arid analytic. He read widely, he

digested fully. His temper was exquisite, and his spirit thoroughly

balanced. His truth and. sense of honor were perfect. He was the

finest specimen of a civil lawyer that we have ever had in Georgia.

His qu

id :

di

L pi

ed hi

that State repute that his extraordinary legal abilities and attainments

entitled him to receive. Where he was known he passed for his

remarkable value. He never sought office, and when it was thrust

upon him he took it reluctantly and laid it down with delight.

The convention, further presented Davis and Stephens for re-election

as President and Vice-President of the Confederacy. The nomination,

of Judge Xisbct was a very strong one, the strongest, perhaps, that

could have been. made. Pie was an opponent well worthy of Gov. Brown,

and fitted to test to the utmost his popular strength. He had been the

leader of the secession convention, and enjoyed all the popularity that

fact was calculated to give him. He was pure, able, eloquent, learned,

distinguished. Pie had illustrated the State in. Congress. He had

graced private life, ornamented his profession, and adorned the supreme

bench. The opposition hailed his nomination, enthusiastically. The press

of the State, with but a few exceptions, took up his cause and went

against Gov. Brown in. a solid phalanx. The Savannah Heprdrtican led

a bitter, unsparing warfare against the Governor. The Augusta papers

followed in the same line zealously. The Federal Union of Milledge-

ville and the Atlanta Intelligencer were the principal journalistic cham14

GOVERNOR BROWN'S ADDRESS.
pions of Grov. Brown, and made pretty nearly a single-handed fight. The campaign \vaxed warm. The papers showered their diatribes against the unquailing Brown, who, refusing to make any canvass, devoted his energies to the gathering storm of war, leaving the people to attend to his campaign. He made but one public manifesto,--a sharp, tren chant, but well-tempered paper, stating his position clearly and firmly.
This short address to the people of Georgia was dated the 19th day of September, 1801. He showed that he was before the people of the State as a candidate before the convention, assembled, and when there were no party organizations to render a convention or caucus necessary. Mr. Chambers, of Columbus, was also a candidate. The convention, if it had been a full one, representing the people, might have justly asked obedience to its mandates. But the convention did not even represent half of the counties of the State, while in many counties that had delegates the masses of the people had declared against the convention. The convention, had failed to condemn his administration, and this failure he used effectively. He charged that the convention, movement was simply a caucus of the politicians and office-seekers to rekindle the fires of party strife when, our whole' people should be a unit, for the protection of life, liberty, property and all that was dear to us. This point he pushed with vigor and plausibility. Perhaps the most character istic part of this uiimincing address was his frank way of dealing- with the value of his executive experience to the State. He thus put this delicate matter:
"But it is insisted with much earnestness, that it has not been the usage for the same person to hold the office of Governor for three terms. This is certainly true, and it is equally true that it has not been the usage to have revolution, or to have a wicked war waged upon us, and the soil of our own State threatened to be drenched with the blood of her sons, shed by an invading army ; nor has it been the usage for Georgia to have in the field thirty thousand troops, called out by her executive, whose duty it is to know when, and with what preparation each company went to the field, what had been sup-
and her present means of affording the most speedy assistance to her suffering troops, as emergencies may require prompt action. Whether the public good requires that he who has conducted these affairs from the beginning, should retire in the midst of them,
of the State, and the location and necessities of our troops farmers, merchants and mechanics of our State are, I think, i the ballot-box, as a few politicians and political aspirants ar Milleclgeville."
Grov. Brown concluded by stating that he left the matter for the people to pass upon, not doubting- that they would act for their best

GOVERNOR BROWX HE-ELECTED A THIRD TIME.

211

interest. Like all of Gov. Brown's documents for the people, this plain, matter-of-fact business presentation of his cause was effective. It .elicited criticism, abuse, raillery, but its common-sense notions seized the public intelligence. Every sort of accusation was heaped upon tire Governor. He was charged with being arbitrary, unconstitutional, selfopinionated, greedy of power, assuming to be the State, innated and vain. But the nghting went on, and he continued his grim war energy, and the newspapers thundered at him, and the people bent their souls to the bloodshed, unheeding the journalistic cannonade at his indifferent head, and when the day came to vote, they put him back in the great chair of state, then a herculean responsibility, by a splendid popular majority of 13,G91 in a vote of 79,295. Gov. Brown received 46^493 votes, and Xisbet 32,802. The fight was whipped, and it was a remarkable personal victory, a tribute of popular esteem, of which any man might be proud, and crowning as it did, four years of exalted official trust, and overriding the precedent of a century, it was the grandest endorsement public opinion had ever given a public official in the annals of the good old Commonwealth.

CHAPTER XXIII.
GOV. BROWN'S STORMY TIME WITH THE LEGISLATURE OF 1801-2.
" A Xisbet Legislature that will give Brown the Devil."--Its Personelle.:--T. M. Nor wood.--Gov. Brown's Message.--Criticism of Confederate Legislation.--Gov. Brown's Third Inauguration in a Suit of Georgia-made Jeans.--Georgia War Mattors.--The Transfer of Georgia Coast Troops to the Confederacy.--Our Coast Threatened.--Gov. Brown Urges Defense.--E. C. Andersou Runs the Blockade with Arms.--Vetoes.--The Two Wars--the North against the South, and the Legisla ture against Brown.--Brown's Message, pending the Bill to Transfer Our Troops.-- Legislative Anger.--Warren Akin Denounces Gov, Brown.--Judge E. G. Cabauiss. --Col. Chastaiu's Regiment Refused to be Transferred.--Savage Committee Report of Norwood.--Gov. Brown's Severe Reply.--The General Assembly hopelessly Divided.--Gov. Brown's Views finally Embodied.--Judges.--Toombs Elected C. S. Senator, and Scornfully Rejects it.--Confederate Congressmen.
" BROWX is elected, but we have a Nisbet Legislature that will give him the devil," was currently reported, to be the street gossip of the opposition. A lively session was betokened in this floating chaff, and the promise was fulfilled. The legislative deliberations of November and December, 1861, were unusually important, and in their picturesque animation suited well the war times. The body convened 011 "Wednes day thp Gth clay of November. Hon. John Billups was elected Presi dent of the Senate, and Hon. Warren Akin Speaker of the House. In the Senate were the following gentlemen: George A. Gordon of Savan nah; James L. Sewarcl; D. A. Vason of Georgia, afterwards Judge; T. M. Furlow of Americus; J. T. Shewmake; W. Gibson of Richmond; M. W. Lewis of Greerte; Wier Boycl of Lumpkin; A. J. Hansell of Cobb and Hiram P. Bell, afterward a member of Congress.
In the House among the leaders were, L. H. Briscoe; L. N. Whittle of Bibb; Thomas M. Norwood of Chatham, a United States Senator since the war; L. N. Trammell of Catoosa, afterward president of the Georgia Senate; George N. Lester of Cobb, elected subsequently to the Confederate Congress; Milton A. Candler of DeKalb, since the war a member of Congress; Robert Hester of Elbert; Z. B. Hargrove, a prom inent Republican leader since the war; A. E. Cochraiie; C. "W. DuBose of Sparta; "W. H. Feltoii of Macon; E. G. Cabiniss of Monroe; G. T. Barnes of Richmond; Peter E. Love of Thomas, ex-member of Con-

TEMPER OF THE TIME.

213

gress; B, H. Bigham of Troup and James S. Hook, afterward Judge of the superior court. Hon. Thomas M. Norwood was a small, unattractive looking- gentleman, of little grace of oratory, but a person of some uncommon intellectual characteristics. He had a capacity of cold, strong log'ic and elaborate argumentation, coupled with a rich vein of caustic satire. Not a prolific speaker, he yet was after preparation a very strong one, and made, as a United States Senator, two elaborate speeches, that won him a national reputation. Another small, homely person, who developed after the war into a good prominence, and won some very flattering* political victories, was M. A. Candler of Delvalb. A pale, low-browed, slender individual; he possessed a full, sonorous voice and an unusual energy of expression and delivery. He was a positive character, and earned justly his promotion.
The General Assembly met under circumstances of unparalleled inter est and overwhelming- import. We were in the very flood tide of war, straining* every power, and threatened with an invasion of our own soil. The enemy was thundering* at our portals, a large fleet beleaguering1 our coast. The emergency had to be met promptly and fully. It was unfortunate that there was a strong fragment of the body disposed to antagonize the Executive. If ever unity was desirable it was in that grave crisis. But somehow the drift to turbulence was irresistible. Men were affected by the temper of a revolutionary era. Difference of opinion rushed to extremes and speedily g*rew to acrimony. Discussions degenerated into disputes, and debates became altercations. There was, perhaps, 110 man in. the State who was more fitted by nature for the combative spirit of the times than Gov. Brown. A belligerent campaign suited him wonderfully. Opposition brought him cordially to the front always, and aggression nerved every fiber of his soul to an indomitable resistance. His career shows that he never gave up \vhile he could battle.
His message to the Legislature was a very lengthy and a strong state paper, breathing a spirit of stern manhood that represented faithfully the sentiment of the people. The philosophy of the war and the needs of the hour were masterfully argued. He criticised two acts of Confederate legislation that he deemed wrong, the one authorizing* the President to accept State troops without reference to the State authori ties, and the other, giving to the President the appointment of the field officers of the State volunteers. His recital of the war measures he had taken constituted a remarkable record of energy and responsibility. Georgia had on the first day of November, 1861, fifty regiments in ser-

214

GOVERNOR BIJOWX'S THIRD INAUGURATION".

vice, of which she had armed and equipped thirty. It was an astonish ing- work. He urged an appropriation of throe and a half millions for the military needs of 18G2, the passage of a stay law, the legalizing further bank suspension and other vigorous war measures. He con cluded his message with this ringing paragraph:

"I would cheerfully expend in the cause the last dollar I could raise, and would fer

vently pray, like Samsoii of old, that God would give me strength to lay hold i

ilia

the

id i Ulcl ,ble

while bendii

i it;

die

rious death beneath the crumbling ruins of that tei

has so long attracted the world by the splendor of its magnificence."

The message elicited very high encomiums, and was especially com plimented for its discussion, of the means of perpetuating- our institu tions and preserving- our commercial independence. The message, like the iiiaug-ural which followed his installation as Governor for his third term, urged unity and harmony among- the members, and co-operation cordially in the trying- ordeal through which they were then passing-. Gov, Brown was re-inaugurated on the 8th of November, at 12 o'clock, dressed in a suit of Georgia-made jeans, and the accounts represent him as " deeply impressive and solemnly eloquent." It was certainly a striking- situation that he held. His force of character and supreme leadership in a great public crisis had made the people demand the con tinuance of his administration in the face of long-honored custom. The Atlanta Intelligencer had stated by his authority that it was his per sonal desire to retire from the office. He had been re-elect eel over the most potential representative of the popular secession element in the State, by a splendid majority without making- a speech. And he stood the chosen leader of a great commonwealth under all these impressive cir cumstances confronting the migiity revolution. His inaugural revealed Iris consciousness alike of the tribute and the burden. Nor was his attitude less dramatic because an organized and implacable minority stood facing him, eager and resolute to batter him down and crush him before the people. He was aware to the fullest extent of the deter mined hostility threatening him.
The report of the Comptroller General gave the details of the year's work. One million of dollars had been spent for military purposes. The banks had loaned the state 8842,500. The following regiments had been organized:

1st Regiment, Colonel C. J. "Williams, Regular.

2d



" H. W. Mercer,

1st

"

" J. R. Ramsay, Volunteer.

GEOKG1A. CONFEDERATE REGIMEXTS.

2d Regiment, Colonel Paul J. Semmes, Volunteer.

3d

A. R. Wright,

4th

Geo. Doles,

5th

Jno. I\.. Jackson,

6th "

A. H. Colquitt,

7th

L. J. GartreU,

8th

"VV. M. Gardner,

9th

"

E. R. Goulding,

10th

L. McLaws,

llth

G. T. Anderson,

12th

Ed. Johnson,

13th

TV. Ector,

14th

A. V. Brumby,

15th

T. TV. Thomas,

16th

H. Cobb,

17th a

H. L. Benning-,

18th

W. T. Wofford,

19th

TV. TV Boycl,

20th

TV. D. Smith,

21st

J. T. Mercer,

22d

Robert Jones,

23d

T. Hutcheson,

24th

R. McMillan,

25th

C. C. Wilson,

Georgia Legion,

T. R. R. Cobb, --

Phillips Legion,.

Wm. Phillips,

1st Battalion, Lt, Col. J. B. Villepigue, "

2d "

Major T. Hardeman,

"

3d

" Stoval,

Independent Georgia Dragoons, Captain I. TV. Avery.

In camp in Georgia were also the following:

Regiment,

Colonel T. J. TVarthen, Volunteer.

"

" Levi B. Smith,

"

" David J. Bailey, "

" A. Littlefield,



5 Companies,

"

TVm. H. Stiles, "

7"

" E. L. Thomas,



8

"

Aug. R. TVright, "

7"

" A. R. Lamar,

"

1 Regiment,

"

C. TV. Styles,

"

MILITARY CHAXGES.

.

.

Thomas Butler King had been sent as Commissioner to Europe to

arrange a line of steamers for direct trade, under the act of the last

legislature incorporating- the " Belgian American Company," and

giving the states guarantee for 8100,000 for five years.

While the legislature was in session a large Federal naval expedition.

captured Port Royal on the South Carolina coast, and threatened tho

Georgia sea-board. The attacking force had forty-one vessels. Com

modore Tattnall had four small gun vessels, the Savannah, Lt. J. N.

Maffitt; Resolute, Lt. J. P. Jones; Sampson, Lt. J. Kennarcl; and

Lady Davis, Lt. J. Rutledge. The legislature called upon Gov. Brown

for information as to the protection of the Georgia coast, to which

Gov. Brown replied, showing the condition of our defences, and asking

means to protect the state. He immediately called for additional troops.

On the 19th of ISTovember he sent a message to the Senate, giving a,

detailed account of the past operations on the coast and his correspond

ence with the Secretary of War about the matter. On the 2Gth he ad

dressed a message to the House, as the result of a conference with the

House committee, in which he called attention, to the fact that the mili

roriation wa exhsted h

COXFI>ICT IJETWEKX GOV. BTIOAVIN" AXB THE

217

The foe was perfecting- plans to capture Fort Pulaski, and thus control the coast. The clang-er was imminent. The delay of the legislature in voting' means to effectually defend the sea front was the occasion of Gov. Brown's importunities and appeals, and of much popular censure and complaint. The legislature was halting, properly feeling- that the Confederate authorities, that had the benefit of so large a contribution of Georgia soldiers and arms in other states, owed it to the state to give her protection, Gov. Brown participated in this feeling-, but the aid was not forthcoming and the enemy was at the threshold, his " nag wav ing1 over part of our soil and insulting- the state's sovereignty while it threatens the existence of her institutions, the liberties of her sons and the safety and purity of her daughters."
Again, on the 5th of December, 1861, Gov. Brown sent in a message to the General Assembly. He had been clown in person to Savannah, conferring- with Gen. Robert E. Lee, who was in command of the South ern coast, A timely arrival of 13,341 Enfield rifles, 4 cannons, 409,000 cartridges, 7 tons of shell and 500 sabres had been made, brought in bv Col; Edward C. Anderson, through the Blockade from Europe where that gallant officer and gentleman had been sent by Gov. Brown, the importation alike testifying to Gov. Brown's providence and Col. Anderson's faithful vigilance and intrepidity. A proposition was before the General Assembly to transfer the Georgia troops called out by the Governor for service on the coast to the Confederacy, and if they were not received to disband them and get rid of the expense. There had been a growing breach between the Governor and the legislature, arid it was charg-ed by Gov. Brown's friends that this proposed legislation, involving delay in voting means and taking the short term state troops from Gov. Brown's control was a stroke at him. He had astoiinded, and displeased the legislature by vetoing a bill reducing the pay of the Judges and Governor fully a third; and a bill fixing the pay of the members at five dollars a clay. These vetoes had stirred a bitter feeling in the General Assembly, and were regarded as Executive declarations of war. The reduction of the Governor's salary would not affect him personally, as it did not go into operation during his term. His veto of the pay of members'was applying their views of economy to themselves. There is little doubt that a very bad feeling had arisen between the Ex ecutive, and a controlling- majority of the General Assembly, and the battle between them became a stubborn and bitter one.
Some correspondent in the Atlanta Intelligencer aptly satirized the matter and avowed that the country was witnessing two well-established

218

GOVEEXOE KROWX'S BOLD MESSAGE.

wars,--that of the North against the South, and the other of the legisture against Joe IBrown. There was no mistake about it either. The legislature took the Avar-path and made a lively fusilacle against the unquailing and responsive Governor. Right in the midst of the discussion upon the transfer of our short-term state troops to the Confederacy, Governor Grown plumped a stiff, daring- message into the body arguing against the proposed policy. The message fell upon the body like an exploding- bomb-shell. The storm it created was something extraordi nary. It precipitated the long-brooding battle. Recounting the emer gency that led him to call out these state troops when the Confederacy had not placed adequate defenses upon the Georgia coast, and showing that he had foreseen and provided for the very emergency that had come, he proceeded to discuss what he termed the " fatal policy " that with the enemy on our soil in force and our safety imperilled would pause to count cost, and look to the contingency of clisbanclment of de fense, and the abandonment of the state to the invader.
The Governor's message on this exciting subject at that heated time was a model of force and unanswerable logic, and the wonder is that any such proposition as he was combating was entertained. He showed that the destruction of property if the enemy took possession, would be ten times any cost of defense. He argued the right of the legislature to transfer the troops to the Confederacy without their con sent, claiming such forced transfer as a violation of faith. "While the President of the Confederacy could, not accept them under the Confed erate law, as they \vere organized under the different state law, with their brigade and company organizations in conflict with the Confeder ate law. He thus boldly ended this intrepid and aggressive message:
" If this fatal policy should be determined upon by the General Assembly, I will be responsible for none of the consequences growing out of it; and in the name of the peo ple of Georgia, I now in advance enter my solemn protest against it. If the State troops are disbanded, or the appropriations to maintain them are made upon the condition that they be transferred or disbanded, which is equivalent to an order to disband them, it will become my duty, as the Executive of the State to proclaim to her people, that while the enemy is thundering at her gates, her representatives have left me powerless for her defense, by withholding the necessary means, and even taking from me those already

" If I have used strong language, I mean no disrespect. When all that is dear to a peo ple is at stake, the occasion requires the utmost frankness and candor."
It is doubtful if in any of Gov. Brown's series of high-spirited con flicts with the legislative assemblies of Georgia, there was any one which exhibited more strongly the man's absolutely unconquerable

COLOXEt, WAUEEX AKIX'S ATTACK OX GOVEKXOK BRO\V]Sr.

219

intrepidity and. independence than this the stormiest of them all, and the culminating' one. In none did he display so conspicuously that unhesi tating self-reliance and fearless contempt of any amount of opposition that belonged to him. He never quailed for a moment or yielded an inch of his position. Even amid the clash of arms, this conflict stirred the state. An intense interest was felt all over the commonwealth, and the people endorsed the game Governor.
When the message was delivered to the House, the Secretary who transmitted it to that body, Mr. Buleau Campbell, stated that it was on the subject of " State defence." Offence was immediately taken at this, the Speaker, Col. Akin and others declaring- that the message was an unwarrantable interference on the part of the Governor with the legislation then progressing-. Mr. Whittle moved to take up the mes sage, but the motion was lost. The message was read the next clay, and Mr. Cabaniss moved to suspend the rules to introduce some resolu tions denouncing- the action of the Governor in sending- into the House of Representatives an arg-ument ag'ainst the passage of the bill then under consideration for the public defense. The motion to suspend was lost. The bill was passed. The discussion was fiery and acrimoni ous. The bill was reconsidered the next day, and Mr. Cabaniss again attempted to get his resolution of censure in. The Speaker, Mr. Akin, yielded the chair to Judge Cochran and came upon the floor, and attacked the Governor's messag'e unsparingly. His remarks were thus reported in the Milleclgeville U'liion:

" Col. Akin remarked that the Governor had offered the grossest indignity to this House hi the message thrust as an arg-ument before us 011 yesterday. He proceeded to review the message. The Governor argued that the troops would not submit to the pro visions of the bill displacing their officers. He bid the commaiider-iu-chief and all his

these halls, if they are not willing to acquiesce in the legislative action. He would bare his bosom to their bayonets and be the last to jump from these windows on their approach."
As may be conceived, a controversy between the two great co-ordi nate branches of the State government, the Legislature and the Execu tive, as important and hostile as this, and conducted with such heat of temper and vigor of language, stirred a profound excitement all over the State. Gov. Brown's friends of the press roundly declared that the House of Representatives had "disappointed the people in all it*1 has done, and in what it has. not clone, a^nd from the Speaker clown, with some honorable exceptions, demonstrated an incapacity or a want of inclination to maintain the chivalry and honor of Georgia." The offi.-

220

GOVERXOR BROAVXS MESSAGE REFERRED.

cers of Col. Chastaiii's regiment of State volunteers, passed resolutions and sent them to the Governor to be transmitted to the Legislature, declaring that they were not the property of the General Assembly to be sold and transferred from one owner to another, and avowing that while pledging- themselves to the Southern cause, they would riot be transferred without their consent., And even the papers most inimical to Gov. Brown, like the Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, while quali fying* their commentary so as not to be misunderstood as being his gen eral champion, approved his position against the transfer of these State troops.
The message of .the Governor was referred to a special committee, consisting of Norwood, Love, Cabaniss, Schley and Lester, and -with held from the records until the committee could report. The committee on the 13th of December, 1SC1, made a savage report. It took ground that the message was an unwarrantable interference in the business of the House and in open, direct and palpable violation of the Constitution. It charged that the Governor had prostituted his high office in holding over the heads of the Legislature the threat of a disobedient soldiery, to deter them from the passage of a bill which he disapproved. It' declared that the Governor had misrepresented their bill in saying that it contemplated leaving the State to the invasion of the enemy. It concluded with a series of resolutions, enumerating these charges against the Governor and ordering the message, with the report, to be entered upon the journals of the House. N"o official notice of this action was given, the Governor. The Senate not participating- in the action, the report was not the act of the General Assembly.
The report elicited a warm debate. Messrs. "Whittle,' IJuBose, Hook and Cochrari maintained that the Governor had the right to communi cate as he had clone. Mr. DuBose thought that the Governor intended no discourtesy, and deemed it unnecessary to spread the report on. the journals. Mr. Hood moved as a substitute for the report, to spread the message and bill as passed, on the journals. Judge Cabaniss thought the report just. Mr; Smith, of Brooks, moved to put messag-e, bill and report on. the journals. Judge Cochran made a strong speech against the report and resolutions. Col. Akin exclaimed that he had clone the Governor an injustice about the refusal of the troops to yield to legis lative action. He did not think the Governor meant to convey the idea that the troops would be guilty of insubordination. He had sought the Governor to personally make the correction. Mr. Hook and Judge Cochran commended Col. Akin's conduct.

GOV. BKOWN STRIKES BACK AT THE HOUSE.
deemed it due to the office he held to maintain its constitutional pre rogatives against the unwarrantable assumptions of the House. The Constitution made it the duty of the Governor to give the Legislature " information of the state of the republic, and. to recommend to their consideration such measures as he may deem expedient." He gave a synopsis of the bill reported by the finance committee, and showed, that he had not misrepresented the measxire before the House, and he added that if after his message was received the bill was relieved of its objectionable features, it was an evidence that the argument contained in the message was productive of a good effect. In reply to the charge of prostituting his office by transmitting the protest of the soldiers, he showed that the resolutions of Col. Chastaiii's regiment were sent to the House after it had acted, but he said, that he trusted he might claim the forbearance of all intelligent citizens for " having laid the remon strance of a regiment of brave State volunteers against an act of gross injustice to them before a body Whose action had shown that its will was to perpetrate the act."
The Governor referred to the fact that the message was addressed to the General Assembly, of which the Senate was a part and which had taken no offence. The Governor had so overwhelmingly the best of the arg-ument that he came out of this remarkable altercation with increased reputation, for courage and firmness. The Legislature divided hopelessly; the Senate and House split up and antagonized each other; committees of conference were appointed, and finally resolutions of compromise were agreed upon and passed, which embodied Gov. Brown's views. They provided for a transfer of the State troops only with their consent, and for retaining- them if not transferred. The sum of $5,000,000 was appropriated for a war fund for 18G2; also, 8200,000 for a Georgia Re lief and Hospital Association; 8100,000 for the support of the State troops; 8100,000 for the relief of sufferers by the great fire in Charles ton, South Carolina; 850,000 to aid in manufacture of salt. The banks were allowed further relief and privilege of suspension. Resolutions were passed pledging the state to fight until peace'was won; recom mending- the farmers to reduce the cotton crop arid plant provision crops; and to prevent monopolies and extortions.
Among the other matters done by this General Assembly were the confirmation of the appointments made by Gov. Brown, of Charles J. Jeiikiiis as Judge of the Supreme Court, and O. A. Lochraiie, Juclg-e

KOBEKT TOOMBS DECIjTXES TO BE C. S. SEXATOR.

Macon Circuit, G. D. Rice, Judge Blue Ridge Circuit, X. L. Hutchins,

Judge "Western Circuit, E. H. Worrill, Judge Chattahooehee Circuit

and W. W. Montgomery, Attorney General. The election for two

Confederate State Senators resulted in Hon. Benjamin Hill being-

elected on the first ballot over Toombs, Johnson, Wm. Law, James

Jackson and Alfred Iverson. The contest over the other senatorship

was animated, and protracted. The first ballot stood, Iverson, 85, Jack

son, 35, Toombs, 49, Johnson, 22, James Bethune, 5, John P. King, 3,

G. E. Thomas and J. E. Brown, 1 each. On the third ballot the vote

stood, Iverson, 73, Jackson, 44, Toombs, 82. After the 5th ballot

Iverson was withdrawn, and Toombs receiving 129 votes and Jackson

67, Robert Toombs was declared elected. Gov. Brown notified Mr.

Toombs of his election, who declined the office, stating that he could

better serve his state and country in. the army than in the Senate. He

went on to say in deep displeasure at the struggle over the election, " I

deem it not inappropriate on. this occasion, to say that the manner in

which the legislature thought proper to confer this trust relieves me

from any obligation to sacrifice either my personal wishes or my con

victions of public duty in order to accept it." It was a characteristic

thing in Mr. Toombs, a spoiled pet of popular favor, accustomed to win

his political victories in a lordly way, and with the ease of Kingly right,

to angrily spurn a triumph obtained after a close fight and when he had

run through many ballots one of the minority candidates. It was

openly charged at the time that the whigs had clutched the legislature,

and it was a sort of confirmation of it that none but old whigs were

elected, with one or two exceptions. And it was said that Mr. Toombs

did. not g'o through until the issue narrowed to him and Democrats of

longer standing than himself.

The election for members of the Confederate Congress had resulted

in the success of the folio-wing gentlemen:

1st District, Julian Hartridge.

"

C. J. Mumierlvri.

Hines Holt.

"

A. H. Kenan.

David W. Lewis.

W. W. Clark.

R. P. Trippe.

L. J. Gartrell.

Hardy Stricklarid.

"

Augustus R. "Wright.

KESIGXATIOX OF JUDGE XISRET.

223

The dissolving- of party lines had resulted in bringing- in nearly every opposition leader. Judge ISTisbet resigned, from the Provisional Con federate Congress on. account of ill-health. The ticket of electors put out by the convention that nominated. Judge ISTisbet, had 110 oppo sition and was elected, and cast the vote of the state for Davis and Stephens.

CHAPTER XXIV.*
THE ORGANIZATION OF STATE TROOPS UNDER MAJOR GENERAL HENRY R, JACKSON.
The Permanent Confederate State's Government.--Georgians in High Civil and Military Office.-- Gov. Brown's Famous Controversies with the Confederate Authorities and their Continuance of Georgia's Foremost Agency in the Revolution.--Georgia The Champion of Constitutionalism.--Old Leaders Swallowed Up--Brown Lifts the State Supremacy.--Year 18G2 begins Calamitously.--Address of Cobb, Toombs and Crawford.--Georgia's War Tax.--State Forces Organized.--Maj. Gen. Henry R. Jackson and His Patriotic Self-Sacrifice.--Tribute to Gen. Jackson by Gov. Brown.--Col. Chastain.--Funny Feminine Suggestion to Whip The Federals.-- Pcrnberton Succeeds Lee.--Fort Pulaski Capture.--Col. C. H. Olmstead.--A Gallant Act.--Effect of This Loss.--Reorganization of State Militia.--Gov. Brc\vii's Letter on Planting Cotton.--Gen- Toombs.
THE organization of the Confederate States Government under its permanent constitution was made on the 22nd. day of February, 1862. Mr. Stephens was Vice-Presideiit. Mr. Toombs had g-one into the army, giving up his place as Secretary of State. Mr. Philip Clayton of Georgia was Assistant Secretary of the Treasury. G. E. "W. Nelson of Georgia was Superintendent of Public Printing-. Gov. Brown appointed his old friend, Dr. John "W7". Lewis, Confederate State Senator in place of Gen. Toombs. Up to this time we had in the Confederate army from Georgia, Major Generals, David E. Twiggs, Win. J. Hardee. Brig-adier Generals, Henry R. Jackson, Win. H. T. Walker, A. R. Lawton, Robert Toombs, W. H. C. Whiting, L. McLaws, H. W. Mercer, W. M. Gardner, John K. Jackson, Howell Cobb, J. B. Villepigue, T. R. R. Cobb, Ambrose R. Wright, Henry L. Bemiiiig, J. R, Ramsay, Paul Semmes, and Alfred H. Colquitt.
Some of Georgia's strongest men. in statesmanship had gone into the army. Mr. Stephens soon became powerless with the Confederate administration on account of his decided difference of view with Mr. Davis ripon vital measures. Neither of them were men to yield, and thus they soon drifted hopelessly apart. It therefore happened that Georgia, from having been a controlling- power in the revolution, became almost a nullity at this time so far as concerned the guidance of its policy. But the time was soon coming' when the state was to

GEORGIA'S STAND FOE CONSTITUTIONALISM.

225

resume her agency in matters, but it was to be on a different line entirely, and yet a consistent one. Georgia had led in breaking the Union to preserve the principles of constitutional government. She was destined to figure as an uncompromising opponent of Confederate encroachment upon the spirit and the law of the Constitution. And / the man who was fated to bear the colors in this struggle was the Governor of Georgia, Joseph E. Brown.
There has been much stricture upon his course, to the effect that the resistance to unconstitutional legislation should have been pretermittecl in the hour of war. The time has come to discuss this question fairly and dispassionately. Was Governor Brown right or wrong in princi ple ? It is admitted that he contended for a right thing-, but it is claimed that it was clone at an inexpedient time. No time is inex pedient to maintain the right. Right is always expedient. Where was the greater danger, from unconstitutional legislation, in a Federal or a Confederate government ? If it was right to destroy the Union to preserve the Constitution, it was no less right to deny the sanction, of endorsement to the extra-constitutional acts of the Confederacy. It is / also true that the final result was riot endangered by these conflicts of constitutional argument that placed Georgia in a noble attitude as the champion of that constitutional law and liberty for which we were fight ing. If we were right and sincere in our going to war to secure our ideas of government, we then did right in maintaining them in the Southern republic. The reasoning- is irresistible. Georgia in standing up for a strict observance of constitutional limitations did her duty, and she deserves the more credit that she did it amid all the temptation to ignore it that arose from the dangers of war and the anarchy of revolu tion. The consistency of the South was preserved by this splendid role that Georgia, under -the leadership of Gov. Brown, pursued. It was a dutiful vindication of the conduct of the South in going into the war, and. must so be regarded in the calm light of historic truth. There is no escaping- the verdict. If we were right to fight for constitutionalism, we were right to oppose its sacrifice even in the stern exigencies of war.
The war absorbed our old leaders, swallowed them up, as it were, in ' the leveling atmosphere of the bayonet. Toombs and the Cobbs and other great spirits of statesmanship sank into excellent brigadiers among a host of others. Men like Stonewall Jackson, who in the calm of peace would have gone through life obscure and undistinguished; or like Forrest, who would, have achieved an undesirable notoriety as successful negro trader1s5, flamed into fame le"gitimately clue to militarv" genius and

226

THE CONFEDERATE SITUATION GLOOMY.

surpassing- achievement. Georgia had a host of brilliant soldiers and dazzling officers. She had her Hardees, Gordons, "Wheelers, Tattnalls and a "host of others of lower rank equally heroic and faithful. But so had other states, and we had no superiority. The whole South was brave and true. It was in this monotony of heroism that Gov. Brown raised the State to her wonted supremacy of influence bv his bold, able and unanswerable maintenance of our constitutional consistency. And at this long day from that era, reading his masterly and exhaustive papers, written amid all the distractions of those tumultuous times, under all the tremendous inducements to passive subservience, they stand as unequaled demonstrations of intrepid personal conviction and exalted acts of august official duty. This is strong language, but it is due. There may have been an infusion of considerations not relevant, and an occasional betrayal of a stern temper into the indiscretion of severity, but admitting these minor defects, Gov. Brown's defenses of constitutional principle in his great and memorable controversies with the Confederate authorities, must be his most striking* record of cour ageous arid masterful statesmanship, and will constitute Georgia's most enduring claim to historic glory in connection with her sacrifices and contributions to the cause of Southern independence, State sovereignty and Constitutional government.
The year 1862 began calamitously for the South. Our expectation of a speedy end had been disappointed. The Federals had a force of 800,000 men in the field, and the South had 300,000. Kentucky and Tennessee had fallen into the Federal hands. Lodgment had been made on the coast of North Carolina by Burnside's expedition. Southern embassies to Europe had failed to secure intervention and even recog nition. Just before the provisional government of the Confederacy ended, Howell Cobb, R. Toombs, M. J. Crawford and Thos. R, R. Cobb issued an address to the people of Georgia placing the situation clearly before them. What they called " unpalatable facts" were candidly given. The purport of the address was, that we were in a frightful conflict with a determined enemy, whose numbers and resources we could not equal, and we could only succeed by a united and unconquer able resistance that would put the torch to every home before yielding it to the foe. The address discarded hope of foreign interference as remote, and expressed confidence in the final result.
A requisition was made upon Georgia for twelve additional regiments. .'" The Confederate \yar_tax on Georgia amounted to $2,494,112.41, and was promptly raised by the issue and sale of State bonds, Gov. Brown

CrEXERAI, HEXEY R. JACKSOX.

257

having1 the amount in hand before it was due. Ten per cent, was saved bv relieving1 the Confederate authorities of the direct collection from the people, and in addition to this the Comptroller General, Col. Thweatt, discovered an error in the Confederate assessment of $00,016.16, which his vigilance saved to the State. The banks patriotically advanced two millions of the amount to the Governor as early as February, the tax being due April 1st.
The operations on the Georgia coast in the early part of 1862 were very active. Gov. 33ro\vn selected Gen. Henry R. Jackson for the com mand of the State forces on the coast, and nominated him as MajorGeneral, in chief command of all the State troops, which nomination was unanimoLisly ratified by the Senate of Georgia.
This gallant officer had served brilliantly in the Mexican war as Colonel of a regiment. His service in "West Virginia during 1861 had been conspicuous and valuable. The operations in that locality were ended. Gen. Jackson therefore hailed joyfully the prospect of a change to Georgia, his own State, whose coast was the object of Federal attack. The selection of Gen. Jackson for this duty was a deserved recognition of his merit, and a compliment of which he could well be proud. Gov. Brown immediately sought to have him ordered on this congenial and honorable mission, he welcoming gladly a transfer from inactivity to a field of peril and usefulness--that field his own beloved State, and he urged the change. It was one of those strange acts of the Confederate administration that it so frequently did, to disregard this call for this -worthy officer. The campaign in Virginia had ended; by far the larger portion of Gen. Jackson's command had been withdrawn from him and sent elsewhere; he had been ordered into winter-quarters wit7iin hand ling distance of the remnant. All eyes were directed to the Southern, sea-board as the scene of operations for the winter. Gen. Lee, who was in command on the Southern coast, as he told Gov. Brown, preferred Gen. Jackson to command the Georgia troops, arid had been " negotiat ing " with the war department for him at the time. Eager to accept the flattering call of his own State from an inactive to active duty, Gen. Jackson applied for leave of absence to take the more perilous servicein Georgia, but was sternly and inexplicably refused. "With that chivalric patriotism, that belonged to the man, Gen. Jackson resigned the coveted commission which he held in the Confederate army, feeling- that he could not ignore the demands of his own people menaced with danger, to stand peaceful watch in the then quiet mountains of "West Virginia. Gen. Jackson as Major-General of the State troops had under him

228

TRIBUTE TO

Brigadier Generals Georg'e P. Harrison, F. ~W. Capers, and also, William H. T. Walker, who had resigned from the Confederate service. Gen. Jackson cooperated with Brig-. Gen. A. 11. Lawton, who had command of the Confederate forces and the territory comprehended in the Depart ment of Georgia. J3rig. Gen. II. "W. Mercer of the Confederate army commanded Savannah. Gen. Robert E. Lee was in command of" the extreme Southern coast, including- Georgia and South Carolina.
Gen. Jackson received orders direct from Gov. Brown. His Adjutant General was Lt. Col. Charlton li. Way. During the brief campaign of a little over three months in which the state troops were in service, there was a vast deal accomplished. Gen. Jackson was very zealous, and between himself and Gen. A. R. Lawton, commanding the Confed erate troops, there existed, an admirable accord. The official corres pondence of Gen. Jackson's division shows many interesting', as well as some lively episodes. Gov. Brown gave a close supervision to every detail of the service. The Governor entertained a cordial reg-arcl and admiration for this capable and distinguished officer. In his message to the General Assembly in the following November, in referring to the state troops Gov. Brown used this languag-e about Gen. Jackson:
" It is but justice to Major General Jackson, that t be remarked that he had, with untiring energy and consummate ability, pressed : >rward the preparation of the defenses and the training of the army, and that the gratitude to him for the safety of the city of Savanna . and its present freedom from the tyrannical rule of the enemy. There is not proba ily an intelligent, impartial man
i the should not have been properly appreciated by the Confederate "authorities, and that "he should not, after the Georgia army was transferred, have been invited by the President to a command equal to his well-known ability and merit. This was requested by the Executive of this state, which request was presented to the President by her entire del egation in Congress."
Col. E. W. Chastain, who commanded the 8th reg'iment of Gen. Walker's Brig-ade, was arrested by Gen. Walker for using severe lan guage to Major O. C. Myers, the Assistant Adjutant General of the Brigade. The Governor knew the value of the volunteers and their spirit too well to disgrace officers on account of a hasty ebullition of profanity, arid insisted that Col. Chastain should not be punished beyond arrest. Capt. Henry Cleveland, in charge of the Savannah arsenal, had been the editor of the Augusta Constitutionalist, and was a writer of genius. In his position in the Ordnance Department he appears not to have had very harmonious relations with Major Lachlan Mclntosh,

FIGl-ITIXG- THE FEDERALS WITH TURPEXTI^E.

the Chief of Ordnance for the state. "Writing" in Janxiary to Gen. Jackson,, Major Mclntosh thus discoursed:

" It is hut right for mo to say that I fully appreciate Captain Cleveland's eccentricity, and deeply regret that there is not some other field open to that gentleman wherein to exercise his wondrous administrative abilities."

A lady signing herself " P. M. Li.," made the following" unique sug gestion for the defense of tho city of Savannah, stating- that she had been trying to think up a plan to " expel the Yankees " from the coast and had hit upon this plan.

" To put on board of boats about 500 or 1,000 barrels of turpentine (first having made

a calculation of _ the speed of the water of the Savannah river, so as to allow the proper

time to elapse), and go to within a mile of the fleet (during the night) and at different

ha the

alo

the

allc ed the

proper time to elapse from the turning out

e turpentine, for it to reach the fleet, as

it will not mix with the water. Then set

and it will do them much damage, if not e

rout them. Now if you will head the

expedition to see that all is done at the pro

ime, and in order and no failure, I think

somebody will be hurt. It at least will be

trying. I only give the initials of my

name below, as I do not wish you for a m

t to think that I, a lone female, should

dictate to one of your experience and judg

what should be done."

This feminine invention is solemnly filed among the patriotic archives of that exciting* period. Gen. Lee was transferred to another depart ment, and Maj. Gen. Pemberton assigned to the command of this de partment. The enemy inaugurated the series of movements that resulted in the loss to the Southern cause, and to Georgia, of Fort Pulaski. Tybee and Warsaw Islands were covered with Federal troops. The inlets of our coast swarmed, with Federal vessels. Ski da way and Green Islands were abandoned by Gen. Pemberton. The line of defense was confined, to the main land. I3y the 22 d of February, the Federals succeeded in a complete isolation of Fort Pulaski, by removing- the ob structions in "Walls Cut and thus entering the Savannah river in the rear of the Fort. Commodore Tattnall succeeded in effecting- a passage- to the Fort in the very teeth of the Federal gunboats, and supplied the g-arrisoii with six months' provisions. Eleven batteries were thrown up on Tybee Island.
The garrison of Fort Pulaski consisted of 365 men and 24 officers, under command of Col. Charles II. Olmstead, a g-allant and capable of ficer. He was a graduate of the State Military University at Marietta, and combined in a striking- degree the graces and culture of the true gentleman with the intrepidity and skill of the soldier. Gen. David Hunter commanding the Federal forces, demanded the surrender of the

230

THE SPIRIT OF GEORGIANS TRUE.

Fort on the morning of the 10th of April, TSGl^'and Col. Olmstead re plied briefly that he was there " to defend the fort, not to surrender it." The bombardment began and continued for two days. The main fire of the foe was directed on the south-east angle of the fort. The guns in it were all dismounted, arid a larg-e breach made throug-h which the shot and shell went directly to the magazine. Retreat was impossible, and further defense impracticable. The Fort was surrendered at half past two o'clock, the llth day of April, 1862, honorable terms having been granted the garrison. Col. C. C. Jones in his well-written sketch of the Chatham Artillery, relates an incident of personal daring that oc curred during this sieg-e that deserves preservation. In the second day's bombardment, in a storm of shot and shell the flag was shot down. Lt. Christopher Hussey, of the Montgomery Guards (Capt. Guilmartin), and private John. Latham, of the "Washington Volunteers (Capt. McMahon), leaped upon the parapet, upon which the fatal hail of battle was raining- an unbroken torrent, clisentang-lecl the fallen symbol of defiance, coolly carried it to the north-eastern angle of the fort and floated it gayly to the ball and breeze on a temporary staff, erected for the occasion on a g'un carriage. It was an intrepid act of personal heroism.
The loss of Fort Pulaski stimulated the preparation for the defense of the land. The term of enlistment of the troops was expiring- in many cases. The hot fever of the early days of the war had very much quieted down. The effervescence had dissolved. Men were not so eager to fig-ht. A year of actual service had dissipated the poetry of soldiering. Men had come to a recognition of the cold realities of a desperate con flict. There was a decided toning down, of that buoyant eagerness for enlistment that so marked the inception of the struggle, but it was still true that the men of Georgia came forward willingly to the serious work in store for us and not to be avoided. The loss of Fort Pulaski stirred every patriotic heart in Georgia. It nerved every man and woman to resistance, and to cordially persevering in the duty of the hour.
Gov. Brown issued a Proclamation for a complete organization of the militia with a view to a draft if there \vere not voluntary enlistments. The State troops had almost unanimously voted against a transfer to the Confederate war authorities. In recognition of the g-rave crisis the 7th day of March was appointed as a day of Fasting, Humiliation and Prayer. The use of corn in the distillation of spirits was prohibited by proclamation to prevent the consumption in that way of g-rain needed for food. A reward of $5,000 was offered for the discovery of any salt

THE BAD POLICY OF PLANTING COTTON.

231

spring-s or wells that would afford 300 bushels of salt a day, the Gov ernor taking the responsibility of proclaiming- such reward, \vithout authority. Gov. Brown, paid a visit to the coast early in April, azid reviewed and addressed the State troops. In this speech he compli mented their defense of the sea-board, and urg-ed them to re-enlist, mak ing- an earnest appeal to their patriotism.
A vital subject at that time was the policy of the farmers of plantingprovision crops instead of cotton. Judge Linton Stephens in behalf of a number of citizens addressed a note to Gov. Brown asking- his views on this matter. The reply was an able discussion, of the subject. He said that we had more to fear from the production of cotton than any other disadvantage. The ordinary sources of provision supply \vere very much diminished. W^e would have to 'rely upon ourselves for food. The reply ended with an appeal to the farmers to do their duty in this crisis. Hon. Alex. H. Stephens came to Georgia and made a strong speech, urging the people to continued energy and sacrifices in the prosecution of the war, and in this speech he pressed the paramount necessity of raising ample food crop. Gen. Toombs incurred much odium by his course on this matter, he boldly insisting upon raisingupon his own plantation nearly full crops of cotton. And the following dispatch from Gen. Toombs brought him considerable animadversion.
"RICHMOND, June 11, 1862. " To Messrs. Geo. Hill, A. F. Newsom and Wm. Carter, Committee.
" GENTLEMEN :--Your telegram has been received. I refuse a single hand. My prop erty, as long as I live, shall never be subject to the orders of those cowardly miscreants, the Committees of Public Safety of Randolph County, Ga., and Eufaula. You may rob me in my absence, but you canuot intimidate me.
"ROBERT TOOMBS."
County meetings were held in which the farmers pledged themselves to drop cotton and raise provisions.

CPIAPTER XXV.
BROWN AND DA VIS IN THEIR GREAT TUSSLE OVER CONSCRIPTION.
The Conscription Act.--Not Needed in Georgia.--Col. A. H. Kenan and Gov. Brown.-- A Cabinet Place in Brown's Grasp.--The Correspondence between Gov. Brown and President Davis.--A Model of Statesmanlike Controversy--The Discussion.--A Mile-stone of the Revolution.--Mr. David' Treatment of" the Controversy in his " Rise and Fall of the Confederacy."--A One Sided Presentation.-- Both Sides Fairly Given in this Volume.--Gov. Brown Obeys the Act.--The State Troops Turned Over --The Officers Refused.--Geii. II. K. Jackson's Farewell Order.--Gov. Brown's Order.--This State Force Episode Komautic.--The Folly of the Confed-
TIIE Conscription Act passed, the Confederate Congress in April, 1802. Its passage was the result of the military stress. Mr. Da vis recommended the measure in a special message, arid the Confederate Congress promptly passed it, under decided and considerable opposition. It was not needed in Georg-ia. For every requisition there was more than ample volunteering. Under the last call for twelve regiments, Gov. Brown furnished eighteen. And he expressed the belief that he could have raised fifty regiments if Mr. Davis had called for so many. The spirit was still rife for volunteering, and it continued to be a difficult matter to reconcile captains- of companies who were left out of regi ments. From the time the Conscript Act was enforced in Georgia, there was a greater reluctance to go to the field than had ever before been shown. Even after that, however, there was no difficulty in furnish ing troops promptly, and in larger numbers than called for, if they had the right to form their regiments at home, and elect their own officers. It was the practice at the North at the same time that Mr. Uncohi made requisition upon the Governors of States for troops, to furnish them organized into regiments. And there was no difficulty in Georgia about getting- plenty of troops when they were allowed the privilege of organizing and electing their own regimental officers. That practice would have given regiments in our State as long as there were men out

GOV. BKOWI$~ TEXDEKED A CABINET PLACE.

233

of which to make them. This rig-ht of organization they considered

the Constitution clearly g-uaraiiteecl to them, and they set great store

by it.

It must ever remain a mooted point, whether the Conscript Law was

a benefit or an injury to the Southern cause. It was claimed a neces-

sity, and therefore enacted and enforced for this reason. Its opponents

bitterly disputed its necessity., while as urgently arguing its uncori-

stitutionality. It may well be doubted when people have been dragged

by law to the forced support of a cause, and when they will not vol

untarily rally to such cause, whether success can be achieved. Be

this as it may, conscription was never necesssary in Georgia. The most

determined opposition to the Conscript Law came from this State. And

the controversies that ensued between. Gov. Brown and Mr. Davis and

his Secretary of War were matters of intense and universal Southern

interest, and the antagonism resultii became

bitter as it was

historic.

There is a curious arid interesting- incident connected with this act

of conscription. The Act awakened a general and lively interest and

provoked a warm public discussion. The people were prepared for it

before it came. Every effort was made to harmonize popular sentiment

upon it that it might go off well. Among the special friends of Mr.

Davis was Col. Augustus II. Kenan, one of our Georgia Confederate

congressmen, representing- the district in which Milledg-eville lies. He

was well known, over the State, of imperious force of character, a larg-e,

handsome, imposing- person, rather haughty and aristocratic, but possess

ing ability and honor. He was known, to be a friend of Gov. Brown,

and was probably for this reason selected for the mission of which we

are speaking. It was known that Gov. Brown was not favorable to the

Conscript Act. Col. Kenan came to Georgia, and seeking- an inter

view with Gov. Brown, he tried in a long and earnest talk to recon

cile him to the support of conscription, or at least, to induce him to

mako no opposition. The conversation became very animated, and at

times stormy. Both \vere positive men, both combative, both unyield

ing, both of a dominating temper. Col. Kenan plied every argument

and persuasion to the placid but determined anti-conscriptionist, but in

vain. Gov. Brown would not yield to logic or entreaty. He was firm

and immovable. In the course of the interview, Col. Kenan intimated,

to Gov. Brown that a place in the Cabinet of Mr. Davis would, be at

his command if matters went harmoniously. But Gov. Brown would

not yield his place as Governor of the great State of Georgia for any
I

234

THE FIRST LETTER OF GOT. BROWN ON CONSCRIPTION.

Cabinet office. The mission was unsuccessful, and towards the close, the interview became very warm, both gentlemen getting- emphatic and somewhat plain spoken. And they parted in spirited disagreement, arid under considerable display of feeling against each other; but in their next meeting, having cooled, their temporary misunderstanding was laid aside and they resumed their wonted friendliness of intercourse, based upon a hearty respect and reciprocal regard.
The first important correspondence was between Gov. Brown and Mr. Davis, and was on the constitutionality of the Conscript Act, and was conducted with great ability and dignity on both sides. It was a model of statesmanlike controversy, lofty, courteous, argumentative and pow erful. Both showed themselves masters of the subject--each present ing his side with striking force. The first letter of Governor Brown was dated April 22, 1862, and notified Mr. Davis of his receiving a copy of the Conscription Act and of his turning over the state forces in compliance therewith to the Confederate command. He went on to state that Georgia had seceded from the Union because the Federal government had disregarded the rights of the states. He contended that the Conscription Act puts it in the power of the Confederate Executive to disorganize all state troops and destroy Georgia's state government by disbanding her law-making power. Under the Con script Act every officer of the state governments, the state employes, the mechanics, railroad operatives and state military officials, etc., can be forced into the Confederate service. It was unconstitutional for the Confederate Executive to have such power. He argued that the act was in conflict with the Constitution, which reserves to the states the right to appoint the officers of and train the militia. He declined to have anything to do \vith the enrollment of conscripts, leaving the execution of the conscript law to the Confederate authorities, reserv ing- any test of the constitutionality of the act for consideration when it may less seriously embarrass the Confederacy in the prosecution of the war. He desired to know what exemptions would be made. Mr. Davis replied briefly on the 28th of April, 1862, inclosing- copies of various acts exempting certain classes from military service. The wager of battle 'was thrown down in the following condensed utter ance: "The constitutionality of the act you refer to as the 'conscrip tion-bill,' is clearly not derivable from the power to call out the militia, but from that to raise armies."
Governor Brown's second letter, dated May 9, 1862, started out with the assurances that while as an individual or Executive he proposed to

give Mr. Davis all aid possible in. the war, he did not propose to commit the state to a policy subversive of her sovereignty and at war with the principles for which Greorg-ia entered the revolution. The Conscription Act could not aid in getting- more arms, but more men, and as more men could be enlisted than could be armed, the act was not necessary. As to the constitutional point he argued that all the grants of power given by the Constitution to Congress must be construed together and be subject to that paragraph which reserves to the states the right to appoint officers. The grant to raise armies refers to regular armies, and not those composed of the whole militia of all the states; and if under such grant all of the militia of the states could be used by Congress, with the power of appointment of 'officers, then the constitutional pro vision securing the states the reserved rights over militia was a nullity. The debate on the Federal Constitution shows how sacredly this right of the states was regarded and preserved. This letter wound up with this strong paragraph:

" Should you at any time need additional troops from Georgia to fill up her just quota

>n the

ixed and officered as the Const!

eet a prompt respo use from her

rith a jealous eye, e

.(1st

Cabinet, Attorney General and a majority of Congress believe the con scription constitutional. The power of Congress to raise armies tinder the Constitution was broad and unqualified. It could raise armies without limitation as to method or material, and to any extent neces sary. The necessity in this case was urgent, to prevent the disbandrnent of twelve-months' troops whose times were out. The militia of a state are only militia when called out and organized, and are not the citizens taken singly. The power of Congress to call out state militia is differ ent from the power to raise armies. The grant of exclusive power to raise armies is not restricted by a grant of divided power over militia. They are two distinct subjects. The armies and the militia are necessa rily raised out of the same material. The power to enlist must be co-extensive with the exigencies of the occasion, and the extent of the exigency must be determined by Congress. The existence of the Con federacy being* threatened by vast armies, the Congress had in its power called for, not militia, but men to compose armies. Mr. Davis

236

PRESIDENT DAVIS COMPLIMENTS OEOKGIA.

wound up his letter with these sentences, the first remarkable in the light of the final result:

"At some future day, after our independence shall have been established, it is no

improbable supposition that our present enemy may be tempted to abuse his naval power

by depredation on our commerce, and that we may be compelled to assert our rights by

offensive war. How is it to be carried 011? Of what is the army to be composed? If

this government cannot call on its arms-bearing population otherwise than as militia, and

if the militia can only be called forth to repel invasion, we should be utterly helpless to

vindicate our honor or protect our rights. War has been well styled ' the terrible liti-

L- be plaintiff ?

elv

ot have been the

,his litigai of the'fr;

> may

affo

amplest justification for your assertion that if the question had be

the

in the negative. Your noble, State has promptly ipoiided to

my duty to make on her ; and to you personally. i her Exe.

indebtedness for the prompt, cordial and effective cool:

the effort to defend our common country against the common, enemy."

Gov. Brown's third, letter was dated June 21, 1802. It expresses the conviction with great diffidence that Mr. Davis has failed to sustain the constitutionality of the Conscription Act. He calls attention to the omission of Mr. Davis to answer that part of his argument which established that the contemporaneous construction of the Federal Con stitution nor the earlier practice of the Federal Government sustained the constitutionality of conscription. This letter is a very lengthy and exhaustive one. He takes Mr. Davis to task for assuming such a strong Federalist position, as that Congress is the juclg-e of its own powers. He says that he had for years regarded Mr. Davis as one of the ablest and boldest defenders of the States' Rig-hts school. Gov. JBrown quotes liberally from the utterances of Madison and Calhoun and from the Virginia resolutions. He follows the exercise of the power claimed for Congress to its full extent, alleging it would make Congress supreme over the states, placing the very existence of the State governments subject to the will of Congress. It can compel the Governors of States, Judges of State courts, State militia officers to go into service as privates in the Confederate armies, and thus practically disband the State govern ments whenever Congress shall judg'G that it is necessary. The very exemption acts of Congress are assertions of the unconstitutional and dangerous power that Congress claimed and that Gov. Brown opposed.
Gov. Brown argued at very considerable length the sound policy of allowing the State troops to organize themselves and choose their own

THE CONSCRIPTION CORUKSPOXDEXCM COXCI.UDIQD.

officers. The right to select their own officers was one dearly cherished by the troops, arid they did better service when allowed the privilege. The volunteers clung- to the right tenaciously. The Conscription Act embraced so large a proportion of the militia officers in Georgia that it would absolutely disband the organized militia left at home, and leave the women arid children helpless against negro insurrection. Gov. Brown wound up with these very kind words:
" If I have used strong language in any part of this letter, I beg you to attribute it only to my zeal in the advocacy of principles and a cause which I consider no less than the cause of constitutional liberty, imperiled by the erroneous views and practice of

" In conclusion, I beg to assure you that I fully appreciate your expressions of personal kindness, and reciprocate them in my feelings toward you to the fullest extent. I knew the vast responsibilities resting upon you, and would never willingly add unnecessarily to their weight, or in any way embarrass you in the discharge of your important duties. While I cannot agree with you in opinion upon the grave question under discussion, I beg you to command me at all times when I can do you a personal service, or when I
al oblk to the great cause in which we are so vitally interested."

The third letter of Mr. Davis, dated July 10, 1SG2, disclaimed any

sentiment that " Congress is the final judge of the constitutionality of

a contested power." Ho adds that " the right of each state to judge in

the last resort whether its reserved powers had been usurped by the

general government is too familiar and well-settled a principle to admit

of discussion." Mr. Davis concludes thus:

"As I c

,h

, after the

respectful consideration of all that you

have said, anvthing to change mv conviction that Congress has exercised only a plainry-

concern about state rights which you so evidently feel, but which to me seem quite unfounded."
July 22, 18G2, Gov. Brown wrote his fourth letter, which concluded this memorable correspondence between the President of the Confed eracy and the Governor' of the leading Southern state upon the most important act of Confederate legislation. In this letter Gov. Brown struck Mr. Davis a center stroke and turned his own fire upon. him. He insisted that in all regiments organized in the State, and turned over as organized bodies to the Confederate government, they should be per mitted to elect their own officers to fill vacancies. He made this demand with the greater confidence because in the Mexican war, when President Polk tendered Mr. Davis (then, colonel of a gallant Mississippi regiment) a commission as brigadier general for heroic services, Mr. Davis declined the appointment on the ground, that the President had no right under

238

THE STATE TROOPS TURXEP OVER TO MR. DAVIS.

the Constitution to appoint a brigadier general to command the State volunteers then employe;! in the service of the United States Govern ment, but that the State alone could make such appointments. If such was the constitutional difficulty then, certainly, under the same pro visions, the Confederate Government could not appoint not only the brigadier generals but the field and company officers of State troops. The profound interest created by this controversy pervaded the whole Confederacy. The importance of the subject, the hig-h position of the gentlemen and the ability and dignity of the letters make the discussion one of the mile-stones of the revolution.
Mr. Davis in his " Rise and Fall of the Confederacy," recently pub lished, prints his own letter of the 29th of May, 1862, as his presentation of his own side of the question, except that he omits the paragraphs complimenting Gov. Brown and the State of Georgia. lie also fails to extend to Gov. Brown the justice of publishing his side of the question. The discussion was so important, able and exhaustive on both sides, that it is deemed a matter of sufficient historic interest and value to print in " Appendix B " of this work the letters in full of Mr. Davis of the 29th of May, 1862, and of Gov. Brown of June 21st, 1862, as embodying the full argument of each distinguished gentleman for and against the great subject of Conscription. The reader can for himself contrast the elaborate pleas.
But notwithstanding his effort to preserve the sanctity of constitu tional principle, Gov. Brown g-ave a practical and instantaneous obedience to the Confederate law. Hon.. G. "W. Randolph, the Con federate Secretary of Mrar, telegraphed Gov. Brown on the 15th of April, 1862, of the passage of the Conscription. Act, which placed in the Confederate service all men between 18 and 35 years of age, not leg-ally exempt. Gov. Brown the same day responded by telegraph, " I pro pose to turn over the troops who yet remain in service with the respon sibility to you, immediately, in such manner as may be most agreeable to the President." This unhesitating- and unconditional co-operation with the Confederate authorities should satisfy all fair-minded men that Gov. Brown in defending the principle for which he was fighting was governed by a high and commendable sense of duty, and was entirely consistent with a devotion to the cause and an energy in its mainte nance, that were not surpassed in the whole vast extent of the struggle.
Mr. Randolph telegraphed to Gov. Brown to keep his troops together, and employ his State enrolling officers. Gov. Brown telegraphed on the 16th to Maj. Gen. Henry R. Jackson the expiration of his command,

FAREWELL ORDERS OF GE>T. JACKSON AXD GOV. BROW^T.

239

and directing- that the Brigade commanders under him with their com mands report to Brig-. Gen. Lawton. He tendered his thanks to the officers and men for their patriotic conduct, and justly stated that " the works around the city of Savannah will relate to posterity the skill, in telligence, energy and patriotism of the State troops of 18G1-G2." Gen. Jackson, on the 16th, issued, his order bidding- farewell to his Division, in which he used these words:
" While he confesses to a keen disappointment in the

that whenever, or under whomsoever, its elements may be called into action, they will exhibit not only the heroism of-Georgian's fighting for their liberties, but the force and efficiency of drilled and disciplined soldiers."
Gov. Brown issued an order, which, like the farewell order of Gen. Jackson, is a touching and graceful expression of feeling. In it he used this remarkable language--remarkable in connection with the Con script Act, in illustrating the conscientious purity of his position in re gard to that measure.
" The country is now in great peril, and the city of Savannah threatened with an early attack. Under these circumstances whatever may be your opinion or mine of the the wisdom or propriety of the Conscription Act, it behooves us all as Georgians and patriots, to sacrifice our personal interests, feelings and aspirations upon the altar of our common country. I therefore admonish each and every one of you, to perform in the future, as you have done in the past, all your duties as soldiers, with promptness and

spective terms,, till Savannah is safe, and the invaders driven from the soil of our be loved State."
Taking it all in all the episode of this gallant division of state troops was a right romantic one, arid of striking interest, arid its transfer was full of touching features. Called into existence under a doubtful authority, yet through a masterly prescience of the future in Gov. Brown, it was vindicated by the very emergency that he foresaw and that it remedied, and it was a crowning tribute to his daring readiness to assume responsibility for the public good. ' It was this quality in Gov. Brown that made him so valuable, so famous and so popular dur ing the Avar. Signally clear-sighted and absolutely fearless, he uner ringly divined future necessities, and fearlessly acted while other men deliberated. He did whatever he believed for the best, leaving con sequences to take care of themselves. Nor was there any vacillation or looking back after he had acted. He shrank from no opposition or criticism, but confronted the logic of his deeds with unflinching intre pidity.

I.TJISDEI&CSrCT <>F THE CONFEDERATE AUTHORITIES.
The legislative battle over. thfe State troops was a highly colored act of this lively drama. And it tested Gov. lirowii's supreme nerve in adhering- to his will. It looked as if the legislature would crush him out. It raised the black Hag- against him, nearly, and in its collective majesty thundered his destruction, it.j august aggregate of condemna tion striking- him in his single-handed isolation. I3ut lie stood like a rock, defied their arguments, recriminated their denunciation, and boldly appealed to the people. They sullenly yielded the victory, which he firmly clutched from their unwilling- hands. 23ut when the treasured fortification of Pulaski fell and the sea-board was beleaguered with fleets and armies, "and the brave troops he- had so long- before called into service on his own audacious and questionably authorized volition stood the safe-guard and protection of Georgia's liberty, then did he receive the full meed of praise and gratitude clue 'to what was heroic personal and official sense and courage.
Perhaps the most interesting- matter connected with this superb divis ion of state forces, this noble little Georgia army was the g-enerous selfsacrifice of its officers, who so promptly laid clown their cherished commissions and with them the opportunity of that exalted ambition, whicii so larg-ely enters into both the patriotism and military glory of the soldier's career. Can. it be wondered that a directing administra tion should finally fail that so wofully blundered as to thro AY over the superb officers who led this division, who had organized and dis ciplined it, and. who could point , to a proud piece of handiwork, renounced. in a lofty spirit of self-abnegation, that deserved recogni tion. There was not in. the comprehension of both armies a brighter galaxy of military spirits than, the division and. brigade commanders of this rare little force, and yet not one of them was retained by the Con federate government, the command being- received by regiments and battalions. It was a cruel injustice and a fatal folly. And the aggre gate of such blunders helped the ultimate defeat.
The injustice was especially reprehensible in connection with the heroic and capable commander of this superb division, Gen. Henry R. Jackson. In the .Mexican war he had served with Mr. Davis, and there had been some intercourse not entirely smooth. Mr. Davis has been noted for carrying- with him the memory of resentments. There would be no severe stretch of probabilities to read in the treatment of Gen. Jackson the invisible stimulus of an uiiforgotten prejudice. Pie had, in-order to take this state command at the call of his native common wealth, been forced to lay down his' brigacliership, a leave of absence

T

MAJOR GENERAL HEXRY R. JACKSON.

241

for that purpose having- been refused him by the Confederate governinent. Pie had wrought his division to superb organization, and effi ciency. In the hour of proud consummation he unmurmuringly yielded it up to the Confederate authorities to avoid embarrassment created by his rank, and retired to the ranks, even offering- himself as a private in the company he had taken, to Mexico. The people of Florida, through a committee, called for him to command there, but another was assigned to that duty.
A Georgia delegation from the army of Tennessee applied for Gen. Jackson, but the President received the application in silence. When. Gen. Cobb was ordered to the command of a military geographical division, embracing- Florida and a part of Georgia, he wrote to Gen. Jackson to ascertain whether he would desire the command of a district under General Cobb, should a plan which he had submitted, dividing his command into two districts, be adopted. Gen. Jackson replied that he would be thankful for any position in the field, and wrote to Gen. Cooper, the Confederate Adjutant General, soliciting- the appointment. Gen. Cooper replied in a brief note that, as the President did not approve of Gen. Cobb's plan, Gen. Jackson's " services were '-fyot needed." It was a strange purpose that withheld service. f:r'o:m an eager, gallant, skilled and experienced officer of such, consummate ability, who so urgently and variedly sought military duty.
Gen. Jackson was finally restored tardily to his Brigadier's rank in the Confederate army when the ill-fated struggle was drawing to its close, and with a noble brigade skillfully handled, he accompanied Hood to Tennessee. . He shoiie in every battle, and finally in the lines before jSTashville he held his place until both flanks were driven back, and was captured by overwhelming numbers. He was retained as a prisoner of war until the surrender of the armies of the Confederacy, which occurred a few months afterwards, and thus honorably termi nated the military career of this brave, accomplished a-ricl patriotic officer.
Several incidents occurred that demonstrate Gov. Brown's quality of decision. Upon the issuance of Gov. Brown's order stopping the dis tillation of whiskey, Col. L,aughriclge, the commanding colonel of the Murray county militia, not only denied the rig-lit of the Governor to issue the order, but himself disobeyed it by running- a still. The Gov ernor immediately ordered the arrest of Col. Laughridge, and he was court-martialed, convicted, and fined $500. When, the Governor ordered the seizure of salt, he took one thousand bushels belonging- to A. K.
16

2-i J

MRS. MARY A. "WILLIAMS, AUTHOR Of DECORATION DAY.

St-ago of Atlanta. Mr. Seag-o was paid for his salt and receipted for the money. The salt was placed in charge of William Watkins, one of the military store-keepers of the State. Mr. Seago filed an action of Trover against Mr. AVatkins, and made the necessary affidavit to put him under 832,000 bail. Gov. Brown promptly ordered the sheriff to release Mr. 'Watkins from arrest and abstain from any further proceedings, declar ing that in time of war, with the enemy on our soil, he could not per mit military operations to be hindered by civil authority. Learningthat there was some talk of the sheriff refusing- to obey the order, the Governor issued an additional instruction to Gen. AV. P. Howard, com manding the 1st Brigade of the llth Division of the militia, to use any force necessary to prevent Watkins' incarceration in prison, or if im prisoned, to release him and arrest the sheriff. This settled the matter a ad quieted the sheriff.
During the early part oi' 18G2, two very valuable Georgians died, Col. C. J. Williams of Columbus, colonel of the 1st Georgia Regulars, arid Col. Walter Ector of the 13th Georgia Infantry, both gentlemen, eying from disease incurred in the service in Virginia. Col. Williams stood very high in the State, and had been prominent in our politics, He had been Speaker of the House of Representatives. He had in a high degree, the confidence and esteem of Gov. Brown. His widow, Mrs. Mary A. Williams, originated the beautiful " Decoration Day" that has become an established custom of the country, North and South, since the wa.r. And she also conceived and started into actual opera tion, from Georgia to Virginia, the beneficent system of " Wayside Homes " for soldiers, that clicl so much good during the war. She was i:he daughter of Major John H. Howard, a noted politician and railroad -president. In 1846, she presented a flag- to the 1st Georgia regiment, commanded by Col. Henry R. Jackson, her prospective husband, C. J. Williams, being Major, whom she married after the Mexican war. She died in Columbus, at the house of her son, on the loth of April, 1874, and was buried with military honors. Her grave is decorated every memorial day. She sent her only son to the war at fourteen years of age. In Appendix " C" \vill be found the original communication, written to the Columbus Times, suggesting the " Memorial Day " custom. A son of hers, C. H. \Villiams, is one of the leading journalists of the State, now publishing the Atlanta Gazette.
Upon the refusal of Mr. Toonibs to accept the election as Confederate States Senator, the Hon. Alfred Iverson, ex-United States Senator, pub lished a letter declaring- that he would not accept the appointment from

I
MRS. MARY A. WILLIAMS, AUTHOR OF THE DECORATION DAY CUSTOM-.

THE AIIUSIXG MISTAKE OF THE TYPES.

243

Gov. Brown, the legislature having defeated him for the office. He

took occasion to refer to his famous Griffin speech, to which reference

has been made in this volume, and which elicited so much hostile com

mentary, and was declared to have buried him politically. In that

speech he had declared, for disunion on the ground that the abolitionists

meant to destroy slavery, and separation alone .would save slavery. He

had been discarded for that speech, but called attention to the verifica

tion of his views, and the fact that the people now stood with him. The

concluding sentences of this letter of the distinguished ex-Senator are a

striking expression of the confident spirit of the times, and like many

other prophecies of that day, read incongruously in the light of the final

result. In complacent review of his disunion efforts, Mr. Iverson thus

spoke:

*

:

"-'"'

"Our liberties will be won ; our government will be maintained; our independence achieved and acknowledged by all nations. The blasts of ' wild war' will subside and gentle peace return to bless and smile upon our beloved Southern homes. Having con tributed all iu my power to bring about these glorious results, I ask no more than to enjoy in peace and quiet the blessings of freedom under a government for which my

An amusing mistake occurred in connection with the patriotic spirit of the people as show~n in the wdllingness expressed to strip their roofs to furnish material to mould into cannon. The matter was generally discussed. In the over-mastering desire to aid the cause, the people were ready to make any sacrifice and give up any property that could be used. The Adjutant General of the State, Gen. Henry C. Wayne, wrote to a Savannah lady in reply to an inquiry about utilizing- brass and copper for manufacturing cannon. The letter was published in the Savannah JVetos, and contained this expression: "I mention this that we may not have our loives stripped, to no purpose.'''' The letter was widely copied and evoked a volley of comment and speculation as well as raillery. The Atlanta Commomoealth solemnly declared that " an official announcement of the fact was uncalled for." It seems that the General's letter'should have been printed with the word "roofs" in stead of wives, which would have made the expression read, " I mention this that we may not have our roofs stripped to no purpose." The At lanta Intelligencer stopped the very ridiculous agitation with an expla nation of the matter, and trusted that the good wives of the country would be satisfied and pardon that printer's blunder.
In April of this year, 1862, occurred a most audacious attempt of some Federal spies on the State road. The leader in it was a man by

the name of Andrews, who was at the head of a band of twenty-two men. He was a tall, black-bearded man, wearing- a military black over coat with a larg-e cape. The object of the men was the destruction of the thirteen bridg-es on the "Western and Atlantic railroad, besides general damage to the road. The project was more daring than, feasible, or of any practical utility, as it contemplated injury that could so soon be remedied. But it illustrates the spirit of adventurous hazard that prompts bold men in war times. These men got on the train at Marietta and at Big Shanty, some twenty-five miles from Atlanta, uncoupled the engine and three cars from the passenger train while the passengers were in at breakfast, and made for Chattanooga. Mr. "W. A. Fuller, the conductor, with Mr. Anthony Murphy, the superintendent of the road shops, and the engineer Jeff Cain, started on foot in. pursuit. They soon reached, a hand-car, and g-athering- reinforcements as they went alongthey pushed vigorously for the audacious depredators. It was a longand an exciting chase. At Acworth the track was blocked, with forty or fifty cross-ties, and the telegraph wires were torn, down for a quarter of a mile. Reinforced by another hand-car and ten more men, they swept on, to be tumbled in a ditch near Etowah by the torii-up track at a short curve. Here an engine was obtained belonging- to Hon. Mark A. Cooper, and also a coal car. At King-ston the artful spies had made up a story about carrying- ammunition to Beauregard, and duped the switch keys from the agent. Here the Rome engine was obtained and they dashed, on twenty-five minutes behind the bridge burners.
Near Adairsville they came upon a torn track. Fuller and Murphy took it afoot and met the down train at Adairsville and turned its engine back, having to stop every short while to remove cross ties f rom the track. A mjle and a half beyond Calhoun they came in sight of the flying fugitives, who dropped a car to stop the way. Near Resaca another car was detached. The indomitable Fuller switched these two cars on a sideling at Resaca and dashed on. The spies had loaded their remaining car with cross ties, and dumped them out at intervals to block the wav. The trouble \vith the ready-witted fellows was that their steam was giving out. The oil-cans and everything else inflammable were hurled into the diminishing fire. In sight at Dalton and also at the Tunnel, they drove their engine to the last. At Dalton they piled up cross ties. At Ring-gold the engine began to flag, and several miles beyond the race was over, though they ven omously reversed their engine to collide with ours, and then they took to the \voods. The pursuit through the country was as vigorously

THE SPIES PUNISHED.

245

pressed, mounted men having- started out from Catoosa. Andrews when captured, offered $10,000 to be released. He had several thou sand dollars on his person. The whole number of the spies, twentytwo, was caught and carried to Ivnoxville, where they were tried by a court martial convened by Greri. Ledbetter, commanding* the post. Col. Leander W. Crook was President of the Court Martial. The prisoners were defended by Hon. John I3axter and Judge Gait. The man Andrews proposed the scheme to Gen. Mitchell at Shelbvville, and was to be paid 00,000 in gold if successful. Seven men of the 2nd Ohio regiment volunteered, and fourteen of the 21st Ohio Regiment were detailed on this duty. Andrew's and the seven volunteers, named Win. Campbell, Geo. D. "Wilson, M. A. Ross, P. Gr. Shadrack, Samuel Slavens, S. Robinson, and John Scott were convicted, and hung- near Atlanta. Andrews was "executed in June, 18G2, near Wait-on Spring, and the others south-east of the Atlanta cemetery. The 14 detailed men were not tried, and afterwards were regularly exchang*ecL The father of M. A. Ross, who lives in Christianburg, Ohio, came for his son's body after the war. Col. "W. J. Lawton was commanding the Post of Atlanta at the time, and O. Winning-ham was the officer cf the day.

CHAPTER XXVI.

A GLOOMY CHAPTER OF WAR'S RAVAGE.

Georgia had Done her Whole Duty.--Negroes for Coast Fortifications.--Gov. Brown's Strong Message on Conscription.--Sentiment Conflicting --Conscription Tested Judicially.--A Warm Time in the Legislature.--Linton Stephens' Great Speech.-- Calumny by the Governor upon the Supreme Court Charged by Judge Cabaiiiss.---C. S. Senators Elected.--Called Session of the General Assembly.--The Stupendous Measure of .the State assuming the Confederate War Debt.--Gov-. Brown against it. --Appalling Figures of Indigence.--Desperate War Stress.--A Beautiful Incident of Gov. Brown.--He gives his surplus Corn to the Poor.--Large Loss of Georgians.-- Gen. T. R. R. Cobb Killed--Gen. Lee's Exquisite and Touching Letter. --Ben. Hill the Prop of Davis' Administration.--The Curious Interweaving of the Lives of Hill and Brown.--Gov. Brown's Rare Joke.--The Militia Officers put iii the Ranks.--Tory Troubles

THE Legislature held its second annual session, beginning ISTovem-

ber 6th, 1802, under much brighter auspices than its session of 1801..

The Confederate cause was in the ascendant. "We had achieved some

great victories in Virginia, Lee defeating- McClellan, Pope and Burnside

in swift succession. Stonewall Jackson had dazzled the continent by his

marvelous triumphs. Shiloh in Tennessee and Elkhorn in Missouri

had adorned Southern valor. Bragg- had made his brilliant Kentucky

incursion. Confederate prowess had been illustrated by success in

grand battles against great odds. William L. Yancey, who had been

sent as a Commissioner to Europe to induce intervention if possible,

returned stating that the people of that continent were aguinst us on

account of slavery. This enunciation, publicly made, had satisfied the

South that we must depend upon ourselves for independence. And

the splendid successes of our arms had inspired us with buoyant con

fidence in our ability to triumph.

Georgia had done her whole duty. She had sent 75,000 men to the

field. We had sixty-one infantry regiments, five cavalry regiments, six

teen infantry battalions, three cavalry battalions, two leg-ions and four

ranger battalions, besides scattering companies and large numbers of

individual soldiers sent under the conscription act to fill up existing

companies. Our cavalry regiments were:

1st Georgia Cavalry, Colonel J. J. Morrison.

2nd

"

"

"

W. J. Lawton.

GEORGIA REGIMENTS.

3d Georgia Cavalry, Colonel M. J. Crawford.

4th

"

"

" I. W. Avery.

5th Partisan Rangers, " S. J. Smith.

The cavalry battalions were commanded by Lieut. Colonel Charles

Spalding, Major M. Gumming and Major D. L. Clinch. The Fourth

.Georgia Cavalry was organized under Confederate authority. The germ

of it was the Georgia Mountain Dragoons, raised by Capt. I. W. Avery,

in ^Vhitfielcl county. It was increased by Capt. Avery, first to the

23d Battalion of Georgia cavalry, and then to the 4th Georgia cavalry

regiment. The Dragoons participated in the campaign of Gen. Albert

Sidney Johnson, including the battle of Shiloh. Girarcley's Georgia

Battery also fought in that battle. The Dragoons \vere an independent

scouting company connected with Gen. Harclee, and was once compli

mented by Gen. Beauregard, commanding the army, for penetrating

the Federal army lines and bringing out important information at a

critical time. The following infantry regiments -we had in addition to

those reported at the opening of the session last year:

20th Regiment, Colonel W. H. Atkinson.'

27th

L. B. Smith.

28th

T. J. Warthen.

29th

~Wr. J. Young.

30th

D. J. Bailey.

31st

C. A. Evans.

32d

Geo. P. Harrison, Jr.

33d

A. Littlefield.

34th

J. A. W. Johnson.

35th

E. L. Thomas.

36th

J. A. Glenn.

37th

A. F. Rudler.

38th

Georg-e "W". Lee.

39th

J. J. ^McConnell.

40th

Abda Johnson.

41st

C. A. MoDaniel.

42d

R. Henderson.

43d

Skid Harris.

44th

R. A. Smith.

45th

Thomas Hardeman.

46th

P. H. Colquitt.

47th

G. W. M. Williams.

48th

Win. Gibson.

248

WAR MEASURES IX GEORGIA.

49th Regiment, Colonel A. J. Lane.

50th

"

"

AY. R, Manning.

51st

"

"

AY. M. Slaughter.

52d



"

AYier Boyd.

53d

"



L. T. Doyal.

54th

"

"

C. H. Way.

55th

"

"

C. B. BEarkie.

5Gth

"

"

E. P. AVatkins.

57th

"

"

AY. Barkaloo.

59th

"

"

Jack Brown.

GOth

"



AAr. H. Stiles.

AYhile our Georgia coast was constantly threatened, the summer had

witnessed comparative quiet on account of our warm climate. The fall

brought more activity. The Brigadier General in command, H. AY.

Mercer, had made strenuous efforts to get Savannah and other points

properly entrenched and fortified. He had called upon the Confederate

authorities for assistance, which was refused. He had then appealed to

Gov. Brown, who issued a proclamation asking the planters to promise

a portion of their slaves for such work. The response was meager.

And when the legislature met the necessity for labor to complete the

defenses of Savannah was reported to the body.

Gov. Brown's message gave to the General Assembly the military

work of the year in G-eorgia. Of the five millions appropriation

82,081,004 had been expended: 8,000 state troops had been employed

and supported for six months; the state's quota of Confederate war

tax, 82,494,112.41, had been paid; a state armory had been established

in the Penitentiary which was turning- out 125 good arms a month; and

arrangements had been made in Virginia for the. manufacture of salt.

The Governor recommended measures for the prevention of the distilla

tion of grain; provision for soldiers' families; the seizure of factories

and tanneries to furnish clothing for the soldiers; a tax upon cotton to

pre%rent its production; the continuance of state military; and. the

appropriation of three millions for military purposes.

Governor Brown sent a special message to the General Assembly

upon the subject of conscription. The Confederate Congress had

passed an additional act, extending conscription to embrace all men

between 35 and 45 years, and compelling- them to enter old org-aniza-

tions xmtil they were filled to a maximum number. Gov. Brown had

immediately written to Mr. Davis that he should not permit enrollment

under the new law the few \veeks until the Legislature met and acted

THE GREAT COXSCRIPTIO^T ISSUE.

249

on the subject, as it would, practically disband his state militia, and urged Mr. Davis to call for the troops he wished as he was authorized to do under the old laws. His special message furnished, to the Legis lature a copy of his letter to Mr. Davis, and proceeded to discuss the whole subject in a lengthy paper of surpassing ability, presenting- the issue whether Georgia, ready to furnish more than her quota of men. and means, should submit to a method of enlistment that degraded her soldiers and violated the very state sovereignty for which the war was inaugurated. He covered the ground embraced in his correspondence with Mr. Davis, a summary of which has been given before in this volume.
This clear vigorous message created a profound sensation and a con flicting variety of comment. There was little difference of opinion upon the illegality of conscription. But there was a decided conflict upon the policy of insisting upon state rights and constitutional re strictions in the existing- emergencies of the war. And there was also a fixed diversity of view upon the policy of conscription. Some of the ablest men in the State thought with Governor Brown, among- them the Stephens brothers, Gen. Toombs, ex-Gov. Johnson and others. The Cobbs, Mr. Hill, and others were for sustaining' conscription. A case was made before Judge Thomas and another before Judge Iverson L. Harris, to test the constitutionality of conscription. Judge Thomas decided it unconstitutional, and Judge Harris sustained its constitution ality. Both decisions were able and elaborate. The case decided by Judge Harris of Asa O. Jeffers conscript, versus John Fair, enrolling officer, was carried to the Supreme Court, and the decision, of the con stitutionality of conscription affirmed, Judge Jenkins delivering the opinion. The court held, however, that the officers of the State were not subject to conscription.
A warm discussion of the matter was precipitated in the General Assembly by a message frcm Gov. Brown on the 13th of ISTovember, 1862, communicating the fact that an incursion of Federal negro soldiers had been made in Cam den county, and property destroyed arid ladies insulted. Col. Henry Floyd, commanding the Camclen militia, asked leave to call out the militia to defend the county. Doubting- his authority under the Conscription Act, and its approval by the Georgia Supreme Court to call out the militia, Gov. Brown reqxiestecl the legis lature to give direction in the matter and instruct him whether as Gov ernor he had the right to use the militia to defend our imperiled homes. He stated in this message that the decision of our Supreme

250

LiisfTo:sr STEPHENS' GKEAT SPEECH.

Court had been made under heavy outside pressure, and the counsel on both sides had agreed in their individual opinion that the decision should be made as it was made.
The Senate promptly passed a resolution authorizing the Governor to call out the militia. The resolution was immediately transmitted to the House and there occasioned an able and warm debate. Strange to say there was opposition to the resolution. Judge Cochran moved a substitute to inform the Secretary of War* and ask help, arid in the mean time to call out the militia. Judge Cabaiiiss moved the reference of the whole matter to the military committee, which was done. On the 14th the military committee reported, adopting the part of Judge Cochraii's substitute that called on the Secretary of War, but instead of authorizing- the call of the militia, in the meantime resolving- to take immediate action upon bills then pending-. The discussion that ensued upon this matter continued for days, and was marked by a good deal of bitterness.
Judge Linton Stephens made a speech of great power, taking strong ground against the Conscription Act. He showed that conscription had been put upon the country " from no necessity, from no conviction of necessities, but from premeditation and deliberation." This speech was, perhaps, the finest ever made by this sinewy debater, and made a profound impression. He defended Governor Brown from the charge made by Judge Cabaniss, that the Governor had uttered a calumny upon the supreme court, a charge showing the heat that was pervading the discussion. The interesting question was also sprung that the decision of the court was not binding upon the legislature, which was a coordi nate power of the government. Mr. Norwood replied to Mr. Stephens with great vigor and ability. The debate went on for days. Some idea may be formed of the interest it excited and the intensity of feeling that existed from the fact, that at the election for Confederate States Senator on the 18th of November the issue was openly raised by Mr. "Whittle as to the position, of the candidates on the conscript law and the decision of the supreme court. This was after the first ballot, which had resulted in: H. V. Johnson, 84 votes; James Jackson, 59; R. Toombs, 24; Howell Cobb,,6; T. R. R. Cobb, 12; Alfred Iverson, 3; A. H. Chappell, 1; Wm. Dougherty, 1; J. W. Le'wis, 7; J. E. Brown, 1; A. R. Wright, 1; H. V. M. Miller, 2.
None of the gentlemen voted for had been put in nomination but H. V. Johnson and James Jackson. "When Mr. "Whittle sprung the con scription issue, Mr. Vason remonstrated against such an iss^le. Mr.

H. V. JOHXSOX ELECTED COXFEDERATE STATES SEXATOR. 251
Whittle said that he understood Gov. Johnson to believe the conscrip tion act unconstitutional, but he would support the law and the administration. Judg-e Jackson and Mr. Cobb favored the law and sustained the administration. Mr. J. H. R. AVashington and Mr. Cancller both thoug-ht the discussion inappropriate, while Mr. Stephens protested against the proceeding as extraordinary and out of place, and calculated to convert the legislative hall into a hustings arid to draw party lines. / The second ballot gave the election of Herschell V. Johnson, he receivV.ing 111 votes; Jackson, 40; Dougherty, 24, and Toombs, 14.
The House appears never to have acted, on the Camcleri county matter. The joint committee on the State of the Republic made majority and minority reports on the conscript law. The majority report was pre sented by Judge E. A. Cochran, chairman, and declared that the Con federate government could not raise armies by compulsion, only through requisitions on the states, leaving- each state to exercise such compulsion as may be necessary in her own case and to appoint officers; and all laws of the Confederate Cong-ress xising direct compulsion without requisition and impairing- the right of the states to choose officers -were unconsti tutional. The majority report, however, declared that Georgia would furnish her just quota of troops and leave the conscription acts undis turbed, reserving such rightful remedies as may be demanded by future emergencies.
Judg-e E. G. Cabaniss presented the minority report, signed by him self and J. A. L. Lee, S. L. Barber, W. J. Reese, Z. B. Hargrove, Geo. S. Black, Peter E. Love, O. L. Smith, L. D. Carlton and Geo. T. Barnes. This report declared the Conscript Acts constitutional, recommended acquiescence in the decision of the Supreme Court, and that the Gov ernor countermand all orders suspending the execution of the Conscript Act. These reports were discussed in both houses by the ablest men, and numerous substitutes were offered, but the legislature adjourned on the 13th of December, 1SG2, without taking- any action, to convene on the 4th Wednesday in April. The General Assembly passed acts limit ing the cultivation of cotton to three acres to a hand; appropriating $500,000 to supply the people with salt; 8100,000 for cotton cards; $545,000 to obstruct our rivers; $400,000 for the Georg-ia Relief and Hospital Association; $1,500,000 for clothing for our soldiers; $2,500,000 for the support of the indigent widows and families of deceased or disabled soldiers; $1,000,000 for a military fund; $300,000 to remove indigent white non-combatants from any part of the State threatened with invasion. This aggregated over six millions appropriated for war

252

ASSUMING THE CONFEDERATE AVAR DEBT.

purposes. The Governor was authorized to raise two regiments for home defense, and to impress hands to perfect the defenses around Sa vannah. The General Assembly further passed a resolution that " Savannah should never be surrendered, but defended street by street and house by house, until if taken, the victors' spoils should be alone a "heap of ashes."
Just before the adjournment of the legislature, Governor Brown sent in a message urging that some action be taken to secure to our volun teers the right which they \vere seeking to elect their own officers in vacancies occurring in regiments already in service. But nothing was done.
Gov. Brown convened the legislature by special proclamation, on the 25th of March, 18G3. This was done to urge that the law be altered allowing the planters to cultivate three acres of cotton to the hand. The great question of the revoltition was one of BREAD, and the farmers must produce bread and not cotton. In his message this matter and others were discussed. The project was mooted at that time of the states assuming the Confederate Avar debt, and several states, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi and South Carolina had agreed to do this. Gover nor Brown opposed the policy with wonderful acumen, taking ground for giving aid to the Confederate government by direct taxation. This measure occasioned a heavy struggle in the General Assembly. There were majority and minority reports and debates, and substitutes innu merable, but finally a bill authorizing the guarantee of the bonds of the Confederate States on. Georgia's proportionate share of $200,000,000 was defeated by four votes.
The fund of two and. a half millions for the indigent families of sol diers was distributed betAveen the two sessions, and the distribution reported at the March session. The figures are interesting and pathet ically demonstrative of the devotion of our people to the cause and the ravages of that great war among our patriotic population. The vast total of the unfortunate beneficiaries of this generous fund was 84,119. Of this terrible number of Avar incligents, 45,718 Avere children, and 22,637 kins-women of poor living soldiers; 8.492 were orphans, and 4,003 Avidows of deceased arid killed soldiers, and 550 Avere helpless soldiers, disabled in service. These are appalling figures for less than two years' Avarfare for a single state of the Union, and they testify with overAvhelming emphasis to the aAvful magnitude and clestructiveness of the struggle. No Avorcls can bear such impressive witness to the deadly drift and extent of that revolution as these simple statistics.

GEORGIA S DESPERATE STRESS.

253

The plain, unvarnished truth is that the pressure of that clay was something desperate. Georgia had three-fourths of her voting popu lation fighting* in other States, who were clamoring for proper clothing and food. Her own borders were threatened by a merciless 61161113-. And poverty and destitution were raging* among her people. The orders and appeals with which the papers were filled, will afford some

impressments of negroes for fortifications, begging for hospital funds, lists of dead and wounded and diseased soldiers. It was a dolorous and incessant activity. Every heart and every hand were busily at work, thinking, toiling*, straining* in the single, overshadowing* cause of brutal war.
Gov. Brown devoted himself with an herculean and grandly selfabneg-ating zeal to the war. A beautiful incident is related of him, that touches even at this long* clay, from its occurrence. He went up to his farm in Cherokee for a clay, in March, 1863. A gentleman en officia^ business followed him. As he nearecl the farm, the gentleman overtook a large number of wag*oiis and carts, and foot .passengers, g*oing* the same way as himself. "When he arrived at his destination he found a host of other vehicles and people, and Gov. Brown in person, engaged at his corn crib in the gratuitous distribution of some four thousand dollars' worth of corn and shucks to the poor people of the county in proportion to the size of their families and their wants. These people receiving* his generous bounty were the families of the soldiers from Cherokee county, and he was giving to them every bushel of his sur plus corn. Said the narrator of this incident:
" The sight was a most grateful one to our traveler, who came back to Atlanta, im pressed with the double conviction of Gov. Brown being not only a good Governor, but
in. The grateful tears which lie saw in the eyes of the good women of Cherovere being- made the recipients of Gov. Brown's patriotic liberality, made an u upon him which he says will be lasting, and which has taught "him not to 11 liis charities iu the future."
little to be wondered at that Gov, Brown had gained such a hold upon the masses of the people in that dreadful time. He not only drove straight to practical success in every measure he urged or attempted, but he gave practical daily evidence of his sympathy with the wants and sufferings of the unfortunate. He showed the most subtle perception of the popular wishes, and at the same time he boldly

254

GE^. LEE'S TRIBUTE TO GE>T. T. R. R. COBB.

ignored the trammels and circumlocution of official red tape. Every controversy he had with any authority or power but strengthened him with the masses, arid was a battle in their interest. In the Carnden county matter, he was protecting the coast, and the delay and oppo sition of the General Assembly but magnified his own daring- and eager readiness to go to the aid of the alarmed. His fight against conscrip tion was for the two-fold, purpose of vindicating the cherished soverignty of the State, and assuring to our volunteers a recognition of their rights and manhood. Add to all this, uncpaestioned. championship of the people's wishes and interests, his boldness and common-sense genius, and then cap the whole with his unsolicited devotion of his means to a generous charity, and it would, have been a marvel if he had not clutched the public heart with a resistless grasp.
During the year 1862, the Georg-ia troops suffered very much. Gen erals Toombs, Lawton, and Rarise "VVright were all wounded, and Col. C. A. McDaniel of the 41st Georgia, and Gen. T. R, R. Cobb were killed. The death of Gen. Cobb -was the occasion of the following beautiful and feeling letter from Gen. Lee.

"CAMP NEAR FREDERICKSBURG, )

Dec. 18, 1862.

(

" Gen. Howell Cobb. General, I beg leave to express my deep sympathy in your great

sorrow. Your noble and gallant brother has met a soldier's death, and God'grant that

this army and our country may never be called upon to mourn so great a sacrifice.

"Of his merits, his lofty intellect, his accomplishments, his professional fame, and

above all his Christian character, I need not speak to you who knew him so intimately

and well. But as a .patriot and soldier death has left a deep gap in the army, which

his military aptitude and skill render it hard to fill. In the battle of Fredericksburg he

won an immortal fame for himself and his brigade. Hour after hour he held his posi

tion in front of our batteries, while division after division of the enemy was hurled

against him. He announced the determination.of himself and his men never to leave their

post until the enemy was beaten, and with unshaken courage and fortitude he kept his

promise.

" May Gocl give consolation to his afflicted family, and may the name and fame of the

Christian statesman and soldier be cherished as a bright example and holy remembrance.

" B. E. LEE."
Such a letter as this from the moderate and pure-souled Lee, xising words so strong, is a crown of honor worthy of all esteem. Consider-. ing the source and the terms it is as high a panegyric as any man ever won. Less for its beauty, great as that is, than its inspiration and truth, should it be valued. The two men, Bartow and Cobb, -were a glorious brace of martyrs that Georgia gave to the cause of Southern

GOVERNOR BROWX AXD BEX IIIT.L.

255

liberty, and it was an ominous incident that these two men, who thus grandly yet uselessly perished, were the two most representative cham pions and zealous enthusiasts in the Disunion movement. Purer men never gave up life in any cause.
It was at this time that Hon. Benjamin H. Hill Tbecame prominent as the congressional prop of the Confederate administration. And from this time on no man in the Confederate Congress was more potential with that administration. Georgia, in Mr. Hill, resumed her influence in the direction of the revolution. Closely linked to Mr. Davis in sym pathy, a constant and devoted personal friend and official adviser, entrusted \vith frequent and important missions of delicacy, a brilliant and earnest defender and exponent of the Confederate policy, through the remaining two lurid years of the struggle, Mr. Hill and Mr. Davis stood in a warm cooperation with each other. Georgia could not evade her inevitable destiny of leadership in this war. Mr. Hill came to Georgia and made to the legislature a magnificent speech in favor of conscription, arid in. it he handled Gov. Brown with the gloves off.
It has been curious how interwoven have been the political careers of Governor Brown and Mr. Hill, sometimes antagonistically, and then in a remarkable harmony. "When Gov. Brown first ran for Governor it was Mr. Hill whose glittering oratory, his homely but magnetic common sense vanquished. It was Mr. Hill's burning* utterances that vitalized the next campaign of Governor Brown, though lie was not the figure head as before. In Reconstruction days Brown and Hill locked shields in a famous encounter of brains. And to-day, in warm accord, they focalize the celebrity due to two masterful senators of the United States, splendid complements to each other's rare and most different endowments. In that clay of conscription, Hill, representing the Davis policy, came at Brown with hard blows. Brown struck back as he always strikes, with vigor. And ho rather obtained the advantage of Mr. Hill, who made the mistake of giving his argument a personal direction. The flaw in Mr. Hill's logic was that he voted against the , conscription in Congress, which he was so ably advocating, and Gov. ; Brown used it unsparingly. ISTo man ever had a keener perception of the weak places in the armor of his foernen than Gov. Brown, nor drove the hammer upon the flaws more mercilessly.
The adjournment of the legislature without any action upon con scription left Gov. Brown uninstructecl. He had refused to let his militia officers be enrolled as conscripts, the Supreme Court having held that they were not subject, and the clamor was very boisterous

'2o(j GOVERXOR IJROW:N ORDERS THE MILITIA OFFICERS OUT.
Tiiti opposition press rang with abuse of his favoritism to his pets. ^-He took the storm of abuse with his wonted coolness, and soon gave &is c..hvjr'sers a dose of practical punishment that created a lively clatter. GejL Beauregard was commanding- the Southern coast. Savannah w-as threatened in February, and Gov. Brown was called on for help. / It was-1 a rare inspiration, blending- a grim patriotism with a certain ri<^i ilavjored humor, that led the Governor to order his whole legion-,of
ut T
It transformed Major Generals into Captains of companies, turned Brigadiers into Lieutenants and Captains and Lieutenants into pyi-, vatbs. If any officers refused to go, their exemption from conscription wa:i incontinently \vithclrawn. This novel order commanded immediate service, and it concluded with these inimitable words:
This order created a wonderful sensation in the State. Even the opposition press gave 111 to its felicity and relished and approved it. \ g'r'm, so to speak, spread over the State, that added a tinge of : riief to the impending- horrors of invasion and the darkness of a really -rave situation. The papers commented upon it spicily, arid Governor Brown with a stern complacency surveyed the conclusive effect of his happy order. Men that had reviled him for shielding favorites from conscription, frankly owned that they were mistaken, and that he had shown that he was actuated by an honest desire to maintain the con stitutional rights of the State. The Macon Telegraph, a persistent --.o^jposer of Gov. Brown, dec^aved that it was a good conception of his, that it would give new vigor to the volunteer movement, and that the example of officers shouldering their guns and taking place in the ranks as privates, would stimulate the spirit of self-sacrifice in all classes. And Mr. Clisby, the editor of that paper, with a fine humor that belonged to him, gave a vivid account of the effect of the order upon the astounded militia officers. The Confederate authorities had conceded to Gov. Brown the exemption of these militia officers from conscription., and they were taken aback at this reduction in rank and

TORY TROUBLE IX XOETH-EAST GEORGIA.

257

summary injection into service. They obeyed promptly, however, and reported in Savannah, but the emerg-ency passed and they were sent back home subject to recall if required.
At this time also began trouble in the north-eastern counties of the State, Rabun, Union, Gilmer and adjoining- counties, that continued more or less to the end of the war. At the beg-inning- there was some Union feeling- in that section that threatened formidable resistance to secession, and which as we have shown, was quieted by Governor Brown's admirable tact. That section in the latter part of 1802 and the first part ^of 1803 became the refuge of a band of deserters and Union sympathizers, who org-anizecl a rebellion on their own. account against Confederate authority and the peace of the State. They plun dered about generally. Gov. Brown issued his proclamation outlawing these men, and sent Maj. Gait and Maj. "VVynn, commanding- detach ments of reserve infantry and cavalry, to break up the mischief. These officers seized, some 50 of the ring- leaders, headed bv a deserter named Jeff Andersen, returned, some 200 men. directly to their commands, and hustled out fully 2,000 absentees.
The year 1802 ended with one dollar of g'olcl being equal to three and four of Confederate money. Our Confederate currency was rapidly depreciating-, and patriotic men. in. vain resisted it. For instance, a public meeting was held in Macon, presided over by that noble gentle man and distinguished ex-Judg-e, Thaclcleus G. Holt, to devise means to strengthen the money of the new nation. Provisions and clothing- had nearly quadrupled in. value. One of the greatest obstacles that the South had to contend ag-ainst in the war was the speculation that was constantly made in the staples of life.. The General Assembly of Georgia constantly fought ag-ainst it. In nothing did Gov. Brown more signalize himself than in his unsparing- warfare against the speculators and extortioners. He stopped at nothing- to thwart their infamous schemes and disappoint their subtle calculations. He seized their hoards without mercy, and struck clown, their nefarious projects.

CHAPTER XXVII.
THE INCREASING AVAR FEVER OF 1863.
The Average of 1863 against the South.--Gov. Bi-owii Wished to Retire.--His Con scription for Governor Irresistible--The Augusta Constitutionalist Leads Off.--
Letter.--Joshua Hill and Timothy Furlow against Brown.--A Triangular Fight-- Foreign Comment.--" Model War Governor."--Brown Elected the ^Fourth Time. --Confederate Congressmen.--The Legislature of 18G3-4.--Its Personelle.--Gov. Brown's Clarion Inaugural.--His Message.--Military Changes --John B. Gordon Rising into Fame.--Gen. Toombs.--Longstreet's View of Toombs.--Gov. Brown and Hon. James Seddon.--Gov. Brown's Second Memorable Controversy.--Gov. Brown and Mr. A. Fullarton, the British Consul.--A Spicy Correspondence.--Gov. Brown's Interest in the Soldiers.-- His Part in the Missionary Mass Meeting and Baptist Convention.--Forest's Capture of Speight.--The Repulse by Fort McAllister.
THE year 1863 was one of increasing- war-strain in Georgia. It was marked by an heroic monotony of sacrifices and service. At short intervals came demands for troops, to which our unconquerable men re sponded with a gladsome readiness and in every case far beyond the call. The Federal Government bent to the conflict with the energy of a giant. Congress voted Lincoln five hundred millions of money, and three millions of soldiers to whip the fight. On the first of January Lincoln issued his famous Emancipation Proclamation. The South met the colossal storm uncjuailiiig-ly. The year went on in blended vic tory and. disaster, but the average was against us. "We lost Tennessee, that luxuriant land of milk and honey, the bounteous paradise of the soldiers' campaigning-. Vicksburg fell, and the Confederacy at one stroke was riven into two fragments, split and cleft hopelessly asunder. The battle of Gettysburg' wT as fought and lost, grandest fight and most disastrous defeat of the war, and deadly ending of the only formidable invasion of northern territory made by the South. Stonewall Jackson, that wonderful warrior, was fatally wounded by our own men and lost to the Confederacy. We wron the battle of Chickamauga, fateful RIVER OF DEATH, but failing to follow it up, a terribly punished foe rallied and gathered his forces, and the cruel blistering, inexcusable defeat of Missionary Ridge by Gen. Grant, closed the year with our Western

GOVERNOR BROWX COXSCKIPTKD FOE A FOURTH TERM.

259

army shattered and. demoralized at Dalton, and the besom of devastation, hovering* at Chattaiioog-a upon our own beloved State.
Our regular biennial election came on this year of 1863. The press ure upon Governor Brown had been superhuman. He had been very ill once or twice during- his term. It was his wish to retire from the gubernatorial chair. But again the people, with a spontaneous and deepvoiced earnestness, called upon him to serve for a fourth term. It was a grand tribute to the man and the officer, to the individual, the patriot and the Governor. Despite his innumerable conflicts, that bred antago nisms ag-ainst him hot and fierce, and many of them implacable, the masses of the people clamored for him to continue in his great trust. Letters from all parts of the state poured upon him, beseeching him to remain. Journals that had opposed him insisted upon his re-election. Distinguished officers of the army -wrote to him to consent to serve. The movement for his re-election appears to have been started by that powerful paper, the Augusta Constitutionalist, -which had. been almost uniformly opposed to him. This journal, early in the year, came out in a strong editorial arid candidly admitted that in a

On the 16th day of May, 1803, Messrs. George Schlcy, B. H. Warren, James Gardner and Robt. IT. May of Augusta, addressed a letter to Gov. Brown asking him to allow his name to be used. They stated that they had differed with him on many points of public policy, but appre ciating his honesty of purpose, his adherence to the welfare and charac ter of Georgia, and his devotion to the interest and comfort of our soldiers, as lovers of our country, they believed they could best promote her cause by merging all past differences in Gov. Brown's re-election. Gov. Brown replied on the 21st of May that he would serve if elected. He said that he had desired the position in time of peace. He had been gratified. He could riot now decline its responsibilities in time of trouble. He alluded to the main ground of objection that had been urged against him, that he had opposed the Confederate administration on its conscription policy. He had done it conscientiously, under an honest difference of opinion. He frowned upon any attempt to build up an opposition party to the Confederate administration. He also opposed any reconstruction of the old Union.

200

BEOTTZST, JOSHUA iiir.r,, A:\TD T. >r. FUKI.OW.

There is some interesting- secret history connected with Gov. Brown's fourth candidacy for Governor, that has never been in print. The facts were furnished by Gol. P. Thweatt. Gov. Brown had decided not to run, and called a meeting- of a larg-e number of his friends at the. executive mansion to whom he announced his purpose. Gov. Brown wished Gen. Toombs to be Governor, and induced Col. Thweatt and other friends to canvass his chances, and after a careful scrutiny.it was believed that Mr. Toombs' trouble with Mr. Davis would prevent his election, Gov. JBrown was very warmly attached to Gen. Toombs, and earnestly desired his election, and reluctantly gave up the idea of his candidacy. At the meeting' of friends, among- whom were Col. Thweatt, Mr. Seward of Thomas, Mr. Gordon of Chatham, I. R. Foster of Cherokee .and Gen. "Wa.yne, Gov. Brown, announced his resolution not to run, and asked them "to look about for some one else. It was moved to appoint a committee, and an additional motion was made that Col. Thweatt-be added to it. Col. Thweatt declined to take any part in the matter, expressing" the opinion, that none of the gentlemen, proposed could be elected, and urging- Gov. Brown, if he wished to take care of and. sustain his friends., to withdraw his determination, arid, let his friends run him ag-ain. This stopped further action. And Gov. Brown, under the strong- pressure, yielded his inclinations and ran. the fourth time. Col. Thweatt says, that until Gen. Toombs assailed Gov. Brown in 1868 he never had a warmer or more devoted friend than Gov. Brown.
This acceptance placed. Gov. Brown, before the people again. The opposition sought to get out a number of g-entlemen. Gon. Gartrell, Gen. Colquitt, Judg-.e Cabiniss and Juclg-e Jenkins were all pressed to run, but declined. Finally the Atlanta Gazette put out the name of Hon. Joshua Hill, and stated authoritatively that he would serve if elected, but that he would not send forth nor deliver any address. The Rome Soictherner hoisted Mr. Hill's name. The Atlanta Gazette ominously expired before the election. A pretty heavy fusillade was made against Mr. Hill, that he was in favor of a reconstruction of the Union. Messrs. Georg-e TV". Aclair, Jno. J. Thrasher and James "W. Calhoun of Atlanta, addressed him a letter about this charge, to which he replied denying- it, but making- no announcement of policy.
The Milledgeville Recorder put out the name of the Hon. Timothy Furlow, and that gentleman, accepted in a letter declaring vigorously for the support of Mr. Davis and his administration. Thus stood the triangular contest. It was inspired by a shrewd policy. Mr. Hill was the representative of the conservative element and the rallying" point for

GOVERNOR BBOWX ETjKCTEr* GOVERXOR THE FOURTH TERM. 201

a decided and growing Union fragment in North Georgia. Mr. Furlow

was a secessionist and an ardent war man, arid was expected to divide

Brown's support. It was hoped by^.st-he opposition tiiat iitthe split of

elements the election would, be thrown into the legislature, as it was

not believed Gov. Brown could get .a majority over both of his compet

itors. Mr. Furlow was a wealthy, liberal gentleman, devoted to the

Southern ca,use and very popular. The campaign was only tolerably

lively- People were too much absorbed in war to take much interest in

politics. The enemy was ga^ethe door. The field of conflict was on the

point of transfer to Georgia soil. Civil matters were at a discount in

the turbulence of strife. The jingle of the sabre arid the-tread, of armed

men silenced the ordinary tumult of political .agitation. A sort of mild

campaigning was done, but it .made little noise. The dread work of

revolution was running its bloody course, and men felt little inclination

to vex themselves over civil place. Gov. Brown left his canvass to take

care of itself, and. busied himself with preparation for .the -starm gath

ering against Georgia.

How he was impressing impartial -minds .-can be understood from the

following opinion of the Mobile Ilefjister,' ;

'

" Whatever the Georgians may think of their Governor lie is immensely popular away from home. In his own State lie appears to have bitter-enemies, and this is evi-

Browii as a model War-Governor--a veritable Stonewall Jackson-among State Execu tives. . . . For our part we render our sincere thanks to Governor Brown, and we believe his course meets the general and fullest-approbation, of the country."
The New York Herald watched the contest closely and predicted Mr. Hill's election. But the ballots told a different tale. There "were 64,804 votes polled, only half .a vote, showing the abstraction of the public mind from politics by the war. Governor Brown, .received 36,558, Joshua Hill 18,222, and Timothy Furlow 10,0.24. Gov, Brown had 18,330 majority over Hill and 2G..534 over Furlow, and he beat both 8,312. The army vote from seventy-three regiments was 15,223, of which Brown received 10,012, Hill 3,324, and Furlow 1,887; Brown's army majority over Hill was 0,088, and over Furlow 8,125, .and over both 5,801. These figures show how Gov. Brown stood with the fig-hting men of the State, and how fully and emphatically the soldiers endorsed him. The vote also shows the terrible decimation our Georgia regiments had undergone in. the service, testifying eloquently to their manhood.
The following gentlemen were elected to the Confederate Congress: First district, Julian Hartridg-e; second district, ~W. E. Smith; third

202

THE LEGISLATURE OF 1863.

district, M. H. Blanford; fourth district, Clifford Anclerson; fifth dis trict, J. T. She\vmake; sixth district, H. Echols; seventh district, James M. Smith; eighth district, George N. Lester; ninth distiict, H. P. Bell; tenth district, Warren Akin.
Of these, Wm. E. Smith, H. P. Bell and Julian Hartridge have been United States Congressmen since the war, James M, Smith, Governor of Georgia, and Clifford Aiiderson is at present Attorney General.
In the Legislature there were some very able men. Among the Sen ators were Thos. E. Lloyd, the great civil lawyer of Savannah; T. L. Guerry; Phil 'Cook, since a Cong-ressmaii; J. H. Pate, now a Judge of the Superior Court; Gen. A. R. Wright, the brilliant Ranse, a Congress man subsequently; E. H. Pottle, now a Judge; Alex. M. Speer, now a Justice of the Supreme Court; and C. D. McCutchen, recently a Judge of the Superior Court. Among the leading Representatives were Gen. W. S. Holt and Thomas Hardeman of Macon, the latter an ex-Con gressman; J. B. Jones, ex-member of Congress; L. N. Trammell, Presi dent of the Senate since for two terms; Philip M. Russell of Savan nah; W. F. Wright; R. Hester; Morgan Rawls, a Congressman after the war; M. Dwinell, a prominent journalist; Gen. R. "W. Carswell, now a Judge; Jas. M. Russell; J. R. Stewart, now a Judge; Thos. G. Lawson, now a Judge; and B. H. Big-ham.
The Hon. Thomas Hardeman was elected Speaker of the House, and Hon. A. R. Wright President of the Senate. The fourth inaugural ad dress of Governor Brown was a remarkably ring-ing1 document, that seemed to have caught the clang of steel from the spirit of the g-reat conflict. It had a single idea in it, put with singular eloquence. It simply sounded in a clarion voice the manly duty of the hour. Scan ning the vast struggle, it sped to the State one throbbing- idea that we were in to the death, and must unite and achieve freedom.
The annual message of Governor Brown to this legislature, of Novem ber ] 863, was one of the best papers of his executive career. It put the situation clearly and concisely before the people. It urg-ecl some very decisive measures, the repeal of the substitute law, authority to civil offi cers to arrest absentees from the army and the increase of the pay of soldiers. He argued that our soldiers should be clothed and their fam ilies fed by the State whenever it was necessary to any amount. The improper impressment of private property, the right of the State troops to elect their own officers he warmly advocated.
The Legislature adjourned December 14, 1803. It appropriated 8500,000 to the "Georgia Relief and Hospital Association;" $2,500,000

WAK ENLISTMENTS.

for soldiers' clothing-; $6,000,000 for indigent ' families of soldiers;

$500,000 for salt; $3,000,000 for a military fund; $750,000 for a blockade

steamer. The enrollment of all militia between 16 and 60 years was

authorized, and the Governor empowered to call them out if necessary.

Resolutions were passed re-affirming- the resolutions of the General

Assembly of 1861, pledging the state to the fight until peace wT as

established upon the basis of Southern independence. A resolution.

was also passed accepting- battle flags of the 4th, 14th, 20th and 26th

Georgia regiments and the 12th Georgia battalion, and several Federal

flags captured J^y the 4th Georgia and Dole's brigade.

During* the *year 1863 many interesting military matters transpired

in Georgia "and" in. connection with Georgia troops. The twTo regiments

of Georgia state troops were organized by the election of E. M. Gait

Colonel of the 1st regiment, and R. L. Storey Colonel of the 2d. The

following infantry regiments also had been organized for Confederate

service :

60th Georgia, Colonel Wm. H. Stiles.

61st "

John II. Lamar.

62(1

"

J. R. Griffin.

63d

"

George A. Gordon.

64th "

Jrio. W. Evans.

65th "

Jno. S. Fain.

Some light infantry battalions had also been formed. Also the

following cavalry regiments:

5th Georgia Cavalry, Colonel R, H. Anclerson.

6th

<



John R. Hart.

7th

"

"

E. C. Anderson, Jr.

8th

"

"

J. L. McAllister.

9th

"

"

J. Taliaferro.

Also a second 4th Georgia cavalry under Col. Duncan L. Clinch.

Mr. Davis had made requisition for 8,000 home guards. Governor

Brown called, for these troops, and 18,000 offered, demonstrating the

ready gallantry of our Georgians and the correctness of Gov. Brown's

position that the conscript law" was unnecessary in Georgia to raise

soldiers. Mr. Davis would not permit the selection by these commands

of their brigade and division officers. Gen. Howell Cobb was made

Major General and assigned to the charge in Georgia. He assumed

command September 14, 1863. Gen. Alfred Iverson, Jr., and Gen.

Henry Jackson were reported Brigadiers under him, the former at Rome

and the latter at Savannah. Gen. Gustavus ~W. Smith, who had resigned

GE^TKRAL TOOilBS KESIG^S.
from the Confederate army, was employed by Gov. Brown in aid of the fortification of the state. Col. R. A. Smith of the 44th Georgia, Lt. Col. J. C. Mounger of the OtlrGeorgia, and Lt, Col. AY. T. Harris of the 2tl Georgia, were killed. A very sad loss to the state was Col. Peyton II. Colquitt of the 4Gth Georgia at Chickamaug'a, one of the most brilliant young men in the commonwealth. Col. AYm. Gibson of the 48th was badly wounded. It was in April, 18G3, that a Georgia gentle man was made Brig-adier General, -who became the most famous and brilliant soldier the state had in the war, Gen. John B. Gordon.
It was early in this.year that Gen. Toombs resigned, ~Of fliis versatile genius Gen. Longstr.eet, who arrested him once, said that if he had been educated at a military school in subordination, he would have been as illustrious and successful as a soldier as he was .as a statesman, so great were his natural military abilities. And a curious incident is told which is vouched, for by Col. Raphael J. Moses, who was serving under him, that at one period Gen. Toombs was desired at the same time by Gen. Lee and President Davis, one desiring- to consult him on a war point, and the other on a matter of civil administration, both important affairs, and he had to hurry from Richmond to the front the same clay to fill both momentous advisory rules. Yet his ungovernable spirit of intractable insubordination to any authority kept him in hot altercation with his superiors, and resulted in such bitter feeling- that he resigned his coveted stars. His farewell to his brig-ade was a model of eloquent pathos and incisive soldierly ardor. He came home, refused to run for Congress, and started to raise a regiment for the home service.
During this year, 18G3, Gov. Brown had several of his memo able controversies that gave him so much celebrity in the Confederacy,
id ,
colonelcy made vacant by the killing- of Colonel Slaughter at Chancellorsville. This regiment was one of twelve organized regiments turned over to the President in February, 1862, under requisition of Mr. Davis, and declared by Mr. Benjamin, Secretary of War in 1802, to be entitled to elect their own officers and have them commissioned by the Gov ernor of Georgia. Gov. Brown claimed, apart from this pledge, that this regiment came under the clause of the Constitution reserving to the States the appointment of the officers. Mr. Seddon claimed that under the conscription law the President was authorized to appoint the officers. Gov. Brown argued that the conscription law was in conflict

GOV. HKOY.-N'ri COKIiESPOXDEXCE WITH THE BRITISH CONSUL. 265
v/ith the Constitution, and. the Constitution must govern. Gov. Brown plead that the principle had been decided on this very question, raised in Col. Benning-'s regiment of Gen. Too'mbs' brigade, in favor of the right of the State to commission. Mr. Seddon refused, to yield. Gov. Brown concluded his final letter with this thrust:
" The President has the power in his own hands, and I am obliged for the present reluctantly to acquiesce in what I consider a great wrong to thousands of gallant Georgia troops and a palpable infringement of the rights and sovereignty of the State. I will only add that this letter is intended more as a protest against your decision than as an effort to protract a discussion which it .seems can be productive of no practical results."
There was probably no matter of higher value to our spirited volun teers than this very privilege of selecting their officers, and the Con federate authorities made a great mistake in their policy on.- this point. While it was true, as a general principle, that the ordinary war rules were founded in a long experience as to regular and professional sol diers, our voluntary citizens' army was an organization of patriotic gentlemen, inspired by love of country and a blended sentiment of duty and honor. Mr. Davis and Gen. Bragg, both of them, failed to comprehend the difference. Some of our most skillful fig-liters and best strategists were civilians who had not enjoyed military education. The great bulk of our officers were men untrained in war. Gen. Sidney Johnson and Gen. Lee both appreciated the regime best for the volun teer. The Legislature endorsed Grov. .Brown's views on this subject of election of officers, and passed a resolution urging them on the Confed erate Congress.
A very spicy correspondence is that between Gov. Brown and Mr. A. Fullarton, British consul at Savannah. This was in July, 18G3, when Gov. Brown ordered a draft of eigirt thousand men for home defense from persons between, eighteen and forty-five years, including- British* subjects. Mr. Fullarton protested against such service, stating that for maintaining internal peace and order, British subjects were liable to duty, but not for fighting the United States troops. He claimed that the United States.was not a foreign power in relation to Georgia. Gov. Brown replied, refusing to exempt British subjects from such duty or modify his order. ^ The United States was a foreign nation at war with Georgia. If the British subjects did not wish to incur the burdens of living in Georgia they could leave. Mr. Fullarton replied that while advising- British subjects to do police or patrol duty, he counseled them if they were required to leave their homes or meet the United States forces in actual conflict, to throw clown their arms and refuse to render

266

REMARKABLE STATISTICS.

the service, which violated their neutrality. He claimed that Gov. Brown's course was in contrast with the practice of the United States Government and other Southern Governors. Gov. Brown replied that while Her Majesty's subjects lived in. Georgia they must perform the duties imposed upon them by the law of nations. The Governor put in a home stroke by saying- that if Fullarton really thought the United States was not a foreign power hostile to Georgia, he should have appealed for protection to British subjects resident in this State, to the government in "Washington, and not to the Governor of Georgia, He added that if Her Majesty's subjects should act on Mr. Fullarton's advice and throw down their arms on. the approach of clanger, and thus be guilty of the unnatural and unmanly conduct of refusing to defend their domiciles, they -would, be promptly dealt with as citizens of this State would, be committing such dishonorable delinquency. As to the United States exempting British subjects, as it had by the use of money drawn large numbers of recruits from the dominions of Her Majesty, in violation of the laws of the realm, it mav well afford to affect a pretended liberality -which costs it neither sacrifice nor incon venience. Mr. Fullarton gave up the contest, and there is 110 report of any hardship being suffered.
In. all subjects pertaining to the welfare of the soldiers, Gov. Brown not only took a deep interest, but did an active part. A Missionary mass meeting was held in Griffin, April 26, 1803, Rev. Dr. Mell pre siding, the object of which was Christian ministrations among- our sol diers in the field. Gov. Brown attended and made an earnest speech for this noble cause, and gave a handsome donation to army colportage for the dissemination of religious reading among- the troops. In the. Baptist Biennial Convention at Augusta, May 11, 1863, resolutions , of Dr. Broadus were reported, rendering- hearty support to the Con federate government and paying tribute to Stonewall Jackson. Rev. Dr. Boyce, of South Carolina, opposed these resolutions as covering po litical ground. Gov. Brown made a speech of great power and fervor

a most effective and patriotic speech. There are some remarkable statistics for thi year.. Confederate
money fell in. value until from 4 to 1 in 1862, it- became 21 to 1 in gold in 18G3. The property of the state swelled in figures, from $578,352,262, in 1862, to $991,596,583, in 1863. Polls decreased in number from

GEOKGIA THE HEAVIEST LOSER OF MEX.

267

91,562 to 60,108. The State road paid in to the treasury, 81,650,000. The pxiblic debt had grown to 814,149,4:10. The Bank capital of the State had enhanced to $70,713,048. An income tax had been imposed which showed 815,737,479 of profits on business in the state, yielding a tax of $683,235. But the most striking and honorable statistical fact-- placing Georgia in a position of unequaled distinction for the patriot ism and valor of its people, and its guiding agency in the war, was her greater loss of soldiers than any other Southern State. The Second Auditor at Richmond, published the following- statement of soldiers' deaths to December 31, 1863: Georgia, 9,504; Alabama, 8,987; North Carolina, 8,261; Texas, 6,377; Virginia, 5,943; Mississippi, 5,367; South Carolina, 4,511; Louisiana, 3,039; Tennessee, 2,849; Arkansas, 1,948; Florida, 1,119.
It was during this year that two small but most conspicuously brill iant military exploits took place on Georgia soil, the fame of which a just and appreciative history will not permit to die. The raid of Streight the Federal cavalryman into Georgia, \vith a splendid band of 1,800 dar ing and thoroughly equipped troopers was thwarted, and the whole command captured at Rome by the unparalleled Forrest. with but 600 men. Following them night and day, assaulting them at every stand, he finally compelled a surrender at the very threshold of the picturesque little mountain city, and saved the state some dreadful devastation.
The other equally historic and glorious incident was the repulse of a fleet of seven Federal monitors and gunships by the intrepid little gar rison of Fort McAllister, at the mouth of the Ogeechee river on the Georgia coast, in March, 1863, under command of Capt. Geo. W. Anderson. Major John B. Gallie, the commandant, was killed at the begin ning of the engagement. This was the seventh attempt that had been made to take this Fort, a simple earthwork with sand parapets, all of which had failed. This was the last and crowning effort. The garrison resisted an eight hours' desperate bombardment with guns, throwing as large 'as 15-inch shot and shell, and finally drove off the attacking ex pedition crippled and whipped. The papers rang- with the splendid achievement, and the General commanding complimented it in a general order, directing- the garrison to inscribe on their flags, " Fort McAllister, March 3rd, 1863."
The history of war may be searched in vain to find two more heroic and dauntless achievements than these matchless instances of skill and valor. 'They were unsurpassable exhibitions of chivalric courage and sublime patriotism.

CHAPTER XXVIII.
THE FIRST HALF OF THE MOST THRILLING YEAR OF GEORGIA ANNALS, 18G4.
Georgia becomes the Crucial Battle Ground of the War.--Virginia and Georgia.-- Georgia the Hope of the Confederacy.--Gov. Brown Convenes the Legislature.-- His Great Message.--A Document that Vivified the Confederacy.--Extraordinary Press Comment.--The Focal Southern. Governor.--It Evokes, also, Savage Censure.-- Lintoii Stephens' Resolutions and Memorable Speech on Gov. Brown's Line.--Gov. Brown Endorsed.--The Repeal of the Habeas Corpus Suspension Recommended.-- Alec Stephens' Strong Speech.---Protest against the Resolutions.--Teuton Stephens' Famous Adjustment Resolutions.--Gov. Brown's Fixedness.--Special Message that the Legislature must act or he would Re-convene it Immediately.--The Grapple of Joe Jolmstoii and Sherman.--Resaca.--Tanners Ferry.--The Anguish of Leaving Homes to the Enemy.--Cassville.--Xew Hope Church.--The Dead Lock.--Kennesaw and its Twenty-three Savage Days of Fight.--Over the Chattahoochee.--Joe Jolmstoii Removed, and the End Begun.--The Protest against Removal.--Davis' Misgivings.--The Anomaly of Johustoii's Career.--Georgia Adhering to her Fate of Supreme Agency in the "War.
THE year 18G-4 was a vivid and memorable one in Georgia amials, the most dramatic, thrilling and eventful in her century and a half of aug-ust history. From the first to the last week of this fateful twelve months there was a continued succession of throbbing and vital incidents that involved the fate of the Confederacy and the destiny of the conti nent. The State became the crucial point of the war, the decisive battle ground of the conflict, in strange pursuance of that mysterious fortune that seemed to make her the foremost instrumentality of the revolution. Both in civil and soldierly matters she was the scene, during- this salient year, of controlling- occurrences that shaped and settled the struggle. "With the result of events in Georgia in 1804 the war was practically ended. The conclusion was clearly in sight from the smitten and smouldering wreck of our noble State--ravag'ed, battlecharred and desolated out of recognition. The bloody swath through this State of four hundred miles, from the Tennessee line to the ocean border, quartering- the Confederacy, and destroying the Confederate base of supplies, left the Southern cause crushed, quivering and doomed. The Georgia campaign made the "Virginia campaign simply a qiiestioii of time, after which the end was at hand, close, final, deadly.

GEORGIA THE HOPE OF THE CONFEDERACY.

xJGO

The difference between Virginia and Georgia, in their relative situa tions and importance in the anatomy of the revolution, was very striking-. Virginia was a gate-way on the border. Georgia was the very vitals of the Confederacy. When Vicksburg fell it was a gloomy halving of the young republic of the South. Georgia became the heart of the cause. This State was the main source of grain supplies. It was also the chief manufactory of military stores, Atlanta being- the grand center of production and distribution. Back in the supposed interior point of safety, the thousands of Federal prisoners in our hands, held under a Federal policy of non-exchange, were huddled at the famous Andersonville stockades in South-Western Georgia. But the living, dominant spark of Confederate existence and power lay in the grand army, one of the two that propped up the super-incumbent and massive yet tottering cause of Southern nationality. This army reposed on Georgia soil, gathering its wounded, energies for the last, conclusive, desperate ordeal.
The war was at length focalized in Virginia and Georgia, and the crucial point was Georgia. The loss of Georgia was not only the destruction of one army, but it was the cutting- off the sotirce of subsistence and munitions for the other army, and therefore the more important prize. The operations everywhere save at these points were about ended. The Mississippi Valley was practically g-one, Tennessee, Missouri and Ken tucky were riveted, beyond hope, back to the Union, and in the other states.resistance was barren. The unspeakable importance of the cam paign in Georgia can be imagined, and the vital value of the Southern army here in that vivid year can be but faintly estimated.
The hope of the Confederacy rested upon the commonwealth, of Georgia, and the year 18G4 records the most romantic, sustained and versatile passage of arms on a large scale with the mightiest results known to modern histoi^. As the year 1863 broke in. gloom, so the year 18G4 began for the South in the same darkness. After the bat tle of Missionary Ridge our army lay crushed at Dart on.. Brag-g was forced by public opinion to yield its leadership. Gen. Hardee took temporary command, but in the grand spirit of patriotism, as morally heroic as it was unexampled, he declined the permanent generalship. That incomparable organizer, Gen. Joe Johnston, was placed over the shattered force, and the work of rehabilitation proceeded thoroughly under his superb direction. The Federal head-quarters were at Chatta nooga, and a magnificent army was organized there, ready when, the " tugging- leash " was slipped to precipitate upon the devoted soil of

270

WARM COMPI.IMEXTS TO GOVERXOR BROWX.

Georgia the glory and the woe of this last trial of the stupendous revolution.
The whole country pulsed with the thrill of the impending storm. The authorities at Richmond and Washington, looked with equal and fierce anxiety to the clash. The South gazed in breathless suspense. The people of Georgia braced their unquailing and intrepid energies for the encounter, and their dauntless Executive, composed and selfreliant, masterfully met the emergency with every resource of a power ful state and every sympathy of its. gallant citizens. Gov. Brown called the legislature together to convene Thursday, the 10th of March, 1864. He sent in to that body the best message of his Executive career.,, It was a genuine inspiration. He incarnated in its glowing sentences the central idea of constitutional government and the very genius of South ern heroism. It fell upon the Confederacy with the vivifying- potency of a blended slogan of battle and of law. From every part of the Con federacy came back the answering echo of encomium and approval. Said the Selma (Ala.) Reporter, " From the sea of blood whose fell waves threaten, to sweep away the guerdons that encircle the Ark of our Covenant of Freedom, there rises, in the person of Joseph E. Brown of Georgia, a nucleus around which a summoned resistance will aggre gate which it were madness to oppose."
Said the Mississippi-cm: " The country, the PEOPLE are with Gov. Brown in sentiment. W^e hear it on steamboats, in cars, in hotels, in private and public circles." Said the Charleston jMerciiry : " Our sym pathies are in unison with the whole course of Governor Brown's argu ment." Said the Petersburg- Express: " The Governor of Georgia is devoted heart and soul to the cause of the South." Said the Memphis Appeal: " Such action by the Sovereign States is at this time needed to prevent iisurpation, centralization of power, and preserve intact the personal liberty guaranteed, to us."
These extracts, taken at random from the mass of contemporaneous expression of opinion out of the State, \vill give an idea of Gov ernor Brown's prominence in the South, arid how he loomed above the whole file of Southern Governors in that animated clav. His influence went out beyond state bounds. He was the acknowledged, leader and exponent of the larg-e element of citizens in his way of thinking-. In the State the majority of the press was against him, as curiously enough it has been during the greater portion of Gov. Brown's long and successful public career. But he received from a powerful minority of the State press some striking* commendation upon his message.

GOVERXOK BROWN'S WAR MESSAGE.

271

The Columbus Sun, Augusta Chronicle, Atlanta J/ntelligencer, Atlanta Confederacy, and Milledgeville Union all endorsed the Governor in strong terms.
The message covers forty-five pages of the journals of the General Assembly, and a perusal of its burning sentences and unanswerable arguments will explain the profound sensation it created over the South. The message recommended some additional war measures, and then entered into a fervid, powerful discussion of two great subjects. /One was the passag-e by the Confederate Congress of an enlarged con scription act, enrolling citizens from 17 to 50 years of ag-e, and of an act suspending the writ of Jiabeas corp\is. ^ The other subject was the principle involved in the war, and the conduct of the strugg-le by the North. These two vital and gigantic public themes were treated with a vigor and exhausti veil ess, with an ability and energy, that could not be surpassed, and the overmastering document fell upon the public mind with tremendous effect. Some parts of this stern, dominant paper are magnificent expressions of sentiment and thought clothed in lofty languag-e. There pervades the whole document a sublimated spirit, born of the extraordinary times, and as exalted as the majestic subjects discussed. There was a higii and sustained power in it that showed a wonderful ability wrought up to a sublime exercise of its streng'th. The seemingly extravagant encomiums of the press out of the state given before will demonstrate how able minds regarded this remarkable state paper. It -was at once a logical protest against cen tralized despotism in friend and foe, and a masterful plea for the sanctity of our cause.
Looking at the message, with its ability proportioned to the subject, and this is saying much, it wTas a rare exhibition of discernment and courage, a profound and philosophical discussion of the principles of constitutional liberty and a bold, timely admonition of statesmanship. An Alabama paper voiced the public estimate in these strong -words:
"It is a majestic pyramid of impregnable facts, built Avitli the skill of a scholar and'a logician--a pyramid whose base is as broad as the sovereignty of the states, with an apex as lofty as the ambition of all lovers of constitutional freedom. It is an epitome of the war in its vital aspects, and luminous with a grasp of practical statesmanship adequate to the salvation of the Confederacy, provided its admonitions and teachings find a lodgment in the popular mind at the South."

Perhaps the most valuable personal tribute to this message was the one paid by Gen. Toombs, who wrote to Gov. Brown a characteristic and lengthy letter, presenting some additional arguments in its sup-

272

LIXTOX STEPHENS GREAT SPEECH.

port. In this letter lie tendered Gov. Brown his " sincere thanks for the ability, firmness and success with which you have supported the cause of personal liberty." And he \vent on with these strong- words:
"Among your many and well-merited claims upon the confidence and gratitude of the people of Georgia and of the whole Confederacy for your great, valuable and unwearied services in the cause of Southern liberty, none rank higher or endure longer than this noble defense of the most valuable of all human rights."
The message also elicited some very harsh and opposing- criticism, and there was a warm diversity of opinion upon the policy of question ing- the acts of the Confederate authorities in the desperate pressure of the conflict. Some very hard names were applied to Gov. Brown, " disorganizer," " madman," '" marplot," etc. Hon.. Liiiton Stephens intro duced resolutions enforcing Gov. Brown's views. The debate was able and earnest. Outside gentlemen made speeches at night. liowell Cobb, A. H. Ivenan and Hon. L. Q. G. Lamar of Mississippi made strong, eloquent addresses in support of the Acts of the Confederate administration. Alexander H. Stephens delivered a lengthy and elab orate speech upon the line of Gov. Brown's message. Liiiton Stephens made perhaps the strongest speech on the subject--an enunciation of great power and intensity, in which he uttered Math nervous fire the memorable and ringing expression, " I AM FOR THE CAUSE A^TD :NOT FOR DYXASTIES ! " The Augusta Clironiele is responsible for the statement that the lobby of the Legislature was filled with prominent administra tion, officials opposing- Gov. Brown's policy. The resolutions passed by a majority of three in 1 the House and eight in the Senate. They declared, the act of Congress suspending- habeas coitus unconstitutional, recommended repeal by the next Congress and obedience to the act until repealed. A protest was entered against these resolutions, signed by 43 members, among them Thos. G. Lawson, M. Dwinell, J. D. Mat thews, Thos. Hardeman, Jr., D. P. Hill, W. S. Holt, \Y. O. Fleming arid others. The protest was based upon the ground that the law should be acquiesced in until decided unconstitutional by the courts.
Georgia thus led off in the protest against this infringement upon, liberty, and took the initiative as the honored sentinel, in the languag-e of Alex. Stephens, to preserve Constitutional liberty and independence as objects " co-ordinate, co-existent, co-equal, co-eval and forever insep arable."
ISTor was this action without practical and solid results. The states of Alabama, North Carolina and Mississippi, the home of Mr. I3avis, followed Georgia and Gov. Brown, in this vital matter and protested

THE FAMOUS GEORGIA PEACE RESOLUTIONS.

273

against the suspension of habeas corpus. But this was not all. The second Confederate Congress after a powerful, exhaustive and heated discussion refused to continue the suspension though Mr. Davis insisted upon it. It was a sig-nal triumph of the Georgia policy inspired by Governor Brown.
A resolution was also passed expressing- Linabated confidence in Mr. Davis. Another very celebrated action of Georg-ia through her General Assembly at this time was the passag-e of some resolutions, also the work of Lint on Stephens, declaring- the ground on which the Confed erate States stood in the war, arid the terms on which peace ought to be offered to the enemy. These resolutions have become famous, and stand as a monument of that governing- statesmanship that during- the revolution Georgia so supremely and without rivalry exercised. The resolutions declared the object of g-ood government and the right of the people to alter government to socuro those objects; that the Declaration of Independence was the outcome of this principle; that Georgia was such a nationality as was entitled to exercise the full right of self-gov ernment; the causes of separation and a justification of secession; the vindication of secession by the subsequent policy of Mr. Lincoln, especially the proposition to establish governments in the seceded-states if one-tenth of them were loyal to the North; that an honorable close of the war was highly desirable, arid to put an end to the unnatural, unchristian, and savag-e work of carnage and havoc, the Confederate government, after signal successes of arms, should officially tender peace on the great principles of 1776, allowing the border states to make free choice of future associations; that the effect of such a course would be salutary upon the foe and upon our soldiers and people; but renewing pledges of the prosecution of the war, defensive on our part, until an honorable peace was obtained and the independence and nationality of the Confederate States established upon a permanent and enduringbasis.
An incident illustrating- Gov. Brown's fixedness of purpose was this: The legislature passed a resolution to adjourn on the 19th of March, 1804:, at 12 o'clock M., without acting 011 the Habeas Corpus and other matters. The morning of the 19th Gov. Brown sent in a message noti fying- the General Assembly that unless the great questions requiringaction were finally settled in some way, he should convene the body in extra session on the 21st. The session was prolonged until night and action taken. Among- the acts passed by this General Assembly, of an aggressive war character, was a lav/ allowing loyal Southern females in

274:

JOIIXSTON'S FAMOUS RETREAT BEGIJSTS.

Georgia to secure total divorces from husbands in the military service of the United States, or voluntarily in the lines of the enemy furnishing them aid and comfort. The battle flags of the 10th and 50th Georgia Regiments were placed in the archives. The Georgia troops whose time had expired had generally re-erilisted and resolutions of compli ment were passed.
On the 4th clay of May, 18G4, began the great Georgia campaign that ultimately ended in the downfall of the Confederacy. ' Gen. Joe Johnston had in the interval between the 27th day of December, 1863, and May, 1864, brought up the army to the highest point of efficiency from its sadly disorganized condition after the calamitous defeat of Missionary Ridge. His force was 42,856. Gen. "William T. Sherman, commanding the Federal army, had 98,797 and 254 cannon; or more than double Johiiston's army. It is to be doubted if there was ever in military annals a more consummately conducted campaign. It was a game of ch.ess between masters. It was a grapple of giants. It was a joust of arms of unsurpassed skill between two \varriors who exhibited each the highest art of warfare. Both were wary, adroit, sagacious strategists, and both were bold fighters. Johnston's policy was to pre serve his precious army at the sacrifice of territory, draw Sherman away from his base of supplies, and give battle, only where he had the chance of success, and where defeat to Sherman would be most disastrous.
The \vriter was with Johnston during a large portion of the retreat, commanding cavalry, and participating in the actions until wounded at the battle of New Hope Church. He therefore knows practically the man agement of the campaign by Johnston. It was a faultless demonstra tion of soldierly genius. The fighting was continuous. Johnston fought under shelter of entrenchments, preserving life to the utmost extent, 'administering all the punishment possible, and when flanked, leisurely falling back without the loss of a gun or canteen or wheel-spoke, his army intact, deliberate and orderly as on parade. There were no sur prises, no discomfitures, no disorders. The men were troubled at giving up their homes to the enemy. But their confidence in Johnston never abated.
Sherman's policy was to precipitate a great battle and crush Johnston at one blow. Failing in this, he shied around the strong fronts and compelled Johnston's retirement. The two captains both showed a marvelous subtlety in penetrating each other's adroit designs. Between. Dalton and Ring-gold where the two armies confronted each other, lay

TAXXER'S EERRY COMPELS RESACA GIVEX UP.

275

Rocky Face Mountain with Johnston impregnably settled against direct attack. ' Making a vigorous show of assault on the front with Schofield's and Thomas' armies, Sherman sent McPhersoii's army through Snake Creek Gap on the left, to Resaca, eighteen miles below Daltori on the State road. Johnston had seen the trap and made Resaca too strong for assault, and the catch failed. Johnston quietly gave up Dalton and concentrated his army around Resaca.
The town of Calhoun is six miles below Resaca. At Calhoun was Johnston's base and reserves. The Oostanaula river runs by Calhoun down to within a mile of Calhoun, wrhen it turns and goes in the direction of Rome. At Tanner's Ferry, two and one-half miles, a near point of, the bend to Calhoun, Col. I. W. Avery of the 4th Georgia Cavalry was stationed with" a brigade of cavalry and a battery of artil lery defending two miles of the river. A mile behind him was Gen. John T. Morgan's brigade of cavalry in reserve, and at Calhoun Gen. W. H. T. "Walker's division of infantrv, both of which commands he was directed to call upon if too heavily pressed. On the afternoon of the 14th of May, 1864, Sherman made a general attack on Johnston's army at Resaca, and simultaneously threw a heavy force at Tanner's Ferry to drive a crossing. Col. Avery's brigade, extending along two miles of river, presented a thin line of defense. Immediate dispatches were sent both to Gen. Morgan and Gen. Walker of the attack, and a most stubborn resistance was made, but the crossing was forced after several hours' fighting-, in'which one half of the brigade was destroyed. Gen. Morgan arrived a short while after the enemy \vere over, and after dark Gen. AValker arrived. -''' The Federals entrenched and strangely delayed to move upon Calhoun, to which they were three and one-half miles nearer than Johnston's main army at Resaca. f The next morning, Gen. "Walker, deceived by the enemy's quiet, and against the opinion of the cavalry officers in front, dispatched Gen. Johnston that the report of the passage of the Oostanaula was unfounded, and caused a change of plan. Gen. Walker then threw Gen. Jackson's brigade of infan try against the quiet enemy and met with a quick and bloody repulse, and immediately notified the army commander. ' That night Gen. John ston retired from Resaca,/ having repulsed" the Federals with a loss to them of 5,000 men, while'his own was inconsiderable.
On the morning of the 16th, Gen. Hardee rode out to the Picket line where Col. Avery was, and after a close inspection of the enemy's lines, came to the conclusion from the inactivity that no movement was threatening. In five minutes after he left, there was an advance sweep-

27G

SOLDIERS GIVIXG UP HOLIES TO THE FOE.

ing- the cavalry back, and a lively brush- occurred between Harclee and McPherson 7 ------JJohnstoii fell back to Cassville. Rome was abandoned to the Federals. At Cassville, Johnston determined to g-ive battle. It was a very strong position for us. The men \vere burning- to fig-ht. The writer remembers well the afternoon of the 19th of May, 1804, reading Johnston's ringing- battle order--a model of terse, fiery rhetoric to his brigade in the falling- twilight, in an old field environed by solemn woods. The men called for a speech, and in common with others, the writer made a few words of deep-felt appeal from a convenient stump. The delight of these grim soldiers at the prospect of fighting for their beloved homes was inspiring-./ The writer's command was composed mostly of men from the section we were giving up, and in retreating they were leaving- their wives and children behind them to the ruthless mercies of the foe. It is such a test as this that tries brave men to the very depths. None can understand the anguish of such a retreat, save those who have undergone it. Death almost were preferable to an or deal so full of agony of soul and wretched dread for loved ones. This was bringing home to soldiers the last and worst horror of the blig-hting war. And when it was announced that a stand was to be taken and the battle fought, there was such a thrill of joy pulsing the hearts of these brave patriots as gave stern token of the unconquerable fight they would have mader**"~~Men were never more earnest, and they would have never yielded that field. But the battle purpose was unwisely re linquished by Gen. Johnston, arid the golden opportunity of the cam paign was lost against his decided judgment. Gen. Johnston -afterward traveled with the writer in the fall of 1864, from Macon to Charlotte, arid said that the battle was renounced by him at the urgent entreaty of x Generals Hood and Polk, two of his corps commanders, who said they could not hold, their positions; wlnle Gen. Harclee, the othe'r corps com mander, who had the -weakest place in the line, declared his ability to maintain his ground. Gen. Johnston himself, said he reg-arcled it as the loss of the best chance of the retreat, .arid that he had always regretted that he did not give battle then. He apprehended, however, that Hood and Polk would, not fight with zeal if they did it in fear of defeat, so he yielded to them. The army was discouraged at not fighting this battle, but soon recovered, and it shows their stern sense of duty and sturdy patriotism, that they remained in the ranks, though they were leaving their homes in the hands of the enemy.
Sherman, presuming- that Johnston \vould utilize the Allatoona Pass for a stand, made another flank movement for Dallas. The sleepless

THE ^sE\V HOPE CHURCH BATTLE.

277

Johnston detected the new step and quietly interposed his army at New Hope Church. Here was a desperate bout, furious arid* bloody, in which Sherman was frig-htfully punished. Early .he made an effort to turn au-r right and get in between Johnston and the railroad. This was ;tbe-afternoon of the 2Gth of May, 1864. Col. Avery was thrown at the double quick with a part of the 4tli Georgia Cavalry to check the movement until troops could get up to thwart it. Gen. Johnston in his Narrative says of this perilous attempt upon his flank, " Although v:^ desperately wounded in the onset, Col. Avery, supported in his saddle /I.- by a soldier, continued to command, arid maintained the contest until / the arrival of forces capable of holding- the ground." Major Sidney 1/-' .-Herbert, the capable arid careful correspondent of that powerful paper, ,c'" , the Sava,nnah JVeios, writing- in 1878 the particulars of a conversation ,,/' with Gen. Johnston, reported him as making this additional statement ^ ,1'" about this, most dangerous and nearly successful effort of a corps of the M" -,1 -enemy to cut him from his base, an effort prevented in a manner sliowA/ ing the value of moments and of the determined resistance of even a ,..'' ;femall force against a large one at the opportune time: " Finding him^ -p^"<self confronted by the advance guard of several divisions of Federal JK* .troops, Col. Avery saw that it was hopeless to contend against such >'' ,,'" odds, yet a stern sense of duty made it plain to him that he must resist />' :their advance until the Confederate forces could have time to place I<! ',-" themselves in action. Under these circumstances, and impelled by this ji strong sense of duty, he foug'ht against overwhelming- numbers arid with bloody results, until the needed reinforcements came up. His rare personal courage inspired his brave soldiers. Although severely wounded, he remained in his saddle supported by a soldier, arid thus ac-complishecl, under great physical suffering-, his g-rand self-imposed task for duty's sake." From this time to the 4th day of June the two armies lay in a dead-lock, fighting daily. Every effort made by Sherman to trip his adversary \vas abert4ve. Every assault was bloodily repulsed.
Sherman began to flank again, this time moving- to the right of Johriston,, arid the two vast gladiators faced each other, Sherman near Acworth, and Johnston near Marietta. Johnston manned a line of emi nences, of which Pine Mountain, in the center, Lost Mountain on his left, and Memorable Ivennesaw Mountain on. his right composed the ob structive trio. Rested, reinforced, provisioned, Sherman determined to break the cordon if possible by force, and on the 9th of June, 18G4, he commenced. The history of war reveals no such battle. Until the 3rd day of July, twen^-three savage days^iie battered away with his ponder-

278

THE DESPERATE TWEXTY-TIIREE DAYS' BATTLE.

ous human mallet to break down and through the interposing wall of flesh and steel. It was one incessant straining battle, lulling occasionally to a hot skirmish, and then blazing into a deadly struggle. Hotod had the right, Hardee the left, and Polk the center. McPherson confronted Hood, Schofield faced Hardee, and Thomas grappled with Polk. On the 14th of June the Bishop-soldier Polk yielded his sacred life. Sherman pushed the mortal game with a grand tenacity. Pine Mountain was first abandoned, arid then Lost Mountain was sullenly relinquished, and Johnston contracting his line presented a stronger chain of obstacles than ever, while Sherman had spent men in vain with a prodigal thr-iftlessness. For the first time Johnston threw Hood against the enemy's right in a crisp tentative reconnoisance, but it was clone with a repulse and a loss. On the 27th of June Sherman made his crucial drive, and a macl, terrific clash it was, Thomas and McPherson with three-fourths of the Federal army striking Hardee and Loring, who had succeeded the noble Polk. The Federal line, with a desperate courage unsurpassed anvwhere, rolled against Johnston's entrenched ranks, but it recoiled, smitten and shattered, in crumbling, bloody fragments, with the loss of thousands. Sherman was satisfied with a direct march upon our army for over three straight crimson weeks, arid he returned to his tactieal waltzing. He shot McPherson's army for the Chattahoochee on the right, and back slid the undeceivable Johnston out of the strategic trap, and after a number of days of lively snapping^, on. the 9th of July, 1864, he crossed the Chattahoochee with his army as solid as a packed co'tton bale, and North Georgia, reposing in Sherman's grim clutch, helpless and miserable.
Both armies went to sponging off for the next grapple. For two weeks they rested. It is always wise to heed a foe. The following pregnant and impressive sentences so aptly tell the truth that quoting them is an irresistible temptation. They are from Swinton's famous Book.
" In the latter days of the Confederacy, the grim fatality which from the ontset had walked with it, side by side, along- its destined course, silent and unseen, seemed to throw off, at length, the cloak of invisibility, to stab it boldly with mortal blows. While in the enthusiasm of the contest, it seemed hardly fanciful to declare that fate itself, shadowing the Confederacy so long through successes, with unsuspected presence, at length revealed its sardonic figure in the moment of destiny, to fix its doom and down fall. One such mysterious blow to the Confederacy was that by which Gen. Johnston was removed from its Western army, at the moment when he was most needful for its salvation, kept from command till an intervening general had ruined and disintegrated it, and then gravely restored to the leadership of its pitiful fragments."

GENERAL JOE JOHJSTSTOlSr S REMOVAL.

279

On the 17th of July, 1864, the Federal army resumed its active work, and on the same day the President, Mr. Davis, relieved Gen. Johnston of the command of his army, and substituted Gen. Hood in his stead. Johnston had made vigorous preparations for the defense of Atlanta, lie-was sitting- in his tent talking with Gen. Mansfield Lovell, when a package of communications was brought to him. He read one, and then with a quiet unconcern and a pleasant smile handed it to Gen. .Lovell, saying, " What do you think of that ? " It vfa.s the order reliev( ing him of command. Stunned at the order, General Lovell begged Nairn to make no obedience to it until an effort could be made to get it reversed. Johnston declined to make any effort. Gen. Lovell, however^ got the corps commanders together, Generals Hardee, Stewart and Hood, and they petitioned and protested against the change, deputizing Gen. Hood himself as a matter of courtesy to send the protest. Gen. Hood sent the dispatch, but it was worded in such a way as to carry no force and exert no effect. Mr. Davis declined to withdraw the order and Johnston returned to privacy.
In this connection, it is said upon the authority of two gentlemen closely connected with Mr. Davis, one of them, alleged to be Geii. A. R. Lawton, who had been made the Quartermaster-General cf the Con federate armies, and the other, Gen. Gilmer, that he was opposed to removing Gen. Johnston, and reluctantly yielded to the advice of his Cabinet advisers. The account goes that at the meeting- when it was determined, Mr. Davis walked up and down the room with his hands behind him in deep anxiety, saying \vith earnest emphasis and a most : troubled manner, that he doubted the propriety of it. This report is \ the more important because it conflicts with the generally accredited opinion arid puts Mr. Davis in a different light.
It is not perhaps Irrelevant nor an exaggeration to say that Gen. Johnston's career presents the most remarkable anomaly of military annals. From the beginning to the end he was distrusted and depre ciated by the Confederate authorities, yet he held from first to last the confidence and admiration of armies and people. And every effort of the several made to retire him to obscurity, but strengthened him in popular esteem, and resulted in calling him to new exaltation of power, new display of genius and increase of fame. It seemed impossible to dispense with him. Tlie public outcry for his installation in responsible leadership was irresistible. His genius was openly decried, and his administration condemned by his superiors, yet it was utterly in vain so far as the public confidence was concerned. The people stubbornly

THE DOWNFALL
believed in him, and the soldiers clamored for his Generalship and fought under it with an unshakable trust and a loving- enthusiasm. And while he labored under a continuous censure from the Confederate rulers, he enjoyed a constant triumph of praise from the masses of the people. It certainly presents a strange incident of the war, this incon gruity of Johnstoii's connection with the struggle. Another curious fatality of Johnston was, that his genius was conspicuously and most mournfully vindicated by the blundering- failure of others, instead of the successes achievable by the enforcement of his counsels and plans.
"When Gen. Johnston was removed he had been fighting an army double his own. for seventy-four consecutive days. He had lost in killed and wounded 9,450 men, and inflicted a loss upon the enemy equal to the Southern army. He turned over to Gen. Hood a splendid experienced army of 50,627 veteran soldiers, disciplined, seasoned- and buoyant, as fine a band of fig-hters as the world ever saw, well equipped and armed, \vell officered, well organized and invincible in Gen. John stoii's hands against attack. The removal of Johnston was the begin ning- of the end. It was the turning- point to ultimate failure. Sh-es.man gave a long-, deep breath of relief, and said, " Heretofore the -fig-lit-- ing has been as Johnston pleased, but that hereafter it would-be as he-- pleased."
From this time on, the cause steadily sank, until it was engulfed in ruin. The army was the prop of the cause, and the leadership was given, to one who was brave enoug-h, but who fatally underestimated its value. Territory lost could be regained. The army gone, the cause was dead. The do\vrifall was progressing- surely, and our great Georgia was the theater of its enactment in strange fulfillment of romantic . destiny.

CHAPTER XXIX.
SHERMAN TEARS ATLANTA FROM HOOD.
The Georgia Militia.--Geii. G. W. Smith.--Gov. Brown's Heroic Ardor----Jchnston's Praise of Brown.--Brown and Davis.--Hood's Gallant Waste.--The Battles of the 18th and 22nd of July around Atlanta.--The Death of Col. John M. Brown, brother of Gov. Brown.--Shermaii's Cavalry.--Stoiiemaii's Capture.--Hood's At tack 28th July.--Bombardment of Atlanta.--Gov. Brown orders out County Officers.--Mood Sends off his Cavalry.--Jonesboro.--Atlanta Effect.--The South Stunned.--The North Vivified.--Complin Militia.--Gov. Brown and Mr. Seddeii in their Last Stern Co: Close of a Series of Intellectual Conflicts that will Gain Inter. Fontaine's Pen Picture of Joe Brown.--Sherman in Atlanta.--His Exile of her People--Hood and Sherman.--Tart Letters.--Beauregard.--Convention of Gov ernors.--Mr. Davis and Ben Hill Visit Georgia.--Davis' Unwise Speech at Macon.-- A Photograph of Mr. Davis.--His Qualities and Needs.--Hood sent to Tennessee. --And theJlark End at Hand.--The Appointment of General A. R, T.awton Quartermaster-General of the Confederate Government.--A Distinguished Officer. --The Great Compliment of this Assignment.--A Vast Responsibility Well Borne. --Georgia's Controlling Agency Continued in this.--Gen. I.awton's Brilliant Admin istration.--Destruction of all the Quartermaster's Papers.--The Enlistment of Negro Soldiers.--A Remarkable Document.
"WE have come to Hood's fatal assumption of command, in the heart of Georgia, of the most important of the twin armies of the Confeder acy, on the 17th day of July, 1864. Atlanta and its vicinity were to beaorne the arena of momentous occurrences. The defenses around Atlanta had been g-oing on for weeks. Heavy rifled cannon had been brought from Mobile; the military shops had been removed."" Gov. Brown had organized over 10,000 of the State militia, and placed them in the trenches around Atlanta, under Major-General Gustavus W. Smith, with Gen. Toombs as chief of staff, who was placed under Gen. Hood's orders. The conduct of Gov. Brown in this crisis deserves all pKbise. He did all that mortal man could to aid the desperate and fail ing-cause. His appeals were eloquent and urgent for the sons of the State to rally to its defense. He had used every possible means to supply the troops with arms and clothing. He had chartered ships to import supplies. The Confederate Secretary of the Treasury refused to_pj3rmit any\vessel to clear unless she carried out one-half of the cargo for the Confederate government, which blocked Gov. Brown's

282

THE BATTLE OF ATLANTA, JULY 22 NT), 1804.

operations. He had bought 30,000 blankets for soldiers and 30,000 cotton cards, and had 300 bales of cotton loaded on the ship Little Ada to send out arid pay for them, when Mr. Memmiriger refused a cleara.nce for her. Gov. Brown, in conjunction with Gov. Clark, Gov. ^W^atts and Gov. Vance appealed to Cong-ress for relief. The matter created much comment at the time, but the Confederate authorities refused to yield.
Gen. Johnston states in his " Narrative," that on all occasions he was zealously seconded by Gov. Brown. Quite an important correspond ence took place between Gov. Brown and Mr. Davis in June, 1864. Gov. Brown wrote to Mr. Davis asking- if reinforcements could not be sent to Georgia, and suggesting that Forrest or Morgan cut Sherman's communications. Mr. Davis replied, saying that he could not change the disposition of our forces so as to help Gen. Johnston more effec tually. Gov. Brown answered: "If your mistake should result in, the loss of Atlanta and the occupation of other strong points in this S^tate by the enemy, the blow may be fatal to our cause, and remote posterity may have reason to mourn over the error."
Gen. Hood lost little time in assuming the aggressive. Throwingcompletely over the cautious Fabiari strategy of Johnston, Hood com mitted an error that the most ordinary soldier \vould have avoided-- threw his army against Sherman's double force, strongly entrenched, and met with a bloody repulse. If Shermari with twice the men had been unable to ever drive Johnston, what hope could Hood possibly have to force strong entrenchments with half the men. Hood took command at sunset on the 18th July, 1864. On the 20th, in the after noon, he struck Sherman on the Buckhead road running- from the Chattahoochee river to Decatur. He indented the Federal line at .the first onset, but a five hours' gory battle sent him hustling- back with a loss of about 5,000 men against a Federal loss of 1700. Nothing daunted, Hood moved out on the Federal left on the night of the 21st, and on the morning of the 22ricl pounced savagely upon Sherman. There has been no heavier fig-hting than this fierce battle. From 11 o'clock until night it rag-ed. The Confederates secured several important advantag-es by sheer audacity. Geri. James P. McPhersoii was killed in this battle. Gen. McPherson, though a young- officer, wT as one ofthe most brilliant in the Federal armies. A monument in the woods near Atlanta marks the spot where he fell. Several batteries were captured, arid several valuable positions taken gallantly. Wheeler's cavalry did good service. * Prodig-ies of superb but useless valor were

GOVERNOR BROWN'S BROTHER KILLED.

283

done by Hood's noble men. But Sherman was too strong- and too g-ame. Hood withdrew from his fatally earned inches of progress with two pitiful guns and the loss double the enemy, whose hard fig-hting- was shown in a summary of 3,722 casualties. In this battle Gen. W. H. T. Walker was killed and Gen. Mercer wounded. Among- the desperr. ately-hurt was Lieut. Col. John M. Brown, a brother of Gov. Brown, who was wounded while leading- his reg-iment, one of the State organi zations, gallantly in a charge. He was twenty-five years old. He had been wounded at the battle of Resaca while holding the rank of Major. He returned to his command before his wound was healed, and was unani_m.ously elected Lieut. Colonel. He took part in the Kennesaw battle. He was commanding- the regiment on the 22nd. He was a very prom ising' officer, and beloved by his regiment. This was.the second brother that Gov. Brown lost in the service. Col. Brown died from his wound at the executive mansion on the 25th of July, 1864. "While standingby tlie bedside of" his dying brother, Gov. Brown-was calLed upon to provide means for the defense of Milledgeville threatened by a raid, and it seemed doubtful if he \vould be permitted to bury his brother in peace.
Sherman's cavalry were very active. Garrard broke some bridg-es near Cc^mgtorx on the Georgia road. Rousseau tore up the West Point road at Ojaelika. Stoneman with 5,000 troopers and McCook with 4,000 went out to meet on the Macon road and rip up matters. Both com mands were surrounded. McCook escaped, but Stoneman surrendered to a force consisting of Iverson's Georgia brigade, Adams' Alabama brigade and Williams' brigade, under command of Brig. Gen. Alfred Iverson. Stoneman had attacked Macon but had been repulsed by a part of Gov. Brown's militia under Gen. Cobb, both Gov. Brown and Gen. Cobb being on the field, and acting under suggestion of Gen. Jos. E, Johnston, who was present supervising the engagement. Over 600 Federals were captured. The grateful citizens of Macon proposed a dinner to Iverson and his command, but the command was ordered away .before the purpose could be carried out.
The fighting around Atlanta up to this time had been done on the South-east. Sherman moved his forces over on the \vest side, and Hood followed him up. On the 28th of July, 1864, Hood made another of his daring onslaughts upon Sherman with the same unsuccessful and bloody result, a loss of three or four of his own men to one of the enemy. The losses of Hood in killed and wounded, not including the captured, up to July the 31st, from the night of the 18th, or thirteen

284

THE BOMBARDMKKT O!F ATLANTA.

days, were 8,S41 7 ''or only 009 less than Johnston had lost in seventy-four days' continuous battle, in which Johnston had whipped, every conflict and Hood lost every one he had foug-ht. ' On the 5th of Aug-ust Schofield struck Hood's line, but was driven, back with a loss of 400 men. ) This was the sole Confederate success won by Hood, and it illustrated the wisdom of Johnston's strategy. A division of Federal cavalry made an attack upon Macon, but were repulsed by Maj. Gen. Ho well Cobb with two regiments of militia and several other commands.
Sherman constantly bombarded Atlanta, throwing his shot and shell into the heart of the city. The private residences were daily struck.) The dwelling of Judge C. H. Strong, the present clerk of the superior court, the stores of Beech & Root and "W. F. Herring- on "Whitehail street, the residences of E. B. Walker and A. M. Wallace on Ivy'street, and hundreds of others, were damaged. People burrowed in their cellars for protection; basement stories were at a decided premium-; and holes in railroad cuts were utilized, in the cause of personal safety.
The ea.rnpau>;'j vv-as rapidly culminating. Sherman finding- that direct assault was unavailing-, and that Hood had learned by costly experience the lesson that Johnston had. so astutely understood at the start, that he must economize his army, again resorted to his old strategy. In the meantime Gov. Brown, appreciating- the emergency, was reinforcing- the State militia. He used, every means to get men. to the front. Sotne foreigners were dodging- military duty. fie issued an order driving aliens from the State unless they would do service. He ordered out the county officers. He infringed pretty nearly upon the cradle and the grave. His energy was unbounded. Arid \the raw State militia did noble duty. ^ Gen. Johnston on the 7th of July wrote to Gov. Brown complimenting the Georgia State troops. After the battle of the 22nd of July Gen.. Hood wrote Gov. Brown that they had fought with great gallantry. The field officers -were as follows:
First Brigade, Brigadier General R. W. Carswell. First Regiment, Golonel E. H. Pottle. Second Regiment, Colonel C. D. Anclerson. Fifth Regiment, Colonel S. S. Stafford. First Battalion, Lieutenant Colonel McCay. Second Brigade, Brigadier General P. J. Phillips. Third Regiment, Colonel Jno. M. Hill. Fourth Regiment, Colonel R. McMillan. Sixth Regiment, Colonel J. W. Burney. Independent Artillery Battalion, Colonel C. W. Styles.

ATLANTA LOST BY THE CONFEDERATES.

285

The<iaE was as follows:

--Major General, Gustavus W. Smith.

*

Inspector General, General Robert Toombs.

Adjutant General, Major W. K. De Graffenseid.

Chief of Artillery and Ordnance, Colonel Joseph S. dag-horn.

Chief Quartermaster, Colonel D. H. O. Martin.

Chief Commissary, Major W. J. Williford.

Medical Director/ Dr. H. R, Casey.

Division Surgeon, Dr. Thomas A. Rains.

Aicl-cle-Camp, Colonel Lintori Stephens.

Gen. Sherman struck out on the 25th of August, 1864, for his final

mischief in the matter of securing Atlanta. Gen. Hood perpetrated

another of his irreparable blunders, that Geri. Jolmston so, unerringly

avoided. He.sent off "Wheeler's cavalry to cut the State roadJ Sherman

leaped to the opportunity. He dashed clown on the "West Point railroad

and tore up twelve continuous miles. He then made for the Macon

railroad, threatening- it for eleven miles from Rough and Ready to Jones-

boro. Hardee and S. D. Lee \vere at Jonesboro, and made a rushing

onslaught upon, the Federal force on the 31st of August, 1864, but

retired finally with a heavy punishment upon both sides. The next day,

the 1st of September, Dee having- been withdrawn by Hood the night

before, Sherman attacked Harclee's attenuated line late in the afternoon.

The fight was a frightful one, and Hardee's dauntless corps, fig-hting

overwhelming odds, covered itself all over with glory. But a break was

made at one point by the pure pressure of numbers. The line reformed

in the short distance of one hundred and fifty yards from the break, and

held until night. But the campaign was ended. The road to Atlanta

was in Shermaii's hands, and Hood moved out of Atlanta amid the

thunder of exploded magazines and the baleful light of burning military

stores, fired to destroy them. In the silence of the night the reverbera

tions of this ominous noise, the counterfeit of battle, and the gloomy

glare of conflagrations at Atlanta, came down the twenty miles to cheer

the slumbering Federal conquerors, and to sadden the weary, mutilated

leg-ions of Hardee, sullenly leaving-the blood-stained streets of Jonesboro.

The moral effect of the fall of Atlanta was simply immeasurable. In

Virginia, Dee had repulsed every assault, destroying- innumerable Fed

erals, and manning his lines with a seemingly untouched capacity of

resistance. Jubal Early, in the Valley, had Avon a startling success. The

North was gloomy. A convention there clamored for peace. The peo

ple grumbled savagely. An additional half a million of soldiers was

286

THE EFFECT OF THE FAT^I, OF ATLANTA.

drafted, and. Lincoln squinted at peace negotiations. In this pervasive

depression, the capture of Atlanta thrilled the Union with its ringing

spell. The Southern Heart was reached. Half of Georgia lay writhing

in Shermaii's iron grasp, and with it the Grate City, the Key to our

Southern railroads, workshops, granaries, prisons, and arsenals. Stand

ing midway between the cotton And grain belts the Federal commander,

viewing the successful issue of his wonderful campaign, with its superb

succession of battles and strategy, and the sorely wounded army of his

foe, driven, shattered and bleeding from its cherished and vital strong

hold, sent back to the North such a note of encouragement and triumph

as gave lasting inspiration to the Union cause.

T3ut if the taking of Atlanta so enthused and strengthened the North,

it fell upon the South with a proportionately depressing effect. Men

began to talk of peace. Some gentlemen wrote to Alec Stephens and

Herschell "V. Johnson, the two strong Union men at the beginning of

the Avar, for their views of the propriety of attempting a peace move

ment. Both replied advising against it then. In the lull in operations

following the fall of Atlanta, Gov. Brown furloughed the state militia

for thirty days to go home and look after domestic matters and prepare

for the next campaign. This militia force embraced men not included

in the conscription law, the state officers and boys down to 16 years,

and old men up to 55. Many of them had seen service and been

discharged for disability. They were dubbed " Joe Brown's Pets."

They were unable to stand much hardship, but as has been seen they

had fought heroically, and performed service that was gratefully ac

knowledged by both Generals Johnston and Hood, in the following

letters:

" NEAR CHATTAIIOOCIIEE, 7th Julv, 1864. " To His Excellency, J. E. Broivn, Governor :

" I have the pleasure to inform you that the State Troops promise well, and have al ready clone good service. While the army was near Marietta they were employed to

support the cavalry on the extreme left, and occupied a position quite distinct from any

other infantry of ours. According to all accounts, their conduct in the presence of the

enemy was firm and creditable. Such Federal parties as approached the crossing places of the Chattahoochee guarded by them, have been driven back. These proofs of their value make me anxious that their number shall be increased. Is it possible ? You know that the distinguished officer at their head is competent to high command.

" Most Respectfully, Your obedient servant,

J. E. JOHNSTON."

" To Hi's Excellency, Governor Brown :

" HEAD-QUARTERS, July 23d, 1864.

" The State Troops under Major Gen. Smith fought with great gallantry in the

action of yesterday.

J. B. HOOD, General."

CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN GOV. BKOWN AXD MR. SEDDOK. 287
The following is an.extract from a letter from Major General G. W. Smith to Gov. Brown, relative to the fight of the 22d July, at Atlanta:
" The Militia did themselves great credit outside of the trenches on Friday. They marched over the breastworks--advanced upon the entrenchments of the enemy in fine order, took position within three hundred yards, and silenced the artillery by musketry fire through the embrasures. We had no support on our right within a mile, none on our left within six hundred yards, and our troops on the left were driven back.
" We held our position for several hours, and only withdrew after receiving an order to that effect from General Hood, which order was given because the troops upon our left had been repulsed. There was riot a single straggler."
These troops were the occasion of the last memorable controversy between Gov. Brown and the Confederate administration. Mr. Davis, , through Mr. Seddon, made requisition upon Gov. Brown for these 10,000 militia and such other force as he might be able to raise; those in Gen. Hood's department to report to him, and those outside to the command ant of South Carolina and Georgia. This requisition was dated August 30, 1864, and alleged the condition of the State subjected to formidable invasion as the basis for it.
In the desperate stress of the Confederacy and the stern spirit that pervaded all classes in the consciousness of impending disaster, the forms of politeness were ignored. The antagonism between these hig-h officials had widened, and become more embittered. The correspondence is as fiery, incisive and biting- as it was possible to be. It was war to the knife. The requisition of Mr. Seddon was received on the 12th of September, and Gov. Brown made immediate reply. He regretted that Mr. Davis was so late in discovering- that Georgia was in such danger. The " formidable invasion " began in May and was still going- on. He scathed the military policy that had scattered forces instead of concen trating at the point of danger, that had withheld reinforcements until the damage was accomplished, and that had left in our rear a camp of 30,000 Federal prisoners. He scored the administration for not discov ering that these troops were already in the trenches fighting under Gen. Hood. As the call for them was unnecessary, he argued that Mr. Davis desired to get control of the whole of the reserve .militia, disband its organization and put his own officers over the troops. These commands had been gallantly fighting- and many of them filled soldiers' graves. No other state had organized such a force not subject to conscription, and placed it in command of the Confederate general, and no such requisition was made upon the Governor of any state but Georgia. The requisition, too, was made in such a manner as to take the troops out of the trenches rather than putting them in, dividing the troops and

288

THE SECRETARY OF AVAR A^"D GOVERNOR BROWiN'.

sending- a part of them to Charleston. Gov. Brown refused to honor the requisition, but said that he should keep these troops at the front under command of the Confederate General as long- as he staid in Georgia, Grov. Brown went on to suggest that Georgia had fifty regi ments in Virginia besides soldiers in every State. If her brave sons could return to fig-lit for their own State, if they could not drive back the invader, they would, perish in a last effort.
October 8, 18G4, Mr. Secldon replied. He began: "It requires for bearance in reply to maintain the respect I would pay your station and observe the official propriety you have so transcended." The reason of the call was to get the full organization of militia, impart unity and efficiency to the troops, and subsist and pay them at Confederate expense. The President had the right to call such militia. This is the first case where the right had been questioned. In the war with Great Britain, Massachusetts and Connecticut had made some such point, but it was overruled, and the impression was created that these states were in collusion with the enemy. Mr. Seddon directly charg-ed that Gov. Brown's prominent and influencing reasons sprung from " a spirit of opposition to the g-overnment of the Confederate States and animosity to the chief magistrate whom the people of the Confederacy have honored by their choice and confidence." He said that Gov. Brown's resistance to conscription had impaired the help given to Georgia; that his suspicions of Mr. Davis wanting to disband the militia to reorganize it with his own officers was chimerical; that he had formed nondescript organizations, scant in men and full of officers, affording scarcely a decent division of 4,000 rneri out of an alleged 16,000, and that Gov. Brown had, by the spirit of his past action and' public expressions, caused our enemies to feel encouraged.,, and the patriotic citizens of the Confederacy to feel mortified. He closed with these biting words:
" To the department it would be far more grateful, instead of being- engaged in reminding of constitutional obligations and repelling unjust imputations, to be co-operat ing with your Excellency in a spirit of unity and confidence in the defense of your State and the overthrow of the invader."
Gov. Brown, on November 14, 1864, replied that he intended no personal disrespect in his letter. He was dealing with principles and proposed to do so frankly. Pie dissected the nature of the call made on him for boys and old men not subject to conscription or to serve in armies, and showed there was no analogy to the case of Massachusetts and Connecticut, who were called on for" men liable to service. In the case of Georgia the call was for militia not subject to duty, or to Con-

SOME SHARP SPARRING.

389

federate call, and not called for from any other State, but already in the field under the Confederate commander. Gov. Brown went on in this letter to answer the various points made against him; that his "nondescript" organizations were in exact conformity to the law; that his " scarcely decent division" of 4,000 men only embraced the territory between Atlanta and the Tennessee line, leaving the territory below with 13,000 men untouched; that any interruption with Con federate plans was imaginary; that he could scarcely have given more encouragement to the enemy than Mr. Davis did in his Macon speech when he informed the world that two-thirds of the Confederate soldiers were away from their posts, and that his animosity to Mr. Davis was really his unwillingness to indorse the errors of the administration. Bis concluding sentence thus reads:

" No military authority, State or Confederate, can lie lawfully used for any other purpose than to uphold the civil authorities, and so much of it as the Constitution of my country has confided to my hands shall be used for that purpose, whether civil societv, ita constitution and laws shall be invaded from without or within. Pleasured bv yonr standard, this is doubtless disloyalty. Tested by mine, it is a high duty to my country."
Mr. Seddon answered on the 13th of December, 18G4. Bis letter continues the sharp discourtesy, stating that if there had been any " want of faith or breach of duty " Gov. Brown was the " guilty party," alluding to what he called Gov. Brown's " garbled extracts " from the correspondence with the department, and speaking of his " wanton and reckless assaults " upon the Confederate administration. In his con cluding letter, dated January G, 18Go, Gov. Brown refers to the devasta tion of Georgia, and says that the only slight barrier to the foo was this very militia of boys and old men that he refused to turn over to Mr. Davis and permit a portion of them to be sent to Charleston as required by Air. Davis while they were in the trenches defending Atlanta.
This correspondence reflected the temper of those stem days, and closed a series of constitutional conflicts that will gain interest with the passage of time. And they will become unceasingly famous in illustrat ing, to use the expressive language of Mr. Grady, that vivid user of words: " Brown, the pallid, forceful mountaineer, who held the helm through Georgia's bloodiest days, and went througli a revolution as the foil of its President, standing for the sovereignty of the States against a centralized confederacy."
It will not be inappropriate in this connection .to quote from the journalistic correspondence of that day a portion of a letter written from Georgia to the Charleston South Caroliniau by Mr. F. G. De Fon-

290

taine. He wrote over the name of " Personne," which he made famous then, and he was a rival of our own. Georgia war correspondent, Col. P. \V. Alexander, who under the initials "P. ~\V. A." achieved so much distinction for his war letters. L)e Fontaine was very brilliant and his letters were vivid and sparkling- pictures. liere is his letter alluded to, and it portrays Grov. Brown:
" Take a delicately constructed human form, robe it in a summer suit of black with that careless grace which so well becomes a Southern gentleman ; give it a light quick

of a tiger : let there rise from the recesses of a roughly turned shirt collar, a long mus cular neck, 011 which there sets a handsomely shaped"head--not too broad across the eyes, but long from front to rear, and high from ears to summit--a little too large for the body below, both as regards motive power and proportion ; surmount the whole with a not tJo quickly growing mass of iron gray hair, which is brushed well back from the temples, revealing a tall, expansive and expressive forehead, marked with lines of men tal toil; set under a brow indicative of the moral strength of the man, a pair of keen dark eyes, mild or piercing as his thoughts may chance to How, whose variable color may be cither gray, black or brown ; fasten in its proper place one of those solid looking noses bv which Napoleon used to choose his thinking men ; close the catalogue of feat-

work with the force and vehemence of a trip hammer, and lips so pliable, that like his eyes, they express every feeling, and you have the tout ensemble of the not ungraceful

hold in the confederacy--His Excellency, Joseph E. Brown, Governor of Georgia,

"An hour's conversation has revealed him to me as one of the most remarkable men

it has been my fortune to encounter during the war, not remarkable perhaps for high

intellectual attainments--though probably he is not wanting in these--but remarkable

in the possession of those strong personal qualities which eminently fit him for the posi

tion he now occupies, as a leader of the people of his state, and an obstinate opponent of

the policy of the general government.

: If hi

hi

few, but forcible and nervous. Fastening his eyes on one who converses with him, fact after fact, and statement after statement roll from his lips in quick succession, until the

he becomes a ready listener, with great frankness, he combines a determination that

never baulks at difficulty, and would make him almost fierce in the achievement of an

Shr

.olit

his social intercourse, accessible to any and all, plausible in his statements, with great

more than all, for his strength and fortress a principle always taking with the mass of the people, I can readily understand the secret of the popularity which has been attained by Gov. Brown.

understood beyond the limits of his own state, and was accordingly regarded as inimical

' PERSOXXE S

GOVKRXOK BROWX, OXTIXUED.

The

state authoritie

might be steering upon a

test, not mutiny. Thus IK

in the way of "the Presid.

lie

had always furnished mo

3 pr

stance calling- 0:1 his mill

he Executive. Peace he

did not want"and would i

t with the honor of the

South ; and hence ho was

e efforts on the part of

a faction in North Carolin:

ol thai

TlplQ.

ed ;

it and should continue to do so. The idea of a further secession

Southern state was preposterous, and those who imagined that the

to-da^y, or of any of her officials, lent color or probability to such an

ting one of the greatest of errors.

"I confess myself surprised at the f rank definition of his positioi

gave me. Although the above is but the substance of his remarks, I repeat them to

This letter is a valuable, and in many respects a remarkable one, and especially so in the intuition of Gov. Brown's character attained in so brief a scrutiny. It is a line piece of word-painting, and an accurate comprehension and fair statement of Gov. Brown's important position. Mr. De Fontaiiie's picture is well worthy of preservation.
Recurring to Geii. Sherman's occupation of Atlanta, he inaugurated a vigorous policy. His idea seemed to be to make it purely a military station. Upon his entrance he was met by the Mayor, Col. James M. Calhoun, and other citizens, who sought the protection of the city. ! He issued an order outlawing Col. G. W. T^ee, Col. Alexander M. Wallace, Capt. G. W. Anderson arid Mr. C. W. Hunnicutt, on account of certain alleg'ecl offeiises against Union people. He ordered the departure of all the citizens from Atlanta, and he notified Gen. Hood, on the 7th of September, 1864, that he would remove them and their baggage to Rough and Ready, sending the letter by James M. Ball and James R.

20"3

TI1K ICXITVI-: OF THE ATJLA^TTA PEOPI.JK.

Crew. A sharp correspondence ensued. Gen. Hood replied, pronounc ing- the measure unprecedented in transcending- the " studied and ingenious cruelty of all acts ever before brought before the attention of mankind, even in the darkest history of war." Gen. Sherrnan retorted back, tartly telling Gen. Hood to "talk to the marines;" that the act was a kindness to the people of Atlanta; and arraigning the Southern g-enerals for savagery in warfare, and the South for causing the war. Gen. Hood replied, repelling the charge of harsh warfare by the South ern g-enerals, declining- to discuss any political questions, and declining also to accept the statement, that the exile of a whole people of a city at the point of the bayonet from their homes in the interest of the United States government, was a kindness. The whole number thus exiled was reported to be between 1,600 and 1,700 persons.
The policy of G-on. Sherman was a severe one, but it was based upon the philosophy that war is a cruelty, and he drove to results unspar ingly. The exile of the whole people, and the destruction of the city afterwards, were evidently parts of his plan, which had the military merit, whatever may be said of its humanity, that it g-ashed the Confed eracy to death and ended the war in favor of the Xorth.
Gen. Beauregard. was assigned to the command of the Department including Georgia. He visited Gov. Brown at Milledgeville, and received an. ovation from the people, to whom he made a brief speech expressing his belief that Sherman. could be driven from Georgia in sixty days if the absentees would, return to the army. Gen. A. R. "W right was ordered to Georgia and placed in command at Aug-usta. Gen. Harclee was ordered to Charleston and placed in charge of the coast.
A convention of the Governors of Georgia, "Virginia, Xorth Carolina, South Carolina, Alabama and Mississippi, was held in Augusta on. the 5th clay of October, 1864, when, resolutions of Gov. "William Smith were passed, expressing confidence in the success of the cause, and pledging- to the soldiers in. the field every effort to increase our armies; and also recommending the passage of certain measures to aid the present prosecution of the war.
Early in October President Davis, accompanied by Hon. Benjamin H. Hill, visited Georgia. During- all of these trying- clays Mr. Hill was in close counsel with Mr. Davis, affording- him a hearty co-operation and sympathy. It was a coincidence at once interesting- and sugg-estive, that the main props and opponents of the administration's policy were Georgians. Before the removal of Gen. Johnston, Mr. Hill had made a visit to him as a quasi-representative of Mr. Davis. On the visit in

JKFFEKSOX DAVIS.

298

October, 1804, Mr. Hill was with him, and they spoke together. At Macon, Mr. Davis made a speech, to which Grov. Brown makes reference in his last letter to Mr. Sedtloii in the correspondence about the State militia, heretofore given. Mr. Davis gave a gloomy view of matters in this noted speech. He stated that two-thirds of the Southern armies were absent from duty. He also called the retreat from Daltoii a " deep disgrace." He declared the man who charged that he had abandoned Georgia a "miserable man " and "a scoundrel." In that unconquerable" spirit which . belonged to this most heroic man,--the very type and incarnation of dauntless courage---he urged the people not to clespotid.x; But in spite of this resolute spirit that breathed from him unquailingly, ;his speech did infinite harm. 'It encouraged the foe and chilled our own people. The revelation was impotent for good. The tone of Mr. Davis was damaging to our cause. It was a, sour, spiteful utterance, that showed deep concern, and unpoised irritability. It was the anguish of a conscientious soul over calamity to cherished hopes.
Mr, Davis had noble qualities and was a great man. He had manv of the requirements of his terrific position--his overwhelming trust. But yet he was not the man as a whole for it. He was brave, able, honest, loyal, firm. The heroic element in Davis was great. His intellect was of uncommon power and culture. Mr. Davis was an orator, a statesman, a general, a patriot. He was intelligent and conscientious. But he lacked mobility. He was a man of stubborn prejudices and a jag-god temper. The diplomacy of statesmanship he knew not at all. He had a large faculty of making enemies. He was not a wise man. He lacked great common sense. He obstinately clung to useless and unavailable instruments. His resentments potently and yet unknowingly governed his action. He was a singular blending of the true and the unwise. Mr. Davis did not seem to learn anything from his mistakes. All men make blunders, and. most men profit by them. He profited nothing. He clung- intrepidly to his errors. He showed a sublime tenacity in adhering to unpopular and unsuccessful recipients of his confidence. But it is undeniably true that the Confederacy had than he no higher symbol of unvanquishable courage, constitutional principle and exalted patriotism.
Mr. Davis and Mr. Hill went to Hood's head-quarters, and the result of the conference of the President with the General of this priceless army was'that in a few days Hood started on that ill-fated expedition into Tennessee which ended in the annihilation of the army. And Sherman was free to go on his " March to the Sea," which gave the death-

294 Gli^T. A. R. LAWTOX, CONFEDERATE QVAR.-MASTER GEXERAL.
blow to the Southern Confederacy. Georgia stuck grimly to her fate ful potency in the revolution. It ieemetl out of the range of possibility to thwart this remarkable destiny.
Another conspicuous instance of Georgia's extraordinary and controll ing- agency in this war, was the appointment of that distinguished Georgian, Gen. A. R. Lawton, to the head of the most important practi cal branch of the war department, the Quartermaster's. } Gen. Lawton took charge as Quartermaster-General in August, 1803, and continued to perform the stupendous duties of that responsible office until the sur render. He was a South Caroliniaii by birth, a graduate of West Point, and served in the 1st Regiment of U. S. Artillery for eighteen months on the .frontier of the British Provinces. Resigning- he became a lawyer, graduating- at Harvard Law School, and settled in Savannah. He has been one of the acknowledged, leaders of the Georgia bar, conducting many of the most important cases in the Supreme Court of Georgia, some of them having been carried to and argued in the Supreme Court of the United States.
As has been stated, he was Colonel of the only Volunteer Regiment in Georgia when the war begun, and seized Fort Pulaski under Gov. 13rown's orders. He retained command in Savannah under state com mission until in April, 18G1, he was commissioned Brigadier General in the Confederate army and assigned to the command of the Georgia coast until June, 1862, when at his own request he went to Virginia with 5,000 men of his command that Gen. Lee called on him to send. Gen. Henry R. Jackson had turned over to him his superb division of State troops, and he had over 12,000 men under him at one time.
In Virginia his service was brilliant and honorable. He joined Stone wall Jackson in the Valley, and returned with him to make the ilank movement against McClellan and take part in the seven days' fight around Richmond. His Brig-acle was the largest in Gen. Lee's army and bore a conspicuous part, losing- heavily in the battles of Cold Har bor and Malvern Hill. When Ewell was wounded at 2nd Manassas he took charge of that officer's division, which he commanded at Chantilly, Harper's Ferry and Sharpsburg-. He was seriously wounded at Sharpsburg and his horse killed. He was disabled until May, 1873, - when, though still lame, he reported in person for duty to the Adjutant Gen eral in Richmond. Lmcler Gen. Lawton's command the Ewell division made a glowing record. The Richmond press declared it had " covered itself with glory." '
Before Gen. Lawton reported for duty in May, 1863, the Confederate

A. R. T.AWTON, QUARTERMASTER-GENERAL, C. S. A.

GENERAL A. R. LAWTOx's GREAT RESPONSIBILITIES.

295

congress had conferred additional rank on the office of QuartermasterGeneral, and thus gave the President the opportunity to confer that rank on the officer then at the head of that I3ureau, or to assign some General officer to the discharge of its duties. The President and Secre tary of War decided to assign General Lawtoii to that position. He ob jected strenuously to th.} assignment, declaring- that he had entered the service for duty in the field, that he had no experience whatever in " bureau service, and that the resources at the command of the Quarter master-General were so reduced that no hand new at the business could reorganize it with success. His objections were such as to cause a delay of two or three months in ordering him to that duty. When it was pressed upon him a second time, President Davis said that he considered the position one of such importance to our success that there was no man, of any rank whatever in the Confederate service, save only the com manders of the two great armies, whom he would not withdraw from the field, and assign to that duty, if he could find the person who was bestfitted for it. Under these circumstances Gen. Lawton was ordered to the head of that 13ureau, and took charge of it in August, 18G3, and con tinued to perform its great and invaluable duties until the close of the war.
This assignment was a strong- tribute to this distinguished officer, and. it curiously continued the masterful instrumentality of Georgia in the revolution. The responsibilities thus assumed by Gen. Lawton were appalling-. The Quartermaster's department had charge of all field and railroad transportation over the whole immense theater of war, includ ing the furnishing- and foraging* of horses for all branches of the service; it furnished all buildings, tents, and camp and garrison equipage, even to cooking utensils; all the clothing of the army; and was charg-ecl with the payment of the troops. Its supervision extended from the Potomac to the Rio Grande. Railways, destroyed by the ravages of war, had to be kept in condition for transportation in a country practically without iron, without locomotive works or rolling- mills. Horses had to be fur nished for all the exig-encies of war, within a territory which had never supplied, one half the demand, even for farming-purposes and pleasure rid ing. Clothing- had to bo created where there were not wool and leather enough, within the territory at our command for a complete outfit for twelve months. These were some of the vast difficulties to be overcome.
A prominent Englishman, near the close of the war, remarked that it was easier for his people to understand how one man, suffering- under wrongs and injuries inflicted, could meet and vanquish two or even three, than it was for them to understand how we made one horse serve the

296

SOME OF GKX.ERAL LAAVTO.N S ACIIIEVJEMEXTS.

purpose of three, and one pound of iron, or leather, or wool, perform the service of three. These great difficulties were met by Gen. Lawton, our capable and resolute Georgian, with an unsurpassable tact and energy. His enterprise and resources were boundless. "While the papers of Richmond especially, and of other places, were constantly declaring against and finding fault with the other.. supply departments of the government, not one word of censure was ever written against the administration of the Quartermaster-General's office while Gen. LaAvton was at the head of it. This constitutes remarkable testimony to the efficiency of his administration of this stupendous duty, for he had in the very nature of things to refuse five applications where he could grant one, so limited were our resources and so great the wants. It Avas a colossal responsibility nobly borne.
Nor were his difficulties lessened by the fact, that nearly every one of the appointments to office Avere made under the administration of his predecessor, and therefore he had to deal Avith the personelle of a department which he had no hand in selecting1. He availed himself of every opportunity to diminish the number of Quartermasters, and steadily refused to increase them. He had to transport nearly all of the food and horses of Gen. Lee's army a distance of six to eight hundred miles by land, a thing- neA'er before accomplished in the history of Avar. Perhaps the most striking case of prompt transportation on worn-out railroads that eA-er occurred, was the transfer of Long-street's Corps from the Rapidan in Virginia to the Chickamaug*a in Georgia, in time to change the results of that bloody battle of the " River of Death." Gen. Lee had a long- and serious iritervioAv Avith Gen. LaAvtoii about sending- that corps aAvay, it being- a most critical moment, and he feared that the absence of these troops mig'ht expose his army to great danger, while they might be too late to help Bragg-. Gen. LaAvton had all the calculations made, based upon our resources, and promised to land this corps at its destination by a certain day and hour. The corps reached it twelve hours before the promised moment. Gen. Long-street's corps had. quite a sprinkling- of Georgia troops. It Avas a striking coincidence that the administrative genius of this Georgia Quartermaster-General in the extraordinary moATement of this body of troops, composed to a considerable extent of Georgians, should have giA-en to the Confederate arms on Georgia soil one of the greatest A-ictories of the Avar. Gen. Sorrell, Adjutant-General to Gen. Longstreet, expressed the opinion that this feat of transportation Avas one of the most successful of the reA^olution.

COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, AS A DEPOT OF SUPPLY.

297

There were many brilliant features of Gen. Lawton's administration

of this great department--features marked by that fine, discriminating

judgment that constitutes one of the most essential qualities of execu

tive capacity. -He found that most of the factories had been stranded

by the irregular and arbitrary manner in which the government had

taken control of their wares. He first appointed inspectors to visit

them all and ascertain their resources, capacity and probable results.

They were then required to sell only a certain portion to the govern

ment, leaving them free to sell the rest to the people, so that they could

procure the money, or other things by barter, necessary to keep them

running-.- Thus was avoided tli3 danger of killing the

that laid

the g-olden egg-. The same course was pursued a to leather and other-

articles required for the army.

superiioorriittyy \\tia nut relative, according to population; but absolute, producing- more clothing-, shoes, hats, cooking- utensils, axes, spades, harness, etc., etc. Gen. Lawton found that clothing- arid other articles 3oming to us through the blockade were at once distributed and con sumed under the orders of commanders controlling- the ports where they

as the armies arid people, the of his masterly regime.
The Q

as a continuous and universal approval

the surrender found him with nothing left in his charge, but the records and papers of the Ijureau, which were all destroyed iri the great fire at Richmond on the day of the evacuation.
Perhaps nothing- can demonstrate more vividly the stress of the

298

COI.OKKD EXLISTiiliXTri URGED.

Southern cause in the last days of the conflict, and the desperate pur pose of its defenders to succeed than the following- extraordinary docu ment, which not only urged the enlistment of negro soldiers, but pro posed to take colored recruits into white regiments. Gen. Lee and Gen. Cleburne favored the policy of negro soldiers, but the people, the armies and the leaders, were against. Public sentiment was so much opposed to this method of recruiting our armies, that it was never done. The objec tions offered to it were two-fold--that it would take away the laborers from the iield who were raising provision to feed the soldiers, and it was equivalent to practical emancipation. I3ut as largo numbers of the colored men were enlisted in the Federal army and fought against us, it is a grave question whether it would not have been wise to have thus utilized the blacks, offering them freedom for their service. Whether it would have had any appreciable effect upon the result is a matter of speculation. The experiment was not tried on the Southern side of the struggle, and the failure to make it was a conspicuous example of the strength of sentiment in directing an immense practical matter.

" CoL. W. 2. TAYLOit, A. A. G.:

" CAMl' 40TH GA. llKG.

(

Near Petersburg, March 15, 1865. )

" 6Vr; The undersigned commissioned omcers of this regiment, having maturely considered the following plan for recruiting this regiment, and having freely consulted with the enlisted men, who almost unanimously agree to it, respectfully submit it, through you, to the Commanding General for hid consideration.
" FiKST, That our companies bo permitted to fill np their ranks with negroes to the maximum number under the recent act of Congress.

" SiacoxB, That tha negroes iu those counties of Georgia, from which our companies nail from, be conscribed, in such numbers and under such regulations as the War De partment may deem proper.

" TuiRD, That after the negroes have been so conscribe;!, an omcer or enlisted man from each company be sent homo to select from the negro conscripts such who may have owners, or may belong to families of whom re%)resentativcs are in the companv, or who from former acquaintance with the men, mav bo deemed suitable to be incorpo rated in those companies.

" For the purpose of carrying out more effectually and promptly the plan, as indi cated under the third head, it is respectfully suggested that each man in the regiment be required to furnish a list of relatives, friends or acquaintances in his conntv, of whom it is likely, that negroes may be conscribed, so as to facilitate the labors of the omcer or man who may be detailed to bring the negroes to the regiment.
" When in former years, for %iecuniary purposes, we did not consider it-disgraceful to labor with negroes in the field or at the same work bench, we certainly will not look at it in any other light at this time, when an end so glorious as our independence is to be achieved. We sincerely believe that the adoption throughout our army of the course indicated in the above plan or something similar to it, will ensure a speedy

r

G13XKKAI, LEK APPKO VliS COLOKKD KXLlSTjXKXTS.

299

availability of the negro element, iu our midst for military purposes, and create or rather cement a reciprocal attachment between the men now in service, and the negroes highly beneficial to the service, and which could probably not be otherwise obtained.
We have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servants,
" J. T. JOKDAX, Colonel, J. B. DUGGAX, Major, M. NE \VMAX, Adjutant, E. E. VJ-JAI,, First Lieutenant Co. A, E. E. WILLIAJIS, Captain Go's B 'and G, J. F. DUGGAX, Captain Co. C, E. M. ANDREWS, Captain Co. I), C. R. WALDEX, Lieutenant Co. E, A. G. BROOKS, Lieutenant Co. F, S. J. JORDAX, Lieutenant Co. IT, WM. T. MULLALY, Captain Co. I, K. S. AXDERSOX, Captain Co. G."

" Respectfully Forwarded :

Approved.

" HEAD-QUARTERS TlIOMAS BRIGADE, )

March 18, 1865.

\

"EDWARD E. THOMAS, Brig. Gen."

" Kespectfall}' Forwarded : can be adopted.

"HEAD-QUARTERS WILCOX'S EIGHT "Divisiox, )

March 21, 18G5.

J

Believing that the method proposed within is the best that*

"C. M. WILCOX, Maj.Geii."

" Respectfully Forwarded : and consideration.

" HEAD-QUARTERS, THIRD COUPS, A. oST, VA. ^

March 22, 1865.

.

5

The plan proposed is commended as worthy of attention

"II. HETII, Maj. Gen. Comd'g."

" Respectfully Returned : The Commanding General commends the spirit displayed

by this regiment. The plan of organization which has been regarded most favorably,

proposed a consolidation of the regiments of ten companies as they now exist, into

six companies, and that the regimental organization be maintained by attaching to the six

thus formed four companies of colored troops. Each regiment would then preserve its

identity.

" Perhaps this plan, would be equally as acceptable to the 49th Georgia Regiment.

" March 27, 1865."

"By command of Gen. Eee. " W. II. TAYEOR, A. A. G.

This novel and earnest document is an historic curiosity, a brave, prac tical, patriotic paper, that will have a vital interest in all annals of this great war. Gen. W. S. Walker, now living- in Atlanta, urged the policy in 1803 arrrl 18G4:, and made the prediction., that the measure would bo proposed when it would be too late.

CHAPTER X
SHERMAN'S PEACE EFFORT AND FAMOUS MARCH TO THE SEA.
The First Attempt at Peace.--Gen. Sherm an its Author.--Georgia Keeps up her Momentous Play in the War.--Gov. Bi own and Alex. Stephens.--Mr. TJncoln Looks with lutei-est.--Joshua Hill.--Judg e A. 11.. Wright --Hood's Fatal Tennessee Programme.--S her man's Peril Ended bv Confederate Folly..--Georgia Gashed.-- " Smashing Things."--Atlanta Destroye 1.--Milledgeville Captured.--Gov. Brown and Gen. Ira Foster.--The Convict Soldiers.--The Cabbage Calumny upon Gov. Brown Corrected.--The Cadets--Battle of Griswoldville by Joe Brown's Militia.-- A Dreary Narrative of Kuin.--Union Sentiment Stamped Out.--Fort McAllister Taken.--Hardee Leaves Savannah.--The March to the Sea Ended.--The Death Blow of the Southern Cause.--Georgians out of the State.--Olustee and Alfred II. Colqnitt.--Gen. J. B. Gordon.--The Georgia Militia at Honey Hill.--Gen. Raiise
Property.--Our Indigeiits.--Our Wai^Millionaires.--Fabulous Prices.--Bewilder ing Aspects of the Pending Downfall.
IMMEDIATELY after the capture and occupation of Atlanta, Shermaii conceived, and attempted the execution of an idea, that if he could have carried, into operation, would have ended the war much earlier. "When the history of our great civil war comes to be written, one of the most interesting- chapters will be the account of the episode here referred to, the first effort that 'was made at peace. Gen. Shermari, as has been stated, was the author of this attempt, and Georgia was both the theater and object of his endeavors. The event was a continuation of Georgia's momentous play in the war. She appeared fated to figure in every possible role.
The facts of this important peace movement show it to have been subtly conceived, important in its results of possibility to the conflict and eag-erly watched by Mr. Lincoln, the President of the United States. Gen. Shermaii, in his Memoirs of the War, makes brief allusion to this peace matter, but he gives such meager details that the interest and curiosity of the reader are only whetted for fuller information. By an accident the writer's attention was called to it, and by direct application to all the parties connected with it, including Gen. Shermari, Hon. A. H. Stephens, Vice-President of the Confederacy, Gov. Joseph

FKESioEXT i.ixcoi.x's INTKKKST ix SIIJCKZMAX'S PEACE EFFOET. 301
E. Brown, Hon. Joshua Hill, Judge Augustus K. Wright and Mr. William King, the full particulars of this striking and valuable episode of the great war were obtained.
'Gen. Shcrman knew that Mr. Stephens, the Vice-President of the Confederacy, had so differed from Mr. Davis and his advisers as to lead ing measures of his administration, that he took no share in the direc tion of affairs, and seemed to be in no sort of active connection with the ruling powers. He opposed conscription and favored the govern ment buying- up the cotton crop and sending- it to Europe to be used as a basis of supply of munitions and recruits. Gen. Sherman also knew of Gov. Brown's controversies with the Confederate authorities, that had culminated in what seemed an embittered antagonism. These pow erful public men were known, to represent a large and popular sentiment in Georgia.
In this state of things, the main cause discouraged, the Confederacy riven into fragments, Georgia half overrun, and her leaders--many of them--believed to be disaffected, and with the prospect of a complete devastation of the Commonwealth imminent, Gen. Sherman, with that prolific fertility of resource and ready discernment of opportunity that belonged to the man, seized the occasion to strike what, if it had been successful, would have proved a powerful blow for the Union. It was practically the attempt to eliminate the powerful state of Georgia with her larg-e forces from the opposition, and at one stroke to have bloodlessly disintegrated the Confederate cause. If Georgia, through her Governor and his coadjutor in the work, the second officer of the Con federacy, had withdrawn Georgia from the war, or even induced her to take the resolute initiative in peace, the great struggle would, have been practically ended.
Gen. Sherman, in his dispatch to President Lincoln, states his high hope in the matter, and the tremendous importance that he attached to the movement when he says: "I am fully conscious of the delicate nature of such assertions, but it would be a magnificent stroke of policy if we could, without surrendering principle or a foot of ground, arouse the latent enmity of Georgia against Davis." And Mr. Lincoln, in his response, said: " I feel great interest in the subjects of your dis patch." And when, later Mr., Davis made his visit to Macon. and Hood's army, Mr. Lincoln believed, as he telegraphed to Gen. Sherman, that the object of Mr. Davis' visit wras to see Mr. Stephens and Gov. Brown, to stop the peace mischief that Gen. Sherman had inaugurated with those two dangerous gentlemen. Gen. Sherrnan's idea was to appeal

303

THE I>KFKCT OF SIIKRMAX'S PKACK KFFOKT.

to Georgia's safety from further war ravage and work it through officials supposed to be hostile to the Confederate administration. No less than three messengers were sent by Gen. Sherman. Mr. "William King was his ambassador to both Gov. Brown and Mr. Stephens. Judge A. R. "\Vright, of Rome, was sent to Washington, to talk with President Uncoln, and by him entrusted with messages for Mr. Davis. Hon. Joshua Hill, of Madison, Ga., was sent as messenger to Gov. Brown. Mr. King was a citizen in private life, an elderly gentleman of high character, old family, fine intelligence and unquestionable patriot ism. The other gentlemen have been spoken of in this volume.
The fundamental idea, of Gen. Sherman was separate State action of Georgia; and herein was its intrinsic weakness. As much as Mr. Stephens condemned the policy of the administration of his Executive-- Mr. Davis--and as antagonistic as Gov. Brown felt to certain leading measures of the Confederate authorities, neither of them was capable, in any stress of disaster, and under any possession of State influence, of deserting the fortunes of the Confederacy and leaving the other mem bers of the compact to bear the calamities of failure. Awhile it was simply an impossibility that the soldiers or people of Georgia would have been willing to purchase exemption from the common peril and universal ruin by abandonment of the cause, thus securing safety by dishonor. And both Gov. Brown and Mr. Stephens, from their very supposed attitude of disaffection and hostility to" Mr. Davis, were necessarily the more careful in their conduct that no possible sus picion of bad faith should attach to them.
Both Mr. Stephens and Gov. Brown declined to accept Gen. Sherman's invitation to visit him on this peace mission. Mr. Stephens con sidered that neither he nor Gen. Sherman had the proper authority to represent and bind their respective governments, though if Gen. Sher man should think that there was any prospect that he and Mr. Stephens could agree upon terms of adjustment to be submitted to the govern ments, he would, Tfrith the consent of the Confederate authorities, meet him and enter upon the task of restoring peace. This reply of Mr. Stephens dissipated, the idea that he would act in the slightest degree independ ently of Mr. Davis and take part in a separate negotiation by the State.
Gen Shcrman, in his dispatch to President Lincoln, discloses the agency he hoped Mr. Stephens would play in this shrewdly conceived peace project, in these significant words: "The people do not hesitate to say, that Mr. Stephens was and is a Union man at heart; and they say that Davis will not trust him, or let him have share in his govern-

GOV. BROWN'S ACTION IX THE SIIEH'MAX PEACE MOVEMEXT. 303
ment." Mr. Stephens, by his reply, completely dropped himself out of the project. Gov. Brown was unwilling* to enter into any negotiations involving- separate State action. His dismissing- the State militia for a time to g-o home and harvest the crops, and his calling the Legislature together to consider the critical state of affairs, impressed Gen. Sherman with the belief that Gov. Brown was leaning-to the peace idea; that the temporary disbandment of the State troops was an initiatory movement in the matter, while he wanted the Legislature to share the responsibility. Mr. Davis made his visit to Georgia at that time, and so strongly had the peace plan of Gen. Sherman, by securing- Georgia's disaffection through Mr. Stephens and Gov. Brown, seized and impressed Mr. Lincoln, that the President conceived and telegraphed Gen. Sherman: "I judge that Brown and Stephens are the objects of his (Davis') visit."
But Gen. Sherman and Mr. Lincoln, were both mistaken. They mis conceived Gov. Brown., who never for a moment entertained the idea of withdrawing Georgia from her Confederate alliance. It is due to him to say this, and it is also due to say that the people of Georgia would not have entertained such a proposition.. They were committed to the Confederacy, and meant'to rise or fall with it. There is no ground for believing*, as Mr. Lincoln imagined, that Mr. Davis visited Georgia at that time to look after Mr. Stephens and Gov. Brown, and stop their supposed peace mischief. His mission was to confer as to the proper direction, to be given to Hood's army in this critical juncture.
The peace mission was so important a one that Gov. Brown, at the time, made a note of the whole matter so far as he was concerned, which was published for the information of the people. His action involved an exceedingly able presentation of the question, showing- that he gave the matter profound and conscientious reflection. That Georgia, in her sovereign capacity, had the right to withdraw from the Southern Con federate compact, not through her Executive, but through a convention of her people, he had no doubt. But while she possessed this power, she \vould never violate her faith pledged to her Confederate allies, never shrink from the suffering that fell to her lot, never make separate terms to save herself, and " whatever may be the opinion of her people as to the injustice clone her by the Confederate administration, she will triumph with her Confederate sisters, or she will sink with them in one common ruin." Gov. Brown, argued, that Gen. Sherman and he had no power or right to represent the government of the United States and the government of the Confederate States, or in any way bind them.
Hon. Joshua Hill, in. his interesting and graphic account, gives

304:

JUDGE A. R. WRIGIIT'S VISIT TO PRESIDEXT LIXCOLX.

some valuable information, showing- Gen. Sherrnaii's desires, and also contributes convincing- testimony as to the stubborn fidelity of the people to the cause. He made a strenuous effort to influence the Legis lature to take some peace action, but could get no eiicourag-ement, and finally desisted. Gen. Sherman, however, beg-an to doubt the possibility of success on his original idea of detaching- Georgia from the Confed eracy, arid he widened his project to include broader negotiations and larger ag-ericies. Here comes in Juclg-e Wright, who was sent by Gen. Sherman to see President Lincoln, and, learning- his pacific temper and views, convey them to Mr. Davis.
The version furnished by Judge "Wrig-ht is a most important contribu tion to this peace narrative. Lie spent two weeks in "Washington, conferring daily with President Lincoln and his Cabinet, and finally brought back to Mr. Davis messages of his willing-ness to enter upon peace negotiations. The report of Mr. Lincoln's views is wholly new, and is of incalculable value historically. Some of his statements will be a revelation, and must do great honor to his memory. Among the remarkable statements were, that " the South was a part of his country, and as dear to him as the North. He had never had an idea of inter fering with her rights." Also, that " he then had his proclamation of amnesty written for the whole South, from Mr. Davis down to the humblest citizen, and though a part of his Cabinet was opposed to it, the day we laid down our arms it would be published, and the South restored to her rights in the Union as far as was in his power." Also, that he was favorable to a gradual emancipation of the blacks in twentyone years. Mr. Lincoln's message to Mr. Davis was a very earnest one. Judge AVright says that Mr. Lincoln " extracted from him a solemn promise that his friendly sentiments and his earnest desires for peace on the basis of the rights of the States should be truly, fully and earnestly impressed upon Mr. Davis."
Judg-e TVright never had the chance of seeing- Mr. Davis until after the close of the Avar, and the message was, therefore, not delivered. Judge "Wrig-ht, however, told Mr. Lincoln that the peace mission would be hopeless. There is little doubt, in the ligiit of subsequent events, that Mr. Davis would, have refused to act on these messages. His unquenchable faith in the ultimate success of the Confederate cause, and his unbending resolution to make no compromise, would have been an insuperable barrier to any peace based upon the only idea upon which Mr. Lincoln was willing- to close the war, viz.: the submission of the South to the Union.

PUBLIC OPINION IN GEORGIA ON SIIKRMAN'S PICACK KFKORT. 305
Remembering that his peace effort was made in September, 1864, and that the celebrated Hampton Roads conference between. Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward, of the North, and Mr. Stephens, Mr. Hunter and Judge Campbell, of the South, took place in February, 1865, five months after, it will be seen that Gen. Sherman's attempt at peace was the first that was made. The South, in 1864, was in a much better condition to nego tiate peace than in 1805, and could have gained better terms. Mr. Stephens was engaged in both attempts. In his book, " The "War between the States," he gives a full account of the Hampton Roads conference, and it is a matter of interesting significance that it is shown very clearly that Mr. Lincoln was governed by the same ideas of policy, in both. The two peace efforts constitute a valuable and strikingepisode of the great strug-gle, and will form an important and suggestive chapter in the history of our civil war.
The matter at the time created a good, deal of excitement in the public mind in Georgia. There was a varied comment upon it. Some claimed that it was the duty of Gov. Brown and Mr. Stephens to accept General Sherman's invitation, and make an effort to settle our troubles by negotiation. Others, though not many, in their flaming zeal, con tended that it was the duty of the Governor to seize General Sherman's messenger and order him hung as a traitor. The prevailing- opinion Avas that nothing would come o it. ]3ut the incident was another link in the chain of Georgia's governing influence in the great struggle, an influence that covered both the war-like and peaceful features of the revolution.
The final strategy of this ghastly Georgia campaign must look, far off in the cool, impartial future, like a terrible drama of tragic harle quinade. Hood did the very folly that Sherman would have prayed for him to clo, had he been a pious man. As it was, the wily Federal said, " If Hood will go to Tennessee, I will give him rations to go with." Mr. Davis had most unwisely blazoned in his speeches to the dejected public this Tennessee programme. And as it, reached Sherman he had thus spoken. "With Forrest banging and g-ashing at his longlino of communication, hundreds of miles, and a stout, solid, fierce army before him, he would have had a" tough time. His fiat of exile for the city of Atlanta evidenced, his sense of clanger. To have stayed in Atlanta was unspeakably perilous. To have gone back would have yielded the good of his victory. To go forward was to cut loose from his base into the atmosphere like an anchorless ship. Sherman was deeply anxious. As he took Atlanta he made Avith a part of his force

300

, _-- ' SIIERMAX STARTS TO THE SEA.

a little tentative dash at Hood's entrenched line at Lovejoys, and recoiled, shivering-. In this perplexing- hour, Hood g'ayly bid adieu to Atlanta, arid coquetting- up the state road, csjgpturiiig- squads at Big Shanty, Acworth and Daltori, and destroying- a respectable amount of railway track, skipped into Alabama,, and thence into Tennessee. Sherman sent off Thomas to care for Plood, took a little scout himself in that direction, satisfied himself that Hood had really g-one blunder ing-, and stripping- himself to about 60,000 men, he started for the Atlantic Ocean.
He began his easy but destructive march on the 15th clay of Novem ber, 1864. Spreading- out his columns to a width of about forty miles, foraging his army as he went along-, tearing- up every mile of railroad track, gutting- villages, cleaning- up provisions, pillaging- houses, destroy ing furniture, gathering hordes of negroes to be dropped, the jaunty, massive column. left a blistering- devastation for three hundred miles upon the fair bosom of our noble state. j In the writer's temporary home in Sandersville a piano was butchered to frag-ments, books and pictures destroyed, and for clays the female inmates of the household lived upon corn g-athered from where the horses of the Federal troop ers had been fed. In his dispatches to Geri. Grant about this move ment Sherman foreshadowed the desolation in such expressions as '" utter destruction of roads, houses arid people," " make Georgia howl," " make a wreck of the road and of the country," " smashing things to the sea," " make the interior of Georgia feel the weight of war," and " ruin Georgia."
There was no opposition to speak of. The strange spectacle had been seen of two great armies in deadly tug-, deliberately leaving each other, arid marching- in opposite directions to conquer the fight. A division of Wheeler's cavalry pegged away on the advancing column. At Macon, Geri. Cobb went out and rattled with a division of the Georgia militia at the huge serpent. At Griswolclville, ten miles below Macon, there was a bloody little fig-lit between Sherman arid our Georgia militia, in which these troops fought with the g-allantry and skill of veterans, inflicting- heavy loss and suffering- severe punishment with steady nerve. In Burke county there was some sprightly but ineffect ual brushing. But Sherman wTent on flipping- off these attacks with unconcern. Our little force kept the thing lively in proportion to num bers. Sherman reports 764 men lost on the march, and 1,338 captures
of Confederates. The incidents of this march were dramatic in their destructiveness.

"WHAT WAS DOXE IX MITLLEDQIEVIXLi:.

307

Atlanta was fired, and Sherman marched out amid the crimson, flames of the city and. a volley of exploding ammunition that sounded like a des perate battle, his men sing-ing, " John Brown's soul goes marching- on." Of about 5,000 houses all were destroyed except about 400. Eleventwelfths of the place, shops, depots, mills, dwellings, stores, were burned. A few stores on Alabama street were left. The residences between Lloyd and "Washington, streets were left, and most of the churches, thanks to Father O'Riley of the Catholic church. Three thousand car casses of animals lay in the streets. The very dead were taken from their vaults and the coffins stripped of silver tippings. Gen. Sherman had his headquarters one night on liowell Cobb's plantation, and on learning the fact ordered the soldiers to spare nothing-. \On the 23d clay of November, 18G4, the legislature of Georgia, being in session, Gov. Brown received a telegram during the dinner hour that General Sherman had left Atlanta the clay before and was on the march through the country for Savannah. As soon as this information was spread through the town, the people became greatly excited, and the members of the legislature, who had adjourned for dinner at the time, participated in the excitement, and began making preparation for a rapid transit from the Capital, as it was not known how" soon the cav alry, who were supposed to be a g-oocl way in advance of the army, might reach Milledgeville. The bills and. other matters before the Gen eral Assembly at the time it adjourned for dinner, were left Ijdng on the desks and no one returned to look after them. Fabulous prices were paid for conveyances of different sorts ; and the members during that afternoon had nearly all left the Capital on their way home with the best meai^s of conveyance at their command, taking such routes as in their opinion could, not be interfered with by the invading army. Some took the railroad trains; others got carriages, buggies, wagons or what ever else came in their "way. This left the city almost destitute of vehicles for transportation.
Soon after Gren. Sherman's movements were known, Gov. Brown gave orders to Gren. Ira R. Foster, the prompt and efficient QuartermasterGeneral of Greorgia, to secure the removal of all the most valuable per ishable property of the State then at the Capital, consisting of books of record in the State House, the more valuable furniture there, the furniture from the executive mansion and the property of the most value in the penitentiary, arsenal, armory, arid in the Quartermaster and Com missary departments. Herculean efforts were made by the Quarter master-General to procure transportation and convey the public property

308

THE CONVICTS ORG-AjS'IZli:!}.

to places of safety as rapidly as possible ; and no one was better quali fied for the task than General Foster, as he had ability, promptness, de cision and dispatch in such matters, that were very remarkable. Upon consultation with the Governor it was concluded that the more val uable books of the library and other such property should be carried to the lunatic asylum and there stored. But as the as3dum was located some three miles from the city, with the limited transportation at com mand, it was impossible to carry there within, the short time allowed, all the other public property. It was known of course that General Sherrnan would not - burn the lunatic asylum, and it was sup posed that State property stored in it which could in no way be used for forwarding1 the purposes of the Avar would, be safe. On further con sultation it was concluded that it would, be best to haul the bulk of the public property of the character above-mentioned, and all the more valxiable property of the State in the city to the railroad depot and try to get it to Macon, before the railroad should be cut, and shipped to south-west Georgia, as it was believed that neither the cavalry of the enemy nor the infantry wr ould likely traverse that country. Part of a train of cars was detained at Milledg-cville for that purpose, arid other cars in reach were ordered to be sent there promptly. The property was then hauled rapidly to the railroad and loaded on the cars. 13ut as very few wagons could be obtained, and there was great consternation in the city, it soon became next to impossible to procure labor.
Here the Quartermaster-General again, consulted with the Governor, who was doing all in his power to aid in the removal, and the GoA-ernor informed him that he had determined to pardon the convicts in the penitentiary, arid put them under command of the Quartermaster-Gen eral for the time, to aid in removing the property of the State to a place of safety, and that he would, pardon each who would enlist in the State service, and. thus try to turn them to the advantage of our cause instead of leaving them for Sherrnan to use against us. As we were making guns in the penitentiary, it was expected that it would be burned; and if the convicts were in the Avails when. Gen. Sherman reached there they would, either be turned loose for indiscriminate plunder or enlisted in the Federal army. To aAToid this Gov. I3roAA'n determined promptly on the policy of enlisting them in. the State service for the benefit of the Confederacy. HeAverrt immediately to the penitentiary, had the convicts drawn up in a line, delivered a short address to them, appealing- to their patriotic pride, arid offered pardon to each one AATho would aid in the re moval of the State property, and then enlist for the defense of the Con-

THE DISPOSITION- OF STATE PAPERS.

300

federacy. They responded, almost unanimously. There were a few life time men in for murder, who were not included in the offer, and they were sent throug-h the country under g-uarcl to a point where they could be shipped on the railroad to South-west Georgia, where they were kept ' till after Sherman passed through and were then brought back and con fined in Milledgeville. But the great body of the convicts were formed into a military company under the notorious Dr. Roberts, who was a very intelligent man, and who promptly volunteered, and in that capac ity they did valuable service in aiding- to remove the State property, and loading it upon the train. As soon as this service was clone, a suit of soldier's clothing and a gun were furnished to each, and Captain Roberts was ordered to report to Gen. "Wayne, who had command of the Georgia cadets, from the Military Institute, at Marietta, then in Mill edgeville, arid a small battalion of other militia. The company wTas ac cepted by Gen. Wayne, and carried by him to Savannah, on his retreat in advance of the Federal army, and they were used in annoying it wherever Gen. "Wayne saw an opportunity to strike a blow. A portion of the convicts deserted and left, but a large majority of them, including Capt. Roberts, remained at their post doing- duty faithfully during- the cam paign; so that the discharge became honorable.
As already stated, the members of the legislature? generally left the city on the afternoon of the 23rcl clay of November, 186-4. Gov. Brown and family, and Gen. Foster, and Gen. "Wayne, and some of the other heads of the departments remained in the city until the next afternoon. All the more valuable property of the State had been, secured either in the asylum or sent to safe places or loaded upon the cars ready to be re moved to South-west Georgia. In the State House the old files of doc uments and letters for the last half a century or more, which were not regarded very valuable and could not be assorted and taken care of in the limited time, were left in their respective places of deposit. After Gen. Sherman had passed through Milledgeville, and the officers of the State were permitted to return, they found these papers scattered all over the floor of the State House; and as reported by the citizens, large quantities had been used by the soldiers In kindling their fires. In this way many of the old documents, and many of the papers that were filed were destroyed or lost, though they were generally of a character not deemed to be very valuable; and the time, and means of transporta tion were not sufficient to enable the authorities to care better for them.
The furniture in the Executive Mansion was the last thing attended to. During- the afternoon the more valuable and portable portion of it

was removed as rapidly as possible to the railroad depot and placed on the trains. The scene was a busy and an exciting- one. During the twenty-four hours the Governor and the Quartermaster-General re mained in the discharge of their duty, in taking- care of the public prop erty; their efforts \vere untiring-. A letter addressed by Gen. Foster to a friend in this city at a recent date draws the following picture of the scene:
" I have oftentimes thought of the scenes through which we passed in getting ready
In this drama, I see a man serving his fourth term as Governor of the Great Empire State of the South, after giving orders to his Quartermaster-General on the near ap proach of the enemy, and putting him in charge of the public property with direction to see that it was taken care of and removed, reversing the order of things hv laying hold with his own hands and working both day and night under the direction of his subordi nate to secure a fulfillment of his general orders. And I see by his side a delicate but anxious wife, unceasingly laboring to accomplish the same end. Notwithstanding this, it has been printed in a book and published in newspapers, and reiterated by many mis guided tongues, that Gov. Brown, while Sherman's army was descending on Milledgeville, carried off his own property, including cows arid cabbage, and left the State pro perty behind unprotected. I was in command of the transportation of the property at the time, and I know whereof I speak and I know these statements are unfounded. I know they are untrue. I ought to know more about the taking care and the protection and the removal of the State property at Milledgeville than any one else, as I was there in person and had immediate supervision, with the entire control of the whole thing un der my own command.
" It is true that some of the old papers were left in the State House, which, if Iliad had further time, would have all been removed. But the fates of war denied rne the desired privilege. The removal of the furniture from the Executive Mansion was the last work. In looking around the mansion to see what ought to be taken along, I discovered in the garden a fine lot of coleworts, and I directed old Aunt Celia, the good old colored cook, withoiit the knowledge or presence of her master or mistress, to cut down the coleworts and bring them near where the wagons were being loaded. I intended to take away the last
carry them.' And I knew the Governor's family would need some, and my own family, then at Dawson, in South-west Georgia, as Refugees driven from their home in Atlanta
f.trange country and had no time to raise vegetables, and were much pressed for food of that character.
" I had also, at the Exile camp, near Dawson, seven hundred persons, composed of the widows, wives and children of Confederate soldiers, aged men and maimed and dis charged soldiers, who had been expelled from Atlanta by Gen. Sherman, homeless and without food. Under Gov. Brown's orders they had been picked up from the line of railroad from Atlanta to Macoii, and shipped to Dawson, where I had erected nearly one hundred houses in which they were sheltered and fed at the expense of the State, under the immediate supervision of Capt. Milton A. Candler, who did his whole duty in their behalf. To these homeless sufferers I intended to give most of the coleworts ; but in

GENERAL IRA E. FOSTER'S .ACCOUNT,

this I was disappointed. As I was having the last load of furiiitu

Celia to cut the cabbage, Gov. Brown received information by telegraph, that Sherman's

cavalry were making rapid advances towards the Central railroad, between Milledgeville

and Macon. This message admonished us that we should be up and off, else we might

find ourselves prisoners of war. So I had only a few cabbage which were cut and car

ried to the gate by Aunt Celia, thrown on top of the load. Teams weie hurried to the

train, wagons quickly unloaded on cars, leaving, for want of time to save them, almost

the entire lot of fine cabbage standing in the garden. Steam being up, orders were

given the engineer to sound his "whistle and press for Macon. with all possible speed. It

is presumable we probably made the trip quicker than it -was ever done before by aiiv

engine on that particular road. At Gordon we stopped a moment to bid farewell to

Gen. Wayne and his staff, who had transportation to carry them down the Central rail

road, with orders to do all in their power to protect the railroad bridge. The State

Cadets, a noble baud of boys, was uuder Wayne's command.

'A very short time only was spent at Gordon, when the train conveying the Governor

and family, the Quartermaster-General and his assistants, and a large amount of

state property and furniture was on its way under a full head of steam for Macon, where

we arrived just before dark. And on reaching Macou a telegram was handed Gov.

Brown, stating that the Federal cavalry had just cut the road at Griswoldville, the next

station below. The advanced cavalry must have been almost in sight of Griswoldville

when the train passed.

" We remained in the cars that night at Macon. Next morning I went clown to

South-west Georgia with the train ; and as Shermaii's infantry had not reached Macon,

and it was understood they would not before that evening, Gov. Brown ran down witli

us as far as Moutezuma, where his family were set off by the side of the road, and left

to make their way to his plantation, thirty miles from that point in Dooly count)'.' lie

took an engine and returned upon it rapidly, that evening, to Macon, and''reached

there, as I am informed, just as Shermaii's column, passing by, fired upon the militia.

The engagement amounted to very little. The militia were entrenched, and it was not

Sherman's policy to attack localities ou the lines of his march. His desire was to get

through to the sea with as little delay and as little difficulty as possible.

" While we were switched off on a siding at Moutezuma, a hurried dinner was pre

pared, and while eating dinner aboard the cars I said to Mrs. Brown, she ought to have

had for dinner some of our Milledgeville greens. This was the first time I had

named to Gov. Brown or to his wife that I had cut and put on the train any of the cole-

worts from the garden in Milledgeville. I doubt that any member of the family knew

up to that time that a small number of the coleworts which I had secured were on the

train, as the family had left the mansion for the train before the last wagon left that

carried the coleworts out and put them upon the cars. Aunt Celia knew that she had

cut and loaded a small lot in the yard ; but as she had gone with the family into the

train, she did not know that they had been transported to the train.

*

" I have been thus particular in giving the whole facts, as there was much merriment

made over the cabbage story at the time, and much injustice done Gov. Brown, who was

in no way responsible for the removal of the few that we carried, and knew nothing

\vhatever about it until after it was done."

At Gordon the following incident occurred. Gov. Brown's eldest

312

TllOi INSTRUCTION OX1 TH1C MARCH TO THE SJiA.

son, Julius, a lad sixteen years of ag-e, was a member of the cadets, and got aboard to tell the family g-ood-by. The Governor said to him that he must remain at Macou with the troops; that there was rio one to go with his mother and little brothers and sisters to South-west Georgia, and he had better go with them. The youth said he would obey, but he would rather die than to do it, as he was unwilling, under any circumstances, to leave the cadets, or fail to share with them the common dang-er. The g-overiior told him to g-o and do his whole duty; some provision would be made for his mother and the children. He went forward with the cadets, and they \yerc placed by Gen. '"Wayne to guard the Ocoiiee bridge a day or two after, on the advance of the army, where they had a sharp engagement with the enemy; and one of the cadets was shot down by young Brown's side. They drifted clown before Sherman to Savannah, and there reported to Gen, ITardee, and were carried across into Carolina. And this gallant little band of youths did g-oocl service as soldiers during- the campaign. They were finally returned to Augusta, where they arrived almost naked and half starved. Major G. C. Connor, in charge of some state stores there, furnished them with a suit of clothes apiece; and after their arrival at Aug'usta they had the necessary rations. Among them were many of the best youths of the state, belonging- to some of the most respecta ble families. They were a gallant arid faithful little band.
Gen. Beauregarcl, from Corinth, Ben Hill and our Confederate Con gressmen in Richmond, sent dispatches to the people to destroy the enemy, to be firm, to fly to arms, to burn everything- they could not re move, which the Federal officers read in papers, captured at Milleclgeville and ridiculed unmercifully. In the old State house the Federals held a mock legislature, and in a grim spirit of fun repealed the ordinance of secession. Several well authenticated cases of rape occurred. The negroes gave a cordial greeting to the Federals, and many accompanied them to Savannah. Many colored women, tramped after the soldiers.
It is a dreary narrative to chronicle the ruin wrought by this " March to the Sea " in the proud old state. It would take volumes to record the details. There had been in Georgia a growing drift in public opin ion to the idea of reconstruction of the Union. But the march of Sherman killed it. Men standing amid the ruins of their clear homes, with starvation for their loved ones staring- upon them, and bitter mem ories of insult and injury rankling- in their bosoms, had no g-entle feeling towards the foe that had done the ruin. Tire work of devastation had but one redeeming feature,--it wTas, while complete, very brief.

Tini :FA:LJL OF SAVAXXAU.

313

On the 10th of December, 1804, Sherman reached and invested Savannah. On the 13th, Gen. Hazen with his division, carried Fort McAlister after a gallant resistance by Major Geo. W. Anclerson and his heroic garrison of 250 men. Gen. "Wm. J. Hardee had about 10,000 troops in Savannah manning- the fortifications. On the nig-ht of the 20th of December, Gen. Harclee, finding that he could not hold the city, quietly withdrew into Carolina, having on the 17th refused to sur render. Gen. Sherman took possession, of the beautiful Georgia City by the Sea, and Sherman's March was an accomplished historical fact. The Northern exultation over this achievement was delirious, and Con gress, voicing- the public delight, passed warm resolutions of thanks to Gen. Sherman and his army. Concurrently with this substantial victory came the news of Hood's hopeless and irretrievable defeats at Franklin and Nashville, and the practical annihilation of his army that could not be replaced. Surely there never was a swifter dissolution of a noble and indispensable force under a purposeless lead of incapacity.
These tremendous movements really ended the war. The surrenders of Lee and Johristori did not come until April, 18G5, several months .later, but it was a hopeless strug-g-le from this time. But the end was approaching. The Georgia campaign gave the death-blow to the cause for which so much blood had been shed, so much treasure expended and so much splendid heroism wasted. It is remarkable, however, and evinces the stern purpose of the Southern people that during these last, hopeless, bloody months of the struggle they were more determined than ever to succeed, and with the cause palpably crumbling before their eyes, they persisted and fought to the last. The variotis State Legisla tures passed, resolutions against reconstruction, and the State Execu tives made messag-es full of ring- arid defiance.
During this year, 18G4, the Georgia troops out of Georgia had main tained their wonted renown. Gen. Alfred H. Colquitt had earned the splendid title of the " Hero of Olustee " in the famous little battle in Florida, which at one stroke had ended Federal operations there. Upon every battle field in "Virginia our Georgians had illustrated the State. Gen. John B. Gordon, according- to a correspondent of the London Times, had become the rising- military g-enius of our armies. In South Carolina, at Honey Hill, Gen. Gustavus W. Smith, at the close of the year, with his division of Georgia militia, had defeated the Federals in a heavy engagement, Gov. Brown having instructed him to carry the Georgia militia into Carolina if the good of the cause required it. Gen. Dick Taylor, in his book called "Destruction," makes statements in ref-

314

TWO GOVERNORS OF GEORGIA.

erence to the militia, on this point, that are wholly unauthorized by the facts. "We had lost many fine officers, Gen. George Doles, Col. Ed. Willis, Col. John M. Millen, Col. J. H. Lamar, Lieut. Col. Van Valkenbm-g and others.
The occupation of Atlanta was immediately resumed. The Atlanta Intelligencer issued a little sheet amid the ruins, on the 10th of Decem ber, 1864. It was printed on one side only, and was about twelve by eighteen inches in size. Gen. Howell Cobb, accompanied by Col. I. W. Avery, rode Lip there from Macon, picking a way carefully through the debris. Col. L. J. Glerm was made commandant of the post as early as November 26th. The Atlanta exiles had been carried and quartered near Dawson in Terrell county, at " Exile Camp." Some 300 were cared for there at public expense.
A novel collision of civil authority occurred, that constitutes a very interesting- incident of that chaotic time. On the 21st of November Gren. Ranse Wright, who had been assigned, to command in Augusta, and who was president of the Georgia Senate, issued an order at Augusta, that as Gov. Brown was cut off from communication with tlie portion of the State east of the Oconee river by the interposition of an hostile army, it became his duty, as president of the Senate and exofficio Governor, during the disability of the Governor, to assume com mand of all Georgia out of the jurisdiction of the Governor. He revoked all orders of Gov. Brown, and directed all militia east of the Oconee to report to him. Gen. Wright \vrote to Gov. Brown explaining his action, and asking if he approved of it. Gov. Brown replied stat ing that Gen.. Wright's course was unnecessary. The press made some exceedingly piquant commentary upon the matter at the time, though Gen. "Wrig-ht's conduct was highly patriotic, but it was speedily forgot ten in the rush of events and the tragic drift of the revolution.
The General Assembly met on the 3rd of November, 1864. Gov. Brown's message was a frank criticism of the campaig-n, and a candid statement of the situation, but it was also a bold, stirring- exhortation to a continuance of the struggle. "While the fight lasted, Gov. Brown aided and pressed its unyielding prosecution. In the darkest hour he urged the conflict, and flung the resources of the state, both men and money, into the affray without stint. The Northern Democratic party had advised a convention, of the sovereign states, to negotiate an adjust. ment of the contest. Gov. Brown favored such a movement, the action of such a convention having* to be submitted to the states for ratifica tion or rejection. He argued the idea masterfully, but at the same time

THE DREARY FIGURES OF GEORGIA S COIsMTIOiN".

315

he urged that every arms-bearing- man in the South should go to the front to sustain our armies. The war had reached the point where statesmanship might aid arms in the settlement of the great issue. Looking' at the situation then, Gov. Brown's strong1 advocacy of this plan was a timely piece of judgment, and could it have been carried out, would have saved a failing- cause.
The State's finances exhibited strikingly the effect of the war. The property of the State had been inflated from $840,041,127 to $1,012,592,806, the inflation evidencing- the ruinous depreciation of Confeder ate currency. Polls had fallen from 52,704 to 39,803, demonstrating the ravages of the war upon our men. The State's expenditures for 1864 had run to 813,288,435. The public debt had grown to the enor mous sum of $23,980,092. But a most ominous fact was that bank capital had fallen from $70,713,048 to $44,810,979, or nearly one-half. The number of indigent people, families of soldiers, had swelled, to the appalling size of 117,889, or the full proportion of the entire votingpopulation of the State at the beg-inning- of the war. Could the rav ages of this terrific contest be more strikingly shown than by this awful statistic of wholesale impoverishment ? Chatham county had 3,058 indigents, Cherokee county 2,598, Gordon county 2,390, Gilmer 2,100, Paulding 1,875, Gwinnett 2,390. These are frightful figures, and must be appreciated to understand the crushing tale of misfortune and misery that they, reveal. The shocking- aggregate of want and distress cannot be conveyed in its full practical meaning-.
There is another side of this economic question, equally as interesting and suggestive as these dreary numbers of personal indig-ence and family bereavement. There had been such speculation, by the non-com batants that there was a wonderful aristocracy of sudden, wealth. Of 91,505 tax-payers fifteen were worth over half a million; thirty-six over 8300,000; 131 over $200,000; 829 over $100,000; 2,028 over $50,000; 4,047 over $30,000; 4,780 over $20,000; 10,048 over $10,000; 13,215 over $5,000; 10,438 over $3,000; 8,742 over $2,000; 13,C81 over $1,000; and 22,311 were worth $1,000 and under. This was estimated according to Confederate values.
There is a strang-e and dramatic teaching- in these figures--a lesson of pathetic and momentous import. "While the brave soldiers \vere strik ing at the enemy in the field, and their families were practical paupers at home living upon the bounty of the State, there was behind the pro tecting ?egis of a craven non-combatancy thousands of enterprising citi zens filling- their coffers, and g-org-ing* their purses with the profits of

316

THE FABULOUS PRICES OF 1804.

some sort of greedy trading-. Think of fifteen millionaires in our war-smit ten commonwealth in that destructive day, and a thousand men worth over 8100,000 each. Georgia, in her palmiest prosperity of peace, never made such a prodigal showing of rich citizens. There was something dreadfully wrong. It was a cruel incongruity, and it sapped the cause with an unseen but immeasurable potency.
Not less interesting- is the rang-e of prices for all articles of trade. It took, on the 31st clay of December, 1864, forty-nine dollars in Confed erate money to buy one dollar in gold. And the private soldier was receiving- his $11 a month for his bloody service. A month's pay would buy him a pound of meat that he could eat in two days. Hats were worth several hundred dollars; a horse several thousand; a bushel of wheat from 840 to $50; a drink of poor whiskej-, 85, and good, 810. The government churned, out its money prodig-ally, but the soldiers had little chance at it. There was little to buy, and what there was brought fabulous sums. The commercial aspects and features of that Confed erate period were among its most romantic characteristics.

CHAPTER XXXI.
THE CLOSING THROES OF THE REVOLUTION AND THE TRAGIC END.
The Destruction at Milleclgeville.--The Legislature in Macon.--The Last Session un der the Confederacy.--Enlisting the Slaves for Soldiers.--Gov. Brown Against it. --Gov. Brown urges a Southern Convention.--An Eloquent Message.--War Pluck. --Toombs, Cobb, Hill and Stiles make war speeches.--Attacks upon Brown.--L. J. Aired arrested for Treason.--Judge Lochraue releases Him.--Gen. W. T. Wofford. --North Georgia a Ruin.--Federal Rule in Savannah.--Submission Meeting there. --Salt for Carolina.--The Hampton Roads Conference.--Mr. Stephens.--Georgia Figures Foremost to the Last.--Gordon, the Companion Figure with Lee, in the Last Throes.--Surrender.--Davis and His Cabinet Fly to Georgia, where The Con federate Administration Dissolves.--Last Act of the Confederacy.--Romantic Inci dents.--The Gold Bullion.--Gen. Toombs.--Major R. J. Moses.--Davis Captured in Georgia.--The Stupendous Losses of Georgia.--Gov. Brow"
HIE legislature of Georgia had adjourned upon the 18th day of Novem ber, 18G-4, upon the approach of Shermau's army. The occupation of Milledgeville by the Federal force, while it did not witness the destruc tion of the state building's, yet it was marked as has been stated by great and irreparable injury to our public records, the floors of the capitol and the grounds around being strewed with the debris of valuable papers, and many of them were burned. The penitentiary was burned. Gov. Brown reconvened the legislature on the loth of February, 1865, in Macon. The Senate met three days in succession, before there was a quorum. In the absence of the presiding- officer, Hon. T. L. Guerry was elected temporary President. Gov. I3rown.'s message to the General Assembly was alike a symbol of the man and of the desperate crisis. He put the dreadful situation plainly. He discussed unmincingly the causes that had led to the stress. He criticised Mr. Davis freely. He placed blame where it lay. He concisely argued the great, grave ques tion, which was then in everybody's mind as an extreme expedient to g-ct out of our peril, whether we should arm our slaves and put them to fighting'. Gen. Lee favored the policy, and lie was a strong authority for any measure.' Gov. I3rown took a square stand against it, and his argument was practical and very strong. He condensed the objec tion to it in the idea that negroes would not fight heroically to continue

318

GOVERXOR BROWX'S MESSAGE.

the enslavement of their wives arid children. Lincoln could disband them by brigades, by a proclamation of freedom and protection. If we offered them freedom to fight, it was an abandonment of slavery.
Gov. Brown capped his message by urging the call of a convention of the Southern states to consider the crisis and provide a remedy. He pressed the abandonment of the fatal conscription policy arid the return to the constitutional method of raising troops by the states; the reorg-anizatioii of the troops under officers of state selection, which would put into the army the hordes of enrolling' officers and other exempts; the repeal of impressment laws; and the appointment of a commanderiii-chief with full control, except subject to removal by the President and Senate. The concluding- sentences of this message are well worthy of quotation, and convey vividly the stern spirit of the Executive and the tottering condition of the cause.
" The further pursuit of our present policy not only endangers our rights and our lib erties, but our independence also, by destroying the institutions and breaking the spirits of our people. Let us beware how we trifle with the rights, the liberties, arid the happi-

" I am aware that the freedom and plainness, which a sense of duty to my country has compelled nie to exercise, in discussing the measures of the administration, and the policy of the government, may subject my motives to misconstruction. I feel the proud consciousness, however, that I have been actuated only by a, desire to promote the cause so dear to every patriot's heart, and thereby secure the independence of the Confederacy, with the civil and religious liberties and constitutional rights of the people, without which independence is an empty name, and the glory and grandeur of our republican system is departed forever. Xo one can be more vitally interested than myself in the success of our cause. I have staked life, liberty and property, and the liberties of my posterity, upon the result. The enemy have burned my dwelling and other houses, de stroyed my property, and shed in rich profusion the blood of nearest relatives. My des tiny is linked with my country. If we succeed, I am a freeman. But if, by the obsti nacy, weakness or misguided judgment of our rulers we fail, the same common ruin awaits me which awaits my countrymen. It is no time to conceal ideas in courtly phrase. The night is dark, the tempest howls, the ship is lashed with turbulent waves, the helms man is steering to the whirlpool, our remonstrances are unheeded, and we must restrain

The legislature remained in session until the llth clay of March, 1865. The body refused to call a convention. Resolutions were passed to continue the war. Addresses of war encouragement were made by Gen. Toombs, Gen. Cobb, Ben Hill and Wm. H. Stiles, to the members and citizens. Gov. Brown's message excited a varied contrariety of comment. Like everything else this positive man uttered and did, it evoked warm commendation arid hot censure and a spirited antagonism. The friends of Mr. Davis abused Gov. Brown, and the latter's friends

L. J. AI.RED AXD JUDGE O. A. LOOIIRAXE.

319

defended him. One or two papers, the Macon Telegraph especially, in editorial charg-e of a brig-ht, little black-eyed poet, Harry Flash, who has written some of the finest war lyrics in the English lang-uage, struck at the Governor savag-ely, and he came near having- a duel in consequence thereof with J. Heiily Smith, editor of the Atlanta Confederacy. The soldiers and the people were with the Governor, however, in spite of the bitterest kind of denunciation from a fierce minority, that hit him from first to last with merciless malignity. Every conceivable charg-e had been broug-ht against him. He had been accused of speculating and making money out of corn and salt and cotton and everything else. He struck down, these slanders, one by one, with vigorous blows. It has been one unfailing- peculiarity of Gov. Brown, that he has met attack, whether in the shape of slander or argument, promptly and aggressively. His opposition to the conscription act brought against him constantly a torrent of crimination that he was untrue to the Con federate cause. But against all of these calumnious accusations stood his sleepless practical devotion to the cause and sacrifices and labors in its behalf.
A very interesting- episode of this General Assembly was the action it took against Hon. Lemuel J. Aired, the member of the legislature from Pickens county, so long- connected -with public matters in Georgia, and who to this day preserves his potential agency in the local affairs of his county, and represents it in some capacity in all of the conventions and legislatures of the State. He was charged with treason and dis loyalty, and resolutions of expulsion were introduced. It wTas alleged that he had raised a tory company, and stood to the United States flag. He wTas imprisoned in jail and released upon a writ of habeas corpus by Judge O. A. Lochrane of the superior court, who thus pronounced ag-ainst the truth of the charg-e after an investigation of the matter. This release by Judge Lochranc was a peculiarly courageous and credit able exercise of judicial duty. Judge Lochrane had been appointed by Gov. Brown, and his confirmation was pending in the Senate. Yet he antagonized the body by his prompt reversal of their action and the release of Aired.
This session of the General Assembly was a notable one in that it was the last held in Georgia under the Confederate government; and, notwithstanding the disheartening condition of matters and the gloomy war outlook,5 it sustained the manhood and honor of the State with an unshaken courage, and kept its shining faith to the Confederacy in the darkest calamities of its own ruin.

320

GEXEKAL WILLIAM T. WOFFORD.

During this \voful period one of the distinguished soldiers of the State did a service that entitles him to the State's gratitude. This officer was Gen. Win. T. WofEord. He was a firm anti-secessionist, and carried his county against secession. On the 23rd of January, 1865, by the request of Gov. Brown and the people of Georgia, and by his own desire, he entered upon duty as a department commander in North Georgia. This favored section of the State, rich, healthy, beautiful, was a continuous ruin. It exemplified the horrors of war. The white section of the State, it furnished the bulk of the Union element. The arena for contending armies for a long period, it was desolated in its entirety. Left for months outside of the protecting aigis of both gov ernments, the hiding-place of guerillas of both armies, the theater ,of that worst of all strifes that exist between inimical local factions, it realized in all its dread malignancy the miserable suffering conveyed in the realization of anarchy. The melancholy condition of this section is the saddest picture of all of the sad ones of the late war. Those able to flee, fled. Those unable to get away staid in armed despair, ever present peril, and subject to daily rapine and death. Courts were silent, schools empty, churches deserted. Dwellings were burned and fences destroyed, until the civilizing demarkatioris of home and farm were lost in iridisting-uishable ruin. Strolling bands of deserters and robbers herded in the mountain caves, made predatory excursions from their fastnesses, and in their inhuman collisions and murderous orgies kept up a reig-n of terror. It was once a smiling country, peaceful, prosperous and happy, converted by the fell Moloch of wTar into a bloody scene of utter desolation. And. to these awf ul horrors, universal and unmitig-able, the possibility of starvation was superadcled. i\ro crops could be raised in this hideous time, and charity could not penetrate this wilderness of devastation.
To redeem this cursed land, certainly a blessed mission, Gen. "Wofforcl was sent by Mr. Davis at the request of Gov. Brown, who knew his fit ness for the duty. It was a labor of love for Gen. "Wofford, and he en tered upon, his difficult duty with zeal. He called in and org-anized over 7,000 men, large numbers of them deserters and stragglers. He exhib ited decided executive ability in his work. The railroad track was torn up and twisted, so that railway transportation could not be used. He overcame with masterly will and ability the intrinsic difficulties of his position. He obtained corn and distributed, it among the starving- peo ple. His cool, resolved tact was the very quality to handle the turbu lent lawlessness of the section. He sent a flag of truce to Gen. Juclah,

THE DISTRESS OF CAPTURED SAVAXXAII.

321

the Federal commander in aSTorth Georgia, aiicl obtained a personal con

ference, in which lie induced Gen. Juclali to do the noble act of distrib

uting1 corn, to the starving- people furnished by Gen. Wofford.

The capture of Savannah was a very valuable one to the Federals.

Gen. Sherman. sent the following- agreeable dispatch to President

Lincoln:

" SAVANNAH, GA., Dec. 22, 18G4.

" To His EXCELLENCY PRESIDENT LINCOLN, Washington, I). C.

" I beg to proscut you as a Christinas gift the city of Savannah, with one hundred and fifty heavy guns and plenty of ammunition, also about twenty-five thousand bales of

cotton.

W. T. SHERMAN, Major General."

It turned out that there were 250 coast g-uiis and 31,000 bales of cot ton. The city was placed under military government. An order was issued, that among other things, restricted the publication of newspa pers to two, and threatened the editors and proprietors with severe punishment in person and property for " any libelous publication, mis chievous matter, premature news, exaggerated statements, or any com ments ^o7tateuer upon the Acts of the constituted authorities." Tin's was freedom of the press with a vengeance. The wives of Generals G. W. Smith and A. P. Stewart of the Confederate army were in. the city, and were accorded special protection. The capture was a sore ' crisis for many elegant people. Savannah is a city of unusual culture, arid was inhabited by a. citizenry of wealth and high-bred refinement and luxury. Ladies of the best families were compelled to vend cakes and pastry at their basement windows to raise means to subsist. Gen. Sherman issued provisions to many families. A meeting of citizens was held upon call of the Mayor, Dr. K. D. Arnold. Dr. Arnold was made chairman, and A. S. Hartridge and Robert Irwiii secretaries. A committee consisting- of Col. Rock well, Alderman Lippman, Dr. 'Willis, Alderman Villaloiig-a, Martin Duggaii, J. G. Wills, W. D. Weed, Alder man Lachlison and Alderman O'lByrne, reported resolutions which were unanimously adopted, seeking- peace by laying' down arms and submit ting- to the national authority, claiming the immunities and protection of the Federal government, and asking the Governor to call a conven tion of the people of Georgia to give them an opportunity of sayingwhether the war should continue.
This action of Savannah was the initial note of submission. On the 19th of January, 1805, Gen. Sherman made the first general orders for his move into Carolina, the continuation of his march. In speaking in his memoirs of this movement, he uses this lang-uage:

322

THE GEORGIA A^TD CAROLINA MIT.ITIA

" We were all anxious to get into the pine woods again, free fr< of rebel women asking for protection, and of the civilians from coming to Savannah for cotton, and all sorts of profit."
]X"o words could better convey the condition of the people of this cap
tured city than these few simple words of the General of the Federal army. Between the conquering soldiery and the rapacious speculators the citizens had a hard time. The correspondence between Gen. Sherman and the Federal authorities throws full light not only upon the march through Georgia, but its continuation through Carolina. Says
Gen. H. W. HalleckT
" Should you capture Charleston I hope that by some accident the place may be de stroyed, and if a little salt should be sown upon its site, it may prevent the growth of future crops of nullification and secession."
To this gentle suggestion Gen. Sherman replied:
" We are not only fighting hostile armies but a hostile people, and must make old aud young, rich and poor, feel the hard hand of war, as well as their organized armies. . . Before we have done with her, South Carolina will not be quite so tompestuous. . . I will bear iii mind your hint as to Charleston, and do not think ' salt ' will, he necessary. When I move, the fifteenth Corps will be on the right of the right wing, and their posi tion will naturally bring them into Charleston, first; and, if you have watched the his tory of the corps, you will have remarked that they generally do their work pretty well.

upon South Carolina. I almost tremble at her fate, but feel that she deserves all that seems in store for her. . . I look upon Columbia as quite as bad as Charleston, and I doubt if we shall spare the public buildings there as we did at Milledgevillo."
From these expressions of the Federal Generals it can well be under stood- that the frightful severities of this campaign in. Georgia and Car olina were intended. It is not our purpose to follow the fighting far ther. On the 23rd of February, 18G5, Gen. Joseph E. Johnston. was re-instated in command of the inconsequential fragment of a Southern army. In this little force was 1,100 South Carolina militia and reserves. It is not irrelevant to contrast this small body of Carolina militia, de fending- Carolina soil, to the 10,000 of Georgia militia raised and armed and put in the field by Gov. Brown, for months in defense of Georgia soil. The fact illustrates not the superior patriotism of the Georgia citizens, but the superior vigor and zeal of Georgia's war Governor.
On the 3rd of February, 1865, took place the celebrated Hampton Roads Peace Conference, bet-ween Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward of the North, and Mr. Stephens, Mr. Hunter and Judge Campbell of the South, which resulted in nothing. This Conference is given in full in Mr. Stephens' great work, " The War Between the States," and consti tutes one of the most valuable chapters of that important work. It is

GKXERAL, JOH^ B. GORDON.

323

a singular coincidence that an illustrious Georgian should have been the main actor in both of the two efforts at peace between the sections, and it keeps up the remarkable destiny of Georgia as the crowning- factor of the revolution.
But the end was at hand. The colossal contest "was drawing* to its desperate and tragical conclusion, and it was a strang-e and unerring exemplification of the influential fatality of the State of Georgia in the struggle, that in the person of her gallant Gordon she figured so con spicuously in these fateful final scenes. He was the second figure to Lee in the dismal glory that marked the gory failure of the revolution. In the terrible last days, it was the ringing name of John Gordon that most frequently thrilled the public ear. In the mighty throes of this expiring and gigantic war, it was the knightly fig-ure of Gordon that led the forlorn hopes of the falling cause. It was Gordon with his uiiconquerecl bayonets, that last left the futile fortifications of Peters burg-; it was Gordon, undaunted and undismayed, that in the calamitous retreat led and fought in front of the enemy with his shattered band of heroes; and it was this same Gordon that was chosen to cut his way through the encompassing legions with his fragment of 2,000 intrepid men, in the most forlorn liope that was ever contemplated by soldierly desperation. And when the historic scene of Appomattox Court House came, with its memorable surrender of the army of Virginia, and its consequent collapse of the Southern cause, it was Georgia's Gordon that divided with his great chieftain, L,ee, the sad celebrity of that heroic but irreparable conclusion of the grand drama.
On the 2nd of April, 1865, Lee's line at Petersburg was broken, and Davis and his cabinet left Richmond and went to Danville. On the 9th of April, Lee surrendered. On the 26th of April, Johnston surrendered, and in swift succession followecl other surrenders up to the 25th of May, when the great war was ended--forever. Georgia witnessed and felt the horrors of a cavalry invasion by Gen. AVilson of the Federal army from Alabama, that officer reaching* Macori at the time of being- stopped from farther devastation by the truce following* Lipon Johnstoii's surrender.
The President and his cabinet, the small nucleus of the dead Confed erate government, the helpless representatives of its defunct authority, were fugitives and uricaptured. The State of Georgia wras not to be balked of its curious fate of a foremost agency in the revolution, even in the final matter of being* the arena of the last order of Confederate power, and the theater of the dissolution of its administration and capture of its President.

324

DAVIS AISTD CABINET AT WASIIIXGTOX, GA.

As soon as Richmond fell Mr. Davis a.ncl his cabinet went to Danville. Remaining- there a few days, he proceeded to North Carolina. When the armistice was arranged between Sherman and Johriston, Mr. Davis determined to g-o to Texas. A company of Dibrell's brigade of cavalry was assigned as escort. This was company B of the Ninth Kentucky cavalry, Captain Given Campbell. Mr. Davis had with him Gen. Breckenridge, secretary of Avar; John H. Reagan, postmaster general; ex-Governor Lubbock, of Texas, aid-cle-camp; Burton 1ST. Harrison, private secretary; Col. William Preston Johnson, Lieut. Hathaway, Mrs. Davis and four children, Miss Ho well, his wife's sister, and Midshipman Ho well, her brother. At Abbeville, S. C., his escort left him, except the captain and ten men, including privates H. C. Anclers, James H. Smith, J. T. Walbert, W. N. Ingrain, Heath and Hartness. The party had five \vagons and three ambulances. Mrs. Davis and the family were sent on ahead. Mr. Davis arrived at Washington, Wilkes county, Ga., the home of Gen. Robert Toombs, on the 4th day of May, 18G5. Gen. Brag-g-, Gen. J. M. St. Johns, commissary general, Gen. A. R. Lawton, quartermaster-general, and a large number of Confederate- officers arrived there. The various heads of departments all had left Richmond together, and they remained with Mr. Davis in. Washington, Ga., until they separated by his order. It was here that the Confederate admin istration dissolved and the last official order of the Confederate govern ment was issued, which is given in this chapter; and it was a singular and suggestive coincidence, strikingly exemplifying- the strange caprices of human events, that a little country village, in a section of Georgia out of the range of military operations, and the home of the man who did more than all other men in the South to spring- the revolution, and who had been, the organizing premier of the Confederate government, should, by a fantastic fatality, be the spot where the heroic but ill-fated venture went to pieces and its last note of official authority was given.
President Davis and most of his staff stayed at the Heath House in Washington. The building- was occupied also as a bank. Mr. Davis was very much worn, and saw but little company while in Washing-ton. He remained there about thirty-six hours, reaching* the town at noon of the 4th, and leaving it the 5th of May. St. Johns and Reagan spent the night with Gen. Toombs, as did Major Raphael J. Moses, of the commis sary department, from whom we have obtained the most interesting particulars of this matter, and to whom we are indebted for a copy of the official order referred to. Major Moses was commissary for the State of Georg-ia, having- been appointed to fill the place of Major Locke, who

THIS FAMOUS CONFEDERATE SPECIE TRAIN.

325

had died. Pie had been sent to South-western Georgia by Gen. Lee, to try what effect direct appeals from one fresh from the field would have in inducing- the people at home to send forward more libpral supplies of fbocl to the suffering- troops in Virginia, who, almost without rations, had been opposing the well-fed troops of Grant at the Wilderness and other points. On Major Locke's death, Major Moses was put in his place, and his duties as state commissary located him at Augnsta in April, 18G5, and his presence was required along- the line of the Georgia railroad, and at the time written of his duties called him to Washington, where he received from Gen. Toombs an invitation to stay with him. Such hospitality -was acceptable beyond expression, at a time when the pay of a Confederate major was 8102.50 per month, in a currency that com manded at the same time a day's board for the moderate amount of 850.
"While Major Moses was in "Washing-ton, the President and his party arrived. Among- the other attractions, that which filled the public eye of the watchful Washing-tomans -almost as much as the distinguished visitors, was the far-famed specie train, containing really between $100,000 and 8200,000, which amount Dame Rumor exaggerated to untold millions, and which was an object of keen stimulus for the popular cupidity. The bulk of this monev was in uncoined bullion--mostly bars of the precious metal, unmolderl into dollars.
Gen. Dibrell gives this interesting account of what he knew of this
famous and exaggerated money:
" I was directed to furnish four additional wagons to transport the specie, and Gen. Breckenridge in person directed Gen. Duke, with his brigade, to guard the specie train. We crossed the Savannah river and halted near Washington, Ga., about sunrise on the morning of the 2d of May. The specie train was parked in a lot near a house occupied by Gen. Breckenridge for head-quarters. The specie was taken into his room. I was present part of the time. The first box opened contained bullion, and was nailed up again. By direction of Gen. Breckenridge, muster rolls of all troops present were made out. Tin's money for the troops, upward of $10S,OOO, was turned over to Maj. E. C. White, my division quartermaster, (he being- the senior quartermaster present,) and the amount due each soldier, S26.25, was paid through the regimental quartermaster on each muster roll. Each officer and soldier, including infantry and cavalry, as well as Gen. John C. Breckenridge, received just the same amount, S26.25.
"Maj. White, after the payments were all made, handed me a report in writing of the

disbursed the Si08,000. This report I brought home with me, but have lost or mislaid

it. Maj. White was a citizen of Anne Arundel county, Md., but of late I have been un

able to iearn his address.

G. G. DIBRELL."

Just before the President (Mr. Davis) left, Gen. Joseph E. Johnston sent Major Moses an order to furnish 250,000 rations to troops return-

32G

IISTCIDEXTS AT WASHIXGTOX, GA.

ing- to their homes. The Confederate States had at the time of Johnston's capitulation with Sherman a very large supply, comparatively speaking*, of rations at different points on the Georgia railroad, which connects Atlanta and Augusta, some one hundred and seventy miles apart, but as soon as it was known that the last hope of the Confederacy had passed away, the half-starved people along the line of railroad soon transferred the Confederate commissary stores to more convenient places, and there was not a week's rations for one hundred men from one end of the road to the other.
"We not only had no rations to feed the returning troops, but if we had had enough to fill every storehouse on the route, there was no way of protecting them. It was in this contingency that Maj. Moses wrote and induced the Commissary General, St. Johns, to sign the last official order ever drawn by the Secretary of TV"ar of the Confederate govern ment. It was sig-ned by Gen. J. M. St. Johns, by direction of the Con federate Secretary of War, in Washing-ton, Ga., while in transitu and bound, for parts unknown. It ordered Maj. Moses to arrange with some Federal g-eneral at Augusta or Macon to supply the returning troops and provide the hospitals with rations and necessary medicines, and for that purpose apply to the Confederate .government for the necessary funds. The order being- signed, Maj. Moses did apply, but it was like calling spirits from the A^aoty deep. They did not come. In this emergency Maj. Moses applied to Gen. Toornbs, and he obtained an order from Gen. Breckeiiriclge, the Confederate Secretary of "War, upon the officer in charge of the specie train, .to pay Maj. Moses 840,000 in bullion, of which 810,000 -was to be turned over to the Quartermaster Department, in charg-e of Felix R. Alexander, Assistant Quartermaster under Gen. Alexander R. Lawton, the Confederate Quartermaster-Gen eral. Armed with this order, Maj. Moses overtook the train of wag-ons a mile or so from Washington, the night of its departure, and received and receipted for what was estimated or guessed to be 840,000 of gold bullion.
This bullion was carried back to Washington, and being guarded over night, 810,000 was paid over to the Quartermaster-General, Lawton, and with the other 830,000 Maj. Moses started for Augusta, guarded by four members of the Washington artillery. Maj. Moses had a stirring time with his perilous treasure. It was, of course, known immediately that he had it in possession. The war had unhinged men's ideas and principles. But still more demoralizing of the public conscience was the desperate stress of the people, coupled with the knowledge

ATTEMPTED RAPE OF THE BULLION".

32?'

that the Confederate cause was dead, and that this specie was ownerless and a probable treasure trove and booty for the Federal soldiery. Maj. Moses, with punctilious honor, was resolved to part with it only with his life and to deliver it according- to orders in fulfillment of its kindly mission.
On the train from "Washington, to Barnett, where the branch road joins the Georgia railroad, he was watched arid menaced with constant danger. At IBarnett he had his ca,r switched, off before the train arrived at the depot and left in a cut, but the eager crowd swarmed around it. The car was taken up to the depot, and for several hours, tiiitil the Augusta train arrived, Maj. Moses was in the most perturbing- perplexity and strain of his life. There were some two or three hundred return ing soldiers, besides the no less determined citizens. These desperate men, a reckless mob, coolly demanded the money, as being as much theirs as any one's, and they were armed to enforce their demand. A number of soldiers and officers stood by Maj. Moses, giving- him friendly aid, among- whom were Private Shepherd, formerly of Columbus, Ga., then of Texas, and Gen. Sanforcl, who is now practicing law in Mont gomery, Ala. Maj. Moses remonstrated quietly and argumentatively with the menacing men surrounding him, arid appealed to their honor and patriotism and stated his orders. At length it seemed nothing could avert the attempted ravishment of this specie.
A wounded officer seemed to be the ringleader. Finally, as if by an inspiration, Maj. Moses stepped up to this officer and addressed him in these words:
" Sir, your rank indicates that 3rou are a gentleman, and your wound testifies that you have been a gallant soldier. I appeal to you in the spirit of that honor that belongs to all brave men, to assist me in the discharge of this trust."
The officer promptly responded that he would willingly aid in the matter, and he went around among the threatening soldiers, quieting them. Maj. Moses was enabled to safely continue his trip, and delivered the bullion to Gen. Moliricux, stationed at Augusta, and did so upon his promise to feed the returning soldiers and see that the sick in the hos pitals were cared for. The bullion was weighed and turned out in excess fully 85,000. It was delivered by order of Gen. Molmeux to one Adams, of Massachusetts, then acting as provost marshal of Augusta. Maj. Moses has since attempted to learn whether this money ever reached the Federal treasury, and went in company with Maj. J. D. "Wadclell to "Washington city, and delivered it to the Hxm. Jerry

EXERAL TOOMBS.
Black, with tlie request that he would trace the fund, but he has never heard the result of the investigation.
Just after tlie departure of Geii. I3reckenridg-e from TYashington with a body of cavalry, a cavalry man rode back in a gallop and threw a bag of g-old coin over the fence around Gen. Toombs' residence, and then rapidly rode away. ]S"o explanation was given of this liberal act, no instructions accompanied the money, and there was no clew ever obtained as to the motive or purpose of the soldier. The bag- contained 85,000 in g-old currency. Gen. Toombs at the time was in. great stress for money, and was borrowing- gold for his contemplated iiight out of the country, but he swore with a round oath he would not touch a dol lar of this money, so strang-ely and unexpectedly showered upon him. The bag was turned over to Capt. Abrahams, a Federal commissary, for the purchase of flour and other provisions for the returning Confed erate soldiers, and Maj. Moses states that his son aided in this disposition of the fund. Gen. Toombs was a princely financier and has always had a lordly scorn of unclean, or illegitimate money.v His escape and adven tures abroad were right romantic. After Mr. Davis and his party had all scattered out from Washington, and Gen. Toombs was about to get away, a Federal soldier rang at the door. Gen. Toombs himself went to the door, and the soldier told him he was after Gen. Toombs and asked if he was at home. The General replied " Yes," and asked the soldier to wait while ho informed the General. Going- in and telling Mrs. Toombs to delay the soldier as long as possible, Gen. Toombs went out the back door, mounted a horse that he had ready back of his premises, in anticipation of just such a contingency as this, and took to the "woods, making for the coast. Mrs. Toombs held the soldier on one pretext and another for nearly half an hour, carrying- him from room to room, all locked and the keys lost. These moments enabled Gen. Toombs to get away.
In England he was without a dollar in money; but a banking firm, for which he had done legal business before the Avar, learned of his being in that country and tendered him 8100,000 for his use, which he declined, except several thousand dollars that he used for a friend.- He was traveling on the train and met accidentally a nobleman whose acquaintance he had made in Washington, and this gentleman imme diately consulted him professionally on a matter connected with some American securities, and for this legal opinion Gen. Toombs received a fee of 85,000, which relieved his necessities. No man in the Union has been a more successful maker of money than Gen. Toombs.

THE LAST ORDER OF THE CONFEDERATE GovERisrM Given at Washington, Wilkes County, Georgia, May 5, 1865.

THE LAST ORDER OF THE COXFKOEEATE

329

We now conic to the last official writing- ever issued by the Confed erate administration. For four years it had conducted this unparalleled war, directing- the movements 'of a million of soldiers and disbursing $1,000,000,000. It had issued orders affecting- the destinies of States, armies and a grand nation. It had witnessed the dissolution of its massive hopes, and here was the end of it all, the last official act of ail agent of such colossal duties. The paper is both intensely interesting and touchingly pathetic. It is as-historic a curiosity as the world affords, this last flicker of a mammoth revolution, this final order of a stupendous rebellion--this concluding- authoritative act of the war of the semi-world. Such thoughts cluster around it as would make a grand epic. It is a short document, written upon, the Confederate made paper that was manufactured in those days, a yellow, coarse, porous writing material, itself a significant symbol of Confederate times. The paper is of the commercial note size, thin, flazy, hardly bearing- ink, rather a tough tcxtured, blotting- sheet, than a usable writing- medium. As an ordinary document of every clay life it would be valueless. It merely directed the payment of 610,000 of gold bullion, and on the order is written the receipt for the bullion, the paper thus testifying- to the honesty and promptness of the disbursing officer of a great shattered government--an administration gone clown hopelessly in a grand ruin. But as the last order of that Confederacy, that for four years had main tained the mightiest war of all history, that was alike the center of such an immeasurable range of hopes and memories, and the striking object of such an immense and turbulent conflict of blood, it has an. interest and a poetry that cannot be expressed arid that will grow with time.
By some curious chance the receipt comes first, and then follows the order, indicating- that it was all one transaction. The order was written by Maj. R. J. Moses, as also the receipt. "We give the order first:
"Maj. R. J. Moses C. S., will pay $10,000, the amount of bullion appropriated to Q. M. Dep. by Sec. War, to Maj. R. R. Wood. By order of Q. M. Gen.
" W. F. ALEXANDER, Maj. and Ass. to Q. M. Gen. "5 May, 1865, Washington."

The receipt is as follows:

"WASHINGTON, May 5, '05.

" Received from. Maj. R J. Moses three boxes estimated to contain'$1O,000 in bullion. This has not been weighed or counted, and is to be opened before two commissioned officers and a certificate of contents made, which certificate is to be forwarded to Maj. R. J. Moses, and by the amount certified to the undersigned is to be bound.
" R. R. WOOD, Maj. and Q. M."

With Mr. Davis was captured the balance of the coin and bullion,

THE LAST OF THE COXEEDEKATE BUTJLIOX.
which was carried to "Washington, D. C. In 18GG, certain Virginia and Louisiana banks claimed that this money was their property and not the property of the Confederate States. Treasurer Spinner insisted upon a particular description of the captured coin, which could not be given. Subsequently, Secretary McCulloch, by order of President Johnson, directed Treasurer Spinner to turn the money over to the claimants, but on consultation with Secretary Stantoii, he refused to do so, and soon after the bullion was coined. At Treasurer Spinner's instance, Congress passed a resolution, approved March 22, 18G7, ordering- that this money be conveyed into the treasury by warrant. This was done. In 1873 Judge Joseph Casey, attorney for the Bank of Louisiana, made another attempt in the United States Court of Claims, to get this money. He had a rule issued on the Secretary of the Treasury to show the kind and amount of coin captured, whether there were certain kegs of gold, Spanish and American coin, sixty keg-s or less, and boxes of silver coin, and. the disposition made of such coin, and the aiithority for the dis position. Secretary I3outwell referred, the rule to Treasurer Spinner, who gave the information desired, but claimed that Congress, having by resolution disposed of the matters, was the only power that could give relief. This appears to have ended this episode of the last of the Con federate finances captured on Georgia soil with the President of the Con federacy in the sunny May of 18G5.
It was a singular coincidence that the Davis government should have finally dissolved in a place having the same name as the seat of g-overnment--A'Vashing-ton--the objective goal of the war efforts of that ad ministration. It was a fitting conclusion of the young government that, after four years of xmequalecl resistance to a Power that had been backed by the civilized world, it marked, its last act of authority by a thoughtful loyalty to the comfort of its penniless and starved defenders.
On this 5th day of May, 1805, the Confederate administration thus g-athered at "Washing-tori, Ga., and standing- at last shorn of every ves tige of authority, means, support and power, helplessly fugitive, its loiig--foug-ht cause done forever, dissolved and scattered, never more to meet. General 13reckenridg-e, the Confederate Secretary of "War, went in one direction. ; General St. Johns, the Commissary General, in an other ; General Lawton, the Quartermaster-General, in still another ; while Mr. Davis and Mr. Reagan, the Postmaster-General, fled leisurely at the rate of about thirty miles a clay into the interior of Georgia. It was a strange want of vigilance and. rapidity in Mr. Davis as an escap-

GEORGIA THE HEAVIEST LOSER OF THE SOUTH.

331

ing fugitive, and it almost seemed as if he either did not apprehend or did not care for capture.
At Irwin's Cross Roads, in "Washington county, a band of despera does made a demonstration upon Mr. Davis and his party, ignorant of who they were. At Dublin another attack was threatened by some thirty deserters, but in both cases the bands were frightened or per suaded off. A federal force of about two hundred cavalry, under Lieu tenant Colonel B. D. Pritchard, of the Fourth and Second Michigan regiments, finally captured Mr. Davis and his party near Irwinville, at daylight on the morning of the 10th day of May, 18G5. The federal cavalry was divided and ran upon one another unexpectedly, firing and
killing' several soldiers. For a long time the Northern press circulated the statement that
Mr. Davis was captured in woman's clothes, but 'the statement -was false, and was undoubtedly fabricated, to throw ridicule upon him arid the cause he represented. The report wTas an ungracious piece of malignancy, as ungenerous as it was malicious.
With the capture of President Davis on Georgia soil, the final blow was given to the Confederate government and. the Southern cause that it rep resented. The first act of war had been committed on Georgia territory, and the ultimate ending, by a providential fortune, came here too. The brilliant beginning and the calamitous conclusion both belong to Georgia, and with her other masterful instrumentality in the mighty episode, weave together a story of heroism, power and disaster, that will live in all ages.
The simple record of the sacrifices of the state of Georgia will show respleridently her war record. She sent to the field over 120,000 sol diers, or 20,000 more than her voting population at the beginning of the war. No statistics were gathered until 1867, after she had enjoyed two years of recuperation, and there is no means therefore of accurately estimating the damage she suffered. Her aggregate wealth in 18G7 was $191,235,520, or 8481,497,381 less than in 1801," and her gain from 1865 must have been fully fifteen or twenty millions, making her war loss amount to the prodigious proportion of three-fourths of her wealth. We can best illustrate Georgia's heroism and suffering by comparing her losses with those of the other Southern, states: Georgia, 481 millions, or over three-fourths of her wealth; South Carolina, 326, or two-thirds; Mississippi, 355, or two-thirds; Virginia, 186, or twosevenths; Xorth Carolina, 160, or one half; Kentucky, 104, or one-fifth; Louisiana, 185, or two-fifths; Tennessee, 60, or one-fifth; Florida 36, or one-half; Missouri gained 286 millions.

333

THE EXTENT OF GEORGIAS EUI^T AXD THE AVAR EXDED.

Her loss i*n slaves alone was $272,015,490, or thirty-four millions more than her present wealth. Her lands fell off in value one-half. Onequarter of her railroad track was totally destroyed. Over 2,000 square miles of her territory had been stripped and ravaged and made a wil derness of wreck. The public debt was run to over twenty-five millionsV/ of dollars, of which over six millions were expended on the families of soldiers, four millions in sending- clothing to the Georgia troops, and six millions more upon our state forces outside of Confederate operations. No state in the Confederacy approximated Georgia in her voluntary expenditures in aid of the war.V' And truth requires the candid admission that Gov. Brown led in this unequalecl policy of gen erous and unstinted military zeal. Concurrently with all of his stitbborn and unyielding conflicts for constitutional principle, he to the fullest extent of his official power, gave practical cooperation to the cause, and. contributed his private fortune. The substantial sig-nificance of such a force cannot be overlooked.
But the end had come. Our efforts, our sufferings, our sacrifices had been unavailing-. The war had g-one against us, hopelessly, finally. And from the unredeemed w^reck of unsuccessful revolution the people of Georgia turned their crushed energies bravely to rehabilitation and the future.

PART III.
The Reconstruction Travesty and a Superb Rehabilitation.

CHAPTER XXXII.
THE TRANSITION PERIOD OF PURE BAYONET RULE.
The Whimsical Tyranny of Reconstruction.--Venomous Times.--Gov. Brown's Dra matic Experience.--Outliving a Merciless Ostracism.--Gen. Wilson.--Stephens, Cobb, Hill and Brown arrested.--Gov. Brown's Release.--Gen. Wilson Squelches the " Rebel State Authorities."--Federal Cleverness.--Gon. Wofford.--Mules and Cora Distributed.--Gov. Brown's Resignation.--His Philosophy to " Do the Best we Can."--The Enfranchisement of the Black and Taking the Oath.--The Georgia Union Club in Savannah.--James Johnson Provisional Governor.--His Prouuncia-
I mento.--His Macon Speech'.--Civil and Moral Chaos.--Johnson's Mistake.--Cling ing to Slavery.--The Dazing Effect of Freedom 011 the Black.--The Freedman's Bureau.--The African Problem.--Grim Satire of the Chicago Times.--A. Black Deluge and White Bondage.
WE come now to that anomalous, indefinable period in Georgia, his tory, that must stand as the indescribable incongruity of her existence as a commonwealth.- It is an epoch that baffles description. Neither war nor peace; marked by the anarchy of war without its dignity and a pretense of peace without its reality; ruled under a scorching travesty of law, alternating with bayonet despotism governed by mob caprice; this era of whimsical yet savage tyranny, known by the abhorrent name of RECOXSTKUCTIOX, must ever remain the ridicule of patriotism and the contempt of statesmanship. It was the spawn of unbridled might. It violated every principle of g-oocl government. It sported want-only with every sacred axiom of civil liberty. Inspired by hate, and oper ated with malice, it abortively retarded for a decade of years, the very ob ject it claimed to seek, viz:--a solid and fraternal rehabilitation of a sun dered Union, and a warring people. It was the cruelest bit of political / harlequinade ever practiced by an enlightened civilization.
The mother that bore the monster Caliban, must have had the same feeling as she gazed upon the foul, ill-shapen, hideous creature, as the authors of reconstruction at this day, have in looking- back upon the ap palling- abortion, they called into existence to re-unite in holy wedlock, the resentful sections of a riven nationality. The annals of the world show no more wicked and inexcusable botch of governmental polity. In using this strong language there is a meed of justice due to honest Southern men, who favored the principle of a martyr's submission to

GOVERNOR BROWNS ALTJERXATIOX 01^

hard terms, as the patriotic requirement of our conquered condition.

And there is still another meed of justice due to honest Northern

men, who condemned the drift of what they deemed a necesary policy.

The acrimony of reconstruction was really no less inteense and ruthless

than tho savagery of battle. Men \vere as mad and brutal, and reveled

in fully as fiery passion. It is not altogether certain that men were not

more hoosstitlee and im mpplaaccabalee tthaann wwheenn figghttningg,, for tthee sppillilningg- of

blood, arid the clash of arms was a vent for the turbulence of hostility

that toned down the inner heat,, and satisfied the vengeance. But the repression of active deed during reconstruction made the inspiration
of rancor over wrong flame the hotter inwaarrdyly.. TThhose reconstruction days were venomous times, spiteful, acrid,

erocious, absolutely unreasoning. Their fever was different from the

war-heat, more stinging and unsparing-ly prescriptive. There was

more execration about it, and utter disregard of magnanimity. It was

an

epoch of "

state

history,

that

no

Georgian

can

ever

wish

to

see

re-

enacted. "War has its glories, its stirring delirium, its triumphs, its

renown. But that horrible era of reconstruction has nothing- but bitter

memories unredeemed by a single element of alloy. This era was to

w wittnneesss tthee most drraammaaticc exppeerrieennce and trraaggiccal test of Goov. Brroown.

For years he had enjoyed such power and popularity as are vouchsafed

to few men in this world. He had strongly swam, not floated, for he

bravely breasted his own firm course, upon a flood current of public

favor in as stormy a crisis, and as long- as any leader ever did in human

chronicles. He had made himself the foremost civilian of th,e Con

federacy, engendering1 a reputation to be envied, with just enough of

implacable enmity to give the proper seasoning to his celebrity, and

point to his victories. He was destined to suffer an alternation of pub

lic favor, so sudden, so complete, so overwhelming and savag-e as to

constitute the most extraordinary personal vicissitude of the extraordi

nary period. He was to be the victim of this remorseless odium too,

without a shade of moral obliquity or a transgression that the most

punctilious, social, moral or leg'al scruple could fasten to him.

He, himself, in his uncommon sagacity foresaw much of it and pre

dicted it, but he had no conception of its reach and intensity. He had

displayed exceptional daring and- firmness in many trying' emergencies.

But he never had so ferocious a strain upon his adamantine nerve as in

this reconstruction time, when he battled with the sentimental but her

culean prejudices of the people. It was a frig-htful struggle, and must

give him the horrors to this day. It battered and ostracized him, it made

358 ARREST OF DISTINGUISHED GEORGIANS.

him for a long time an exile and a practical outcast. It

was enough, to have crushed and crazed any man of ordinary

or even extraordinary mold. Yet he not only resisted but

he whipped it, and his political recuperation is as re

markable a case of sublime and indomitable political

,

vitality as was ever seen. It was a grand test of the man f 3

gigantic endurance and povfer. The writer was warmly on the

other side in these fierce-hearted days, and in doing justice

to Gov. Brown has nothing to recant of his own convictions.

The day of passion, even in memory, has passed, and the time

has come for rational fair-minded, good-tempered .justice.

Gov. Brown has been more fortunate than most men in out

living misconception, so terrific that the pangs of death

were preferable. And he has won such a victory over

aspersion as will make the remaining years of his eventful

life happy and influential for good beyond estimate, and

all the brighter for the antithesis of the long dark epoch.

The surrender left the state in military hands. Gen.

Sherman, the most relentless practicer of war*s severities,

had, with a splendid statesmanship, endeavored to give

effect to the true consistent theory of the Union movement,

and considered the states restored to their autonomy when

arms were laid down. Gov. Brown acted on this idea. He

called the legislature together to meet in Milledgeville on

the 22d day of May, 1865. Gen. Wilson, the Federal commandei

at Macon, had notified him to surrender the State troops,

and he had done so, taking a parole as the commander in-

chief with Gen. Gustavus Smith and his division. Gen. Upton

was in command at Augusta, Gen. Croxton in Macon, Col. B

B. Eggleston in Atlanta, and Maj. M. H. Williams in

Milledgeville.

Just at this time "tine surprise was shot upon the state

of the arrest of Alex. H. Stephens, Gen. Howell Cobb, Hon.

B. H. Hill and Gov. Brown. The latter had returned to

milledgeville the day after he was paroled. The next night

the Executive mansion was surrounded by an armed Federal

force under the command of a captain who notified the

Governor that he was instructed to arrest him. Gov. Brown

denied indignantly the right to molest him, producing his

parole. But the officer replied, "I am instructed by Gen.

Wilson to take that from you." The Governor protested

against the outrage, claiming that, as he had not violated

his parole, the faith of the United Spates was pledged to

protect him. The officer would take no denial, and there

was no chance to resist the armed force, so the parole was

delivered up. He was permitted just thirty minutes to make

his arrangements for departure, and was not allowed a moment

of privacy with his family,

f THE DREADFUL OOtiDITIGrJ OF ttOHTh from whom he was thus so unceremoniously torn. He was carried on to Washington and. incarcerated in Carroll prison, He addressed a letter to President Andrew Johnson, recounting the circumstances of his parole and arrest^ and urging the injustice and bad faith of the treatment* After the lapse of a week Vie was accorded an interview by President Johnson, wrio promised to investigate the matter. At the end of several days (lev* Browns release was ordered on his parole ? and he returned to Georgia. Gen. Wilson issued an order forbidding the Legislature to meet, as called by Gov. Brown. His order stated that "Neither the Legislature nor any other political body will be permitted to assemble under the call of the rebel state authorities." The order further said? "The people of the state are earnestly counseled to resume their peaceful pursuits, and are assured that the President of the United States will, without delay, exert all the lawful powers of his office to relieve them, from the bondage of rebel tyranny and to restore them to the enjoyment of peace and order, with security of life, liberty and property under the constitution and laws of the United States and of their own state."
There must have been a grim vein of satire in Gen. Wilsons composition. The idea of protecting the people of Georgia from "refrel tyranny" must have been the suggestion of a satirical humor inspired by an intuitive prevision of the coming cruelties of reconstruction.
In many particulars the Federal soldiers acted very cleverly 0 Gen. Wilson turned over to Gen, Ira Foster the Confederate mules, horses, wagons and harness, for distri bution among the poor, and Col J e H. R. Washington of Macon, was associated with G 3 n e Foster to aid in the distribution. In North Georgia, Gen., Wofford induced Gen Thomas to loan the people SO^GOO bushels of corn to feed them while making a crop, and to let the citizens have the straggling government stock scattered over the country, to help them to farm. These incidents do imperishable honor to the gallant Thomas. Gen* Wofford, by his tact and manly., liberal dealing, established a good understanding \irith the Federal Generals, that enabled him to serve the people effectually. The day after his surrender, which took place on the 12th of May, Gen e Judah paid him the compliment of asking nim. to prepare orders for the govern-
~~ f the country, and Gen. Tlioma-s invited him to a ;conference for consultation^ T^iis northern section was in
dreadful condition.,- ^nd its distress continued a long ime, it had been, so fearfully ravaged. Gen. Wofford was .ected to Congre/ : ; ~ vear, but was not allowed tjo take
seat. He went "t ' ,s/>.ington to get an issue of j lovisions for th*-i u.ac^sancls of destitute citizens. The Pem<

OOVERXOE BKOWX KKSIGXS AS GOVERNOR.

330

cratic members of Congress could do nothing-, and discouraged him. Nothing- daunted, the resolute "Wofford interested Judge Kelley of Pennsylvania, in the matter, who introduced and obtained the passage of a resolution authorizing Gen. Howard, of the Kreedmen's Bureau, to furnish all of the supplies needed, and remedjr the famine of this large section. Even in the middle of the war these upper counties had to be supplied by the state. It was a suggestive coincidence that this section of Georgia, the most reluctant in going into secession, was the most sorely punished by the resulting war.
Gov. Brown returned to Georgia to find that he was not allowed to exercise the functions of the Executive. The language of Gen. Wil son, speaking for Mr. Stanton, the Secretary of ^VVar, was :
" The restoration of peace and order cannot be entrusted to rebels and traitors who destroyed the peace and trampled down the order that had existed more than half a century in Georgia."
On the 29th of June, 1865, Gov. Brown, in order to facilitate the re organization of the state government and remove any impediment that he might personally interpose to the solution of the great reconstruc tion problem, resigned his place in a creditable spirit of patriotism. His address was a dignified, manly paper, and a curiously characteristic enun ciation of the man. It was the utterance of one who has been noted all of his thrilling life for facing unpleasant facts fearlessly, and meet ing an emergency plumply, without dallying with improbable possi bilities, or wasting- time upon useless expedients. "We have never in the South had a more practical man than Gov. Brown. He drives straight to substantial results, having the end in sight at the start, and it is his nature to work with a view to that end. He had given everv energy of an xmusually powerful nature to winning success in the war, and if all of the men of the South had shown his spirit we would have whipped the fight. When the cause was irretrievably lost, it was the irre sistible nature of the man, and the movement of a profound common sense to seek the quickest exit from our dreadful abasement and utter ruin. Being conquered summed all the horrors of the situation. And the defeat following such an effort as we had made wTas the worst of all failures--that in which resistance had continued until we had desperately spent every resource, and were absolutely exhausted and helpless.
Gov. BrowTn recognized our condition, and faced it in entire frank ness. The fighting day was gone. He had put out his best efforts while the war was on. "When the thing was over, and the day had gone against us, and hope was at an end, the unconquerable practicality of

340

GEOllGIA DISFRANCHISED.

the man formulated, in that early hour, the policy which he consistently followed to the last, under such hideous pressure as was simply a mir acle to have withstood. Here was his declaration of purpose, in his let ter of resignation:
" The statesman, like the business man, should take a practical view of questions as

the circumstances, by which they are at the time surrounded."
Carrying out this idea Gov. Brown advised instant and entire acqui escence in the abolition of slavery, a cordial support of President John son's administration, and the prompt and general taking of amnesty for participation in the g-ovemmeiit by all not excepted. President John son had. offered amnesty to all who took the oath of allegiance, except civil officers of the Coiifetterate government, military officers above the rank of Colonel, naval officers above the rank of Lieutenant, Govern ors, Congressmen, Judges, AAr est Point officers, and citizens worth over $520,000. Of the last class there were 12,470 in the state at the close of the war according to the tax books. Adding the civil and military officers excluded, we had in Georgia somewhere betwTeeii fifteen and twenty thousand men excepted from voluntary amnesty, this number includingthe wealth and civil and political leadership of the State.
The two main subjects of consideration and action were submission to the enfranchisement of the black and taking- the oath, bo^h of them hard, bitter pills then ; 0113 involving the unconditional renunciation of slavery, the cherished " corner stone " of our fabric for which we had gone to Avar, and the other, absolute allegiance to the power we had so long fought. Yet where was the power to resist these demands ? Governor Brown took the initiative in urging an instantaneous com pliance with them, and his letter breathes a strong- spirit of patriotism.
In Savannah, 011 the 31st clay of May, 1865, a meeting had. been held of what was called the " Georgia Union Club." The President was Col. AArm. H. Stark, and the Secretaries L. A. Dodge and J. R, Sealy. A committee on business was appointed consisting of L. S. Bermet, M. Duggan, E. S. Ricldell, E. Padelford, H. Brigham, Mr. AVadleigh and J. G. Mills, who reported resolutions which were adopted declaring that sympathizers with secession should not be supported for office, and ask ing for the appointment of a military Governor. And the following committee was appointed to visit AArashington to secure the enforce ment of the resolutions : AV. AVoodbriclge, AVm. H. Stark, Henry Brigham, AAr. A. Stone, L. S. Bennett, E. S/Riddell, J. G. Mills, C. K. Osgood, Dr. P. Y. Clark, Eel. Padelford and H. B. AVeed.

JAMES jonxsox PROVISIONAL GOVKRXOK.

341

On the 17th clay of June, Hon. James Johnson of Columbus was ap pointed by President Andrew Johnson, Provisional Governor of Georgia to reorganize the State. He had been a member of Congress, defeating Gen. Henry L. Bemiiiig in 1851. Gov. Johnson repaired to Milledge ville, and on the 13th clay of July, 1865, he issued his Proclamation an nouncing his appointment, and calling- a convention of the people to be elected the first "Wednesday in October, 1865, and to assemble on the 4th Wednesday in October in Milledgeville. The oath of amnesty had to be taken to qualify citizens to vote. All redress for wrong was re mitted to the military authority, and slavery was declared extinct. The most remarkable announcement in this military civil pronunciamento, was the following, which will give the reader an idea of the unhinged condition of the times.
my such is entertained, that private property will be distributed or dy delusive, but dangerous and mischievous ; and if any attempt y person or persons to effect such an object by violence or unlaw-
secure to him or them speedy and merited punishment."
On the 15th of July, 1865, two clays after his proclamation, Gov. Johnson made an address in Macon, in the City Hall, Gen. "Wilson and Hon. Thomas ITarcleman being with him on the stage, in which he made a frank statement of his powers and pmrposes. He declared that he was appointed for the single object of enabling the people of Georgia to form a government--that slavery existed no more, and the fact would have to be constitutionally recognized. Gov. Johnson proceeclecl to say some very unwelcome things, and it must be confessed that his manner of saying them was not calculated to woo adhesion to his counsel. He declared, the war a " stupendous folly " of our own seeking. He concluded with the expression of the belief that Georgia, under the new regime, would increase in prosperity and civilization.
The condition of feeling among our people was very peculiar at that time. It is difficult to give a conception of it now. It was a civil and moral chaos. The South was crushed and bleeding*. The only sur viving faculty was the united capacity for grief and resentment. Prop erty was gone. From the ashes of a universal ruin, men looked out upon a future apparently without hope. The old order of things was destroyed. All previous experiences had been set at naught. There was nothing to forecast the future. Men were called upon to do hercu lean things, to bury cherished, prejudices, to clean away the saddening ruins of clear hopes, to sepulcher fierce animosities, to conform to loathsome necessities, to remodel everything precious, social, political

Q-2

THE CLINGING TO SLAVERY.

and moral. It was a cruel thing in Grov. Johnson to g-o to abusing the people, and the ungracious reproach he put ori the helpless citizens in their misery handicapped him for guiding arid serving them. When he closed his speech in Macon, his hearers retired in a sullen dissatisfac tion. There was an unpleasant conflict of feeling in the state over slavery. Men clung to the dead body, and hoped by some miracle to either revive it, or utilize its remains. The black problem was a grim puzzle in that day. There was all sorts of eager, fanciful hoping about it. It was hard to realize its utter death, and to submit to it. There was hot and curious contention among- our folks over the carcass. Strange as it may seem now, in this day of ripe acquiescence in Afri can freedom, in the chaotic months following- the surrender, and up to the October convention in 1865, the vital issue was whether slavery was dead or alive, and it was acrimoniously discussed. The Govern ment had proclaimed slavery dead, the " Freedrnan's I3ureau" was universally established, and the negroes, as " Freedmen," were making voluntary labor contracts, yet, strange to say, a large part of our people stuck to the hope of at least some modified form of slavery. The decisive opinion of Grov. Brown and other sensible men carried its weight, but was not conclusive, arid the chimerical and mercenary foug-ht this barren issue.
"We, "who are living- under organized government, can form no idea of what it is to be as we were then without civil law, and threatened with an unknown and perilous future. It was an appalling- situation that we were in, under the arbitrary control of armed men who had been our foes, who were ignorant of our laws arid institutions, arid only had the caprice of their own will to govern them and us. ^ Add to this the anxiety about the ignorant, dangerous element of free black labor demor alized with the novelty of license, and there was room for thoughtful men to be troubled. The negroes were as unsettled arid disturbed as the whites. The phase of the colored mind in the bewildering ex perience of freedom was a psychological study, During- the war the negroes had generally manifested a noble fidelity to their masters. Their quiescence .was remarkable in the light of the fact that they were the ostensible cause of the struggle, and their destiny was involved. This was due largely to their want of education and the hereditary spirit of subordination born of centuries of slavery.
When freedom came there was no proper conception of it in their ig-norant intelligences. The sudden transformation from slavery un leashed a legion of \vild aspirations, blending in their scope unbridled

THJE GKEAT BLACK PROBLEM.

343

appetites and luxurious indolence. The essence of their new liberty was relief from labor. Idleness and vagrancy were the delicious reali zation of freedom. It seemed impossible to make them believe that they must work and support their families. The country negroes nocked to the towns arid cities to live upon the bounty of the government or steal. They had the most impracticable conception of their rights. The military masters found an elephant upon their hands. It was a quaint but grave burden to manage the obstreperous and fantastical freedman of that day. The orders published then are a vivid illustration of the times. And they were curiously inconsistent in their arbitrary disregard of individual right. It was a comical commentary upon this new era of Utopian abolitionism, that its beneficiaries, in the first flush of their sacred emancipation, rushed incontinently to theft and vaga bondism. And the bewildered commanders issued pronunciamentos as

.

ry

-

nation of authority, " Freedmen that will use any disrespectful lan

guage to their former masters will,be severely punished." They were

not allowed to go from one plantation to another without passes. A

daily inspection of negro cabins was made, to stop stealing and killing

of stock. Trading -with negroes from the country was prohibited to

check the plundering of plantations, and all blacks had to have

, reedmen," the outward symbol of freedom.
between the rapacity of the black and the unrest of the whites. They were obliged to repress the delusion of the negz-oes that they were to own the property of their old masters, or indeed any property they did not buy, and it was a difficult task.
] ter for solution. The emancipation of four millions of slaves, \vvjj. un uw<j thousand billions of dollars, was a vast economic question. The regula tion of this huge body of unlettered labor and hereditary ignorance,

3-i-i

THE BLACK DELUGE.

and the establishment of proper relations for it to the body politic un der an order of things antipodal to its entire previous existence and government, was the largest question of our vital century. It is not to be wondered, that the matter was frightfully blundered and botched. For forty years the republic had been throbbing- convulsively over the slave issue. The Union, had split upon it. The greatest war of history had ended in its overthrow. And as before the crash, so this dominant black question, in the dubious day of national rehabilitation, clutched the country to the exclusion of everything- else. In the hazy chaotic air just following- the revolution, the abolition sentiment was wild over the stupendous achievement of African emancipation, and it kept up such a clatter as drowned for the time all other themes. Said one of the Western papers, the Chicago Times, of July 7, 18G5, vividly de scribing this black craze :
" The African inundates us. Inky floods pour over the nation and threaten us with another and a worse than Noachie cataclysm. The black deluge ploughs through our

This same paper concluded with this eloquent wail of grim satire :
" There is a chance in this country for philanthropy. There is a good opening for abolitions. It is to relieve twenty-eight millions of whites held in a cruel bondage by four millions blacks. It is a bondage worse than that of Helotism. It is one which re tards our growth, directs our thoughts and absorbs our efforts. It drives us to war, it
There never was another such a race of slaves as we ; there never was another people ground so complete in the dust as this nation. Our negro masters crack their whips over our legislators and our religion. They have established a tyranny over us worse than that of the Pisistradids.
" It is time there was something done for these twenty-eight millions of white slaves held in fetters by four millions of greasy, flat-footed Africans. Having labored and argued and legislated and fought for these our masters, for many years, it is time that we should he emancipated and enjoy the fruits of our labor. We see no hope, and the future of the country is as black as the subject of this article."

CHAPTER XXXIII.
THE ORGANIZATION OF THE STATE GOVERNMENT UNDER PRESIDENT JOHNSON'S PLAN.
Some Ludicrous Incidents of Bayonet Despotism.--The Macon Journal Suppressed because its Editor " Smiled " on taking- the Oath.--Judge Erskiue.--Mrs. Toombs. --Pardon of Gov. Brown.--Springing his Name for Governor.--The Convention of 1865, Typifying the Resurrection of Dead Sovereignty.--Its Persoiielle.--Judge C. J. Jenkius its Leader.--Gov. James Johnson's Biting Message.--Abolition of Slavery. --Repudiation of War Debt.--Thaddeus G. Holt.--Fine Appeal for Disfranchised Citizens.--Gov. Brown and the State's Cotton.--Investigation ami Strong Tribute to Gov. Brown and his Subordinates.--Gov. Brown to Judge Jeiikins.--Judge Jeiikiiis Elected Governor.--Congressmen.--The Legislature.--Its Personelle.--Gov. Jen kius not allowed to be Inaugurated Immediately.--His Final Installation.--His Superb Inaugural.--State House Officers.--Frightful Condition of the State.--Gov. James Johnson's Retirement.--The Black Code.--Gov. Brown's Advice Against it.
' --Gov. Jeiikins' Message.--Inconsistency of Reconstruction.--Both in and out of the Union.--Judges Elected.--Important Legislation.
THIS epoch of genuine . sword rule in Georgia was marked by some characteristic incidents of an arbitrary despotism. One in particular, while unspeakably ludicrous, and at this distance silly, illustrates alike the seriousness of that clay and the fatuous drift of a capricious bayonet tyranny. The editor of the Macon Jbzcrnal and 3fessenger, Mr. Aug-ustus P. Burr, took the amnesty oath, and published in his issue of July 20, 1865, the oath with the editorial statement, that he had to " fortify himself for the occasion with an extra amount of ' Dutch courage,'" and that after "the performance we 'smiled' and -we were fortified in rear and front."
Such baclina'g-e should have only elicited laug-hter or derision. Brig-. Gen. C. H. Grosvenor, commanding1 the post at Macon, took it seriously, and in an order, unparalleled for its travesty of sense and its ridiculous folly, declared Burr's article " a high crime ag-ainst the United States government," and an " open violation of the oath taken by the editor." This extraordinary order proceeded to declare solemnly " the editor is necessarily a bad man--incendiary in his character. His word is worth less, and his oath not to be trusted." Mr. Burr for his harmless pleas antry was arrested, his office Seized and his paper suppressed. A similar incident occurred in Columbus. A man by the name of Betts, a sports-

346

JUDGE JOHN EKSKINE.

man, jocularly insisted, when taking- the oath, that his dog should do the same thing-. For this he was arrested and imprisoned in jail some time.
Arrests \vere made upon the statement of a commissioned officer over his official signature. Judges were appointed by the Generals com manding districts, by Gen. Steadman. at Augusta, and Gen. AVashburn at Savannah. It was at this time that Judg-e John Erskine was appointed, by President Johnson, Judge of the United States district court, an appointment that he has held up to the present time, filling the bench with ability, kindness and dignity. "With a large power to oppress the people, having- questions to handle full of grave responsi bility and bearing directly upon our prejudices, oftentimes burdened with duties odious to the people and disagreeable to our citizens, Judge Erskine has so deported himself as to win the respect and the confi dence of moil opposed to his political views in. a long- period of unprece dented political rancor and personal proscription.
An incident that attracted much attention at the time was an order from Brig. Gen. "Wilde, assistant commissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau, to Mrs. Gen. Robert Toombs to vacate her home with only two weeks' provisions, as the premises were " abandoned property," to be taken and applied to the uses of the Freedmen's Bureau. Gen. Steadman, a humane and gentlemanly officer, revoked the cruel order and reinstated Mrs. Toombs. Thus were the liberties and property of the people made the shuttlecocks of men's caprices, and law and. right quivered upon the shifting will of petty, irresponsible military despots in every county. It is little to be wondered, that a man so sag-acious and practical as Gov. Brown, should have seen, in the prompt acceptance of disagreeable stipulations, that could not be resisted, the escape from a condition of things abhorrent to every lover of law and liberty.
On the 7th day of August, 1865, Gov. James Johnson issued his proclamation that Ordinaries could administer the oath of amnesty, and that civil officers who had taken the amnesty, and wT ere not excepted, could resume their official functions. Gov. Brown received his pardon in the middle of September, 1865. The "Federal Union" commenting upon the matter, used this prophetic language:
" Gov. Brown is now at liberty to devc the restoration of his beloved State to the rights arid di: Union, ancl we feel well assured he will do all in his pov and her passage expeditious. Gov. Brown accepts th take hold of the situation in downright earnest. H<

THE COXSTITUTIOXAL CO^VESTTIOJSr OF 18G5.

347

while there is such important work to do. We expect, ther jfore, to see him amo: j the foremost in shaping our new destiny as a co .ouwealth."
It -was a striking demonstration, of Gov. Brown's popularity, that as soon as his pardon was announced, the papers beg-ari to teem with articles urging- his candidacy for Governor again. He was resolved, however, not to permit the use of his name. His houses on his farm in Cherokee county had been burned down, so that he could not go there to live. In December, 1865, he moved to Atlanta, where he has resided since, and where he was to experience the most dramatic episodes of a life that had. already been startling in. its eventfulness.
The convention ordered by Gov. James Johnson, assembled on the 25th day of October, 1865. It was called to order by Gov. Johnson. Judge Iverson L. Harris administered the amnesty oath. A number of delegates were excepted from amnesty, but President Johnson had gen erously pardoned them that they might serve. There was a peculiar solemnity and import in the convening of this body. By the rude hand of war the State had been, remitted, to chaos and disorganization. Ordinarily the momentous autonomy of g-overnments grow from incon siderable beginnings by steps of organized accretion, until they swell to the full-fiedg-ed dignity of august sovereign States. Here we had a great commonwealth of a million of people with a long- and illustrious history, resolved by the crushing- and brutal force of war into a tyran nous anarchy, and seeking- the rehabilitation of its bloody and shattered nationality. It was an impressive and grave spectacle, and a tragic experience for the proud State. It was the regeneration of a grand republic. It was more--it was the imperial resurrection of the dead spirit of axig-ust popular sovereignty. The reconstruction of no State of the Confederacy was looked to with the same interest that invested Georgia. More instrumental in the inception of the storm, more pow erful in its conduct, more devastated by its ravages, Georgia, in the res toration period, was reg-arded with a deeper interest, and filled a more influential and exalted role than any of her sister States.
Ex-Gov. Herschell V. Johnson was elected president, and James D. "Wadclell secretary, of this important convention. Among the leading deleg-ates was Augustus H. Kenan, J. R. Parrott, afterwards president of the convention of 1867-8; Judge C. B. Cole, T. G. Holt, now Judge of the City Court of Macon; Thomas E. Lloyd, E. C. Aiiderson, Solomon Cohen, T\r. F. "Wright, John C. ISTichols, a Congressman since; David Irwin, Gen. A. J. Hansell, John H. Christy, a noted editor; M. A. Cancller,- a Congressman since; Morgan Rawls, a Congressman since; N.

348

GOVERNOR JAMES JOHXSOX S SEVERE MESSAGE.

J. Hammoncl, now a Congressman; J. I. Whittaker, G. W. Aclair, Niles "W. Lewis, Gen. Eli Warren, C. T. Goocle, J. H. Blouiit, now a Congress man; Wier Boyd, Phil Cook, now in Congress; E. Gr. Cabaniss, Joshuay Hill, T. P. Saffold, William Luff man, Hines Holt, A. H. Chappell, J. J. Floycl, P. Reynolds, J. D. Matthews, J. A. Blance, J. L. Warren, Chas. J. Jenkiris, John P. King", ex-president of the Georgia railroad; George R. Black, now in Congress; J. L. Wimberly, recently Judge of the Supe rior Court; Gen. M. Bethune, James L. Sewarcl, A. T. Mclntire, since in Congress; H. D. McDaniel, since a State Senator; Judge J. S. Hook, William M. Reese, since Judge; arid William A. Harris.
The body was an able one, and patriotic, and conservative. The un questioned leader of the convention was Judge Charles J. Jenkins, upon whose clear judgment and crystal honesty, the members reposed with an unreserved trust. Gov. James Johnson sent in a message to the conven tion, a cold, brief document, stating- the condition of the commonwealth, and urging certain measures. He said that the cotton purchased by the state had been captured or burned, and the assets held abroad were drawn against, to their full value. The state road was rebuilt by the United States, and turned over to the state, on the 25th of September. The public debt was 820,813,535, of which 82,007,750 was ante-war se curities, and 818,135,775 incurred during the 'war. He advocated the repudiation of the latter, in lang-uag-e harshly condemnatory of the war. He declared all who participated in the effort to sever the country, vio lators of law, arid the overthrow of the Confederate cause an extinction of the unconstitutional debt. His words were very acrimonious, and the temper of this curt message, so unsympathetic and biting, as to have placed him uripopularly with the people.
The convention continued in session uptil the 8th clay of November, 18C5. It repealed the ordinance of secession, repudiated the war debt, and abolished slavery. A new constitution was adopted. The state was divided into seven Congressional, and forty-four Senatorial Dis tricts. Perhaps no action of the convention excited a deeper feeling than the repudiation of the war debt. The matter had been animatedly discussed, long before the convention, and the people were against it. But when both Mr. Sewarcl and President Johnson telegraphed that the extinction of the debt was necessary to the restoration to the LTnion, the repudiation was reluctantly clone, and eighteen millions of liability was wiped out at one stroke, upon the behest of Federal power. It is a valuable historic fact, in connection with this unwilling and com pulsory repudiation, and an honorable tribute to the Convention, that

TIIADDEITS

349

Gov. James Johnson telegraphed, to President Johnson these significant words, " VTe need some aid to reject the war debt." Two members of the convention, Col. A. T. Mcliitire of Thomas, and one other, voted
against the measure anyhow. Among- the more notable, acts of the convention was the passage of
an address, asking- amnesty for our disfranchised citizens. Hon. Thacldeus G. Holt, of Macori, was the author, he being the chairman of the committee appointed for the purpose, consisting- of T. G. Holt, Jr., M. A. Candler, C. T. Goode, J. I. Whitaker and G. R. Black. This ex quisite memorial deserves reproduction, alike for the beauty of its sen timent and diction as for the tribute it paid to our people.
"His EXCELLENCY, ANDREW JOHNSON, PRESIDENT UNITED STATES: " The peoplo of Georgia, through her delegates in Convention assembled, respectfully
and earnestly invoke the exercise of the Executive clemency in behalf of those of our fellow-citizens embraced within the exceptions to the late Amnesty Proclamation, who may as yet remain iinpardoned.
" Including, as the vast roll of her disfranchised citizens does, many of her finest intellects and purest patriots, and involving mUch of her available wealth, the Coiiveu-

pledges the

she still trusts

for he

8'

t desper

vulsioii of the

ed by its

Captain, now Judge Holt, the author of this fine paper, had been one of our most gallant cavalry officers, and was the scion of that large family of Holts whose name is an honored and powerful one in Georgia annals.
The convention provided for an election of state officers and congress men on the 15th of November, 1805. It chang-ed the appointment of judicial officers by the Governor, with the consent of the Senate, to the election of Supreme Court Judges by the Legislature, and of Superior

350

WHAT BECAME OF GEORGIA'S WAR COTTOX.

Court Judges by the people of their respective districts. An important matter investigated was the disposition of the cotton boug-ht by Gov. Brown for the state during the war. There has at various times been some attempt to reflect upon Gov. Brown in connection with this cotton by those unacquainted with the facts.. The records of this con vention and of the Legislature of 1865--6 show every bale of cotton and every dollar of money realized from the sale of cotton properly accounted for. A committee consisting of Thomas P. Saffold, Chas. S. Jordan, Sr., and O. A. Lochrane, investigated the subject of the state's financial transactions during the war, for three months, advertis ing for arid exhausting every source of information. This committee fully exonerated every one of the state officials from any suspicion of wrong doing.
Gov. Brown bought 6,432 bales of cotton for the state under act of 1864, for $1,500,000. Of this 382 bales were Sea Island cotton. The disposition of this cotton was as follows:

Exported safely Upland, ...........

Lost at sea, .............

Sold to Confederate Government, .........

Used to pay freight 011 imports, .........

Sold to Mr. Brigham, ...........

Burnt, ..............

Captu-red, ..............

Sea Island, burnt, ............

Sea Island, captured,

...........

Exchanged and lost by owner, ..........

1,5561 58
282-J 361 926 2,642 223 202
82 96

6,432 There was also bought 275 boxes of tobacco, which was shipped to Wilmington, and taken, possession of by Gen. Johnston's army at Timmonsville. Vouchers, receipts and drafts covering every dollar of the money in Europe and Nassau -were shown by Gov. Brown, and the com mittee make this sweeping and unanimous statement:

icy
This is the solemn official record upon this matter, that has stood from that clay to this unrefuted and irrefutable, demonstrating a matchless integrity in vast transactions where the control was almost unlimited. The enormoxis sum of eighteen millions of dollars was disbursed during the four years by the same set of officers, under the distractions and

HON. THOMAS HARDEMAN, SPEAKER OF THE GEORGIA HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

CHARLES J. JEXKINS ELECTED GOVERNOR.

351

temptations of the changeful drama of war and subjugation, yet so per fectly had the accounts been kept, and so methodically had the huge business been managed, that after three months searching examination, a committee of able and unimpeachable gentlemen were able to say, after tracing every dollar, that these great duties had been discharged " in timcp of great public trouble with singular ability and ofncial integrity." This is a grand tribute to Gov. Brown's administration, and a fitting climax of Georgia's resplendent war record.
Gov. Brown, having unconditionally declined to allow the use of his name for Governor, the universal thought turned to Judge Jenkins. Gov. Brown, on the 30th of October, 1805, voicing the public desire, ad dressed Judge Jenkins requesting him to permit the presentation of his name to the people for Executive responsibility. Messrs J. P. King, A. H. Kenan, R. A. T. Ridlcy, Wilson Lumpkin, Asbury Hull, E. A. Nisbet, Washington Poo, Win. G. Redding and others urged the can didacy. Judge Jenkins replied on the 2d of November, 1865, in a let ter that is a model of good taste, elegant rhetoric and high sentiment. The following expressions deserve preservation:
"An honest and intelligent review of our past half century convicts ng of two egregions errors; too great pronone^H to agitation, and too mncli division among our selves. If my fellow-citizens detect in me angltt of vindictivencss for past divisions, or of proscription for honest opinion's sake, /! (Aem a// proovA me."
There was no opposition, and Judge Jenkins was elected Governor by the unanimous vote of the people, receiving 37,300 votes, a proud and crowning tribute to this distinguished Georgian. The following gen tlemen were elected to Congress, but were never seated. 1st District, Solomon Gohcn; 2d District, Phil Gook; 3d District, Hugh Buchanan; 4thDistrict, E. G. Cabaniss; 5th District, James D. Mathews; 6th Dis trict, J. II. Christy; ?th District, W. T. Wofford.
The legislature assembled on the 4th day of December, 1865. Wil liam Gibson was elected President of the Senate, and Thomas Hardeman, Jr., Speaker of the House. Among the leading Senators were George S. Owens of Savannah, David E. Butler, Dr. H. R. Casey, and J. A. W. Johnson, of Dalton, an eloquent criminal lawyer of North Georgia. Mr. Butler and Col. Johnson are both living, and are among the most effective public speakers we have in Georgia. Among the leading representatives were Jenks Jones, ox-Congressman, Gen. G. P. Harrison, Philip 31. Russell, R. L. MoWhortor, C. W. DuBose, T. B. Gabaniss, J. M. Russell, Thos. G. Lawson, now Judge, George Barnes, now Georgia member of the National Democratic Executive Committee,

352

GOVERNOR CHARLES J. JENKINS INAUGURATED.

C. Snead, now Judge of the Augusta Circuit, J. D. Stewart, now Judge Flint Circuit, E. H. Pottle, Judge Northern Circuit, Hon. Thomas O.

Wicker, and Col. R. J. Moses. Gov. Johnson's message was a plain, brief document, mainly urging
the ratification of the 14th amendment to the United States Constitu tion abolishing slavery. On the 6th of December, 1865^, a legislative committee notified Gov. Jenkins of his election, and asked him to ap point a time to be inaugurated. Gov. Jenkins replied, stating that he

had received the following communication:

s

"EXECUTIVE OFFICE, MILLEDGEVILLE, Dec. 4, 1865.

" HON. C. J. JENKINS : " Dear Sir: In the discharge of
been directed by the President of Governor of the State of Georgia,

an official duty I beg leave to inform you that I have the United States to continue to act as Provisional until relieved, and my successor recognized by the

Government.

Your obedient servant,

J. JOHNSON, Prov. Gov. of Georgia."

Gov. Jenkins designated the 16th of January, 1866, for his inaugura tion, provided by that time he should be recognized by the United States government. The legislature immediately ratified the thirteenth amendment abolishing slavery. A law was also passed allowing Freedmen to testify in the courts. This was advanced action of Georgia on the negro question, and was an indication of the liberal spirit that gov erned our people. On the llth of December, 1865, President Johnson

telegraphed to Gov. Johnson:

" The visional

Governor Governor.

elect will be inaugurated, which will You will receive instructions in a

not few

interfere with days in regard

you as Pro to being re

lieved as Provisional Governor. Why can't you be elected as Senator ?"

On the 14th of December, 1865, the variegated drama of reconstruc tion furnished the gladdening act of the inauguration of our noble Jenkins as Governor. It was a grateful spectacle for the State, and yet it was marked by most unpropitious surroundings. The day was cold, raw and rainy, and there was lacking the usual display of beauty. It seemed as if nature was giving token that the episode was a temporary and ineffectual part of the tragic comedy of reconstruction. Gov. Jenkins' inaugural was a very fine paper, eloquent, ornate, stately, earn est, statesmanlike. There was a singular felicity of language and idea in its strong and polished sentences. It breathed a spirit that every patriot could endorse. It contains some striking paragraphs. Said this

masterly address:

" Five years since reason abandoned and the sword assumed the arbitrament. We open not that record of violence; would that we could stamp it with the seal of oblivion.

GOVERNOR JGE^IvIjSTS' ELOQUENT IKAUGUUAL.

353

Now the wager of battle is over, and the award is against us, as parties to the issue. Our whole people have risen up and accepted it as by the will of one man. What valor failed to achieve, wisdom has promptly renounced ; and truth herself has set her signet to the attestation of the deed."
With exquisite beauty and wisdom he added:
"A tempest of unsurpassed fury has swept over the land. The elements do not sub side into their normal quiet instantaneously with the lull of the wind, the sleep of the lightning, and the hush of the thunder."
This extraordinary and unsurpassable inaugural was most remarkable in its discussion of the negro question. Its kindness to the black race was unstinted yet discriminating. It abounded in happy utterances. Emancipation had come upon us like the " destructive engulfing of the earthquake in volcanic localities." The realization that it was unalterably fixed was the first step toward the adjustment of the new system. The blacks had exhibited a fidelity in the past and a decorum under the distracting- influences of the present " without a parallel in history." They should be protected against the " crafty machinations of the designing" as well as the "fatal delusions of social equality."1 This part of the address thus fervently concluded:
" God is merciful! God is mighty ! God in his abounding mercy and in the plenitude of his might so dispose our fortunes and theirs, that each class shall be to the other a blessing, not a curse."
The extracts from this superb enunciation "will be well ended with this spendid and prophetic paragraph:
" Peace restored--the machinery of government once more put in operation--public and private enterprise aroused from their long slumber -- educational institutions re opened--our sacred temples and our altars with their holy ministrations frequented as of yore, and the blessing of Almighty God overspreading and vivifying all earnest effort, Georgia will illustrate the teachings of adversity by speedily achieving an enlarged prosperity."
The General Assembly only remained in session until the 15th of December, when it adjourned until January 15, 1866. The followingState House officers were elected: N. C. Barnett, Secretary of State; J. T. Burns, Comptroller General; John Jones, Treasurer, and J. ~W. Burke, public printer. Col. Barnett is still the Secretary of State, enjoying a ripe old age, and honored with a degree of popular confidence founded upon a life of spotless integrity and a character full of manly and social excellencies.
The condition of Georgia at this time was full of anxiety for patriots. There "were organized bands of thieves all over the State under the lead of bad white men. Every newspaper teemed with accounts of robbery..

354

THE STATE O^T ITS FEET.

Stock was stolen every night, and punishment was rare. In localities were shocking- exhibitions of lawlessness and crime. T^arg-e numbers of the Federal soldiers had been withdrawn from the State, leaving the people without the protection of their authority and arms. The bad element of the blacks had become violent, and reveled in a carnival of vicious insubordination, and the courts were not in sufficient punitive operation. Colored incendiaries from abroad were stirring- about among the negroes and stimulating- them to lawlessness. The cities and towns especially were scenes of murder, plunder, assassination and riot. In this bad condition of order Gov. Johnson contemplated the remedy of organizing1 and arming companies of discreet volunteers.
On the 19th day of December, 18G5, Gov. Jcnkins received the fol lowing telegram from "Washington, which terminated the temporary administration of Provisional Governor James Johnson, and put upon its legs what seemed the permanent state government of the people. The cherished end seemed at last in sight, and the travail of a painful reconstruction gloriously ended.
" WASHIXGTOX, D. C., 19th December, 1865.
" TO HIS EXCEI.LEXCY THE GOVERNOR OF THE STATE OF GEORGIA :
" Sir,--By direction of the President I have the honor herewith to transmit to you a copy of a communication which has been addressed to his Excellency, James Johnson, late Provisional Governor, whereby he has been relieved of the trust heretofore reposed in him, and directed to deliver into your possession the papers and property relating to the trust.
" I have the honor to tender you the cooperation of the Government of the United States, whenever it may be found necessary, in effecting the early restoration and the permanent prosperity of the state over which you have been called to preside.
" I have the honor to be, with great respect, your most obedient servant, " W. H. SEWARD."
The thrill of joy that pulsed through the smitten state at the publi cation of this joyful document can be better understood than described. It was the practical realization of that familiar holy history of the promised land after a toilsome pilgrimage of unspeakable woe. But the drama of reconstruction was the kaleidoscope of a harlequin. The seemingly glad recovery of our political hope was the beginning of the dreariest and most fantastic political tragedy of the world's annals. And the consistency of the unparalleled picture can only be preserved in the mind by connecting with this graceful and dignified installation of a splendid representative state government, its brutal and ignomini ous overthrow and expulsion, and the erecting- in its place of a dynasty of force, plunder and execration.

THE FKEEDilAlS^S COI>E.

355

The Legislature re-assembled on the 5th day of January, 1866. The most serious subject for action was the government of the emancipated blacks. The Convention had authorized Gov. Johnson to appoint a committee to prepare a negro code of laws. That committee consisted of Judge Ebenezer Starnes, W. Hope Hull, L. E. Bleckley and Samuel Barnett, and was a rare selection of able, brave and pxire-minded men. These commissioners, after long- and conscientious preparation, p.resented to the Legislature the result of their labors--a code of laws just and liberal to the freedmen, and safe to the whites. It gave ample security to rights of person and property, but withheld political privi leges. This code was a matter of solicitous thought and patriotic concern among- the members, and the opinion upon it varied and trem ulous. Several of the General Assembly, R. A. T. Ridley, F. A. Frost, D. E. Butler, John. D. Stewart and Jesse A. Glenn addressed a letter to ex-Gov. Brown, asking his opinion. On the 14th of February, 1866, he replied in a letter of masterly wisdom. It was a singularly clear-cut, sententious, practical enunciation of view, and in the light of results wonderfully correct. It took positive square ground against a special Freedmarts Code, or any laws discriminating- in court rights and rem edies. He said the United States G-overnment would not permit the enforcement of a separate penal and civil code. He used this expres sion, which was a vague and intuitive premonition of the coming spread of the colored revolution: " Unless madness rules the hour, they \vill never be placed upon, a basis of political equality with us."
But even this far-sighted gentleman did not realize the inexorable drift of events under the changed order of thing's, arid, at that time, as always, he manifested his thorough Southern sympathy ; and he did' not advocate in advance the inauguration of measures whose accept ance he afterwards advised as a matter of necessity. It is important to look at this in properly estimating- his after course, which entailed upon him so much bitter odium.
Gov. Jenkins in his message called attention to a curious inconsistency f of the reconstruction going on. President Johnson had proclaimed the amendment to the United States Constitution, adopted by the vote of Georgia, which had been solicited and accepted in recognition of her rights as a state of the Union. Yet the incongruous sight was witnessed of the state being both out of and in the Union at the same time. If she was out, the amendment adopted by her vote was void. If she was in, her rights were perfect. This anomaly of her position was one of the farcicalities of that reconstruction that marked the end of our great war.

356

ALEXANDER II. STEPHENS' SPEECH.

The legislature elected as Judges of the Supreme Court, Dawson A. Walker and Iverson L. Harris. "Walker beat Gen. Benning and Rich ard F. Lyon. Harris beat Hiram Warner, Richard H. Clarke, Barnard Hill and John Schley. The defeat of Gen. Benning, a soldier, by Judge "Walker, a non-combatant, was a strange victory, and keenly felt by Gen. Benning'. It was largely clue to "William Dougherty, the g-reat lawyer who fought Gen. Bemiing about his decision in the Columbus Bank cases, as has been noticed before in this volume. The General Assembly elected Alexander H. Stephens and Herschell V. Johnson, United States Senators. Mr. Stephens beat Joshua Hill. Mr. Johnson, beat Gen. L. J. Gartrell, C. Peeples and James Johnson. Gen. Gartrell received ninety-three votes on one ballot, the contest being- a lively one. He finally \vithdre\v on the sixth ballot when "within one vote of an elec tion. Neither of these senators were ever admitted to their seats. Dur ing the session, Mr. Stephens was formally invited to address the legisla ture, and his speech appears upon the journals of the General Assembly, --an unwonted and distinguished compliment. The speech was a pro found and statesmanlike utterance., philosophical, dispassionate, concil iatory. It took the distinct ground that " -we must accept the issues of the war, and abide by them in good faith."
The legislature adjourned on the 13th day of March, 1866. Among the important measures passed, were stay and homestead laws; appro priations to repair and equip the state road, and buy artificial limbs for maimed soldiers, and resolutions complimenting President Johnson, and requesting the withdrawal of soldiers. Gov. Jenkins gave a marked ev idence of his firmness and courage, by vetoing the stay and homestead laws in the teeth of a universal public clamor for these measures as a re lief in the pecuniary stress of the state. Conceiving them unconstitu tional, the brave and honest statesman refused-them his sanction under the solemn obligation of his oath. But the stay law was passed over his veto.

CHAPTER XXXIV.
THE SECOND IRON HANDED AND -WHIMSICAL PHASE OF RECONSTRUCTION.
The Memorable Strife between Andrew Johnson and Thad. Stevens.--The Fourteenth Amendment.--Negro Citizenship and White Disfraiichisemeiit.--The Fierce Re construction Committee of Congress.--National Union Convention.--Gov. Jenkins' Message against the Fourteenth Amendment.--The Legislature Rejects the Amend ment.--Conservatism Baffled at the North, and the South Trembling in Radical Clutches.--Two Reconstructions.--Practical State Matters.--The Federal Court.-- Ex-Gov. Brown and his Triumphs on the Test Oath and the Stay Law.--Freedmen's Bureau.--Ladies' Memorial Association.--Emigration to Mexico and Brazil. --The Shermaii Bill.--Negro Suffrage Added.--Andrew Johnson's Impeachment. --The South Inflamed.--Gov. Brown's visit North to Probe the Situation.--His Fateful Letter advising Acceptance of the Conqueror's Terms as the only means of State Regeneration.--A Letter that Scorched his Career for Years.--Ex-Gov. Brown Predicts its Unpopularity.--The Terrific Storm of Odium he Met.--His Frightful Associations.--The " Carpet Bagger."--T. M. Norwood.--Gov. Jeukins' Suit to Test the Shermaii Bill.--An Instructive Antithesis.--Brown and Jenkins.
THE year 1866 marked the inauguration of one of the most excitingcivil conflicts in the history of our great republic. This was the ever memorable strug-gle between, the President and Congress of the United States, over the reconstruction of the seceded and conquered States. President Johnson had exacted the abolition of slavery and the repu diation of our war debts. These demands had been complied, with, and the Southern States reorganized. Congress refused the admission of our Senators and Representatives and remitted the matter of recon struction to a special committee. The extreme Republicans of the North were not satisfied with the concessions made by the South, and the fight began over President Johnson's policy of national restoration. In April, 1866, President Johnson, proclaimed peace restored, and the great insurrection at an end. The Southern insurrection was indeed over, but the -war waged none the less furiously against the South, not .a war of blood, but a war of malice and proscription. Thaddeus Stevens led the crusade, whose object was the further humiliation of the South, and the crusacle ended in the passag-e of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States. This amend ment made negroes citizens, reduced representation in Congress in pro-

358

^TATioNAr, u^riox CON-VEXTIOX AT PHILADELPHIA.

portion to citizens refused the voting- privilege, and disfranchised all of our citizens who had held office before the war and fought on the South ern side. It was fiercely opposed all over the South. Our people stood solidly against it. The measure excited a heated discussion over the whole country. Another measure that was passed over President John son's veto, arid which excited a deep feeling- and a hot arg-umentative conflict, was the Civil Rights bill.
The implacable Reconstruction committee of Congress, headed by Thad. Stevens, continued fulminating its harsh propositions in swift succession, which congress after stormy debate passed. A. resolution was forced through that the rebellion deprived the South of civil government, and it was the duty of Cong*ress to provide them with civil governments, to continue suspension of habeas corpus and keep soldiers in the South to protect the blacks and Union citizens. Then another was ground out that no Senator or Representative be admitted from any Southern state until Congress shall have declared such state en titled to representation. Upon these came the Fourteenth Amendment,, "which the Southern States must ratify to gain admission.
The National Union Convention was held in Philadelphia on the 14th of August, 1866, to stop, if possible, this radical mischief. Gov. Brown presided at a county meeting- in Fulton county to arrang-e for delegates, and made an admirable speech that was widely copied and compli mented. He used this language: " "While we cannot accord to the negro race social and political equality, I believe it is the fixed purpose of nineteen-twentieths of the people of Georgia to see that they have legal equality and that justice and equity be constantly administered." The delegates appointed from Georgia were: State, A. H. Stephens, EL. V. Johnson, A. H. Chappell and D. A. Walker; District, W. B. Flem ing, J. B. Gordon, Eli Warren, J. L. Wimberly, H. Warner, E. H. Worrell, T. Hardeman, P. W. Alexander, Linton Stephens, A. R. Wright, J. H. Christy, R. McMillan, R. F. Lyon, Jas. Milner. But all was unavailing. The extreme Republicans had the power and they pushed it ruthlessly. Their whole course was an unbroken carnival of inconsist ency and despotism. They fought the war for the Union, and after success themselves smashed it. They battled for the constitution, and having established, they then ignored and violated it. They \vere for party arid not the'cbuntry. They acted against law, justice, humanity and the constitution, yet that mattered nothing. And opposition to their demands but increased the number and severity of their exactions. The Fourteenth Amendment disfranchised the leading whites of the

THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT REJECTED.

359

South, but it did not confer suffrage on the negro. The rejection of the one brought both, and it was a perception of the futility of noncompliance, and the injury of opposition in evoking additional \vrongs and accumulating conditions of humiliation that impelled the practical wise-visioned Brown to advise ceasing unavailing contention, and stop oppression by the acceptance of irresistible terms.
The legislature met in November. G-OV. Jenkins in his message made a masterly argument against the Fourteenth Amendment, which echoed the public heart. The joint legislative committee, headed by B. A. Thornton of the Senate, and K. A. T. Riclley of the House, made a masterly and unanswerable report, written by Col. R. J. Moses against it, which took these two simple and impregnable positions:
"1. If Georgia is not a state composing a part of the Federal government, known as the Government of the United States, amendments to the Constitution of the United States are not properly before this body.
" 2. If Georgia is a state, composing a part of the Federal government, known as the

the requirements of the Federal Constitution, and are proposed in such a manner as to forbid the legislature from discussing the merits of the amendments without an implied surrender of the rights of the state."
This superb report concluded with this resolution:
" Resolved, That the legislature of Georgia declines to ratify the proposed amendment, adding a fourteenth article to the constitution of the United States."
The Senate voted unanimously in favor of it, and the House passed it with only two dissenting voices, Ellington of Grilmer, and Umphrey of Fannin. Such unanimity has rarely been witnessed. The two irre sistible considerations governing- the rejection of this amendment were that it was without the authority of the constitution, and it made our people the ignominious authors of the disfranchisement of our own best citizens. The year 1866 closed with conservatism baffled and beaten in national matters, and the South panoplied in argument and robed in right, yet trembling- in the cruel clutch of a pitiless Radicalism, angered by the contemptuous rejection of its bitter terms by its helpless vic tim. "We had enjoyed two reconstructions. Sherman accepted our surrender on terms of the immediate restoration of the States to the Union. Johnson repudiated this consistent result, and, compelling the abolition of slavery and our Avar debts, organized us on these ideas. Congress upset Johnson as he had overthrown Sherman, and demanded of the South the voting- of citizenship to the negro and the disfranchise ment of the Southern leaders. This wasj spurned, and the high-con tracting parties stood lowering at each other in the throes of a battle

360

STATE INCIDENTS.

more bitter than the one of bullets so recently ended. But it was all one-sided. There could be but one result. "We were powerless ; they implacable. Resistance did not convince, it only stimulated anger. Failing' of effect, opposition invited increased exaction, and put ami cable agreement out of the question in the savage temper of our adver saries and the unbridled force of our victors. Looking- back to that burning day, and reviewing the perplexities of that emergency, there was no choice but between the two extremes, the acquiescence of Brown or the deathful hostility of Tooinbs. The one gave peace, the other wooed extermination. The situation presented no middle ground seem ingly. But the medium line was pursued, and the writer was its advo cate, and there came in clue and inexorable sequence an additional in stallment of this hybrid reconstruction, more fantastic and harsh than ever.
During the year 1866 a good deal was done in practical State matters. Maj. Campbell Wallace was put in charge of the State road, and Col. "Win. M. Wadley made president of the Central railroad. Mr. T. W. Chichester borrowed $400,000 in New York for Grov. Jenkins. Nearly 8200,000 was spent to buy corn for the poor of the State. Some $3,630,000 of State bonds had been issued to repair the State road, pay past due coupons and bonds and buy corn, swelling our State debt from $2,676,500 to $5,840,000. Notwithstanding our desperate condition of poverty and ravage, our securities brought ninety cents on the dollar. A.nd in spite of the fact that we were not regarded as a State, the gen eral government levied upon the State as a State her quota of a direct tax levied on the Union, her part being- $584,067.33. There had been granted in the South by President Johnson 7,197 pardons up to the first of May, 1866, of which 1,228 were in Georgia. Judge Erskine had opened the Federal Court in Savannah on the 9th day of May, 1866, with Henry S. Fitch, a brilliant Indianian, as 'United States District Attorney. Judge William Law, who had practiced forty-nine years in that court, applied for admission and was refused because he could not take the test oath. Ex-Grov. Brown represented him in attacking the constitutionality of the law creating- the test oath, and made a speech of great leng-th and magnificent power and leg-al learn ing. Mr. Fitch made a reply of uncommon merit and eloquence. Judge Erskine ruled the oath unconstitutional and Judge Law was admitted. The Supreme Court of the United States afterwards declared the test oath unconstitutional.
Ex-Grov. Brown also was employed in an important case involving the

THE BEGIRT :SJIXG OF THE COTTON CRAZE.

361

constitutionality of the State stay law, and made a speech of surpass ing erudition and logic. The entire people were deeply interested in this absorbing question, and the case was looked to with profound intensity of feeling-. Lie won his case, the supreme court decidiiig the law constitutional. Afterwards, when on the supreme bench as Chief-Justice, he ruled in favor of the constitutionality of this class of
laws. A system of county courts was created, the judges being elected-by
the people of each county, and. holding office for four years without salary, but allowed fees. These were important courts, having- jurisdic tion of civil cases, except titles to land, and divorces, and criminal cases except those capital. The Freedmen's Bureau had an almost exclusive jurisdiction of negro affairs. It will ever remain one of the political curiosities of that unique time. The power in these petty Bureau officials was autocratic and sweeping-. There was never in the world such a travesty of law. These agents decided titles to land, granted divorces, arrested and imprisoned for debt, made compulsory labor con tracts for blacks who would not make them, and arbitrarily fixed the value of the services of laborers at from 812 to $15 a month with board and lodging-, the laborer, however, to furnish his own clothing and medicine. There were so many outrag-es perpetrated by these agents, and the clamor was so great, that finallv the heads of the Freedmen's Bureau were relieved in Georgia, the Carolinas and Alabama, and military officers were put in charge. It was this year that the planters began the suicidal farm policy they have so pertinaciously pursued ever since, and which has resulted in so much pecuniary embarrassment, of raisingcotton, to the exclusion of provision crops. The "West became the corn crib and smoke-house of the South. Provisions were bought on time at enormous usury, and cotton raised at a loss, and thus the planters became more involved every year. There was a cotton craze, that for
a while seemed incurable. Among- the tender and touching- things done by the General Assembly
was the appropriation of $5,000 to the Ladies' Memorial Association, under the lead of Mrs. Charles J. "Williams of Columbus, and Miss Mary A. Green of Resaca, to gather together our soldier dead scattered about and properly mark their graves. Some exquisite speeches were made in the Legislature by several of the members, among them, Hon. James M. Russell, Col. R. J. Moses, Col. Claiborne Snead and J. A. Glerm. This Legislature also g-ranted state-aid to the Macon and Bruns wick railroad, after a very animated struggle. Ex-Gov. H. V. Johnson

362

A GT.OOMY OUTL.OOIV AXB MORE RECONSTRUCTION.

was re-elected United States Senator. In I860, J. W. Clift and C. H. Prince qualified as members of Cong-ress.
Both during 1865 and 1866 there was considerable agitation of the subject of emigration to Mexico and Brazil, and quite a number fool ishly expatriated themselves. There was a small colony in Mexico, among- whom were Generals Magrucler, Hindman and Price and ex-Grov. Harris of Tennessee. But Gen. Lee advised against it, and the good sense of our people condemned such expatriation. Arid finally the exiles themselves returned, after a bitter experience of hardship in foreign lands. It was the brave thing to stand to our dear land in her adversity, and raise her from her sad ashes. Amid all the obstacles and distractions, the drawbacks and disturbances, there had been a little progress in prosperity. Our people had gone to work bravely. Our cities, especially, had picked up somewhat. Our railroads had been rebuilt, our farms restored in some degree. But the Radical policy had hindered rehabilitation, creating distrust and engendering discourage ment. Our agricultural labor, the basis of prosperity, was unsettled and in an indescribable condition of demoralization. Adventurers had come in to control this ignorant class, and poison them against their old masters. There was a brooding sense of calamity in the State, and the outlook was gloomy enough.
In this nebulous state of darkness the Radical element in Congress, relentlessly pursuing the strife with President Johnson, and imagining the interest of their party to lie in a truculent increase of severity, passed a measure offered by Mr. Shermaii, tendering back the same Constitutional amendment that had been rejected, with negro suffrage added. The other gentle features of this grim Sherman bill -were simply the transformation of our state government into a Provisional concern, handicapped with a bayonet absolutism, and subject to the imperial caprice of an acrid Congress. Truly it would have been a marvel of ingenuity that could have conceived a more incongruous abortion of politico-military polity than this. ~VVhat a commentary it was, too, on the rancorous and unreasoning popular sentiment backing it at the North, that sturdy, stern old Reverdy Johnson, true and cour ageous friend of the South in Congress, who had fought a generous battle for us, sadly voted for this bill as the best he could get, and the kindest measure possible. This was reconstruction with a vengeance. Andrew Johnson gamely vetoed it in \vords of grand force and elo quence. But the constitutional majority, inspired by public opinion,

WHITE DISFKA^STCIIISEME^T A^TD BI.ACIC SUPREMACY.

363

brushed out his ineffectual yet unanswerable protest, and fastened the iron enactment upon the quivering- and helpless South.
It was an amazing piece of statesmanship to disfranchise our intelli gence and make the hereditary slaves of two centuries rulers of our political destiny. It degraded, alarmed and exasperated our people. We had the whole argument of the case 011 our side. They had the might. Our reconstructors had excelled themselves in this last fantas tic of national restoration. Our people were angered to white heat., and they entered upon an itncomproinising fight ag-aiiist the astoundingproject. In this crisis ex-Gov. Brown, with that cool method that dis tinguished him, went North to look into the matter, and see just how earnest the North was, and what hope there was of resistance to these most odious measures. He had taken ground as a matter of choice against these wrongs. He was powerless, as were his people, to suc cessfully oppose any measures that were inevitable. And he resolved to ascertain, just what was necessary to do to restore the state to the control of his state-countrymen. Judge Dawson A. ^Valker accompa nied him. These gentlemen went to Washington early in February, 1867, -while the Reconstruction measures were pending", and thoroughly gauged public sentiment upon reconstruction. Grov. Brown probed the subject to the bottom. He conversed with the most influential men upon both sides. From President Johnson^ down he conferred with leaders of every shade of opinion. The in/peachment crusade against President Johnson had begun. Against the Sherman bill he had fired a noble but ineffectual veto, and on the last day of the old Cong-ress it went through. The new Congress passed the supplemental reconstruc tion bill providing for a registration of loyal voters, the calling of a convention by the vote of the people, and the ratification of the consti tution made by such convention by a popular vote, all under military guidance. Mr. Johnson struck this measure with another spirited veto, but it was promptly passed, and the revengeful malig-nancy of impeach ment gathered fresh force from the incident.
It was a gloomy state of things when the very constitutional exercise of official prerogative upon the line of constitutional right in our favor evoked so vengeful a spirit. Grov. Brown satisfied himself that these terms, hard and galling as they were, must be taken, just as they were taken, and he came home and advised their acceptance by the people. Impartially scrutinizing that act of advice, with the passions of the hour cooled, and in the light of final results, it must be confessed that Grov. Brown's course was practical, politic and inspired by his convic-

B64

GOVERNOR, BROWNS FATEFUL RECONSTRUCTION LETTER.

tions of duty. A letter was addressed to him on the 22d of February, 1867, by Ira R. Foster, James F. Alexander, A. R. Reagan, John Collier, L. C. -Wells, P. Pease, W. R, Venable, D. F. Hammoncl, P. L. Wynatt, A. K. Seago, R. P. Zimmerman, L. S. Salmons, "William Herring, E. E. Rawson, J. A. Hayden, Joseph Thompson, E. P. Watkins, J. J. Thrasher, T. W. J. Hill and E. Hulburt, asking his judgment as to what course should be pursued by the people of Georgia in the existing- crisis.
He answered, and it was the most fateful letter of his life. It has been burned into the history of the country, and it scorched his career for dreary years. He was too sagacious a juclg-e of public opinion, not to foresee that it would elicit a large measure of unpopularity. He showed it to some close friends, and with an acciirate prevision of its effect and of the public feeling, he said: "In the present excited state of the popular mind, the chances are that bold leaders will inflame their passions and prejudices, and they will reject the terms proposed, and have to suffer the consequences. And in that case, from having been for years one of the most popular men. in Georgia, I shall become for a time the most unpopular from the Potomac to the Rio Grande." The gentlemen in whom he confided his views concurred with him fully, and begged him to withhold the letter, and not immolate himself. They urged that he was out of public office, and therefore was under no obligation to give advice that would, impair his popularity. Gov. Brown's reply was to this effect: "I am indebted to the people of Georgia for all that I am as a public man, and I have made up rny mind to tell them the truth, and warn them of their danger, be the conse quences what they may to me as an individual."
To estimate the full effect of this letter, Gov. Brown's position among the people must be understood. For eight long and momentous years he had been the civil autocrat of Georgia, and in a continuous series of heated conflicts he had clutched popular endorsement with an irresistible power. He was by long- odds the most potential and idolized public man in the State, seemingly impregnable among the masses. Such a revulsion has rarely been witnessed. The popular idol at one stroke was hurled to the ground, and upon him raged a pitiless storm of vin dictive execration. The mutterings of the thunder and the play of the lightning began at once on his devoted head. The man who stands before the prejudices of a people has a fearful task before him. But when, as in this case, he confronts not only their prejudices, but their convictions and their memories, the doom of an overwhelming odium is his certain fate.

GOVERNOR BKOWST'S PAIXFUL ATTITUDE.

365

The perusa] of Grov. Brown's letter at this long distance from that

volcanic day, even by one who, like the writer, shared in the fever

that fired the Southern heart then, shows it to be a singularly argu

mentative, dispassionate, forcible document, calm-tempered, logical, and

driving his cool conclusions home with ponderous emphasis. The Sher-

man bill had not even passed when he wrote, but he predicted its

passage. He discussed the relative condition of political parties at the

North, he stated the exact realities of the situation, and he aclv'sed a

prompt, full acceptance of the conditions imposed upon us, as we could

offer no further resistance, and every delay but increased the severity of

the terms offered. There was this strong- evidence of disinterested sin

cerity in his advice, that he was not a candidate for any office, nor seek

ing any personal benefit; and in addition to this, he was among- those

disfranchised by the very bill to whose hard stipulations he counseled

obedience. Later, Mr. Sherman, the author of the bill, introduced a

measure in Congress for Grov. Brown's relief, and this fact was used

against the latter as an evidence of some collusion; but it was not only

not a part of an understanding1, and wholly unprompted by him, but it

was a natural outcome of Grov. Brown's attitude, and. was probably

intended to show that the road to certain reconstruction was the path

of submission.

* y > ..

Another burdensome feature of this unpopular position of Grov.

Brown, was that it threw him into frightful, personal, and political as

sociations. Home men of no character, unanimated by his patriotism,

and disinterested sense of public duty, and seeing in the cruel crisis the

chance for place or plunder, joined the reconstruction movement, and

such accessions imparted odium to him. The Federal army left among

us a host of adventurers, and our helpless condition invited a horde

from the North, who naturally sought the protection of the government

and the security of Radicalism, in their schemes of personal advance

ment, whose main props were the unscrupulous and ingenious manipula-

tionjDf the deluded African, the supporting tyranny of the soldier, and

the proscription of the good whites. To these some felicitous word-user

gave the memorable name of " carpet-bagger." The North and the

"West have given to the South a large element of noble and, precious

manhood,--social and business strains of virtuous and enterprising

blood, and no citizens stand better, or rank higher. And such superb

accretions of citizenship, are always welcome and cherished. But the

reconstruction carpet-bagger was none of these. Hon. Thomas Nor

wood has made a clever sketch of this wonderful creature. Said he:

366

jsxmwoorj's SKETCH OF THE CAKPET-BAGGEK.

" His like the world has never seen from the days of Cain, or of the forty thieves in the fabled time of Ali Baba. Like the wind he blows, and we hear the sound thereof, but no man knoweth whence he cometh, or whither he goeth. National historians will be in doubt how to class him. Ornithologists will claim him, because in many respects he is a bird of prey. He lives only on corruption, and takes his flight as soon as the car cass is picked. . . He is no product of the war. Pie is ' the canker of a calm world,' and of a peace which is despotism enforced by bayonets. His valor is discretion; his in dustry, perpetual strife, and his eloquence ' the parcel of a reckoning' of chances, as he smells out a path which may lead from the White House to a custom house, a post office, the internal revenue bureaus, or perchance to either wing of the Federal capitol. His shibboleth is ' the Republican party.' From that party he sprung as naturally as mag gots from putrefaction. . . Wherever two or three, or more negroes are gathered to gether, he like a leprous spot is seen, and his cry, like the daughter of the horse-leech, is always, 'give--give--me office !' Without office he is nothing ; with office he is a pest and public nuisance. Out of office he is a beggar; in office he grows rich till his eyes stick out with fatness. Out of office he is, hat in hand, the outside ornament of every negro's cabin, a plantation loafer, and the nation's lazarene; in office he is an adept in ' addition, division and silence/ Out of office he is the orphan ward of the administra tion and the general sign-post of penury ; in office he is the complaining suppliant for social equality with Southern gentlemen."
No record of these unique days is complete without some description of this remarkable character, that nourished in that congenial era with the luxuriance of the " green bay tree." They flocked into the cohorts of reconstruction, and shed by their unwelcome and irrepressible affilia tion an ignoble discredit upon the honest and patriotic supporters, like G-ov. Brown, of a public policy condemned in principle, but assented to as a matter of force in the choice of evils. A meeting was called in Atlanta, and the split began immediately. The meeting divided. Grov. Brown made a strong, clear talk, but it did not heal the breach. Resolutions for and against reconstruction were passed by'the sundered halves of the gathering. A meeting was called in Dalton, and after a warm discussion, in which the writer opposed the Brown policy, Judge "Walker was endorsed on the Brown line by a majority of four votes.
Gov. Jenkins went on to Washington and instituted proceedings to test the constitutionality of the Sherman bill. His lawyers were Jeremiah S. Black, Robert J. Brent, Edgar Cowan and Charles O'Conor. This was a great proceeding, that involved the existence of a state govern ment of a million of people, and hundreds of millions of property. The legal form used was a bill reciting by a quaint anomaly, the attempt arid failure of the state to secede, and her fixed status in the Union un der the very philosophy of such failure and as shown by the very act of the United States government submitting constitutional amendments to her for ratification or rejection. The bill urged that the Sherman bill

GOV. JEjSTKHjSTS BRINGS SUIT FOR GEORGIA/S SOVEREIGNTY.

36?

and supplement were unconstitutional, and asked that Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of "War, Ulysses S. Grant, General of the army, and John Pope, General commanding- Georgia, be enjoined from enforcingthe Sherman bill in Georg-ia and come into court to answer. Gov. Jenkins issued, on the 10th of April, 1867, an address, from Washing ton city to the people of Georg-ia, advising " a firm but temperate re fusal of acquiescence in an adoption of the Sherman bill, and a patient, manly endurance of military government, until, in the efflux of time, and on the subsidence of the passions generated by civil war, better counsels shall prevail at the Federal capital--we, meantime, strictly ob serving law and order, and vigorously addressing- ourselves to industrial pursuits." The alternative of this course was prompt acquiescence in the demands of Cong-ress, which he counseled against until at least the result of the great case in the United States Supreme Court was had. He concluded this dignified and important document with these grave words, which powerfully indicate his deep sense of responsibility:
" Should we fail (as fail we may) there -,vill remain nothing that I can do for you. Your destiny will be in your own hands, and you must choose between the alternative first presented. In making that choice,, you have my counsel,, perhaps erroneous but certaiuly honest.
It was a peculiarly suggestive and interesting- spectacle presented in the antipodal attitude of these two distinguished Georgians, Gov. Jenkins and ex-Gov. Brown, in reference to this tremendous question of the vitality of a great sovereign State. Both were men of unusual brain power, both of uncommon firmness, both of undoubted personal in tegrity and truth, both acknowledged statesmen and patriots, and both with the stimulus of an established fame and an exceptional popularity to inspire them. And here they stood in absolute conflict of counsel to their people under all the great burden of their sacred reputations, the fruit of long and crucial years of illustrious public service. It was a dramatic antithesis of momentous advice. It was an opposition of for midable powers over a gigantic issue. Gov. Jenkins was robed in offi cial authority. Ex-Gov. Brown was but a simple citizen, yet exalted by the prestige of his recent and unprecedented Executive fame and achievements. There were many deep-hued accessories of this picture. In the stormy days of war Gov. Brown had been the exponent of its clashing- turbulence, and Judge Jenkins on the Supreme Bench had placidly administered the civil law, the calm symbol of peace amid the red thunder of strife. Now when the cannon were irrevocably hushed, and the current of blood had ceased beyond hope for the vanquished,

368

JOSEPH E. i?iiow:sr AJSTD CHARLES j. JEXKI^S.

the unyielding battler stood in the fullest concession to the compact of surrender,working for the speedy and practical restoration of the State's lost sovereignty and the people's crushed welfare, while the severe jurist sturdily contended in a spirit equally patriotic against the same concession, even to the certain prolongation of a subjugated condition. It was a remarkable reversion of attitudes. And following' out the striking antithesis, the course of Jenkins led through the reverential approbation of his own people to his deposition and their further politi cal crucifixion, while the course of Brown steered through unmeasured and unparalleled obloquy for himself, resulted in the ultimate redemp tion of the commonwealth and the regeneration of her government.
Both of these gentlemen have since then received unusual marks of popular confidence and favor, and now enjoy an enviable affluence of public esteem. Grov. Jenkins, in his ripe old age, has retired from public life, honored and revered, his active years passed away for all time. Grov. Brown, as a United States Senator, in the very maturity of his great powers, is exercising a marked and beneficial influence in controlling- and molding the destinies of this gigantic nation. He is nobly representing that very Georgia that once so execrated him for his devotion to her interest. The matter illustrates the great fact that, however obscured and hidden, the truth will ultimately prevail. And it is of infinitely more concern to men that they should be sincere and honest-purposed than that they should be either wise or correct. Grov. Jenkins failed in his line, yet in spite of its probably protracting the State's rehabilitation, its inspiration was so noble that his countrymen held him in even higher esteem. Grov. Brown's course led to restora tion, and the very ordeal of unpopularity that his unwelcome but sagacious counsel created, evincing his firm nerve in a disagreeable duty, will but enhance the final valuation of his sacrifices and sufferings.

CHAPTER XXXV.
A THROBBING CHAPTER OF RECONSTRUCTION HARLE QUINADE ENDING WITH GOV. JENKINS' REMOVAL.
The Georgia Bill.--Gov. Brown's Sagacity.--The Bill Dismissed.--Gen. Pope and Gov. Jeiikius.--The Storm upon Joe Brown.--Alec Stephens.--Gen. Toombs.--H. V. Johnson.--B. H. Hill.--Brown and Hill in a Stern Controversy.--Brown's Iron Res olution Fearfully Tested.--Gen. Pope's Curious Letter.--Judge J.W. II. Underwood. --Judge I. L. Harris.--Judge Hiram Warner.--The Drift of Personal Government to Absolutism.--Judge A. Reese removed.--E. Hulburt.--The Democratic Convention at Macon.--Fight over Resolutions.--A Crisis in the Democratic party.--The Recon struction Constitutional Convention of 1868.--Its Personelle.--Colored Delegates.-- The Detested Symbol of Conquest and Odious Change.--The Proscription of Recoustructionists.--i/udicrous Incident.--Gov. Brovrn's Strong Influence for Good.-- His Position.--Gen. Pope calls on Gov. Jenkins for Money.--Gov. Jenkins' Refusal. --Gen. Mea.de Succeeds Gen. Pope.--Gen. Meacle Re-applies to Gov. Jenkins.--Gov. Jenkins Declines.--His Flavorous Sarcasm.--Gen. Meade Removes Gov. Jenkins, and details Gen. Ruger as Governor.--Soldierly Moderation under Unlimited Des potism.--Gen. Hancock.
BEFORE the bill was filed for Gov. Jenkins in the Supreme Court of the United States to test the constitutionality of the Sherman act, a similar bill was filed by Gov. Sharkey of Mississippi, but it was dis missed for its severe terms. It was a notable continuation of Georgia's foremost place in every phase of the war, that she should stand in the period following its close, as the pivot of reconstruction. Her destiny as the regnant factor of the revolution seemed unavoidable. The attention of the country was focalized upon the brave state and its characteristic effort, in the highest legal tribunal of the land, to resist degradation. But her attempt was unavailing. It was ably argued. Mr. Stanberry, the Attorney General of the United States, opened and concluded the argument for the government, and Mr. O'Cormor, for Georgia, and Mr. Walker, for Mississippi, made masterly addresses. The case "was dismissed, and the ruthless crusade of Reconstruction continued, the stronger and harsher for the futile spurt of impediment.
It was a striking instance of Gov. Brown's sag-acity that he opposed the action of Gov. Jenkins in filing the bill for Georgia and predicted
its failure on the very ground upon which it was dismissed, that it in volved political questions over which the Congress arid President were
24

370

GEORGIA SKXTIMKNTT AT,!. AGATXST GOVKRXOR BROWN".

the arbiters and not the court. The defeat in the Supreme Court left the South remediless. Gen. Pope wrote to Gov. Jenkins, asking him if he had seen his order prohibiting- any attempt of officials to influence the people on reconstruction before he issued his address advising them against accepting- the Sherman bill. Gov. Jenkins replied that he had not seen it, but that he should in the future do and say whatever his oath required of him. Gen. Pope replied that State officers would not be allowed to denounce the act of Congress iincler which he was acting'.
The press poured hot shot into Gov. Brown. He was the subject of a torrent of vituperation. Denunciations streamed upon him as " trai tor," " betrayer of the honor and interest of his State," " unduly fright ened," " weak-kneed," " desired to save his neck," " currying- favor -with the Radicals," and a volley of such abuse. He was accustomed to spir ited, hitting from his enemies. But such raspirjg censure from friends came hard. Gov. Brown, however, met it gamely. He stood reso lutely to his disagreeable views, and he made strong, even-tempered speeches in the leading cities of the State, urging1 the people to accept ance of the terms of Congress. It was a complete separation from his old allies--an acrid divergence of political course. Mr. Stephens was silent, Gen. Toombs had returned home from Europe in March and wrote a letter to Mr. M. C. Corry, Corresponding Secretary of the Democratic Central Committee at Cincinnati, declaring his readiness to establish the right of secession. Ex-Gov. H. \T. Johnson wrote a letter in July, 1867, urging registration but advising against acceptance of the terms proposed. His advice was " never to embrace their despotism," and to hope for a reaction in the North and "West against the overthrow of constitutional liberty. Hon. B. H. Hill made a speech in Atlanta in July of this 3Tear, in which he denounced the reconstruction measures with unsurpassable and flaming eloquence ; and he followed it up later with a series of " notes on the situation " on the same line, that for magnificent invective equal anything in ancient or modern annals. There is no doubt that Mr. Hill was the undisputed leader in this savage
anti-reconstruction campaign. In his Notes on the Situation he attacked Gov. Brown, and that in
domitable fighter caine back with an unsheathed sword. The conflict was a famous one. They were two ripe controversialists, mental Titans, and the theme was big enough for any minds. They had met in the gubernatorial race ten years back, when Brown was untried and yet had. won the Executive guerdon. They were at it again in the fiercest era of the century, representing implacably hostile forces and theories

BEX KILT, AXD JOE BROWN".

371

vengefully inimical. Hill had the public pulse on his side. Brown was breasting- an overwhelming- popular sentiment. Hill rode a very flood tide of the people's endorsement. Brown fought, crowded down with public odium. The agitation g-ained intensity and bitterness as it pro gressed. It became more venomous every day. ISTorthern adventurers thronged into the State arid beg-an their operations upon the credulous blacks, poisoning- their minds, working on their cupidity, and inciting them to hatred of the whites. It was a frightful time. The -war was more bearable and peaceful. The robust delusion of " forty acres and a mule," and other impracticable schemes of spontaneous profit, were used freely upon the bewildered colored people with wonderful success. These rosy fictions were swallowed eagerly without a suggestion of dis belief. The people hotly resented this invasion of the "Vandals ; and in the abhorrence of a moral pestilence, the sincere, honest advisers of the acceptance of reconstruction, as the best that could be done in our desperate stress, were pilloried in public scorn.
It was a dreadful alternative for a proud man like Gov. Brown to be exposed to, either to adhere to his convictions of public duty under an appalling ordeal of popular hatred, and under alliance with men he contemned, or cravenly yield to a tornado of public passion that he could not control, and whose policy he condemned. But there was no giving up in Gov. Brown's iron composition. As the hail of public indig nation pelted upon him with an accumulating1 force, he with-set lips and a grim defiance confronted the hurricane and defied its fury. He never faltered in his chosen course. It was proscription, fell and remorseless, that he fought--proscription, social and political. Some idea of the burning fever of the time may be g-leaned from some of Mr. Hill's white-heated invectives: "Hellish dynasty," "On, on with your work of ruin, ye hell-born rioters in sacred things! " " Perjured assassins of liberty, blasphemous conclave of a Congress," and a host of such expressions testified alike to the violence of the epoch and the abusive capacity of the orator.
These letters and speeches of Mr. Hill, Gov. Johnson and others, were made the text of a lengthy and right curious letter by Gen: Pope to Gen. Grant on the subject of reconstruction. It made the strong expressions and stern spirit of those utterances a justification of the disfranchisement of their authors, but at the same time .it urged perfect freedom of speech and the press. It candidly owned, that some of the reconstructionists were as bitter and prescriptive as the " reactionary aiiti-recoristructioriists," as he called them. It further said that if the

372

GENERAL POPE AND THE STATE UNIVERSITY.

colored people progressed as rapidly as they had done, " five years will have transferred intelligence and education, so far as the masses are concerned," to thein.
Judge J. "W. H. Underwood and Judge Iversori L. Harris wrote letters in response to some gentlemen asking- their opinion, in which they advised the people to register and vote for a convention. Judge Hiram Warner counseled the acceptance of the terms, saying-, " It would be a useless waste of time to discuss political principles or constitutional rights for any practical purpose." The division of opinion was very marked, and views \vere extremely varied. As a general thing in North Georgia, in the \vhite belt, a majority favored accepting reconstruction simply as a choice of evils. A large number of men were for non-action. In the negro belt the whites were solid against the measures to the last.
The steady drift of a personal government, unrestrained by fixed law, is to despotism. The arbitrary exercise of authority is simply inevitable. The South, under the rule of the Brig-adier Generals in this year of 1867, illustrated this tendency. Gen. Pope beg-ari well, but he soon drove into autocratic grooves. His orders show a swift growth of abso lutism. Men who displeased him were removed upon pretexts and, perhaps, considerable provocation. First, mayors of cities were both removed and appointed. Foster Blodg-ett was appointed mayor of Augusta, Capt. Joe Blance, solicitor general of the' Tallapoosa circuit, and Col. Albert Lamar, solicitor general of the Muscogee circuit, were removed. Sheriffs were displaced. A man charged with homicide, in Bartow county, and acquitted, was re-arrested and ironed. The State university at Athens was closed because a student made a speech objectionable to Gen. Pope, and it was then re-opened, with the condi tion expressed, that the press of the State should say nothing of the affair, but the appropriation was withheld for a while. The student was Albert H. Cox, a brilliant young man, and a member of the last General Assembly. His speech was upon " The Vital Principle of Nations-- Obedience to Organic Law." A copy of the speech -was sent to Gen. Pope for him to critically examine. And when the college term was resumed, Mr. Cox offered to retire from the institution if it was deemed necessary to pacify the military monarch of our destinies. This was not required. Men were prevented from sitting as jurors who had not regis tered. Military officers were relieved from all civil process.
Judge Augustus Reese, of the Ocmulgee Judicial Circuit, declined to obey the order that unregistered voters should not act as jurors, and he was prohibited from exercising the duties of his office, after refusing to

A STATE CONVENTION CALLED UNDER MILITARY AUSPICES. 373
resign. This able and courageous jurist was warmly regarded for this action.
September 19th, 1867, Gen. Pope ordered an election to be held on the 29th, 30th and 31st of October, for a convention, and for delegates to the convention. The superintendent of registration was Col. E. Hulburt, who had been Superintendent of the Express company, an un common individual. Cool, adroit, managing, energetic, bold, personally very clever, Hulburt was a marked character, and the most useful in strument Gen. Pope had. A large powerful man, prompt, decisive, with superior administrative ability, he handled the problem of registra tion with unvarying success, for any measure he championed. He had large ideas, and a proportionate executive capacity, and he played a vital part in this complicated drama of reconstruction. The registered, voters numbered, according- to Col. Hulburt, 188,647. The election con tinued three days, and then was protracted two days longer. A conven ient order, issued at the proper time, allowed men. to vote in other coun ties than where they registered, upon their own oaths that they were entitled to vote. How far the repetition of votes was done under this ambulatory method will never be known. There were 106,410 votes polled on the question of convention, and 102,283 in favor of it, thou sands of voters who had registered, abstaining from the polls under the suicidal non-action policy.
The Democrats called a state convention to meet at Macon, on the 5th day of December, 1867, to consult on the situation. This was the first political state convention held since t-he surrender. There were delegates from sixty counties. Benjamin H. Hill was elected presi dent. The convention was very stormy, and came near being broken up. Among the delegates -were Thomas Hardernan, Gen. A. R.AVright, C. A. Nutting, T. G. Holt, L. N. Whittle, W. S. Holt, A. W. Reese, W. T. Thompson, G. A. Mercer, William M. Browne, W. F. Wright, J. C. Nisbet, R. A. Alston, M. A. Candler, Nelson Tift, Augustus R. Wright, M. Dwinell, W. G. Northern, G. F. Pierce, Jr., Eli Warren, C. C. Duiican, J. W. Preston, J. H. Blount, D. E. Butler, P. W. Alexan der, Thomas W. Grimes, C. C. Kibbee, Herbert Fielder, C. W. Han cock, T. M. Furlow, C. T. Goode, C. H. C. Willingham, E. H. Pottle, I. W. Avery and W. K. Kiddoo. There was a very small representa tion from North Georgia, only seven counties North of the Chattahoochee, having delegates.
The two main points of difference were the non-action policy and a resolution denouncing advocates of reconstruction as criminals. These

374

THE FIRST POLITICAL CONVEISTTIOlsr AFTER THE WAR.

were both measures of Mr. Hill, and were warmly discussed. The question of non-action was referred finally, to the State Executive Com mittee. Mr. Hill pressed the resolution in regard to reconstructionists upon the platform committee, who rejected it. Nothing daunted, Mr. Hill offered it as an amendment to the report of the committee in the convention, supporting- it splendidly. At this juncture, Col. I. "W. Avery, the delegate from Whitfield, having- vainly urged Judge Wright, of Rome, to present the reasons for opposing- the resolution, who declared it useless to confront the current, took the floor against it, urging- that in the white belt, fully 25,000 \vhite Democrats had sup ported reconstruction as the best thing- they could do, and to denounce these sincere and patriotic men as criminals would drive them from the party. Gen. A. R. Wright, Col. Thomas Hardeman, L,. N. Whittle and others supported this view. Mr. Hill still pressed his resolution with an evidently large support. The matter was re-committed and additional .committeemen appointed. The original committee was: George A. Mercer, C. B. Richardson, Gen. Phil Cook, T. M. Furlow, P. W. Alex ander, C. PI. C. 'Willing-ham, Thomas Hardeman, Jr., D. G. Hughes, D. E. Butler, E. H. Pottle, J. Graham, W. W. McLester, L. J. Glenn, and J. A. Stewart. The added committeemen were ^V. T. Thompson, T. L. Guerry, J. A. L. Lee, T. G. Holt, A. R. "Wright of Richmond, I. W. Avery and J. P. Hambleton.
The committee reported the resolution of Mr. Hill, and. the battle over it in the convention was resumed with a lively animation and de termined' earnestness. The Macon Telegraph, in its report of the dis cussion, stated the opposition to the resolution in these words:
" The gallant young delegate from Whitfield, Col. A very, fought manfully for the people of his section on this point. He was opposed to their views, but knew that they were honestly entertained, and would never consent to denounce them as traitors or criminals. He believed they were wrong, but preferred to show them their error, and persuade them to abandon it."
Finally, Col. Avery stated that he was so thoroughly convinced of the impolicy of the resolution, and its peril to the party in estranging North Georgia, that if it passed, he should feel it his painful duty to withdraw from the convention, as much as he should dislike to break its harmony. Upon this declaration, the question was asked whether the resolution would be acceptable if it was amended so as to denounce the crime of reconstruction, and say nothing- of its supporters. This change being- satisfactory, the resolution was thus amended and unani mously adopted. Had the resolution, as originally offered, have been

THE RECONSTRUCTION CONVENTION.

375

passed, as the solemn action of this convention, it would have split the party asunder in a bitter antagonism. It was a curious coincidence that the preamble and resolutions adopted by the convention were the reso lutions (with some additions) written by Col. Avery, and passed at the county meeting- in "Whitfield county, to select delegates to the conven tion, and read thus:
" Manly protest against bad public policy is the duty, as well as the right, of all true patriots. And this, without factious opposition to government, or untimely interruption of public harmony. The season for honest discussion of principles, and for lawful op position to existing abuses and their growth, is ever present and pressing."
"The Southern people are true"to constitutional liberty, and ready to acquiesce' in

of all classes of people. " We regard the efforts of the present ruling power to change the fundamental insti
tutions of the United States government as false in principle, impolitic in action, in jurious in result, unjust and detrimental to the general government.

srfully rights

To these were added by the Convention resolutions protesting against the reconstruction measures. H. V. Johnson, A. H. Chappell, 13. H. Hill, "Warren Akin and T. L. Guerry were appointed to issue an address to the people. Gov. Johnson wrote the address, which was a very able one arid appealed for a united effort to restore constitutional govern ment.
The reconstruction Convention met in Atlanta, on the 9th day of De cember, 1867- It consisted of 170 delegates. The majority of them were unknown, names. Gov. Brown had advised the people to take part, and send their best men. The mistaken non-action policy had been followed in many parts of the state. A g-allant attempt had been made in many sections, however, in conformity with the counsel of Gov. Brown, and there was quite a liberal sprinkling of good and true Demo crats. Among this class were H. V. M. Miller, David Irwin, A. W. Hoicombo, L. N. Trammell, S. E. Field, and J. D. Waddell. There was another class of men who were pronounced Republicans, who were sin cere in their politics and enjoyed personal esteem. In this class \vere H. K. McCay, T. P. Saffold, Benjamin Conley, R. B. Bullock, D. G. dotting, A. T. Akerman, Madison Bell, N. L,. Angler, J. L. Dunning, J. H. Flynn, H. G. Cole, J. R. Farrott, and A. G. Foster. There were others who have been prominent in the republican party: A. L. Harris, R H. Whitely, Footer Blodgett, J. E. Bryant, J. Aclkins, C. H. Prince,

376

A BODY ODIOUS TO THE PEOPLE.

T. J. Speer, H. M. Turner, G. W. Ashburn, Tunis Campbell, A. A. Bradley, N. P. Hotchkiss, G. P. Burnett, M. H. Bentley, Isaac Seely,' C. H. Hopkins, "W. L. Clift, Samuel Gove, J. Sherman, and J. S. Bigby, whose names have become very familiar to the people of Georgia in the years since, in. the political conflicts that have transpired.
The convention was a new and odious body to the people. The old lead ers were nearly unanimously disfranchised. Here was an. organization, incarnating- the idea of force arid conquest, based upon negro supremacy and white disfrarichisemerit, and with fully one-sixth of its number colored delegates, in sudden shock of every prejudice and conviction, and thus a fresh set of obscure men hoisted by abhorred means to the leadership of the State. It was a spectacle that intensified the thrilling bitterness of the time. In the course of years we have become accustomed to the sight of colored legislators, but in that day it was a trying experience and it stirred men's resentments implacably. To the State, it seemed as if a menagerie had been ransacked for its stock of pup pets and harlequins arid the mongrel culling converted into the travesty of a convention, to arrange the liberties and remodel the crushed sov ereignty of a great commonwealth. Arid the body, symbolizing con quest, hatred and ignominy, bore the seeming sacred imprimatur of the public suffrage. Little wonder that the people spit upon, arid reviled it with a double-dyed loathing. And it was a terrible injustice, something1 like hanging an innocent man for a murder, to involve in the unsparing odium of the era, pure and patriotic men who conscientiottsly believed in the necessity of conforming to the situation as the best thing obtain able, pitiably poor as that was, for the loved ones and the country. Men wfyo favored reconstruction that day, no matter what their motive, ware visited with a blind full-bodied damnation, both social arid political, that was worse than death. Arid marry a man who would have favored recon struction was driven in terror from it by the proscription.
Of the new men put forward, R. B. Bullock became afterwards Gov. ernor, Benjamin Coriley President of the Senate, J. E. Bryant Represen
tative arid a noted leader of the colored men, Foster Blodgett Superintendent of the State Road, R. H. Whitely, Samuel Gove, and T. J. Speer, Congressmen, J. R. Parrott, Judge, H. K. McCay, Judge of the Supreme Conrt, D. G. Cotting Secretary of State, A. T. Akerman, Attorney General in Grant's Cabinet, Madison Bell, Comptroller General, and N. L. Angier Treasurer.
J. R. Parrott was elected President of the Convention. A ludicrous incident occurred in the election of President that created much deris-

THE WORK OF THE RECONSTRUCTION CONVENTION.

377

ion. "When the name of H. H. Christian, a white delegate, was called, "he was absent, and a black negro voted in his place, which made much excitement. Upon being- questioned he said his name was " Jones," and he had been sent to vote for Mr. Christian, who was absent, and he was dismissed from the hall amid shouts of laughter. The incident illustrates the colored man's crude conception of his privileges. The convention was in session until the llth clay of March, 1808, taking a recess from December 24, 1867, to January 8, 1868. The Constitution that was created was a very excellent one, containing- many valuable new features. Gov. Brown threw his whole influence in giving a con servative direction to the legislation, of the convention. Had his counsel have been followed there would have been a much larger repre sentation of able and representative men. But still, with the few right men in the convention, and with Gov. Brown's potential giiidance of the Republican element in safe grooves, the general line of procedure was kept well guarded and just. It was a fortunate thing- in many respects for the public interests that a person like Gov. Brown was aligned with the reconstructionists. Whatever of harm that was done, he nor any one could prevent, and all that was possible of prevention, he checked.
Retrospecting- dispassionately, we can see how our righteous passion injured us, increased our difficulties, retarded our restoration, and cre ated new and harder terms. Popular fury is a very ruthless tyrant, and none more so than a just and natural fury. It can. seek and find justi fication in its justice. "We "were very badly treated, and our wrong's involved the cause of law and liberty. Yet the position of Gov. Brown was very logical. " This is all true. It is very bad. But how can you help yourself ? "With a half million of armed men you were powerless to remedy smaller ills than these. "What can you do now, conquered and tied, except by contumacy to invite superadded harshness ? You had lig-hter terms. You rejected them and got heavier ones. If you take these, as you cannot help doing, you will regain your freedom. If you reject them, you will have still harder terms to take. It is not a matter of right, it is a question of force, and you had better yield to it at once, and remove its tyranny." But a gallant people would not see it, and the hopeless battle continued, and the cloud upon Gov. Brown grew blacker and more vital with storm.
During- the deliberations of the convention two important changes were made, powerfully affecting the public weal, and illustrating with a sweeping- emphasis the capricious and tyrannical tenor of our rule.

378

GENERAL MEADE AXD GOVERXOR JEXKLISrS.

Gen. Pope was, by order bearing date December 28th, 18G?', relieved of the command of our military district, including- Georgia, and Maj. Gen. George "VV. Meade put in his stead as the arbiter of our political des tinies. The convention needed money for its expenses, and passed an ordinance directing- the Treasurer of the State to pay 840,000 to N". L. Angier, the disbursing officer of the convention, for this purpose. It was a comical travesty of civil government and of the genius of our republican institutions, that here was an august convention of the people, the highest delegated agent of popular sovereignty, and yet every edict it made was formally promulgated and enforced by military order. "Was it riot an unutterable caricature upon civil liberty and constitutional raw that constitutional principles were thus expounded from the mouth of the musket, and interpreted under the whimsical despotism of the bayonet? Gen. Pope issued his order to the Treas urer, John Jones, to pay the $40,000 for the convention. This order bore date the 20th of December, 18G7. Col. Jones responded the 21st of December, declining to pay the amount because--
"Forbidden to pay money out of the treasury except upon warrant of the Governor and sanction of the Comptroller General, and having entered into heavy bonds for the faithful performance of the duties so prescribed."
Gen. Pope took no action upon the matter, but left it for Gen. Meade's attention. On the 7th of January, 1868, Gen. Meade addressed a letter to Gov. Jenkiris as Provisional Governor, and requested him to draw his warrant on the Treasury for the $40,000. He urg-ecl, that this was " an appropriation made by law," and Gov. Jenkins could therefore do it, arid attention was called to the precedent of the Constitutional conven tion of 1865. Requesting Gov. Jenkiris to show the letter to the Comp troller General, Gen. Meacle thus concluded:
" Hoping- that in the performance of the difficult and embarrassing duties now

ment of Georgia, I am most respectfully, &C." 1
Gov. Jenkins' response was a model of classic heroism. Through its high-bred courtesy ran a veiled vein of sharp satire and unflinching defiance. There was no concession in it. The convention, he argued, was called under a Federal law that prescribed tax to raise funds to pay the body. This fund did riot come under the purview of the constitu tions of Georgia or of the United States, which he had sworn to obey, and he added with a flavorous sarcasm:

and to comply with your courteous request, I but pay a dutiful homage to both constitutions."

GOVERNOR JEXKIXS REMOVED FROM HIS OFFICE.

379

Gov. Jeiikins discussed the Reconstruction acts \vith reference to this point, and. put his view with another whiff of subtle irony thus:
" I can find nothing which, in the remotest degree, authorizes the construction that they

Continuing- in the same satirical humor Gov. Jeiikins said, that he

was unable to find any duty devolved upon him in the " multiplied recon

struction acts " except " not to obstruct " them, which was a negative

duty, and he grimly added:

"Believe me, General, in my official position, compliance with your request would involve a tremendous activity, nay, even the abandonment of previously imposed duty."

"With the statement that the State's money could not pay the conven

tion and at the same time the regular burdens of government, Gov.

Jenkitis respectfully declined Gen. Meade's request. The letter of Gov.

Jeiikins bore date the 10th of December, 18G7. On the 13th, Gen.

Meade, in a short but polite note, informed Gov. Jeiikins that he

removed him from his office, viewing his refusal to pay this money, and

also, his refusal to pay the salary of M. S. Bigby, Solicitor General of

the Tallapoosa circuit, appointed by Gen. Pope, as obstructions of the

reconstruction laws. Treasurer Jones was also removed.

I3rev. Brig-. Gen. Thomas H. Rug-er was " detailed for duty " as Gov

ernor of Georgia, and Brev. Capt. Charles F. Rockwell, Treasurer of

Georgia. On the 17th of January, 1868, the Comptroller General, John

T. Burns, was removed arid Capt. Charles Wheatoii " detailed for duty "

in his place. These are the words used to fill these great offices. The

order in regard to the Executive is given in full, as a document that

will read in the far distant future, when the memory of the war is a dim tradition, as a rare curiosity of military politics:

" General Order No. 8 :

"HEADQUARTERS THIRD MILITARY DISTRICT, )

Dent, of Ga., Ala. and Pla.

>

" ATLANTA, Ga., Jan. 13, 18G8. )

"I. Charles J. Jeiikins, Provisional Governor, and John Jones, Provisional Treasurer

of the State of Georgia, having declined to respect the instructions of, and failed to

co-operate with the Major General commanding the Third Military District, are hereby

removed from office.

"II. By virtue of the authority granted by the Supplementary Reconstruction Act of

Congress, passed July 19th, 1867, the following named officers are detailed for duty in

the District of Georgia : ' Brevet Brigadier General Thomas H. Ruger, Colonel 33d

Infantry, to be Governor of the State of Georgia ; Brevet Captain Charles IT. Rock

well, Ordnance Corps, TJ. S. Army, to be Treasurer of the State of Georgia.

" III. The above named officers will proceed without delay to Milleclgeville, -Georgia,

upc

eha of the

upon the ub-i

from these Head-quarters.

Bv order of

GENERAL MEADE.

[Official :]

R. C. Di UM, Assistant Adjutant General.

" GKOKGE K. SAXDJERSOX, Capt. a id Act. Asst, Adjt. Gen."

380

THE MODERATION OF OUR MILITARY RULERS.

Reverting- to those unhinged times, one wonders at the moderation of tyranny that accompanied the unlimited despotism in the grasp of these lucky soldiers, invested as if by enchantment \vith supreme power. To their credit be it said that generally they wielded their authority with respect for old usages and established rights. And where they broke over the conventional forms, they did so under the soldiers' spirit of obedience to orders. They were directed to enforce the Reconstruction measures and they did it to the letter. General Hancock was the ex ception in one splendid respect. He had ideas of civil law and liberty arid a rare conception of constitutional principles and of the spirit of true republican government. In the coming future his renown as a soldier, great as that is, will pale before the resplendent radiance of his fame as the champion of regulated civil right.

CHAPTER XXXVI.
THE FEVERISH MARCH OF EVENTS IN 1868.
Startling Incidents.--Officers Removed.--Gov. Jenkins' Suit.--Relief.--The Union League.--The Ku Klux Klan.--Twin Excrescences of Reconstruction.--R, B. Bul lock Nominated.--Democratic Committee.--Judge A. Reese.--Judge 3). Irwin.-- Gen. J. B. Gordon.--Gov. Brown's Frightful Ostracism.--E. Hulburt.--Sharp and Quick.--Bullock counted in Governor.--Gov. Brown at Chicago.--The Killing of Ashburn.--The Trial of the Columbus Prisoners.--Gov. Brown's Connection with the Case Fairly Stated.--A Bitter Legacy of Censure.--The Champion of Civil Supremacy.--Gov. Brown's Speech at Atlanta.--The Charge of Inciting the Negroes to Incendiarism.--The Language Used.--An Admonition against Trouble. --The State Democratic Convention.--Its Personelle.--The Electoral Ticket.-- Gen. Gordon.--Judge J. T. Clarke.--A. O. Bacon.--J. B. Cummiiig.--W. O. Tuggle.--Democratic Mass Meeting.--Splendid Invective of Toombs, Cobb, Hill and Moses.--The Famous Bush Arbor Speeches.--The Fury and the Virtue of that Day.--Tempests of Human Passion.
STARTLING and revolutionary events succeeded each other swiftly. Men ceased to be surprised at anything-, and. continued to blaze with an increasing indignation. No attempt was made to conciliate our masters. Exasperated and defiant, the South growled and fought like a wounded and unconquerable lion. The soldiers were denounced, the convention lampooned, the Federal authorities defied, and reconstruc tion and its advocates spurned, insulted and hated. The people boldly resisted reconstruction, and Gen. Meade firmly enforced it. Col. N. C. Barnett, the Secretary of State, was removed, and Capt. Charles Wheaton detailed in his stead. Comptroller-General J. T. Burns was arrested and confined in jail a day or two, under a ludicrous mistake, for a man named Barnes. James J. McGowan, Tax Collector of Chatham county, was arrested for refusing to pay the taxes collected to the Mili tary Treasurer. Judge John T. Clarke, of the Pataula Circuit, was removed because he adjourned his court on the ground of Gen. Meade's " illegal, unconstitutional, oppressive and dangerous orders ! "
Gov. Jenkins went to "Washington, carrying the Great Seal of State, and about four hundred thousand dollars of money, which was placed in New York to pay the public debt. He filed a bill complaining that Ulysses S. Grant of Illinois, George G. Meade of Pennsylvania, Thos. H. Ruger of Wisconsin, and C. F. Rockwell of Vermont, had illegally

382
wt_>uj.u. sLigtii-<^ijti,u Liit; (junauiL LiLiuii, ct,i id make the people swallow it. Mr. Akerman, an advanced reconstructioriist, opposed it. The extreme Radicals tried hard to direct legislation, in a bitter channel. Grov. Brown foug'ht this, and declared that if thev exceeded the requirements of the reconstruction measures he would oppose their constitution. Some eloquent speeches were made by such members as L. N. Trammell, J. D. Waddell and Dr. H. V. M. Miller,
gainst the extreme acts. No
compact, oath-bound organization of wonderful cohesiveness and disci pline. Its hidden partisan, efficiency was remarkable, and it ruled consummately its unlettered legionaries from Africa. Perhaps the most pernicious damage done by this order was the utter loathsome disrepute into which it brought the sacred idea of loyalty to govern ment. All dissent from the sanctity of oppression and the virtue of tyranny was " disloyal; " all abject approval of every hideous abortion of relentless despotism was "loyal." The line of loyalty was ignomini ous subservience to power.
But there was a companion to this abominable dynasty in the dan gerous order of the Ku Klux. The one caused the other. The Ku Klux Klaii was the perilous effect of -which the odious League was the unhealthy cause. The Klan was a veritable body, founded in a holy object and often prostituted to violence under great provocation. The writer knew all about it, and shared in its legitimate -work. It com bined the best men of the State, old, virtuous, settled, cautious citizens. Its object was the preservation of order and the protection of society. It used mystery as its weapon. It was intended to aid the law and pre vent crime. In the license of the era it was a matter of self-defence

THE GOVERNORS RACE 15."ETWEE X GOROOZST AXD BZJt,T,OCTC.

383

against plunder, assassination and rape. Both the League and the Klan were excrescences of reconstruction, the natural outcome of abnormal politics and abortive government.
The convention provided for an election on the 20th of April, 1808, for the ratification and rejection of the constitution framed by that body, and for the election of a Governor and General Assembly. Henry P. Farrow was the choice of his party for Governor. He went into recon struction with a ripping energy. He was badly crowded by the Demo crats. But he was a game person, and unlike the mass of his colleagues, ready to meet personal responsibility. He was denounced as a coward by Col. M. A. ISIevin of Rome. A correspondence ensued. Col. Nevin was crippled. Farrow refused to fight him, but went out and exchanged shots with Capt. Thomas O'Connor, the second of jSTevin, who then manfully withdrew the charge of cowardice. The Republican members of the convention organized themselves into a nominatingbody, ignored Farrow, and upon motion of Foster Blodgett, nominated Rufus B. Bullock for Governor. It was as good as a play to see the way of Republican politics at that time.
The Democratic executive committee was composed of E. G. Cabaness, chairman; E. A. Nisbet, J. J. Gresham, James Jackson, G. W. Adams, K N. 'Whittle, J. R, Sneacl, A. W. Reese, Ambrose R, Wright, J. Hartridge, N. Tift, P. W. Alexander, J. I. Whitaker, J. A. W. Johnson, S. J. Smith. The -committee on the 13th of March, 18G8, nominated for Governor, Judge Augustus Reese, and for delegates to the Democratic Presidential nominating convention, J. B. Gordon, A. H. Chappell, B. H. Hill, H. S. Fitch; and alternates, W. Akin, E. Starnes, A. H. Colquitt and C. J. Munncrlyn.
Judge David Irwin announced himself a candidate for Governor. On the 24th of March, Judge Reese, who had on the 17th accepted the Democratic nomination, declined on the ground that he was not eligible, and recommended Judge Irwin. The committee thereupon nom inated Judge Irwin, who accepted. The Republicans sprung the point upon him that he had been a Confederate presidential elector, and Gen. Meade deciding this to disqualify him, he dropped out. The committee, baffled in two trials for eligible material, consulted Gen. Meade as to the eligibility of John B. Gordon, and receiving the opinion of the polite autocrat that the gallant Gordon was all right, put him out as the Democratic standard-bearer, against Bullock. The campaign that followed was rancorous and much mixed. The Democratic policy was to defeat the Constitution and elect Gordon, which would have made

384

E. B. BULLOCK COUNTED IX AS GOVERNOR.

Gordon's triumph a nullity. The Republicans pressed both the Consti tution and Bullock. A considerable number, led by Dr. H. V. M. Miller, advocated the Constitution and Gordon. Varney Gaskill, that wonderful piece of political versatility, ran this schedule.
Rufus B. Bullock was a large, handsome, social specimen of a man, pleasant-mannered, and well liked. He had been in Georgia nine years, and occupied the place of head of the express company in the State, and president of the Macon and Augusta R. R. He had been somewhat of a savag-e reconstructionist in the convention. The Democrats were for defeating the reconstruction measures. Gov. Brown, therefore, had no alternative but to cooperate with the side that, if elected, would enforce his views, and he took the field for Bullock. All of his sympa thies and innate convictions were with the Democrats and Gordon. But his sense of the needs of his State and people was for taking promptly the offered chance of restoration, and at one stroke end a military gov ernment becoming daily more intolerable. The people battered their old idol fearfxilly. Many would not listen to his speeches; others insulted; all denounced and ostracized him. It was in some degree a question of personal safety. Few men would have stood to the rack. Gov. Brown Was never one of the yielding kind. Opposition but intensified, abuse but strengthened, and ostracism fired his combativeness. It must ever stand an rinsurpassed example of human endurance and pluck, that he never flinched or wavered in this pitiless ordeal.
The election continued for four days. Hulburt, as fine a master of political opportunities as the world ever saw, had the handling of regis tration and the election returns. It was a strategic novelty in elections, to run them for several clays. The watch of the run of thing's, and the transfer of the unidentifiable colored voter to weak points, enabled a " sharp and quick " manager, like this unequaled strategist, to produce any required result. The constitution was first declared ratified by a majority of 17,699 votes. The election of R. B. Bullock was then pro mulgated. The Columbus Sun and Times published the following unique and significant document:

" OFFICE SUPERINTENDENT REGISTRATION, )

ATLANTA, GA., May 8, 1868.

[

"JOHN M. DUER, Esq., Columbus:

"Dear Sir:--Yours of 6th at hand. We want affidavits proving force, fraud, intiini- .

dation, in violation of general orders. We must have them and plenty of them. Go to

work and get them up at once.

" The names of the parties making the affidavits will not he known to any person

except yourself and the Board. They need have no fears on that score. You can swear

GOVERNOR BROWX S COURSE.

3oO

ilinrp and quick." Get Chapman and

:lves by attacking the

"E. HULBUJRT."
It was generally understood, in spite of this " sharp arid quick " sort of practice, that the Legislature was Democratic. The National Demo cratic convention met in ]Sy ew York, and nominated Seymour and Blair upon the bold platform that the new reconstruction amendments were revolutionary, unconstitutional and void. This was the issue, and a momentous one it was. It had been foreshadowed for some time, and the South rallied to it with a joyful exhilaration, looking- to the Demo cratic party to undo Radical reconstruction and restore the governments framed by Andrew Johnson. A Democratic President elected upon this issue would refuse to execute the Reconstruction Acts, and thus the Southern states could overthrow the reconstruction governments. Gov. Brown believed first, that the Democrats could not succeed on this plat form, and second, that if they did succeed it would be resisted to blood shed by the Northern Republicans, and bring- continued suffering- on the South. So believing-, and regarding Gen. Grant as favorably disposed to the South, he thought he foresaw the only solution of our troubles in the support of Gen. Grant and the Republican party.
Gov. Brown went to the Chicago Convention that nominated General Grant and participated as a delegate. His presence there created stormy commentary at home and attracted g-eneral attention in the North. He made a characteristic speech in the convention, bold arid pronounced, that elicited a wide variety of criticism. He was in favor of acceptance of the terms of reconstruction. For this he was applauded roundly. But when he announced that he could not support any policy that would put the negroes of the South over his own race, he raised a storm, and was denounced as a rebel. It was a daring utterance under all the circumstances. Reviewing- Gov. Brown's course out of the pas sions of that time, and in the lig-ht of events that followed, seeinghow he antagonized the extreme men of both sides, how the odious measures he advised to be accepted were swallowed, whole after ineffect ual resistance, how he pursued the unflinching- tenor of his way through a pitiless current of scalding execration, his perception and nerve were crowriing-ly demonstrated. It took simply unlimited courag-e to support Grant and reconstruction in. that clay, arid the man who dared do it, who was an honest man as Gov. Brown was and is, did harder work than fighting- battles and storming batteries.

386

THE ASIIBUEX MURDER.

It has been a peculiarity of Gov. Brown, from the beginning1 of his public career, that he has had the firmness to lay down a course that was unpopular, and adhere to it against every opposition until its result has been tested. His course on reconstruction was a striking example of this. The universal opposition to his policy by the good people of Georgia did not abate one jot of his resolution. His position in favor of Grant was one of popular abhorrence, yet he never wavered in it. But when Grant was elected, and developed a harsh spirit to the South not expected, Gov. Brown openly opposed his course. The philosophy of Gov. Brown's conduct was, that he approved of no measure oppres sive to the South, but acquiesced in, or accepted, all measures that he deemed 'certain of imposition upon us. His theory was, that if we could lay clown our arms conquered, abolish slavery forever, and repu diate our war debts, we should swallow other bitter pills that we must take if we would get our freedom and local self-government. And believing that the sooner we took the terms offered by the conqueror, and the less useless resistance we made, the speedier would be our polit ical rehabilitation, he conscientiously and under unparalleled opposition, and with superhuman courage advocated such a course.
The support of Grant and the prosecution of the Columbus prisoners charged with the murder of G. W. Ashburn, were the two acts of Gov. Brown at this time, that concentrated upon him the public obloquy of Georgians. The latter stood against him, however, when the former was forgotten and explained. The late campaign for Governor that resulted in the re-election of Gov. Colquitt to the gubernatorial chair, arid the popular ratification of Gov. Brown's appointment as United States Senator, has settled this matter satisfactorily to a large majority of the unprejudiced people of the State.
G. W. Ashburn was a member of the Constitutional Convention, a native of !North Carolina, and had been in Georgia for fully thirty years. He had offered in the convention resolutions asking- Congress to relieve our people of disabilities. He was, however, a pronounced Rad ical and an unlettered man, and he lived with some negroes in Colum bus. He was killed at night by unknown parties. The murder created much excitement in the state. The military took the matter in hand, and arrested Elisha T. Ivirkscey, C. C. Bedell, James W. Barber, ~W. A. Duke, R. Hudson, W. D. Chipley, A. C. Roper, -J. S. Wigging and R. A. "Wood. A military court was organized to try them, which convened at Atlanta on the 29th of June, 1868. The counsel for the prisoners were A. H. Stephens, M. J. Crawford, J. M. Smith, J. M. Ramsay, L. J.

GOV. BROWX'S COXXECTIOX WITH THE ASIIBUJtX TEIATL.

387

Gartrell, H. L. Benning and R. J. Moses. The prosecuting- officers were Gen. Dunn, Judge Advocate, assisted by ex-Gov. Jos. E. Brown and Major "Wm. M. S my the.
While in confinement the prisoners were treated badly and subjected to indignities. Inhuman moans were used to extort confessions from them, and to suborn evidence from colored witnesses. The sweat boxes were resorted to at Fort Pulaski, where the prisoners were con fined, to compel admissions of guilt. These cruelties occurred before Gov. Brown's employment by Gen. Meade in the case. Yet in spite of this fact the odium of this bad treatment was thrown unjustly upon him. It shows the morbid spirit of those clays, that a lawyer in pro fessionally accepting employment in the prosecution of a murder case, should be acrimoniously abused.
"Weighing- the evidence in the matter fairly and dispassionately, Gov. Brown shows very conclusively that in taking- part in this prosecution he was governed by proper motives, and did a service to the public and the prisoners. He alleges that Gen. Meade employed him on the con dition required by him, that he should control the case, and that upon the restoration, of civil law the case should be -given up by the military authorities. His employment prevented the retention of very extreme men. The corroboration of Gov. Brown in this statement, of his agency in this matter, has been very striking. It has been argued against its credibility that during- Gen. Meade's life, no revelation of the explana tion was made by Gov. Brown when that officer could have verified or denied it. Major A. Leyden of Atlanta talked with Gen. Meade several times, and says that he was assured by Gen. Meade that his fears for the prisoners would not be realized. Mr. John C. "Whitner of Atlanta states that Detective "Whiteley, who worked up the evidence for the prosecution, tolcl him that the understanding when Brown was employed was that the military trial was to be run over into the organ ization of the new State government, and the military court dissolved. Gen. William Phillips testifies that Gov. Brown consiilted with him at the time upon the subject, and explained to him his object. Maj. Campbell "Wallace had an interview at the time with Gen. Meade, arid that interview confirms Gov. Brown's statement. Many years ago Gov. Brown gave to Hon. A. H. Stephens and Dr. J. S. L,awton his version of this matter.
A part of the charge against Gov. Brown, in this connection, was that he first sought to be employed by the prisoners for 810,000, and failing in this, took a fee from the government. Mr. W. A. Bedell explodes

388

COLOXEL K. J. MOSES.

this aspersion, stating- that he endeavored, to employ Gov. Brown for the prisoners, who replied that he was already retained by the Government. The Legislature adopted the Fourteenth Amendment on the 21st of July. Gov. I3ullock was inaugurated as civil Governor of the State on the 22d of July, 1868, and on that very day Gen. Meade suspended the proceeding's of the military court till further orders. And on the 24th of July, Gen. Meade issued a general order, reciting- the welcome fact that military power had ceased under the Reconstruction Acts in the State, and that the military commission for the trial of the prisoners charged with assassinating G. "W. Ashburrt being adjourned sine die, the prisoners should be transferred to the custody of Capt. Mills, with instructions to release them on bond. The object was accomplished, arid the service rendered. The innocent men escaped and returned to their families and homes, after a fearful experience of the mockery of military government.
This Ashburn matter constitutes one of the darkest episodes of that dark day. It left a more lasting and bitter legacy of hard feeling than any event of reconstruction. It wounded Gov. Brown more deeply than any other incident of his life, and has followed him with a crueler punishment, and yet if there is anything- in human evidence, he was governed by a noble motive, he sought a worthy object and deserves honor for his conduct. The whole occurrence was tragic in the extreme --the gory murder, the wholesale arrest, the torture of the sweat boxes, the despotism of an armed court, the substitution of the bayo net for the law, and the soldier for the judge, the perilous pendency of human life upon the caprice of the shoulder-strap, the bloody hunger of the clamorous mob at the north, the background of political strife seething with the unsettled passions of war, the resentful fears of an angry state---all were strong features of this throbbing picture. But of it all there was no part more striking than the long crucifixion of Gov. Brown, seemingly an instrument of unsparing- hate, but really a champion of release and civil supremacy.
There could be no more marked demonstration of the ultimate power of truth than the change wrought in Col. R. J. Moses. He was of counsel for the prisoners. He even refused to practice in the Supreme Court while Gov. Brown was Chief Justice. Up to 1'877 he had con tinued to hold Gov. Brown in deep censure. But the light thrown upon him, tested in the judicial crucible of an unusually strong and well equipped legal intelligence, drove him to make public profert of his exoneration of Gov. Brown. And it loses none of its significance

A MISCONCEPTION OF GOVEKXOR BROWN.

389

because he rectified the honestly entertained misconception of years in Columbus, where the unabated condemnation of Gov. Brown, frowned with all the terror wielded by a sincere and virtuous public opinion. It was an act of genuine courage on tho part of Col. Moses. Many worthy citizens in that section still honestly hold Gov. Brown in blame in this connection. But the marvelous transformation wrought in the large majority of our best people upon this intense question is an earnest of that completed correction that is corning to him from the entire people of the State.
Another charge made ag-ainst Gov. Brown at this time was a very serious accusation, but was so utterly incredible as to have gained no g'eneral lodgment in the public mind. It was believed and used to some extent, but people generally did riot heed it. It was too flag-rant for belief. In an address in Atlanta he was accused of stimulating- the negroes to resort to the incendiaries' torch if need be in furtherance of their rights. These are the words used by Gov. Brown on that occasion, and which have been so injuriously construed.
" When in the history of the past, did you ever know four millions of people with the

them, and nothing short of bloody revolution can take it from them. If you will allow them to exercise it without disturbances, they will do it peaceably. If there are any outbreaks and disturbances, they, I predict, will grow out of the attempts of the white race to deprive the colored race of this right, or to interfere with its free exercise. I warn you, my friends, to be cautious 011 both sides, how you put your lives in jeopardy and your homes and families in peril. And I especially warn my own race of the extreme danger to them in case of collision. The colored people have but little, except their lives to risk in the fight, if it should unfortunately come. The white race have the same risk, and in addition to this, they have their property to lose. Your houses, your villages, towns and cities are 'all pledged to peace. Be careful then how you excite discord aud bloodshed."
It will be seen from a critical and dispassionate examination, how this language in a rancorous time could be distorted into a perversion of its meaning-, and yet there be no real ground for the damaging construc tion, that was put upon it. In cooler moments of judgment, the speaker's purpose is unmistakably clear of making an argument against any vio lent attempt to disturb negro suffrage after it had been leg-ally estab lished and practically exercised. The Avorcls, instead of being an incitement to trouble, was a very decided admonition against it.
In July, 1868, two important bodies convened in Atlanta, the State Democratic convention and the new General Assembly. The convention met on the 23d, to choose Seymour and Blair electors. Judge Augustus Reese was made president of the body, and the vice-presidents were

Dr. R. D. Arnold, Gen. A. H. Colquitt, L. H. Featherston, John J. Floyd, B. T. Harris, Col. S. J. Smith, and C. D. MoCutohen. The gathering was an unexampled one in Georgia political annals. There were 1,009 delegates from 108 counties, and nearly every leading man in Georgia was present. There has never been, a more heated time in our State politics, and the fervor was universal. It was a solid assemblage of the leaders of public opinion in the commonwealth, with one conspicuous exception, and that exception the most potential one of all, ex-Gov. Joseph E. Brown, who stood single handed in the most unsparing public conflict of the century. Public passion has never been iiitenser or stormed higher, and it beat pitilessly upon Joe Brown. The convention ratified the nomination of Seymour and Blair, adopted the Democratic platform, declaring the amendments revolutionary, unconstitutional and void, and put out an electoral ticket composed as follows:
At Large.--John B. Gordon, John T. Clarke. Alternates.--William T. Wofford, Thomas M. Norwood. District.--J. C. Nichols, C. T. Goode, R. J. Moses, A. O. Bacon, J. B. Gumming, H. P. Bell, J. D. Waddoll. Alternates. --J. H. Hunter, William O. Fleming, W. O. Tuggle, Dr. H. Wimberly, Gen. D. M. Du Bose, G. McMillan. Many of these were new men. So many of the older politicians were disfranchised that a selection of new material was unavoidable^ Gen. J. B. Gordon had been our most famous Georgia soldier, and adding, as he did, the sweet graces of a Christian character to the glittering eclat of the successful general, he became the idol of the people. A hand some, noble looking person, with a soldier's carriage and air, a face full of genial chivalry like his soul, a brave, capable, royal gentleman, Gordon was, and is to-day, as fine a specimen of the typical Southerner as we have ever had in the South. The man has absolutely rioted in popularity. He became United States Senator under extraordinary circumstances of personal triumph. Judge John T. Clarke owed his selection as elector to his having been removed as Judge by Gen. Pope. The choice illustrates the fervent temper of the people about reconstruction, and the spirit of resistance to military tyranny that prevailed. Judge Clarke is one of the readiest arid most accomplished lawyers and debaters in the State, possessing singular power of thinking upon his feet. He was a member of the last State Senate. Col. J. C. Niehols has served a term in Congress. Col. C. T. Goode is now dead. He enjoyed the name of the " Silver Tongued Orator." Maj. A. O. Bacon has become a very prominent

r

THE BUSH ARBOR MASS MEETIXG OF 18G8.

391

public man, and has a bright promise before him. A lawyer of uncom mon ability, he has developed an unusual capacity for public life. His appearance is very marked--a tall, shapely person, with a fine head and face, and a long- flowing blonde beard, Maj. Bacon is a noticeable indi vidual anywhere. Repeatedly elected Speaker of the House of Repre sentatives, no one has ever enjoyed a higher reputation as a presiding officer. His popularity in the deliberative bodies, over which he has so gracefully reigned, has been something exceptional. All of his public addresses and documents are finished, logical and full of thought. A recent letter of his in the American newspaper on the political situation was the finest and most philosophical discussion of public issues of the many published by that journal. The lack of Maj. Bacon is warmth; and his defect, a tendency to exclusiveiiess and reserve, that, in a measure, has cut him from the masses. An infusion of popular sym pathy into his very rare intellectuality will come to him and will add materially to his political equipment.
Maj. J. B. Gumming, a brother of the gifted Julian Gumming1, to whom allusion has been made heretofore, is a stately Spanish-looking gentleman, whose gifts of manner and speech are very attractive. He was a member of the last State Senate and one of the leaders of that body. Gen. D. M. Du Bose, a son-in-law of Gen. Toombs, was an efficient member of Congress several years ago. Col. J. D. Waddell is a brilliant writer and speaker, and the author of a delightful book about Linton Stephens. "William O. Fleming- is now judge of the Albany circuit, and a jurist of ability. Col. W. O. Tuggie has made himself famous by his masterly prosecution of Georgia claims before the Congress at Washington. A gentleman of fine social qualities, an unusual capacity for handling statistics, and unbounded energy, Col. Tuggie will be a useful public man, if he cares to enter politics.
The assembling of the convention was made the occasion of the largest political mass meeting ever held in Georgia. Dr. J. F. Alexan der was the chairman of the Fulton county Democratic executive com mittee, and he exhibited a wonderful management in the creation and handling of this monster affair. An immense BUSH ARBOR was con structed down in an open space on Alabama street, near the depot, since built up. The fiery addresses made on this occasion received their distinctive designation as the " Bush Arbor speeches." There "was ail immense torchlight procession. People flocked to this gathering from all parts of the State. The four orators of the day were Robert Toombs, Howell Cobb, Benjamin H. Hill, arid Raphael J. Moses, a rare and

392

THE FIERCE IXVECTIVE OF THE BUSH ARBOR GATHERING.

unequaled quartette of popular speakers. Perhaps there never has been, in the annals of eloquence, a grander display of red-hot invective than was given in these memorable Bush Arbor orations. It was a sweltering- day in July. The uncomfortable plank seats were packed. A pall of stifling1 dust hung- over the massed throng and the swarming1 city. But for five mortal hours of unspeakable discomfort, the solid mass of people, with fully one-third of it ladies, sat unmindful of the discomfort, hanging eagerly upon the torrid utterances of the speakers. The enthusiasm, at times, was overwhelming. Every note of denun ciation of reconstruction and reconstructionists, wras g-reeted with deaf ening- applause. The pelting given Grov. Brown, was simply savage. There was no qualification in the abuse heaped upon him. "When passion subsides, its fierce words, in the light of cool sense, read like extravagant lunacy. The rancorous phrases of these undeniable states men on that mid-summer day in 1868, conned over in the calm reason of this far distant time, excite wonder at their ferocious exag-g-eration. Said Gren. Cobb:
" Oh Heaven ! for some blasting word that I might write infamy upon the foreheads of such men ! "
Said Mr. Hill:
" Oh! Give over the miscreants to the inextinguishable hell of their own conscious ness of infamy.. . Ye miserable spawns of political accidency, hatched by the putrid growth of revolutionary corruption into an ephemeral existence--renegades from every law of God, and violators of every right of man--ye unnameable creatures I "
Such were the hard terms born of the fury of the era that were put upon men who are to-day solid in public esteem. There is a grim les son in it all. Tempests of human passion, like storms of the elements, make cruel work while they last. But throug-h their craziest fury, the great Providence of God is steadily reigning- and the sun of truth pre serving its serene and omnipotent immutability. There were many vile men engaged in the crusade of reconstruction, "who merited the worst of this crimination. But there were true citizens who, under patriotic duty, urged submission to the choice of evils, who were terribly bat tered in the unrelenting- strifes of that mad epoch, and who have lived to see the reaction that always comes in favor of rig-ht-purposed men. Gren. Cobb, in conversation with the writer, at the rooms of the Young Men's Democratic Club, the afternoon after the speaking, alluded to his own severe invective and declared "with a grave frankness that he feared that the denunciation had been unwise.
The very savagery of that day grew out of the natural and honor-

THE EXCESS OF VIRTUOUS PUBLIC UN

393

able rebellion of a virtuous people's best impulses against indig nity and wrong. The very excesses of spirit of a good community in resentment of oppression, are the best evidence of the possession of those qualities of chivalric manhood and sensibility to injustice, with out which there can be no great national character.' And the sen timental martyrdom of intractable zealots, violating the teachings of policy, has demonstrated the exalted heroism of human nature and laid the groundwork for the ultimate triumph of truth arid right. The South resisted Reconstruction under a noble inspiration. The men whom she crucified in that clay in her splendid fury, can find vindica tion the more valuable from that fact.

CHAPTER XXXVII.
THE FAMOUS LEGISLATIVE EXPURGATION OF THE BLACKS.
The Racy Legislature of 1868.--A Parody upon Legislation.--Its rersoiielle.--I. E. Shumate.--The Speakership.--Gen. Meade's Orders.--Mr. Chairman Bullock.-- Dunlap Scott.--B. Coiiley.--R. McWhorter.--J. E. Bryaut.--Eligibility.--Bullock's .Inauguration.--"Go it, Niggers!"--Message.--Gov. Bullock's Administration.-- Gov. Brown's Defeat for U. S. Senator.--Ferocity of Public Passion.--A Wild Scene.--The Culmination of Gov. Brown's Unpopularity.--Atlanta Jubilation.-- The State Stirred.--Joshua Hill Elected Senator.--The Fanny Martin Slander.-- The State Reconstructed.---Kufus E. Lester.--Sam Bard.--^eligibility of Colored Members.--Hatred and Picturesque Discussion.--Bullock's Tart Message.--Rebuke of Gov. Bullock.--Bullock's Opportunity.--The Colored Members Ousted.--J. R. Saussy.--John Jones.--The Camilla Riot.--An Exciting Episode.--The Colored Convention.--Marion Bethuue.--The Curious Effect of Democratic Opposition to Reconstruction.
THE Legislature assembled on the 4th day of July, 18G8. The con vening1 of this General Assembly was an important event in Georgia history, and its deliberations and acts were a symbolical epitome of the variegated Reconstruction that sired it. It was a strange blending- of farce and melodrama. It was bizarre in the extreme, affording such an admixture of light and shade as few legislative bodies ever exhibited. There is nothing like it in the annals of Georgia. It swept out com pletely men's customary notions of legislative conduct. It was at times the most roaring- comedy of a day rich in the comical arid the incongru ous. It was again so tragical that it almost engendered revolution.' Its elements were varied and racy. Its membership was attractively picturesque. It was an exquisite parody upon ordinary legislation; and a faithful photograph of the most novel episode of Georgia history. The chronicles of this legislature \vould make a volume of its own. There was in it a good sprinkling of very fine material.
The Senate showed such sterling spirits as C. B. Wootten, B. B. Hinton, E. D. Graham, A. D. Nurmally, M. A. Candler, W. T. Winn, A. W. Holcombe, C. J. Wellborn, J. T. Burns and J. C. Fain. Mr. Candler we have spoken of before. A. W. Holcombe was in the last Senate, and a public man of force. Col. C. J. Wellborn, has long been

THE LEGISLATURE OF 1868.

395

a power in North-eastern Greorg-ia; a gentleman of clear judgment and larg-e influence, and no\v Judg'e of the North-eastern Circuit. Col. J. C. Fain has been continuously in public life, and is now Judge of the Cherokee Circuit, and a person of exceptional powers of political management.
In the House were some marked men: "W. D. Anderson, J. C. Nisbet, R. W. Phillips, M. Rawls, Dunlap Scott, M. Ballenger, C. C. Duncan, W. P. Price, W. M. Butt, J. J. McArthur, W. M. Timiliri, J. A. Cobb, F. M. Harper, R. W. Flournoy and I. E. Shumate. Of these, Mr. Shumate of "Whit-field was the most brilliant. A slender, dark-eyed, heavy-whiskered, gentleman, with a clear, sweet, ring-ing voice of unusual compass, and a fluent flow of vivid language, he was then, arid is to-day, a most charming orator, with few equals in the State. He became instantly a leader in the body, and was placed at the-head of one of the most important committees, that on the "State of the Republic." M. Rawls "went to Cong'ress afterwards. "W. P. Price became an efficient representative in Congress, and is now a member of the Legislature. He has been a very useful man to his section, being' the main-instrument in the establishment of the fine Agricultural Colleg'e at Dalohnega. Mr. Tumlin has been an adventurous figure in Georgia politics, audacious and generally successful. A very active personality, for a long time, in the public strifes of that day was Col. Dunlap Scott, who held for years a rattling- sort of leadership by his boldness.
The Senate stood twenty-six Republicans to eighteen Democrats, and elected Hon. Benjamin Coriley, President. The complexion, of the House was in doubt. Hon. W. P. Price and Hon. R. L. McWhorter ran for Speaker. The vote was taken. Mr. Price had stepped out and on returning- was informed that Mr. McWhorter had voted for him, and he reciprocated the courtesy by voting for Mr. Mc"Whorter. The vote stood then seventy-six for Mc^Vhorter, seventy-four for Price, and one for Holdeii. Mr. Price, upon information that he had been deceived, and that Mr. Mc"Whorter had not voted for him, asked permission to chang-e his vote. The Atlanta Intelligencer says the permission was granted and the vote stood a tie. The Journal of the House states that the permission was refused. Both concur in the statement that Mr. Mc\Vhorter was declared the Speaker elect. Mr. Mark Hardin, a Democrat, was elected clerk.
The Constitution made by the Convention had been submitted to Congress for revision. Congress had approved the Constitution except two features, one giving relief from suits on claims except for slaves

396

THE OKGAXIZATIOX OF THE HOUSE OF 1868.

made before June 15, 18G5, and the other to force settlement of such claims by the imposition of a tax not exceeding- twenty-five per cent, after the 1st January, 18G8. Congress passed an Act allowing- Georgia representation in Congress when she should ratify the Fourteenth Amendment and give assent to the nullification of the relief clauses. Gen. Meacle issued his order declaring- who were elected, to the legisla ture, and also an order to Gov. Bullock to effect "such preliminary organization of both Houses of the legislature as will enable the same to enter upon the discharge of the duties assigned them by law." Gov. Bullock had already notified the body to convene on the -ith of July. The organization, in the language of the journals, was made by the. " Governor elect as Chairman," Gen. Meacle, Judge Erskine and. J. R. Parrott aiding-. Duiilap Scott beg-aii that system of badgering- that made him so noted. He moved an adjournment in honor of the clay, " that we should not desecrate it by wrangling- over an organization." The " Chairman " refused to entertain any motion. Scott appealed to the House from the decision. Bullock said there was no appeal but to the military. Scott then appealed to the military. Bullock con sulted with Gen. Meacle and refused still to entertain the motion, and immediately after walked down the aisle and apologized for not putting the motion, as he was acting under military orders that he could not disobey.
Both Mr. Conley and. Mr. McWhorter have been bitter Republican partisans, and enjoyed a large share of public odium for many years on account of their course. Both are men of personal integrity, while Mr. McWhorter had and still has strong local influence. Both stand well now as citizens. Among- the prominent Republicans in the body were, H. M. Turner, J. W. Adkins, Ephraim Tweed}-, J. E. Bryant, A. A. Brad ley, Tunis G. Campbell, F. O. Welch, T. J. Speer, and Jos. Adkins. Bradley and Campbell were colored men, and vicious ones. There were twenty-eight negroes in the body. The most picturesque figure on the Republican side, perhaps, was J. E. Bryant. He has been an unexam pled manipulator of the black element for years, until in 1880 he was completely unhorsed. He has played a highly-colored part in all of the shifting- episodes of reconstruction. ISTo man has ever joined to the deftest pen and glibbest tongue in presenting the humanitarian aspects of reconstruction, a keener clutch of the more practical instrumentalities that govern the untutored, colored intelligence. He has been both a subtle and a bold leader of the dark element of suffrage.
The Assembly was erigag-ecl until the 22d of July in testing* the eligi-

GOVEKXOK BlTT^OCIv S IXAUGITBATIOX.

397

. bility of members under the Fourteenth Amendment. There were ma jority and minority reports and much spicy sparring over the matter. Mr. Shumate made much reputation by his able report and brilliant speech, inking" and maintaining- successfully the ground that all of the members were eligible. The Fourteenth Amendment was ratified and assent given to the congressional elimination of relief from our State Constitution, and on Wednesday, the 22nd. clay of July, 18G8, Gov. Bullock was inaugurated, Gen. Meacle and Staff attending-, as the Executive of Georgia. The inaug-ural address was a short one, in which the main point was an encomium upon " that patriotic body--the Union. Republican party." Mr. Conley declared Bullock Governor for four years. The Intelligencer, describing the scene, says:
" Some slight applause hailed the announcement, after which a voice from the end of the chamber was heard to rise high above everything else with the exclamation, ' Go it Niggers !' This expression created a great sensation."

The incident illustrates the embittered satirical feeling of the people.

It looked as if rehabilitation had indeed come, but the manner and instru

ments of its coming were so repulsive that the public gazed 011 in sullen

dissatisfaction, and reverted with a grim irony to the deposed Jenkins

in exile with his family in Halifax, xsr ova Scotia.

^

Gov. Bullock's message was a plain business~"tTocumerit. The body

proceeded regularly to business. Perhaps the most exciting' episode of

the session was the election of United States Senators. Gov. Brown

had been urged by influential men out of the State in addition to many

in it to run for the Senate, on the ground that owing- to his peculiar

attitude he could do the State more good than any other individual in

the commonwealth. "While unflinching- in his adhesion to his unpop

ular course, he felt keenly the odium that his * former friends and

admirers were placing- upon him. In a position of such power as he

would have had in the United States Senate, he could have served

Georgia so beneficially, that the people would have recognized his

patriotic devotion, to her interest, and the purity of his inspiration in

that remarkable reconstruction drama. The writer has always deemed

the act of allowing his name to be used for office in that clay by Gov.

Brown as the cardinal mistake of his course. It gave to his policy the

aspect of interest. It lowered him from the high vantage ground he

really held, and for which he would have soon gained full credit in the

public mind. Sternly rejecting" office, the argument for his disinterest

edness would have been irresistible. Accepting- office, he carried for

long" years a heavy burden of misconception. He really did not wish

398 GOV". BROWJS" DEFEATED FOR THE UNITED STATES SENATE.
place. He was made Chief Justice of the Supreme Court for twelve years, yet soon laid it down. He did himself the injustice of seeming to profit by his course, when he genuinely sought the public good. He would, have been far earlier in winning the public .recognition of his purposes, had he have wisely declined position.
The election took place on the 28th and 29th of July, and was an occasion of unparalleled excitement. The Democratic object was to defeat Gov. Brown at any cost. The general white element of the State had focalized an appalling intensity of detestation upon his head. Almost the single, strong old leader prop of Republicanism in the State, the popular abhorrence of reconstruction was concentrated upon him. Gov. Brown in that fierce clay was the focus of a people's hatred. The savageness of the obloquy burning upon him is incapable of description. He was the vicarious recipient of the unsparing- wrath of a great com monwealth. They would have shriveled him to ashes if they could have done "so, in the pitiless intensity of their ang*er. It was a strange ferocity of passion, and constitutes the most remarkable experience in Gov. Brown's varied, life. Few men could stand such an experience. It is equally extraordinary that it should be lived, down.
The joint ballot showed Brown, 102; A. IT. Stephens, 9G^ Joshua Hill, 13, and C. H. Hopkins, 1. It was anything and anybody to beat Brown. The Stephens phalanx broke in a rushing body to Hill, and the second joint ballot showed Hill 110 votes; Brown, 91; Stephens, 1; C. AY. Stiles 1; and Brown defeated. Dr. H. V. M. Miller, on the second ballot, defeated Foster Blodgett. The election of Hill and defeat of Brown, were received in the gallery with a tornado of applause. The president ordered it cleared. Bryant, pale and excited, suggested that the police be called. Amid -wild confusion, and waving1 of hats and handkerchiefs, the Senate retired from the Representative chamber. The city of Atlanta became delirious -with excitement and. congratula tions. Buildings were illuminated that nig-ht, and bonfires made. An immense assemblage was gathered before the United States hotel and speeches made by Joshua Hill, Dr. Miller, Gen. J. B. Gordon, Col. Warren Akin, and Col. R. J. Cowart. Said Dr. Miller, one of the most thrilling public speakers the State has ever had, in the conclusion of an impassioned appeal for constitutional liberty:
"God preserve Georgia; God preserve the people; God preserve the country."
The State took up the throbbing refrain of exultation over Gov. Brown's defeat, and gave back one responsive echo of universal rejoic ing. From one end of the State to the other, the result was triumph-

GOVEKXOK

^ MADE CHIEF JUSTICE.

399

antfy claimed as a Democratic victory. In the crazy hurly-burly it was lost out of memory, that the cherished Stephens, the overwhelming choice of' the Democrats, had been slaughtered, and that by an original and incurable Republican, and the xincoinpromising opponent of the war Democracy. It was a curious inconsistency of the fever raging, and the dis-illusion came soon enoug-h, and with crushing- effect. Joshua Hill has always been a very brave and an uncommonly honest public man. He hastened with swift candor to correct the misconception of his attitude. lie coolly destroyed any Democratic fervor over his elec tion by announcing that he was elected as a Republican, and he should act as one. It was a grim piece of political retribution. Brown was never a conviction Republican, while Hill was. Brown was a chooser between evils, but Hill believed in the principles of Reconstruction. It was a complete realization of the story of the witch and the devil.
In this hour of defeat, the only one suffered by Gov. Brown in his long public life, Gov. Bullock, with a creditable sense of valuable service and a grateful appreciation of sacrifice endured, tendered Gov. Brown the place of Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Georgia. It was an unsolicited proffer, and was gratefully accepted by Gpv. Brown in view of his defeat for the senate. This defeat of Gov. Brown was the culmi nation of his political eclipse. It wTas the turning point of his long episode of proscription.
Gov. Brown's adventurous career, however, was destined to have every possible phase of incident. It was during this year that the most anomalous calumny of his life was broug-ht against him and shivered to fragments. Of all men in the world, Gov. Brown should be the last that a sensible person would accuse of gallantry with females. His life-long Christianity, his pure, domestic life, his absorption in high intellectual labors, and the very physical personality of the man, spare, nervous and bloodless, should have stamped the aspersion as utterly improbable. It looked, therefore, that political enmity had run to a crazy length when Gov. Brown was charged with unchaste relations with a lady by the name of Mrs. Fannie Martin.
It looked as if in the fabrication of such an incongruous calumny as this, an adventurous destiny was simply coquetting with a dramatic life to endow it with all possible and impossible experiences. The whole basis of the charge was several letters purporting- to be from Gov. Brown to Mrs. Martin, and these were declared by examination of Rev. C. W. Thomas, Rev. Dr. Wm. T.Brantley, Rev. Wm. H. Plunt, Hon. John Erskine, Judge J. D. Pope, Judge J. I. "Whitaker, Judge L. E.

400

HO^T. RUFUS E. LESTER.

Bleckley, Maj. E. B. Walker, J. H.. Steele, E. L. Jones, H. II. Waters, H. J. G. Williams and. John B. Campbell to be forgeries. Gov. Brown in his calm, effective way, published a card with irrefutable proof, de molishing- this incredible accusation, and it fell by the wayside, a queer addition to the episodes of an affluent career.
On the 28th of July, 18G8, the proper order was issued declaring' mil itary rule under the reconstruction acts at an end in Georgia, and it seemed that we had, after a stormy voyag-e, reached the promised land of a sovereign restoration. But we were wofully mistaken. The end was not yet. Some of the sharpest experiences of this mongrel recon struction were yet in. reserve.
The following gentlemen were elected State House officers: D. G. Getting- Secretary of State, Madison Bell Comptroller-General, N. L. Angier Treasurer, Samuel Bard Public Printer. Col. E. Hulburt, who had been so conspicuous as a masterly Superintendent of Registra tion, was appointed, by Gov. Bullock the Superintendent of the State Road. The notorious Aaron Alpeoria Bradley, one of the Senators, who had been, expelled from the Constitutional Convention on account of conviction for seduction in New York, and sentenced to the peniten tiary, resigned from the Senate to avoid expulsion, and in his place a young- gentleman was seated as State Senator who has since then filled an important place in the public affairs of the State, and whose career, if he continues in public life, will be brilliant and useful. This was Hon. Rufus E. Lester of Savannah. Repeatedly sent to the Senate by the polished constituency of his District, twice President of the Senate, and. one of the leading- favorites for Governor in the last cam paign, when Gov. Colquitt was elected, Mr. Lester has richly deserved his unusual enjoyment of political leadership.
He is one of the promising young- men of the State, and the pos sessor of ability, eloquence and decision. Rather a small person, yet with an erect, sturdy figure and an open, characterful face, he has an unusually winning1 style of public speaking-. His voice is silvery and resonant, his logic concise and clear-cut, and his language terse and fluent. Men have not been made firmer and more sincere than Lester. Possessing a blended simplicity and amiability of manner, he is a most fearless and positive person. An incident will illustrate the man, and it is an incident as uncommon as it is striking-. He gave a client some advice about a deed that proved, after a stubborn litig-ation, to be unsustained by the Courts. Several thousand dollars of property were lost. As soon as he was able to do so, Col. Lester handed his client a

HON. RUFUS E. LESTER, PKESIDEXT OF THE GEORGIA SEXATK.

NEGRO IXJELIGIBILITY.

401

check for the amount, and thus re-imbursed his loss. It was a noble act of punctilious professional integrity, and it indicated an uncommon man.
One of the richest characters of that racy era, was Dr. Sam .Bard. It will be long before Georgia will ever see his like. There was an unction about this dramatic comedian of the press that we shall never have again in Georgia journalism. It is difficult to portray the man. He was very clever and companionable and had a perennial sweetness of temper in conducting the most muddy discussions. He reveled in the coifp-d'etat. His surprises were bouncing. He shot them upon the State with a luscious enjoyment. His political flops were something- piquant? From the very heart of an advanced radicalism, he became without a note of warning a quadruple-dyed Democrat. His mastery of vitu perative paragraphing was unequaled. The governorship of Idaho tickled his ambitious fancy, but that remote wild could not seduce him from the more civilized territory of the Atlanta post office, whose emoluments he enjoyed for the industrio.usly claimed distinction of having been the pioneer in nominating Grant for President. He was one of the most typical blossoms of reconstruction, whose unctuous memory will linger long with the journalists of that day.
The momentous action of this Legislature, that had a larger conse quence following it than any other, and that was the immediate cause of the imposition of a new installment of this ever-shifting- reconstruc tion 'upon the State, was the expulsion of the negro members. The question of the ineligibility of colored men to hold office under the new Constitution, was first sprung by Mr. Candler, and in his resolution he quoted that Gov. Brown favored this view. The issue was a vital one and evoked a protracted and heated discussion. The debate upon it continued until the early part of September. A number of the white Republicans sided with the Democrats in this matter. The vote in the House stood 83 to 23, and in the Senate 2-4 to 11. Some of the speeches were very unique affairs. The subject provoked a picturesque variety of eloquence. The following rare quotation from the speech of Hon. W. M. Tumlin will afford a vivid conception of the lively range of this discursive discussion:
" Common-sense, common reason, the welfare of the black race and of the white race, require every thinking man to turn them out. The Constitution of the State of Georgia says turn thorn out. The Constitution of the United States, with all its damnable amendment.;, says turn them out. Therefore, Sir, if we fail to comply with the solemn oath we have subscribed to, when this House is the judge of the qualification of its members, by retaining men here who are clearly ineligible, we will be held to account for it by our constituency and our God."
26

402

GOVEKXOR BUI.LOCK.

A colored member, Romulus Moore, made an exceedingly clear state ment of his claims to his seat, and closed with the use of the following unique assertion:
" If God is pleased with the Constitutional amendment, you can't change it--you can't change it unless you can overcome the armies of the United States."
Another colored member, G. H. Glower, is thus reported:
" Whenever you cast your votes against us, dis nigger will take his hat and walk right straight out, but, like Christ, I shall come again. I go to prepare a place for them. Stop, Democrats ; stop, white folks ! Draw de resolution off de table, and let's go to work."
Gov. Bullock sent in a message to the House of Representatives, stating who had received the next highest number of votes, and argu ing against the expulsion of the colored members. He thus wound up his message:
" In conclusion I most respectfully and earnestly call upon you, as lovers of our com mon country, and well-wishers of the peace and good order of the State, to pause in the suicidal course upon which you have entered, urged on, as you are, by bold, bad men outside your body, whose wicked counsels have once drenched our land in blood, and whose ambition now is to ruin that which they cannot rule."
The House promptly passed a resolution offered by Mr. Duncan of Houston, rebuking the Governor for interfering in a matter in -which the House was, by the Constitution, made the sole judge. Gov. Bul lock had an unexampled opportunity, during his term, to have made himself a great name and a desirable fame. He had borne a good rec ord before and during the war. He came into politics in a convulsion, and by espousing the strong side, obtained a high trust. Had he have made himself the Executive of the people, and not of a party, he would soon have overcome the prejudices of the Democrats. But he played the partisan to the full, and it became a no-quarter war between him and the Democracy. He soon dissolved his reliance upon the counsel of such men as Gov. Brown, and pursued the advice of the \vorst men of his party. He had plenty of provocation, for the Demo crats were unsparing and implacable. The -writer of this volume took editorial charge of the Atlanta Constitrition newspaper in May, 1869, and conducted that journal's politics during the whole turbulent period until Gov. Bullock resigned and became a fugitive from the State, and was therefore in close and responsible watchfulness and criticism of Gov. Bullock's administration. Never making Gov. Bullock's acquaintance in that time, and viewing his regime solely on its official merits, without any prejudice whatever against him, and never failing to commend

STATE TREASURER, JOIIX JOXES.

403

what was worthy of approval, the retrospection of his term of Execu tive incumbency shows an administration with little to redeem it.
It is also equally clue to truth to say that Gov. Bullock was fired by the unceasing- hostility of a relentless opposition. How far an implaca ble warfare can justify an official in acts that call for censure, an impartial public judgment must decide for itself. Gov. Bullock was undoubtedly stimulated by the fever of an acrimonious strife to much of his course that deserves condemnation. He stood faithfully to some very bad colleagues, and adhered manfully to his side with eyes closed to moral considerations or physical consequences. There is no denying that he showed gameness and fidelity.
The legislature ousted twenty-five colored Representatives and two Senators, and seated in their places the same number of white Demo crats. There were very strong young men among the substituted mem bers, among them J. R. Saussy and Thomas "W. Grimes. Mr. Saussy was a fine young lawyer from Chatham county, a gentleman of sprightly humor, with an industrious energy and a vigorous intelli gence. He had worked into a large law practice in a city noted for its able bar. Mr. Grimes has been a State Senator since, and is now the Solicitor General of his circuit. He has shown an exceptional degree of political independence, resigning his seat in the legislature .to test popu lar sentiment upon one of his measures, and winning a re-election by a handsome majority. The incident is a rare one for so young a legisla tor, and demonstrated his positive character. Both these gentlemen, as many others of the new members, became valuable legislators.
Col. John Jones, the Treasurer, removed by Gen. Meacle, made a report to this General Assembly, showing that he had taken with, in removal, $426,704.27 of the State's money, every dollar of which he accounted for, principally in payment upon the public debt. Col. Jones makes these interesting- statements in connection with this novel chap ter of Georgia reconstruction:
"In these transactions I am aware that I have incurred the high displeasure of some, and aroused the suspicions of others; and I was satisfied in the beginning that such would be the case; but having taken an oath to obey the laws under which I was elected, and given heavy bonds for the performance of the duties of my office, I conscientiously felt that I had no right, while reason and honesty of purpose were vouchsafed to me, to act otherwise. Not the least gratifying circumstance since my removal has been, that although it was deemed imperative that I should be removed, I have been allowed and trusted by the Commanding-General and Provisional Governor Ruger, to carry out the course I had adopted, and preserve the credit and honor of the State, up to the surren der of the government to the civil authorities.

Till-: CAMILLA RIOT.

nal i

3 pr

been ever that of gentlemen to . kindness will not be forgotten, nc misplaced/'

>nal office 3 has be

is pleasant, as under ing towards me lias cere respect. Their sympathy lias heen

In the month of September, during this session of the General Assembly, occurred an incident that created great excitement, riot only

in Georgia but over the whole country, arid that coiitribxited a large

quota of political capital to the Republican campaigns. There has been

no stock in trade so serviceable to the Republican party as the fabrica

tion of Southern outrages upon Union men and negroes. The heaviest

indictment made ag*ainst Gov. Bullock was for his part in this so-called

" slander mill" business. From all parts of Georgia were gathered

absolutely incredible accounts of white brutality to the black, arid Gov.

Bullock gave these dark narratives the whole sanction of his official

place. The incident alluded to was the first important episode of

so-called Southern outrage.

The facts were these: A body of armed negroes, headed by a man

named ^William R. Pierce, the Republican candidate for Corig-ress, John

Murphy and a man named F. F. Putney, approached Camilla, Mitchell

county, to hold a public meeting. The sheriff, M. J. Poore, notified the

parties that they must riot hold a meeting- with armed men. They

persisted, a collision ensued arid seven persons were killed and forty

wounded. Gov. Bullock, in reporting the matter to the Legislature,

asserted that the right to peacefully assemble had been " violently arid barbarously impaired," and the civil officers of Mitchell county were

wholly unable to maintain peace. He urged the Legislature to call on

the President for troops to protect the citizens. Gov. Bullock's attempt

to throw the blame of this affair upon the white Democrats evoked much

indignation. The arming of the negroes over the State was a notorious

fact, creating alarm and foreshadowing- trouble. Gov. Bullock had issued his proclamation upon this matter, adroitly ascribing- what he

called " the rapid spread of a disposition on the part of those who maintain the validity of the laws of Congress, and of the state g-overn-

meiits established thereunder, to protect themselves by arms," to acts

of violence by " persons distinguished for their hostility to the govern

ment of the United States." With an ingenious subtlety that stirred a deep resentment, his pro

clamation was leveled at those citizens supposed to interfere with " the

constitutional right of persons to assemble for political or other peace

ful purpose," while for the illegal armed bodies he merely communicated

THE COLOK.ED COXVEXTIO^ST OF 18G8.

405

the information that no authority had been granted for such organiza tions which were unlawful.
The legislature properly declared that "the civil authorities had shown themselves able to execute the law, and there was no necessity for any military interference." Mr. Marion Bethune made a minority report that presented some very truthful reflections. He argued that it was" apparent that the people were inflamed and divided, and he urged all parties to meet on a common ground and endeavor to provide some measure that will give peace and rest to the excited public mind.
The legislature adjourned on the 5th of October, 18G8. The commit tee on the State of the Republic made a report written by the chairman, Hon. I. E. Shumate, which was regarded as a masterly and statesman like paper, and portrayed the political status of the white people of the State admirably. It reviewed the various steps of reconstruction with philosophical temper; it deprecated any attempt to antagonize the races, arid it declared the purpose of the whites to protect the black in his rights. The style of this document was singularly felicitous and -forci ble. The members who took the places of the ousted negroes presented, through Mr. Saussy, a gold watch and chain to lion. "Wm. M. Tumliri, as the one to whom was mainly due "fehe credit of this famous expurga tion of the blacks. A colored convention was held in Macoii, presided over by H. M. Turner, consisting of 13G delegates, from eighty-two counties, which started the movement that ultimately ended in another reconstruction of the State.
This colored convention was an important and a very melodramatic body. It held closed meetings, excluding- white men. In nothing- was it more remarkable than its bitter characterization of the white Radicals who had voted for their repulsion from the General Assembly. There were some venomous and incendiary speeches, but these unletteecl men went to work to do their business of retribution and recovery of their privileges in an extraordinarily practical way. Turner made a strongspeech, declaring he would break up the legislature. He welded, his sable hearers in a solid purpose. Committees were appointed for various duties, among them to memorialize Congress, and get up re ports of outrages and murders.
There was something peculiarly suggestive in the assembling and deliberations of this colored convention. Mr. Marion Bethune, in his minority report on the Camilla riot, most felicitously stated the feel ings of the poor race in these words :

4:06

THE STATE JUDICIARY OF 18G8.

arid is exasperated in failing to obtain the political rights and privileges that he antici pated under our new Constitution ; whilst, on the other hand, much the larger portion of the white people feel that he is claiming privileges, and aspiring to positions which lie is totally unfit to occupy, and which they regard as degrading to the white race. Therefore, it is but natural that each party should feel a deep and abiding interest in the result of the approaching election, as each regards the success of their party as an important step in settling the dispute in their favor."
Deeply chagrined and incensed at the deprivation of the right to hold office, the colored leaders, deserted in this valued matter by their white allies, for the first and only time in the protracted play of Recon struction, self-reliantly took the bit in their own mouths and organized for a race victory. Against the whites they stood in an unqualified opposition. And they whipped their fight. Illiterate, crude in politics and farcical in aspect, they drove to triumph.
Every effort made by the white people to stop the rush of reconstruc tion biit ended in failure and enlarged the imposition of severities. The most heroic and white-motived resistance to revolutionary innova tions not only riveted them the tighter but brought new savag-ery. Every stand for principle simply clinched the changes opposed, and wrought superacldecl alterations. "Whatever the motive the men like Gov. Brown, who counseled acquiescence, saw in the ultimate result a strong- vindication of their foresight.
The Democratic electors beat the Republican electors, H. P. Farrow, A. T. Akerman, T. M. Smith, John Murphy, E. J. Higbee, W. H. Whitehead, J. E. Bryant, S. C. Johnson and J. E. Dunning, by a majority of 44,638 in a vote of 158,596. The highest Democratic vote was 101,786, and Republican 57,195.
The following judges were nominated by Gov. Bullock, and confirmed by the Senate: Supreme Court--Chief Justice, Joseph E. Brown; Associate Justices, H. K. McCay and Hiram "Warner. Superior Court --J. R. Parrott, Cherokee Circuit; C. W. Da vis, Western; Garnett Andrews, Northern; C. B. Cole, Macon; J. R. Alexander, Southern; D. B. Harrell, Pataula; James M. Clark, South-western; J. "W. Greene, Flint; J. D. Pope, Coweta; William Gibson, Middle; P. B. Robinson, Ocmulgee; N. B. Knight, Blue Ridge; "William Schley, Eastern; J. S. Bigby, Tallapoosa.
There was a tremendous pressure broug-ht against the acceptance of office at the hands of Gov. Bullock, and in that day, the purest men who did take position, were exposed to animadversion. And many whom Gov. Bullock appointed, were deterred by a fear of public opinion from assuming trusts in \vhich they could have benefited the people.

CHAPTER XXXVIII.
GOV BULLOCK'S DESPERATE ENDEAVOR TO RE-ENACT RECONSTRUCTION.
The Evil Effect of the Black Expulsion.--Its Cue to Congress.--Nelson Tift.--Bullock's Obloquy.--Wholesale Aspersion of the State.--Our Rulers Seeking the State's Crucifixion.--Georgia at the Presidential Count.--Au Exciting Scene.--Ben. Butler and Wade.--Submitting Negro Eligibility to the Courts.--W. P. Price.--Dunlap Scott.--Senator Winn.---Bullock's Vetoes.--The Fifteenth Amendment.--The Republicans Defeat It.--W. D. Anderson.--Foster Blodgett.--" Inflict Negro Suffrage on the d-- Yankees."--State Aid.--The Battle between Bullock and Angier.--The Capitol Question.--Bullock's Illegal Advance to Kimball.--Com mittee Reports Condemning Bullock.--The Proposition to buy the Capitol.--Post poned.--Phillips' Resolution on O'Neal.--Republican Convention.--The Supreme Court Decide Negroes Eligible.--Bullock in Washington working for more Recon struction.--The Bureau of Immigration.--The State Fair.--The State Road.--State Troubles.--Negro Disorders.--Bullock and Angier again.--Chief Justice Brown's Good Work.--Angler's Valuable Services.
THE expulsion of the negro members from the Georgia legislature had an immediate effect for evil.. It renewed the fell spirit of Recon struction. It blew the slumbering coals of race conflict into a lively flame. It was a sad error, viewed in the light of its results. It bred trouble immediately. It gave fuel to the expiring fire of sectional strife. It was to the northern mind the use of the first note of con ceded peace to declare war. It was as if an unshackled prisoner utilized his initial moment of freedom to strike his releasing captor.
Charles Sumner of Massachusetts, early in December,, introduced a bill in the United States Senate declaring that Georgia should be reconstructed. The implacable Reconstruction Committee of Congress took the matter in hand. Grov. Bullock went before this potential junta, none the less prescriptive because Thacl. Stevens was dead, and recommended the reorganization of the Georgia legislature upon the basis of the enforcement of the test oath, which \vould re-instate the negroes and put the General Assembly " in the hands of loyal men." Senator Edmunds offered a bill repealing- the restoration of Georgia to the Union, and remitting the State back to Provisional Tyranny. This measure revived the military governorship. Our Senators, Joshua Hill and Miller were vainly knocking at the door for admission to their seats.

1

408

GOVERNOR BUTTOCK SEEKS MORE RECONSTRUCTION.

Six of our seven Representatives had been admitted to their seats in the House. ]Sr elson Tift sent a circular to the Judges, Ordinaries and Mayors in Georgia, asking them to bear witness what was the obedi ence to law, the feeling- to the blacks and northern men and Republi cans, the desire for peace, and whether there was any necessity to destroy the present State government. He held up in an odious light Gov. Bullock as seeking to remand the State government to military rule or to the dictatorship of a military Governor, with the army to enforce his edicts, on the false ground, that there was lawlessness, anarchy, no protection for life or property, and a spirit of persecution of the blacks by the whites.
Little wonder that Gov. Bullock incurred a scathing obloquy in this abhorred role. And it was a curious reversal of positions that Bullock was seeking to uptear and demolish the regime he had so toiled to erect, while the people sought to continue the rule of Bullock, whose installation they so resisted, and whose incumbency they detested. This was another of the strange phases of this kaleidoscopic reconstruc-

auioii, tiiau ueeauttt; i_ue -Li,epu.uncaiis naci xuneu. LO geu COIILIOI 01 uie

legislature, Gov. Bullock and his allies should seek to pull down the

"very temple of our liberties, that from its ruins might be re-erected a

full Republican structure. The regeneration had been made, and as it

was not a complete Republican dynasty that was fashioned, a re-de

struction was sought in order to re-mold it. Bullock had failed of

complete power. To get it he was willing to even undo his own. work,

strike clown the state government, and remit a great

1'1 '

This whole inexcusable attempt at the political re-crucifixion of a great state is a matter of cold, official fact. The journals of the Legis lature of 1869, contain Gov. Bullock's address to the United States Congress on the 7th of December, 18G8, as the Executive of Georgia, gravely declaring that Georgia in her reconstruction had not complied with the laws of Congress, that there was no " adequate protection for life and property, the maintenance of peace and good order, and the free expression, of political opinion," and asking' congressional interfer ence with the restored sovereignty of the state whose exalted chief magistracy he held.
This endeavor of our own Executive to drag- down the state govern-

EXCITING SCEXE II? CONGRESS OVER GEORGIA.

409

ment, to dethrone, its majesty, and. make it a dependent military pro vince aroused a terrible indignation. It was a frightful commentary upon the evil times that our rulers were men who, in their personal ambitions, were willing to sport with the august sovereignty of the state, and degrade the very power they wielded. It was a novel ex perience in Georgia annals to see an Executive seeking- the humiliation of his own commonwealth, and that by the calumny of her honor. The spirit that would invite the rude hand of inimical power to crush our liberties and dominate us with despotism, rather than witness another political party control one of the branches of our state g-overnment, was something so unnatural that the people of Georgia reg-arclecl it with the same horror that they would have given to the crime of a parricide. All good men felt that no lover of his country would attempt such an unpatriotic and unholy work.
The action of the Georgia Legislature in expelling the negro mem bers continued an absorbing- subject of public discussion, not only in the State, but over the whole country. The press of the North, and Congress chattered incessantly over it. There were many lively scenes that it provoked. Congress was kept in an acrimonious turmoil. When the Presidential vote was counted on the 10th of February, 18G9, Ben. Butler objected to counting- the Georgia ballot. "Wade said his view was that Georgias vote should be counted if it would not alter the result, and should, not bo counted if it would, a decision received with shouts of laughter. A wild confusion ensued. Ben. Wade, presiding- over the joint session, ordered the Senate to its own chamber. The House voted 150 to 41 against Georgia being* counted. The Senate, after a lively struggle, decided in favor of Georgia. The joint session was resumed, and the conflict was fierce. Wacle ordered Georgias vote read. Butler objected. Wade refused to hear objec tions. Butler appealed from Wades decision. Wade refused an appeal and ordered the count to proceed. Butler moved that the Sen ate have permission to retire. He was declared out of order. Butler demanded that the House should control its own hall. Wade, in the midst of an intense excitement, ordered the count to proceed. Conkling began reading- the result, but his voice was drowned by cries of order. In the deafening- clamor Speaker Colfax sprang to the desk, saying- the "Vice-President must be obeyed in. joint session, and ordered the Sergeant-at-Arms to arrest disorderly persons. Order was suffi ciently restored to read the result, when the joint session terminated.
Butler offered a resolution denouncing the action of Wacle and the

410

THE 3STEGRO EXPULSION ISSUE IX THE LEGISLATURE.

Senate. Davis introduced a resolution in the Senate declaring- the con duct of Butler and other members disreputable, and an insult to the people of the United States. Butler and Birig-ham had a bitter debate over Butler's resolution. Bing-ham denounced it as a resolution of revolution and anarchy. AVhile Georgia was thus stirring- up the country, she was having- an equally lively time at home. The Legisla ture met on the loth of January, 1869. Gov. Bullock's message dealt mainly with the disturbing- problem of negro expulsion. He insisted on the Legislature undoing- its work, and again assailed the order of the State. The Democrats themselves divided upon the line of policy. ISTelson Tift, one of our Congressmen, teleg-raphecl that Grant, the President elect, favored the policy of submitting- the matter to the courts. "\V. P. Price introduced a resolution to this effect. It evoked a warm discussion. Such men -as Durilap Scott opposed it. He pro posed to stick to the expulsion. While he was speaking-, an incident occurred that was much remarked upon, at the time. Speeches were limited to fifteen minutes. "When Scott had. spoken ten minutes, the clock stopped, stood still thirty minutes, and started ag-aiii just as he was closing-. But Price's resolution passed. Mr. Adkins introduced a resolution, to re-seat the negroes. Some idea may be formed of the spirit of the Legislature from the following- remarks of Senator Winn on Adkins' bill.
" Mr. President:--The Senator from the nineteenth, since the expulsion of the negro,

needful to his comfort. * " ' Like the vase in which roses have once been distilled,

But the scent of "the roses will hang round it still.''"
Cries of " order " -were heard, and the President decided the remarks personal and out of order. To the astonishment of all, Gov. Bullock vetoed the resolution of Mr. Price, submitting- the eligibility of negroes to hold office to the courts. , The resolution did not g'o far enougii for him. He was for ripping- up the whole organization, and not only re-seating the negroes, but purging the Legislature of men who could not take the test oath. And to add to the perplexities of the situation, Congress was discussing the expulsion of our representatives from their seats.
The Fifteenth Amendment was passed by Congress and came before the Georgia Legislature in a special message of Gov. Bullock, on the 10th of March, 1869. The action upon this measure, which enforced

DOUBLE DEALING ABOUT THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT.

411

negro suffrage, wTas strangely complicated, and on the part of Grov. Bullock arid his allies in the movement of securing another reconstruc tion of the State, suggestively disingenuous. Both Democrats and Republicans split upon it. Grov. Bullock was charged by Republicans with withholding the amendment from the Legislature as long as possi ble, arid with recommending its passage in suclr taunting- language as would drive the Democrats from its support. His policy was said to be, to secure its defeat in order to aid his project of further reconstruction. The charge against him was flatly made, by the more moderate Repub licans, of duplicity in. making it appear at ^Washington that he favored the amendment, while he privately worked to prevent its passage.
The votes in both branches strong-ly confirm these accusations. In the House, 25 Republicans on the first action, when the amendment was carried, voted for the amendment, 4 against it, and 24 dodged a vote, including Grov. Bullock's fast friends, Adkiris, Tweedy, O'Neal and others. On the motion in the House to reconsider, the next day, which was carried, 17 of these dodgers voted for reconsideration. In the House a majority of Republicans thus defeated this Republican measure. In the Senate, 13 Republicans, including- President Coriley, voted for the indefinite postponement of the amendment, and 6 against. Upon a reconsideration of the indefinite postponement, 8 Republicans voted for the passage of the amendment, 8 voted against it, and 8 dodged, arid the amendment was defeated by a Republican Senate, after it had passed first a Democratic House. Grov. Bullock's friends voted ag-ainst it, and many of his appointees electioneered against its passage.
The Democrats were equally divided. The leverag-e given to the enemies of the State by the expulsion of the negro members had created a reaction, and the more conservative of the Democrats had come to the conclusion that it was wiser to promptly perform disagreeable neces sities. There was some spirited discussion over the matter and some feeling speeches ag-ainst it. The vote first stood in the House seventyfour and sixty-nine ag-ainst the amendment. Mr. Anderson of Cobb voiced the conservative view in voting for the measure with this explan atory remark.
"Mr. Speaker: --Passion, prejudice and pride say vote, 'No ' : wisdom and respon sibility say vote, ' Yes.' "
Of the Democrats 42 in the House voted for the Amendment and 56 against. In the Senate 5 Democrats voted for arid 9 ag-ainst the amendment on its final defeat. The picture of inconsistency as to this amendment is not complete without recalling the fact that

412

THE CONFLICT BETWEEN BULLOCK AXD AXGIER.

Foster Blodg-ett, Gov. Bullock's Achates, visited "Washing-ton, and in a conversation with Grant, the President, predicted that the Demo crats in the Georgia Legislature would support the Fifteenth Amend ment " for the purpose of inflicting- negro suffrage in turn on the d------ Yankees." The occasion of this visit to "Washington was in company with H. M. Turner and J. M. Simms, two of the expelled negro members of the Georgia Legislature, to present the resolutions of the Colored Convention in Macon, to which allusion has been made.
The Legislature adjourned on the 18th of March, 1809. This body had granted State aid to seven railroads, covering- millions of dollars. Heavy assaults had been made upon Gov. Bullock's management of the state finances. A legislative joint committee appointed to look into the matter of which M. A. Caiicller was Chairman of the Senate portion, and O. G. Sparks of the House, reported censuring Gov. Bullock for various unauthorized acts. They charged that over $32,000 was drawn on unauthorized warrants. They rasped Gov. Bullock for inaugurating the expensive and needless practice of generally publishing proclamations of pardon, and appointments of county inspectors of fertilizers, this waste already running to over 810,000. They condemned larg-e extra pay to salaried, officers, running- to -$-4,4-21.
The most animated financial battle of that day was between Gov. Bullock and Treasurer I\T . L. Angier over an advance made by the Governor of some 831,000 to H. I. Kimball, to heat and fix up the present capitol building. This difficulty between Dr. Angier and Gov. Bullock became more rancorous with the passage of time, an 1 had a material effect upon subsequent events. The war between, these two officials was an important episode of that day, and involved larg-e public consequences. It broke the unity of Gov. Bullock's administration. It made a formidable breach in the Republican ranks, and it furnished the Democrats substantial help in fighting- the excesses of that damag ing rule. This trouble will involve some allusion to the change of the capital from Milledgeville to Atlanta, and the purchase of the capitol building, that have given rise to so much public agitation.
When the Constitutional convention of 1808 was in session, the city of Atlanta made the proposition that if the capital should be located in this citj^, the City Council ag-reed to furnish to the State, free of cost, for the space of ten years if needed, suitable buildings for the General Assembly, for the residence of the Governor, and for all the offices needed by such officers as are generally located in the State House, and all suitable rooms for the State library and for the Supreme Court.

THE CHANGE OF CAPITA!,.

413

The city further agreed to donate to the State of Georgia, the Fair Grounds, containing- twenty-five acres, as a location for the capitol, or in lieu thereof, any xinoccupied ten acres of ground in the city that might be selected by the General Assembly as a more appropriate place for the capitol and Governor's mansion.
The convention, by resolution passed February 27, 18G8, accepted this proposition, and in the Constitution placed an article makingAtlanta the seat of government. On the 24th of August, 1868, the City Council of Atlanta rented from E. N. Kimball, for 86,000 a year, for five years, certain parts of the present capitol building, for the use of the State, and by resolution tendered to the State the said rented premises. Mr. Kimball bound himself to have the building ready for the State by the second Tuesday in January, 1869. This building- was a brick shell that had been started for an opera house, and the project had fallen through. The contract made with Mr. Kimball by the City Council did not cover the heating and lighting. Instead of exacting of the City Council the fulfillment of its contract, Gov. Bullock, from October to December, 1868, advanced to H. I. Kimball $31,000 of the State's money to heat, furnish, carpet, paint, and light the building, without reporting said advances to the State Treasurer. In September, 18G8, the Legislature had tabled a resolution in regard to heating the structure. The City Council of Atlanta regarded their contract with E. N. Kimball as complying with their offer to the State.
Treasurer Angier reported the matter to the Legislature, in response to a resolution calling- for the facts about the State bonds. This report drew from Gov. Bullock a tart messag-e, charging- upon Dr. Angier " a malicious attempt to discredit the integrity of the Executive." The finance committee w^as authorized to examine the matter. A majority and minority report were made. Gov. Brown's opinion was asked, as to the propriety of expenditures without authority of law by the Execu tive. He replied that the practice had been for the Executive in the past, in pressing emergencies that warranted it, to pay the State's money without appropriation, honestly and judiciously for the public service, but that in all such cases the Governor should be prepared to assume the responsibility if the legislature should disapprove his act. The majority report, signed by W. H. F. Hall, chairman, de clared that there was no legal or urgent necessity for such expendi ture, while the Governor's motives are not questioned. The minority report, signed by A. S. Fowler, O. G. Sparks and six others, is a sharp, sententious, plain-talking document. It declared the expenditures

414

THE CAPITOL BUILDIXG COXTIXtTED.

unauthorized, reckless extravag-ance, and without precedent. It com mented upon the fact that there had been ample time to explain the transaction, and no itemized bill of particulars had been furnished; that costly heating-., lighting1 and furniture was not contemplated by either the city or state for a temporary capitol. The House adopted the minority report by a larg-e majority.
The altercation between Dr. Angier arid Gov. Bullock grew very bitter. Gov. Bullock charged upon Dr. Angier that he had drawn interest on the public funds, receiving 8356. Dr. Angier showed that he received less interest because the bank had loaned Gov. Bullock $17,000 on. his private account. The City Council of Atlanta proposed to confer with a joint committee to settle the liability for the $31,000. Gov. Bullock, in transmitting- this request, stated in his message that he thought the City Council was responsible for the expense, and that if he had failed to incur that cost, the Legislature would not have had a proper place to assemble. The resolution to appoint a commit tee was passed. The committee had a conference with the City Council of Atlanta. The committee reported a proposition for the City to pay $100,000 towards the purchase of the Kimball Opera House for a permanent capitol, and recommended that the State appropriate $200,000 in interest bearing- seven, per cent, bonds for the balance of the purchase money, the Ivimballs to refund the State the $31,000, thus costing the State $169,000. This proposition was not acted upon, but postponed, and the Legislature adjourned. This buildingwas the subject of continued trouble, which will be hereafter noted.
There will never in. the history of Georgia be a parallel to this General Assembly. Some of its incidents seem incredible. On the 17th of February, Mr. Phillips, of Echols county, stands responsible for the following resolution:
"Resolved, That the publication which appears in the New Era of this morning, that the Hon. J. W. O'Neal was drunk on yesterday, is infamously false, and it is due to the coun try and to this House that it he so branded, and should meet with the prompt con demnation of all lovers of good whisky in the present General Assembly."
The report goes on to say that after a warm discussion the resolution was withdrawn. I A Republican, convention was held in Atlanta on the 5th of March, 1869. Hon. Ben. Conley was made President. The resolutions adopted were harsh, referring to " rebel-democratic rowdies," and declaring that the State was as practically under the control of those who spurn the Federal government as it was during the rebellion. A committee was appointed of Foster Blodgett, P. M. Sheibley, H. P.

GOV. BITLLOCIC'S ATTEMPT TO RECONSTRUCT THE STATE AGAIN. 415
Farrow, J. W. Clift, J. M. Simms, J. T. Costin-and H. M. Turner to go to Washington to urge Congress to " carry out the desire of this convention.." J
In June, 1869, the Supreme Court, Judge "Warner dissenting, decided in the case of Richard W. White, a colored man, elected Clerk of the Superior Court of Chatham county, that negroes were eligible to office in Georgia. This decision raised the question as to whether the Leg islature should ro-seat the colored members who were expelled. Gen. A. R. Wright, editor of the Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, sent a circular letter to the leading men of the State, asking* their views upon this question. There was a pretty unanimous opinion among the Democrats that new elections should be ordered. The subject engaged the public mind to a very general and intense degree. Hon. A. H. Stephens, Judge Wm. 13. Fleming, Col. "Warren Akin, Judge J. W. H. Underwood, Gen. A. R. Lawton, Thomas E. Lloyd, Judge E. J. Harden, Junius Hillyer, Col. Crawforcl and others, supported the position taken by the Atlanta Constitution that the decision of the Supreme Court should be obeyed, but the parliamentary method would be to have an election to fill the vacancies.
Immediately after the adjournment of the Legislature, Gov. Bullock went on to "Washington, and endeavored to take advantage of the failure of the Georg-ia General Assembly to ratify the Fifteenth Amend ment, a failure due as has been stated to his own Republican friends in ..that body, to secure further reconstruction of the State. But no plan was desired by him except one that purged the Legislature of Demo crats under the test oath. The mere re-seating of the negroes would not satisfy these destructionists, because that still left them without control of the Legislature. Every effort was made to get the Butler bill through Congress before adjournment, but Nelson Tift and P. M. B. Young and others succeeded in blocking- this game. The weapon, that was most potential in preventing the success of this measure of continued reconstruction was the passage by both branches of the Legislature of Georgia of the resolution to test the negro eligibility issue in the State Supreme Court, which Gov. Bullock vetoed, to destroy its effect in preventing his schemes. Congress adjourned without interference with Georgia, and he and. his allies returned home baffled, but not defeated. During the summer and fall of 1869 every prepara tion was made for renewing the baleful design of re-dismantling the good old State.
During this year a number of important State matters transpired. A

416

THE ATTEMPT AT IMM1GKATIOX.

bureau of immigration was established, and Georg-e N. Lester was made Home Commissioner, and Samuel AVeil, Foreig-n Commissioner. The sum of 10,000 was appropriated. The printing- was limited to $3,000. The salary of Col. Lester was 82,000 and Mr. AVeil 83,000. Faithful efforts -were made by both commissioners, but owing- to the persistent and rancorous Republican slanders against the g-ood order of. the State, no g-ood was accomplished, and Col. Lester, finding his office unavailingfor benefit, resigned it before the expiration of his two years' term. Col. AVeil returned from Europe after fourteen months absence, bringing his niece with him, and there was a g-oocl deal of raillery among the anti-immigration, men over the alleg-ed harvest of one immigrant as the result, of this elaborate scheme of State immigration. The report of this attempt at immigration showed that Col. Weil had received 83,000 salary, and spent -$1,520 for printing-; Col. Lester received 82,598 salary, and spent 8500 for printing-. "Well's expenses exceeded his salary, arid Lester's were nearly one-half of salary.
The State fair at Macon, in October, 1869, 'was largely attended by distinguished Northern g-entlemen. A negro labor convention, was held in Macon in October, to organize a union to control prices of labor. The leading- spirits in this body were Jeff. Long and H. M. Turner. An immense Southern Commercial convention was held in Louisville, Ky., of which Mr. Fillmore was president. Georgia was largely represented by such men as A". A. Gaskill, A. D. Nunnally, D. E. Butler, H. W. Milliard, B. C. Yancey, R. H. Chilton, A. Hood, C. Howell and some seventy others. There were committees on every conceivable subject of practical utility, immigration, a Southern Pacific, Mississippi Levees, Agriculture, Manufacture of Cotton, direct trade, and other kindred matters. Some sarcastic journal epitomized the work of the convention in the satirical summary, that its chief result was the resurrection of the buried Fillmore to build continental railways by resolutions.
Col. Hulburt had made a fair administration of the State road, pay ing in to the State Treasury pretty reg-ularly, 825,000 a month. He had an undoubted genius for the practical development of public re sources. His ideas of the necessity and value of cheap coal and iron w-ere far in advance of the time. He steadily worked for these great ends. He was an earnest champion of the Georgia Western road that Gen. Gordon has at last put under way. But Hulburt was handi capped by his connection with the Republican registration and his " Sharp and Quick " repute. Even then it was said that Foster Bloclg-ett, who was treasurer of the State road under Hulburt, was striving-

GOV. BKOVTX OPPOSES BTJLLOCIv's GRATTJITOT7S KECOXSTJRLTCTIOTS". 417
to supplant him as superintendent, a change that did soon come, and that was followed by a year of the most reckless and wholesale mis management and extravagance that ever marked the administration of a public trust.
During this year there was a legitimate outcome of the pernicious Republican tampering- with the colored race. A frightful negro riot occurred near Savannah, on the Ogeechee, where the man A. A. Bradley had sway. Col. R. W. Flourney, a Democratic member of the Legisla ture, a bright young- citizen, was murdered by negroes. Mr. Charles Wallace, editor of the Warrentoii Clipper, was assassinated, and Dr. Gr. 'W. Darden, a noted Republican, arrested arid in jail for the atro cious murder, was shot.
In reviewing that period, with all the bad influences at work upon, the ignorant colored race, and the unspeakable provocation against the whites, one is surprised that there was not more violence. The radical regime of that clay stimulated the blacks to deviltry, and fired the whites to a righteous exasperation. And the natural resentment of honest Democrats was evoked and used as the intended weapon of their political injury. "We had suffered enoug'h, and should have been near our redemption. But the end was far off, and mockeries were to be enacted that were to surpass even the previous shocking- experiences of this monstrous reconstruction.
The warfare between Gov. Bullock and Treasurer Angier continued, growing- daily more embittered. The Governor brought heavy suits against the treasurer. Gen. Alfred A. Terry had been assigned to military command in Georgia, to aid in preserving- order. He was in voked as a pacificator between these two belligerents. ITe had made peace between Gov. Bullock and the jVew Era, which, under Dr. Bard, had been warring upon His Excellency. The truth is that there was a decided schism in the Republican ranks, growing out of Bullock's reso lute proclivity to a rehash of reconstruction. The more patriotic men of that party rebelled against it. And no man wielded a more powerful influence in antagonizing and eventually thwarting the ultimate phases of this partisan monstrosity than. Chief Justice Brown. His whole course was simply acceptance of only necessary and inevitable terms of evil, and condemnation of every gratuitous abomination. From all the unholy crusades of the Bullock dynasty he kept firmly aloof, and th:'s when he was cruelly bespattered and falsely classed as one of the com mon enemy.
Dr. Angier wrote a letter to the Federal TTnion in September, stating

418

r>K. AxaiER/s 4 WARFARE ox BUI^OCK.

that Gov. Bullock had paid $12,000 out of the State treasury as retain ers to lawyers, $9,000 of it in the last thirty clays, of which $1,500 was to F. S. Fitch, the editor of a Griffin paper, besides large amounts to the Attorney General, H. P. Farrow, and other amounts out of the State road funds. He also charged that Gov. Bullock was offering excessive amounts, from one to five thousand dollars of rewards. In December, Dr. Angier wrote to one of the members of the Recon struction Committee of Congress, in reply to a letter, stating that in the teeth of two adverse and condemnatory reports of a legislative committee upon his advance of $31,000 to the Kimballs on the opera house building', he had made a further illegal advance to the Kimballs, on the same account, of 820,000 since the Legislature adjourned. Dr. Angler charged that to cover these unlawful amounts, Gov. Bullock had. hypothecated seven per cent. State Railroad mortgage bonds, that under the law were to be issued only in renewal of bonds then due. He further charged that Gov. Bullock exhausted the contingent fund of $20,000 in less than six months, and under a vague " India rubber blanket " section of the appropriation act, he had drawn nearly $100,000, the greater part in the way of patronage to buy influence.
There is no doubt that Dr. Angier was the most hurtful opponent that Gov. Bullock had, and the people of Georgia owe him a deep debt of gratitude for the revelations he made. It was indeed a for tunate antagonism for the State, this angry combat between the Execu tive and Treasurer. All efforts to heal it failed. The writer, then con ducting- the Atlanta Constitution newspaper, the leading Democratic journal at the seat of government, and while striving- to clo even-tem pered justice to Gov. Bullock, yet thundering daily at the palpable wrongs of his administration, was under obligation to Treasurer Angier for many a valuable piece of information that served materially the public welfare.
Gov. Bullock struck fiercely at Dr. Angier to crush him. He tried to break him down with heavy prosecutions, and sought a mandamus to make him pay refused warrants. But the game Treasurer stood undaunt edly to his fig-lit, and the ponderous blows he dealt the Executive, resounded over the State, and brought him many a glad acclaim from the grateful tax-payers.

CHAPTER XXXIX.
A BURNING CHAPTER OF FOLIA7- AND SHAME.
The most notable Events of Georgia History.--Gov. Bullock Then and Now.--His Plan for Another Reconstruction --The Central Radical Committee.--A Cruel Procla mation--The State Indicted by Her Executive.--The Slander Mill.--The Writer's Editorial Then.--The Fifteenth Amendment Hanging on Georgia's Vote.--" The Gospel of Anarchy."--Bullock in Congress.--The New Reconstruction.--Bullock's Rejoicing.--The Georgia Legislature.--Farrow's Opinion.--Intimidation.--ChiefJustice Brown's Patriotic Course.--Opinions of Leading Men.--Thomas Hardeman.--Chief Justice Brown.--Warren Akin.--The Radical Committee. --Bluff.-- Attorneys Employed.--The Reorganization.--!. W. G. Mills and A. L. Harris.-- The Conservative Republicans Split from Bullock.--J. E. Bryan.--B. Conley.--A Bitter Speech.--Harris the Autocrat.--Bold Despotism.--Pistols Drawn.--An Astounding Turn.--Gen. Terry and His Military Board.--The Soldiers to Purge the Body--Selling Beef Creates Ineligibility.--Five Members Kicked Out.--Nine teen Frightened Off.--Minority Men Seated.--The Speaker's Election a Vital Point.--The Bullock Men Elect McWhorter through Democratic Division and Folly.--Bullock's Victory Complete.--Bullock's Message.--A New Deal and Pro longation.--The Fight Remitted to Congress.--Bnllock Goes to Washington.-- A Stirring Battle.--Bullock's Discomfiture.--Prolongation Scotched.--Bullock's Bribery Investigation.--A Republican Committee Censure Him.--Hard Press Com ment on Bullock.--The Georgia Legislature takes another Recess.--Bullock and
. Angler Iir. estimation Committee.--Congress Admits Georgia at Last.
PERIIAJPS, take them all In all, the -events recorded in this chapter are the most notable of Georgia history. They present a picture so novel that aftertimes will find it hard to believe the amazing- reality. It seemed as if a comical fate had in pure whimsiiiess sought to twist every possible travesty out of the gravest concerns of state government. See ing Gov. Bullock to-day, a quiet, autumnal figure moving- in the streets of Atlanta, attending- to the prosaic matters of cotton manufacture, one finds it difficult to recall the portly, g-org-eous personage that in the year of our Lord, 1870, only eleven years ago, was the central power of a successful partisan, crusade that dismantled our g-oodly State and made him autocrat of Georgia amid the unqualified abhorrence of her virtuous citizens. Reveling- in a brief enjoyment of such rule as worthy men hope may never come ag-ain to a proud commonwealth of enligiitened freemen, it was a stirring culmination of this dynasty of revolution to see its head, dropping the imperial authority in hot haste and for years

4:20

BUI,L,OCIv S AEKAIGXMEXT OF TITE STATE.

a hidden fugitive from criminal indictments. Repeated attempts to secure had failed, but finally the ex-Executive was brought to trial when years had effaced the bitterest memories of the time of wrong, and criminal acquittal was given, after a hard forensic fight.
The proper tribunal for such public charges was an impeachment court, which was costly, ponderous and barren, and its penalty of removal from office, pointless. The career of this official is one of the marked elements of Georgia reconstruction, and the simple, unembellished record makes a striking chapter of that unique epoch.
Before Congress met in the winter of 18G9,_ Grov. Bullock had per fected his plans for revolutionizing ag'a'm our State government, that had already undergone so many shifting- farces of reconstruction, that it seemed as if a grim destiny had exhausted both folly and malice in our case. (On. the 24th of November, a secret meeting- of the Radi cal Executive Committee of the State was called. The Atlanta Consti tution gave an account of the meeting- that was never denied. Among those present were Bullock, Blodgett, Hulburt, Farrow, Blount, Conley, Long and others. A sub-committee, composed of Farrow, Hulburt/ Conley, Jeff Long- and a negro, was appointed to report on urging- Con gress to reconstruct Georgia again. All of this sub-committee were said to be against such action, except Mr. Conley. Majority and mi nority reports were made. The discussion in the main committee was said to be stormy. Through the efforts of Bullock and Blodgett, the minority recommendation of Conley was sustained. Armed with this formidable document, Gov. Bullock proceeded to "Washington, to work out in person his revolutionary scheme.^
Before going, however, he issued a lengthy proclamation, which he published all over the State, that both as an instrument for his destructive purpose, and as a cool, deliberate piece of premeditated malice, was never surpassed. The pronunciamento began with these venomous words:
" To the People of Georgia :--The recent renewal of active hostilities against the per son and property of colored citizens and white Republicans, by the organized bands of secret assassins in certain portions of the State, seems to indicate a concert of action and a purpose on the part of said organizations to persist in defying the civil law."
With this wholesale indictment of the good order of the State, accompanied by the bold assertion, wholly unfounded, that " under the statutes at present in force, the Executive is prevented from taking active measures for the suppression of civil disorders; " he proceeded, to offer five thousand dollars reward, each, for the alleged

ATLANTA CONSTITUTION AGAINST BULLOCK.

421

perpetrators of a long- list of crimes, covering the State and including hundreds of men, and whose aggregate payment would have taken a million of dollars. And. it was a significant part of the chapter of these, and a host of other like extravagant rewards so lavishly offered, by this generous-handed Executive, that the alleged criminals were so uniformly uiicaug-ht. It would, be difficult to more conclusively explode the calumnies of the public peace, so malignantly used in that day as the most potential weapon, of Radical success, than by this single fact.
That potential institution, the " Slander-mill," was revived in all its vigor, and outrages of every kind ground, out unceasingly. The jSTew York Times had an editorial on Georgia's condition that came in nicely as a help to the new crusade. And this was followed, by a congratula tory letter from Gov. Bullock to that journal. Gen. Alfred H. Terry furnished his quota to the scheme in a lengthy report that the state of disorder in Georgia demanded the interposition of Congress.
The following- earnest editorial of the writer in the Atlanta Consti tution, published on the 12th of December, 1809, reflected the feeling of the good citizens of that clay towards Gov. Bullock:
M. Troup, isident of t

i their course ? Every sentiment of State

fealty, every impulse of patriot!; , would have quivered under the peril .and the indignity

to our beloved commonwealth They would have been stung by the shame of the

Insult, as well as concerned hi

damage to her welfare. Having the interest of the

State at heart, identified with 1

, they

would have consecrated their

arable

heroism in her redemption.

"To-day, is seen the sad, piteous, shameful sr

her enemies for the overthrow of her liberties.

callous to her dignity, inimical to her interests. " No state of facts can justify such an act in s
ingly differ with him on great public questions forsooth, because his personal views are not car against the people for their injury, recking not virtuous people is demolished by the act, and ai: tuted therefor.
" ' How long, Oh ! Cataline ! ' As old as tim Holy Book, is the utterance, that when the wi<
tribulation.

ol, not for the

jst of their people.

4:22 BTII/LOCK: i:sr WASI-IIXG-TOX PRESSING GEORGIA s CKUCIFIXIOX.
" Can Gov. Bullock wonder that he enjoys the scorn of the good ? It is not nature
" He may succeed in his fell purpose, but success can bring him neither respect nor honor. It will be the triumph of reckless cupidity and unholy ambition. That man,
It was one of those mysterious strokes of evil fortune that steadily accompanied ovir ill-fated State in those evil clays, that just at that juncture the success of tlie Fifteenth Amendment hinged on Georgia's vote. This stern necessity fixed our fate. Morton. introduced a bill in the United States Senate to reconstruct Georgia, and making- the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment the condition of admission to the Union. President Grant, in his message, recommended further tinkering with Georgia. Senator Edmunds had postponed his bill to enforce the Fourteenth Amendment in Georgia, so as to allow the new measure a chance. Representative Shanks, in the House, introduced a bill to complete reconstruction in Georgia. Bullock went before the reconstruction committee, and pressed the crucifixion of the gallant old commonwealth. The measure came up in the Senate, Bullock on the floor, urging' the rape of his own State's sovereignty. He had taken expensive apartments, kept a carriag-e, and wined and dined with a royal prodigality. The State road had paid no money in three months into the State treasury, and the press indulged in every species of insinuation as to where the money went.
The Senate passed the despotic measure by a vote of 40 to 9. The House then passed it swiftly. "SVarm debates in both houses transpired. Georgia filled a large measure of the public attention. Dr. Angier's letter on Gov. Bullock's financial errors was sprung in Congress, and stag-gered a number of the supporters of the measure. Trumbull and Thurmaii both fought the bill, and also Mr. Bayard. The New York ^VorlcVs report said:
" While Mr. Bayard was speaking, the author of all this rascality was sitting on a sofa in the Senate, with folded arms and dramatic style, but he changed position repeat edly, wandered about uneasily, and finally took a seat by Mr. Morton. Bullock is a large, portly, vulgar-looking man of about fifty-five, wears a full, reddish beard, and a large neck-tie, with long, projecting- ends."
The correspondent of the Augusta C7ironicle thus wrote:
" Bullock has been lying around the Senate chamber all day, and seemed to be greatly interested in the discussion. Between the acts he has been gorging himself with the Senators in the lunch-room, or restaurant in the Senate. He is still going it with a high hand, and is spending somebody's money like water. He gave another supper to Con gressmen and other officials, last Thursday night, which is represented to have been a most magnificent affair."

Burr-iOCK FKASTS c^rER GEORGIA'S DISMA^TTI.EMEXT.

433

In the House there was an even warmer time than in the Senate. Mr. Beck, of Kentucky, made a speech and had Dr. Angler's letter read, stating- that the " letter had been read by himself this morning-, to Gov. Bullock, so he might contradict the charges if he could, but neither he nor any friend of his had successfully clone so." Hon. S. S. Cox made a biting speech against the bill, declaring
" It is the gospel of anarchy, and the philosophy of dissolution."
One of the papers had this to say of Bullock's agency in the House:
" Gov. Bullock seemed, in fact, to be managing the bill in the House. He was on the floor all day, and was consulted by Butler at every stage. His presence was remarked as being about the boldest piece of lobbying ever witnessed in Congress."
The House passed the bill by 121 yeas to 51 nays. Bullock con tinued as accoucher to the bill, accompanying Senator Thayer, chair man of the committee on enrolled bills, to President Grant for his sig nature. The President signed without reading. The National Intelli gencer published in 'Washington, thus records Gov. Bullock's feasting over the result:
" The celebrated Cafe Francaise was the scene on Wednesday night of a Bacchana lian feast, given by Gov. Bullock, in honor of his triumph over the people of Georgia, to the aiders anc^abettors of the scheme. Wine flowed like water, and rich viands were greedily devoured ; in the midst of which the company gloated in fiendish triumph over the vengeance they had wreaked upon an unhappy and defenseless people. What mattered the expense? The people of Georgia would be made to foot this and many other bills of like nature. With his hands to the elbow in the State Treasury, Mr. Carpet-bagger Bullock can well afford to be sumptuous, and to dine and wine, and feast and flatter the men who have done his bidding on the floor of Congress. Whether or not he lias inaugurated a gift enterprise, in which these servile and traitorous Congress men are to participate, we cannot say."
The act directed the Governor of the State of Georgia by proclama tion to convene the legislature. Members must be required to take an oath that they had not shared in the rebellion after holding- an office, or that they.had been relieved by Congress. Any one taking- a false oath should be punishable for perjury. Any one hindering- a member from taking the oath or acting as member after taking- the oath, -would com mit a felony. The exclusion of members for race or color was forbid den. The Governor was authorized to call for the military. And the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment was required before senators and representatives could be admitted.
It was a curious piece of legislative inconsistency, and evoked some scathing- criticism. The validity of the Fourteenth Amendment was par tially resting on Georgia's ratification as a State, and yet she was declared

GEOKGIA

IXEPKESSED.

not a State, while the said ratification was claimed as good. The State was not allowed to be a State, and yet its ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment was sought, the act of a State, before it should become a State. Such a blaze of political incongruities will find no parallel.
Gov. Bullock called the legislature to convene on the 10th of Jan uary, 1870. In entire lack of authority from the act he signed this proclamation as " Provisional Governor." Gen. Terry was announced from "Washington as commander of the district of Georgia, under the Reconstruction Acts, instead of as Department commander, in. order to give him civil authority.
The action of Congress excited a profound feeling. The year 1870 began in deep gloom for the people. The apprehension of calamity was wide spread and universal. "\Vhile men had become -wearied in their very powers of indignation at the recurring1 oppressions and caprices of reconstruction, they felt keenly this last stroke and reg-arded Bullock and his allies in the abhorred work with an intense loathing. Yet never did a people deport themselves with more dignity and patience. The new reconstruction act had been drawn with g-reat shrewdness and forethought. The clauses imposing the penalties of perjury for a false oath, and making- it a felony to hinder men takingthe oath, were meant, the one to intimidate Democrats, and the other to strengthen timid Republicans. But by a curious reversal of results the felony clause was vigorously vised to check the radical effort to alarm the Democrats from taking- the oath.
fGov. Bullock immediately called upon Col. H. P. Farrow, the Attor ney General, for an opinion, who gave a sweeping- one, that no officers, from ISTotary Public up, could qualify themselves. And to clinch this ruling-, he got an approval of it from Gen. Terry. The whole policy was to deter and frighten, enough Democrats from taking- the oath under fear of a prosecution for perjury, to give in addition to the negro members, enoug-h Republicans to control the Legislature. And it will be seen that this policy was pursued to success under the most audacious assumptions of unauthorized power, and daring disregard of rights and law. The Democrats saw the drift and set to work to remedy it.J
A committee composed of members of the Legislature, including both Democrats and a few conservative Republicans, addressed a letter to Chief Justice Joseph E. Brown, who had opposed every scheme of unnecessary reconstruction, asking- his view of the principle urged by Farrow that Notaries Public, Road Commissioners, officers of the

GOVERXOR BROWX'S LETTER AGAIXST THE CONSPIRATORS. 425
The paper was a very able one, and had g-reat weigiit. It was a heavy blow to the Bullock wing", arid, g-ave them a good deal of trouble.
Col. A very, editor of the Constitution, addressed a circular letter to a number of leading- men, asking- their views upon two points:
"1. Upon the legal scope of the bill (the late act of Congress to promote the recon struction of Georgi), and the full extent to which the General Assembly can go under its provisos in disturbing the present State government.
" 2. What is the course that patriotic members of the Legislature should pursue for the interest of the State."
Some of the responses were very striking- papers. Perhaps the most remarkable of them all was from Hon. Thomas Hardemaii. It was both a brave and an cxceptionably able document. He put some very unpleasant truths in fearless lang-uage. He said Democrats must quit defying- Congress, stop the foolish non-action policy, cease driving men into the Republican ranks by denunciation, and adopt a kind and con ciliatory course to the blacks. The reply of Chief Justice Brown urg-ed that the legislature- submit to the inevitable and promptly ratify the Fifteenth Amendment. ISTeg-ro suffrag-e was already a fixed fact in Georgia. This Amendment made it a certainty in the I^orth. The objection urg-ed against the Chicago platform, on which Grant was elected, was that it approved negro suffrag-e as good enough for Georgia, but not g-ood enough for Ohio. Why should Georgia be shut out from representation rather than impose iieg-ro suffrage upon those who put it on us. Judge Brown placidly referred to the verification of his prophecies of harsher terms for rejecting- the original reconstruction, and condemned the policy of non-action. He intimated his perception of the purposes of the champions of additional reconstruction in these significant words:
" Many patriotic citizens believes thevy see in the present movement schemes of p sonal ambition and personal gain at the expense of the State. If they are right, it all important that every friend of Georgia, wh.,o,, -,, -- .,, position to serve her, should be at his post, to protect the public property, tl public credit, and the public interest."
Gov. Bullock made the blunder of his administration when he cut loose from the calm, conservative, firm counsel of Gov. Brown. He

42 G

ATTEMPT TO INTIMIDATE DEMOCRATS.

would have been kept in the rut of a safe, capable and honest govern ment. He had the chance to make an administration, of unprecedented power and popularity. As it was he drove the conservatives of his own party away from him, he incurred the righteous hatred of his opponents, and he steered the stout old vessel into the storm and upon the rocks.
Col. Warren Akin in his letter declared the expulsion of the blacks and the seating- of the next highest members to be mistakes. He urged all eligible members to attend and vote against the Fifteenth Amend ment. Gren. Wm. M. Brown said the law was irresistible, and the Democratic members should conform to its requirements. Judge Lintoii Stephens, in a letter of great power, urged non-action. The Demo cratic Executive Committee met and conferred with a large number of outsiders. The committee urged attendance, but gave no advice about the Fifteenth Amendment. Col. Nelson Tift urged the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment.
The Radical Central Committee convened and organized an aggres sive campaign of daring bluff. They declared that there were fifty ineligible Democrats. It was announced in the papers that the law firms of Lochrane & Clark, Dougherty & Culberson, and J. L. Hopkins had been employed to aid. A. T. Akerman in prosecuting such alleged ineligible members for perjury, if they dared to take the oath. Juclg-e R. H. Clarke and W. Dougherty denied such employment for themselves as individuals. Judge Hopkins acknowledged the employment, but disavowed any purpose to be a party to any political persecution.
The Democratic Executive committee met this with a counter decla ration, that able counsel would be employed both to defend members thus prosecuted, and to prosecute for felony those who should seek to hinder them from qualifying. It was a novel feature of the political situation that there shoukl be this sort of cross-play of threatened pros ecution. Grbv. Bullock subtly offered to aid any, who might be in doubt of their eligibility, in getting relieved by Congress of their disa bilities. Every effort was made to stiffen the backbone of the Demo crats, but in spite of it all the Bullock strategy was partially successful.
There never has been and never will be seen in Georgia annals such another wretched, humiliating-, arbitrary, lawless farce as the reorgani zation of that Legislature, beginning- the 10th clay of January, 1870. That body had undergone two transformations. It was to pass through a third, that violated decency and shocked every principle of law and bond of precedent. It was the- vilest travesty of legislative propriety

A FOREIGX 8TRAXGER ORGANIZES THE HOUSE.

427

ever perpetrated in any time among any people. It had neither the semblance of law nor chivalry. It was a mockery of both legal and military honor. It was marked by the brutality of the sword and a jeering- contempt of the statute. It kept up a repulsive comedy of blended civil and soldierly harlequiriism. It excited the derision of even its supporters. It elicited the hot scorn of its enemies. It evoked the disdain of everybody. Men of respectability absolutely looked on aghast and bewildered at the cool audacity of the nameless outrage. It was a profanation of everything sacred in g-overnment. It sprungupon the country a succession of surprises as fantastic and indefensible as would be the pranks of so many irresponsible monkeys. These are strong- words, but not overdrawn. The conservative portion of the Republicans branded the outrages openly, while a congressional report of a Republican House officially rebuked the whole proceeding.
When the members assembled, Gov. Bullock selected J. G. W. Mills to organize the Senate, and A. L. Harris, one of the employes of the State road, to organize the House. Harris was a western man of enor mous corporosity, weighing three or four hundred pounds, a cool, humorous, dry-witted, careless giant, indifferent to abuse, keenly relish ing- the absurdities of the situation, and equal to any emerg-ency. ISTo attack could ruffle, and no inconsistency of order disconcert him. He was an admirable selection for the odious and perplexing service needed. He obeyed orders implicitly, and held to his arbitrary role with a fine blending- of pluck and fun. The organization was run along capriciously to suit the exigencies of radical necessity. Bullock hoped that he had terrified enough Democrats off, with the re-seated neg-ro members, to give an easy and safe Radical majority. The open ing- not only showed the Democrats unfrightenetl, but there was quite a sprinkling- of the more moderate Republicans, headed by J. E. Bryant and Calclwell, who refused to go with the extreme men of their own party.
This was an alarming surprise, but it was met daringly by Bullock. His resolve was to have no organization until he could get such a one as he -wished, and this programme was carried out to the letter. It was the richest puppet show of the ag-e. The proceeding-s were interrupted and adjournments ordered at any time. For days the farce was run of a fat, jolly Westerner, a foreigner to Georgia institutions, a paid subor dinate of the State railroad, org-anizing a sovereign Assembly of Georg-ia Legislators at his imperial caprice, backed by Terry's bayonets, setting-aside parliamentary law and the remonstrance of representatives,

4:28

S3SXATOR JOSHUA IIlLL's IRONICAL SPISJECII.

with a sportive sneer and an unappealable absolutism. Such a specta
cle has no parallel save in. the fantastics of reconstruction.
The Hon. Joshua Hill in the United States Senate, in April, 1871, in
a powerful speech against the admission of Foster Blodgett as United
States Senator, made the following graphic reference to this outrage,
which shows that even an. honest Republican sentiment revolted from it:
" There is a good deal of curious history about the assembling- of that Legislature under the act of Congress of December, 1869. It was a very memorable occasion in Georgia, a most remarkable event in its history. I happened to be a spectator of some of the scenes that occurred there. They were curious ; and if it had not been for the gravity of their consequences, they would have been ludicrous enough to have tempted the pen of a Cervantes or the pencil of a Cruikshanks. Why, sir, there sat on that occa sion, with the representatives of the people called together under this Congressional

enthroned like another Falstaff, acting the part of King Henry IV. before his profligate son, overawed and thundered into silence the representatives of the people. Who was he and whence came he ?
" Mr. Shermau--' If that gentleman was from Ohio, I should like to know his name.' "Mr. Hill--He is big enough to come from Ohio, from Porkopolis, or anywhere else. His name is Harris. Mr. Blodgett had been appointed, by the Governor of Georgia, Superintendent of the Western and Atlantic railway. As I am informed, Mr. Harris was the Supervisor of that great public work, appointed by Mr. Blodgett, and by some hocus-pocus, he appeared there on that occasion to organize this Legislature, taking his chair of State, and looking as I fancy Norbury did when he rode the bloody assizes in 1798. "Men looked amazed and aghast. If there were ever Ku-Klux in Georgia, it occurred to me that that was about the time they ought to have showed themselves--when a stranger, a man wholly a stranger to the Legislature, and almost to the whole people of the State, appeared there, and occupied the chair of the Speaker, thundering out his edicts to the representatives of the people, ordering them to disperse and begone to their homes, adjourning them at his pleasure and calling them back when lie pleased, and these obedient servants of the people going and doing his behests ! Why, sir, the scene was pitiable."
The Senate swore in swiftly, and Benjamin Conley was elected presi dent. "While the members were taking the oath, printed protests were offered by the colored Senator Campbell, ag'ainst a number of Demo cratic Senators qualifying-, and the same thing1 was done in the House by O']NT eal. It was confidently relied that the fear of prosecution for perjury by the Democrats against whom the protests were filed, would frigiiten them from qualifying-, and it was a significant fact that negroes were selected to present these protests which really made their authors liable to prosecution for hindering members from swearing in.
But the game failed, and a change of tactics became necessary. Mr. Conley, in his address on taking- the presidency of the Senate, made as

STORMY SCENES

429

bitter a speech as was delivered during- the whole reconstruction era. He denounced the good order of the State, savag-ely assailed the Demo crats and intensified its hot blaze of rancor with this extraordinary utterance:

a man like Mr. Coriley, of evident and acknowledged, personal integrity, should have become so warped, and said, and lent himself to, such grave deviations alike from good feeling- and public right. It illustrates to what extremes worthy men can go in partisan conflict.
In the House there was a lively time the first day. Harris refused to answer questions upon points upon which he was unloaded, and curtly nipped off suggestions. Bryant, before he was sworn in, objected to reading Col. Farrow's construction of the 'Georgia bill. Harris called him to order. Bryant declared Harris had no authority to be where he was. Harris ordered the sergeant-at-arms to arrest Bryant. Bryant refused to be arrested, declaring- this was an attempt to intimidate members. Hinton and a son of Foster Blodgett attempted the arrest. Great excitement prevailed. A negro drew a pistol on Bryant. There were some violent harangues. Order was at length restored, and the swearing proceeded.
At length Bryant moved that J. H< Caldwell be made chairman of the meeting. The motion was carried in a storm of applause. Bryant started with Caldwell to the chair, but Calclwell got alarmed and drew off. Dunlap Scott nominated Bryant for chairman, which was carried. Bryant mounted a chair, and a motion being- made to adjourn until teno'clock the next morning-, he put the motion which was carried, and he declared the Hoxiso adjourned. He appointed Caldwell, Scott and Osgood a committee to wait on Gen. Terry. Harris, cool and undis turbed, proceeded with his call of the roll. The committee returned from a conference with Gen. Terry, who said that the attempt to read Farrow's opinion was "wrong-. Harris refused to let the committee report, and -when he was charged with treating- Gen. Terry with disrespect he ordered Scott to take his seat. " Harris carried his authority with a high hand. A messenger came in from the Executive department, and whispered to him, and he adjourned the House. A Radical caucus "was called to consider the situation. Another matter that created a lively comment was, that the proceeding's -were conducted with closed doors,

430

A.L, TO P VKG IS THE LEGISLATURE.

and parties had to get printed tickets of admission. And between sessions Bullock kept the rolls of the House.
But matters took a most startling- turn when the roll of the House was nearly finished. Between the Conservative Republicans and the unalarmed Democrats the control of the Legislature by the Bullock men was in doubt. The strategy resorted to was desperate indeed. Like a clap of thunder in a clear sky, an order was plumped into the General .Assembly, on the 14th of January, by Bullock, approved by Gen. Terry, directing a recess until Monday the 17th, after the roll-call was finished, for inquiry into the eligibility of certain members. And following right on, taking the people's breath a\va,y, was a military order from Gen. Terry, creating a board of officers, composed of Maj. Gen. T. H. Ruger, Brig-. Gen. T. J. TIaines and Maj. li. Goodfellow, to inquire into the eligibility of Senators W. T. Winn, J. J. Collier, A. W. Holcombe, W. J. Anderson, B. B. Hinton and C. J. Wellborn.
When this astounding turn was given to affairs, it may well be imagined how the public quivered in its indignation. This was recon struction with a vengeance. The setting up of an absolute autocrat in the person of the gigantic Harris, to tyrannically twist as he pleased the organization of tho elected representatives of a free people and a great commonwealth, was a revolting usurpation. But great as was this wrong, it paled before the enormity of flagrantly violating the very law under which the reorganization was proceeding, which made every member the keeper of his own conscience in taking- the oath, and of seeking to purge the Legislature by a court martial. The law prescribed indictment in the Federal Court as the remedy for any perjured qualification of members. And yet here was the bayonet invoked to mutilate the Legislature and thwart the solemn rights of the people without a shadow of authority. It seemed as if this rang ing abomination of reconstruction was to invent and enforce every iniquity and fantasy in the scope of an unbridled and malignant inven tion. And not the least curious thing of it all was that this miserable business of a crazy tampering with rights arid laws, while evoking the derision and. contempt of everybody, and while condemned and repu diated by Congress itself, was permitted to stand in its wanton exclu sion of legislators from their constitutional rig-hts. Such crimes against the government were like the defilement of sanctuaries. Our people shuddered and suffered them in impotent horror, and bestowed upon Gov. Bullock and his coadjutors in the fell work an immeasurable loathing-.

LEGISLATORS EXPELLED BY THE MILITARY.

431

The Senators had as counsel before the Military Board, John Collier, R. H. Clark, and George 1ST. Lester. They made a protest ag-ainst the jurisdiction of the Board. Attorney General Farrow conducted the prosecution. After getting through with the Senators, the Board took up the Representatives. A committee of the Legislature applied to Gen. Terry to allow the Court to determine the questions involved. The Legislature was adjourned to a later date to await the investiga tion. The Board made the remarkable announcement, after a while, that while it could compel witnesses to be present, it had no authority to force members to attend. The tremendous public odium against the proceeding- was having- its effect. Senator Morton in a speech denied that President Grant had authorized the Board. Gen. Sli errnan said that Gen. Terry might have appointed a board of three citizens as well as a board of officers, but still the mischievous and illegal commission pursued the tenor of its way. And only Democrats were the objects of its inquisition.
On the 25th of January, 1870, Gen. Terry sent in his order to the House to the effect that R. A. Donaldson, E. M. Taliaferro and J. H. Nunn were ineligible, and prohibited them from qualifying, and that J. B. Burke, J. A. Brinson, A. T. Bennett, A. M. George, David Groff, W. J. Hudson, D. Johnson, H. C. Kellogg, J. W. Meadows, J. H. Penland, R. C. Surrency, J. R, Smith, IT. Williams, J. C. Drake, J. T. Ellis and J. M. Rouse, having- refused to take the oaths, and having- filed with Gov. Bullock applications for relief of their disabilities by Con gress, admit thereby their ineligibility, and were therefore prohibited from taking- their seats.
On the 28th an order was issued declaring Senators W. T. Whin and "W. J. Aiiclerson ousted, and E. D. Graham and C. R. Moore ineligible because they had failed to qualify, and filed applications for relief. Senator J. J. Collier had taken the oath, but applied to withdraw it, and filed his application for relief, and was therefore declared ineligi ble. Senator Wirin had sold some beef to Confederate soldiers, for which he was deprived of his high trust as a State Senator. Certainly it would be difficult to find a better illustration of the tragic silliness of this high-handed procedure.
The result was that five Senators and Representatives were kicked out under this bayonet process, and nineteen frightened from taking their seats. And months after, a correspondent of the Aug-usta Chron icle reported that some of the applications of the credulous gentlemen who had filed their applications with Gov. Bullock for relief from their

482

BlTLLOCIv's VICTORY COMPLETE.

disabilities, were lying- in the Executive office. The in ing-led game of intimidation and relief had been, partially successful.
The next step in the programme was learned from the Democrats themselves, and that was seating- the next highest candidates. Gov. Bullock recommended this, afraid to run the g-auntlet of an election. The hig-hest were seated. There were vacancies, but the Executive withheld orders to fill them by election for months.
The next battle was over the election of a Speaker of the House, and a.ii important one it was. With a friendly presiding officer the Demo crats had much to gain. Here, with an inexcusable blundering, they threw away the chance. I3ryaiit was selected as the candidate of the Democrats ' and Conservative Republicans, and was defeated by R. L. McWhorter, because ten Democrats refused to go for Bryant. Five of them, Harrisori, McArthur, Parks, Radish and Smith voted for Mc Whorter. V. P. Sisson threw away his vote on John Smith, and Rawls, Irwin, Tumlin and Welchell voted for Price, who refused to bo a candi date. A personal collision occurred between. J. E. Bryant on the one side, and the Blodgetts, Tweedy and Fitzpatrick, in which they bruised Bryant.
The victory of Bullock was complete. Ho had absolute control of the legislature. Thirty-one negroes re-seated, arid twenty-four Demo crats ousted and Republicans in their places made the General Assem bly overwhelmingly Republican. There "was an under-current of move ment running- along- concurrently with the public events that would, be very-interesting-. The restless conflict of secret chicanery, the partial successes on each side, nipped untimely, would, make a readable chapter. There is no doubt that Gov. Bullock's bold usurpations entlang-ered his official tenure. Several times the Democrats, by unity, had in their g-rasp control of the situation. Every conceivable influence was brought to bear to destroy the compact integrity of the Democratic organiza tion. And sometimes honest weakness was as damaging as venality.
Nothing -will better show the spirit of the men controlling- this body than, the offering- of a resolution, that only those reporters should be allowed to be present that gave fair reports.
Gov. Bullock sent in a messag-e to the legislature that foreshadowed the balance of his comprehensive and. revolutionary programme. He was certainly playing a bold and desperate g-ame of ambition. The message was an able one, but bitter as g-all. It slandered the peacefulness of the State to the full. It arg-ued that the State was simply a mili tary province, with a provisional government existing- by caprice. The

EXTRAORDINARY RECONSTRUCTION STRUGGLE.

433

whole purpose of the message was to secure new United States Sena tors, and pave the way for g-ettirig Congress to prolong his term, and the term of the legislature two additional years. He advised the rati fication of both the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, though the Fourteenth had already been ratified. But his theory was that there had been no reconstruction, that the first ratification was invalid, and that every thing- must be done over again. The obedient legislature, in spite of Democratic protest, ratified the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, arid the expurgation of the Relief clause in the Con stitution, and adjourned until the 14th of February. On the 15th of February the -body elected a new batch of United States Senators. R. PI. Whitely was elected in Dr. Miller's place, until March, 1871, and II. P. Farrow in Joshua Hill's place, until March, 1873. The duty of select ing a senator for the term ending March, 1877, belonged properly to the next General Assembly that- would follow this one. This body was not to be chouselled out of the privileg-e, and. elected Foster Blodg-ett Sena tor for that long term. The legislature then adjourned on the 2nd, un til the 14th of February.
This extraordinary reconstruction struggle was transferred to the Halls of Congress, and the new phases upon a national arena were among- the most notable of this racy farce. Bullock hurried to TVashingtori on the adjournment of the legislature, to engineer his schemes in person. He had been, marvelously successful before. He was des tined this time to some hard defeats. Men cannot always succeed in the wrong.
The Judiciary Committee was instructed to inquire whether the Georgia Legislature was org-anized properly. Bullock had an uphill time. Fie found the set of things against him. Bryant, Osgood and Caldwell were there opposing him actively. Bullock had Bloclgett, Tweedy, Coriley, John Rice and Judge Gibson giving him aid. " He finally left in. disgust, and Judge Gibson made an argument for him before the committee,.. The legislature re-assembled, on the 14th, elected Senators as we have stated, and adjourned on the 17th of February until the 18th of April, 1870, to await the action of Congress.
Gov. Bullock returned to Washing-ton to resume his momentous fight. Fie went at it with his gloves off. He invoked every influence that could purchase or win. The Slander Mill was put vigorously to work. He sought every aid possible. Fie argued before the com mittees. Fie enlisted every legislative power. A correspondent of the New York World reported that his expenses were $100 a day. The

434

BtTLLOCK. DEFEATED IX THE HOUSE.

matter excited a national interest. The ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment was being- delayed for the passage of the Georgia bill. There was no longer any motive to deal any farther harshness to Georgia. The credentials of Whiteley and Farrow were presented in the Senate and withdrawn. Hill and Miller having- been elected before the negro members were expelled, there was a decided disposition to seat them.
The main fight that Bullock was making-, however, was to have the whole thing declared provisional with a view to removing- objectionable officers who had condemned the extreme measures of the Bullock dynasty, and get Congress to make the term of. the dynasty beg-in with restoration to representation. It was a heavy blow when the House Committee reported against every act of the re-organization, of the Georgia Legislature. It condemned the use of A. L. Harris, the seat ing of the next highest "candidates, and the reference of the question of eligibility to the Military Board. A warm discussion ensued in the House. And finally the action was a grave defeat for Bullock. The bill was passed restoring- Georgia with an Amendment of Mr. Bingham preventing interference with officers or prolonging- terms. The bill went to the Senate, and the struggle over it'there was long and severe. ,
The crushing disaster in the House nerved Gov. Bullock to renewed efforts. The man's persistence, resources and savagery, were phenom enal. His gameness was worthy of abettor cause. He enlisted Forney's paper to champion his project, paying his establishment 84,459 for work arid services. He had a delegation of the negro members of the Georgia Legislature to visit "Washington, and file a protest ag-ainst the Bingham Amendment, to whom he advanced 81,400 for expenses. He induced the negro Senator Revels to make a speech against it. He g-ot up a large meeting in Washington. His expenditures in Washington ran to 814,500, as elicited by the United. States Senate investigating' committee, that was appointed to look into certain charges of bribery that were made, of which he showed, the committee a considerable part spent on private account. His hotel accounts alone were 81,808 for a few weeks, as testified by the proprietors of AVillard's hotel.
The gravest matter connected with this painful Georgia episode in the United States Senate was, that the investigating committee, Messrs. Trumbull, Edmunds, Conkling, Sherinan and Carpenter, reported evi dence showing that improper means had been used to influence the Senate 011 this Georgia measure. Mr. James Hughes swcre that Lewis

KEPtTJ3T>TCAlST CONDEiJTXATIOX OF BUTTOCK.

4-35

Porter, assistant postmaster of Washington, told him that $10,000 of Georgia railroad bonds would, be " put up " to influence the vote of Senator Carpenter on the Bingham Amendment. II. M. Atkinson, a son-in-la\v of Senator Tipton, swore that a man named Gibbs offered to give $1,000 if Tipton would vote against the Bingham Amendment. Two members of the committee, Stewart and Rice, dissent from the majority of the committee in censuring G-OV. Bullock.
This revolting matter created a profound sensation over the whole country. The press dealt with Gov. Bullock severely. The New York. Herald pronounced it an " infamous attempt to influence legislation." The Philadelphia Age spoke of the " Georgia Conspirators." The Chicago Times characterized the developments as "scandalous facts." The Chicago Tribune, the leading Republican journal of the North-west, was very pungent, declaring the connection of Forney's Chronicle with the aflfciir, " disgraceful to journalism." The New York Commercial Advertiser, another Repiiblican journal, thus discoursed:
"The people of the United States are just about sick of the name of Bullock. A Senator remarked last week that Congress had ' Bullock on the brain.'"
Simmer, Hamilton and Morton were the leaders on the Bullock side, making- bitter speeches. Morton especially delivered a truculent, badspirited enunciation. Senator Hamilton of Texas, closed his speech by saying-, that the people of the South were the " most blood-thirsty set of cut-throats God had ever permitted on his foot-stool." The reporter stated, that " Gov. Bullock of Georgia and G-OV. Clark of Texas shook hands with Hamilton on his conclusion." The Constitution made this commentary upon this incident:
" The thoughtful and fervent lover of his State sees matter for amazement in the affair under any possible supposition creditable to the man. An honorable and patriotic spirit, giving- credence to a state of public disorder that "hard facts would not Jet him

that carried as little of shame to his people as possible. The exultation he exhibited over the mendacious expositions of the man Hamilton, finds a parallel alone in the ribaldry in which a drunkard might indulge over the grave of his father.
"Let us turn the leaf over one of the most sickening pages of Georgia's history."
Edmunds, Norton, Carpenter and Ferry made biting speeches against
Bullock's scheme. Senator Norton said:
" When we are told that the Ku Klux Klan are ravaging that State, the Governor of that State is here in the Senate chamber, lobbying and log-rolling to keep himself and his friends and his political party in power. Sir, let him go home ! "
Senator Edmunds gave Gov. Bullock a severe punishment. Senator Ferry also used some very harsh terms in denouncing the measiire..

Schurz and Trumbull followed in able speeches against the iniquity.

The Senate passed, April 19, 1870, a substitute for the whole matter,

which recited that irregularities had existed in both organizations of the

Georgia Legislature, arid declared the government of Georgia pro

visional to continue under military rule, but that a new General Assem

bly should be elected on the 15th of November, 1870.

The bill thus changed, went back to the House. The bribery investi

gation in the Senate followed, holding- up Gov. J3ullock to the scorn of

the whole country. Baffled and stung, smarting under the excoriation

of the ablest Republicans in Congress, Gov. Bullock returned to

Georgia. The Legislature convened on the 18th of April, 1870, and

adjourned on the 4th of May, to take a recess until the Gth of July,

appointing committees to investigate the Governor and Treasurer, the

State Road and the penitentiary.

The Bullock-Angier committee was Bethuae, Shumate, Bell*-Price

and Darnell.

The State Road committee was Lee, Parks, Maxwell, Phillips and

Tweedy.

The fact is, that in the defamation, of Georgia peacefulness it was

overdone ripon the United States Senate, and. resulted in horrifying

Congress to such an extent that there was a disposition to undo not

only the State's reconstruction, but Bullock himself. The Senate bill

went to the House. Four substitutes were offered for it. The measure

was accommodatingly postponed ten clays on. Ben. Butler's account, at

his request, as he was called away.



The House Reconstruction Committee consisted of thirteen members,

of which Butler was chairman. It had four Democrats, Beck, Wood,

Woodward and Morgan, who stood gallantly to Georgia. Our people

owe a special debt of gratitude to Representative Beck of Kentucky,

now Senator from that State. The committee adopted Butler's Georgia

bill by a majority of one on the 19th of May, 1870. Gov. Bullock

was in Washing-ton on the 16th, having- been summoned to testify

in the bribery investigation matter. The new bill admitted the State

at once, leaving the question of the tenure of the Legislature an

open one, to be settled in the State and not in Congress, arid g-ave

the Governor the power to organize the State militia. The bill was

the same as the acts admitting Virginia and Texas, save that the or

ganization of the militia was allowed. The measure hung- until it finally

passed the House on the 24th of June, 1870, declaring- Georgia en-

tiirled to representation in the Congress of the United States, allowing

GEORGIA AT LAST RECONSTRUCTED.

437

the organization of militia, but breaking- the Bullock programme in this
clause: "But nothing in this Act contained shall be construed to deprive the people of
Georgia of the right to an election for members of the General Assembly of said State, as provided for in the Constitution of said State."
The bill went back to the Senate, was discussed and fought overthere for weeks. It at last was ainended and passed, the amendment agreed to by the other branch of Congress, and on the 15th day of July, 1870, it was signed by President Grant. The act reads thus:
"Sec. 1. That.the State of Georgia having- complied with the Reconstruction Acts and the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution of the United States, having been ratified in good faith by the legal Legislature of the State, it is hereby declared that the State of Georgia is entitled to representation in the Congress of the United States, and nothing in this or any other Act of Congress shall be construed to affect the term t6 which any officer has been appointed or any member of the General Assembly elected as prescribed by the Constitution of the State of Georgia.
" Sec. 2. That so much of the Act entitled ' An Act making appropriations for the

March 2, 1867, as prohibits the organizing or calling into service of the militia forces in the States of Georgia, Mississippi and Texas, be and the same is hereby repeated."
This ended Congressional action upon. Georgia, though it failed to quell the restless and disturbing- demon of reconstruction, which threat ened and toiled for new phases of interference.

CHAPTER XL.
THE TWIN INFAMIES OF PROLONGATION AND FINAN CIAL MISMANAGEMENT.
Tiie Semblance of Free Ballot.--Prolongation attempted iii the Legislature.--Bullock's Subtlety.--His Message.--Congress Set Aside.--No Election.--Akermaii and Far row against Bullock.--Deep Excitement.--Prolongation Killed.--The Grotesque Election Scheme.--Democratic Folly and Absenteeism.--Legislative Adjournment. --Its Obituary.--Its List of Outrages.--The Kimball Opera House.--Frauds.--Re port of Legislative Committee on Bullock's Misrule.--Proclamations.--Pardons.-- Their Abuse.--Wrongs of State Aid.--Bonds Endorsed for Uncompleted Railroad. --State Bonds Over-issued.---Gold Bonds.--Henry Clews.--The State Road in 1870 under Foster Blodgett.--A Mountain of Infamy.--Wholesale Squandering and Thievery.--Two Millions Gone.--The Road a Refuge for Tramps.-- W. L. Clark. --Racy Details of Plunder.--N. P. Hotchkiss and " Rigid Economy."--Blodgett and his " Political Policy " of the Road.
IT rnig-ht have been reasonably supposed, that the decisive action of Congress, made law by the Presidential sanction, would, have termi nated the matter in Georg-ia, and given quiet to the long-suffering State. PROLONGATION, that most abominable of all the odious infa mies of reconstruction, had been expressly rebuked. Even the unspar' ing- extremism of the day recoiled from this most antipodal graft upon our free institutions, this perpetuation of dynasties afraid of the popular will. It is a noticeable fact that under all of the tyrannies of recon struction there was an underlying- attempt to preserve the semblance of the free ballot. Prolong-ation was simply the ug-l}r, unredeemed spirit and practice of despotism, and it was contemptuously crushed. But Gov. Bullock and his allies were riot to be thus thwarted.
The struggle for this loathsome thing was transferred to the Georgia Legislature, and the most desperate and exciting- conflict of this unprecedented General Assembly, the battle of all its battles, that fired more heat and made iriteiiser rancor, was the one over prolonga tion. The movement was beg-un immediately. Gov. Bullock proved himself, through the whole stormy play of his term, an exceedingly able rnanag-er. He was subtle and ing-eiiious--inventive in ruses, and as audacious as he was diplomatic in execution. He addressed a brief message to the General Assembly, which had convened on the Gth of

ATTEMPT TO DEPRIVE THE PEOPLE OF AX ELECTION.

439

July, 1870, in which he communicated the passage of the Act admittingGeorgia, but said that Congress had adjourned without having- admitted our Senators and Representatives. He then proceeded to say that section five of the reconstruction act of 18G7 made the actual admission of Senators and Representatives a condition precedent to the abroga tion of military authority, which would therefore continue until the assembling of Congress in the winter.
This cool setting aside of the recent act of Cong-ress and attempted continuation in force of the old act of reconstruction, stirred a deep resentment. His message was signed " Rufus B. Bullock." A flood of jeering- badinage was showered upon him for thus dodging- his title. He had, in the first days, signed himself " Provisional Governor," then "Governor, " an^l then " Provisional Governor" ag-ain, and in the non descript exigency of this last condition he ingeniously put himself down simple "Rufus B. Bullock;" neither "Provisional Governor" nor " Governor," but citizen Bullock, ruling a mongrel concern that -was half province and half state, and yet neither the one nor the other, and to be kept shorn of sovereignty for the personal purposes of this Kxecutivo and his friends.
A measure was introduced that we should have no election. It was first agitated, in the Senate. The State rang with denunciations of the wrong. Col. II. P. Farrow, the Attorney General, published a letter against it, thus splitting- from Bullock. Chief Justice Brown resisted it with all of his energy. But Bullock and his friends pressed it with grim persistency. He and they knew it was the only way to get a con tinuation of rule beyond their term. Never did men cling- more stub bornly to power. It was a deliberate attempt to set aside the rig-ht of election and prolong- office at the expense of law, and in violation, of rig-ht and every principle of our republican government; but this mat tered nothing. The unholy crusade to deprive the people of the ballot and fasten the .Bullock dynasty and legislature on the State for two years beyond the term for which they had been chosen, was persisted in as an alleged right under the law.
The Senate showed its resolute partisanship by admitting- a man named. "W"m. Henry, a minority candidate, in place of Senator B. R, McCutcheii, who had died. The Senate then passed the prolongation wrong by a vote of 21 to 14. The papers of the State for clays kept standing- in larg-e capital letters the prolongation senators, in a column headed " Roll of Infamy." The battle was transferred to the House. Mr. A. T. Akerman had been but a short time before (some time in

440

PROLOXGATIOX KILLED BY A CLOSE VOTE.

June) appointed by President Grant, Attorney General of the United States in his cabinet. Col. Akerman, to his honor, rose above the partisan aspects of the case, and wrote a powerful and unanswerable opinion against prolongation, and took an emphatic view that the people should have the right of election in the fall. This document fell with resistless force upon the public. On the llth of August, 1870, the vote was taken in the Souse, Chief Justice Brown working zealously against the wrong, and amid an unparalleled excitement, the measure was de feated bv a vote of 63 yeas to 73 nays, 12 Republicans voting with the
Democrats. There never has prevailed at any time a deeper excitement than
there was over this indefensible measure. The writer believes that if it had passed the House and been approved by Bullock, .its enforcement would have been resisted and there would have been some sort of revo lution. The feeling was intense. Congress and the Federal adminis tration had condemned it. And Bullock, not only in the very teeth of the public will in Georgia but in reckless defiance of the policy of his own party, was pressing this lawless and revolutionary scheme of hold ing over. The people would certainly have resisted its execution.
But the trouble was not by any means over with this defeat. The fell spirit of reconstruction assumed protean shapes. TV^ith an cxhaustless invention it took new forms. Prolongation was not only scotched, but killed and buried, and an election was a certainty. The next effort of Gov. Bullock was to tinker that election into suitable shape to enable his party to control the State. The author of the scheme was reported to be Associate Justice McGay of the Supreme Court, and some ascribed it to Mr. Akerman. Be this as it may, it was one of the most extra ordinary election plans ever devised, combining the grotesque tyrannv of a bayonet machine with the more puzzling novelties of a metropoli tan packing jugglery. This beautiful piece of partisan mischief was to last three days. This feature was borrowed from Reconstruction. It allowed for the transfer-around of the frequent voter. The Governor, with the advice of the Senate, picked three managers and the Ordinary, two in each election precinct, and such appointees were subject to fine of $100 for failure to serve. This cumbrous and original device was obtained from no existing human experience in elections. ISTo ballots could be refused, and no voter be challenged. This reversal of all civil ized laws in elections was another original astonisher. Only one man at a timo could be at the polls, and the others must stan 1 off in a line fifteen foot distant, while stragglers mu.3t hustle away fifty feet. The

A:N~ ASTOuxmxo ET.KGTIOX LAW.

441

Sheriffs were put under the absolute control of the managers. These managers had plenary powers of arrest, and also could fine Sheriffs $100 for contempt of their imperial orders.
Reading the details of this odd, unprecedented, despotic scheme of an election, one can hardly get to the point of believing that any set of saiie men under a Republican government could solemnly have voted by the forms of legislative sanction, a plot so preposterous, fantastic and tyrannous--a scheme marked by such blended absurdity and viola tion of principle. The battle was tough over this monstrosity. It excited derision and resentment. It was denounced as it deserved. It was stiffly discussed, and opposed with intense heat. Chief Justice Brown threw himself against it, as he did every gratuitous oppression, with his whole soul. But it was all unavailing, Democratic absenteeism and folly gave the victory to the Republicans.
A Democrat offered a resolution that a bare majority could suspend the rules. Before this it had taken a two-thirds majority to - suspend the rules. AVithout suspension a considerable time must have elapsed before the bill could have been reached in its regular order. The Republicans immediately saw the value of this Democratic slip, as well as the Democratic leaders. The inconsiderate mover requested to withdraw his motion, but the Republican presiding officer refused, and there happening to bo a Republican majority the new rule was voted through, and the election bill promptly taken up and passed, nine Democratic members being absent, while the majority was only four. This measure became the law in spite of all opposition and the popular
censure. On the 25th day of October, 1870, the Bouse adjourned &%;%e <7z<?,
though tho Senate continued in session until the Gth day of December, taking a recess until November, the 21st. The two houses had disa greed about adjourning, so a resolution was passed requesting the Governor to adjourn the Souse, on the 25th of October, and the Senate take a recess until 21st of November, to . confirm appointments. Thus even in the simple matter of a final adjournment, this body did some thing out of the ordinary custom. ^To deliberative body has ever concluded its sittings in the State under such a deep public execration. The writer at the time in the (7o;;g^?^O7?. published the following obituary, which expressed the popular feeling, and evinces the temper of that time, even among conservative men.

442

OBITUAEY OF THJE EECOXSTRtTCTIOX LEGISLATURE.
"IN MEMORIAM.
PLAYED OUT. On the 25th day of October, 1870, TlIE HOUSE OF IxEIUlESKNTATIVES
of the General Assembly of Georgia for 1868., '69 and '70.
This body Received its squelchmeiit from the hands of
One RUFUS 13. BULLOCK, Its Master,
Whom it served ' not wisely but too well' For the State's good. Born of Despotism,
It was a true chip of the parent block.

Will be forever luminous in the

PHOSPHORESCENCE OF ROTTENNESS.

It lived

But as the tool of partisan villainy,

And its disdained dissolution

Came most fittingly

Through the agency

Of the power that despised while using it, And contemptuously killed it

The moment its subserviency

Ceased to be

Profitable.

Ransacked History

Can show no parallel to this Hybrid

For

CORRUPTION,

,

WEAKNESS,

EFFRONTERY,

IGNORANCE,

EVIL PLIANCY.

It did its best and utmost of wrong- faithfully,

and what harm it left undone was

what it was not asked to do.

Criminal Speculators

Will mourn with tender grief

Its demise.

IT
Had one Idea,

That pervaded it ever and always;

And when the most of

Its members die,

The winds .

LEGISLATIVE KKCOXSTBUCTIOIsr OBITUARY CO2?TI2*rtTED,

"Will sing it as their requiem,

And Time will make it glitteringly

Infamous,

That better than Honor, Country or God

They loved

NINE DOLLARS A DAY.

For months

It neglected business,

Doing the work of but a few days ;

And then in a few days, it hustled

Through the work of mouths,

To the State's vast

Injury.

Its OJJITUARY

Slakes so heavy a draft on Language

For words of Wickedness

That it can never be thoroughly written.

It has emulated

Apes

In fantastic folly.

In ruinous aggression upon popular rights

It has been as destructive as the

DEVIL.

Its monument

*

Is

An incongruous heap

of

Broken Laws,

Debris of a shattered Constitution,

Outrages upon liberty and sacred law,

Shameless scoopings in the Public Treasury,

Wild havoc with every interest of the State,

Reckless trifling with the vital public credit,

And a rubbish pile of the

WORST PARTISAN- DEVILTRY,

That

Political malignity aided by human

Imbecility

Could abort.

Its twin master,

The Senate,

Still holds its baneful sessions

To carry out Executive behests,

And

Worry an oppressed Commonwealth.

But

The task of this Memorial

Staggers the pen.

443

444

INIQUITIES OF THE RECONSTRUCTION LEGISLATURE.

Humanity Would be proud to erase the sad record
Of this body. Failing, however, in this, Human nature explains to posterity
The dread stigma Of this Legislature's depravity
13 v one word--
< RADICAL ! ' "
Tliis Legislature was in session 328 c!a3rs, and cost the State nearly one million of dollars, the accurate amount being- 8979,055. Its sessions of 1870, alone, cost 8520,891. It had at one time 84 clerks and attaches. The pay was put at $9 a clay, and was drawn for twelve days of recess, as well as days of actual session, some of the Democrats, however, refusing to take per diem for the recess. The expelled negro members drew some $28,938 of pay for the time they did not serve. As the members holding- their places drew per diem, there was thus a heavy amount of double pay made. And at every session after each recess, no matter how short, this thrifty body drew mileage. The mileage bill, during- the year 1870 only, amounted to the moderate sum of 803,996.04, and the clerk hire <j^51,740. These figures make a startling- record, but they are a consistent part of the picture of that unparalleled body. Their significance may be understood by comparison. jSfine years of Democratic legislation, from 1853 to 1802, cost only 8806,385, or less than this single Radical General Assembly.
State aid was granted to twenty-eight railroads, aggregating the pledge of the State's liability for over thirty millions of dollars to more than 2,500 miles of road. A system of district courts was created, expensive and cumbrous. The new judicial circuits, the Albany, the Augusta, and the Allapaha, were created. A public school system was organized, and. Gov. 13ullock appointed Gen. ,J. R. Lewis as the State School Commissioner. The school fund, however, to the .amount of 8327,000, was used for other purposes, leaving the public schools unsup ported, and the teachers to be paid by Gov. Smith's administration. The act authorizing the lease of the "Western and Atlantic railroad, introduced by Dunlap Scott, was passed and approved, October 24, 1870, and was one of the few really meritorious measures enacted. It is under this act that the present excellent lease was made. There were a number of iniquitous measures to gobble the road, but they were thwarted.
The resolution for the purchase of the Ivimball opera house was passed, August 19th, 1870, and approved, October 25th, 1870, and the

THE IvIMBAI,!, OPEJRA HOUSE PURCHASE.

445

resolution for the purchase of the residence of John II. James, for an Executive mansion, was approved October 27, 1870. The first resolution accepted the proposition of the city of Atlanta to donate $130,000 of its bonds, ten acres of unoccupied land, and an Executive mansion, free of cost to the State for ten. years, in lieu of the existing- contract. The State was to buy the State House from. Mr. Kimball, the Governor to issue seven per cent, bonds running- 20 years, reserving: enough bonds to secure the 854,500 advanced to Kimball by Bullock. The resolution does not mention the price to be paid by the State, but accepts Mr. Kimball's proposition, which was for $250,000 of State bonds.
A committee reporting upon the matter stated that the original hull of the building- cost the Opera House company that put it up, 883,000. Kimball paid -$32,000 for it, and expended 8182,107.50 upon it. Acid the 870,871 paid for heating, light and furniture, and the whole cost to Kimball was 8291,038.50, of which Bullock illeg-ally advanced him $54,500. Kimball received 8130,000 of Atlanta city bonds, said to be worth then, 890,000, and 8250,000 claimed worth only 8225,000, mak ing an actual cash value of 8315,000, or a clear profit to Kimball of 8.33,961.44, at the depreciated price of the bonds. Estimating- the bonds at their face value his profit was 888,901.44.
This whole State House matter has proven to be a source of mortifi cation and trouble. Every step was marked by wrong'. Gov. Bullock had, without authority, advanced 831,000 to Mr. Kimball in doing what the city of Atlanta should have done. Though rebuked by the legisla tive committee and the House, Gov. Bullock repeated his unauthorized act, and advanced 823,500 more to Kimball on the same account. When the sale was made there was a mortgage of 800,000 to the North-Western Life Insurance Company from Kimball, which was not paid, though the titles were made, and the full amount of purchase bonds paid and received. This mortgag-e the City council of Atlanta had to pay, and now holds. The Mayor of Atlanta, "Win. Ezzard, gave a certificate that $130,000 of city bonds were clue on the Opera House, the bonds to be paid to the holder of the certificate. This certificate was untrue, in. fact, as by an arrangement with Mr. Kimball, only 8100,000 of bonds were to be paid. He had already received 830,000 of rent bonds, of which he had used 810,500, and at the purchase returned the balance, 819,500. Tliis certificate, by written agreement, was turned over to Gov. Bullock to hold until the 800,000 mortgage was paid. The mort gage was not paid, and the bonds were used by Mr. Kimball ag-ainst the contract, and in neglect of the State's Interest.

440

THE K.i:\riJAT,r, OPERA HOUSE PUKCIIASE COXTIXUED.

But tliis is not all. At tho time the legislature passed the reso lution of purchase there were only currency bonds, and these were therefore the consideration. At the g-reater value of gold securities, the State would pay fully 830,000 more in them than in currency bonds. Gov. Bullock first gave the currency bonds to Mr. Kimball, and then, afterwards, the g-old bonds to be exchang-ed for the currency bonds. The exchange was never made, and thus, not only was the illegal payment of gold bonds made, but both sets of bonds were used by Mr. Kimball.
The 854,500 advanced to Mr. Kimball by Gov. Bullock was to be re tained by Gov. Bullock, under the resolution of purchase of the legisla ture. This was not done. The committee of the legislature of 1872, E. F. Hoge, S. A. McXiel, W. II. Payne, C. J. Wellborn arid John C. Xicholls report that the whole testimony touching the Opera Plouse purchase they believe,
" Establishes, beyond doubt, not only the official corruption of Gov. Bullock, but his venality."
The legislature of 1872 appointed committees that made thorough in vestigations of Gov. Bullock's administration. These committees were composed of conservative, conscientious men. The investigations were conducted under oath, and were full. The statement of the facts of Gov. Bullock's rule are taken, from the official .reports.
The committee, whose report we have quoted about the Opera House, further state that Gov. Bullock permitted Mr. Kimball to borrow 8255,000 in the name and upon the credit of the State, and to retain the money in his hands. They report 8776,834.09, as Gov. Bullock's personal special account with the Georgia National Bank, in which were mingled State and private money of Bullock and Kimball. They, further report that during Gov. Bullock's administration, he paid for Executive orders and proclamations published in forty-two papers the vast sum of 8143,397. Proclamations of reward would be followed by proclamations of pardon of the same criminal after his capture and payment of the reward. Proclamations of reward were published after the capture of the criminals. The committee reported that 849,361.75 had been spent in lawyers' fees by Gov. Bullock. They further report 523 cases of pardon by Gov. Bullock, including 566 persons, many before conviction, and some cases of brutal murderers. Some of the Governor's political household were engaged in pardon brokerage. Among the pardons granted was one to V. A. Gaskell, given in antici pation of prosecution for violating section 4,402 of the Code of 1868,

KAII-KOAD KOXD FRAUDS.

44?

he having paid the State Treasurer money to sign certain railroad bonds. The committee use this lang-uage:
" While making and encouraging complaints to the Federal government of countless crimes, many of them dependent for their hcinousiicss upon the imagination of those who deemed it to their interest to magnify them, Gov. Bullock wrenched open, with the resistless ham' of Executive prerogative, the prison doors which had been locked up by the LAW, and turned loose upon our people a horde of murderers, burglars and thieves."
The abuse of the pardon power was one of the strongest charges against Gov. Bullock. In the matter of the unauthorized endorsement of railroad bonds, Gov. I3ullock, according to the committee, committed his gravest and largest breach of official trust. And they note the fact that all of these illegal endorsements were done in the interest of the roads of which Mr. Ivimball was President. The Brunswick and Albany railroad was the cap-stone of these frauds. The enormous sum of $5,210,000 of State bonds and endorsements were given by Gov. Bullock to Mr. Kimball on bonds of this road. The law of State Aid required the road to be completed to get the State's endorsement, twenty miles at a time. The sum of $1,098,000 of bonds were issued illegallv, for which there was no road completed; and even where the road was complete, the endorsement was in advance of the work.
The Bainbridge, Cuthbert and Columbus railroad bonds were endorsed by Gov. Bullock to the amount of $000,000; yet not one mile of road was ever completed by the laying down of cross-ties or iron, nor was one dollar ever invested in the road by private parties, as the Consti tution required. The Cartersville and Van "Wert railroad and the Cherokee railroad were the same railwav, and enjoyed thus a double installment of bonds, one of $275,000 and the other of $300,000. When three and a half miles were completed the Governor, who inspected the road in person, accommodatingly gave Mr. Kimball his endorsement upon the whole road. The name of the road was changed to the Cherokee Road, and a new set of $300,000 of bonds was asked and obtained to take up the first set. The exchange was never made, and both sets of bonds used, as in the case of the Opera Bouse bonds.
In the matter of State bonds the same spirit of disregard of law and reckless extravagance wa,s shown. There was needed some $300,000 to pay the legislature, and Gov. Bullock issued two millions of currencv bonds to raise the money by hypothecation. These bonds were issued under the Act of August 27, 1870. An act was passed September lo, 1870, authorizing the issue of gold quarterly bonds to take up the cur rency bonds and for other purposes. Gov. Bullock issued three millions

448

HEXRV CLEWS' FAMOUS ACCOUNT.

of these bonds, largely in excess of any need. The g-old bonds were put out, but a million and a half of the currency bonds were left uncancclod. Henry Clews had 8800,000, and Russell Sage $530,000 of the dead currency securities. Mr. Kimball used 8120,000 of them to get a loan of 850,000 from the firm of ,1. Boorman Johiiston & Co., and 850,000 for a loan of 885,000 from the Fulton Bank of Brooklyn. Both Mr. Clews and Russell Sage, though receiving- ample g-old bonds to secure them, refused to give up their currency bonds. The committee says that it is forced to the conclusion, that a portion of this money was raised for the private account of Mr. Kimball.
Of the three million gold bonds, 81,750,000 were placed with Clews; 8500,000 with Russell Sage to secure a loan of 8375,000; 8300,000 with the Fourth National Bank; A. L. Whiton 8100,000; 8250,000 to H. I. Kimball on the Opera House, and 8100,000 to ,1. H. James for the Executive mansion. Mr. Clews presented his account. He sold 81,650,000 of gold bonds for 81,432,230. He had claims against the State of 81,489,284.04, of which 841,001.78 was interest, and 892,995.30 commissions, making' the handsome interest and commission account of 8134,057.08 for handling' less than a million and a half dollars. Of this account, 8609,192.78 was paid on notes and drafts of Gov. Bullock and Foster Blodgett in violation of law, and 8377',000 wras paid on. account of the State Road. The sum of 810,687 was paid by Clews to newspapers. Add to the enormous commissions the loss of 8211,500 upon the face value of these bonds, and we see the State out 8350,000 through Clews.
Gov. Jenkins had negotiated three millions of bonds at a cost of 81,110, and with an advertising bill of only 8931; selling our securities at ninety-five cents. "When Gov. Jenkins did this, gold wr as 82 pre mium, while when Gov. Bullock was mismanaging our finances, it was 81.12 premium.
It would require a volume to detail the particulars of the mismanage ment of Gov. Bullock's financial administration. It would not be an exaggeration to say, that there was hardly anything about it right. There was one unbroken continuation of violations of law and bold extravagance. Treasurer Angler and the Atlanta Constitution fought inch by inch this financial misgovernment. The bulk of the irregulari ties did not come out until the long and exhaustive legislative investi gation evolved them, but there was a great deal that was discovered and opposed, and clearly ventilated.
There is one subject that has not been touched, that was the great

THE HUGE STATE ROAD FRAUD.

449

unapproachable sum of all villainies. The State road, for 1870, furnished a companion pretty nearly to the famous Yazoo fraud. Maj. Ca.mpbell Wallace had taken the road under Gov. Jerikins, arid made a brilliant administration. He reg-erierated it with a masterly skill. It was in ruin. He restored it. His net earnings for the year 1807 were 8330,202. Col. E. Huiburt ran the road in 1809, commencing- August, 1808, doing a fine business, and making- reg'ular payments into the State treasury, until the last month or two, when he was hampered. The treasurer of the road was \\rilliam ~W. Clayton, a gentleman of large business expe rience and shining integrity. In July, 1809, against Hulburt's earnest protest, Mr. Clayton was removed, and Foster Blodgett made treasurer. Huiburt was a professional railroader, and took pride in making- a good administration, and he remonstrated that Bloclgett was "not regarded, by the people of Georgia as a man of integrity," and he believed him to be " an unprincipled man."
On the first day of January, 1870, Huiburt wa,s removed, and Foster Blodgett appointed superintendent of the State road, holding the position until the 27th day of December, 1870, lacking a few clays of making- a year. In the annals of railroading there has been no such travesty of railroad management. Bloclgett knew nothing of railway superiiiteridency. Acid to this ignorance the ingenious and wholesale utilization of the road as a pure partisan machine, and, as can well be conceived, the circumstances were perfect for a stupendous botch of administration. But the reality surpasses any possible ideal of perverted handling. Results will best describe the mismanagement.
The road was in fine order. The receipts during Bloclgett's adminis tration were, 81,404,737, out of which 845,000 only was paid into the State Treasury. Huiburt turned over to Blodgett, 8109,131, making $1,573,808 that Bloclgett had during the year. This amount, except the 845,000, was spent cUiring the twelve months. Just before Blodgett's superinteiidency ceased, he represented to the legislature that the road, was in such a condition as to need half a million of repairs. And he left a legacy of some 8000,000 of debt in round numbers, that was afterwards paid by the State. This made the incredible aggregate of over two millions of dollars spent in one year, with the road so run down as to need another half million to repair it properly.
The details of this vast mismanagement are picturesque. Unauthor ized offices were created. The road was packed with political em ployes, and made the refuge for party tramps. In 1809 the party roll showed 743 men. "Under Blodgett there were 1,442 names, or an
29

450 PICTURESQUE DETAILS OF Til K GK.KAT STATK ROAT> FKAUD.
increase of G99 useless officers fed at the public expense for partisan pur poses. The increased pay roll was 8178,574 over 1869. Many men were paid who rendered no service whatever, others were members of the legislature, and others in other business wholly incompatible with any work on the road. Hundreds of thousands of dollars of legitimate expenses were left unpaid. The investigating committee of the legis lature of 1872, reported 8499,903 as due from plundering- officers and other sources. Attachment suits for 8300,274 were brought in Fulton Superior Court. And thirty-three indictments were found for various crimes, including two ag-aiiist Gov. Bullock, one for cheating and swindling, and the other for larceny after trust.
"W. L. Clark made a minority report that was a very clever piece of writing. It was a semi-satirical, humorous and shrewd presentation of the matter from a Republican stand-point. He frankly owned that a great number of petty frauds were clearly proven. One of the leading; frauds was the Tennessee Car Company swindle. Mr. E. 1ST. Kimball was the manager of the Car company, and made contracts and received pay for some fifty-six box cars, to the amount of 842,500. ^No such cars were ever delivered, and Gov. Bullock, Foster Bloclgett and E. N. Kimball "were indicted for cheating- and swindling. This was one of the cases which was clearly made, but Gov. Bullock was not proven connected with it, and was therefore acquitted. Mr. Clark surmised that the parties did riot intend to defraud the state, but their enter prises miscarried, money was needed to bridge over a chasm, and this questionable plan was devised for raising- it.
The main point of this sharp-witted minority report of Mr. Clark was the showing1 that Democrats as well as Republicans had shared in the robberies. The figures were ingeniously arranged and interesting-. The Republican pickings in the matter of law fees -were $15,480, and the Democratic 848,247. The printing given to Republican journals in 1870 were $19,103, and to Deinocratic papers, 832,964. Of 81,586,188 that he said was paid, 8635,018 was traceable to Republicans, and 8809,586 to Democrats. Of clearly proven fraud, however, he traced 8113,442 to Republicans, and 850,763 to Democrats. Clark claimed for the Republican administration that it gave liberal rates, and finally took the road out of politics. But he candidly owned this in regard to -what he calls the " record of crime and shame."
" The examination has conclusively shown that the late superintendent was a bad man, and utterly unworthy of the trust confided to him by the Governor, and of the confidence reposed in him by the Republicans of the State. He not only defrauded the

FURTHER RICH ITEMS OF RAILWAY MISMANAGEMENT.

451

people of their money, but the demoralization of his example was felt throughout the social and business and political circles in which he moved."
This is strong1 opinion to come from a Republican source. It may not be uninteresting- to mention some of the specific matters of varied fraud that marked this redeemless year of railway misrule. Receipts for $7,296 of lard oil were forg-ecl in the name of A. J. Orme. A. L,. Harris was paid 82,760 for a worthless railway switch. Receipts for -$1,850 in the name of L. B. Langforcl were forged. Large numbers of Ten nessee negroes were carried f^ee clown to Atlanta to vote. Accounts for 85,000 for boarding hands were raised to 83,923. E. S. Nixon, local agent at Chattanooga, caused a freight blockade, by g-iving preference to his own freight bougvht on speculation. Bogus names were placed on the pay roll and money drawn for them. Col. Hulburt testified that Gov. Bullock wanted him to advance money from the State Road Treasury, to purchase the N~ew Era newspaper. And finally, in 1870, $7,000 of money for this purpose was raised on State road fraudulent passed bills. City Directories, for 1870, to the amount of 8260 were bought. During the year 1870, a committee of the Bullock legislature investigated the road, and the bill for liquor, cig-ars and music for this festive set of inquirers was only -$1,650, including some fifty gallons of whisky, fifteen gallons of sherry, 7,100 cig-ars and fifty-seven dozen lemons.
These unique specimens of the minor frauds will afford some concep tion of the ingenuity of grotesque swindling1 that continuously marked this unequaled year of State railroad mismanagement in the wonderful years of reconstruction. Several humorous incidents will gracefully cuatip tthinis r11ic01h1 coihiirouniniucilwe. M XYJr.I.. B-LlnoudnggeeLtLt sSLtatitbeedci wvviitnhi ann iiniiiimiiiiLtaabulie hiiuimiiooir that he took charge of the road to manage its " public and political policy." This was only surpassed in its dry wit by the response of the Auditor, N. P. Hotchkiss, who made a reply that became ludicrously historic to the question as to how he managed, to save up twenty or thirty thousand dollars in a year or two, out of a two or three thousand dollars salary. Said this thrifty person--" by the exercise of the most
d economy.''

CHAPTER XLI.
THE DOWNFALL OF THE RECONSTRUCTION REGIME AND BULLOCK'S RESIGNATION AND FLIGHT.
Bullock's ,525,000 Libel Suit against the Atlanta Constitution.--That Paper refuses Bul lock's Proclamation.--State Democratic Convention.--The Democratic Executive Committee.--Linton Stephens' Difference with the Committee.--The Election.-- A Democratic Legislature.--Congressmen.--Howell Cobb's Death.--Chief Justice Brown's Noble Eulogy.--Joe Brown and Ben Hill.--Hill's Letter of Submission to the Amendments.--The Harsh Ordeal of Public Odium he Underwent.--Touching Utterances.--The Lease of the State Road.--Chief Justice Brown Resigns.--O. A. Lochraneas Chief Justice.--The Kimball House.--An Historic Landmark of Recon struction.--The Desperate Situation of the Bullock Regime.--Gathering Troubles.-- Foster Blodgett Fails to get in as United StatesSenator.--Senator Joshua Hill.--The Greene County Presentments and McWhorter.--The Ku Klux Investigation.-- Seeking the State Crucifixion.--Impending Crash.--The BrunsAvick and Albany Rail road Tumbles.--Gov. Bullock's Resignation and Flight.--Seven Days' Preparation. --Benjamin Conley Sworn in as Governor.--Gov. Bullock's Aspersion of the Legisla ture.--Lively Comment on the Hegira.--Gen. Toombs.--" No Bleeding Martyr, but a Spavined Rogue."--Bullock's Criminal Prosecution.--Requisition for Bullock.-- His Arrest and Final Acquittal.--Review of his Administration.
A MATTER much commented upon at the time was a libel suit for $25,000, brought by Gov. Bullock against the Atlanta Constitution, to check that paper, if possible, in its zealous warfare upon the wrongs of his administration. But the suit simply evoked derision, and stimu lated the paper to greater activity of opposition. This journal also refused to publish Gov. Bullock's proclamations, denouncing- their extravagance. This course brought a warm fusillade from a larg-e portion of the Democratic press. Not until Gov. Smith was elected as the Executive, did the Constitution take one dollar of any sort of pa tronage from the administration. This course gave that journal a strong hold upon the affections and confidence of the people.
On the 17th day of August, 1870, a Democratic convention was held in Atlanta. Gen. A. H. Colquitt was made President, and on the same clav he was chosen President of the State Agricultural Society. This two-fold honor, voluntarily tendered by tAvo representative bodies, the farmers and public leaders of the State, was a public tribute of which

STEPHENS.

453

any man could be proud, and evinced the popular appreciation of this worthy son of an illustrious sire.
The convention had 300 delegates from 109 counties. Among- the members were Thomas Hardeman, Jr., ~W. S. Holt, A. O. Bacon, S. A. Corker, P. Thweatt, Win. M. Browne, J. S. Boyntori, C. Peeples, D. Scott, R. E. Lester, E. F. Hoge, J. Collier, N. Tift, II. N. Ely, L. N. Trammell, Geo. Barnes, J. R. Randall, A. R. Wright, A. H. Colquitt, W. A. Hawkins, Linton Stephens, W. M. Reese, _A. R. JLamar, J. L. Seward, A. R. Lawton and J. .Hartridg-e. Among- these were t\vo young- men of promise. E. F. Hog-e of Atlanta has since been in the General Assembly, and shown himself to be a person of substantial ability and decided character. James R. Randall is one of our genuine poets, who, as the author of " My Maryland," has won an enduring fame. That poem will last while the English language is spoken. Mr. Randall has been one of our most g-ifted and scholarly newspaper men, a writer of sing-ular and vivid power, and at present, as one of the edi tors of the Augusta Chronicle and Constitutiancilist, one of the ornaments of Georgia journalism.
The resolutions of the convention were drawn by Linton Stephens, pledging the Democracy to stand on the unchangeable principles of a constitutional government, and to overthrow a corrupt state adminis tration. No speeches were made, greatly to the disappointment of the Republicans, who hoped for some indiscreet utterance for political capi tal. An Executive Committee was appointed of L. Stephens, J. Hartridge, J. T. Clarke, M. J. Crawford, J. Jackson, A. Reese, W'. M. Browne, and R. A. Alston.
Linton Stephens was elected Chairman, and R. A. Alston, Secretarv. Judge Stephens accepted the chairmanship in a ringing- letter, in which while he acquiesced in the prevalent idea that none but eligible men should run for State offices, he took the ground that for Congress some ineligible candidates should be nominated and elected to make an issue. This letter struck the Democratic leaders of the State unfavorably, and a hot discussion was precipitated, the majority of the press dis agreeing .with Juclg-e Stephens. In a few days Judge Stephens pub lished an eloquent arid masterly letter defending his views, but refused the chairmanship because he understood there was not a quorum present when he was chosen chairman. Col. Clifford Anderson was then made Chairman.
The election came off, and in spite of the extraordinary facilities for the administration to control it, the result was a sweeping Democratic

454:

JOSEPH E. BROW:^ AKI> HOWELL COBB.

victory. The wrongs of Bullock's rule had been so strongly presented arid pressed, that in many cases Republican candidates for the Legis lature in the white belt were compelled to repudiate the administration. The following- congressmen were elected: I). M. I3u Bose, Thos. J. Speer, P. M. B. Young, A. T. Mclntyre, J. S. Bigby, W. P. Price and Nelson Tift. But R. H. Whiteley was seated in Tift's place. The only Democrats of this delegation were Young-, Price, Du Bose and Mclntyre.
The year 1870 was prolific in startling- events. Gen. Howell Cobb fell dead suddenly in New York from a stroke of apoplexy. His death shocked the State. Perhaps the most striking tribute paid to him was by Chief Justice Joseph E. Brown in the Supreme Court. The eulogy, upon the distinguished deceased, by the presiding officer of this august tribunal, was a noble attestation to the character arid greatness of Gen. Cobb, and it was especially touching- in view of the strong animadver sions made by the dead in his life upon the eulogist. Referring- ten derly to the harsh conflicts of sentiment, Judge Brown added these graceful and honoring- words:
"All these differences, i times of liigli political ex< evanescent and soou pass

which awaits all the living, they are never remembered and cherished by any honorable and generous survivor/'
Chief Justice Brown had made large advances in regaining the esteem of the public so rudely torn from him. His condemnation of Bullock's schemes had shown the people that his position of acquiescence in recon struction was conscientiously taken for the public good as he saw it, and that under an overwhelming provocation of unmerited and scathing public odium he had stood firm against the unnecessary and gratuitous indignities his unwelcome political allies had sought to put upon the State. His great ability and dignity upon the Bench, and lustrous judicial integrity, had made him an ornament to the State's judiciary. The popular passion had begun to subside, and men were learning to discriminate between the reluctant Republicanism born of sincere, pub lic spirit, and the partisanism begat of venal ambition and looking to unlicensed power and an unctuous plunder.
It was a curious coincidence that while this distinguished and unsur passable Georgian was emerging from his baptism of obloquy, another brilliant citizen, -who had been foremost in the unsparing excoriation of Chief Justice Brown, was himself suffering the same political crucifixion

BEKJAMIX II. HILL GOES THROUGH TII1C

455

for the same kind of public opinion, that had broug-ht Brown into cen sure. Hon. Benjamin H. Hill issued an address on the 8th of Decem ber, 1870, to the people of Georgia, in which he took ground that the abhorred amendments were in fact, and would be held in law, fixed parts of the national Constitution. Usurpation, the most g-laring, suc ceeding, became law. It may have been criminal--wT as criminal--to aid in committing the usurpation; it is crime itself to break the law. His conclusion was, that we had a new National Constitution, with new and enlarg-ecl powers of government, establishing- new and different relations between the General and State governments. And ho urged the duty upon the Southern people to obey the new Constitution, to protect negro suffrag-e, and to cease quarreling over the divisions on the prin ciples and events which led to the existing- condition.
This address fell upon the State like a clap of thunder on a clear day. And for years Mr. Hill walked through the valley of shadows. He was lampooned, abused, and howled at. He was called Radical; accused of selling out to the Republicans; of changing politics with a view to election to the Senate, by a Republican legislature; and a thousand other hard criminations. For years he foug'ht ag-ainst public odium as Gov. Brown had done. It looked as if he was politically shelved. His best friends turned upon him. His ordeal was not altogether as severe as Gov. Brown's, but it was a harsh one, and. his recovery was a striking- instance of political vitality. He made a public speech in February, 1872, that contained some peculiarly pathetic sentences. Said he:

" I freely state that my political life is an enigma."

He added after in a burst of defiance:

"I had ratherL- be the humblest of those wA ho would save you, and perish amid your

curses, than be the chiefest architect of yo;

live forever the unworthy reeip-

ient of your deluded huzzas."

There is no stranger and more sugg-estive instance of the instability of human passion and the evanescence of human prejudice than the savagery of proscription endured by these two remarkable men, rounded as it has been by an elevation so august, in a time so short. The coincidence continues, markedby, in the fact, that in every particular their experiences have been identical, and that so antagonistic once, their accord now is complete--a conjunction of absolute diversities. It was a wonderful triumph for Brown to see his old foemari with him. But it was only the beginning- of a broader political corroboratiort in a practical point of view.

45 G

THE STATIC JiOAD LKASK.

On the 2Gth day of October, 1870, Gov. Bullock advertised the West ern and Atlantic railroad for lease under the lease act. On the 27th of December, 1870, the road was leased to the present company at a rental of $25,000 per month for twenty years, the company giving- a bond of eight millions of dollars with the Georgia, Central, South AVesterri, Macon and "Western, Atlanta and West Point, Macon and Brunswick, Brunswick and Albany, Nashville and Chattanooga, and St. T^ouis and Iron Mountain Railroads for security. Gov. Brown was elected President of the company, having- resigned his position as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court before he made a bid for the lease, and having served a little over two years, renouncing- ten years of his term. His resignation testifies conclusively to the fact that he did not desire office, and that place was not the inspiration, of his political attitude upon reconstruction.
As a Supreme Court Justice, Judge Brown maintained to the fullest extent his admittedly great abilities. A perusal of his decisions, cov ering- every topic of jurisprudence and every principle of civil and criminal law, shows careful discrimination, profound discernment of the spirit of laws, wide and accurate leg-al learning, and the very perfection of a judicial temper, impartial, equipoised arid punctilious. The truth is that Chief Justice Brown was the very paragon of a Judg-e, and adorned the ermine as much as any jurist that has ever sat in the Supreme tri bunal of the State. He possessed an exceptional blending of a placid and untiring- patience with fixedness of decision and luminous leg-al acumen.
Gov. Bullock appointed as Chief Justice in Gov. Brown's place, until the meeting- of the General Assembly in Nov., 1871, Judge O. A. Lochrane. This gentleman had sustained himself upon the Superior Court Bench \vith rare success. Appointed by Gov. Brown as Judg-e of the Macon circuit at the beginning of the wTar, and taking- his seat under heavy and open opposition, due to a certain jovial vein in his versatile compo sition, he had handled a number of grave and novel questions- with originality and undoubted legal power. He had upheld both the dignity and ability of the bench. Some attorneys at Twiggs court agreed to carry their case by consent to the Supreme Court to avoid his jurisdic tion. With placid poise he marked and announced the case dismissed for want of prosecution, and had the humbled lawyers pleading- for the restoration of their case to the docket with much earnest compliment to his Honor. He enforced the writ of Habeas Corpus against Confeder ate suspension; he decided the conscript law unconstitutional; he refused

f

THE DOWNFALL OF THE BULLOCK REGIME FORESHADOWED.

457

to recognize the government of Eng-lancl that did not recognize the Confederacy; he held that the State of Georg-ia had the right to a \vrit of possession for arms loaned the Confederacy, and called on Gov. Brown for means to enforce his order. These rulings indicate legal ability and inflexible decision.
After the war he resigned, and moved to Atlanta. He was appointed Judge of the Atlanta Circuit, and served from August, I860, to August, 1870, when he resigned, to be appointed Chief Justice of the Supreme Court in January, 1871.
Among the historic landmarks of the reconstruction is that magnificent building and most valuable instrument of Atlanta progress, the Kimball House. It was a superb hostelrie, far ahead of the growth of Atlanta. It was begun in April and finished on the 17th of October, and its con struction was a marvel of rapid work. It cost over 8600,000, and the agent of Henry Clews, Mr. Crosby, told the writer that $300,000 of the money advanced on State endorsed bonds to build the Brunswick and Albany railroad had been traced into this hotel. Its history is one of vicissitudes, litigation and strange changes of ownership.
The year 1871 was another eventful twelve months of Georgia history, winding up with a most dramatic surprise. The absolutism of Radical rule had seen its culmination when Congress passed the law of July loth, 1870, for the admission of Geo'rg-ia, and when under it a Democratic legislature was elected in December, 1870. It must be held in thought, in order to comprehend the situation and the starting denouement, that the Republican regime had before it the certainty of a full Democratic inquiry into matters. There had been enoug-h open acts of wrong and unlawful extravagance to justify grave apprehensions of trouble for their authors. As was afterwards developed, there were worse derelic tions concealed. From this time on the Bullock administration was in a fearful strain to secure the success of its projects, and in final triumph make temporary illegalities forg-otten or justified. But it was an uphill business. Kimball was carrying more than mortal man could bear. He "was President of seven railroads, and the master of a monster hotel. The bonds were poured out so freely as to overstock the market, and the load was the heavier that dimly discerned irregularities were battered at by the opposition, until the enterprises staggered un der the growing* burden of discredit.
The situation daily became more desperate. Ruin threatened every project. In the pitiless stress new illegalities were resorted to, that failed to remedy the perils. Bullock stood g-amely to his friend Kirn-

458

FOSTER BLODGETT CLOSED OUT OF THE U. S. SENATE.

ball. Illegal endorsements were given in succession. And yet all was unavailing. Angier in the Treasury prompted the clue to suspicious matters, the Atlanta Constitution probed and ventilated them, and the Democratic press, both in and out of the State, kept up a lively fusillade and publication. And so the final crash was steadily focalizing-.
Foster Blodgett went to "Washington, and tried to get admitted as United States Senator, on the 4th of March, 1871. The effort was vain. His record was ventilated fully. Senator Thurman made an unanswerable speech against his admission, taking- the ground that he was elected by a Legislature that had no right to choose a Senator for the term Blodgett claimed. Senator Joshua Hill made a rare speech against his admission. It was a document full of fearful punishment for Blodgett and his sponsors. It was witty, satirical, caustic and argumentative. Coming- from a Republican source, it was irresistibly effective. It alike pilloried not only Mr. Bloclgett but the Legislature that elected him. A Republican delegation from Georgia, consistingof Coriley, Harris, Tweedy, D. D. Siiycler, and A. D. Rockafellow, went 011 to Congress to press Blodgett's admission for the reason that " it was for the welfare of the Republican party." Cong-ress adjourned without seating- Bloclgett.
Senator Hill introduced two measures in April, 1871, that have excited great interest. One -was the bill for the survey of the Atlantic and Great Western Canal, and the other a pet project of Col. W. P. Price to convey the United States mint building- at Dahloiiega, Ga., to the trustees of the North Georgia Ag-ricultural College--an institution that has done a great amount of good, and is one of the most valuable educational seminaries in the State. Gen. Young- also introduced in the House, a resolution for a post office building-. "We now have it.
Perhaps nothing- could bettor show the downward drift of Gov. Bullock's administration in the popular opinion, than certain presentmerits of the Grand Jury of Greene county, in March, 1871, of which ex-Speaker McWhorter was a member of the one, and signer of the other, censuring Bullock's " wasteful expenditures of the public money and his wicked and heartless abuse of the public credit." Nor was Bullock -without the leverage to help him, given by the incessant Republican agitation of the " Southern outrage " crusade. In Con gress a committee was engaged in perpetual investigation of Ku Ivlux enormities. This -was the stock in trade of extreme Radicalism. It was a striking evidence of Bullock's Availing influence with the national leaders of his own party, that his contributions to this wretched campaign

THIS BULLOCK DYXASTY GIVES "WAY.

459

of calumny availed him nothing-. He issued a detestable proclamation of rewards for an imaginary batch of hideous Ku Klux outrages. The slanderous pronuiiciamerito under the Executive impress was advertised broadcast at the public expense, disseminating- its envenomed poison everywhere. In July, 1871, he wrote a letter to Congressman Scott, on the condition of Georgia, rendering- a bad account of the afflicted old commonwealth, that had fallen into the cruel hands of political Philis tines. G-eii. Gordon went before the Ku Klux committee, and endeav ored to neutralize the mischief.
It was an appalling- criminality for men with the prestig-e of author ity giving- them weight, and with every incentive of State patriotism to conserve the interest and foster the fame of Georgia, deliberately seek ing- to re-crucify the State, their own mother. But the power to harm was rapidly diminishing. The reig-n of evil was passing- away. The Bullock rule was swiftly drawing to a tragic close. There came out whispers of Kirnball's embarrassment. Gov. Bullock went away, and was gone nearly three months. Finally the irrepressible Angier g-ave notice that he would pay no warrants not signed by a resident Gover nor, as the law requires. The State road mismanagement was giving out a noisome odor. The Treasurer of the road was arrested. A com mittee of citizens, Judg-e Hammock, Dr. Red wine and Judg-e Collier were appointed to examine the State road books. A large array of able counsel, led by Gen. Toombs, volunteered in the investigation.
The first note of an impending general crash came in the disintegra tion of the huge enterprise known as the Brunswick and Albany rail road, the recipient of a double State aid, and an indisting-uishable com pound of equity and fraud. Claims poured upon it, which were not met, The Superintendent, J. A. Burns, dropped it and left. The road was seized by the Governor. This was after the middle of October. Every one felt that the end was approaching. The radical edifice beg-an to shiver. The portents were unmistakable. The conclusion was at hand. But it must be confessed the finale took an unexpected shape. When, it was announced that Gov. Bullock had fled the State, leavinghis resignation, it was like an overwhelming electric shock. The sur prise over, one flashing note of universal rejoicing resounded over the State.

460

GOVERNOR BULLOCK. S KESIGXATIOX A!NX> FLIGHT.

The minutes of the Executive Department, show that on the 23rd of October, 1871, the resignation was written and reads as follows:

" EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT,

T

ATLANTA, GEORGIA, October 23, 1871. 5

" To WHOM IT MAY- CONCERN--GREETING :

"Be it known, that good and sufficient reasons, me thereunto moving, I do hereby

resign the office of Governor of this State, to take effect on Monday next, the 30th dav

of October, in the year of our Lord, 1871, and on that day and date, deliver over to the

Hon. Benjamin Conley, President of the Senate, the Executive powers of the Govern

ment, until the election and qualification of a Governor, in the mode prescribed by

paragraph IV., Article IV., Section 1 of the Constitution of this State. And the Secre

tary of the Executive Department will enter the foregoing of record in the Executive

Minutes, and place the Capitol building, Executive records, Documents, Seals, and

Mansion in the control of the said Benjamin Conley, upon his taking the oath of office

prescribed by Paragraph V., Section I., Article IV. of the Constitution.

"RUFUS B. BULLOCK, Governor."

On the 23rd of October, 1871, the Executive Minutes show that R. H. Atkinson, Secretary of the Executive Department, says that he trans mitted, by direction of Governor Bullock, this resignation to the Hon. D. G. Cotting", Secretary of State, to be filed in his office. On the 30th day of October, 1871, at 3 o'clock p. M., seven, days after the resig nation, and after Mr. Atkinson's claimed transmission of the same to Mr. Cotting, the Executive Minutes show that Mr. Cotting thus addressed Hon. Benjamin Conic}?", President of the Senate:

" SIR :--I have at this moment been placed in possession of the enclosed communica tion, from the Hon. R. B. Bullock, being his resignation of the office of Governor of the

Col. R H. Atkinson, Secretary of the Executive Department. ' I hereby give you notice to repair to the Capitol, in Atlanta, within ten days of the
date hereof, and take the oath of office, as Governor, before any Judge of the Supreme, or Judge of the Superior Court, otherwise it will be my duty to consider you as having resigned, and I shall proceed to inform the Speaker of the House of Representatives."
The Executive Minutes show that on the same day, the Hon. Benjamin Conley, President of the Senate, took the oath of office, and was installed as Governor, by Chief Justice O. A. Lochrane.
Though the resignation was seven days made before announcement, no whisper of it got out. It was managed, with wonderful secrecy, and when it was given to the public, Gov. Bullock was out of the State, and Mr. Conley acting Governor. The Washington Patriot stated that Gov. Bullock admitted to a United States Senator, that he did not like the course politics were taking, and he feared impeachment. There is no doubt that Gov. Bullock apprehended impeachment, and it was a

SEVERE COMMENTARY UPON GOVERNOR BULLOCK.

461

subtle stroke to resign, before the new Legislature met, and not only escape this, but devolve the State government upon Mr. Conley, instead of the President of the new Senate. ' Gov. Bullock wrote a letter from New York g'iving- his reasons for resignation, in which he took a parting- and malicious blow at the State. He stated that a majority of the House of Representatives had pleclg-ed themselves to vote for articles of impeachment against him without in vestigation, and that the Senate had determined to unseat a sufficient number of Republican Senators to secure his conviction without regard to the truth and validity of the charg-es. He also charged that the peo ple of Georgia had recently denounced, or ignored the Constitution of the United States. This letter created a deep indignation, against the fugitive, and the General Assembly by solemn, resolution branded it as false and defamatory.
The resignation of Gov. Bullock evoked earnest attention over the whole country. The comment was uniformly unfavorable, and some of it stinging-. The New York TtVorld said he was
" No bleeding martyr, but a spavined rogue."
The Boston Post declared that he
" Preferred speedy slaughter by his own act, to the more painful fate--a living Bar becue iii fact."
"William Markham, one of the most pronounced Republicans in Georgia, was reported in the press to have said of Bullock:
" His whole administration has been in violation of every principle of honor, and dis graceful to the Republican party, and regardless of the interest of the people of the State."
Gen. Toombs expressed, perhaps, the justest judgment upon Gov. Bullock's administration in these words:
" He certainly deserves to be impeached. He has committed a hundred offenses, any one of which is sufficient to convict him. The trouble with the fellow is that he don't know half the time when he does wrong. He does not understand the law nor the duties of his position."
In 1872, when Gov. Smith was the Executive, and the bond investi gating committee discovered that the City bonds of Atlanta pledged for the payment of the 860,000 mortg-ag-e xipon the Opera House had been abstracted from the State, leaving the mortgage unpaid, a warrant drawn by Gen. Toombs charging Gov. Bullock with the larceny of these bonds was issued, and upon it a Requisition was made upon Governor Hoffman of New York for Gov. Bullock, Col. John B. Gumming being the State's agent. Gov. Hoffman objected to the affidavit. Gen.

402

BULT.OClv's EXTRAORDINARY CAREER.

Toombs drew another one, very lengthy and. technical, and a new Requisition was issued, Col. Gumming reaching- Albany Saturday, March 30, 1872. Gov. Hoffman still objected. Gov. Smith sent a tart telegraph, expressing the opinion that Gov. Hoffman was quibbling. " On Tuesday Gov. Hoffman issued his warrant for Gov. Bullock's arrest, and Col. Gumming proceeded to Albion, New York, to find his game gone, and a broken clown, horse in the stable. From this time on he was hiding out, avoiding arrest.
The Atlanta Constitution had this editorial written by the writer at that time, that expressed the sentiment of the good people of Georgia:
" The career of Bullock is a fine instance of extraordinary alternations of human

" Bubbled to the surface amid the convulsions of political disorder and social turmoil, he rode for a while on a despotic pre-eminence as a stranger Executive of the proud State of Georgia. The absolute supremacy of his power and his cool disdain of train-

in its malicious and tyrannical consistency. The man made and unmade Legislatures,

toyed with the State's sacred sovereignty like a worthless bauble, swayed the judiciary,

and scattered the people's money with the lavish liberality of a prince, and the reckless

caprice of a munificent madman.

" He preserved his gorgeous deportment amid it all, arrayed like a monarch, imposing

in presence, smiling and affable, the princely, imperturbable and benignant patron of

thieves and adventurers.

" His abdication came like a lightning stroke hi the very zenith of his power. Down

the metallic deity fell with a long descent and a dull thud. Governors have played the

game of justice over the highcockolorum fugitive, and to-day sees him a miserable

skulker from the offended law; and an outcast from home, friends, society and govern

ment."

^

In 1876, Gov. Smith made a successful attempt to arrest Gov.

Bullock, sending Col. O. P. Fitzsimmons, recent United States Marshal

of Georgia. Gov. Bullock gave bail easily. The case lingered for a

year or two in the courts. Gen. L. J. Gartrell was his leading counsel.

On the final trial, the proof connecting him criminally with the frauds

on the State was not sufficient, and he was acquitted.

In estimating Gov. Bullock's administration, the time has hardly

come to do it exact justice. It has been too recent. It was an event

ful one all through. It was rancorous, turbulent, revolutionary. It

was in antagonism to the good people of the State. It was frightfully

bad. And yet the times were conducive to much of the \vrong. Bul

lock was warped, by provocation, by necessity, by desperate stress, by

unprincipled connections, by horribly evil counsel. He was naturally a

clever, amiable, correctly disposed person. He started wrong and never

got right.

T

A CRITICAL ESTIMATE OF GOV. BTJI/LOCK.'s ADMINISTRATION.

4G3

He had to contend with an opposition that -was sensitive and soured, that had been harried and was resentful, whose chivalry and honor were both inflamed almost to madness by believed outrage, that he justified. He had neither tact, statesmanship nor congeniality with the people of Georgia. He represented a party, composed mainly of newly enfran chised negroes and foreign adventurers, that pressed an odious public policy. He was the agent of a disagreeable mission. He not only did not lighten its severities, but he increased them. At best, he must have evoked dissatisfaction. He did the worst that could have been done, and he drew execration. He resented it, and the conflict between him and the people became reckless and unsparing- on both sides.
It was a desperate conception that he carried through, to uptear accomplished reconstruction, because his power was not as absolute as he wished. His very success in the doing- of this unspeakable wrong, made the way easy to every species of Executive dereliction, since Congress, in the caprices of reconstruction, tyranny, seemed willing to commit any enormity and approve any crime at the behest of its loval Southern dynasties. Had the certainty of responsibility been sure, many risks of transcended authority would not have been taken.
But be the temptation what it may, Gov. Bullock's term was contin uously worthy of censure. It grew in its criminality. It was unbrokenlv evil. Every step was marked by personal scheming, disregard of nat ural feeling-, wasteful extravag-ance, violations of law and wanton attempts to degrade the State's autonomy. These are hard words. But they are coldly deserved. The simple, undeniable official facts justify them. And not the least censurable feature of this painful episode of evil, was that it was successfully achieved by the vile weapon of State defamation under the hypocritical pretext of the public interest.
Honest men enough at the North were made to believe that the Christian people of Georgia were such a set of piratical law-breakers and brutal conspirators against legitimate Federal authority, as to demand the very dissolution of government, and the substitution of an armed anarchy for the protection of society and obedience to Federal power. The whole rule of Gov. Bullock, in the "writer's judgment, was crime--against the State, the Nation, and humanity. That rule fitly ended. It went out in disgrace and amid public rejoicing. And it will live in the cool, clear future as the darkest era of Georgia history.

CHAPTER XLII.
THE FINAL ACT OF JOYOUS STATE REDEMPTION.
The Legislature of 1871.--An able Body.--Its vast Work.--Its Personelle.--L. N. Trammell.--James M. Smith.--Prolongation Again.--Gov. Conley and Bullock's Term. --Democratic Moderation.--President Trammell's Patriotic Sacrifice.--Election.-- Conley's Term.--Its Good and Bad.--Democratic Convention.--James M. Smith Nominated and Elected Governor.--The Republican Perplexity.--Gov. Smith's Inauguration--The Public Joy.--Foreign Comment.--The New York Vforld on Georgia.--Obituary on Georgia Radicalism from the Atlanta Constitution.--ExGov. C. J. Jenkins' Superb Letter.--He Restores the Great Seal of the State.-- The Dark Period of Reconstruction Rule.--The Fateful Decade from Secession to Complete Restoration.--An Era of Red Terror and Black Misrule.--The Proud Spectacle of Regenerated Georgia.
THE Legislature convened on the first clay of November, 1871, two clays after President Benjamin Conley, of the Senate, took Bullock's place as Governor. This body was an unusually able one, and it assembled under circumstances of unspeakably grave public import. Its work was incalculably important, and while it made some mistakes, its general action was able and patriotic. Twenty-two of the old Senators
were some very strong men. In fact, nearly every one of the new Sen ators was a public man of recognized power in popular leadership. Among them were R. E. Lester, John C. Nichols, L. C. Hoyle, B. B. Hinton, R. Jones, Charles C. Kibbee, T. J. Simmons, E. Steaclmaii, William M. Reese, W. S. Erwin, M. V. Estes, George Hillyer, James R. Brown, and L. N. Trammell.
T. J. Simmons has been President of the Senate, and is now Judge of the Macon Circuit". A tall, fine-looking' gentleman with heavy blonde whiskers, a rno^t genial person, Judge Simmons has been a valuable and sticcessful public man. He has never been beaten. Judge "William Reese was an. ornament to the Bench and an incomparable legislator. Clear, positive, practical, honest, he has had great weight in every delib erative body in which he has served. George Hillyer is now Judge of the Atlanta Circuit, and fast building into an enviable reputation as a jurist. James R. Brown is a brother of Gov. Brown, and has

THE LEGISLATURE OF 1871.

405

many of the strong- characteristics of his more famous kinsman. He is now Judge of the Blue Ridge Circuit, and both in the legislative chamber and upon the bench has been marked by fine practical sense, thorough courage and immovable honesty.
Hon. L. IS". Trammell was unanimously elected President of the Senate, by a voice vote, without even the formality of a written ballot. This was a deserved tribute to Mr. Trammell, and. no gentleman has ever sustained himself as a presiding- officer with more parliamentary skill and personal dignity. His administration was simply perfect. Quick, impartial, firm, courteous, thoroughly versed in parliamentary law, he governed the deliberations of the Senate with consummate tact.
The House also had some marked men on its roll. There was John W. Wofford, TV. H. Payne, Isaac Russell, Emanuel Heidt, "W. D. Anderson, E. D. Graham, R. TV. Phillips, Morgan. Rawls, Dunlap Scott, M. R. Ballenger, E. F. Hoge, Henry Jackson, J. C. Fain, R. L. McWhorter, TV. E. Simmons, Garnett McMillan, Geo. F. Pierce, J. "W. Murphy, G. TV. Bryan, TV. P. Johnson, IT. TV. Riley, S. E. Field, J. M. Smith, J. F. Pou, L. J. Aired, M. H. Burin,-J. H/Guerry, J. B. Gum ming, Claiborne Snead, C. B. Hudson, J. C.- Dell, John I. Hall, J. TV. Renfroe. Of all these bright gentlemen, perhaps there was none of them more brilliant than. Garnett McMillan. He possessed a fervent, flashing mind. He died several years after. TV. E. Simmons was a person of unusually strong- intelligence. TV. H. Payne was a man of cool, substantial caliber. George F. Pierce has been almost continu ously since in legislatiires and conventions, and has an oratory almost equal to his gifted uncle, Bishop Pierce. He is now Solicitor of one of the judicial circuits.
TV. P. Johnson was a son of II. V. Johnson, and a young man of bright brain. J. TV. Renfroe has since been State Treasurer for five years, making a wonderful administration. Claiborne Snead is now Judge of the Augusta Circuit, and a young- man of uncommon power. One of the most notable men in this body was John. I. Hall, who has been Juclg-e of the Flint Circuit. He has been a warm friend of Gov. James M. Smith. Judge Hall has been one of the cleverest political managers in the State, with a singularly practical vision of the public temper, and a wary, shrewd use of political opportunities. A very promising young man was Henry Jackson, eldest son of Gen. Henry R. Jackson, who has figured so brilliantly in Georgia History in the last quarter of a century. Whether as a lawyer or legislator, Capt. Henry Jackson, has been a marked young man. He has been Reporter of the

4GG

THE BATTLE EOR THE GOVERXOR's OFFICE.

Supreme Court for nearly ten years, making- as efficient an official as the lamented Thos. R. R- Cobb, whose daughter he married.
The House organized by the selection of James M. Smith as speaker. Col. Smith had been a gallant officer in the war, and a member of Con gress. He was a person of solid, powerful build, with a square resolute face, and an appearance of rug-g- e d strength that betokened the type of his mind. A self-made man, originally a blacksmith, Col. Smith, who afterwards became Governor, was a strong and rising character. He was an able lawyer and an effective political speaker. At the time of his election as Speaker, he was in a law co-partnership with Col. P. W. Alexander, the famous war correspondent, " P. ~W. A." Col. James D. Wacldell was elected Clerk of the House.
The important question that confronted the Legislature was, who should be Governor, Benjamin Conley, President of the last Senate, whose term had expired, and who was no long-cr a senator or president, or L. N. Trammell, who was the President of the existing Senate ? The Con stitution devolved the duties of Governor upon, the President of the Senate. The Democrats claimed that when Mr. Conley ceased to be President of the Seriate, he had no right to act as Governor, and when Mr. Trammell became President of the Senate he became endowed with the right to discharge the Executive duties. That this was the law the best lawyers agreed, and. it was the legal solution of this very vital issue.
Gov. Conley not only claimed the right to be Governor, but he main tained that he should serve as Executive for the whole balance of Gov. Bullock's term. Prolongation had been the Republican theory, and it was pursued in this instance fearlessly. It was a fitting- and. picturesque termination of reconstruction rule, that it should be marked by this battle for the Governorship, this contest for the executive authority. There never has been, a finer piece of political moderation than the con duct of the Democrats in this emergency. Nor has there ever been a loftier exhibition of patriotic self-sacrifice than the action of President Trammell in foregoing his undeniable right to step into the august hon ors of the executive office.
In a spirit of conciliation and conservatism, admirable and conclu sive in falsifying the slanderous aspersions upon democratic peacefulness, the Legislature permitted Gov. Conley to hold until an election, and passed a bill to have an election on the 3d of December, 1871. Gov. Conley vetoed the bill. But it was passed over his veto. The Repub licans made a prodigious noise over this measure, arid denounced it as

GOVJEjRXOR COXLKY'S ADMIXISTRATIOX.

467

revolutionary. But it was all in vain. With a quiet firmness, the Democratic policy was ca.rried out, arid the work of State regeneration proceeded to its complete consummation.
Gov. Conley's administration was a very great improvement on Gov. Bullock's. He did some commendable things. He did some acts for which he was severely censured. He stopped immediately Gov. Bul lock's extravagant proclamation business. He paid out some $25,188 of the contingent fund in the two months and twelve days of his incumbency. He also pardoned Foster Blodgett for all possible charges against him growing1 out of the State Road administration. For these two acts he received much popular animadversion. He had several lively conflicts with the Legislature. He vetoed a bill reducing legisla tive pay to seven dollars from nine; another continuing the session five clays beyond the constitutional forty clays; another repealing a Bullock law remitting the payment of poll tax for the past three years; another repealing the District court law; another repealing the India rubber twentieth section of the appropriation act under which Gov. Bullock had spent hundreds of thousands of dollars on every species of claim; and another authorizing an investigation of our bonds.
These were all party battles, and were made by Gov. Conley to press Republican strategy. The tussle between Conley and the Democrats became right animated. He was game and personally honest, but he was an uncompromising partisan, and struck the democracy every hard blow that he could. No charge of inconsistency could move him. He had prolonged hundreds of clays in the Bullock Legislature, but yet he vigorously stormed over the alleged outrage of Democratic prolonga tion of five days to wind up business. He took 89 a clay for 320 days, but condemned Democratic extravagance that wanted $7 a clay. He was scored roundly with these inconsistencies, but it made no difference. He pounded away vigorously upon the Democrats, and he gave them a deal of trouble, and kept them actively retorting.
The Democratic convention to nominate a candidate for Governor, met in Atlanta, on the 6th clay of December, 1871. There were 372 delegates from 134 counties. Among the delegates were Barney Hill, T. G. Holt, C. .C. Kibbee, M. Rawls, R. T. Fouche, J. C. Fain, T. M. Peeples, W. E. Simmons, A. D. Candler, G. F. Pierce, B. B. Hiriton, H. L. Benning, M. Blanforcl, L. F. Garrarcl, P. W. Alexander, A. R, Lamar, L. J. Aired, J. C. Nicholls, J. T. Clarke, J. B. Gumming, C. F. Crisp, C. W. Hancock, C. J. Wellborn, I. E. Shumate, J. A. W. John son and William M. Reese. This was the first political appearance of a

GOV. JAMES M. SMITH ELECTED AXD INAUGURATE!:.
Hon. Julian Hartridge was elected Chairman of the Convention. The contest was between Herbert Fielder, Gen. W. T. Wofford and Col. James M. Smith. Fielder and "Wofford withdrew, and Smith was unanimously nominated. A new Executive Committee was appointed, consisting- of Clifford Anderson, E. F. Hoge, J. B. Gumming, C. "W. Styles, J. C. Dell, J. H. Hunter, C. C. Kibbee, W. O. Fleming, A. R. T.amar, H. Buchanan, A. D. Hammond, J. I. Hall, G. F. Pierce, J. I). Mathews, G. MoMillan, W. E. Simmons, J. T. Burns, arid C. D. McCutchen.
The Republicans finally declined to run a candidate. Col. H. P. Far row published a letter afterwards, giving an interesting account of the Republican perplexity. A caucus was held, at the capitol, consisting of J. Johnson, John S. Bigby, J. R. Parrott, Madison Bell, R. L. Mott and others. The Bullock administration was the incubus. There seems to have been, an entire repxicliation of Bullock's rule. They " were in no way connected with the Bullock ring." Foster Blodgett's resignation as Chairman of the Executive Committee was received, arid James At kins was nominated for Governor. Col. Atkins declined. Among the phrases used in this Republican caucus were such as " the shameful administration of Gov. Bullock;" " fled the country dishonored, yet ' unwept, unhonored and unsung ! ' " and " betrayed in every essential particular the confidence of the party."
James M. Smith was elected Governor, the fact that there was no opposition causing a light vote, only 39,705; and Gov. Conley in his message transmitting the ballots to the General Assembly, with some bitterness, but incorrectly, claimed that the smallness of the vote dem onstrated that the people of Georgia did not desire an election to fill the unexpired term of Gov. Bullock. The Governor elect resigned his place as Speaker, and Jos. B. Gumming was elected in his place.
On the 12th day of January, 1872, Gov. James M. Smith was inaugxtrated amid universal rejoicing. The Representative Chamber was packed. Gov. Smith was accompanied by the State officials and Judges, Gen. Toombs, Gen. Colquitt, ex-Gov. Joseph E. Brown, P. W. Alex ander and others. His inaugural was a concise, earnest address, that was fully applauded. He used this expression:
" Recurring to the occasion which has brought us together to-day, it cannot escape the most careless observer, that we have assembled under circumstances of an extraor-

No words can convey the depth and fervor of the public joy over this restoration of a rule resting- on the free choice of the people. Over the leng-th arid breadth of the commonwealth welled up one universal, tleepsouled acclaim of gladness. There was a double satisfaction in the event, the end of misrule and the inauguration of good, government. The despotism of the bayonet was gone, and it seemed as if we had, after an unspeakable pilgrimage, reached the promised land.
Nor was the rejoicing- confined to Georgia. From every part of the Union came back to us congratulations and the responsive echoes of our delight. Some of the comments were very striking. The New York ~World in particular made the event the subject of some reflections that contain a profound philosophy, and well merit quotation. Said this journal:

" Georgia, more than any of the Southern states, has stiffere'd from the process of

id he

delh

.pie of of he

tile tlit ; pr

has been. All the powers of the Federal Government--the army, the treasury, the

courts--have been exhausted to keep her in a certain position, and at the first election

we find her escaping- out of that condition and assuming a position of her own. Had it

been some powerful Northern state, like New York, or Massachusetts, or Illinois, that

had been time and again hound hand and foot, and yet hurst its bonds almost in the

instant they had been completed, the wonder would not be great ; hut that a beaten and

impoverished commonwealth like Georgia has risen superior to the whole strength of tha

Administration is something amazing. It shows how little real root there is in centrali

zation, and how fully able a State is to cope with the whole Federal .Government when

that Government is prostituted to party ends. Nothing that Congress could do--nothing-

thai the President could do--has boen'able to keep this State in that vassalage to winch

Congress and the President bent all their energies to reduce her. It has been impossible

to keep the cork under water, whatever the superimposed force. No less than seven acts

of Congress were leveled at Georgia ; no less than three times was her civil establish

ment superseded by martial law ; and the end of it all is that the State is to-day just

whe

,olu

ol of he

i peop

' scratch
If the public happiness was great over the exhilarating spectacle, that one of Georgia's own sons, by her own. untrammeled suffrag-es, sat in her honorable Executive seat, there was an equally profound sense of relief, that the dismal reign of Radical misgovernmeiit had ended forever.

470

OBITUARY OF GEORGIA. RADICALISM.

The writer at that time gave expression to the popular feeling- in the following1 editorial article in the Atlanta (Jonstitxition, which a general reproduction in the State press attested to be the public conception of the defunct reconstruction dynasty, and which, though written in the haste of rapid preparation and with the over-coloring- due the feverish times, presents the truth:
" OBITUARY.
GEORGIA RADICALISM. Perished through its own corruption,
12 M , January 12th, 1872, In Atlanta, Ga.,
In the Representative Chamber of the General Assembly, And by the free ballots of the virtuous people it outraged,
The detestable body of GEORGIA RADICALISM.
It was aborted January 30th, 1868, Of the horrible rape of State Sovereignty By the brutal Bayonet. It lived three years, eleven months and twenty seven days,
A ghastly thing Of ceaseless, infinite, tumamable
VILLAINY. It debauched the

Into a hissing term of loathsome scorn, And a glaring- by-word of ignominious reproach.
It clutched in its leprous grasp the STATE'S PURE JUDICIARY, And bedraggled it in slime
Until its spotless ermine was as black and offensive, As Radicalism's own adored Africa. It transformed the STATE'S GREAT LEGISLATURE
Into a howling pandemonium of indecency and plunder, An uncoiivicted penitentiary of thieves, blackguards and felons,
In which a few good men Made the large majority of its members More conspicuously infernal by the tremendous contrast.

Hypocritically making a hobby of Education, It ^Stole
Every dollar of the State Educational Fund. In the name of justice,
It turned loose the imprisoned convicts

OBITUARY OF RADICALISM COXTI^TtTED.
Of the whole broad State, To recruit its corrupt ranks and create crime. It ascribed this crime to the virtuous people,
To perpetuate its power By making- such purposed disorder
A diabolical pretext For the overthrow of State government, And the interference of national despotism
To crucify the commonwealth For the Radical benefit. It made the State A HE LI,,
In practice for its own certain destination. It pounced its ravenous claws
Ou the State's giant property, its great railroad, With the rabid rapacity of a hungry hyena, And its plan of gobblemeiit will glare Through the accumulated rottenness of ages An unequaled model for all Big and bold-schemed bandits. If it had a single virtue, Concentrated microscopic partiality Has failed to find it. . Malice knows no crime it has not committed, While it has enriched The catalogue of Satan With its new and devilish devices Of Evil. To the State's honor Be it eternally said That it found little State stuff, Vile enough for its use. It imported Its scamps from the moral North, And the hcgira Of its gorged buzzards home Under the law's lash, Leaves little of its organism Save the deluded masses Of its despised, robbed and ignorant AFKICAXS, Who rue its rule, And curse its existence.
It spewed all the good men from its association, And left them sick, shocked and stranded On the great rock Of a remediless political blunder. But we cannot hope to do it justice.

4:72

THE RKCOXSTRUCTIOX HULK.

Words are unequal to the task. What evil it did not do
Was not from want of venom. But of physical capacity. The hottest torture It will know in the flames
Of its inevitable home will be Its own uuappeased malignity, Its hungry disappointment at unaccomplished crimes.
To sum up its record It has broken every law, Violated every decency, betrayed every trust, Injured every interest, hurt every industry, Wronged every citizen, neglected every duty, Committed every crime, omitted every virtue. It has done falsehood, theft, hypocrisy, Slander, perjury, oppression^ blasphemy, Murder, treason and sacrilege. Hereafter among- Shame's penalties, The most stinging blazonry of Scorn
Will be the mere fact That a man was Of it.
Its short career constituted GEORGIA'S DARK DAYS.
Its downfall Makes up a joy and a blessing'
As bright and blissful As its rule was dark. And language cannot convey that.
Its epitaph No time can obliterate From the hearts of future As well as present generations.
It is this : CURSES ON ITS MEMORY."

It may well be conceived that a rule that drew such contemporaneous expression of conservative opinion had been black and heavy indeed. On the 30th day of January, 18G8, Gov. Jenkins was removed by Gen. Meacle. On the 4th day of July, 1SGS, Gov. Bullock assumed to be Chief Magistrate as Provisional Governor. On the 21st clay of July, 1868, he was sworn in to the Executive trust. On the 30th day of Oc tober, 1871, he resigned. And on. the 12th day of January, 1872, Gov. James M. Smith was installed as the Executive. From the 30th day of January, 18G8, to the 12th day of January, 1872, of this never-to-be

KETUKXS THE GKEAT SEAL OP STATE.

473

forg-otten epoch of a forcigrn and. hostile rule, it was four years lacking eighteen clays.
One touching act of restored sovereignty needs record to complete the picture of joyful State redemption. Ex-Gov. Charles J. Jenkins, with the conclusion of military domination, returned from his long- exile and gave back to the custody of a lawful Executive the great Seal of State, and certain executive papers that he had taken with him. The letter of ex-Gov. Jenkins, in discharging this agreeable duty, is a paper of exquisite diction, lofty sentiment and noble dignity. There is no document among the great records of this or any other State or Govern ment to surpass this superb emanation of an exalted and patriotic statesmatiship. It presents the chronicle of the abhorred rape of our State's sovereignty, and his own dutiful efforts to protect the common-wealth from ignominy, in fitting language and an heroic spirit. I3reathing- the sentiment of liberty arid law, speaking- a broad devotion to the princi ples of a constitutional government, imbued, with the heroism of martyr dom for the right, and maintaining- in lofty words the obligations of personal honor and official responsibility, this great enunciation of the noble Jenkins was alike an immeasurable rebuke to the evil dynasty "it followed and a glorious inauguration of Georgia's regenerated majesty.
This peerless paper thus characteristically concluded in words deserv ing forever to live:
" The removal of the books and papers was simply a cautionary measure for my own protection. Not so with the seal. That was a symbol of the Executive authoritv, and although devoid of intrinsic material value, was hallowed by a sen its surrender to unauthorized hands. Afterwards, whilst.I was in seeking the interposition of the Supreme Court, a formal, writtei upon me by General Ruger for a return of these articles, with whi ply. The books and papers I herewith transmit to your Excelleii

it.

tutecl t

3iitieate official misdeeds of an upstart preten

to me, I gladly place it in the hands of a worthy son of Geo

ecutive--my first legitimate successor."

i pi oscu. Ex-

Counting- the years from the 19th of January, 18G1, the day of seces sion, to the 12th of January, 187.2, which witnessed, the complete restora tion of the wandering star of Georgia to the orbit of the Union, a period of eleven years lacking- one week, and we see what must ever be the most stupendous era of her history in its events and changes. The mind fairly reels in the retrospection of this turbulent decade. It is such an

474 GEORGIA'S FATEFUL CAREER FROM SECESSION TO REDEMPTION.
historic picture as the future chronicler will dwell upon with wonder and awe, and portray with a pulsing- pen.
Starting- from an unparalleled prosperity and progress in a sunny peace, the lordly craft, cut from its moorings by its own friendly hands, shot into the fiercest storm of human annals. There was no extreme of woe, blood, wreck, ravage, anarchy, misrule, despotism and shame that it had not suffered to the very dreg's. "\Var was terrible; peace proved more so. Failure seemed the culmination of ignominy; fortune showed the mistake. An evil destiny fatigued its invention in the supplement of grotesque dishonors it swarmed upon a shattered commonwealth.
The story of shade, blight and rancor can never be exceeded. To see a community of a million of people tossed for eleven long- years in such a drift of mad event is something- touching-, and full of awe. It looked as if a dark fate delighted in expending- its endless catalogue of hor rors upon one poor republic. The unconquerable vitality of a fine state hood was shown in this iron ordeal. Like a repressed giant, the spirit of our free people was indomitable and. asserted itself with resistless force. As soon can the untamable wind, be cribbed, as to curb the aspiring- life of a manly breed of men.
It was a decade picturesque with red terror and black misrule. It piled woe after woe upon the State. It furnished prodigally every experience of human suffering-, and every fantastic phase of misgovernment-t 33ut through it all, a Christian citizenry carried, its honor, its spirit of freedom, its integrity and its religious civilization, sacredly preserved, and the very second that marked the withdrawal of the rude grasp of repressive power saw the proud and instantaneoxis spectacle of a re-established State nationality, erect, perfect, and aug-ust, the very incarnation of an enlightened popular sovereignty--REGENERATED GEORGIA.

CHAPTER XLIII.
GEORGIA'S FAMOUS EXPURGATION OF FRAUDULENT BONDS.
Ex-Gov. Joseph E. Brown's Emergence froir. Odium.--His Opposition to Bullock's" Schemes.--The Seeley Trick Rebuked.--The State Road Lease.-- Gov. Bromi Re solves to Fight a Duel'with Gen. Toombs.--- The Correspondence.--Official Changes. --J. G. Orr.--Gov. Smith's Staff.--P. W. Alexander.--J. W. Warren.--T. ^M. Norwood Elected United States Senator.--The Great Bond Question.--The Bond Committee, Simmons, Hall and McMillan.--Report.--Statement of Bonds.--The Bonds Rejected.--The New Legislature.--Its Personelle.---T. L. Snead and his Bond Compromise.--A Measure of State and National Agitation.--Letters of Leading Georgians upon it.--The Constitution of 1877 Settles the Bond Matter Filially.
IT was a sig-nificant fact that ex-Gov. Joseph E. Brown accompanied Gov. Smith to be inaugurated. The long- and painful separation from his former political allies was coming- to a fitting- close. It was destined to be still a long- time before he came back to the full political fellow ship that was due to his sincerity of conviction and thoroug'h courage. While in no way had the merited bitterness against the venal recoristructionists abated, the public mind was discriminating', and men occu pying- Gov. Brown's position were getting a corrector judgment. Gov. Brown sturdily antagonized the wrongs of the Bullock regime, and he effectively opposed the iniquitous attempts at additional gratuitous re construction acts for Radical partisan purposes. No man was more devoted to the best interest of Georg-ia than he, and while he was for acquiescing- in inevitable hardship, he was the last man in the State to seek the imposition of superfluous ignominy upon the people.
A man by the name of Isaac Seeley sent out a circular urging that affidavits be gotten up to show that voters were denied the right to vote by challenges for non-payment of taxes, and if necessary, Repub licans must challenge each other at the polls. The object of this swin dling- trickery was to manufacture a foundation for Congress to pass an act to prevent abridgment of voting by the assessment of taxes. This was one of the innumerable Radical schemes for controlling the State through Congress that were so ingeniously used in that day. Seeley sent a circular to Gov. Brown, who, in an open letter, exposed and

THE STATIC EGAD LEASE.
be gate and report upon the fairness or nrne o e ease, compose of Senators Wm. M. Reeso and A. D. Nunnally, and Representatives
ry jority and minority reports were made. There were extensive discus sions. The fight was full of very hot blood and a deep conflict of moneyed interest. The purpo.se to break the lease was resolute and acri monious. There was no tendency to compromise, but the fullest deter mination to fight it out on both sides to the bitter end.
The legislature finally sustained the lease by an overwhelming" ma jority, and Gov. Brown had reason to be proud of his victory. He had the best metal of the State pitted ag-ainst him. His management of the long- conflict was a model of cool temper, sleepless vigilance and masterly force. It was curiously illustcative of the disrepute into which the expelled Bullock regime had fallen, that the heaviest burden the Seago Company, as it was called, had to carry, was the connection with it of Foster Blodgett's name. There is an interesting1 feature of this
Nearly all of the original lessees
whole period of the lease. We now come to a strange episode in Gov. Brown's life. He seemed
destined to have every possible experience that falls to man. The drama of his career was a complete catalogue of surprises and alterna tions. He had been from boyhood a member of the church, a devout, pious Baptist, a man of prayer, a pillar of his denomination. His life

I

THE DUET, BKTWKKX P.KOWX AXD TOOilHS.

477

plated the idea for a moment, that Gov. Brown would determine upon such an act, so foreig-n. to his life and character. But in the long- years of political proscription and personal abuse, a nature constitutionally combative, had become fired by a keen sense of injustice at the savag-e invective, that while much abated, still fusilladed him with considerable vigor from several quarters. Gen. Toombs, with a capacity for scath ing- characterization, had made Gov. Brown a special object of attack.
That Gov. Brown should resolve to check the current of vituperation was not an unnatural conclusion for a man of his inherited belligerence and stern temper. He made up his mind in his quiet way, to go to the field and fight. He secured Col. James Gardner as his second, and had every arrangement made to push this issue to extremes. The corres pondence tells the whole story, which is permitted to speak for itself. The duel did not come to a meeting-, owing- to a hitch that will be seen in. the correspondence, but it is none the less true that Gov. Brown had made up his mind to fig-ht the duel. And it was a strange result, testi fying- loudly to the inconsistency of the best human nature that Gov. Brown's resolution to fight not only did him a wonderful amount of good with the ungodly, but as they felt he had long suffered great in justice and wrong" it pleased his Christian friends, whose moral and religious ordinances he proposed to violate. The meekest people like
ed in hi
, n increased respect and an enlarged church influence.
The cause of the difficulty wTas the following- private letter, published by the Griffin JVeics, o the 27th of June, 1872, to a gentleman of that city:
" WASHINGTON-, June 19th, 1872. "Dear Sir : I do not know the heirs of Mitc ell, and do not kn w whether they are

referred to, and I ill add that I h

doubt that if they had any rights to the prop

erty referred to, t ey were stripped of the largest port of their rights, as well as the

State.

" The journals of the Legislature show, that in the face of a direct offer of one

hundred thousand dollars for a quit-claim deed to the property in dispute made by Gen

eral Austell and others, and of the unanimous opinion of all the lawyers employed in

the case by Bullock, except one, that the title of the State was clear, the Legislature

accepted the offer of thirty-five thousand dollars from Lochrane, Kimball and Brown,

who engineered the bill through the Legislature in the name of the Mitchell heirs.

" The term ' orphans of Mitchell ' was applied to them in derision of the pretenses,

under which the people were stripped of their property for the use of these ' orphans.'

" This action of the Legislature was the result of bribery, pure and simple. The

478

GOVERXOR BROWXS DEXUXCIAT1OX OF TOOMBS.

acceptance of tlie thirty thousand dollars in lieu of the hundred thousand offered under the circumstances contained in the journals is conclusive proof of that fact.
" I did state further, that as far as my knowledge extended, all of the public plunderers who pretended to be Democrats, from Tammany Hall down to the smallest petty lar ceny thief on the State Road, were Greeley men, and so is the fact.
" The spoliators of everv party in this country dread nothing1 so much as the return

the terror of all the enemies of. the public by whatever name they may be called.

"K. TOOMBS."
Gov. Brown, made this reply in the Constitution of July 3, 1872:
"ATLANTA, GA., July 2, 1872. ention has been called to a letter published in the Griffin , in reference to the passage of the resolution of the ing- the litigation between the heirs of Samuel Mitchell ich Gen. Toombs uses the following language : " ' The Legislature accepted the offer of 835,000 from Lochrane, Kimball and Brown, who engineered the bill through the Legislature in the name of the Mitchell heirs. The term ' orphans ' of Mitchell was applied to them in derision of the pretenses under which the people were stripped of this property, for the use of these ' orphans/ This action was the result of bribery pure and simple. ... I did state further that as far as my knowledge extended, all the public plunderers who pretended to be Democrats, from Tammany Hall down to the smallest petty larceny thief on the State Road, were Greeley men, and so is the fact.' " Now if Gen. Toombs intends by his language to say that I have been guilty of bribery in ' engineering ' this bill through the Legislature, I pronounce his statement an infamous falsehood and its author an unscrupulous liar.
" Very respectfully, "JOSEPH E. BROWN."
Judg-e Lochrane published an agg'ressive and denunciatory reply to Gen. Toombs, in which he argued the facts, and thus concluded :
" Too long have the interests of Georgia been cursed by the bewildering folly of Toombs. May the God of justice interpose to save the State from the further infliction of his pestilential influence, and as the State has heretofore been spared his precedent, may Providence, in the future, spare her the curse of his parallel."
This very neat piece of abuse is g-iven, as iri Gren. Toombs' reply there is some clever counter-crimination. The contest between these two was merely wordy. The difficulty with Gov. Brown was a serious affair, and he meant fig-lit, and conducted the correspondence to that end. Gen. Toombs sent Col. John C. Nicholls on the 9th of July, 1872, to Gov. Brown, to informally inquire if he would give Gen. Toombs satisfaction under the Code. Gov. Brown, in a very polite, but as he considered it a very positive conversation, g-ave the assurance plainly, as he thought, that he would give satisfaction when called on by Gen. Toombs. After

GEXERAT, TOOMBS KEPl.Y.

479

Col. Nicholls retired G^ov. Brown at once telegraphed his friend, Col. Gardner, at Augusta, requesting him to come to Atlanta by the first train. Col. Gardner arrived on the early morning- train of the 10th. Gov. Brown, called on him immediately, and g-ave him a full statement of the interview between him and Col. Nicholls. Col. Gardner told him his only mistake was, that he did not have all communication on the subject conducted in writing--that if Col. Nicholls should have misun derstood him, or should g-ive a different version of the conversation, it might be unfortunate. Col. Gardner then advised Gov. Brown to see Col. Nicholls without delay, and agree in writing-, what was said in the interview. It was early in the morning-, and Gov. Brown at once in quired of the hotel-keeper for Col. Nicholls' room. But he was informed that Col. Nicholls had left the previous evening- for his home in Southern Georgia. He was also informed, that Gen. Toombs had left very early that morning for his residence in "VYashing-ton, Ga., and curiously enough Col. Gardner was assigned to Gen. Toombs' vacated room. As neither Gen. Toombs nor Col. Nicholls were in Atlanta, it was not then in his power to see Col. Nicholls to reduce the conversation to writing", nor to communicate it immediately in writing to Gen. Toombs. Col. Gardner then advised him to reduce the conversation just as it occurred to writ ing-, arid forward it by express immediately to Gen. Toombs, at his home, so that there could be no dispute about its receipt by him. This Gov. Brown did, and sent the \vritteri statement to Gen. Toombs by the express of that day, and took the receipt of the express company for the communication, which he was informed by the expressmen was promptly delivered.
This communication, so far as it relates to the interview between Col. Nicholls arid Gov. Brown, is copied into Gov. Brown's card to the public, dated July 17, 1872, and need not be inserted here. The address and the memorandum referring to Col. Gardner's advice to see Col. Nicholls, and have the conversation reduced to writing .immediately, are omitted.
On the IGth of July, Gren. Toombs published the following article in the Atlanta Sun, dated the llth.
[From the Sun.-} " WASHINGTON, GA., July 11, 1872.
"To the Editors of the Sun: A'brace of ex-Chief Justices, of this State, honored me with their notice and vituperation in The Constitution of the 3d instant. There were a trio of these chevaliers d'Industrie engaged in the transactions referred to. The third member of the firm (Mr. H. I. Kimball) is absent from the State, I suppose, 'from cir cumstances beyond his control.' These assaults excite no surprise.
" Since the adjournment of that baud of public plunderers whom General Terry and

480

GEXERAL TOOMBS' REPI/V.

Bullock installed as the legislature of Georgia in October, 1870, I have devoted much

guilt, and to preserve the evidence of their crimes from destruction, until the criminal

semhle to aid the administration of justice, and wrest from the grasp of the spoilers so much of their ill-gotten gains as might be within the reacli of law or legislation.
" These efforts have not been wholly unavailing, and I trust I have been able to render some small service to some of the very able and efficient committees whom the Legisla ture have charged with the consummation of this great work. My small portion of the work has excited the deepest enmity of the whole gang of spoliators against me. I accept it as some evidence that I have not labored wholly in vain.

the publication to which they refer, is denied by either Lochrane or Brown. They do riot deny that they, in connection with Kimball, engineered through the Legislature the resolution ceding the Railroad Park property in Atlanta, in the name of the heirs of Mitchell; nor that the Legislature accepted thirty-five thousand dollars from their clients in the face of a responsible offer of one hundred thousand dollars for a quit-claim deed to the same property; nor that this action of the Legislature was the result of bribery, pure and simple ; nor that the acceptance of the thirty-five thousand dollars in lieu of the one hundred thousand dollars offered under the circumstances contained in the journals, is conclusive of that fact. Here are the specific charges contained in my letter, and the proof referred to, to sustain them.
" I shall dismiss the reply of Lochrane very summarily. Treachery, mendacity, venality, servility to Bullock and the Radical gang, rottenness in and out of office since the surrender, has so strongly stamped his character, that nothing lie could now say--no newfalsehood lie might'utter, and no new crime he might now commit would, in the least degree, affect his public reputation or his private character where he is known.
" He boasts of buying a large portion of the Park property, and of large amounts expended in its improvement, when I know that since that purchase, if purchase it be, he has been compromising his honest debts for about thirty cents 011 the dollar ; and if the

practices under color of his profession, or his malpractices on the Bench. " Ex-Chief Justice Brown denies neither of the statements which I affirmed. He con
tents himself with quoting from my letter, and then adding : ' Now if General Toombs,

bill through the Legislature, I pronounce his statement an infamous falsehood, and its author an unscrupulous liar.'
" He quoted the language, 'and therefore knew I did not ' say ' so. If he felt in doubt about the intention--the construction of the language--he might have asked for an explanation. The propriety of this course is so obvious that no gentleman could fail to perceive it. Brown preferred hypothetical denunciation, the usual dodge of a vulgar poltroon, and played his characteristic role. He is extremely technical : ' Tf General Toombs intends by this language that I have been guilty of bribery in engineering this

Brown's being personally engaged in the bribery. I think he is too cunning and skillful a lobbyist to run any such unnecessary risks, especially with such experts as Kimball and Lochrane, aided by Blodgett, assisting him in the work of engineering the bill through the Legislature.

GlijSTERAT, TOOMI5S REPLY.
"In 1867, .Brown and Pope brought suit for the heirs of Mitchell for the park portion
before the Legislature, and the claim rejected. It there slept until Bullock got another reconstruction act through Congress, and he and General Terry had, by fraud and force, ejected a large number of the true representatives of the people, and replaced them with a sufficient number of his own pliant and corrupt tools to render powerless the honest men whom he could get no pretext for ejecting.
" The State being thus prostrate at the feet of the usurpers and plunderers, Bullock, their chief, with a corrupt Judiciary of his own appointment, with a venal Legislature, sounded his bugle and called his clans to the sacking of the Commonwealth.
"Loehrane was among the very first to obey the call. In July, 1870, he put in the rejected claim of the heirs of Mitchell, in a proposition to Bullock, to give him the whole of the property in dispute in the suits, except a strip of land two hundred and forty feet wide, between Lloyd and Pry or streets, where the depot then and now stands, for thirty-five thousand dollars. This property was estimated then to be worth between three hundred thousand and four hundred thousand dollars, by some of the best citizens of Atlanta. The proposition was referred by Bullock to the counsel he had employed to defend the State's interests. Mr. William Dougherty, Judge Collier, Mr. Hoyt, Judge Hopkins and Mr. Kunnally, of the counsel, met, consulted, and except Nurmally, unanimously decided that the title of the State was clear and unquestionable, and directed one of their number so to report to the Governor.
" Judge Ilopkms differs with Messrs. Doughcrty, Collier and Hoyt as to the other facts, but agrees that the title of the State was clear.
" Bullock sent in Lochraiie's proposition, with a false statement, as was his habit, of a material fact in the case. This message was received on the 13th of October, 187O, referred to a select committee of both houses the same day, and on the next day was re ported back with a recommendation that Lochraiie's proposition be accepted. The counsel for the State had no notice of the meecing of the committee, and were riot pres ent, except Nunnally, who favored Lochrane's proposition, and Judge Hopkins, who sug-
two parties will justify.' Lochrano represented the Mitchell heirs. "This report was made the special order of the day for the 17th of October. It was
taken up on that day. Mr. Candler, on the 14th, having moved to request the Governor to send in the opinions of the counsel for the State, his resolution, on motion of Mr. Speer, was laid on the table.
"On the 17th Mr. Candler moved a substitute reciting the offer of General Austell and others, to bid one hundred thousand dollars for a quit-claim to the Park, and pro viding for its acceptance and putting the property up at auction with that upset bid.
" Mr. Bradley offered as a substitute to the whole a resolution to give the heirs of Mitchell the right to sue in the courts of the State for the property, which substitute
31

482

GE^TEIIA'L, TOOMBS

was rejected, and the substitute of Mr. Candler was also rejected by one vote ; and the report was then adopted by 22 to 11 votes.
" The Chairman of the House Committee, on the 4th of October, made the same joint report to the House. It was taken up 011 the 20th, and Mr. Hall moved the adoption of the Senate's report as a substitute for his own.
" Mr. Scott then submitted the offer of General Austell and twelve other citizens of Atlanta, to pay one hundred thousand dollars for the State's quit-claim deed to the prop erty within ninety clays after date ; and offered a resolution providing for commissioners to put up the property at public auction ; and providing further, that if the commis sioners failed to get a bid of one hundred thousand dollars for a quit-claim title to the property, the Governor should be authorized to accept the proposition of the Mitchell heirs for thirty-five thousand dollars. This proposition was rejected by a vote of 49 to 73, and the Senate's substitute was adopted.
" Such is the record upon which I formed the opinion that the action was the result of bribery, pure and simple. I did not suppose that all who voted for the bill were cor rupted. Some men were doubtless misled. Others, influenced by other than corrupt motives, but it is clear that the managers of the scheme of plunder profited by their betrayal of the public trust.
" The record is complete. The state's title was settled by the judgment of the Supreme Court ; was clear and indisputable, in the opinion.of four of the leading counsel of the State.
" Their opinions were suppressed by a direct vote of the Senate. The friends of the

the amount of fifteen thousand dollars were paid to defend'the titles. Thirty-five thousand dollars was accepted from the Mitchell heirs for a property in lieu of one hundred thousand dollars offered by others, without the pretense of a'reason therefor being found on the record--except Jackson's letter to Bullock--which property, within a few days after the consummation of this wickedness, with all the cloud of tin's corruption hanging over it, brought at public outcry over two hundred thousand dollars.
' Gov. Brown does not deny that he aided in lobbying this measure through the Legis lature. He was present in the Senate when the bill was before it, as was also Lochrane, Kimball and Blodgett; and he was justly rebuked on the floor of the Senate by Mr. Candler for his conduct in this matter.
" ^Lobbying is a crime--a misdemeanor at common law ; a crime intensified by his high judicial position.
" But there is yet a still graver charge than lobbying against the ex-Chief Justice. Before these occurred, the case of Thornton and others vs. Trammell and others, came before the Supreme Court. It was a case really against the Western and Atlantic Rail road, for the Dalton depot, and involving the same principles. The counsel for the Road objected to Brown's sitting in that case, on the ground that he was employed in the Mitchell heirs' case, which was undecided. See 39th Georgia, 208. Brown stated 'that in that case, the language of the deed is different, and I have turned over the case with the obligation of the fee to the other counsel. Under these circumstances/ he was adjudged by the other Judges competent to sit on the case.
" He did sit, dissented from the court, but gave no opinion. He weakened the opinion all he could by his dissent, but gave no opinion himself.
" Was that statement of Brown true ? If so, he either had no claims on the Mitchell heirs for fees, or he afterwards contracted for and accepted fees while on the Bench. If

GOVKRXOR BRO\V>''S REPLY.

483

riot true, he sat in a case in the decision of which he was interested, and decided in his

own favor.

"It is a high crime in the highest judicial officer of the State to bring his influence to

hear in any way to control the action of the Legislature. His very position may control

those who have suits before him. The ordinary criminal may be in his hands. He may

have power to save from just punishment for his crimes even the victim of his own per

fidious debauchery.

" II. TOOMBS."

To this article of Gen. Toombs Gov. Brown made reply on the l?'th of July, 1872, the clay after its publication:

" TO THE PUBLIC.
"ATLANTA, GA., July 17, 1872.
"Editors Constitution:--As Gen. Toombs has thought proper to appear again in print before the public, while a personal issue was pending between him and me, I have a very simple reply for him. In his card, dated the II th instant, and published on the 16th, he refers to me as resorting to the usual dodge of a vulgar poltroon.
" This man, having been branded by me as an unscrupulous liar, fancied, perhaps, that he had sufficient courage to defend his personal honor, or perhaps he thought he could

and feeling no little concern about my church relations, he sent a friend to me to inquire if I held myself amenable to the code of honor. I replied as follows :
" Col. J. C. Nicholls entered my office, on the morning of the 9th instant, and said, ' I desire to see you a moment privately/ when the following conversation occurred :
" NICHOLLS--' I have come in behalf of Gen. Toombs to make an inquiry of you.' "BROWN--' Well, sir, I will hear you.' "NICHOLAS--'On account of your church relations, Gen. Toombs does not know whether you hold yourself amenable to the code, and while I admit this is an irregular proceeding in behalf of Gen. Toombs, I make the inquiry.' "BROWN--'It seems to me, this course is extraordinary. Gen. Toombs has nothingto do with my church relations. If he desires to send me a communication, I am ready to receive it at any moment. I have conferred with a friend who does not reside in Atlanta, but I will telegraph him at once, and respond to a communication, if made, after referring it to him, without unreasonable delay. Are you Gen. Toombs' friend in this matter ? ' " NICHOLLS--'I am not, in that sense. I expect to have nothing whatever to do with the matter. I only come to make this inquiry, at Gen. Toombs' suggestion. He may desire a little time, as he will have to get a friend who resides out of the State, for he does not wish to complicate his friends in the State/ " BROWN--' I shall not trouble persons out of the State. I have a friend in the State

" NICHOLLS--' I would like to know whether you hold yourself bound by the code ? ' "BROWN--' Say to Gen. Toombs distinctly, that I am ready to receive any communi cation that he desires to send, and if I don't respond properly, he knows his remedy.' " NICHOLLS--' What I have done in this instance is simply an act of friendship to Gen. Toombs, because he requested it. I expect to take no part in any unpleasant affair between vou and him/

484

COI^OXEI, J. C. INTCIIOI-LS's VERSION".

" BROWX--' Say to Gen. Toombs I hold myself ready to give him any satisfaction which may be due him, or to which he is entitled as a gentleman.'
" This language is in Gen. Toombs' possession in writing, over my own signature To

Atlanta, by the first express to his home at Washington. " This eode-of-houor gentleman left Atlanta the day after this language was uttered.
He responds in the newspapers. I leave the public to judge who is the poltroon, and whether Gen. Toombs preferred newspaper artillery to heavier metal.
"JOSEPH E. BROWN."

"GEN. ROBERT TOOMBS, ATLANTA, GA. :

"Dear General:--A card is published this morning in the Constitution and Sun, over

the signature of Joseph E. Brown, which purports to give the verbiage of a conversation

had with me on the 9th instant.

" This statement of the conversation is substantially untrue.

" Gov. Brown states that he was advised to see me 'and have me to agree in writing

what occurred.' He failed to follow the advice. He has not approached me on the

subject.

"As Gov. Brown has seen, fit to pursue this extraordinary course, I feel that it is due

to you and to myself, that you publish my statement of the conversation.

" Sincerely your friend,

"JNO. C. NICHOLAS."

" A STATEMENT OP THE MATERIAL FACTS OP A CONVERSATION HAD WITH JOSEPH E. BROAVN ON THE 9TH INSTANT.
" I said : ' I call on you in behalf of Gen. Toombs to ascertain if you are responsible,

date 1 ' " He replied, ' I am responsible for my language.' " I then said, ' Gen. Toombs desires to know if you will give him satisfaction under
the code. If he should address a note to you demanding a meeting, will you meet him in the usual way 1 '
" I explained that, whilst the inquiry was perhaps made in an informal manner, yet it was thought to be warranted by his well known position in the church. To this he Lowed assent and answered :
" ' If Gen. Toombs addresses me a note, I will consult with a friend, and then reply to it. I will answer your inquiry when he submits it in writing.' Pie declined to

answer the inquiry in the affirmative, if submitted by you in writing. I am impressed

with the conviction that it is his purpose to use a formal call, to your injury, under the

constitution of this State.

[Signed]

"JNO. C. NICHOLAS.

" To GEM-. ROBKKT TOOMBS."

To this Gov. Brown made the following reply, concluding- this episode,

GOV. BUOWX'S FIXAI. PKRSOXAI, CARD AGAINST GJCX. TOOMBS. 485
which excited a profound interest at the time and a large amount of discussion:
. T0 TIIE PUBLXC.
"ATLANTA, GA., July 20, 1872. " Editors Constitution : I have read the card of Col. Nieholls, published in your paper yesterday. Between him and myself there seems to be a conflict of memory as to the ver biage arid purport of the interview. But General Toombs cannot shield his poltroonery in that way, for he could not mistake the language over my own signature, sent him by express, and doubtless received by him, before he penned his last card published five days afterwards. " Col. Nicholls, in his card, referring to my own of the previous day., says, ' Gor. Brown states that he was advised to see me, and have me to agree in writing what occurred.' This statement nowhere appears in my published card, but it does appear in a memo randum appended to my version of the interview, which was sent to Gen. Toombs by express. The proof is conclusive, therefore, that my written statement was received by Gen. Toombs. " The verbal report of a conversation would never be the guide to a proud brave man as to what his honor demanded, when he had in writing- before him, the pledge that ho would receive, if he called for it, the satisfaction due a gentleman.
"JOSEPH E. BROWN."
Very fortunately a meeting- did not take place, and two very valuable lives were spared, while the State was saved the spectacle of two ven erable and distinguished Statesmen in a life and death encounter. Col. Nicholls erred in supposing that Gov. Brown did not mean to go to the field. And the public universally credited to Gov. Brown the firm pur pose to fight.
Commenting upon, this matter, " H. "W. G.," in an exceedingly clever sketch of these "two masterful men." as he felicitously calls them, thus speculated on the result of a meeting:
" While I join with all good men in rejoicing that this duel was arrested, I confess that I have been wicked enough to speculate 011 its probable result--had it occurred. In the first place, Gen. Toombs made no preparation for the duel. He went along in his careless and kingly way, trusting, presumably, to luck and a quick shot. Gov. Brown, on the contrary, made the most careful and deliberate preparation. He made his will,
him in a dozen places at once. But one thing his long white fingers around the pistol but bullet within the eighth of an inch of the phi prised if he drew a diagram of Gen. Toombs the exact spot he wanted to hit."
Gen. Toombs had made grave charges in his card against the parties

4-8G

GOV. BKOWjsr's LETTER TO THE PUBLIC.

connected with the compromise of the case between the state and the Mitchell heirs, which Gov. Hrowii was riot wiling- to rest under without a statement of the facts in refutation of the charges. He was, how ever, advised by his friend, Col. Gardner, that he could not address any further communication to Gen. Toombs on the subject, but that he could with propriety address a communication to the public, giving- all the important facts in the case. He then addressed to the editor of the Constitution., the writer then filling that position, the following publication, which is given to complete the record of this noted contro versy that filled at that time so larg-e a share of public thought:

" Editor Constitution :

"ATLANTA, GA., August 5, 1872.

" I noticed, a few days since, an abstract in your editorial of the evidence taken before

the Committee appointed by the General Assembly, known as the ' Bullock Committee/

in which reference is made to the property in Atlanta, known as the Mitchell property,

or park, in front of the Kimball House. It seems some testimony was taken before the

Committee, which led them to conclude that there had been fraud, or improper influence

in the settlement of the case, between the heirs of Mitchell and the State of Georgia.

"As I was one of the original counsel who brought the action for the recovery of this

property; and of the portion then held by the city of Atlanta ; and as I and my part

ner, Messrs. E. Waitzfelder & Co., of New York, purchased over 850,000 worth of the

cash ; and as we are now constructing a building on a portion of it, at a cost of about

thing that relates to the title of the property. "I was applied to, while practicing law with Judge Pope, prior to the time when I
went upon the Supreme Bench, to bring suit in behalf of the heirs of Mitchell for the recovery, not onlv of the park property, Ij'ing between the passenger shed and Deeatur street, but also of the property lying between the passenger shed and Alabama street, on the other side, running from Lloyd street up to Whitehall.
" Of this property, the square of five acres, bounded by Alabama, Decatur, Lloyd arid Pryor streets, was originally conveyed by Samuel Mitchell to the State of Georgia, 'for placing thereon the necessary buildings which may hereafter be required for public pur-

tise and purposes of said road, a space in breadth wide enough to answer for a right of way for the road, to be designated by the engineer for said purpose, through his lot, with the privilege of taking and using timber, stone and gravel, being on said space, necessary for the construction of said road. In other words, he conveyed to the State a right of way through his lot, upon which to locate the AVestern and Atlantic Eailroad, with five acres at its terminus, for a location of the buildings required for public pur poses at its terminus. Some time thereafter Mitchell also conveyed to the Macon and AA7 estern Kailroad the land bounded as it now is, by Alabama," Whitehall and Pryor streets on three sides, and the Western and Atlantic Kailroad, or its right of way, on the fourth, (except the corner that had been sold off, and which is now occupied as James'bank building and contiguous buildings,) which he conveyed to said road for rail road purposes exclusively. The state located, in connection with the railroad companies,

GOVKRXOR BROWN S 3,KTTKU TO THE PUBLIC.
" Subsequently it was ascertained that the location where the park now is, was not
the State, represented by the proper officer of the Western and Atlantic Railroad, and the Maccm and Western Railroad, by which the State swapped to the Macou and Western 11. II. the portion of laud conveyed to her by Mitchell, lying south of the car shed down to Alabama street, for a piece of laud belonging to the Macon and Western Railroad, where the present freight depot, platforms, etc., of the Western and Atlantic Railroad now stand. And the Western and Atlantic .Railroad has located upon the piece of ground which it received from the Macou aud Western Railroad iu exchange for the portion of land conveyed by Mitchell to the State, its depot, platforms, etc , so that the State got for the portion of land conveyed by Mitchell the land upon which her depot, platforms, etc., now stand. She also got a location for a passenger shed, and for all tracks necessary for the working of the road.
."After the swap between the Macon and Western Railroad and the Western and Atlantic Railroad, by which the Western and Atlantic Railroad got the land she needed for her depot, the Macon aud Western Railroad located its depot upon the land which it received from the State in exchange, and upon the land conveyed to it by Mitchell.
"In 1859, the State having no further use for the Park property for any railroad pur pose, an act was passed by the General Assembly, authorizing the city of Atlanta to enclose and beautify it as a park. Thus the matter stood at the close of the war, when it was found that the freight depot, tracks, and probably turn-table of the Macon and Western Railroad, located on the Mitt-hall property, near the car-shed, obstructed
Western and Atlantic Railroad Depot now stands; and the portion of land conveyed to her by the Mitchell heirs, embracing the vacant space south of the Railroad, between Decatur and Lloyd streets. The Macou and Western Railroad then moved her depot out to its present location, aud thus the matter stood when the Mitchell heirs applied to me and my partner to bring suit for the property. The State had received all the benefit which she desired or could need for railroad purposes under Mitchell's grant. She had her tracks located upon the right-of-way, and she had her passenger shed upon the property, and she had her freight depot upon the land which she had received in exchange for a portion of the property ; and she surely could have no further claim to the property which she had exchanged for other lands upon which to locate her depot. But she had no use whatever for the Park property, for the purpose for which it was originally conveyed to her, nor had she pretended to use it for any such purpose for some eight or ten years previous to the complaint made by the heirs.
" I refused to bring the action until I had carefully examined the authorities, which I took time to do, and satisfied my own mind very clearly, that if the law were admin istered, there could be no doubt of the right of the heirs to recover back not only the

ed to bring the action, with the understanding that we associate Judge Pittman, and Col. Bleckley, Mr. Dougherty or Mr. Hill with us. We did afterwards associate Judge Pittman and Col. Bleckley, and the action was commenced.
"I predicated my opinion as to the rights of the heirs, upon the fact that the property
and when the State and the Macou and Western Railroad Company found that they no longer needed the property for that use, and abandoned it, that it reverted to the donor ; upon the principle that if I convey land to a religious congregation for the pur pose of erecting a church upon it, and for no other purpose, and the congregation should abandon it for that purpose, and sell it to A. B. who locates a doggery upon it, this would be in violation of the contract under which the congregation held the prop-
Mitchell had made the conveyance to the State of Georgia,* giving the right of way through his lot, and five acres at the end of it for a location for the necessary buildings, &c., the engineer of the road had changed its location entirely and had run it to another terminus, not touching Mitchell's lot, and had never used it for railroad purposes. Would it be contended that the State would have a good title to the property ? Surely not. Then suppose after its location upon Mitchell's land, it had been kept there for five years and for some good reason the lioad's location had been changed and tin-own entirely off the lot, why would it not, in law, equity and justice have reverted to Mitchell, on the ground of its entire abandonment for the purposes of the grant ? If so, and the State used all she needed of it for railroad purposes and swapped a portion that she did not need for the proper location of her necessary buildings elsewhere, and abandoned another portion that she did not need for the purpose of the grant and turned it over to the city for a park, why, upon the same principle would it not revert to the donor or his heirs ? I might give very numerous cases from the books sustaining this doctrine which is founded not only in sound law, but in the broad principle of natural equity; but I will not enlarge upon this point.
"Thus the matter stood, pending the litigation, when I went upon the Supreme
as I was concerned, to Judge Lochrane, who was then practicing law, and under it, he represented me. And while I was upon the Bench, the heirs of Mitchell becoming im patient with the delay of a long, tedious litigation, and being broken up by the war, and as I am informed, very poor, after having conferred together, concluded to .apply to the Leg islature to order the re-conveyance of the Park property, the portion which the State did not need for railroad purposes, to them, as an act of justice ; and a memorial was brought before the General Assembly asking a re-conveyance. This was met by the determined opposition of Gov. Bullock and Col. Hulbcrt, the then superintendent of the road, who went so far as to break the park fence and run a short track out into the park and locate a few cars to stand there to re-possess the property for railroad purposes, though all could see at once, that this was simply intended to make the appearance of railroad

GOVERNOR BROW3s S I.ETTKR TO THE PUBLIC.

489

heirs, appeared befo

the Journals she iveyaiice. Ilavi

Mitcholl, after ha

ort iu

omprc mise to tlio City Council for the portion of land hold and claimed by them under the conveyance from the Macon and Western railroad, for which suit had been brought. The matter was very thoroughly canvassed, and the compromise was finally agreed upon, by which the heirs conveyed to the city the portion of land lying between Pryor street and Whitehall, which was included in the grant from Mitchell to the Macon and Western road, and one hundred feet along the side of Pryor street, fronting on Ala bama street, of the property originally conveyed by Mitchell to the State, and by the
city agreed to convey to the Mitchell heirs the balance of the property which had been originally conveyed to the State, and by her conveyed as aforesaid, from the line of said one hundred feet down to Lloyd street, being the property between the present passen ger shed and Alabama street, extending to Uoyd street.
"In the meantime, prior to the compromise between the heirs and the city, the Superintendent of the Western a'nd Atlantic railroad, with the assent of the Governor and the other railroad companies interested., had located the new passenger shed, and had gone forward with the construction of it until there had been probably more than $100,000 expended. This new passenger shed was not placed upon the original location of the shed which existed prior to the war, but for the convenience of the roads, in
laud originally conveyed by Mitchell to the State, and afterwards conveyed by the State to the Macon and Western road, and subsequently conveyed by the Macon and Wester
, but to

490

GOVKRXOR BROWN S LETTER TO THE PUBLIC.

time in the previous spring Mr. Kirnball had concluded to purchase all the conflicting titles to the property, and had made a contract with the heirs to purchase their right, and had taken a deed from them and paid them some money -, intending also to pur chase the State's right, whatever it might be, and the part to which counsel might Le entitled under their contract with the Mitchell heirs. But finding difficulties in extin guishing all the outstanding titles, he soon after re-convej'ecl it to the heirs and subse quently, by a contract between him and them, became their agent to take charge of the matter, and effect, if possible, a compromise with the State, which he was then attempt-

asked what it was proposed the heirs should pay the State for her claim to the laud, and was informed that they proposed to pay the Western and Atlantic railroad 35,000

more than the heirs ought to pay. I regarded their's as the better title, and said if it were my case I would never consent to pay $35,000 for a compromise with the State. But it was insisted that the heirs were anxious to realize as much as possible, and that they did not wish to wait for an almost interminable litigation, and that they preferred that course. I made 110 further objection and the matter was brought before the Leg islature, I think, by a memorial prepared by their counsel; but Mr. Kimball, who was their agent under the contract with them, had the active management of the matter. After the case was submitted, I felt an interest in their success, because I believed their claim a just one, and while I took no very active part in the matter, when approached on the subject, I always said I believed their proposition was a. liberal one, and that the State ought not to hesitate to accept it.
" I felt fully justified in saying this much, for the reason that I was the original counsel consulted in the case, and they seemed to have relied much upon my judgment, and though I was upon the bench, under the laws of the State, I could in no event pre-

or illegal means used b/any one to carry the bill through the Legislature. " A proposition was submitted by Gen. Austell and others to give $100,000 for a quit-
for the Mitchells, that this proposition was not intended in good faith, but it was only
owned property fronting the park and wished it kept open. It was submitted in such a shape that I was satisfied the parties could not be compelled to carry it out if the com promise had failed between the State and the heirs.
" But I was equally well satisfied, if it was made in good faith, that, in a pecuniary point of view, it was the interest of the State to accept the proposition of the heirs and reject that of Austell and his associates, for the following reasons : First, there could be no question about it that the land upon which one-fourth of the passenger shed, a very extensive structure, as already stated, which cost about $150,000 at the time of its completion, stood upon the land which the State had conveyed away to the Macon and Western railroad, and which, in the compromise between the city and heirs, was then controlled by the heirs, and if the compromise had not been made with the State there could have been no question as to that part of it, that the State, could have been ejected from it, as she had previously sold it for other land for the location of her depot--which

GOVERNOR BROWN'S I.KTTKR TO THE puBT.ic.

491

would have compelled the removal of the entire car shed. This would have been at a
very heavy loss and expense to the State. "In addition to this, I think there is no room for doubt, even if I am wrong as to the
right of the Mitchell heirs to recover back the park property from the State, on account of her having abandoned it for railroad purposes, that they did have the right, holding that provision of the deed to be a covenant and not a condition, to restrain the State or her vendee by an action of covenant, or other proper proceeding, from using it for any other purpose than for the original purposes of the grant, to-wit: railroad purposes. Aud if the State could, in no case, use it for any other purpose, Austell and his com panions, as grantees of the State, standing in her shoes, would be bound by the like covenant, and they too could he restrained from making any other use of it.
The decision of the Supreme Court of the State of Georgia, in the case of Thornton vs. Trammell, 39 Ga., 202, where a,question arose upon a grant made to the Western and Atlantic railroad, in the city of Dalton, for the location of a depot--though the language of the deed was different from that made by Mitchell--held, that it did not contain a condition, and that the grantor could not recover it back; but the Supreme Court, Warner, J. delivering the opinion, recognizes fully the right of the grantor to enforce the covenant contained in the deed. Numerous authorities might be quoted to sustain this doctrine, that where a conveyance is made for a specific purpose, and the

ing may, by action of covenant, restrain the grantee from violating the contract and
appropriating it to other uses. " What then would have been the result if the proposition of Austell & Company had
been accepted ? Suppose we admit for the argument that the heirs had no right to recover the property back. It was very clear that they had the right to restrain the use of it for any other purpose than railroad purposes; and it was so situated, that it could not be of any use for railroad purposes. The result must therefore have been that the property would have remained unimproved, and the State, the County, and the city must have lost the taxes which they will perpetually receive from it when it is built up. As the result of the compromise, already, the city has sold off a small portion of the property conveyed to her by the heirs, to John II. James, who has expended in the purchase and the erection of a building upon it, about 675,000. And upon the park property there has been expended, in buildings, largely over a hundred thousand dollars. There are, therefore, over $200,000 of improvements already placed upon the property, as the result of the compromise, upon which the taxes are annually paid to the city, county and State ; and when all the balance of the property is built up, including the portion to which the city's title was quieted, and the portion to which the title of the heirs is quieted, there will probably be a million of dollars' worth of im provements to be taxed annually. In a few years this will pay the difference between the S35.000 proposed by the heirs, and the 8100,000 proposed by Austell & Co. And after the difference is made up, the property will remain perpetually subject to taxation, and will in the end pay to the State many times the difference. Therefore, in a pecuniary point of view alone, the proposition made by the heirs of Mitchell was much the better one for the State, and was so regarded by intelligent members of the
General Assembly. " But in addition to this, the heirs agreed to convey to the State all the portion of the
property necessary for a passenger shed, including the part formerly sold by the State to the Macoii and Western Railroad, and to which she had not a shadow of title,

492

GOVERNOR BROWN'S LETTER TO THE PUBLIC.

thereby quieting the title to the depot or passenger shed, including the part of it to which no one can contend she had a right prior to the compromise. She has, therefore, in addition to her large income from increased taxes, saved the expense of a lawsuit and the necessity of removing the depot off the laud owned by the heirs, or of delivering it up to them ; arid the whole matter is amicably adjusted.
" But suppose the quieting of the title to the depot building, and the taxes on the improvements made and to be made upon the property had not even equaled the

Legislature have justly concluded, as the Democrats did at the former session of the

for railroad purposes, including the right of way through his land, and the location for

donor, and his heirs were left poor, that it was magnaiiimou:

to interpose in the way of such an act of justice and magnanimity. as already stated, which the majority of the Deinocrats'liad taken at the previous ses-
evideiice of bad faith in them and their associates, at a subsequent session, to agree to re-convey it for the sum of 835,000. They might well have made that discrimination in favor of the heirs of him who had donated to the State property that is now worth a very large sum, and which is in daily use by the Western and Atlantic Eailroad, when all must admit the portion returned had been abandoned, so far as the purposes of the grant are concerned, by the donee.
" The above statement gives the substantial facts, so far as they interest the public, in the case of the compromise between the State and the Mitcliell heirs, and will, I trust, satisfy all unprejudiced minds, that, so far as I or the other counsel arc concerned, we have done them no injustice, but have conferred upon them a substantial and valua-
Mitchell, all the land she needed for the original purposes of the grant, and, in addition to that, has received the further donation of $35,000, in cash, towards the construction of the passenger depot, while she has surrendered only the portion.of the property for
:arthly use, for the purposes contemplated, either by her or Mitcliell,
in this transaction, exist oiilv in the diseased imagination of persons
"JOSEPH E. 13ROWAV
It is not inappropriate to say, that in nothing- has there been, a more striking- chang-e in popular sentiment than in the g-eiieral condemnation of dueling that now prevails. There has grown up steadily a strongpublic opinion ag'ainst this practice, and a man of character and family can refuse to accept the arbitrament of the Code without loss of stand ing-, as was the case years ago.
Many changes took place in the State g-overnment. Col. II. P. Far row resigned as Attorney General. Col. ^N". J. Harnmond, Supreme

AN INTKRKSriXO AVAR INCIDENT ( OAPT. HENRY JACKSON.
Uoniecieracy, relate a unique incident 01 ilenry Jackson at the battle of Sharpsburg, not giving his name, which we supply. Gen. Lawton was commanding Ewell's Division, September 17, 1862, and had relieved Hood's Division in Stonewall Jackson's line. The Federals made a desperate endeavor to break through; corps after corps were hurled against the heroic division. Gen. Lawton sent his only remaining- staff officer, Lieutenant Henry Jackson, then a youth of seventeen, to Gen. Hood for assistance. It was a curious and typical demonstration of the polite chivalry of our Southern boys, that in this grim strife Lt. Jack son clashed up to Gen. Hood, saying-, " Gen Lawton sends 7iis compli ments with the request that you come at once to his support." Lt. Jackson conducted Hood's division to its place, Gen. Lawton and his horse were shot down, and the gallant and ceremonious aid had his General borne from the field, though several men \vere struck in so do ing'. Chief Justice Lochrane resigned from the Supreme Bench, and Gov. Smith appointed Associate Justice Hiram "Warner as Chief Justice, January 19, 1873, and filled the vacancy made by the promotion of Judge "Warner, by the appointment of Juclg-e "W. "W. Montg-omery, Februar}^ 8, 1872. Gov. Smith appointed Professor J. G. Orr, State
This was a most admirable selection. A gentle-
and its sterling- benefits are everywhere admitted. Gov. Smith offered the place of Attorney General to Col. P. W.
Alexander, but that gentleman declined it, and became, as a Secretary of the Executive Department, Chief of his civil staff, a place he filled with tact and. ability. Gov. Smith selected as the additional Secretary of the Executive Department, Major James "W. Warren, who was also
ity of nature, and. a quiet rich humor, Major Warren has discharged the delicate and responsible duties of his position with grace and ability.

404

THE BOX!) IXVESTIGATIOX.

The legislature elected lion. Thomas M. ]STorwoocl, United States Senator. Mr. Norwood presented his credentials to the Senate on the 4th day of December, 1871, and on the 19th day of December he was admitted to his seat, and the final blow given to the Senatorial hopes of Foster Blodgett.
The legislature had many vital questions before it, but the most important was the bond matter. Senator Thomas J. Simmons and Representative John I. Hall, both introduced bond bills, and finally a measure was passed that required the registration of all bonds to sift out the bad from the good, under a temporary suspension of interest. A bond committee was appointed, consisting' of Thomas J. Simmons, John' I. Hall and Gamett McMillan, to conduct this bond investigation. The committee gave public notice, December 12, 1871, and began its sit tings in Atlanta, March 1, 1872, holding session until May 1, 1872, The committee visited New York and held an extended session there. Voluminous depositions were taken in Europe. An attempt was made to get Grov. Bullock before the committee. The papers contained a paragraph narrating- an alleged joke of his, that he had received two invi tations to meet the Bond Committee and Col. Gumming with his requisi tion, that he could not visit both, and rather than offend either by accept ing the other's invitation, he \vould do the kind thing and see neither.
Col. C. C. Kibbee gave valuable assistance in the investigations of our bond troubles. A gentleman of public spirit, a lawyer of ability and discrimination, and a legislator of uncommon qualifications, careful, searching and devoted to the public interest, Col. Kibbee made an envi able reputation in the General Assembly. Col. Thomas L,. Snead was of great aid to our bond committees, and opened up a vein of informa tion that \vould have probably been inaccessible but for him. Every obstacle was thrown, in the way of the committee in New York. It was afterwards discovered that they were tracked clay and night by skilled detectives employed by the bond-holders to watch and trap them. At tempts were made to drive them into complaisance. And it was a right creditable fact that this body of gentlemen, unaccustomed to the seduc tions and tricks of the metropolis, should have carried through their diffi cult mission so successfully and in such skillful avoidance of the perils set for them.
The committee investigated fully and made an unusually able report. The following- table covers their statement of the bonded liability of Georgia, showing the increase under the Bullock rule to have been over TWELVE MIT.LIOXS of dollars.

COMMITTKJT

When Issued.
841 and 1866 842 and 1852 842 and 1843 844 and 1848

When Due.
873 .'..... 874 ...... 879 .......

866 ... 867 ...
Grand Total of State Bonds . . .

886 ...... 887 ......
1890 and 1894 . . .

Amount.
$ 154,500 730,000 137,000 251,500 100,000 200,000 200,000 100,000
3,764,000 165,000 268,000
6,380,000
812,450,000

& Albany Railroad ...........

To Bam bridge Cuthbert & Columbus Railroad .......

To Macon and Brunswick Railroad ...........

To Cherokee K ailroad ................

To Cartersville & Van Wert Railroad ..........

To South Geoi g-ia & Florida Railroad .

........

To Alabama &

Grand Tot al Indorsed Bonds ............ Grand Tot

Grand Total State Bonds and Indorsed Bonds ......

3,300,000 600,000 600,000 300,000 275,000 464,000 194,000
$5,733,000 12,450,000
818,183,000

The committee reported in favor of declining to recognize the illeo-al

bonds. The report elicited a full and able discussion. The truth is,

that the Georgia bond issue became a national question. The holders

of the illegal bonds made every effort to stem and prevent the con

demnation of their securities. The Northern press teemed with articles.

The incorrect brand of " repudiation " was applied to the proposed

action and the State threatened with utter destruction of her credit.

The distinction between the " repudiation " of an honest debt and the

refusal to recognize an illegal claim, was purposely confused. Perhaps

the strongest speech made in favor of throwing1 over the fraudulent

securities was by the Hon. A. O. Bacon. His portrayal of the Bullock

Legislature was a very graphic picture, and his argument against the

bad bonds was masterly and conclusive.

The Legislature declared the following1 bonds to be void:

Gold Bonds in Clews' hands, .........

Gold Bonds, second issue to B. & A. R. R.,

. . . . ...

Currency Bonds, ............

$1O2,OOO 1,880,000 1,500,000

496

[IK I.EGIST.ATURTE OF 1873.

Endorsement B. & A. R. R., ......... Endorsement Cambridge C. & C. R. 11., ....... Endorsement Cartersville & Van Wert R. R., ...... Endorsement Cherokce R. R., .........

$3,300~000 600,000 275,000 ^ 300,000 *

$7,957,000

The bond question was still agitated. The new Legislature of 1873 tackled the subject again. Of this body Hon L. N. Trammell was elected President of the Senate, and Hon. A. O. Bacon Speaker of the House. Among- the new Senators wore Joseph A. Blance, John W. Wofforcl, W. H. Payne, J. G. Cain, J. M. Arnow, W. A. Harris, S. J. Winn and II. W. Mattox. In the House were J. J. Turnbull, C. A. Nutting, J. H. Hunter, J. B. Jones, G. A. Mercer, Henry H. Carlton, W. D. Anderson, E. F. Hog-e, Clark Howell, W. F. Calhouii, George F. Pierce, Patrick Walsh, J. C. Dell, Alien Fort, F. M. Long-ley, J. C. Clements, II. D. McDaniel, C. S, Du Bose.
Mr. Nutting was the author of the bill for the issue of the twelve hundred thousand of eight per cent, bonds. Mr. G. A. Mercer was an able young lawyer of Savannah, and ayoung- man of an unusually clear mind and smooth elocution. Dr. Henry H. Carlton was the author of the bill establishing the Geological Bureau, one of the most valuable measures of the century. He was a strikingly handsome gentleman, and a forcible and ornate speaker. Hon. Patrick Y\ralsh was, and still is, the editor and proprietor of the Augusta Chronicle and /Sentinel, now the Chronicle and Constitutionalist. This was the first appearance in public life of Mr. Walsh, who will be a very larg-e figure in Georgia politics, arid to whom further reference will be made hereafter. Alien Fort took immediate stand as a young- man of mark. F. M. Long-ley has been judge of the Superior Court, arid is a solid young lawyer. J. C. Clement became Senator, and is now a member of Congress, with as much promise of usefulness as any young- man in the State. H. D. McDaniel has been repeatedly sent to the Senate since, and has meriteclly earned a reputation for substantial judgment and integrity.
Col. Thos. L. Snead of New York came before this General Assembly with the following- Bond compromise :

" The proposition which I have submitted to the Governor, on the part of certain holders of Georgia bonds, is simply this :
If the State will agree to pay to the holders of the State bonds which have been declared null and void, the sums which these holders have, actually, and in perfect good faith advanced upon or paid for these bonds (that is to say, about $1,500,000 and interest), these parties will guarantee that such action of the State will completely re-establish

497
the credit of Georgia, and enable it to borrow, at seven per cent, per year, all the money . which it may need.
They also desire that the Legislature shall declare the readiness of the State to carry out its promises as to the indorsement of the first mortgage bonds of the Brunswick and Albany Railroad Company and the Cherokee Valley Railroad Company, so far, and only so far, as the State is now constitutionally and lawfully bound by such promises; when these companies shall have complied with all of the requirements of the Constitu ion and laws of Georgia, and shall have also completed their'respective roads.
If the State accepts this proposition, it will have to issue about 31,600,000 seven per"

Si,880,000 gold bonds and interest, equivalent to .......... Currency bonds ..................... Guaranteed bonds of the Cambridge, C'Uhberfc and Columbus Railroad . . Guaranteed bonds of the Cherokee Valley Railroad ......... Guaranteed bonds of the Cartersville and Van Wert Railroad ..... Guaranteed bonds of the Brunswick and Albany Railroad ......

2,450,000 1,500,000 600,000 300,000 275,000 3,300,000

/ bond that has been declared null and void.
valid bonds of Georgia than of its discredited--one of them alone (Mi ing over $1,000,000 of good and acknowledged bonds, while he o>
lu this matter I represent the foreign as well as the American I
in the proposed settlement. THOMAS L. SNEAD, Agent of the Bond-holders.
ATLANTA, February 12, 1873."
This proposition was fully agitated and discussed. It created a deep interest arid was presented to the public sense in every possible aspect. The editors of the Atlanta Constitution, E. Y. Clarke arid I. W. A very, addressed a circular letter to the leading men of the State asking their views on this matter. The responses made an interesting and vivid series of letters, presenting the important subject from every possible point of view. Ex-Gov. J. E. Brown, Major Campbell Wallace, Col. James Gardner, Col. John Screven, T. P. Branch, Col. George Ilazlehurst, Senator T. M. Norwood, Judge David Irwin and Hon. John E. Ward advocated compromise in some shape. Gen. H. L. Benning, Gen. R. Toombs, John H. James, Wrn. H. Hull, Ben II. Hill, Col. Win. M. Watlley, arid Herbert Fielder opposed any compromise. Politicians, lawyers, bankers, railroaders and business men were thus consulted and gave a remarkable variety of opinion. Lawyers Brown, Norwood, Irwin and "Ward were in conflict with lawyers Toombs, Benning, H'il?

498

J..KAD1XG OPIXION- OX THE liOXD COMPKOMISK.

and Fielder. Ivailroaders "Wallace, Screvon and Hazlehurst differed with railroader Wadlej-. Banker Branch opposed Banker James.
Mr. Hill took the novel and daring- position that none of the Bullock bonds were valid because the Bullock government was the creature of Federal authority and had no rig-lit to bind the State, and the United Sta,tes government should pay these Bullock claims. If, however, the Jiullock rule was recognized as valid, then the claims of innocent holders of these bonds should be recognized. The State oug-ht to have referred the holders of the Bullock securities to the Federal govern ment, and helped them push the claim.
Mr, W. H. Hull thought the void bonds should riot be paid. He had tried to buy new State sevens in New York, and could not get them for less than ninety cents. The bonds were null, and. the State's credit was not affected. Col. Waclley endorsed Mr. Hull's views. Maj. C. Wallace urged the compromise. The bond trouble was affecting the State's credit and all private enterprises,
Gov. Brown's letter was an exhaustive review of the whole subject, covering its leg-al and business features. His idea, was that the equities of these bonds should be recognized. Some of them were good, and where the State had received the benefit of the money invested in them, the right thing was to assume the obligation. And he urged that the courts should be opened to test the matter.
Gen. Benning- declared the only question to be whether the State's credit was affected injuriously. Our credit was not hurt. As for borrowing money he did not wish the State to do it. Col. Gardner had first opposed the bond compromise, but upon investigation changed his mind. Bullock was de facto Governor, and the State's agent. The State must stand up to the acts of its agent so far as the innocent bond holders had an equitable consideration. The State had enjoyed increase of property through these enterprises, and should pay for it.
Gen. Toombs contended that all of these bonds lacked the vitality of popular consent, and were not in conformity with law or constitution. The public credit was undoubtedly injured some. The bonds would be a constant source of lobby agitation. His idea was to stand by the Saw, and make a new constitution killing the bonds and stopping lobbying for them. John H. James declared it untrue that the State's credit was hurt. Georgia bonds were selling well. He had tried to buy some at 87 1-2 cents and could not. There was no use for the State to g-ive away this money and add to the taxation.
Senator T. M. Norwood thought that all money actually loaned the

THE BOND COMPROMISE REJECTED.

490

State should be refunded. He did not think the State's credit injured, though the bond-holders were trying- to hurt it to force a compromise. He advised delaying- action. Herbert Fielder thoug-ht if the innocent holders of Confederate war bonds could stand it to lose, the holders of the Bullock fraudulent bonds deserved no more consideration. The bonds were clearly illegal and should not be paid. We had to bear the consequences of a bad government. T. P. Branch thoug-ht that every practical enterprise was injured by this bond complication. He favored making' the compromise and paying- it by taxation.
Judge David Irwin's letter attracted much attention. He urged that the matter should not be closed without an investigation, and the void bonds should be rejected, but all just equities should be recog-nized ac cording to the facts. Hon. John E. Ward said there were two difficul ties. The State should not act under any menace to her credit, arid a. general compromise like the one offered recognized the bad as \vell as the good claims. The just course was for the State to give parties a chance, to show just what their equities are.
The press of the State were equally divided with perhaps a small ma jority against the compromise. The writer took the position that while the bond committee had investigated the legality of the bonds, it had not examined into the equities, and they should not be condemned with out an investigation. There were Brunswick arid Albany Railroad bonds that had been signed by Treasurer Arigier, who opposed Gov. Bullock's irregularities, and these bonds had been sent to Europe and negotiated in Germany at a good value. There seemed to be a valid equity in such bonds as these. The legislature would do nothing with this compromise. In 1877 the constitutional convention carried out Gen. Toombs' idea, and incorporated in the constitution a prohibition against the fraudulent bonds and a clause against lobbying-.
Judge O. A. L,ochrarie, in 1872, was the attorney for some two mil lions of the rejected bonds, and made a strong effort to get them paid. He is still hammering away upon it, arid the last move is said to be an amendment to the Federal Constitution, to allow States to be sued for such obligations. The State has never suffered by her bond action, and her securities stand the peers of any in the civilized world.
This General Assembly re-districted the State under the new appor tionment of representation in the Congress of the United States result ing from the census of 1870. Georgia gained one Representative in the Federal Congress, and the State, which had been divided into eight, was cut up into nine districts. An interesting incident occurred in con-

500

HOK. A. H. STJCVKXS ANI> TUB KIGHTII DISTRICT.

nection with the new apportionment which is a very valuable piece of underlying- history, and not only demonstrates how grave public matters often have a curious personal inspiration, but also the strong- esteem in which one of our most remarkable public men is held. Major E. D. Graham was chairman of the committee on apportionment. He says that Hon. Alex. II. Stephens called upon him, and in his peculiarly shrill voice requested that Taliaferro county in which, he resided mig'ht be placed in the Eighth District, that he did not desire to direct the dispo sition of any other county, but that he wished his own county to re main in the Eighth. The concession was cheerfully granted, though it disordered the regularity of number, arid brought the three northern dis tricts in the sequence of 7--9--8. I3ut for this, the district in which Mr. Stephens lives would have been numbered " 9 " in its order.
It was presumed that the distinguished Commoner, Mr. Stephens, was prompted by a natural desire to preserve the numerical designation of the district which he had made so famous. He was not then in Con gress, but was elected in 1873 to fill the vacancy occasioned by the death of Ranse Wright. Taliaferro county, iii 1840, was in the Seventh District, though there were then eight districts. In 1851--2 the eight districts were reorganized arid Taliaferro county was placed in the Eighth District, arid until the retirement of Mr. Stephens, just before the war, that district was represented by him. It was natural that he should wish to retain the familiar and honored number that he had so brilliantly illustrated. Arid it was a graceful compliment to his services arid.fame that his desire should have been respected.

CHAPTER XLIY.
THE ADMINISTRATION OF GOV. JAMES M. SMITH.
The Republican Revolt in 1872.--Horace Greeley.--Alexander Stephens and the Con stitution.--Delegates to Baltimore.--The Greeley Electoral Ticket.--Stephens' Straight Fight.--The Earn! Scrip Fund.--The Georgia Memorial Association.--The State Geologist.--Department of Agriculture.--Judge J. T. -Ilenderson.--Great Western Canal.--John B. Gordon elected United States Senator,--A Lively Battle of the Ballots.--A. H. Stephens for Congress.--The Great Seal and ex-Gov. C. J. Jenkius.---A Beautiful Incident.--Gov. " Smith's Administration.--His Mis standings.--Jack Jones and his Painful Episode.--The Double Bo John W. Renfroe.--His Fine Acln --New Congressmen.--Hon the Seventh District.--Emory Speer.
determined to support Greeley instead of running- a Democratic candi date. This policy evoked a fierce controversy in the Democratic ranks,
rid Lreii. loombs made strong speeches against it. ivir. fetepliens declared he would, not support Greeley. A stiff discussion ensued between Mr. Stephens in the San arid the Atlanta Constitution, under the writer, which continued.'for months. The Constitution urg-ecl support of the National Democracy. A convention was called June 2Gth, 1872, at Atlanta, and there were 42-4 delegates present from 135 counties. Albert R. L/amar was made President.
Among the delegates were Gen. Toombs, B. II. Hill, A. H. Colquitt, Thomas Harcleman, "Warren Akin, J. Hartriclge, Lintoii Stephens, H. Lv. Benning, A. R. "Wright and others. It \vas one of the strongest con ventions ever held in Georgia. The resolutions sent delegates to the Baltimore Convention uritrammeled to do the best for the party. This was a clear defeat of the Stephens policy. The deleg-ation consisted of H. L. Benning, Julian Hartridge, A. R. Wright, T^ Hardeman, C. T. Goode, A. II. Colquitt, J. B. Gordon and I. W. A very from the State

503

TUB STATE ELUUTIOXS IN 1872.

at large. As the names were read out Gen. Toombs was beard to exclaim audibly--" Packed--By God."
At Baltimore Greeley was nominated, and the Cincinnati platform adopted, the Georgia delegation voting against the platform. On the %4th of July, 1872, another State Democratic Convention was held. Thomas Hardemaii was made President. The convention was an im mense body, having G24 delegates from 13G counties, and including all of our public leaders, nearly. The resolutions endorsed the Baltimore Convention, recognizing the exigency of the times, which required the nomination of Greeley and Brown and pledging their support. The liberal Republicans asked that Col. T. P. Saflold be put on the Elec toral ticket, but this was not done.
The Electoral ticket nominated consisted of Win. T. "Wofforcl, H. L. Berming, "Washington. Poe, Julian Hart ridge, li. G. Turner, R. N. Ely, W. J. Hudson, J. M. Pace, II. R. Casey, J. N. Dorsey, E. D. Graham. Gov. Smith was re-nominated for Governor. Judge Linton Stephens had died, and the Convention paid a noble tribute to this illustrious Georgian. The brief eulogy upon him by Geo. F. Pierce, Jr., was an exquisite bit of eloquence and taste.
Mr. Stephens fought Creelcy's nomination sturdily. The clash between him and the Constitution, under the writer, continued to the close. He supported the Straight movement with Charles O'Conor as the Presidential candidate. A Straight Convention was called and had 5? delegates from 23 counties, which put out an O'Connor electoral ticket. The Republicans held a convention of 273 delegates from 77 counties, with John S. Bigby as chairman, which nominated Dawson A. "Walker for Governor, and put out a Grant electoral ticket, composed of A. T. Akerrrian, B. Conley, A. AY. Stone, J. Johnson, W. B. Jones, TV. IV. Mcrrcll, J. R. Griffin, J. F. Shine, C. D. Forsyth, G. S. Fisher and C. A. Ellington.
The election resulted as follows: Greeley 75,896; Grant 02,485; O'Connor, 3,099; total vote, 142,370. Greeley's majority over Grant, 13,411; over O'Conor, 71,895. Gov. Srrn'tli was re-elected the Execu tive over Walker by 58,444 majority. Gov. Brown supported Gov. Smith and voted for Greeley. The following Congressmen were elected: Morgan Rawls, R, II. Whitely, Phil. Cook, H. R. Harris, J. C. Free man, James II. Blount, P. M. 13. Young-, Ambrose R. AYright and H. P. Bell. Greeley was defeated for President, though he carried Georgia. He died before the day for casting the vote. There was much speculation as to how the Georgia Electoral college would vote. The electors curiously enough split up as follows:

TI1K LAND SOMir FUXI).

503

Gen. Banning, Washington Foe and Col. Hudson voted for Greeley
fur President. Gen. Wofford, Col. Hartridgo, Mr. Ely, Col. Pace, Col. Dorsey and
Major Graham voted for 13. Gratz Brown for President. Col. Turner and Dr. Cascy voted for ex-Gov. C. J. Jenkiris for
President. Gen. Bemiino-5 Mr. Poe, Col. Hudson, Dr. Casey and Col. Turner
voted for Gratz Brown for Vice-President. Col. Hartridge, Col. Pace, Col. Dorsey, Mr. Ely and Major Graham
voted for Gen. Colquitt for Vice-President. Gen. Woft'ord voted for Gen. N. P. Banks, of Massachusetts, for Vice-
President. The new Democratic Executive Committee, appointed by Col. Ilarde-
man, was John L. Harris, "Warren Akin, Nelson Tift, J. II. Christie, J. C. Nicbolls, J. H. Hunter, H. Fielder, T. M. Fm-low, E. H. Worrcll, J. C. Wooten, J. S. Boynton, T. G. Lawsori, Augustus P&cese, J. 13, Jones, T. S. Morris, J. B. Estcs, I. W. A very and I,. N. Trammel!. Col. Hardeiriari was elected Chairman, and I. W. Avcry, Secretary.
Among- matters of general interest was the Land scrip fund. By act of 1862, Congress gave each State 30,000 acres of land for. every Sen ator and Representative. Georgia's part was 370,000 acres. The fund was to be used in endowing an agricultural college in five years. By act of 1872 further time was given. The Legislature of Georgia, in 18G6, accepted the donation, and authorized the Governor to apply for, receive, and aell these lands. Gov. Conley, in his term, obtained and sold them for ninety cents per acre to Gleason F. Lewis, of the AVcst, for $50,000 cash, and the balance in eighteen, months, making $243,000 realized. Some of the States realized four and five dollars an acre. Gov. Smith had to organize the college by the 2d of July, 1873, or the land scrip would have been forfeited. Many of the cities applied for the fund. He finally gave it to the State University at Athens, insti tuting " The Georgia State College of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts/* The interest alone can be used. The principal was invested in Georgia State bonds. The first $50,000 Gov. Smith used in buying Georgia bonds at ninety cents, thus adding $5,000 to the fund.
The Georgia Memorial Association, under charge of Mrs. Mary A. Williams and Miss Mary J. Green, had most faithfully used the $4,CCO given to remove the Confederate dead. A cemetery was established at Marietta, and 2,393 bodies removed, principally from the battle

504

THE GEOLOGICAL AND AG141CU J/rUIlA'L DEPARTMENTS.

grounds of Chickamauga and New Hope Church. There are also local Confederate Cemeteries at liesaca, Atlanta and Griffin.
During Gov. Smith's administration two departments of incalculable State benefit were established. The office of State Geologist was created by Act approved February 27, 1374, and Gov. Smith appointed Dr. George Little to the place August 10, 1874. The Department of Agriculture was created by Act approved February 20, 1874, the act passing- the House by the vote of Speaker Bacon, and on the 2Gth of August, 1874, Gov. Smith appointed Dr. Thomas P. Janes State Com missioner of Agriculture. The State Geologist held oiHce until re moved by the Governor or the office was abolished, received $2,000 salary, and was allowed two assistants, at 81,200 each. The sum of $10,000 yearly was appropriated, for five years. The Commissioner of Agriculture held office for four years, received 82,000 salary and was allowed a clerk at $1,200. The sum of $10,000 was appropriated for the annual expenses of the Department.
Dr. Little was an accomplished Geologist, and his work of survey proceeded vigorously. He made a large collection of minerals and woods. He had up to 1879, when the appropriation ceased, completed a survey and maps of nearly half of the State. He had developed the mineral resources of the State, inducing- the investment of hundreds of thousands of dollars of foreign capital. The legislature of 1870 failed to make a further appropriation. The office was not abolished, Dr. Little is still State Geologist, but there being- no mone}^ appropriated the geological survey lias ceased. The wagons and surveying tools have been sold, and the magnificent collection of geological specimens is in charge of the Commissioner of Agriculture.
The Department of Agriculture was successfully established by Dr. Janes. It proved to be a g-reat practical benefit. Its distribution of seeds, its introduction of new ideas, its valuable reports and publica tions, and its inspection of fertilizers preserving farmers from frauds in commercial manures, have been of larg-e utility to the farming- vocation, the basis of all of our prosperity. Dr. Janes was a zealous worker, and he accomplished much good. In 1878 he was re-appointed by Gov. Colquitt. He resigned his place in September, 1879, and on the 24th day of September, 1879, Hon. John T. Henderson was appointed by Gov. Colquitt as the Commissioner.
Mr. Hendersoii's administration of the office has been most brilliant. Taking- the position when there was for some reason a good deal of pub lic opposition to the Department, he has popularized it in the general

IION*. JOUST T. HKKDKRSOX, COMMISSIONER OF AGRICULTURE. 505

esteem. He has exhibited nerve, tact, discrimination and capacity.

He had a battle with the fertilizer manufacturers that tested his pluck

and decision conclusively. He fought their analyses, and under acri

monious demonstration from them, persisted in his reforms until he had

revolutionized and graded up the standard of artificial manures. He

was instrumental in getting1 up a National Convention on this subject.

Sis enterprise has been sleepless, and his labors judicious and admi

rably directed. The Department is on a solid basis, and its usefulness

yearly increasing4. The receipts from the inspection of fertilizers last

year, were $TU,23;2.03, and the expenses of the department 812,171,81,

leaving- a handsome balance of $04,000.23 that went into the State Trea

sury. (Due of the new projects of Commissioner Henderson is the

establishment of an experimental farm. It will be a progressive move

ment that would benefit the State. And under the present able com

missioner it would be a success.

Gov. Smith was instrumental in May, 1873, in calling a convention of

Governors and delegates in the interest of the Georgia and Great AVest

ern Canal. Three hundred members were present, including Gov. John C.

Brown of Tennessee, President of the Convention, Gov. Silas AVoodson of

Missouri, and Gov. T. A. Ilendricks of Indiana, from the Eighth District.

Two notable events in the year 1873 were the election of Gen. John

IB. Gordon United States Senator from Georgia by the General Assem

bly, and the election of Hon. Alexander II. Stephens as the Kepreseritg.-

tive in Congress from the Kiglith District.

Gordon's victory was a signally striking one. He had for competitors,

Hon. A. II. Stephens, Hon. B. H. Hill, Hon. Herbert Fielder and Hon.

A. T. Akerman. The friends of these gentlemen threw themselves

vigorously into 1be canvass. Gen. Gordon and Mr. Hill both made

speeches. Mr. Stephens was in Atlanta, and his quiet, effective influ

ence was seen in the ardent rallying of his admirers in his favor.

*

The triumph of Gen. Gordon was one of which any man could be

proud. He had an unparalleled array of competitors, the most popular,

gifted and veteran public leaders in Georgia--men around whom clus

tered peculiar considerations of public support. Mr. Stephens in par-

ticular had been a public idol, maintaining in a long career an unbroken

series of political victories. He had been elected Senator after the war

and wa^ not admitted. It seemed a proper thing to return him again.

He was handicapped, however, by his decided disagreement in. the

presidential campaign with the bulk of the party.

On the first joint ballot Gordon received 84 votes, Stephens 71, Hill

506 JOHN B. GORDON'S EXCITING KLKCTIO^ AS u. s. SENATOR.
35, Akerman 14, Fielder 8. Mr. Stephens' vote was remarkable in view of his contest with his party, and could have been evoked by no other man under the same circumstances. He grew in strength in succeed ing ballots. For a time it was thought he would be elected. Upon the disintegration of Hill's arid Fielder's votes Gordon swept to victory. On the fourth ballot Gordon had ninety-five and Stephens seventy-five, necessary to elect one hundred and seven. On the fifth ballot Gordon ran to one hundred and one, and. Stephens seventy-six, when men began to change, amid as wild an excitement as ever existed, in a deliberative body. Three of Gordon's men broke to Stephens, Matt ox, Braritley arid Scott. Nine of Hill's men followed to Stephens. Two of Akerman's men added, themselves to this growing tide. Two of Stephens' men, Peabocly and McClellati, rushed to Gordon to give variety to the battle, Nine of Hill's men followed suit. Three of Akerman's joined this cur rent. 13aker of 13artow, with commendable impartiality, changed from Stephens to Gordon, and then back to Stephens. "Watt did the same. Dorsey, not to be outdone, plumped from Hill to Stephens and then from Stephens to Gordon. -Lee of Appling shifted from Gordon to Stephens, and then back to Gordon. The confusion and excitement \vere simply indescribable. Everybody was at fever heat. The gal leries were packed with spectators, with a large sprinkling of ladies. At one time it was said by some investigating arithmetician who traced cfut the changing phases of the ballot, that Mr. Stephens was elected by one majority. The transfer of ballots was so swift and mixed that men were in perplexity, but amid the torrent of confusing- changes Gordon went up steadily until the ballot was announced, Gordon one hundred and twelve, and Stephens eighty-six, and in a hurricane of shouts, the atmosphere variegated, with the tossing hats, Gordon was declared elected.
It was a large clutch of honor for the young- Gordon to have won this high trust, arid, the whole State was pleased. He had in the war carved his way to fame with the sword, rising to continental reputa tion. He was a fine representative of the chivalry and patriotism of the South. Endowed with a clear mind, a strong honor, and a pulsing public spirit, backed by a rare physical vigor, Senator Gordon became a marked figure in the national councils, and gave an administration of his exalted trust, both useful and brilliant.
The next day after the election the Atlanta Constitution raised Mr. Stephens' name for Congress. Gen. Toombs announced that Mr. Stephens would "stand" for Congress in the Eighth District, and the

GEN. JOHN B. GORDON, Ex-U. S. SEXATOR.

SUPKIiH TRimjTK TO CHAKI.KS 3. JKNKiNS.

507

numerous aspirants dropped out and down, arid the " Commoner," as lie was felicitously called, was returned to Congress, where he still continues to give the country his services. Forty years ago he had been elected to Congress. For sixteen consecutive years he had served, his stout heart and large brain, in a weak frame, battling manfully for the rights and interest of the whole country. Retiring voluntarih^ from public life, he emerged from his privacy to become the second officer of the Confederate government. After thirteen years absence he returned to the seat in. Congress he had. vacated, the representative of the princi ples, thoughts and policies of the best school of American statesman ship. The event was a notable one, and created national comment and congratulation.
This Legislature elected as State House officers, Col. N. C. T3arnett Secretary of State, Col. John Jones Treasurer, and "W. L. Goldsmith as Comptroller General. Col. Barnett and Col. Jones had both been removed from office by Gen. Meade, and their election was the sponta neous tribute of the representatives of the people to these officers for their fidelity to the State's interest.
A very interesting incident of Gov. Smith's administration was con nected with ex-Gov. Charles J. Jeiikins. Hon. J. 13. Gumming intro duced a resolution, which passed and was approved August 22, 1S7'.:3, authorizing the Governor to have made and present to Mr. Jenkiris a fac-simile of the great seal of State that he had taken with him when removed from .office, with this additional inscription: "Presented to Charles J. Jenkins by the State of Georgia," and this legend, " In Arduis FideHs."
Gov. Smith had the gold copy made, and in July, 1873, he transmitted it to ex-Gov. Jenkins through the hands of Mr. Cumming-, the author of the resolution, in a suitable letter. The formal presentation of this testimonial of a republic's gratitude, this State recognition of fidelity to her honor and prosperity, was certainly an. event of beautiful signifi cance. The letter of ex-Gov. Jenkins, in reply, was like everything else emanating- from his brain, a document of g-raee and power. The exquisite elegance of diction, the rare propriety of sentiment, and the strong tenor of vigorous thought that mark this letter, make it a paper to be read with admiration and treasured in remembrance. This senti ment deserves preservation:
"My position is that there is now no cause for despondency; that the wrongs and oppressions we have endured resulted from administrative abuses, not from structural thauges in the government. This distinction should be kept constantly in view. lu a

508

GOV. SMITHS CONTROVERSIES.

complex government like cr

, th 3 political po ; di

State governments,, let it IK er be conceeded that <a. po,

right, once suppressed is for that cai

i the general ?

nor that a Constitution a th usand times violated becomes a Co finally that a government pro ituted by two or three consecutive administrations to purposes of tyranny a?id corruption m si thereafter be regarded as a government revolutionized."

I3rave, noble words these

j, that rang over the length and breadth

of the State, giving truth and inspiration to every wearied, champion of

constitutional government.

Gov. Smith's administration was firm and able and made him very

ilar. He concluded his fragment of Bullock's time and entered

-- .--^--j ~_ --.._ -~0 ---~- ______ sive quality in his temper that developed itself, arid that was productive of many personal misunderstandings, and created an unnecessary oppo sition. He was unfortunate enough to get up some very grave conflicts of statement with several distinguished gentlemen in the State upon the delicate subject of their appointment to office. "Whatever may have been the merits of these controversies, they made hostility to Gov. Smith. Ex-Gov. H. V. Johnson was the most prominent of the persons with whom Gov. Smith had these by no means beneficial differences. Gov. Johnson considered that Gov. Smith had promised to put him on the supreme bench, and Gov. Smith denied it, and the issue drifted into

At the expraon o r. ngers erm as reasurer n.

, as as

been stated, Col. John Jones, Treasurer under Gov. Jenkins and who had

been removed by Gen. Meacle, wTas elected to this office. The election was

unfortunate for himself and for Gov. Smith. He had earned an unusual

reputation, and was endeared to the people by his striking experiences.

" Honest Jack Jones " was his enviable designation. It was a cruel thing

that such a character, so uncommon and priceless, should have been sacri

ficed, with every undeniable purpose to merit its continuance, and with

the fact of integrity untouched. Charges of loose management became

general, and the alleged payment of duplicate securities was formulated

upon the public thought. The Legislature of 1875 put a committee at

work to investigating the Treasurer's office. This committee reported

a bad. state of things existing in that office, and resolutions were passed

censuring the Treasurer, instructing suit against that officer and his

THE STATE TREASURY.

509

sureties for money illegally paid by him, and authorizing- the Governor to appoint a competent person to aid the Treasurer in doing- all things necessary for the State's interest. Dr. James F. Bozeman wa.s selected as the official to do this important duty. The choice was admirable. Dr. Bozemaii proved himself a careful, capable, patient, honest financier, tracing1 out the difficult problem of our confused State finances to an unerring conclusion.
The whole episode was a painful one. It involved a Democratic official who had peculiarly strong claims upon the party. Yet the inves tigation, was made with a resolute thoroughness that marked the differ ence between a Democratic and the Reconstruction administrations. A Democratic rule probed and punished its own derelictions. The Repub lican regime had shielded its offenders.
Gov. Smith decided upon examination that the Treasurer's bond was insufficient, and on the 15th day of November, 1875, he issued, an' Executive order requiring a new bond. This the Treasurer failed to give, and on the 2Gth of November, the Governor declared the office vacant by operation of law. From the 25th of November until the 4th of December, the Comptroller acted as Treasurer under the Executive appointment. On the 4th of December, 1875, Gov. Smith appointed and commissioned as State Treasurer, Hon. John "W. Renfroe, who served the balance of Col. Jones' term, and in 1877 was elected and served for the full term of four years to 1881.
The administration of Col. Renfi'oe through its entirety was a sig-nally able one. He had been for years the tax collector of the larg-e county of "Washington, and had made a marked reputation for efficiency, skill and promptness. His collections were thorough arid his returns a model of book-keeping. He tcok the treasury chaotic, disordered and unsystematizecl. He made it methodical, clear and smoothly running. He had something more than good steady business ways. He possessed genuine and original financial ability, blending, in a singular degree, nerve, judgment and fertility of resource. He held the many reins of State money interest with a firm hand, and an intelligence equal to any emergence. He was economical and managing-, saving the State in every possible manner.
It was a most fortunate selection. The State's credit steadily went up under his financial direction. He negotiated large amounts of bonds at less cost than any other Treasurer. And with all his strict discharg-e of his duties he was uniformly polite and accommodating, and won a universal regard by his courtesy and spirit to convenience people.

510

TIIK Douni,:-: PAVMKNT OF BONDS.

The irregularities in the Treasurer's office and the chang-es of admin istration startled and shocked the public mind. There has never been such a demonstration of popular sympathy as followed Col. Jones in this unfortunate calamity. The proof of an inefficient management was irrefutable. 13 ut the public clung to the idea of his integrity, with ..a touching tenacity. Great losses to the State were proven, but the gen eral thought maintained the g-ood intentions of old " Jack Jones."
Stunned, dazed, fluttering in his helplessness, arid in dreamy doubt of a disaster that he scarcely comprehended, and which lie fought with all the g-allant consciousness of honesty, the old man reeled under the terrific loss of his cherished repute, and finally as the evidence accurnulated overwhelmingly to show an incompetent arid careless management, he bowed his head in mute anguish. The iron ordeal of an unpitying inquiry went on.
Civil suits were instituted. Months were spent by an auditor, Col. John M. Pace taking evidence. The trial ran far into Gov. Colquitt's administration, and finally, on the 23rd clay of May, 1879, a judgment was obtained against Col. Jones and his sureties, John T. Grant and C. A. Nutting, for $96,000. The counsel for the State were the Attorney General, Col. N. J. Hammond, and the following- lawyers employed by Gov. Smith, Gen. Toombs, McCay & Trippe, Willis A. Hawkins and Win. T. Newmari. Col. Jones had for his leading counsel, Hon. 13. II. Hill. Mr. John T. Grant offered $35,000 cash in settlement of his lia bility which was accepted by Gov. Colquitt upon the advice of the State's entire counsel.
This most unpleasant affair w~as an injury to Gov. Smith's adminis tration. Henry Clews & Co. had paid, during- the administration of Gov. Bullock, the entire bonds falling due in 1870 and 1871. These bonds were reported paid by the bond committee in 1871, as also by Gov. Conley in his message, and in his first messag-e to the legislature as Governor in July, 1872, Gov. Smith had mentioned the bonds due in 1872 as the first bonds needing' attention. Of the redeemed bonds of 1870 and 1871 Col. Jones had paid a second time, $149,250 with $24,782.15 of interest. These bonds had never been canceled by Henry Clews, but were sold at public auction in New York on one day's notice, for $18,625 to J. D. Hayes, the Misses Clews and Chittenden arid Hubbard. Somebody presented them at the State Treasury and Col. Jones paid them. He had no clue to the person who got the money. After that payment Gov. Smith passed his warrant to Col. Jones for these bonds. And whether rightly or wrongfully the public held it a matter

COXGRKSSIOXA.T, CONTESTS.

511

for censure in the otherwise excellent financial administration of Gov. Smith.
Gov. Smith had pressed a controversy upon the writer in connection with the authorship of a newspaper letter, attacking him savagely, written by a Mr. Co wart. And in this controversy the writer entered fully into this double bond payment, and charged upon Gov. Smith a grave neglect of duty. The controversy which brought to light more clearly the facts of this bond mistake, demonstrated the tendency heretofore alluded to in Grov. Smith to provoke unnecessary antagonisms. It is due to Gov. Smith to say that the full extent of condemnation to which he should justly be subjected is simply such oversight of the fact of payment as would have prevented his signing a warrant for these bonds. The bonds had been paid. The money could not have been recalled. No human suspicion could attach any blame to Grov. Smith for the double payment. These are milder views of Grov. Smith's share of blame than the writer entertained at the time of the very tart corre spondence in 187G, and are given ill justice to both parties.
In 1876 an event occurred that attracted very much attention. Dr. W\ H. W^hite, who has since died, a gentleman from Iowa settling in Atlanta, was the successful originator and instrument of a large excur sion of western citizens to the South, that went a great way to break down the ignorant bitterness existing between the sections, and which has proved so groat a barrier to national reconciliation. Dr. ^Vhite was a public-spirited citizen of energy and enterprise, who deserved the esteem he held among our peo%^le.
The death of Gen. Ambrose R. Wright and Thomas J. Spoor, mem bers of Congress, was followed by the election of Hon. A. II. Stephens and Col. Erasmus TT. Bock to 611 the vacancies. In November, 1874, the following gentlemen were elected to Congress, ?7%z. Julian Hartridge, Wm. E. Smith, Philip Cook, H. R. Harris, Milton A. Candler, James H. Blount, Wm. H. Felton, Alex. H. Stephens and Garnett McMillan.
In the nominations of Col. Candler and Col. McMillan there had been prolonged, exciting and stubborn contests. McMillan beat Hon. B. H. Hill in the convention in a conflict that excited State interest. Col. McMillan soon died, and Mr. Hill was nominated and elected May o, 1875, to fill the vacancy, and from that time has been in Congress. The most remarkable, and in some respects romantic, congressional contest, was the one in the 7th District, which resulted in the election of Dr. William H. Felton as the Representative, which revolutionized the pol itics of that District, which introduced a new and powerful factor in

512
the public matters of the state, arid made the quiet old Seventh Dis trict the scene of political strife so turbid and active as to focalize the g-aze and the speculation of the whole people.
Some several weeks before the Democrats held their nominating con vention, Dr. Felton had taken the field as an Independent Democratic candidate, on the general ground of the trickery of the convention system, which, he arg'ued, disappointed instead of enforcing the popu- lar will. He was a tall, slender, gray-haired Methodist preacher, with a singularly effective eloquence and a very subtle power in reaching-and controlling his hearers. The people of mountain sections seem to have a natural proclivity to that loose wearing- of political trammels, that makes party iriclepcriclentism easy. It is a curious geographical fact that, in the 7th and 9th Congressional Districts, both mountain coun tries, the Independents have been most active arid successful.
Dr. Felton made a steady headway. His wife, a very comely lady, fearless, positive, managing, a born politician, a vigorous writer, arid a tireless worker gave him a wonderful co-operation. Together they inaugurated a revolution that swept the District, made it the focal bat tle-field of the State, and planted incleperidentism in State politics for years to come. The placid parson became the central figure of public matters.
The convention nominated Hon. L,. N. Trammell as the Democratic candidate for Congress. Dr. Felton attacked the fairness of his nomi nation and his political record. Trammell met him squarely, hammer ing down his assaults. They met in debate several times, and Dr. Felton declined to discuss with him longer. The disaffection in the Democracy of the seventh so perceptible gave serious trouble to the party all over the State. There were elements of discord at work that seemed uncontrollable. With a deft tact arid consummate ability the clever parson used the chance. It was immaterial who was the nominee, the opposition to nominations existed. Whether Dabriey, Lester or Trammell, it was the same breeding repulsion to convention \vork. Trammell was an unexampled manager, full of resources, arid a watch ful, masterly, political leader.
Col. Trammell wrote to the Executive Committee putting himself in their hands for the party good. It was a generous abneg-atiori. The committee proposed to Dr. Felton that both retire and let the party settle the contest in some way. Dr. Felton declined. The committee decided that Col. Trammell must continue the fight. There was then every chance for the nominee. Trammell could have made the victory.

DR. FKLTOIST DISFEATKD AT
But there was treachery in our own ranks. Realizing- it, Col. Trammell determined that it should riot be ascribed to him that the party was divided, and peremptorily withdrew. Col. AVin. H. Dabney was nomi nated. The battle became hotter still. The schism grew, the rancor intensified, the struggle deepened in bitterness. Outsiders who were ' invited to come in and take a hand were warned off. The District seethed like the witches' cauldron in Macbeth. It was a red-hot time, full of accelerating- fury.
Col. Dabney was an n-reproachable gentleman arid a fine lawyer, able and earnest. But Dr. Felton went for him. . Dabney lacked personal magnetism and political strategy, and was not a match for Felton. We have never had a man in Georgia politics that has been so dangerous an ussailer of personal records as this plausible preacher. He struck deadly blows. He held religious service on Sunday, and spoke politics on week days, and played perilous work generally with personal ante cedents. His hold on the people was something- marvelous, and could not be shaken. He inspired a tenacity of attachment in his followers, amounting to fanaticism.
He defeated Col. Dabney by over 200 majority. He ran again in 1875, and Col. Dabney was pitted against him, arid he got an increased majority running- to 2,462. The Republican vote went solid for him. In 1878 George 1ST. Lester was nominated, and made a lightning race, full of" fire. But Felton came in again with a majority of 1,350. It looked like the parson was invincible, and Independeiitism supreme. The contag-ion had spread. In. the 9th, in 1878, a handsome, glittering, young- man, showy, eloquent, ambitious, Emory Spcer, who in 1876 had been defeated, slipped in over Col. J. A. Billups, the nominee, by a small majority, which in 1880 he swelled to over 4,000 in a tug with H. P. Bell.
But Dr. Feltoii's victory over Col. Lester closed his extraordinary series of successes, and in 1880 a sturdy, clear-headed, even-tempered young man, who had been first in the House of Representatives and then in the Senate from Walker county, entered the race and left the gallant parson behind. This sensible individual, Judson C.Clement, took a new tack. He would have no stock in a personal contest. He made a quiet elevated canvass, dignified, devoid of personality, soothing the asperities of an angry division, arid treating Dr. Felton arid his follow ers with a uniform personal courtesy, arid when the vote was counted, to the surprise of the State, arid with somewhat of a shock to the par son, Clement was declared elected.

514:

BMOKY SPEER.

The defeat of Parson Felton has left his youthful and brilliant youngcolleague, Emory Speer, the leader of the Independents--a critical and perilous pre-eminence. He has shown, like the Parson, an able brain and a steady head, a thorough self-reliance arid a shrewd mastery of the masses. It cannot be seen that Dr. Feltoii made any blunder to evoke defeat, but fell through in the reaction from a species of revolution arid under the natural subsidence of men into customary and familiar polit ical grooves. It remains to be tested whether the gifted young Speer can avoid the fate of his wise old colleague, and maintain outside of party lines that personal supremacy, which, while it utilized Democratic disaffection and a handy Republican balance of po\ver, yet demonstrated an undeniable genius for leadership.

SUPKKMK COUKT OP GEORGIA,

CHAPTER XLV.
GOVERNOR ALFRED II. COLQUITT, AND HIS MAGNIFICENT MAJORITY.
The Popular Thought Points to Alfred H. Colquitt for Governor.--His Long Declenaion.--Gen. E. J/Gartrell.--H. V. Johnson.--John H. James.--Thomas Hardemaii Retires.--Gen. Colquitt's Character.--The State Democratic Convention.--The Col quitt Caucus. --Weil and Wright.--An Amusing Episode.--Colquitt's Nomination and the Enthusiasm.--The Kepuhlicans put up Jonathan Norcross.--Colquitt's Easy Election and Vast Majority.--Tilden and Hendricks.--The Texas Banner Won.---The Congressional Delegation Re-elected Entire.--Ex-Gov. Joseph E. Brown.--Gregg Wright's Witty Article on Brown.--Gov. Brown's Service in Florida.--Changes on the Supreme Bench.--James Jackson and Logan E. Bleckley.--Martin J. Crawford. --Alex. M. Spear.--The Legislature of 1877.--A. O. Bacon, Speaker. -- R. E. Lester.--E. P. Howell.--Patrick Walsh.--Gov. Colquitt's Splendid Financial Message. --His Practical Economy.--The Bankrupt Railroads.--Gov. Colquitt's Able Dis position of Them.--B. H. Hill Elected United States Senator.--State House Officers.
DURING the years 1875 and 187G, the question of Gov. Smith's suc cessor in the Executive office was actively agitated. Gov. Smith fin ally declined to be a candidate, and turned his aspirations to the United States Senate. The prominent name in the public mind was Alfred II. Colquitt. As early as 1857 the popular thought had pointed to him for Governor. After the war he had steadily declined political pre ferment, and constantly grew in public favor. Coming" from a blood renowned in Georgia annals; the son of a father, the most versatile and brilliant public man the State has ever known, "Walter T. Colquitt; the inheritor of eloquence and ability for the administration of public affairs; a gentleman of rare Christian character and life, adding the grace of a deep piety to the attractions of a very handsome face and person, and with manners singularly simple and hearty, and reflecting a temper uniformly g-enial, Gen. Colquitt enjoyed an exceptional popu larity, and had such a hold upon the respect and affection of the masses as few men have ever enjoyed.
He refused repeated solicitations to- allow his name used for Congress, as well as for Governor and the United States Senate. He was con stantly chosen as elector and delegate to National Conventions. He had, in/ 1872, been elected on the same day President of the State Pern-

516

TIIK CANUIOATKS KOU GOVKKXOR I^f 1876.

ocratic Convention and President of the State Agricultural Society. He had been unanimously re-elected, year by year, President of the State Agricultural Society. Under this focal enjoyment of public regard he was at length squarely entered into the lists for the gubernatorial suc cession.
Gen. Lucius J. Gartrell was mentioned arid pressed by his friends for Governor, but when ex-Gov. II. V. Johnson's name was presented, he withdrew. Gov. Johnson was sprung as a gubernatorial candidate by Mr. "Willing-ham of the J^ress, and warmly urged by Mr. Gregg'Wrijrht of the Augusta 0/iroiiiele and Sentinel. The late introduction of Gov. Johnson into the canvass was an injustice to that distinguished arid popular statesman. His support was no criterion of the strength he had with the people. He neither endorsed nor declined the use of his name, but still left it before the public. The writer, a warm friend and admirer of Gov. Johnson, wrote him a letter, urging that so many of his friends were friends of Gen. Colquitt and had committed themselves to the latter, that he owed it to himself riot to run.
Mr. John H. James, Danker of Atlanta, a gentleman of great native shrewdness arid larg-e means, accumulated by an uncommon financial sagacity and energy, had resolved, if possible, to cap his business suc cess with the honorable distinction of Executive responsibility. Against Gov. Smith in 1872, lie had made something- of a commencement of his attempt at the Executive chair. He reg-ularly entered the race against Geri. Colquitt, and devoted himself to the campaign with that cool, sys tematic energy and calculation that marked the man. Deficient in education, he yet had a larg-e fund of good sense, good temper, arid real practical capacity. He pursued his canvass astutely.
The strongest competitor that Gen. Colquitt had, however, was Hon. Thomas Hardemari, Jr. This gentleman was very popular. As Legis lator, Congressman, Speaker of the House, Confederate officer, he had shown himself capable, eloquent, honorable, patriotic arid public spirited, lie had convictions and the courage to defend them. He was and is a fluent and attractive speaker. He was true in his friendships, and direct arid candid in his politics. Possessing a genial nature, he in spired a general regard. Col. Hartleman has been one of the siricerest men in our public matters, meriting his repeated trusts, discharging his duties efficiently always, arid enjoying public respect arid regard.
Walter T. Colquitt, the father of Alfred H. Colquitt, was a most con summate master of politics, arid he transmitted to his son a full share of this power. /"'The writer does not think that in the State there has ever

Al.FRKD II. OOLQUITT.

517'

been a wiser manager of a political campaign than Gen. Colquitt. Tin der his pleasant, unpretentious, genial exterior, he carries a keen judg ment of men, an accurate perception of chances, a broad range of resources in management, a power of severe practicality, a thorough grasp of detail, and an unwavering decisiveness upon a clcliberateJy selected line of policy.^- There were some other qualities in Gen. Col quitt that gave him strength. No man was ever more crystally truth ful and direct, no man was ever truer to friendship, and no man was ever more strongly governed by duty and conscience.
There have been many misconceptions of Gen. Colquitt's qualities,-- inconsistent with his striking political successes. l^so mistake as to his character has been more widely at fault than the idea that his enemies have used against him, that he possessed a pliant and yielding character. This has grown from that perennial sweetness of temper and genial courtesy of manner that belong to the man. In truth ho is as positive and unwavering a public man as we have ever had in Georgia. Not an aggressive person and not given to seeking combat, but a most un changeable and patient man upon a line of policy he has shown himself to be. Elvcry political campaign he has been engaged in has demon strated fixedness, persistence and resolution of an unusual quality.
Perhaps the strongest trait of Gen. Colquitt's nature is his contempt for affectation or pretense. AVith a hearty scorn for shams, caring nothing for show, yet with a genuine pride of principle and gentility, he has kept his poise, preserved his common sense, and maintained the solid purity of his character and intelligence in a manner that testifies conclusively to his native worth. ?^o public man has ever been more untouched by the glitter of oiScial distinction, or has borne high prefer ment with more modesty. This simple wearing of ennobling trust has been accompanied by a strong practicality that he shows in all matters, and which is the essential basis of a very strong personality with an unlimited reserve power in it. The qualities of this distinguished Georgian will be further discussed. He was destined for unprecedented triumph and a remarkable experience.
The nominating convention was held on the second day of August, 187G, in Atlanta. The selection of county delegates to tho body demonstrated the overwhelming drift for Colquitt. AVhen. enough counties had acted to show the popular preference, Col. Hardeman, with that patriotic sensibility that has always signalized his public course, withdrew his name in a most graceful letter, yielding a prompt acqui escence in the public will. At the Kimball House, the head-quarters of

518

GOVERNOR COT-.QUITT S NO^I IX ATION".

the Colquitt, Johnson and James delegates were established. A caucus of Colquitt's friends was held in the large ball-room of the Kimball House. The Johnson men met in the breakfast-room, and Major J. B. Gumming stated that he had in his possession a letter from Gov. Johnson declining to have his name presented to the convention. The caucus resolved to support Colquitt.
In the Colquitt caucus the enthusiasm was overwhelming. The large room was packed. The proposal of three cheers for Colquitt brought out a ringing response which echoed throughout the immense building- in thunderous notes. Mr. H. D. D. Twiggs announced the withdrawal of Gov. Johnson's name and that Johnson's friends would support Colquitt. The excitement that followed this announcement went to fever heat. Cheers were given for Gov. Johnson and his friends. Hon. Josiah "Warren of Savannah was called, and made an electrical little talk. Among other things he used these nota.ble words:
" As an original Hardeman man, and one who believes lie is one of the purest and

respect [cheers]--Gen Colquitt--[cheers], and as a friend of Gen. Colquitt, and as one who is in favor of the harmony of the party, I congratulate you and the whole people upon the evidence here to-night of the future harmony and unison of the'Democratic party of the State of Georgia" [cheers].
Col. Hardeman made such a speech as he always makes, fitting and eloquent. The convention consisted of 550 delegates from 135 counties. Hon. Geo. F. Pierce, Jr., was made temporary Chairman, and Hon. Clifford Anderson permanent President of the body. Col. S. "Weil of Fulton county withdrew the name of Mr. James, and moved the nomi nation of Gen. Colquitt. Mr. H. Gregg- "Wright of the Richmond dele gation had been einpowered to announce the withdrawal of Gov. Johnson and put in nomination Gen. Colquitt. It is a part of the under-current of the history of this convention that the movement of Mr. Weil in his German, idiom was a surprise, and unexpectedly interrupted the pro gramme of the Richmond delegation. It created a sort of ripple of amusement, but the ready and quick-witted "Wright met the sudden emergency cleverly, and put in his most felicitous speech with a spirit that brought the house clown, stating that Johnson's name would not be presented, and urging Gen. Colquitt's nomination by acclamation.
The nomination went throug-h with a rush, and Gen Colquitt was brought in, and made a stirring speech. Electors were chosen on the Tilden and Hendrioks ticket. They were A. R. I.awton and J. W. Wofford from the State at large; and district electors, A. M. Rodgers,

GOVERXOTC COI^QUITT'S SUPKRB MAJORITY.

519

R. E. Kennon, J. M. Dupree, W. O. Tuggle, F. D. Dismuke, F. Cham bers, L. N. Trammell, D. M. Du Bose arid J. N. Dorsey.
P'he Republicans in convention at Macon, Aug. 10, 1876, nominated Jonathan Norcross for Governor, and for electors, D. A. "Walker, E. C. Wade, J. T. Collins, C. W. Arnold, B. F. Bell, R. D. Locke, J. A. Holtzclaw, Jeff. Long, Z. B. Hargrove, V. M. Barnos and M. R. Archer. The whole Democratic ticket for State officers, electors and congress men was easily elected. Mr. Norcross was an odd, grizzly person, an intense, double-dyed Republican., unskilled in party management, regarded as possessing very cranky political theories, and an impracti cable public man, but personally honest, a successful business man, one of the earliest settlers of Atlanta, though of northern birth, and enjoy ing- the respect of all who knew his undoubted personal worth. He was the last man in the State to lead the party. Some idea of his party management may be gleaned from a maneuver of his in the last cam paign, when with nine-tenths of his party organization, colored, he deliberately inaugurated the policy of establishing a white man's Republican concern, and ignoring the colored brethren. This -would have been simply to have wiped out at one stroke the Republican party in Georgia. J)
The Georgia elections of 1876 resulted in easy and overwhelming Democratic victories. The State election took place in October. Gov. Colquitt's majority over Mr. Norcross was unprecedented, running to 77,854, and the largest ever given in the State. The whole vote was 144,839, of which Gov. Colquitt received 111,297, Norcross 33,443, scattering 99. The popular Colquitt swept in to the Executive office on a flood, tide of public favor. Amid universal acclaim and a flatter ing expectancy he took his seat. The Republican party was crushed as by the hand of a giant. Swollen to invincible proportions, the Democracy had no opposition whatever. Unified, with every wandering element gathered to the fold, compact and. resistless, it led the Demo cratic hosts of the Union. Some Democratic Clubs in Dallas, Texas, challenged the States of the Union to roll up a heavier majority than the Lone Star commonwealth, the trophy to be a silken banner. Espe cial dares were given to Georgia and Kentucky.
The enormous majority given to Gov. Colquitt was duplicated for Tilden and Hendricks in November, and in due time there came from Dallas to Gov. Colquitt a magnificent banner, the badge of Georgia's Democratic superiority. Gen. Lawton was elected President of the Electoral college, which assembled in Atlanta on the 8th of December,

GOVERNOR

and cast the State's vote for Tilclen and Ilendricks. The most extraor

dinary result of the November election was the return to Congress of

the entire Representatives elected in 1874, something that has never

happened before or since. The members thus' re-elected without an

exception, were Julian Hartridg-e, Win. E. Smith, Phil. Cook, Henry R.

Harris, Milton A. Cundlor, Jas. H. Blount, Wm. H. Felton, Alex. II.

Stephens and Benjamin II. Hill.

Du ; the

v. Br<

had, after a series of long- and

hard conflicts in the Legislatures and before the people, established

irrefutably the integrity and validity of the State Road lease, and his

company was firmly fixed in its occupancy of the road. But during-

these years, thoug-h out of politics, and devoting- his extraordinary

energies arid sense to material enterprises, his powerful personality was,

in the public imagination, a persuasive and irrepressible influence. No

man has ever been accredited with so much mysterious and potential

manipulation of political affairs. It was a strange tribute to both his

past power and still existing domination.

That witty and sparkling young journalist, Grregg Wright, editor of

the Augusta CJironicle, who died so young, and yet 'so marked in his

calling', happily expressed the remarkable estimate the public placed

upon Gov. Brown, and the repute that attached to him in political mat

ters, in this sketch.

" Mr. Williai of ex-Gov. Brc

ot far wrong i

T.anjiavfcrednd anired
jvernors. Legislatures, City Councils, railroad officials mysteries. If he was on speakiug terms with the
-ear that he was the real Executive and was running
stopped in front of a printing office, the editor was
e ear of a member of the General Assembly, the Leg islature was bribed ; if a newspaper said a good word of him, it was paid to do it. If it was consistently friendly, he owned an interest in the establishment. No one who has lived in Georgia since the close of the war can doubt the fidelity of the portrait by the communist artist. Tf the ex-Governor be a man of any humor whatever, he must be as much amused as offended by the manifold and conflicting charges brought against
nd t

the ignorant children of the

:id physical phe

GOVERXOK BROWN IX FLORIDA.
s are informed that lie is intriguing- enerth good cha :vent any Atlanta man from warming Ins feet or cooking his not come from his mines. The next lie is at the head of a ring hole State ; and is parceling out the offices to his friends and i manipulating a congressional convention by telegraph. The Georgia Legislature. The next lie is heading a-faction and
away such tr.ines as governorships, seats in Congress, on the United States Senate.
" Last Wednesday the Atlanta News sounded a long ' note of warning '
est of the holders of the bogus bonds. ' It is reported that the political slate include the candidature of Mr. James Brown, a brother of ex-Gov Brown, for Governor, an the appointment of certain parties to judgeships, besides the running of candidates fo the Legislature in all the counties.' This is the programme for 1876. Such a man i dangerous to the country and the people. With the lamp of Aladdin, the purse o Fortunatus, the pass word of Ali Balia, the helmet of Pluto, the armor of Achilles, th
the diplo: there Mexi(
Gov. Brown had come into full accord with the Democratic party. Supporting- Gov. Smith for Governor against his life-time friend, Judge D. A. "Walker; and Greeley for president against Grant, he had aligned himself squarely with the Democracy. He gave in connection with the Tilclen-PIayes presidential contest, a demonstration of his Democratic fealty arid individual value to the party, that drew upon him national attention. Florida was one of the States \vhose vote for President afforded the chance for thwarting the election of Mr. Tilden. It was one of the three battle-fields of that novel conflict, which it is to be hoped may never be ag-ain witnessed in this Union, and which involved the defeat of the people's will by the abominable mechanism of party returning- boards.
Gov. Brown, though sick and unfit for duty, yielded to a general public desire, and went to Florida to give his great abilities to protect ing the purity of the ballot, and ensuring a fair count of the Tilden vote. Through the wearisome phases of this vital conflict he remained,

JAMES JACKSON AX LOGAN E. BT.ECKI.EY.
contesting- fraud at every step, and finally made an argument of unex ampled power in the cause. This episode of valuable service strength ened Gov. Brown's advancing- restoration to the public confidence, due to his large measure of public usefulness.
During- Gov. Smith's term some changes had taken place upon the supreme bench that require notice. The Hon. R. P. Trippe was appointed to succeed Judge Montgomery, February 17th, 1873. Judge Trippe and Juclg-e McCay resigned from the supreme bench in 1875, and in their places Gov. Smith appointed, July 27th and 29th, Hon. James Jackson and Hon. Logan E. Bleckley. Two more fitting appointments could not have been made. Both were singularly pure and simple-man nered men, both of scholarly culture, both lawyers of the first ability, and both persons of unusually sincere conviction and unbending integ rity. Judge Jackson had filled many public trusts, and Judge Bleckley very few. As Congressman and Judge, Hon. James Jackson had won an enviable reputation. Juclg-e Bleckley had been supreme court reporter, arid was noted for accuracy, and a certain indescribable style of original thought and sententious polished expression.
Two higher types of men we have never had upon our supreme bench --men more thoroughly representative of the manliest grade of South ern character--men gentle, unpretentious, gifted, resolute, and yet learned in the law. Judge Jackson added to his high qualities the grace of a Christian piety, holding- up in his strong life the cause of practical religion. Judge Bleckley has had some interesting peculiarities. A certain vein of witty singularity ran through his nature and cropped out in all sorts of curious ways, carrying an odd conception of a not unpleasant quaiiitness. It was a thing that few men could do, for him to signalize his resignation from the supreme bench with a poem, that stands to-day upon the grim records of the court. Yet he did it with a touching effect, and in utter relief of the seeming incongruity of such a proceeding. It may show the honorable eccentricity of his character, running- to a sort of refined Quixotism of good, to recall an incident.
Judge Bleckley called to renew his subscription to the Atlanta Her ald. He found that his paper had been delivered several weeks beyond the time for which the subscription was paid. He was very much dis pleased, and said the running over must not happen again : that when his time was out his paper must be stopped : that it was a rule of his life to go to bed owing no man anything- and he had been made to vio late his rule. There is a strata of poesy in Judge Bleckley's nature,

A. O. BACON, SPEAKER OF THE GEORGIA HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVE

TIIK PIIKSKXT SUPUKMK I5KNCII.
and an irrepressible tendency to quaint conceits of thought, that find vent even in the iron formularies of.a Supreme Court decision.
Judg-e Bleckley was re-appointed Judg-e in January, 15th, 1877, by Gov. Colquitt. He resigned in. 1880, and Hon. Martin J. Crawford was appointed and qualified in his place, February 9th, 1880, by Gov. Colquitt. Chief Justice Hiram Warner resigning in 1880, Judge Jack son was appointed Chief Justice, September 3, 1880, and Hon. Willis A. Hawkins was selected for the vacancy occasioned by Judge Jackson's promotion. On the 17th of November, 1880, the General Assembly elected James Jackson Chief Justice, and Martin J. Crawford and Alex. M. Spcer Associate Justices, and this is the present status of the Supreme Court. It is an able, a strong- and a learned bench,--such an appellate tribunal of final resort as graces the jurisprudence of a great commonwealth, gives guarantee of an exalted administration of justice, and ejsalts the dignity and vitalizes the influence of an august judiciary.
Judge Speer, the junior member of the court, has been an honored citizen of Georgia, repeatedly elected, to positions of trust, and filling, hefore his -merited elevation to the Supreme Bench, the high place of Judge of the Superior Courts of the Flint Circuit with an ability and digriity not surpassed in the judicial annals of Georgia. Judge Craw ford has been distinguished as a^statesmaii and jurist for a quarter of a century, he and Judge Jackson both illustrating the State in the national councils as well as in the judiciary of the commonwealth.
The legislature of 1877/ was organized by the election of Hon. A. O. Bacon as Speaker of the House, and Hon. R. E. Fester as President of the Senate. Major Bacon had evinced such extraordinary qualities for a presiding officer that he was chosen Speaker without opposition. Clear, rapid, prompt, polite, with a l.o_y_cL, distinct enunciation, always audible in every part of the hall, thoroughly versed in parliamentary law, using wonderful dispatch in the business of the body, with an imposing manner and uniform dignity, and with an unvarying courtesy of manner, Mr. Bacon was a model Speaker, and his superiority for gov erning- the deliberations of the House so unquestionable, that he was elected by a sort of involuntary and common consent. The same com plimentary distinction was conferred upon him by the legislatures of 1878-9 and 1880-1, to both of which he was elected a Representative, the Assembly of 1880--1 being now in session and Major Bacon presidingwith his accustomed grace and efficiency.
Col. Fester was also a fine presiding- officer, directing the delibera tions of a much smaller body, the Senate, and one easier to handle,

524

VKL.I. A XL) PATRICK WAJ.SII.

but his parliamentary qualities were none the less thorough than those of Sp.eaker Uacoii. Col. tester was also elected President of the Sen ate of 1878-9. Hon. Evan P. Ilowell was chosen President of the Senate pro tern.., during- both of Col. Lcstcr's terms. Mr. Ilowell succeeded Mr. George Hillyer as the Senator from the Atlanta Dis trict. Pie had. been for years chosen as one of the city fathers of Atlanta. He had signal capacity for public affairs, uniting in a marked degree unusual power of party management to a bold, shrewd, practi cal judgment. He had an exceptional poise of cool sense, and a singu larly direct way of going- to the marrow of things. In 1S7G Mr. Ilowell boxight an interest in the Atlanta Constitution, and has since then been one of the proprietors and editors of that powerful paper, arid his enter prise and. wisdom have been, controlling qualities in its wonderful success. Mr. Howell will be an influential factor in Georgia politics in the future.
Among- the notable men of the legislature of 1877 was another mem ber of the Georgia press, Hon. Patrick AValsh, one of the Representa tives from Richmond county, and one of the proprietors arid editors of the Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, now the Chronicle and Con stitutionalist. Mr. Walsh has a solid, stoutly-built, medium-sized fig ure that gives token of the man, and his substantial momentum of character. A grave, impassive face, and a steady, deliberate manner, increase the idea of strength that attaches to him. Of Irish blood, Mr. "Walsh has a g-oocl deal of the sturdy combativcness that belongs to that race, and yet he is free from the excitability that leavens largely the Irish nature.
Mr. "Walsh is a person of unusual force, direct, simple, truthful, positive, arid with an irrepressible rising- quality in him that will carry the man very high. He is daring- and yet methodical and self-poised. He is a true arid earnest person, a faithful friend'arid an open opponent, striking- hard but honorably. He is both a forcible writer arid an impressive speaker. One of the colleagues of Mr. Walsh, from Richmond county, was Col. J. C. C. Black, a gentleman of earnest and effective oratory, who made some speeches of uncommon power in. the campaign of 1880. There were some very bright men in this body, who have since steadily risen in public esteem. Among these were A. P. Adams, A. II. Gray, H. H. Carlton, Henry Hillyer, N. L. Hutchins, A. D. Caiidler, W. J. Northern, J. T. Jordan, A. I,. Miller, J. H. Polhill, J. A. Reicl, J. D. Stewart, W. M. Hammond, A. H. Cox, F. H. Colley. Among the older members were P. M. Russell, \V. P. Price, R. J. Moses, Jas. M. Smith, W. W. Paine, Wm. Phillips.

Gov. COI^QUITT'S FINK FINANCIAL ADMINISTRATION'.

525

Gov. Colquitt was called upon for suggestions in regard to the financial matters of the State and sent in a message showing a most thorough investigation of every point connected with the management of the finances, and suggesting a comprehensive system of retrench ment and reform. The ideas advanced by him covered the ground of the reform afterwards instituted by the Convention and legislatures. This message is a remarkable document, and Gov. Colquitt may well plume himself upon its practicality and comprehensiveness. He dis cussed ably the saving by a more exact return of property for taxation, a more rigid collection of taxes, a more economical collection of taxes, reduction in the cost of legislation and legislative clerk hire, decrease in the outlay of the contingent, printing and building funds, reduction in the number of clerks in the various departments, .lessening the num ber of judicial circuits, the cutting off of superfluous offices, and the inauguration of small economies.
Gov. Colquitt put in practical operation the economies he suggested as far as lay in his power. He immediately imposed the duties of the Keeper of l?ublic Buildings on a clerk in the Executive omcc without extra pay. He made considerable saving's in the contingent, printing and building funds. Every expenditure for the State was scrutinized as closely as a private account. Gas, coal, labor, stationery, postage, printing, advertising, clerk hire and incidental expenses were all reduced in cost to the State. The extraordinary financial fruits of Gov. Colquitt's administration will be shown hereafter.
Among the legacies of burden left from previous administrations to Gov. Colquitt were several bankrupt railroads, whose bonds the State had endorsed. These were the Macon and Brunswick, the !North and South, and the Memphis Branch railroads. The Brunswick and Albany railroad had received State aid in Gov. Jenkins' term to the amount of $1,950,000, and subsequently $000,000 in Gov. Bullock's term. The &GOO,000 had been thrown over. Tho $1,050,000 were recognized, and in Jtily, 1873, Gov. Smith seized the road for non-payment of interest. In May, 1874, Gov. Smith endorsed the bonds of the Memphis Branch railroad for $34,000, and seized the road in May, 187G, for non-payment of interest in January and July, 1875. Tn December, 1872, Gov. Smith endorsed the bonds of the l^orth and South railroad for &240,000, and in April, 1874, he seized the road for non-payment of interest. These three roads were placed, in the hands of receivers, were sold, and all came into the ownership of the State. The Macon and Brunswick rail road was sold at public outcry and bought in, June, 1875, by Gov.

520

GOV. COLQUITT AND THE SEIZED RAILROADS.

Smith for the State, and put under the management of E. A, Flewellen, "W. A. Loftori and George S. Jones.
In 1876, the Macori and Brunswick railroad showed 828,000 paid into the treasury. From December 1, 1876, to September 30, 1878, under Gov. Colquitt, 805,000 was paid into the treasury, and 8164,608.12 from September 30, 1878, to February 29, 1880, showing the increased pay ments to the State. The iron and property of the Memphis Branch railroad was sold in August, 1877, for 89,000, to the Marietta and North Georgia railroad. The North and. South railroad was sold to Louis F. Garrarcl and others for 840,500, and the money is now in the treasury. The Macori and Brunswick railroad was sold, conveyance made and the property transferred on the 28th day of February, 1880, for 81,125,000, of which 8250,000 w*as paid, down, arid the balance is to be paid in payments of 8250,000 in two years from that date, and 8625,000 in four years. The company is xinder obligation to extend the road in five years from elate of sale to Atlanta, and is building such extension.
In 1876, the sum of 8542,000 of bonds was issued and sold, and the proceeds used to pay the accrued back interest on the Macori and Bruns wick, and North and South railroad bonds. In 1877, the sum of $2,298,000 of six per cent, bonds were issued to exchange for the seven per cent, endorsed bonds of these railroads, and the Memphis Branch railroad. The aggregate bonded liability of the State on these railway enterprises is 82,842,000. Under Gov. Colquitt's administration the sum of $1,174,500, principal, will be realized from them, leaving- the balance against former administrations of 81,607,500 of loss from unfor
tunate endorsements. The General Assembly of 1877 elected a successor to Hon. Thomas
M. Norwood, United States Senator. The contest was quite an ani mated one, and continued for several days. The first day's joint ballot on Wednesday, January 24th, 1877, resulted : T. M. Norwood, 90 votes, B. H. Hill 78, Jas. M. Smith 27, H. V. Johnson 11, D. A. Walker 4 ; total 216, needed to elect 109. Mr. Norwood was the strongest can didate on this vote, but lacked 18 ballots to elect him. The struggle was between Mr. Norwood and Mr. Hill. The under-current of strategy was active arid interesting-, and gossip gave to Gov. Brown the direction of the final result. On Thursday the joint ballot stood: Norwood 95, Hill 77, Smith 29, Johnson 10, Walker --. The coquetting of both the Norwood and Hill managers with the Smith men was ardent. Rumor, the jade, put it that Dr. Carlton was very instrumental in some clever \vork for Mr. Hill. The gossip ran that some of Mr. Hill's men had been

STATE HOUSK OFFICERS ELECTED.

527

detailed to vote for Gov. Smith, and at the proper time initiated the movement that carried Hill through. Be this as it may, on Friday, on a single joint ballot, the vote stood, Hill 114, Norwood 85, Smith 5, Johnson 5, riot voting- 4, arid Mr. Hill was transferred from, the House to the Senate for the six years beginning March 4, 1877, and ending- March 4, 1883.
The same legislature elected N. C. Barnett, Secretary of State, J. W. Renfroe, Treasurer, and W. L. Goldsmith, Comptroller General.

CHAPTER XLVI.
GOVERNOR COLQUITT'S BRILLIANT FINANCIAL ADMIN ISTRATION.
Grumbling at the State Constitution of 1868.--The Legislature of 1877 Inaugurates a Convention Movement.--The Constitutional Convention of 1877.--Its Persouelle.-- Ex-Gov. C. J. Jeiikiiis its President.--The Work of the Convention.--Gen. Toombs and Railroad Restriction.--The Capital Question Settled.--A lively Battle between Milledgeville and Atlanta.--New Judges.--C. I). McCutchen.--Henry Tompkins.-- President R. B. Haves' Visit to Atlanta.--Gov. Colquitt's Memorable Speecli of Welcome.--Gov. Colquitt's Splendid Financial Administration.--The Growling over Financial Success.--The State Road Droppings.--The Tuggle Picking.--Bo nanzas and Grumbling.--The Railroad Back Taxes.--The Macon and Brunswick Railroad Earnings.--Floating Debt Knocked Out.--Public Debt Reduced a Million and a half.--Taxation Cut Down nearly one-half.--Tax Burdens Halved.--Small Economies.--Every Expense Decreased.--Noisy Minorities and Quiet but Over whelming Majorities.--The International Sunday-School Convention. Gov. Colquitt made President.--A Great Compliment.--Chatauqua and Brooklyn.--Gor. Colquitt as a National Harmoiiizer, and Georgia a Foremost Agent of Moral Civilization.
THE, State Constitution of 1868 was in the main a good one, and in ordinary times 'would have been cherished by the people. It contained sonic minor defects, that could have been remedied. It was, as a whole, a document of organic law, well suited to the changed condition of public affairs, progressive, liberal, and yet conservative. Cut unfor tunately the method of its formation and imposition upon the State was a standing shock to the public sentiment of a free people. It was the creature of bayonet reconstruction, and had been forced upon the commonwealth. 'Whatever merits it had were ignored in the resent ment born of its origin and the manner of its enforcement.
As soon as the Democrats came into power the agitation began for a convention to frame a new Constitution that should be the product of the State's free volition. The theme continued to be discussed, and excite a growing interest, until the legislature of 1877, after a pro tracted, discussion of the subject, passed a bill introduced by Hon. A. D. Candler, of Hall county, submitting- the issue to the people to say by a popular election, whether a convention should be held. The elec tion was held on the second Tuesday in June, 1 877, and resulted in the

TIITC co:srsTiTirrrojg>:A.t" COXVEXTION- OF 1877.

529

success of the convention mOv*>T> tent. The vote was small, aggregating only 87,238, out of the 214,605 polls in the State, of which 48,181 were for, and 89,057 against, the convention, the majority being- 9,124.
The Convention was called together on the llth day of July, 1877, by the Governor. There were 194 delegates. The body was a very able one, and its deliberations were marked by dignity. Ex-Gov. Charles J. Jenkins was elected President, a fitting conclusion to his honored, useful and illustrious public career. There were some very strong- men in the convention. It included among others, Gen. Robert Toombs, Judge W. M. Reese, Gen. L... J. Gartrell, Judge Thos. G. Lawson, Judge Augustus Reese, Hon. Joshua Hill, Gen. A. R. Lawton, Judge M. L,. Mershon, Judge A. H. Hansell, Hon. J. L. Seward, Hon. Nelson Tift, Hon. T. L. Guerry, Judge D. B. Harrell, Hon. T. M. Furlow, Col. M. W. Lewis, Judge T. J. Simmons, Gen. Eli Warren, Judge J. T. Willis, Col. N. J. Ilammontl, Judge Hugh Buchanan, Judge L. H. Featherston, Judge S. 'W. Harris, Judge J. R. Brown, Gen. W. T. Wofforcl, Judge" Aug. R. Wright, Hon. L." N. Trammell, Judge J. C. Fain, Col. W. K. Moore, S. Hawkins, C. J. Wellborn, A. W. Holcombe, W. O. Tuggle, Col. John Collier, Col. P. L. Myiiatt, Col. Wier Boyd, Dr. H. R. Casey, Hon. Pope Barrow, Col. J. M. Pace, AY. R. Gorman, Col. Win. T. Thompson, Porter Ingram, E. C. Grier, Judge J.- L. Wimberley, B. E. Russell, Hon. J. L. Seward, Col. John Screven, J. L. Warren, W. R. Gignilliatt, War ing Russell, Col. John M. Guerard, Geo. F. Pierce, Jr., R. L. Wartheri.
There was in the body one ex-Governor, two United States Senators, eight Congressmen, seventeen Judges, and ex-legislators innumerable. The convention continued in session from the llth day of July until the 25th day of August, 1877. There was much discussion and some of it was very able. Some very radical changes were made and striking innovations were grafted upon the organic lawT. The theory of State aid was killed and buried, and a prohibition against increase of the pub lic debt or any expenditure of public money for any purpose save run ning the State government was passed. The terms of officers were shortened one-half and salaries reduced, making elections more frequent. The selection, of Judges and Solicitors was taken from the appointment of the Executive with the consent of the Senate, and changed to an election by the General Assembly. The largest subject before the con vention was the control of railroads by the State. This was a pet meas ure of Gen. Toombs, and was pressed by him with vigor and ability, and finally was carried. The homestead was largely reduced. The payment of the fraudulent bonds was forever prohibited. An endeavor
34

530

THIS LIVELY CONTEST OVER THE CAPITAL.

was made to check local legislation by requiring notice to be given in the counties affected by it, and by cumbering legislative action upon it by unusual formalities, the practical operation of which has been to protract the time and increase the trouble "without diminishing- the quantity of local legislation. Biennial sessions were adopted.
The location of the capital at Atlanta or Milledgeville was left to the people to decide by an election, as also the choice of the homestead of 1808 or the one of 1877. The election for ratification of the'new constitution, the location of the capital and the choice of a Homestead was held on the 5th day of December, Atlanta and Milledgeville had a warm contest for the capital. The battle "was lively and somewhat acrimonious. The arguments used were some of them of a novel and farcical character. That Milledgeville was a stagnant locality where the average legislator would browse in public retrogradation, and that Atlanta was a den of immeasurable iniquity whose atmosphere would ruthlessly poison the virtue of the most faultless legislative body, was irrefutably proven by iricontestible evidence. The press entered into the fight with wonderful earnestness. Atlanta was mathematical!y demonstrated to be responsible for every enormity of the Bullock regime and a despotic reconstruction, while ia the same unanswerable manner Milledg-eville was shown to be only fit for a conclave of fossils. Atlanta fought the struggle with characteristic liberality and enterprise. She had her committees and flooded the State with documents.
The vote stood: for ratification of the Constitution 110,442: against, 40,947: whole vote, 151,389, out of 214,005: majority for Constitution, 09,495. The vote 011 the capital was for Atlanta 99,147: for Milled v> ville, 55,201: majority for Atlanta, 43,940. The vote for the Homestead of 1877 was 94,722: for that of 1808, 52,000: majority for Homestead of 1877, 42,722.
It was an interesting incident of the convention that it exceeded the $25,000, prescribed in the Act of the legislature calling it, to pay its expenses. Under the written opinion of the Attorney General, R. N. Ely, the Treasurer, J. W. Renfroe, declined to pay beyond the $25.000. Gen. Toombs vowed that its deliberations should not be stopped for want of funds, and he advanced $20,000 to pay its further expenses. The convention passed an ordinance covering the amount, and Gov. Colquitt repaid the loan. It was made quite a cause of complaint in the gubernatorial campaign of 1880, that Gov. Colquitt had no rig-ht to repay the money without an act of the legislature authorizing it. But the people brushed away the causeless censure. Gen. Toombs did a

THK JUDICIARY OF 1877.

521

similar thing- when Gov. Smith was first elected. Money was needed to run the State. Bullock had left us stranded and without credit. Gen. Toombs raised 8300,000 on his own account to bridge over the emergency, until money could come in by taxes.
Gov. Colquitt appointed in January, 1877, the following- Judges: Geo. N. Lester, Blue Riclge Circuit: Martin J. Crawford, Chattahoochee Circuit: G. D. McCutcheri, Gherokee Circuit: IT. Buchanan, Coweta Circuit: H. Tompkins, Eastern Circuit: C. Peoples, Atlanta Circuit: E. H. Pottle, Northern Circuit: J. M. Clark, South Western Circuit. Judge C. I). McCutchen was a gallant cavalry officer in the Regiment of Col. I. W. A very. He had been a State Senator. He was a lawyer of unusual ability and legal discernment, and a gentleman of the highest social and Christian character, possessing- a punctilious integrity, severe truthfulness, and a finely balanced temper and judgment. He made one of the best judges in the State. Notwithstanding his admirable spirit of equable temper, he was a very positive Judge, evincing his sturdy decision conspicuously in making the Grand Jury of Barlow county strike some objectionable matter from its presentments., the novel altercation exciting State interest, and resulting in the complete
popular endorsement of Judge McCutchen. Judge Henry Tompkins, of the Eastern Circuit, was a handsome
young Alabamian, who fought at sixteen years of age, in the war, and located in Savannah after the surrender. He made a capable and pop ular Judge. Judge Peeples died in June, 1877, and Gov. Colquitt appointed George Hillyer in his place. Judge B. Hill, of the Maeon Circuit, died in September, 1877, and Gov. Colquitt appointed W. E. Grice in the vacancy. Judge J. M. Clark, of the South-western, circuit, died in June, 1877, arid Gov. Colquitt appointed on that bench a very bright, handsome young- lawyer, who had been Solicitor of that circuit, Charles F. Crisp, a son of the well-known, tragedian, and a character
full of fine promise. In November, 1878, the following Judges were elected under the new
Constitution of 1877; George Hillyer, Atlanta circuit; C. Snearl, Augusta circuit; J. E. Harris, Brunswick circuit; Alex. M. Speer, Flint circuit; Thomas J. Simmons, Macon circuit; H. Ar . Johnson, Middle circuit; Thomas G. Eawson, Ocmulgee circuit; J. W. H. Underwood, Rome cir cuit; C. F. Crisp, S. Western circuit; and Alex. S. Erwin, Western circuit. The election of Judges by the General Assembly, has proven to be very objectionable, consuming much time of the body, creating a disagreeable experience of electioneering, resulting in combinations of

532

GOVERNOR COLQUITT S FINE FINANCIAL ADMINISTRATION.

influence injurious to a choice by merit, and not beneficial to the State Judiciary.
During- October, of the year 1877, Rutherford B. Hayes, the Presi dent of the United States, visited Georgia, accompanied by his wife, Mr. Wm. M. Evarts, Secretary of State, and D. M. Key, PostmasterGeneral. The demonstration of respect in Atlanta was overwhelming. Gov. Colquitt and the Mayor of Atlanta, Dr. N. L. Ang-ier, both made addresses of welcome. The speech of Gov. Colquitt was the perfection of good taste and eloquence, and was copied over the whole Union. It was a singularly felicitous utterance. A banquet was given to the distinguished guest, and Gov. Colquitt honored him with a reception at the Executive mansion.
The most brilliant and successful single feature of Gov. Colquitt's remarkably beneficial administration has been its financial results. "Watching the minutest details of expenditure in his control, he has, in all matters requiring- it, maintained the good faith and proper liberality of the State. A.nd, singularly noticeable, the improvement of the public finances has not only been shown in the ordinary, but in unusual ways. It seems as if some fortunate fatality had guided the pecuniary affairs of the commonwealth during this long- rule of Gov. Colquitt, while by a curious piece of fortune, no Executive ever suffered so much of annoying animadversion. "While every year has shown the State's progress so far as her treasury is concerned, concurrently with such betterment of money matters, there has been ijicessant growling at the Chief Magistrate. Earge measures of public good were only regarded from a stand-point of dissatisfaction at alleged defects. Heavy pay ments into the public treasury from unexpected sources, literally picked up, afforded themes for such envenomed grumbling- as would indicate that the instrument of these benefactions was an enemy to the com monwealth and the source of injury to the popular interests. The instances of this sort of treatment are numerous and interesting.
The State bought the equipments of the State Road, from the United States Government, after the war, and paid for them. Gov. 13ullock employed Col. Baugh to re-open the settlement and get back some of the money in excess of the real value. A number of men joined Baugh. Gov. Smith enlarged the contract from 12 1-2 per cent, to not exceed 25 per cent, commission, and allowed more attorneys to come in. The gentlemen engaged wore Robert Baug-h, Gen. A. C. Garlington, Col. R. A. Alston, J. C. Fain, Henry R, Jackson, A. R. Lawton, W. S. Basing-er, W. A. Prescott and C. L). Willard. The claim was

THE TUGGI.E FEE.

533

oqu aowe

$152,278.94 went into the State Treasury to relieve the people. Yet,

strange to say, there was less rejoicing- over the large gain of money

than growling over the fees paid the attorneys under a contract fixed

by Gov. Colquitt's predecessors.

But it was impossible to balk Gov. Colquitt's evidently inevitable

mission of financial benefit to the State. He kept up his enlargement

of State funds. Col. W. O. Tuggle found out that there had been an

error of interest growing out of a claim of the State against the

United States Government, connected with the Indian hostilities of

183G, in Georgia. The claim was settled. Gov. Colquitt gave Col.

Tuggle authority to re-open the matter, having first written to Hon.

A. H. Stephens and Hon. II. P. Bell to learn if any such claim was

being prosecuted at "Washington, and receiving- reply in the negative,

Col. Tuggle collected the sum of $72,290.94, received his fee of 15

per cent., amounting to 10,844.54, and paid the balance into the State

Treasury, of $61,452.40. It was not an unreasonable thing- to suppose

that some considerable flush of popular satisfaction would have ensued

over this spontaneous and munificent chance of g-ood fortune. But

there was a lively episode of altercation over the rich dropping.

Hon. James A. Green of Baldwin county was ag'ent of the State for

some claims, and thought he ought to have a portion of Col. Tuggle's

fee. Mr. Green had done none of the work, but he memorialized the

General Assembly of which he was a member on the subject. A com

mittee was appointed, C. .1. Harris, R. C. Hurnber and H. T. Hollis.

The House passed a resolution askinng the Governor for the facts, and

he gave them in a messa

Mr. Humber moved to lay the message

011 the table. Mr. Green's authority covered claims of the war of 1812

and "former wars." The committee thoug-ht "former wars" included

the war of 183G, and that Mr. Green had rights, "though he does not

appear to have had anything to do with this particular claim," but pro

posed " to leave the contestants to the courts of the country." Mr.

Tuggle has not been disturbed in his fee.

Thus had. the Governor seen in the first two years of his fortunate

administration $213,731.34 picked up and put in the public purse. But

this was riot all. In 1874 an act passed to tax railroads like other

property. Many roads claimed chartered exemptions. Gov. Smith

pressed the matter by suits and obtained some money.

534

SAVINGS AND REDUCTIONS BY THE MILLION".

The decisions of the courts were mostly against the State. The liti gation was re-opened by Major R. 1ST. Ely, Governor Colquitt's Attor ney General, by the authority of the Governor. Major Ely, aided by Gen. Robert Toombs, pressed new suits vigorously and ably. The handsome amount of 8216,683.27 of back taxes was collected for the State for the years 1874, 1875 and subsequent years. And a principle was established that will bring a large annual revenue into the State from this source. This was a valuable installment for the Treasury, but there was yet some very acrimonious howling at the Executive, Major Ely and Gen. Toombs, on account of their fees. Legislative committees were appointed and sent for witnesses and investigated, and there was a mighty stir to no purpose. Here now was $430,414.61 plumped into the people's purse from extraneous and extraordinary sources, and yet every dollar had been the subject of growling arid censure.
The earnings of the Macon and I3ruriswick road, as before stated, running to $164,608.12, can be added to this amount. ^When Gov. Col quitt -was inaug-urated, the State was carrying- a floating debt of 8350,000. In 1877 this was reduced to 8200,000, and in' 1878 com pletely wiped out. The public debt, when Gov. Colquitt came in, was 811,095,879. It is now 89,643,500, having been reduced 81,452,379, besides four per cent, bonds issued and redeemed. The rate of taxation in 1876 was five-tenths of one per cent., or fifty cents on the hundred dollars, and raised 81,229,268 on a taxable property of 8245,853,750. The rate of taxation has been reduced under Gov. Colquitt's regime to three-tenths of one per cent., or thirty cents on the hundred dollars, and will raise in 1881 8750,000 on the taxable property of 8250,000,000. This is a marvelous result in five years--a reduction of taxes, two-fifths or almost a half, and relieving- the people from 8679,268 that they paid in tax burdens in 1876. And so far as the Executive of the State can bring such an end, credit is due to Governor Colquitt.
It has not been simply in large matters that there has occurred a marked reduction of expense, but, also, in the smaller affairs of State administration, under the good rule of this conscientious chief magis trate, the Christian Colquitt. The saving in the cost of running the lunatic asylum was 840,000 in the years 1877 and 1878, and out of the retrenchment was erected a 825,000 addition to the institution for colored patients. The deaf and dumb and blind asylums were also more economically administered. The expenditures under the contin gent, printing and public building funds were diminished one-third. Even in the minor items of postage, proclamations, gas, coal arid sta-

GOV. COLQUITT AS PRESIDENT IXTKRNATION A I. S. S. CONVENTION-. 535
tiouery, there were substantial ecoriomizings. Proclamation printingwas decreased from over $3,000 to less than $1,000 for instance. And as these economies were begun before the convention of 1877 and the legislatures that followed, and, as Gov. Golquitt sugg-ested the reforms inaugurated by these bodies in his first special message in January, 1877, the credit of the valuable retrenchments that have been made must be accorded to him.
And in spite of the active and unceasing- misrepresentation of his acts, the masses of the people appreciated his course and overwhelminglv endorsed him. The anomalies of his public career have been many and striking, but none more than that one of the most valuable administra tions of Georgia history has been so rancorously assailed and so sig-nally approved. The crusades ag'ainst him have been aggressive and impla cable, and have seemed to be mighty and invincible. Yet when the test has come, and the public has spoken its verdicts, the popular opinion has shown itself so crushing!}^ ag-ainst his assailants, and given in this age and country of small political majorities such ponderous endorse ment as to make men doubt the evidence of their own senses, and wonder that minorities can be so disproportionately noisy and phenom enal majorities be so quiet.
An event worthy of noting in the early part of Grov. Colquitt's adminis tration, was the assembling of the International Sunday School conven tion in 1878, in Atlanta. This body, representing a constituency of eight millions of Sunday School teachers and scholars, the Christian children of the English-speaking world of all denominations, was the grandest arid most important convocation of the century. It had as delegates the leading spirits of the world in eloquence, piety and Christian influ ence--the men of power and genius in every section--profound thinkers, transcendent orators, learned and devout divines of world-wide fame. There never has been a g-athering of brighter and more illustrious men. It was an unbroken g-alaxy of Christian intellectualities.
It was a proud, personal triumph as \vell as a rare tribute to the State that the Governor, by his personal magnetism and moral and mental power, captured this body of superior men. Gov. Colquitt was unani mously chosen as the President of this impressive convention for four years. He made some of the most eloquent speeches of the session, and left an impress upon its sacred deliberations and critical membership that was an honor to himself and Georgia. To the four corners of the globe was carried the praises of our enlightened commonwealth and her representative Christian Governor.

536

GOVKRXOR COI.QUITT AT THE NORTH.

It was a gratifying continuation of this unusual and enviable in fluence and repute, that Governor Colquitt was invited to, and attended vast religious gatherings of the Christian thinkers and workers of the North, at Chatauqua and Brooklyn. His speeches were equal to the great occasions, and reacted nobly upon the State. Among recognized intellectual powers he took a foremost stand. He contributed some potential outgivings in the cause of national fraternization, and gave to Georgia the lofty prestige due to a sectional harnionizer. Tt was an august mission for any man, a mission requiring brain and eloquence and spiritual fervor--a mission strengthaned by a handsome presence, a noble face, and the warm, genial and magnetic Southern manner that make up the physical personality of Gov. Colquitt. Few men could have gone to these focal centers of critical intelligence and have sus tained, so brilliantly and with such harvest of fame, so trying an ordeal. And not the least of its superb results was that the State of Georgia was thereby placed foremost among the admitted agencies of moral civilization.

CHAPTER XLVII.
TEE EXTRAORDINARY CRUSADE OF HOSTILITY TO GOV. COLQUITT.
The Democratic Party of the State Overgrown ami Unwieldy.--Dissension Inevitable.-- Universal Desire for Office.--Gov. Colquitt's Popularity.--Ilia Friends after Place. --The Torrent of Applications and Disappointments.--Gov. Colquitt's Inaugural. --The Assaults upon Him Begin.--The North-eastern Bond Endorsement.--A Great Calumny.--Gov. Colquitt's Kinging Message Demanding Investigation.-- The Legislature of 1878-79.--ltd Persouelle.--H. D. McDaniel--J. B. dimming.-- E. P. Howcll.--II. G. Turner.--W. M. Hammond.--A. I,. Miller--L. F. Garrard. --The North-eastern Bond Enquiry.--The Complete Exoneration of Gov. Colquitt* --Wholesale Investigation.--A Carnival of Nosing.--The Comptroller General, W. L. Goldsmith.--Bribery Attempted.--Excitement.--Goldsmith Impeached.--The Trial.--A Defence Full of Mistakes.--Judge Warner as Presiding- Officer.--The Defence Breaks Down.--The Comptroller'*; Conviction and Sentence.--The Treas urer.--Attempt and Failure of His Impeachment.--Prof. Orr.--Col. N. C. Barnett and His Wax.--Capt. John W. Nelms.--The Principal Keeper of the Penitentiary. --A Lively Investigation.--The Effort to Involve Gov. Colquitt.--An Exciting Episode.--The Recoil of a Personal Attack.--Gov. Colquitt's Fine Attitude Amid an Epidemic of Suspicion.
THE overwhelming majority of the Democratic party in Georgia in 1877; would at first flush seem a favorable augury for Gov. Colquitt and his administration. It was really a state of things full of the worst portent. The organization was overgrown, unwieldy, and heteroge neous. It was com%Josed of the confused and illy-welded fragments of the conflicting parties of half a century of shifting political strife. Antagonism to reconstruction had, under the inspiration of a common Southern sentiment, united under a common party banner every diver sity of party adherent, representing every shade of public opinion, and the most irreconcilable party theories. It was a curious jumblement of views and prejudices, destined inevitably to dissensions in the absence of opposition to weld together its incongruous elements.
There were many most potent causes to breed trouble in the vast and loosely organized partv. The war had impoverished the whole people, and the aspirants for ofnce were countless. It was a clamorous question of bread. The smallest public salaries had a value strangely disproportioned to their amount, and the character and abilities of the men seek-

538

TIIK RUSH FOR OFFICE I INT 1877.

ing them. Places were very few, and applicants innumerable and importunate.
Again Gov. Colquitt had become a sort of public idol. His popu larity wr as phenomenal. His wonderful agreeability, captivating- tact, and shining moral life, endeared him to men of all classes. He had hun dreds upon hundreds of personal friends, who worked, zealously for his election, and each one thought that he should be preferred above all others, arid granted anything he might \vish. It has yet to be recorded that any man's friendship stood the test of a disappointment of his office aspirations, even though it was a conclusively proper disap pointment.
There will never, in the history of Georgia, be such another universal rush for office as there was in. the year of our Lord eighteen hundred and severity-seven. From the day that Gov. Colquitt was nominated, the torrent of earnest applications poured in upon him. From all parts of tli3 State they came, running to hundreds, for each position in his gift. Friends of long standing, with touching pleas of necessity, appealed to him for the opportunity to make a living-. There were pathetic revelations of pecuniary distress, that would have moved any heart, much less, one so sympathetic as Gov. Colquitt's. The ordeal was appalling-. This sieg-e of the friendly unfortunates, many of them life time intimates in sore need, was the most trying- situation of his life. The offices were pitifully meager. Five places in the Executive office, an Attorney General, a Keeper of the Penitentiary, a Librarian, ten Superior Court Judges, and as many Solicitors, were the small sum total of the patronage in his gift,--about thirty, all told. And for these, hungry, desperate men, by the thousand, were fervently entreat ing. There were over one hundred applications for the office of Prin cipal Keeper of the Penitentiary; and as many for State Librarian. Thirteen able lawyers wanted to be Solicitor of the South ^Western Circuit, and eleven to be Judge, making twenty-four in all, in one little circuit of the most intelligent and influential leaders of opinion, of whom twenty-three must be offended. One friend was held, and twentythree active, prominent, implacable enemies were gained at one stroke.
Gov. Colquitt g-azed aghast at the situation, and realized, though not fully, for 110 man could anticipate it, the storm that was brewing-. It -was an extraordinary time. The hunger for place was exag-g-erated hy long deprivation and men's really stern needs. "With Gov. Colquitt's election by such an unheard-of majority, it looked as if the political millenium had come to his necessitous supporters. Men seemed to

GOVERXOR COI^QUITT AND TJ1K O1SAP

think that the offices were ample for any demand. Hundreds applied,

designating- no office, but asking for some place, and leaving it to the Governors discrimination to select one that would suit their respective

qualities. There can be no more pathetic arid suggestive reading than this vast collection of letters filed in. the Kxecutive Department, and a hundred years from now the curious delver of that day into the official records of this time, will read in the plaintive story of these multitudi

nous applications, the most eloquent portrayal of a States impoverish ment, and of the cruel visitation of implaca,ble enmity that came upon the Executive, whose offending- was that he did not, have ail office for every worthy applicant.

Gov. Colquitt was inaugurated on the 12th day of January, 1877. His chaste and eloquent inaugural concluded in these exquisite words:

"Our work

That work is 1

.tion of a vast he

has sorely wasted

and damaged. It is to

id splendid

uiutilizetl. It is to

proudest

worthy and re,spectable ;

exists, and its position by tllie side of the most

advanced of cc

iltlis. This laboi

issible thing at our

hands. With the bles.suisrs of Heaven, aud the a-reiicies of clear hea ds and pure hearts,

it may be accomplished.

" Again solemnly invoking- the Divine aid upon our efforts to serve our beloved State, I

now take the oath of office."

He immediately made his appointments, and the mutterings of the public thunder began. There was no delay in the gathering- of the storm. No human power could parallel the miracle of the loaves and fishes, and make thirty offices embrace 3,000 people. There were 2,970 disappointed men; they were scattered over the State; they were the best citizens, influential and active, and they made a nucleus of hostility that from that day to this has growled at arid battered the Executive, heading an implacable opposition to Gov. Colquitt, arid making his ad ministration, perhaps, the most turbulent of the century. No Kxecutive in the annals of the State lias had such an unremitting and virulent crusade of assault as Gov. Colquitt.
He differed from Gov. I3rown, and from his great father, ^Wralter T. Colquitt, in this, that while they made aggressive battle, he fought with an invincible defensiveness. In all the fierce warfare kept up incessantly against Gov. Colquitt and his administration, with his assailants striking- fiercely riot only his public acts, but malignantly seeking to besmirch his personal honor arid honesty, to the eternal credit of his resolute religious firmness be it said, that he never

543

Tina xoiiTii-i-:ASTKRX BOND CALUMNY.

attempted to retaliate a slander or inflict an injury. Unyielding, and set immovably against his foes, he never touched them to wound, but with a heroism of patience, as unusual as it was lofty, he was satisfied to win the triumph of his re%]utation from the overwhelming verdict of the people, leaving his enemies to public opinion, and unscathed by the malice they deserved.
It will be a noble figure in Georgia history, this comely Christian Governor striking down the hot calumnies against his private and public fame, without having sullied his victory by the indulgence of even a justifiable resentment against his slanderers. The figure will grow brighter with time. A. more unsparing temper, and a campaign of recrimination, might have saved him from many an attack provoked by his moderation, but it could not have added one particle to his com plete victory.
The act of Gov. Colquitt's administration that was most unscrupu lously used against him, was the endorsement of the bonds of the North-eastern Railroad for $260,000, or $0,500 per mile for forty miles. The matter was investigated fully in every possible light for weeks by a legislative committee, and not only sworn legal evidence taken, but even rumors sifted under oath. It constitutes one of the most extraor dinary episodes of either individual or public record. That so flimsy a pretext should be made the basis of so grave a calumny and so extended an official inquiry, is something anomalous, and savors of the farcical. The occurrence illustrates how an unreal thing can be exag gerated and falsified by a whispering malice into such proportions that honest human character totters in the balance, and a great State becomes the grand inquest to puncture the aspersion. It shows further, how an act done under the purest considerations of private conscience and public duty can. be perverted into wrong under an ingenious hostility.
The aid of the State was pledged to this road in 18TO. In 1874, State aid generally was repealed except where vested. The same legislature of 1874, by resolution, cxceptcd this road from the general repeal. Gov. Smith appointed J. H. Powers, J. A. Grant and G. B. Wallace to inspect the road for State aid, and they reported favorably January 0, 1877, a few days before Gov. Golquitt's inauguration. Gov. Colquitt treated the matter very carefully. He advised its submission to the courts. The Supreme Court decided that it had no jurisdiction in the case, and referred the matter back to the Governor.
The Governor finally granted the aid to save the road from being sold

THE T.KGISI.ATUUK OK 1878.

541

under an indebtedness of some $237,032.97', incurred upon the faith of the State, that the State's endorsement would be given when the condi tions of the law were complied with. The Atlanta Rolling mill and Citi zen's Bank had large interest in the decision, the Rolling mill having furnished iron for the road, and the bank backing the mill. Mr. J. W\ Murphy, the Treasurer's clerk, was employed by the Rolling mill to get u%) the statements of leading members of the legislature of 1874 to show that the intention was to except the North Eastern railroad from the operation of State aid. Hon. 23. II. Hill was also employed by the Rolling mill to secure the endorsement. The subject created a pro found interest. Of the legislature of 1874, A. O. Bacon, Speaker, L. N. Trammell, President, T. J. Simmons, Chairman Finance Committee, Geo. A. Mercer, Gco. F". Pierce, Jr., Chairman Judiciary Committee, H. D. McDaniel, and also Gen. Toombs, Gen. A. R. Lawton and exGov. Jos. E. Brown favored the endorsement.
Mr. Gooduow, general manager of the Schofield rolling mill, wrote a private letter expressing the intimation that Gov. Colquitt had yielded to improper considerations in granting the aid, and the air became filled with the painful rumors that the Executive had participated in Mr. Alurphy's fee. That so incredible a calumny should find a lodgment in the public mind was indeed a shock to Gov. Colquitt, and he met it with indignant spirit.
The legislature of 1878 met November G, 1878. It proved to be a session of extraordinary work that this body held. Hon. R. E. JLester was elected President of the Senate, and Hon. A. (). Bacon, Speaker of the House. Among the Senators were D. A. Russell, E. C. Bower, John T. Clark, W:n. ITnrrison, J. M. Hudson, J. C. Clements, Jos. B. Gumming, J. A. Ste%)hens, C. W. Du Bose, T. B. Cabaniss, T. W. Grimes, H. D. McDaniel, J. A. Speer, J. W. Preston, H. R. Cascy, S. W. Lumpkin, A. 1). Candler, E. P. Howell, A. "W. Holcombe, S. Grantland, C. J. AV^ellborn, J. C. Fain, Saml. Hawkins. This Senate was a very strong one, and had in it some gentlemen of superior ability and decision.
Mr. McDaniel is in the present Senate. A sound thinker, a clear speaker, having a well-balanced temper and judgment, direct and honest, winning universal respect by his dignity and sincerity, Mr. McDaniel has been a most potential member of the legislature, always carrying great weight. It has been a striking evidence of the large influence he has exercised, that a considerable impediment in his speech has been no barrier to the exalted appreciation of him entertained by the General

542

TII.K HOUSE OF RKI'KESKXTATl YJDS OP" 1878.

Assembly arid the public. Men in listening to his strong, sensible views so clearly expressed, forget entirely the manner of their utterance. Mr. J. W. Preston was a marked Senator in this body. A very ready, extemporaneous speaker, earnest and faithful to his convictions, Mr. Preston was a recognized leader. Perhaps, the most polished debater in the Senate was Major J. 13. Gumming. There is a peculiarly musical tone in his delivery, and he has a diction chaste and ornate. Mr. A. D. Candler was a forcible debater, always speaking with an emphasis and directness that insured attention and gave him weight. Mr. Clements is now a member of Congress, and was a modest, solid Senator then, a practical, clear-headed, positive legislator, who enjoyed universal respect. Mr. T. 15. Cabaniss held an excellent position and spoke well. A fine debater was Judge John T. Clarke, a model of logical argument. T. "W. Grimes was a young- Senator, blending singularly a fine courtesy with an uncommon decisiveness of character and independence of con viction. Col. J. C. Fain is now judge of the Cherokee circuit, and had an exceptional power of management. Capt. E. P. ITowell was the very essence of a practical, common sense, animated by an exceedingly rich humor, and grappling all questions and measures with force arid an unvarying- success. All of these men will impress themselves on the future of the State.
The House, also, had some notable and promising characters. Among these were A. O. Bacon, T. AV. Milner, R. A. Nisbet, H. G. Turner, A. II. Gray, A. P. Adams, W. II. Ilulsey, P. I,. Mynatt, W. R. Rarikin, Alien Fort, N. L. Hutchiris, J. E. Redwirie, TT. J. Northern, R. L. McWhorter, A. L. Miller, J. II. Polhill, H. C. Roney, Reese Crawford, L. F. Garrard, I,. F. Anderson, James M. Smith, H. G. Wright, John I. Hall, J. C. Maund, Wm. M. Hammorid, A. H. Cox, J. F. Awtry, J. A. R. Hanks and F. IT. Colley. Col. II. G. Turner is now a member of Con gress, arid was the leader of the House. His utterances commanded a remarkable attention. Having little oratorical grace, speaking without fervor and very plainly, and often too low for hearing, yet members always showed an undisguised eagerness to hear what he had to say, and his position on any measure generally decided its fate. His legis lative career was a singular demonstration of personal influence. He was rather under-sized, stoutish, with a large, expansive forehead run ning to baldness, lit up by dark eyes, and he was very quiet, grave and polite in his simple manners.
"W. M. Hamrnond ranked very high. His fine face denoted intelli gence and culture. A Caroliniari by birth, arid a member of the gifted

THE rEUSOXKI.T.E OV THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF 1878.

543

Hammoiid blood of that State, he has, in Georgia, taken the high posi tion clue to his strong- and cultured intellect, graceful courtesy and eloquent speaking- power. MVfr. J. H. Polhill was a recogriized leader, a
of ability, and a person of integrity arid convictions. One of

incisive statements, cutting to the quick the weak points of the opposi tion, and presenting plainly the practical ones of his own side. He was inimitable in defending an assaulted report of the finance committee, of which he g-erierally took the lead. Mr. Miller made a hobby of economy, and rather ran it to extremes. A ready parliamentarian, he shrewdly anticipated defeat by some adroit concession that secured, him a modi fied victory. Mr. L,. F. Garrard wT as one of the brig-htest and most active members, generally uniting- his energies with Mr. Miller. He originated several large public financial measures, and he had unwearied zeal arid tact in getting them through. Bold, combative and ready, Mr. Garrard took an unusual stand for a new arid j^oung
legislator. A marked young member also was Arthur II. Gray, whose frankness
is a refreshing and uncommon quality in a day of political hypocrisy. H. G. Wright was witty arid popular. Perhaps the most original char acter in the House was John C. Mauncl, a man of peculiar jest arid quaintly practical. His hard sense was flavored with ari unctuous arid perennial humor. One of the brilliant young members was A. II. Cox,
d legislator. His ringing voice penetrated the House

brig-ht, pleasant, promising young fellc The action of this legislature will e;vveer be a memorable chapter of
Georgia history. It settled the North Eastern railroad bond calumny upon the Governor. Shocked arid indignant at the aspersion, Gov.

" To THE GEXERAT,

my motives and conduct, as the Executive of Georgia, in placing the

State's endorsement upon the bonds of the North-eastern railroad. This necessity has

been created by widely circulated slanders and innuendoes, vile and malignant, and so

mendacious and wicked as to make all comment arid paraphrase upon them utterly

futile. Nothing- but a thorough sifting of my every motive and act in regard to these

bonds, as far as human insight and judgment can reach these, can satisfy aggrieved

honor, or give such entire assurance to the people of Georgia, as they have a right to

demand in the premises. To a man who values his good name far more than life, it

would be an act of supremest injustice to deny the most plenary vindication rendered in

the most august and authoritative form known to the laws, or to public opinion. To the

people of this great Commonwealth, it is of the last consequence that they should know

beyond all pcradventure, that the man who fills, at their call, the chief seat of authority,

is above reproach or suspicion.

*

"Mv denunciations of an awful and stupendous slander, forged and uttered to dishonor

appealed to for that justice which, while 1 it will, I know full well, exonerate me as a

man, will also vindicate the fair fame of Georgia, assailed by cruel slanders on her Chief

Executive.

ALFRED II. COLQUITT."

This ringing document went over the State carrying- like an electric

spell the inspiration of its resenting innocence and stern defiance.

There was never a more stirring- or exquisite expression of a wounded

spirit of honor. A joint committee was appointed in conformity with

the request of the Governor, to investigate the matter, consisting of A.

II. Cox, W. M. Hammond, R. C. Plumber, II. G. Wright, John I. Hall,

W. J. Northern, Alien Fort and A. II. Gray of the House, and J. W.

Preston, J. F. Troutman, II. R. Casey, J. P. Tison and Saml. Hawkins

of the Senate.

*

The investigation continued, and the committee reported on the 12th

day of December, 1878. During the inquiry there were many inci

dents, to keep-the public sense excited. A personal difficulty nearly

occurred between Maj. J. W. Murphy and Hon. 13. "\V. Hill, and a suit

was started between them about the fee paid by the Rolling- mill. It

was a painful ordeal for a proud man like Gov". Colquitt, to thus have

his private integrity and official honor under investigation. But such

is the disagreeable accompaniment of public trust. Gov. Colquitt's

conduct in this unspeakable trial was perfect. He stood serene,

f

THE NORTH-EASTERN BOND SLANDER.

54i>

patient, unirritated, acting with a noble Christian dignity that endeared him to the public esteem. The majority of the committee thus re ported :

the Governor with any improper conduct in the matter of the endorsement of the bonds of the North eastern Railroad Company, are vile and malignant slanders."
The minority of the committee, "Wm. M. Ilammorid and R. C. Humber, thus reported:
"We brand as a libel the insinuation that the determination of Governor Colquitt to

The committee was unanimous and emphatic in vindicating the Gov ernor, but divided upon the question of approving- the action of Maj. J. W. Murphy in taking a fee in the matter. The majority of the com mittee exonerated Mr. Murphy. The minority declared it an abuse for any government employes to receive rewards in consideration of influencirig- or attempting- to influence the.official conduct of any officers of the government.
The reports being made on the 12th of December, 1878, and the legislature adjourning on the 13th, there was not time for an examina tion by the body of the voluminous evidence. The action on the re ports was therefore deferred until the summer session. Mr. McDaniel of the Senate, offered this resolution.

lent? to themselves, and to the State, without placing upon the L- uncliminished confidence in the integrity and purity of the Gov-

Mr. Gumming offered the following- amendment, which was added, arid the resolution passed both branches:
"Resolved, That the postponement by the General Assembly of action on the report of the Investigating Committee, is not to be construed as an expression that its confidence in the character of the Governor, a character exalted by his civil, military and private career, is at all shaken, but such postponement by the General Assembly is simply due to its own appreciation of the proprieties of judicial proceedings, which forbid judgment in any and all cases, before the cases have been heard."
The legislature reassembled July 2cl, 1879, and during this session the committee united upon the following, which was adopted by the body as the final conclusive action upon this matter, entirely and formally relieving Gov. Colquitt.
"Your committee, from the want of any evidence sustaining such charges, and from the mass of evidence disproving such charges, report this conclusion : That his Excel lency deserves, at the hands of the General Assembly, complete vindication on the issues

THE IX VKSTUi ATI()
made by him, and spec his Excellency did not, John W. Murphy' ; the.

wheth.

"While this inquiry so signally exonera if its effect was to stimulate an epidemic of legislative investigation. A series of inquests was inaugurated. Committees were appointed to look into the Comptroller General's office, the Treasury, the Department of Agriculture, the State School Commissioner's office, the penitentiary system, the public printer and the Seeretary-of-State's office. It was a general nosing for wrong". The Legislature put itself upon a prowling recognizance for dark deeds in the various departments. In the wild land office of the comptroller's department there had been for a year or two public mutter-ings of mismanagement and dissatisfaction. And a committee had spent weeks looking into the trouble. It found much cause of complaint, and a majority of the committee, 13. A.,Russell, P. D. Davis, L. Strickland and J. C. Mauncl, recommended that all sales of wild land under transferred,/?, fas., be declared null and void. Mr. A. D. Candler made a minority report dissenting' from this recommendation. Upon the heels of these reports, Mr. P. D. Davis and L. Strickland startled the Legislature by the declaration, that Mr. II. P. W right had sought to induce them by bribery to sign a paper prepared by the Comptroller General, making some modifications in their reports.
It would be difficult to convey the excitement created by this dis closure. The wild land committee made a supplemental report, recom mending- that articles of impeachment be preferred against Col. W. L. Goldsmith, the comptroller. A committee of thirteen, C. I). Phillips, R, L. McWhorter, B. M. Davis, G. R. Sibley, R. A. Cannon, W. J. Pike, A. C. Westbrook, W. T. Irvirie, J. A. R, Hanks, A. M. Du Dose and F. 11. Colley, was appointed to investigate the facts, and recommend action. The first eight reported articles of impeachment, and the last four dis sented from the recommendation. Resolutions for impeachment were passed. A committee of C. D. Phillips, R. L. McWhorter, B. M. Davis, G. R. Sibley, R, H. Cannon, A. C. Westbrook and W. T. Irvine was appointed to notify the Senate. An election for managers of the impeachment wras held on the 6th day of August, 1879, and the follow ing gentlemen were elected: H. G. Turner, W. M. Hammond, C. D. Phillips, B. M. Davis, J. H. Polhill, W. J. Pike and A. P. Adams.
On the IGth of August, 1870, the managers presented articles of

impeachment before the Senate, the Hon. IT. G. Turner having- been chosen the chief manager. Mr. Goldsmith was charged, with illegally receiving $4,582.50 as costs on tax executions; illegally issuing eight tax executions; extorting illegal costs; illegally refusing-to receive tax; illegally issuing and. transferring 22S wild land executions; illegally paving out $8,179.73 of the public money without authority; illegally ordering sheriffs to pay tax money in excess to owners; illegally retain ing $11,193.17 of public money; making false returns of $2,303.01 of public money; illegally retaining $9,720.40 of insxirance taxes and fees; fraudulently altering the wild land records; making false returns of $6,134.45 of insurance tax; attempting bribery; and for lucre establishing
a disgraceful precedent. On the 21st day of August, 1879, the Senate organized as a High
Court of Impeachment, with Hiram "Warner, Chief Justice of the Supreme Bench, as the presiding officer of the court. The Senate cham ber and galleries were packed with people to witness these novel proceed ings. Several Senators asked to be excused from voting-, Mr. McDaniel on account of relationship; D. A. Russell and A. D. Candler because they had been on the committee of investigation; Mr. Speer on account of ill health; and J. P. Turner because he had transferred sonic of the wild lands fi. fas. But the Senate did not excuse them. Mr. Goldsmith was allowed until September 1st, 1879, to prepare his answer, which denied the jurisdiction of the Senate, alleged that the matters charged did not constitute an offence, and declared his innocence. The counsel of Mr. Goldsmith were Judge J. L,. Hopkins, Col. Milton A. Candler, Capt. Harry Jackson, and "W. S. Thompson.
It was generally reg-ardecl that the defense made a mistake in filing pleas to the jurisdiction, and to the sufficiency of the articles. All tech nical resistance should have been foregone and the issue met squarely upon its merits. The argument on these dilatory pleas was made by Col. Candler and Judge Hopkins, for Mr. Goldsmith, and W. M. Hamniond and A. P. Adams, for the prosecution, and was very able and exhaustive. The pleas were unanimously over-ruled. The defense made another mistake in objecting to testimony covering- conduct during Mr. Goldsmith's first term, on the ground that the articles of impeach ment failed to designate him as a former comptroller. This objection was over-ruled, and had an injurious effect in showing- a disposition to cut off the examination of charges on their merits. Nearly a week was consumed in this profitless sort of skirmishing-. The vote had to be taken by ballot separately on each article, and consumed a deal of time.

548

TIIK KND OF THE IMPE ACIIMKXT.

It was a right curious matter, that the able Chief Justice, so long accustomed to preside over a judicial tribunal, did not successfully gov ern the deliberations of the Senate as a court of impeachment. He was little acquainted with parliamentary law, and his decisions were con stantly over-ruled by the Senate. The taking- of the testimony began on the 8th of September, 1879, and continued until the 13th, when in the beginning of the defense, the counsel of Mr. Goldsmith asked an adjournment of the court. Mr. Goldsmith tendered his resignation to the Governor, who declined to receive it, pending1 the impeachment trial. On the 15th of September the counsel of Mr. Goldsmith an nounced that they would introduce no more testimony, and had nothing more to say. The defense thus breaking clown, Mr. Turner made a brief speech, and the trial ended by taking the vote on the 17th of Sep tember, 1879. Mr. Goldsmith was found guilty of illegally receiving $4,582.50 as costs on tax executions; illegally extorting costs; illegally refusing to receive tax; illegally issuing and transferring- 228 wild land execittioris; illegally retaining $9,720.46 of insurance -fees arid tax; making false returns of $0,134.45 of insurance tax; and establishing a disgraceful precedent. It was a curious feature of this conviction that though the accused had abandoned defense, and thus stood unresisting a condemnation on every charge, the Seriate critically tested every count in the impeachment, and acquitted Mr. Goldsmith upon a number of them. Mr. I^umpkiri offered an order that the punishment should be removal from, and life disqualification to hold office. Mr. Ilowell moved to strike out the disqualification feature of the penalty. This motion received, fourteen yeas and twenty-five nays. Mr. L,umpkin's order then passed by thirty-seven yeas to two nays, Senators Head and Pres ton voting against.
The sentence was declared on the 19th of September, 1879, and its enforcement was a touching spectacle. Judge Hopkins made an im pressive statement for Mr. Goldsmith. The Senate chamber was filled, arid there was a deep feeling pervading the larg-e assemblage, as this solemn and irreversible fiat of out-lawry was officially announced against this citizen. The incident lost none of its significance, from the fact that in the whole population of a million and a half of this large com monwealth he was the single individual that was thus deprived of the political privileges of a freeman. It was a trag-ic isolation for any man to occupy, and it carried with it a sympathy that strangely tinged the stern justice of the act.
Of the other investigations several were lengthy and elicited deep

THE ACQUITTAL OF THE TREASURER.

549

feeling- and warm discussion. The Treasurer, Col. -J. "W. Renfroe, had conducted the affairs of his office with unsurpassable ability. The majority of the committee reported articles of impeachment against him for taking- interest on the public deposits. Hon. J. E. Redwine made a minority report against impeachment, quoting- the resolution of the General Assembly, of December 8, 1871, relieving- Treasurer INT. L,. Ang-ier from liability for interest on the State deposits, and dismissing* suits against him for $7,000 of such interest. He urged that if Mr. Renfroe had accepted moneys that should have gone into the State Treasury he could, be made to pay them over; but to prosecute so faithful an officer by costly impeachment \vould be unjust to him and contrary to sound policy. Col. Renfroe offered to the House his resig nation and the money taken as interest.
The House declined to receive this reparation. Messrs. A. H. Cox, T.W. Milner, Alien Fort, Reese Crawforcl, R. A. Nisbet, N. L. Hutchins, and W. A. Turner were elected Impeachment Manag-ers. Col. Renfroe had, as counsel, Gen. Henry R. Jackson of Savannah, arid Capt. Harry Jackson of Atlanta, father and son. The prosecution was ably con ducted. The defense was a consummate piece of legul management. Renfroe's counsel offered to admit all the facts, and required none of them to be proven. Every effort was made to expedite the trial, and get a hearing on the merits. Much raillery was indulged in at the time, that the young arid talented maiiag-ers were unmercifully deprived of the opportunity to make some great speeches, prepared in anticipation of dilatory pleas and demurrers, which were not filed. The facts being promptly admitted, the argument came on swiftly, and was very able. Alien Fort and A. IT. Cox spoke for the managers, and did it well. The speech of Mr. Cox was a remarkable one. Harsh in voice, awkward in gesture, full of grimaces and shrieking, the speech was a master-effort, powerful, striking- and eloquent. Its arg-ument, sarcasm arid eloquence were extraordinary. It was sustained from beginning- to end. It cov ered the whole ground. It held the immense audience electrically. It showed deep study, exhaustive thought and vividness of expression.
Capt. Harry Jackson made a clear, concise, strong- legal arg-ument. Gen. Henry R. Jackson is a fervid orator, fluent, imaginative and im passioned, and he made a powerful and thrilling speech. The Senators consumed four days in discussion. Senators Curnmirigs, Cabaniss, Harrison, Preston, Bryan, and others, advocated acquittal. Senators McDaniel, Clarke, Bower and Lester, spoke for conviction. Upon the vote being taken, Treasurer Renfroe was acquitted. A resolution was

550

THE BATTJLE OVKIi JOHN W. jSKI.MS.

passed instructing- the Governor to issue execution against him and his sureties for the interest. This was done, but the courts decided in favor of Renfroe, and he thus stood exonerated. His conduct through the whole painful ordeal was manly, open, frank and courageous.
The committees investigating Prof. Orr, the School Commissioner, and Col. Barnett, the Secretary of State, found nothing to condemn and everything to approve in their departments. It wTas jocularly declared that Col. Barnett had used several cents' worth of wax in putting- the great seal of State to public documents, and Prof. Orr had paid his own expenses in traveling- around in the interest of the public schools. Dr. Janes, the Commissioner of Agriculture, had made some errors of judgment in establishing his valuable department, that, in any other time than an epoch of diseased suspicion, would have passed unnoticed. Dr. Janes resigned his position on the ground that the opposition to the Bureau was personal opposition to him, and he was unwilling- that the Department should suffer on his account.
One of the most interesting battles was over the administration of Capt. John W. Nelms, the principal keeper of the penitentiary. This g-entleman, in many respects, is a very uncommon character. Having only moderate education, he is one of the most untiring and effective political managers in the State. A devoted friend and an unsparingopponent, an open-handed, free-hearted, out-spoken, fearless character, affectionate in his attachments, wielding a remarkable influence, shrewd and enterprising-, he has shown himself a valuable political ally in any contest. He moved to Campbell county when a set of fighting men held, a pretty strong political rule. He not only held his own, but administered some severe punishment in several tough encounters forced upon him, and obtained a firm grip on the men of that county. His administration of the penitentiary was careful, conscientious and capable. Pie had kept up a custom iriaug-uratecl by his predecessor, Col. John T. Brown, of removing convicts .for the lessees at so much a head. This was an open arrang-emeiit between him and the lessees, in no w.iy affecting- the State. This was the point of attack against him. The committee was divided. Four members, Chambers, Wralters, Garrarcl and Tarver, condemned the Principal Keeper, but sug-gested no action. Four members, Ivy, Tatum, Butt and Patterson, entirely justi fied Capt. Nelms. Mr. Anclerson made a third report, not altogether exonerating- the Principal Keeper, but leaving the matter to the Governor.
The Legislature referred the subject to the Governor, who did not

GOVKUNOR COI.QUITT S KXKMIKS AfAivK A HA

551

remove a faithful officer. Growing out of the method of the investiga tion with closed doors, a sharp controversy ensued between ex-Gov. Joseph E. Brown and Hon. L,. F. Garrartl, in which the prosecution of: the Columbus prisoners, charged with the killing of Ashburn, was re-opened., discussed, and placed in a new light, as has been stated before in this volume.
An attempt was made to throw the responsibility of Nelms' conduct on Gov. Colquitt. Col. C. D. Phillips, of Cobb, boldly charged that the Governor was as guilty as Nelrns, and if Nelms went the Governorshould go. The utterance fired the House like an electric shock. R. C. Humber endorsed Phillips. Du Bose, of Hancock, replied that the Governor was not under investigation. Turner, of Brooks, followed on the same line. Humber offered a resolution censuring Gov. Colquitt for Nelms' conduct. This was like putting a torch to a powder maga zine. In all of the investigations of the State House officers, there had been a large, decided under-current of hostility to the Executive, and it was hoped, through them, to reach him. The issue was clearly made by Hurnber's resolution. It would be difficult to convey the excite ment created. The House adjourned, and a lively night of agitation followed. For once and. at last Gov. Colquitt's friends became aroused. The idea of attacking the Executive in a matter that did not concern him, and without even a hearing, evoked a whirlwind of disapproval. The Governor was cool and placid. He seemed glad that the issue had come, and welcomed the chance to meet squareby the secret and unrea soning warfare that was ever threatening him. The fight had to come, and could not present itself in better shape.
The excitement kept up during the night. Men rallied to the Gov ernor, who had never been allied with him. It was recognized that the time had come to rebuke the personal crusade against the Executive. The reaction was overwhelming-. The issue was whipped by the mere force of public opinion. In the morning the vote stood 119 against, and 16 for the Humber resolution, and of the sixteen, three voted under a misapprehension, and recalled their vote.
Persistent effort was made to throw upon Gov. Colquitt the respon sibility of all the matters evolved from these investigations. But it was in vain. Wholly unconnected with any transg-ression of any sort, or any lapse of any official; assailed rancorously in every conceivable way, and yet standing pure and unstainable in a very pestilence of accusation; the object of an enmity, ruthless and implacable, but so panoplied in integrity that the most unsparing- dissection of motive or

552

A.N" EPIDEMIC OF SUSPICION".

conduct could find nothing- in him to visit with a shadow of disap proval, Grov. Colquitt went through such an ordeal as falls to few , public servants, arid he emerged from it with an unfading crown of honor.
There has never been such a fierce fever of suspicion and groping, wide-spread inquisition. It was a sort of morbid plethora of public virtue, a riot of harsh inquiry, that in its furious sweep suspected all men, 110 matter how pure and exalted, and doubted all transactions, even though faultless. It was a curious phase of public sentiment, and strangely blended honesty and malice, a proper public spirit and very censurable motives of private, personal dislike and interest. There was much good done, and much injustice threatened. There was a fair measure of evil corrected, a good deal of injustice done and some wrongbarely escaped. The matter forms an interesting and exceptional chap ter of Georgia history, that has a rich instruction arid a vivid interest.

CHAPTER XLVIII.
THE POWERFUL HISTORIC GEORGIA TRIUMVIRATE COLQUITT, GORDON AND BROWN.
The Railroad Commission.--Ex-Gov. James M. Smith.--Maj. Campbell Wallace.--Col. Samuel Barnett.--Gov. Colquitt Vilified into the Gubernatorial Race.--A Flaming Contest.--The Most Violent Political Struggle of State Annals.--Slander and Calumny.--The Candidates.--Rufus E. Eester.--E, J. Garti-ell.--Hiram Warner.-- Thomas Hardeman.--An Event that Turned the State Wild.--The Resignation of United States Senator John B. Gordon.--Appointment of ex-Gov. J. E. Brown. --Bargain and Sale Charged.--Gordon's Fine Senatorial Career.--Great and Bril liant Services.--Thorough Vindication.--Gen. Gordon's Eloquent Speech.--The Value of the Tender to ex-Gov. Brown.--The Alliance of Colquitt, Gordon and Brown, a Union of Ponderous Agencies.--Gov. Colquitt as a Political Fighter.-- Gordon's Power.--Senator Brown's Valuable Three Weeks' Service in the United States Senate.--His Success.--Personal Disappointments at not Getting this Ap pointment.--A Brewing Storm.
ON is of the most important things clone b3^ the Constitutional Con vention of 1877 was the passage of Gen. Toombs' pet idea that it was the duty of the General Assembly to regulate freight and passenger tariffs, and prevent discriminations. It was a vast measure for the State to take the regulation of fifty millions of private property, upon which rests the whole commercial fabric of the commonwealth, and is its largest single element of power. The discussion in the Convention over it was protracted arid befitting its importance. Iri the General Assembly the bill to carry out this provision of the Constitution was introduced by Hon. W. R. Rarikin of Gordon county, a gentleman who had been for several years one of the best journalists of the State. He is a member of the present legislature and chairman of the railroad committee. He is a person of ability, and a clear, forcible speaker. Hon. Alien Fort also introduced a bill forbidding- railroads makingunjust discriminations. Substitutes, amendments arid long discussions marked every step of the measure through House arid Senate, demon strating the great interest it excited. But it finally passed, arid was
approved October 14, 1859. Under this act Gov. Colquitt, with the advice of the Senate, appointed
three Commissioners: ex-Gov. James M. Smith, lawyer, for six years; Maj. Campbell Wallace, railroader, four years; Samuel Barnett, two

554

COMMISSION.

years. The Commissioner's salary is $2,500, and he must riot own railroad stocks or bonds, or bo in the employ of any railroad company. Gov. Smith's appointment created much commentary. He had supported Gov. Colquitt for Governor. "When he was defeated for United. States Sena tor, he had made a breach of friendship with Gov. Colquitt, and had become very hostile against him. "When, the North-Eastern bond slander was started against Gov. Colquitt, ex-Gov. Smith promptly condemned it, arid, amicable relations were restored. Gov. Colquitt, under that high sense of official duty that elevated him above personal considerations in his public acts, appointed Gov. Smith on account of his estimated fit ness for the place. Ariel it was said that Gov. Smith, who had suffered denunciation, from men whom he had. favored, declared that he would lay down the commission of Gov. Colquitt whenever he antagonized, him.
Maj. Campbell "Wallace has been a marked character in Georgia for many years. He was one of that large body of influential and enter prising citizens that came to Georgia from East Tennessee, and that have become leaders among the business princes of middle Georgia and especially Atlanta. Among- these desirable Tennessee immigrants, men of brain, energy and leadership, may be mentioned Judge John L,. Hopkins, the Inmans, P. L. Myriatt, the Lowrys, Wm. T. Xcwman, the Parrotts, the Fains, J. J. Williams, Reuben Arnold, S. R. McCamy, John G. Dunn, Wm. II. Tibbs, and the members of that strong firm of Moore and Marsh. W. M. Lowry was United States Marshal for East Tennessee under Pierce and Buchanan. Mr. Triplett, of the Thomasville press, was one of these valuable East Termesseearis. Major Wallace had been President of the East Tennessee and Georgia railroad. He had performed wonders of service during the war in moving- Con federate troops and supplies. After the war he was made superintendent of the Western and Atlantic railroad in 1866, by Gov. Jenkins, and did a rare work in restoring that ruined railway. He managed the road during Ruger's and Meade's regimes, and resigned when Bullock was elected Governor. He is now President of the Merchants' Bank, and was tendered, unsolicited, a place as Railroad Commissioner. To an unusually strong common sense, Major Wallace adds a fine humor, a perennial amiability, tireless energy, an unbending positiveriess arid high Executive capacity.
Col. Samuel Barnett is a gentleman of a hearty turn for statistics arid scientific investigation, arid an unwearied power of clear-cut, vivid writing-, who has tackled the stupendous and inexhaustible subject of railroad facts and figures with the keen relish of an

GOVIiRXOK COIXiUITT FOIl A SKCOND

555

enthusiast. The only apprehension is, that he will give us a railway literature as voluminous as our Supreme Court decisions. The com mission, has a congenial and efficient clerk in Maj. R. A. Bacon. The Commissioners have handled the big- subject boldly, cutting down and making- uniform rates and fares. The Savannah, Florida and. AVestem Railroad, the old Atlantic and Gulf Railroad, under that strong- and rising' young lawyer, Judge Walter S. Chisholm, of Savannah, made a vigorous effort, in the United States Court, to strike down the commis sion, but the court sustained it unqualifiedly. An attempt is being made, under the lead of ex-Gov. Joseph E. Brown, to get the present Legislature to restrict the autocratic powers of the commission. The endeavor is being stoutly resisted. The success remains to be seen, but however it results, there is the prospect of an endless agitation of the matter, superinduced by the inevitable rebelliousness of so vast a body of strong capital over its arbitrary regulation by a power, not directly interested in its profitable management.
It is doubtful if Gov. Colquitt would have permitted the use of his name for a second term as Governor, but for the unremitting and ran corous onslaught upon him. The Convention had cut the term from four to two years, and the salary from 84,000 to S3,000 a year. His private affairs needed his attention, while the salary did not pay the expenses of the station. But the assaults upon him had been so fierce and rankly unjust that it was but a question of self-respect to submit the issues of his administration to the popular judgment, and he determined to do so. The result was the most bitter political battle, the long-est campaign and the most crushing personal victory, that have ever happened in the State's history. For nearly six long months did the extraordinary conflict rage, with a gathering heat every week and month. The battle became violent beyond description, and yet, strange to say, there was riot in it a single direct, legitimate political question. It was all personal, and in. its ultimate analysis, involved several very large moral and social considerations, and a sentimental matter of national effect. The distant and philosophical reader of the extraordi nary incidents and phases of this roaring and flaming contest will wonder at its desperation, brutality and causelessness.
Georgia has had some memorable political conflicts. The Troup and Clarke flurry from 1828 to 1827, was warm enough as far as it went. The Colquitt, Cooper and Black storm in 1840 stirred things up. But the anti-Colquitt campaign of 1880 was such a tornado of violence as to make all previous disturbances mere child's play. And its interest

556

GOVERKOR COLQUITT S HOLD OK THE PEOPLE.

docs not diminish from the fact that it was not a political issue, but a moral and religious civilization that stood at stake. Go.v. Colquitt was the exponent and champion of temperance, religion and sectional fra ternity. He embodied in his life, virtue and Christianity. He repre sented a great question of a kinder practical accord between the races. Every exalted moral and social mission was enthroned in the candidacy of this gentleman. And it was a vital feature of the stern battle that Gov. Colquitt, under the strong inspiration of his Christian qualities, was immovably fixed in the homes and hearts of the popular masses. He was rooted in the public heart, and no violence could tear him from his hold.
This indissoluble clasping of the people's esteem must ever stand one of the marvels of this'raging affair. For months every species of detraction and besmirchmertt was poured upon G-OV. Colquitt. It was bred in a thousand protean forms, damaging enough, if true, to have damned his character, and killed forever the public confidence. If a tithe of what was charged had been the truth, Gov. Colquitt would have been deserv edly an outcast. Yet all this deafening- crusade of defamation fell impotent upon the great, moral public thought, and when the day of verdict came, the people, with a resistless force, crushed out of existence the numberless brood of black criminations, spawned in this furious strug-g'le.
And it was the most inexplicable feature of all of this extraordinary battle of slander, that there was a stubborn iteration of clisproveri scan dals. The North-eastern bond calumny had been stamped out by the General Assembly, but it was rung and re-rung with unwearied persist ence, just as if it had never been tried and shattered. So with other aspersions. But the clear-seeing, undeludable masses, with a cool poise held unshaken amid the boisterous fury of malice to their faith in the Christian Governor, who had the novel experience of a martyr's ordeal in the exig-encies of a political strife.
There were two phases of this stirring campaign, the contest for the nomination, and then the fiercer struggle for the election. Usually the nomination in Democratic Georgia ends the tussle. In this campaign the nomination was simply the hot preface to a hotter sequence. It merely begun the battle well, and intensified its animosities.
The candidates for the nomination were five, viz., Gov. Colquitt, Hon. Thomas Hardeman of Macon, Hon. Rufus E. Lester of Savannah, Gen. Lucius J. Gartrell of Atlanta, and Chief Justice Hiram \Varner of the Supreme Bench. These distinguished gentlemen have all been

GEN. LUCIUS J. GAKTRELL.

ONKNTS.
sketched in this volume. Hardeman and I.ester proved to be the next in strength to the Governor. I,ester liacl some strong- geographical considerations to aid his candidacy, Savannah not having had an Ex ecutive in a long- time. Lester's. campaign was finely org-anizcd and managed. It had some intellig-ent and masterly direction, arid was shaped with method and strategy. His strong counties were captured early, to give him a boom. The ultimate issue was the field against Colquitt, and the strongest man would gather and focalize the oppo sition. Lester refused to canvass, taking high grounds against it. But his friends organized consummately. He labored under one disad vantage--one not seen at the surface, yet a substantial difficulty. His co-operation at home was not unstinted. He was a new man in that old place--a recent acquisition to its aristocratic ranks. A community like Savannah is wedded to its antecedents, and its blood. Lester was bright and popular, but there were older men and older citizens that the people, under their strong-ideas of family reverence, would have selected as a representative of the city for gubernatorial honors. That the bold ambitious young- statesman should have shoved aside the older material was a disability for him, so far as home backing was concerned.
Gen. Gartrell had no organization, and made no systematic campaign. lie had strong friends in various parts of the State, and a large backing by the press. He had been before and since the war an ardent and effective political worker. He was prominent very early in his man hood, and as Legislator, Congressman and Confederate Colonel and General, he had sustained himself ably. lie was the author of the cele brated " Southern Right's Resolutions " of the legislature of 1849; he met Cobb, Toombs and the Stephens brothers on the stump in the great Union fight of 1850; he canvassed the fourth Congressional District in 1855 against Know-Nothing'ism, for Hiram Warner ag*aiiist I3en Hill; he was the Buchaiian and Breckenriclge elector in 1840, and canvassed the State; he went to Congress in 1857 and 1859 from the Fourth Dis trict, by large and growing majorities. His Congressional record was very brig-ht; he was on important committees and made some notable speeches. He was Regent of the Smithsonian Institute. His career in the Confederate Congress was valuable. He held the high position of Chairman of the Judiciary Committee. As a Confederate officer he ranked high, and did excellent service. Since the war he has been one of the leaders of the Atlanta bar, an able lawyer and an eloquent advocate.
Judge Warner had been all his life grazing at the Governorship. This -was his last chance, necessarily, in the course of advancing- years.

558

GORUOX'S RESIGNATION AND BROWJSr's APPOINTMENT.

He soon became convinced that Gov. Colquitt was the strong-est man in the field, and with that grim frankness that belonged to him, he so told one of the other candidates. He left his canvass to take care oC itself. The trouble with Col. Hardernaii was that his friends were Gov. Colquitt's friends, mainly. No man in the State had been a more zealous and disinterested party-worker. His strong- abilities and ready eloquence could be counted on at any time in any party stress. He had a cheery, stimulating way with the people, and was a valuable and willing- worker in any cause of a public character. He was always a generous antagonist, just, courteous, fair and honorable, scorning any underhanded advantage, and dealing- none but legitimate blows. Such men as this candid and lofty gentleman make politics honorable, and elevate public agitations. The truth is that " Tom Harcleman," as he is familiarly called, is the type of truth, directness and fidelity, and has been a true representative of our best Georgia manhood. And he never made a poor or uninteresting speech in his life. Gov. Colquitt, Gen. Gartrell and Col. Harcleman all made campaign addresses.
In May, 1880, occurred an event that enlivened the campaign, some thing like the effect that the explosion of a powder magazine would have in a fortification. There has never been an incident in our politi cal history that created a more sudden and uncontrollable fury of the political elements. It shook the State from center to circumference. Thing-s were comparatively quiet. The swift storm that ensued was blinding- and ferocious. It was for a while like a raging cyclone--it blew men's wits off their feet, so to speak. Gov. Colquitt thoug-ht he had been pretty heavily abused before this. He received a gust of thundering public vituperation that nearly took his breath away. The event that had such an overwhelming effect was, that Gen. John B. Gor don resigned his place as United States Senator from Georgia, to which he had been so recently elected, and Gov. Colquitt appointed in the vacancy ex-Gov. Joseph E. Brown.
The relations between Gov. Colquitt and ex-Gov. Brown had been very friendly. Between Gen. Gordon and Gov. Brown there existed, perhaps, a less cordial intercourse than among ordinary acquaintances, due to an assault of the latter on Gen. Gordon about his course as a Senator in the Presidential matter. There was, therefore, a cordial good feeling between Colquitt and Brown, and an absence of the same between Brown and Gordon, and yet a charge of " bargain " was instantly formulated by the opposition, based upon the very opposite of these relations, involving acts of kindness and benefit done by

BARGAIN CHARGED AGAIXST COLQUITT, GORDOX AXD I.ROWX. 550
Brown for Gordon to win Brown's support for Colquitt. The State rang with the calumny of an understanding- between the three, which made Gordon give up his seat that Brown might be appointed in. his place, Gordon to get railroad favors from Brown, including' the Presi dency of the State road, and Brown to help Colquitt politically. The circumstantiality with which this incredible fiction, was urged was something wonderful. \Vith a fierce passion but a severe logic, appar ently, sensible men and honest journals argued this monstrous aspersion upon three of the purest, ablest, best tried and most trusted public men of the State. Intelligent and conscientious men believed it, though there never, was a piece of popular injustice that had less basis of fact. Against life-time honor and integrity, against thrice tested character, against illustrious public service, against reason and proba bility, the swift, hot, unreasoning charge of the darkest personal dis honor and official criminality was blazoned against these gentlemen.
The incident illustrates how rancorous can be political hostility. The lives of these men was a standing disproof of such reproach. Gen. Gordon had made an illustrious fame as a, soldier and Confederate Gen eral. For seven years he had illustrated Georgia most magnificently as a United States Senator. His career in the national councils had been conspicuously able and influential. His first speech in the United States Senate was upon the great financial question of the day. It made a profound impression upon the whole country. Senator Morton pronounced it the ablest effort made on the subject. The Agricultural Convention which assembled in Georgia soon after its delivery unani mously adopted a vote of thanks to Senator Gordon for it. The New York Timesi a Republican paper, while criticising the speaker and differing with him, used this language: " Gen. Gordon is the ablest man from the South in either House of Congress." This was very high praise from an opposition paper.
Senator Gordon's next effort, which attracted most attention, was the defense of the South in the debate with Morton and Edmunds. The approval of our people was universal, while even the Northern press passed upon it the highest encomiums. It was the first time anything like an elaborate vindication of the South had been made by a Southern man. Every effort was made by Morton, Edmunds, Conkling and others, to provoke Gen. Gordon into imprudent utterances; but the friends of the eloquent Senator and of the South all over the country thoxTght that the whole of our case was managed with tact, skill and ability by him in that memorable debate.

5GO

GEJSTEKAI, GORDOX S SEXATORIAL CAREER.

Perhaps the next most striking- fact in Gen. Gordon's senatorial career was his bill and speech intended to secure reform in the civil

service of the country, and especially in the Revenue Department, the central idea of which was the separation, of the reverme from party

politics. Some conception of the impression made upon the whole

country may be obtained from the commentary of the press. The

Republican arid Independent papers of the North were forced to com

mend the views of our distinguished, young1 statesman. The Spring field Republican, declared of this measure of Gordon that it was " the

first notable demonstration in the direction of civil service reform from high Democratic authority," and warmly endorsed it. The Chicago

Times said editorially, " There never has been brought to the attention

of Congress a proposition of civil service reform so practical and

thorough as that which Mr. Gordon had indicated. It is, in truth, the

only suggestion of a practical remedy for the all-pervading- official

corruption that has ever been brought to the attention of Congress."

The Boston Advertiser, New York Herald, New York Tribune, New

York J-*ost and Chicago Tribune, all of -which were among- the leading

papers of the United States, strongly endorsed and commended the

effort. The New York ~\Vorlcl pronounced the speech " impassioned,

able, eloquent, logical and impartial." There is little doubt that Sena

tor Gordon would have succeeded in engrafting- some such policy upon the administration of our revenue, had he have remained in public life,

for the country was with him upon it.

These are some of the great occasions, when Gen. Gordon arose to

the full stature of a Senator, handling vast themes of public policy,

originally, eloquently, and with unquestionable statesmanship. He was able to impress himself upon the critical thought of a great nation.

Not only in these large matters, but in every possible phase of private

and public service, he bore himself with the duty and dignity befitting

his high trust. He wielded a powerful influence among- his colleagues

and in the Departments, and he won from the masses of the broad

country the fame due to an acknowledged public leader, whose exalted

individuality gave an added renown to the great commonwealth he so

well represented.

And this was the official who, at the beginning of a second term of

six years of his most dazzling distinction, laid it down to attend to his

private affairs, sadly neglected. And this was the official whose almost

unprecedented renunciation of an august responsibility was charged to

be the subject of a corrupt personal bargain. In the light of subse-

1

THIS FACTS OF SEXATOR GORDONS RESIGNATION.

561

quent developments, the monstrosity of such a charge is so overwhelm ingly demonstrated as to excite amazement that it ever had an exist ence. Public meeting's in Columbus and Pike county denounced Gov.

Colquitt, Gen. Gordon and ex-Gov. Brown. The cry of " Trade ! "

rang- over the State. The severity of denunciation of these distin

guished and honored Georgians was something phenomenal. " Base

and treacherous conduct," " a stench in the nostrils of honest men,"

"Senatorial deformity," "slimy pits of dishonor and degradation,"

" eternal infamy," and a thousand similar phrases, were showered upon

them. The issue was made clear, sharp and savage, and it was met

with a gameful readiness that betokened what resulted, that the people

had to settle the stirring question.

The facts were very few and simple. Senator Gordon had long-

wanted to get out of public life, to build up his private fortunes. He

was offered a valuable chance in Oregon. He tendered his resignation.

Gov. Colquitt tried to get him to withhold until the session of Congress

ended, which would be in a few weeks. He had to utilize his busi

ness opportunity, and declined to postpone his resignation. Gov.

Colquitt, upon his own inspiration, sent for Gov. Brown and tendered

him the place unconditionally. And this was all of the bargain--no

collusion, no conditions--no trading. The presidency of the State

Road was not resigned by Gov. Brown and given to Gen. Gordon.

Gov. Brown knew nothing of Gen. Gordon's resignation until the

appointment was tendered him. Gen. Gordon knew nothing of Gov.

Brown's appointment until it was made. Gov. Brown was already a

supporter of Gov. Colquitt for Governor, and therefore there was no

inducement to win his championship. Mr. ISTewcomb, the president of

the Louisville and Nashville railroad, after Gordon's determination to

accept the Oregon offer and to resign, offered Gordon a business propo

sition that allowed him to stay in Georgia; which he accepted, getting

released from his other contract. With this Gov. Brown had nothing

to do. And since then, Gen. Gordon has succeeded in organizing and

starting the construction of a great line of railway from Atlanta to the

Mississippi, through the coal fields of Alabama, utilizing the defunct

Georgia Western railroad, and connecting with the Richmond and

Atlanta Railway scheme, independent of the State road, or the Louis

ville and jSTashville road.

Thus one by one of the specifications in the fierce charge of " Bar

gain" have been disproved by that unfailing healer of injustice, Time,

and its inevitable co-worker, TrutJi. The storm, like all storms, did

562

GORDON'S ELOQUENT SPEECH.

good. The right -was vindicated after much travail. It was a deadly struggle, but a marvelous victory. The final result was beneficial to the State and to the country. Gen. Gordon came home, and in a masterly and eloquent speech in Atlanta, thus stated the motives governing Gov. Colquitt in this appointment:
"Let us place ourselves in Gov. Colquitt's place, and laying aside all passion, see what our cool judgment would dictate. [Laughter and applause.] Let me premise what I am about to say by the remark that while, as a matter of sentiment, most of us would have preferred some other Georgian, yet there are thousands in and out of the State who are beginning to agree with that greatest of living generals, Joseph E. Johnston, that Joseph 35. Brown was the very best selection that could have been made under all the circumstances surrounding our present and the momentous issues involved in our politi cal contests for the future. There are great men and true men now in high places of responsibility, who believe that the time had come in the South when the integrity of our society, the security of our property, and the supremacy of our political principles require that we should so liberalize our policy as to extend the olive branch to all men now in accord with our principles, although they had differed from us in the transition stage succeeding the war as to the public policy. They saw in Gov. Brown the most distinguished representative of that class of citizens in the entire South. They saw in him a man of intellect, of long experience, of distinguished services in the ante bellum history of the State. A man of large property, deeply interested in the material progress of the country and in stable government--a life-long Democrat, who, although denounced by ITS for voting for Grant and reconstruction in 1868, was joined by us in voting for Greeley and reconstruction in 1872. [Applause.] This is, I say, what other men, able and true, saw in this appointment. What did Gov. Colquitt see to guide him to a conclusion which his enemies now seek to use to his detriment. If he will permit it, I will publish his letter informing me of Gov. Brown's appointment, and of the results he expected to be produced upon himself, the party, and the country. He saw the two strongest Democratic districts in the State lost to the Democratic party. He saw in a third, the same fate seriously threatened. He saw in a, fourth, Hammond, able and elo quent, elected after a'most laborious struggle. He saw the party upon whose supremacy seems to depend all that is valuable to us as a people, apparently on the verge of disso lution. He saw the friends and life-long followers of Gov. Brown among the hardy yeomanry of the mountains, dissatisfied and ready to break with the organization ; and he felt that he might thus recall them to their allegiance, recapture these Demo cratic strongholds, harmonize former differences, assuage bitterness, and assure the future of Democratic supremacy. I wish to repeat here that everybody knows that I am not the champion of Gov. Brown, but it is due our manhood that we either cease hostility to Gov. Brown, or cease to ask his time and talents and money for the benefit of our party. It is due to truth to state that Gov. Brown has been unfaltering in his devotion to the Democratic party for ten or twelve years ; that he was the sup porter of Milton Smith, of Alfred Colquitt and of myself in my last race for the Senate, even against his life-long friend--that upright jurist, and great statesman, Herschell V. Johnson. It would be unworthy in me were I to fail, in this public manner, to testify to the earnest, unswerving, potential aid given in the last campaigns to myself and to the standard-bearers of the party in these hotly contested mountain districts. [Applause.] In thus speaking at some length upon the purposes of Gov. Colquitt in making this

THE SUGGESTIVENESS OP" GOVERNOR BROWN S APPOINTMENT. 563
appointment, I have done him .nothing but simple justice. If I know myself I speak in the cause of truth, of harmonv, of Democratic unity. [Applause.] One thing is cer tain, that while others high iu position were apologizing for, or defending Grant, while lie drove the cold iron into the breast of Louisiana, Gov. Brown was denouncing this act of tyranny." [Applause and cries of that's so.]
For Gov. Brown, the unsolicited tender of this peculiar trust was an event of unspeakable import and most dramatic connection. It recalled the grim memories of that painful experience of twelve years back, in 1868, when the people of his State stood solidly ag-ainst him, and he was defeated for this very office, under such pitiless public execration as fewmen ever experience and fewer outlive. It looked then as if he was forever buried, politically. Pie went down in the mad savagery of that time, a recipient of as noble a resentment, though unjust, as any people ever exercised. He had lived to see the subsidence of passion, and the abatement of obloquy. He had steadily cured the misconceptions of his course, coming with a wonderful elasticity above the cruel repression and ocliujn that struck him down. And the redemption had at last, after many a weary delay, arrived, but was not, even with this appoint ment, complete. This was the act of the Governor. It failed of the requisite finish unless rounded off by the popular endorsement. There was much speculation as to whether Senator Brown would seek an elec tion at the hands of the legislature, his appointment only running to the session of that body in the \vinter of 1880.
There is, perhaps, no earthly inducement that could have withheld Joseph E. Brown from that test of the public pulse. The opposition made the appointment an issue, and the leading issue of the guberna torial campaign. But if this had not been done, he would have fashioned it so. Every prompting of his pride and memory, every impulse of his nature, every tingling nerve of his combative temperament drove him irresistibly to a naked trial of this single question by the majestic in quest of the popular suffrage. His friends led off in suggesting that the approval of the Brown appointment be directly canvassed and voted upon.
It was a very strong triumvirate of influences, capabilities and man agement, this union of Colquitt, Gordon and Brown. Each one of them was powerful, and had shown himself pretty nearly invincible, each achieving victories single-handed that recorded marvels of majorities. Each one could point to personal triumphs that \vere out of the range and scope of ordinary political success. The alliance of the three in a battle where their coalition was intensified by a reciprocal interest arid

5 04

BKOWX, GORDON AND COT.QUITT.

a common defamation of their conduct, was the junction of the most ponderous agencies of our Georgia leadership. And as well equipped managers as they each were, each found valuable aid in the others. Grov. Colquitt's enemies have decried his abilities and decision. No one could look at his firm set mouth, and not read there an uncommon reserve of will. It comes to him by inheritance. His life, critically dissected, has shown it strikingly. And as for management, his father, A7^7"alter T. Colquitt, was the very incarnation of the sagacious and invincible manager, and transmitted it to his diplomatic son. Under that gentle grace and hearty simplicity Grov. Colquitt carries as practical a sense, as rare a tact, as broad a scope of plan, as nice a discernment of agents, as resolute a persistence, as astute a retention of his own secrets, and as true a fidelity to his friends, as any man in the State. And to these subtle qualities he adds an effective magnetism in impress ing- and swaying masses of men, and an exceptional prudence of ex pression that leaves him no indiscretions to correct.
Ex-Grov. Brown has been an unequaled conductor of political cam paigns, and brought to this strong junction of force his superlative and disciplined capacities. Gren. Grorclon has been a lordly campaigner, going direct to the popular heart \vith his chivalrous esprit., bold, direct, lofty and gallant. There has always been something' in .this gentleman to make men love, admire and trust him, an unfailing glow of generous sentiment, a manly self-respect, and a vigorous, healthy intellectuality. His ideas are all liberal and large, his impulses knightly, his nature attractive, and his bearing princely. Never a foeman, unless under attack, he is always an open-handed, magnanimous opponent. And every fiber of his soul is loyal to friendship and the popular good. It was a strong trio, and when the struggle came, an irresistible coalition.
It was no slight benefit in the campaign that the anticipation of Senator Brown's service in the few weeks' session of the United States Senate was realized, and was an example of instantaneous and poten tial influence. In a body where large-brained and distinguished men go through a long probation and apprenticeship of quiet and initiation, Grov. Brown took immediate rank as an acknowledged leader. The tuition of years in this august parliament he mastered immediately. He gained the ear of the body at once, and his voice was heeded. He was sworn in on the 26th of May, 1880, and Congress adjourned on the 16th of June, giving him three weeks' service only. In that short time he secured a $10,000 appropriation for the harbor of Brunswick against the report of" the appropriation committee, and came near increasing

JOSEPH E. BROWN'S SHORT TERM IN THE u. s. SEXATE. 5C5
the appropriation to the Savannah river from $65,000 to $100,000. He passed a bill to allow the Savannah, Florida, and Western railroad to build a bridge over the St. Mary's river, which is now being- used. Pie discovered and defeated a provision in the census bill that would have lost Georgia a representative in the United States Cong-ress. This pro vision provided that enumerators should report a list of all males over twenty-one years disqualified from voting', and such number be deducted from the inhabitants of the State in making up its basis of representa tion. On account of the voters in Georgia disqualified, for non-pay ment of taxes, this would have lost Georgia twenty or thirty thousand votes in estimating our representation in Congress.
Senator Brown made three speeches in his strong, practical "way, that attracted g-eneral attention, that placed him among the recognized leaders of the Senate, and carried to Georgia a substantial basis for popular sanction of his appointment. In urging increased appropria tions for our State harbors, he put so clearly our .claims to greater lib erality that Senators Thurman, Bayard, Davis, Blaine and Vance com plimented him. Senator Blaine raised quite a laugh by saying " he never heard so fine a speech from so young a Senator." It was in the speech, however, delivered on the 12th of June, 1880, upon the Mexican Pension bill, that Gov. Brown made a profound impression upon the country, arid instantly stamped himself as a master of debate, an origi nal thinker and a positive actor in the national councils, able to cope with any of the practiced powers of that august body, and to place his people in sharp advantage upon the delicate questions of the war. An amendment was offered to strike Southern soldiers who had participated in the last >var from the benefits of a pension for service in the Indian and Mexican wars, Gov. Brown strenuously opposed this exclusion of Southern soldiers. Senators Ingalls, Conkling, Kirkwood arid Blaiiie kept a running fire upon him, injecting adroitly into the discussion the disunion and war issues.
Gov. Brown's speech was a master-piece of diplomacy and arg-ument. He took occasion from the interruptions to go into the whole subject of Southern sentiment upon war questions, and without an imprudent word, he completely turned the tables upon his sharp questioners, and struck the " Bloody Shirt " policy, as it was felicitously called, of keep ing up v^ar prejudices, the deadliest blow it has received. His temper was perfect, his readiness unfailing, and his retorts irresistible. He made every stroke cut. His acceptance of reconstruction was used hap pily. The galleries were crowded, and the ablest men of the other side,

5GG

SENATOR BROWX S SPEECH AGAINST THE BLOODY SHIRT.

the recognized experts of debate and the keenest wits of the Republi can party \vere using every effort to trip the new Senator. They came at him from every quarter and struck him vigorously. Parrying every lunge, cool, poised and prompt, he met every attack successfully, and followed his adversary to an undeniable discomfiture. He evaded nothing. Senator Ingalls asked him if he did n't think now he was right in defending secession. Grov, Brown shot back the affirmative instan taneously, but added that secession was not a living issue, and had been
settled forever by the war.
He drew with the nicest discrimination the difference between the
questions decided by the revolution and our living rights. He thus
admirably concluded:
" When we returned to the Union, we did so in good faith. The question of the right of secession is settled forever, and with its settlement our faith is pledged to stand by and defend the Constitution and the Union. In the field you found the Southern armies to be brave men, and brave men are never treacherous. Should our relations with foreign powers at any time involve this Government in war, the people of the North will have no reason to complain of the promptness, earnestness and gallantry with which the people of the Southern States will rally around the old flag, and bear it triumphantly wherever duty calls. If that emergency were now upon us, the comrades in arms of Shermaii and Johnston, who once confronted each other with such distin guished heroism, would rally together in the cause of the Union, and vieing witli each other, would perform such prodigies of valor as the world has seldom witnessed. This being the present condition of the country, the present feeling of the great masses of people on each side, let us do justice to each other, restore cordial and fraternal rela tions,, and folding up the bloody shirt, let us bury it forever beyond the reach of resur rection; and let us unite in the enactment of such laws as will show to the world that we are once more, not iu name only, but in reality, a united people, ready to do equal and exact justice to all. And let us move forward gradually and gloriously in united efforts to restore to every section of the Union substantial, growing, material prosperity ; and we will then bring to the whole country peace, happiness and fraternal relations. This seems to me to be a consummation devoutly to be wished by the patriotic people of all parts of the Union.

There was a universal acknowledgment that the new Senator had fulfilled the great expectation of his value in the National councils, and the issue of his appointment had to be met upon that vantage ground. Hut there was one strong complication in this animated contest, that exerted a powerful underlying influence. How many distinguished gentlemen had hard feelings against the Governor for not being selected for this distinction, will never be known. Men who had passed beyond active life, immemorial friends of the Executive, men on the political shelf, and individuals who had no shadow of claim upon him, were dis-

THE HOSTILE CRUSADE AGAINST GOVERNOR COLQUITT,

567

appointed, and added their hidden dissatisfaction to the gathering crusade of hostility in this remarkable contest. There was a focalization of hostile elements for a thunderous storm, and it exploded with a stirring effect.
This crusade against Gov. Colquitt was the aggregation of every political disappointment, every soured ambition, every personal griev ance connected with the Democratic party, every partisan pique, every irritated sensibility of private malice, every envenomed spite of a publi^ nature, every restless dissatisfaction with existing- politics, arid every strong yearning of hope from new combinations of party and personal elements. It was homogeneous in the one common purpose to over throw the existing and establish a new dynasty.

CHAPTER XLIX.
GOVERNOR COLQUITT RECOMMENDED FOR GOVERNOR BY THE MOST EXTRAORDINARY AND EXCITING PO LITICAL CONVENTION OF GEORGIA ANNALS.
The Convention to select Presidential Delegates.--The Fiery Campaign before the Gu bernatorial Convention.--Colquitt's Atlanta Managers.--Henry W. Grady the Chief. --E. P. Hov/ell.--The City Papers.--Hardeman, Gartrell, Lester and Warner.--A Fierce Crusade of Calumny against Colquitt.-- A Savage Contest.--Gordon arid Colquitt.--Amusing Conflict of Estimated Strength of the Candidates.--The Two Thirds Rule.--The Convention.--Its Personelle.--The Colquitt Caucus.--Gov. Brown's Advice.--The Fine Leadership of Patrick Walsh.--Concessions of the Majority.--L. N. Trammell Permanent President.--His Brilliant Presiding.-- Almost Two Thirds for Colquitt.--A Wily and Implacable Minority.--Any body but Colquitt.--Seven Long Days of Stirring Session.--Majority Indiscretion.-- The Two Thirds Rule Adopted.--The Fight over the Rules.--Gag-Law Discussed.-- Clifford Auderson.--Dr. Henry Carlton's Compromise.--Hot Scene over it.--Ringiug Speech of Patrick Walsh.--" We will Nominate Colquitt."--Thomas D. Wat son's Burning Speech.--Joe Warren.--All the Compromises Rule out Colquitt.-- Livingston of Newton.--Gen. Imboden.--Break in the Colquitt Ranks.--W. A. Reid Suggests Thomas G. Lawson.--Joe Warren's Ambuscade.--Colquitt's Men Stand Solid --A Sparkling Debate.--S. G. McLendon Drops Colquitt.--R. W. Patterson's Brilliant Speech.--The Majority Rock-firm.--Final Resolutions to Recom mend Colquitt after Three Ballots.--The Minority Ask Time.--A Recess.--The Minority Disintegrating.--On the Final Ballot Colquitt Gains, but no Nomination, and his Recommendation goes into Effect.--Electoral Candidates Chosen.--State House Officers Nominated.--Delegates on Final Adjournment begin Coming to Colquitt.--Carlton and Norwood Raise Points of Order, and stop the Change of Votes.--Adjournment of Convention.
THE Democratic State convention that met in Atlanta, on the 9th of June, 1880, to appoint delegates to the Cincinnati convention, was the first State gathering- after the resignation of Gordon, and the appoint ment of Brown. A majority of the members were for Colquitt, and this fact demonstrated the popular sentiment. Hon. L. N. Trammell was made temporary, and Hon. A. O. Bacon permanent Chairman of the Convention. There were 350 delegates from 119 counties. The delegates selected for the National Convention were : at large, Gen. A. R. Lawton, Hon. Geo. T. Barrios, Hon. E. P. Howell and Gen. P. M. B. Young ; District, W. A. Wilkins, J. M. Couper, J. R. Alexander,

.. ivi. jreepies. Gen. A. R. Lawton was made chairman of the delegation at Cincin
nati. Hancock and English- were nominated as the Democratic ticket for President and Vice-President, creating g-reat enthusiasm in Demo-
liri interest of our people in this State, hovs
j-ii^ mcuiag-ers of the large dailies, the Atlanta Constitution., Augusta Chronicle and Constitutionalist, Savannah JVetos, and Macon Telegrap/i and 3:essenger were personally for Gov. Colquitt, thoug-h the journals were held neutral until the convention. The Columbus JEnquirer-Suii, Atlanta Post and Augusta JWeics strenuously opposed him. The large majority of the press favored Gov. Colquitt. The struggle for control of the convention was ferociously acrimonious, and settled into Colquitt and anti-Colquitt, it soon being discovered that he was stronger than the \vhole field together. speeches, fair, unexceptionabl
side of the opposing candidates, and was difficult to understand. Some how this gentleman has never been on good terms with the professional

politicians. His strength has been with the quiet, undemonstrative masses, who take little active interest in politics, unless aroused by some unusual inducement. The country wire workers have always antagonized him. The noisy element of the cities has been against him. The bar-rooms and their frequenters have fought him. His wonderful hold upon the people has excited the envy of the leading public men with some exceptions. The inability to use him has made him odious to the average partisan. His impregnable morality and identification with temperance, virtue and religion, have been a standing rebuke to the vicious and immoral. The bitter opposition that was aggregated against this godly gentleman, was something' marvelous, arid the resulting war fare was unparalleled in its fierceness, persistence and malignity.
Every invention of calumny was evoked ag-ainst Gov. Colquitt. His Democratic fealty was assailed, his ability denied, his personal honesty questioned, and his religion travestied. The opposition press teemed with charg*es against him of every kind, affecting his moral and religious character. Corruption was asserted against him in both personal and official matters. Every act of his administration was attacked and fal sified. And in the noise following the Brown appointment, it looked as if the whole State was clown upon the Governor. But it was a large mistake. The sluggish masses of good men began to take an interest. Slowly the reserves came into action, and under the steady advance of an awakened people the opposition disclosed its real weakness. Such an arousement of the State has not been seen in a century in Georgia. Men who had never taken any active part in politics came to the front as leaders. Old church deacons who had hitherto pursued a serene course of passivity in the turbulent turmoil of political strife, turned out zealously in. the cause of morality and religion, imperiled in its cherished exponent. Usually few men turn out to nominations. The popular voting is reserved for elections. That contest for a nomination had all the intense interest of an election. The ordinary political managers in counties \vere aghast to see the people taking the authority from their hands. Tricks arid tickets were set at naught. Town cliques, usually omnipotent, were brushed aside like cobwebs, and their manipulations punctured like empty bubbles. In Richmond county over 2,000 votes were polled. In numbers of counties a thousand men turned out to select nominating deleg-ates. Such a primary expression of the voice of the people had never before been given in the political annals of the State. And it was almost a continuous thunder tone of endorsement for the slandered Colquitt.

COI.QUITT SWEEPS TIIK STATE.

571

In the middle of the fig-ht a new and frig-htful aspersion was shot upon the air just when a majority of the important counties were to act. It was the last and reserved fire of the calumniators. It made Colquitt more votes. The people, thoroughly aroused, rolled up in creased majorities for the g-ameful Colquitt. The speeches made by Colquitt and. Gordon were stirring- and effective pieces of hustings oratory. They were invited to all parts of the State. Immense g-atheririg-s met them wherever they were announced. Both are striking-ly handsome men, both possessed of mag-netic personal presence, both captivating- public speakers, both individuals of exalted Christian piety, arid both had been successful and brilliant soldiers. The victories in some of the counties were extraordinary, and the enthusiasm they created was unbounded. In the powerful county of Burke, where Lester was born, the toughest struggle of the campaign resulted in a solid delegation for Colquitt. The wealthy and influential county of Houston, one of Hardeman's strong-holds, chose a fervent Colquitt dele gation. Even Merriwether county, the life-long- home of the venerable Judge Warner, gave a majority of district delegates for Colquitt for a county convention to select State delegates. The Warner men appointed delegates, and there resulted a contest in the State Conven tion. The victory for Colquitt in Merriwether was not a beneficial one in results. It very much displeased Judg-e "Warner, and beg-at in him a stern opposition that he pushed in no half-handed way. It is due to truth, however, to say that amid all the vilification of Governor Col quitt, lie never spoke a word of abuse against his rivals. He went steadily forward in firm reliance upon his own merits, uttering- no detraction of others.
It was very amusing to see how widely apart the strength of the can didates was put by the opposing- papers. The Constitution of Atlanta, \vhose information had been culled and sifted with vigilant care, arid that had the benefit of all of Gov. Colquitt's comprehensive and accu rate correspondence, gave Colquitt 224^ votes out of the 350 votes in the Convention, or within nine of a two-thirds majority. A"\rhen 320 delegates had been chosen, the Constitution ga.ve Colquitt 203-g-, Hardeman 44, Lester 38, Gartrell !, "Warner 3, Doubtful 7, anti-Colquitt 7^. The Atlanta Post-A.ppeal divided 308 votes as follows: Colquitt 143-L, Lester 72^, Hardeman 42, Gartrell 29, Warner 7, Underwood 2, anti-Colquitt 18. The Macon Telegraph and Messenger estimated 318 votes as follows: Golquitt 189--, Hardeman 54^-, Lester 42, Gartrell 16^, anti-Colquitt and Doubtful 15^, but gave Colquitt 215 votes for the

572

THE NOMINATING CONVENTION.

first ballot. A bare majority was 176. The Anti-Colquitt papers esti mated Colquitt's vote under a majority. Both sides claimed to be un erringly correct.
A question that excited much feeling- and speculation, was whether the convention should adopt the two-thirds rule. The majority rule would, give the nomination to Colquitt. The old usag-e of the Democ racy had been the two-thirds rule in National Conventions. This rule was adopted in the Democratic Conventions from 1843 to -1857, in the Convention that nominated Gov. Brown. In December, 1871, Gov. Smith was nominated under the majority rule. The Convention of 1872, that renominated Gov. Smith, adopted the same rule. The Convention of 1876 used no rule in the nomination of Gov. Colquitt.
The Convention met in Atlanta, on "Wednesday, the 4th clay of Au gust, 1880, at half past two o'clock. The delegates assembled in the representative chamber, at eleven o'clock, but it was found that the large hall would not hold them, unless the desks were moved out, and the hour of meeting was postponed for this purpose. There were 549 delegates representing every county in the State, and 350 votes. There never has been in the history of Georgia, and there never proba bly will be such another Convention. During Avar days no such fever has been aroused. Gov. Colquitt's crushing sweep of countv triumphs, arid magnificent popular majority, had not subdued in the slightest ex tent the determined hostility of the opposition, but rather intensified it seemingly. The convocation of inflammable spirits came tog-ether primed for an irrepressible explosion, arid the out-burst ensued inex orably.
Gov. Colquitt's friends met in caucus in the large Concordia Hall, Lester's adherents in the breakfast-room of the Kimball House, and Harcleman's supporters at the Markham House. Colquitt's caucus was like a convention arid packed the large hall. It was an unwieldy gath ering, but it somehow settled, by its own inspiration,-into cohesiveness and accord of action. Caucus meetings were held nearly every evening, and the policy of the next day discussed and decided. And it was a eurious demonstration of zeal and interest that these advisory gather ings continued to the last with full attendance. Several of them were a species of political "love-feast." The first and main subject of dis cussion was the two-thirds rule. There was a contrariety of opinion. Some very strong men, led by Hon. Patrick "Walsh, were in favor of the majority rule. Gov. Brown advised the adoption of the two-thirds rule, and some of the Colquitt men would have no other. This subject

Ho:sr. PATRICK WAI.SII.

573

was aby ly discussed from every sstaannd--ppooinnt.. Grroov. Brown beeleievveed that enough delegates \vould, after a while, come from the opposition to giv the two-thirds to Colquitt, if his friends stood firm. But if they did not, and it was necessary to go before the State with the Democracy split, because the minority refused to carry out the will of the major ity, and the opposition party vote should become a balance of power, it would be easier to get that vote than if a regular majority nomna tion was made. One fact had to be confronted squarely, and that -was, that the leaders of the mino rity had come to the convention to defeat Colquitt at any cost and in any way. His friends were equally resolved
to carry him through. anti-Colquitt men boldly declared that, if the majority rule was '

the opposition, and was for " taking the bull by the horns " and mak ing the issue, leaving the minority to their remedy of acquiescence or the responsibility of disintegrating the party by disobedience to its action. Mr. Wralsh developed in this \vhole session in caucus, and on the floor of the convention, the most salient and potential traits of leadership. When his sturdy, strong-set, firm-planted figure rose, his coat closely-buttoned, shoulders thrown back, his head poised solidly and unmoving on his stout neck, his determined, massive face gazing steadily forward, with his short, straight hair rolling back in a leonine way from the brow, and his resonant, compassing voice uttering with a singularly strong emphasis, his clear-cut, direct sentences, he was a striking embodiment of force and earnestness, and he held the eager attention of the vast body upon every ringing syllable. There was no deviousness in this superb Irishman's strategy. He was as direct as the course of a cannon ball. His individuality was the more impressive that lie has nothing in him of the mercurial and flashing quality sup posed to belong to his high-mettled nationality. His best power was his fine, intense repose and freedom from nervousness. Fearless, true, able, eloquent, earnest, devoted, immovable by menace or temptation, Mr. "Walsh made more repute, stood upon higher ground and was more the target for the hostile fire of the opposition than any other member of this stormy and unprecedented convention.
Grov. Brown's view was adopted by a large majority in the caucus. Mr. "Walsh was made temporary Chairman of the Convention, which

574

THE PERSOXELLE OF THE COXVEXTIOX.

was opened by Judge Geo. N. Lester, Chairman of the State Demo cratic Kxecutive Committee, in an eloquent little speech, earnestly urg ing- party harmony. Mr. "Walsh delivered a ring-ing address. Among the deleg-ates who figured during the session were: A. L. Hawes, F. C. Furman, F. G. Du Bugnon, T. AY. Akin, A. AAr . Fite, P. M. B. Young, Clifford Anderson, S. H. Jemison, R. AY. Patterson, Samuel Hall, R. F. Lyon, J. L. Hardeman, E. R. Harden, E. F. Lawson, R. O. Lovett, J. P. Thomas, J. L. Warren, A. P. Adams, T. M. Norwood, H. H. Carlton, T. N. Rucker, P. AAr. Alexander, U. B. AYilkinson, L. H. Featherston, J. C. Nisbet, David A. Yasori, R. Hobbs, J. R. Towers, Wm. T. Newman, VS. M. Lowry, AYalter R. Brown, G. AY. Mabry, M. L. Mershon, AA7". R. Rankiri, T. M. Peeples, Henry Perry, AAr. J. Northern, Geo. M. Nolaii, John W. Glenn, J. AY. Preston, AY. P. Johnson, F. H. AYest, H. T. Hollis, Thos. E. AAratson, J. R. Casey, AA". R. Gignillatt, G. A. Cabaniss, W. Luffman, AAr. AY.-Giddens, S. E. Field, F. G. AA'ilkins, John King, J. M. Russell, L,. F. Living-stone, James M. Smith, J. C. Nicholls, N. J. Tumlin, C. M. Bozeman, Geo. AY. Jordan, AY. A. Reid, AY. M. Anderson, T. L. Guerry, R. H. May, J. Y. H. Alien, P. L. Cohen, W. Daniel, P. AYalsh, J. C. Dell, John D. Stewart, E. P. Speer, AAr . A. Hawkins, John A. Cobb, A. A. Carson, J. T. AArillis, L. C. Hoyle, S. G. McLenclon, H. AY. Hopkins, F. M. Longley, A. D. Abrahams, F. B. AA'imberly, C. J. AArellborn, AAr. H. Pilcher, A. B. Purclom, D. B. Harrell, J. H. Nichols, F. H. Colley, L. N. Trammell, L E. Shumate, J. A. AY. Johnson, AY. A. Harris.
There were contests from Clinch, Chattahoochee, Merriwether, AArashington and AA^ilkinson counties. The Colquitt men having a majority, had the whole matter in their own hands, but the seated delegates were pretty equally divided between the contesting sides. Among the contest ants admitted were AY. T. Revill, J. Sweat, J. N. Gilmore and J. K. Hines. The Hon. L. N. Trammell was elected, unanimously, President- of the Convention. There has never been, in the history of public conventions, a finer piece of parliamentary presiding than Mr. Trammell's govern ment of this fiery convocation. It must be held in mind that he was a warm Colquitt supporter, and he had to steer between the expectation of his friends for that decided leaning to his own side, that an expe rienced chairman can so helpfully give, and the proclivity of the oppo sition to suspect his fairness and censure his rulings. It was the highest possible tribute to Mr. Trammell, that both sides were satisfied and deemed his action fair. Not only this, but in the clash of parliamentary strategy and in the turbulence of heated debate, there \vere repeatedly

HON. L. IST. TRAMMELL, PRESIDENT DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION.

f

IIO:sr. L.

TRAMMELS AS CHAIRMAN.

two dangerous contingencies constantly threatening-, viz., inextricable confusion in the order of business arid an ungovernable turmoil. Mr. Trammell met both of these perils with a most masterly skill and firm ness. His solution of a parliamentary puzzle was instantaneous and decisive. Xo man with a less available arid thorough knowledg-e of the law of deliberative bodies could have been equal to the trying occasion. His intuitions were like lightning1, and as resolute as the edicts of an autocrat.
Both sides stood in eager, reckless antagonism, and fought for every advantage. Both sides were determined and combative, and their spirit drove to an explosion. Mr. Trammell held the unruly elements with a strong hand, and carried the stormy proceeding for seven longdays to an orderly conclusion. It was a splendid triumph of presiding genius. And it was an extraordinary and uiiequaled piece of tact, intellig-ence, firmness and leadership. The policy of the Colquitt men, looking to win. converts, was conciliation. The policy of the opposition, looking solely to defeat Colquitt, was collision that would solidify the aiiti-Colquitt men, and they therefore used every means to stir strife and sting the majority to feeling and aggressiveness.- In the Colquitt caucus the line of a determined silence -was laid out, but the minority leaders were so adroit and annoying-, putting the smart so effectively that time and again some of the majority, worried, and goaded out of all discretion, slopped over and went to fig-hting back in good fashion to the unspeakable delight of the minority leaders.
There never was just such another parliamentary battle. It was a large body of unusual intelligence. It was an unbroken majority against a solid minority. The leaders on. both sides were men of splendid wit. The masses of both sides were men of conviction and pride. Colquitt's hold on his followers was a marvel of personal influ ence. The other candidates \vere speedily absorbed in the over whelming and implacable purpose to defeat Colquitt, and the hold of the opposition leaders on their coalition of four conflicting squads, caring nothing for each other, and only united in. a crusade to defeat a common opponent, was a phenomenon of management. The minority leaders were afraid of their men, who were disposed to yield an unavail ing fight, especially when they \vere placed in the disagreeable position of an obstinate and factious minority. And these leaders would stir up a hot debate, when an injudicious speaker of the majority, under some scorching provocation, would blurt out a reproach that would weld the dissolving- minority. The greatest danger was in the withdrawal of the

576

THE TWO-THIRDS RULE ADOPTED.

minority candidates, under the appeal that they were holding- their names as instruments to prolong a strife and balk a decided majority. The minority leaders overcame this peril by pressing the obligation xipon these candidates to stand to the friends who had fought their battle. It was a cruel slaughter of men for an honorable idea.
All through the thrilling conflict it seemed as if a series of well-meant acts of the majority played into the hands of the keen-witted and implacable minority leaders. Just when the convention seemed at a solution, some unfortunate episode would remit the body back to tur bulence and irreconcilable division. Every effort was made to break the unity of the Colquitt phalanx. Man after man of its leaders was tempted with the nomination. The minority, it was alleged, was ready to support any one the majority would offer, except ------ Colquitt. It was a strange and persevering fight on one unalterable line. It was a miracle of hostile tenacity. Nor is there any reasonable solution of it in the mere opposition to Gov. Colquitt. Men were pushing this crusade of enmity to Colquitt, who had none of it, and \vere merely using it as a weapon. This will be referred to later.
Gen. Young threw the two-thirds rule at the minority with a ringing defiance that roused every spark of the war spirit. In the majority caucus it had been determined to concede the two-thirds rule for this convention, but to urge that the majority rule prevail in future conven tions. Mr. Walsh made an eloquent effort to press the majority rule for the future, but strange to say, the unspeakable folly was committed of the members of the majority voting in the convention against a measure they supported in caucus. This episode did no good to the majority, and gave the minority a manifest advantage. One of the gentlemen who made a fine impression on this body, was I. E. Shumate, of Dalton, Whitfield county. Both in caucus and convention, he was very brilliant and impressive. His oratory is musical and stirring, and his matter and manner dignified, conservative, and magnetic. He evinced a rare quality of leadership. His colleague, Col. J. A. W. Johnson, in several meetings of the caucus, made some talks in his own inimitable, tingling style, that will stay in the memory of every man that heard them.
The next movement that excited sharp discussion, was the report of the Committee on Rules. Judge D. A. Vason was the author of the two regulations that no man should be voted for, who was not nomi nated, and no man should be nominated whose permission had not been first obtained. This was an innovation upon the ordinary code of gov-

THE FIRST BALLOT.

O?7

eminent of conventions, but it \vas done to prevent the practice of ring-ing1 in " dark horses." Judge Harrell, and Mr. Thomas E. Watson, _ a.bright young- anti-Colquitt man from McDuffie county, opposed these rules, declaring them " gag law." Judge Vason, a clear-headed, solid gentleman, defended the rules as necessary to prevent disorganizers breaking up the convention. The rules were adopted. An immediate attempt to reconsider the matter was made by Mr. Sam Jemison of Macon, a gentleman of unusually fine speaking power, with a fluent, forci ble diction, and a voice of penetrating quality. He was supported by A. P. Adams of Chatham, and Dr. H. H. Carlton of Athens. J. W. Preston of Jasper, and B. L. Ross of Houston, opposed reconsideration. On motion of E. F. Lawson of Burke, the reconsideration was tabled.
One of the undoubted leaders of this strong body was Hon. Clifford Anderson, who headed the Macon delegation for Col. Thomas Hardema'n. He made some brilliant speeches, and showed a consummate readiness in debate. He moved that the members of the convention pledge themselves to support its nominee. J. W. Warren, W. T. Newman, Patrick W^ilsh and Mr. Jemison supported the motion, which was carried. Mr. Jemison alluded to the " infamous gag," and was promptly called to order by the chairman, when he as promptly withdrew the sharp phrase. Mr. W. J. Head, of Haralson county, boldly declared that he should vote against Colquitt now, and vote against him in October. Irrepressible little outbursts of a heated temper, continuously occurring, indicated that there was trouble ahead.
The nominations were made with eloquent taste. John D. Stewart, of Spalding, presented the name of Gov. Colquitt ; Mr. Walter R. Brown, of Gen. L. J. Gartrell ; Clifford Anderson, of Thomas Hardeman ; Thomas M. Norwood, of Rufus E. Lester, and Mr. J. N. Jervis, of Judge Hiram Warner, The first ballot was taken amidst profound attention, and the deepest interest. The original alignment of the five little representative armies, was the most important movement of the battle. The vote stood, Colquitt 208- ; Lester 58 ; Hardemari 54^ ; Gartrell 1?'^ ; and Warner 11. Nine ballots were taken right straight along on this the second day of the convention. The 9th bal lot stood Colquitt 209f, Lester 69, Hardeman 50, Gartrell 14 and Warner 6. Colquitt had crept up a vote, while Lester had gained con siderably. It was a dead-lock, however, the masses of each division standing firm, while a few votes skipped around.
On the third day occurred two exciting episodes that fired the Conven tion to an almost uncontrollable pitch. The minority leaders sprang a

OYO

THE MEMOR.AJJLK SPIiKCH OF PATRICK AVAI.SII.

subtle ambuscade with masterly sharpness. Dr. Henry II. Carlton, one of the shrewdest of the minority chiefs, proposed that a committee of two from each of the five parties be appointed to go out and select a com promise nominee. The inequality of this proposition, giving to Judge Warner's eleven supporters the same proportion of committeemen with Gov. Colquitt's nearly two-thirds majority of the Convention, and sub mitting- the rights and preferences of the majority of the body, to an umpire, in which the majority had a two-tenths voice, and the minority an eight-tenths control, was something so immeasurably cool and unreasonable, that it excited a flurry of indignation. It was felt to be an open, glaring declaration, of war upon Colquitt, and the an nouncement of an uncompromising policy of resistance to the will of the majority, so far as his nomination was concerned. It was a charac teristic act, of the fearless and straight-forward "VValsh, to meet this issue clearly and frankly. Rising with cool deliberation, and speaking with a measured, but intense emphasis, he made the most memorable speech of that long and fiery convention. It threw off all qualifications and stopped the parleying. ^Vith the characteristic directness of the man, it put the opposition upon the fullest manly notice, and it laid down the end in a remarkable spirit of prophecy. Recognizing that the minority meant a no-quarter war, it accepted the issue distinctly and boldly, in these ringing words.
" MR. CHAIRMAN : Speaking for the distinguished gentlemen whom I have the honor to represent, I will say to the Convention that we have anticipated the resolution intro duced by the gentleman from Clarke, and that we have conferred and have come to a decision, and the decision is to carry out the voice of the people of Georgia as expressed in nearly two-thirds of the counties of this State [applause] ; and that voice is that Alfred IT. Colquitt shall be the next Governor of the people of Georgia [cheers]. I say the people, in order to preserve the integrity of this party and to conform to its usages, have upon this occasion--and this occasion differs from no other State Convention that has been held--sent us hero to perform a formal duty. They have passed upon it themselves, and I say we will not be true to the voice of the people if this Convention does not nominate Alfred H. Colquitt ! [continued cheering.] In this great State a majority--nearly two thirds--of the people prevail in that opinion, and the friends of Gov. Colquitt, in a spirit of harmonv, in a spirit of peace, and with a liberality that should be admired and appreciated, have deviated from the usages and customs of our party in the past ten years, by adopting the two-thirds rule. But gentlemen say that, in former State Conventions there was 110 reason why the two-thirds rule should have

the rule being used at all times in the Democratic party. If it is to be so much respected there was all the more reason why it should have been adhered to in the former State Conventions. But, sir, it was the voice of the men of brains, progress and patri otism that the rule should be repealed and the majority rule should prevail ! [cheers.]

THE MINORITY OFFKR A LARGE BILL OF FARE.
I say we made these concessions in a spirit of harmony, in order to maintain the integ rity of the party. But we have come to respect the will of .the people, and we do not intend to depart from the city of Atlanta until we have nominated Alfred H. Colquitt ! [fi'reat applause.] "We have come here to do that if it takes us until Christmas to do it. [Renewed cheering."]
The excitement that followed was indescribable. The motion was tabled and a ballot taken. Mr. Watson then arose and offered the fol lowing list of gentlemen, and moved that " six delegates be appointed from each faction in the Convention, Colquitt arid anti-Colquitt," to select a candidate other than those before the body, stating that he did this to answer Mr.Walsh: Gen. A. R. Lawton, Gen. Henry R. Jackson, Hon. Thomas M. Norwood, Hon. Joseph B. Gumming, Hon. J. C. C. Black, ex-Gov. James M. Smith, Hon. M. H. Blariford, Hon. P. W. Alexander, Hon. Martin J. Crawford, Hon. A. O. Bacon, Hon. Clifford Anderson, Hon. IT. G. Turner, Hon. James Jackson, Hon. Augustus Reese, Hon. George Hilly er, Hon. George T. Barnes, Hon. Henry D. McDaiiiel, Hon. W. H. Dabney, Hon. A. T. Mclntyre, Hon. W. M. Hammond, Hon. Milton A. Candler, Hon. David E. Butler, Hon. John I. Hall, Hon. Robert P. Trippe, Hon. Joel A. Billups, Hon. J.TI. Blounf , Hon. Thomas M. Lawson, Hon. II.' V. M. Miller, Hon. N. J. Hammond, Hon. Alexander II. Stephens.
Mr. Watson followed with a bright and most fiery little speech, that swept the minority into a perfect whirlwind of delirium. His sentences came out \vith a condensed intensity of passion. Among other things, he said:
" Sir, I am tired of hearing thj cry of generosity, when I see no generosity [applause] ; 1 am tired of this cry of harmony, when I see no harmony [applause]. I have not come here to be fattened on chaff, nor filled with taffy. You might as well attempt to gain flesh on corn-cob soup in January [laughter].
" Mr. Chairman, I have said, and I say now, that I am here with no bitterness of I have fought this much-named gentleman, A. H. Colquitt. I ha I have advocated him h
o it, b self-respect to surrender.
"If they will split this Convention, we will be here to the end [applause]; if they ill emain in her shadow to the last-4applause]. We would

KEPEATED ATTEMPTS TO CROWD OUT COLQUITT.

We would deplore it. But if she can only he saved on terms

mly

then--

' Nail to the mast hei

Set every threadbar jail,

!uid give her to the god cof storm: The lightning and the _ale.' "

[Great applause.]

The effect upon the combative and heated minority was electrical. From all parts of the hall they crowded up to him to shake his hand and congratulate him. Mr. T. W. Akin followed with a spirited appeal. Upon motion of Mr. AValsh, the resolution was laid on the table, and Mr, Joseph stirred a shout of laughter with this motion: " I move the mole

hill now come to the mountain." Among the ablest heads of the minority was Mr. Josiah L. Warren, a
fine speaker, a rare talker, an affluent humorist, an unsurpassed political manager and an unsparing opponent of Colquitt. He rose arid with a soft diplomacy said it had been the purpose of the minority to present the olive branch of peace, and they stood ready to unite in friendship on some standard bearer " other than the one you have.'''' Mr. Ross of Houston " offered Hon. Alfred H. Colquitt as the man on whom to unite." Mr. Livingston. of Newton replied, urging the friendly spirit of the Colquitt men, alluding to yielding the two-thirds rule and dividing the contested delegates. He added:

" I desire to say that the Colquitt men are not for disruption, and do not intend to produce it. I desire to say that if you are tired of your friends, and if you are 'so patriotic as to desire a compromise, present it to us and we will see what we will do with it. [Applause.] We have no intention of dropping Colquitt now. [Cheers.] We would he untrue to the people and ourselves to do so ! [Cheers.] We have no feeling in this matter outside of our duty. [Applause.]

The balloting went on to the 19th with little change: Colquitt 211, Lester 58 \^, Hardeman 51, Gartrell 15-J- and Warner 13. Gen. Tmboden offered a resolution for four of the minority to meet five of the majority and select a candidate whose name was not before the convention. He made a strong speech for his motion. Mr. Livingston asked, if the opposition had centered on a man. Col. Imboclen said they could not present a man without his consent, but for the majority to name him and the minority would come to him. Col. Geo. M. Nolan of Henry county, who made some admirable speeches in caucus and convention, said this was the same voice in another dress--it was the hand of Esau, but *the voice of Jacob. The majority had time and again presented the name of a spotless character. Mr. Duncan moved

A COLQUITT DELEGATE BREAKS: THE COXVENTIOiN WILD.

581

to amend by leaving- out the words excluding1 the jz>resent candidates, but Col. Irnboden withdrew his resolution.
On Saturday the 4th day this racy convention had a new and ting-lingexperience. The Colquitt men were pretty solid, but not wholly so. They had sturdily refused to yield Colquitt, and nothing had been able to move them. When therefore Judge W. A. Reid of Putnam, a Colquitt deleg-ate, arose and urged. Judge Thos. G. Lawson for nomi nation, the fury it created was maddening-. Mr. Shumate replied in a superb response ,of exquisite felicity and eloquence for Gov. Colquitt, urging- his support by two-thirds of the people as an evidence that he could rally the party around the standard of unity, and intimating that Chatham county could, by a patriotic course, now secure Lester in the future. Mr. Norwood charged that the Colquitt men were putting Colquitt above the party. Col. Willis Hawkins arose on his crutches and in his inimitable and electric way replied that they were there to enter up judgment for the people who had rendered their verdict. Mr. Murphy retorted that his side would file a bill of exceptions. Mr. J. W. Preston declared that he would vote against Gov. Colquitt, if any man would prove a single act of wrong- ag-ainst him. It was, however, when Mr. Preston alluded to Clifford Anderson having, after fruitless balloting in the Congressional convention in the Sixth District, secured J. II. Blouiits nomination for Congress and broke just such a dead-lock as this by an eloquent appeal for harmony, that the most prolonged and craziest excitement of the convention occurred. Delegates rose to their feet waving- hats and handkerchiefs, and peal upon peal of deaf ening cheers thundered through the house. The point -was the stronger because Mr. Preston himself was defeated by Mr. Blount, for the congressional nomination, through this very appeal of. Col. Anderson. Col. Anderson arose cool, serene and poised, and met the palpable hit with consummate force and adroitness; utterly unconfused and undiseoncerted he drew an elaborate discrimination between Col. Blount and Gov. Colquitt, arguing that the former was the only man that could unify his District, but Gov. Colquitt could not unite the Democracy of the State. Gen. Young put in a question that brought down the house, as to whether, when it was found that Hancock had a majority of the National Convention, did not every one flock to him.
The truth is that this debate was sparkling and fervent beyond measure, full of hits and oratory, a magnificent and sustained combat of eloquence and readyintellectuality. At the pjoper moment Mr. Warren, thinking the fever right, arose, and hoping and planning to

THE COLQUITT PHALAXX
carry the convention in one of those mad tornadoes of impulse that sometimes seize bodies of men, wearied with strife arid unavailing bal lots and ready to drop anybody and go for anybody almost, he moved that Thos. G. Lawson be nominated by acclamation. The maneuver fell dead. The minority went for it with a wild rush, but the solid Colquitt army, compact and immovable, untouched by the frenzy and tempta tion, grimly frowned down the ambuscade. Alarmed that the move ment might release the minority delegates from their candidates, the quick-witted Warren, discerning the failure of his plan, and the threaten ing peril, promptly withdrew the nomination and told the minority to rally to their leaders. The twenty-fifth ballot was finally taken, and the convention adjourned until Monday.
It must not be overlooked in measuring this1 remarkable convention, that the delegates were getting no pay and were on heavy expense, and many of them men of moderate means who had come only prepared to stay a day or so. It will show the fire that had become kindled that the convention held tog-ether. Men raised money to see the battle through, and the body re-assembled Monday, the 5th day, in full force.
It was a settled conclusion, that a number of the leaders of the mi nority meant to default Colquitt at all hazards. ^Whether they could hold their followers was the practical question. Col. Norwood was approached Saturday by a Colquitt delegate, and was reported to have said there could be no compromise, and Colquitt must be defeated. Grov. Colquitt made a speech to the caucus Saturday night, that was a miracle of effect. He would gladly withdraw from the contest and the responsibilities of office, but he never retired under fire, and the fight upon him simply forced him to keep the field. The delegates in strong enthusiasm, pledged him continued stipport. Telegrams poured in from various parts of the State to stand firm.
The convention re-assembled Monday morning1. Judge Reid withdrew Judge Lawson's name. The twenty-sixth ballot was taken with no change. Another episode occurred of a break in the Colquitt ranks, but it was powerless to change the alignment. Mr. S. G. McLendon, of Thomas county, a very effective young speaker, said that he had stood to Colquitt as long as there was a chance of his nomination, that a nom ination was impossible with the names before the convention, and that he could not follow Colquitt to the peril of the party. Mr. McLendon was followed by a gifted young- delegate from Bibb county, Mr. R. "W. Patterson, who made one of the most brilliant and impassioned speeches of the convention--a speech that at once fixed his fame as an orator.

THE RESOLUTION RECOMMENDING COLQUITT.

583

He plead for party harmony. The twenty-ninth ballot was taken, and
the Convention adjourned.
On Tuesday morning1 matters came to a focus. In the Colquitt
caucus Monday night, it was resolved to allow a fair chance for an har
monious conclusion of the strife, and if that could not be had, to pass a
resolution recommending" Colquitt as the Democratic candidate for Gov
ernor. Judge Harrell offered a resolution requesting- the five candi
dates to withdraw, but it was voted down. Mr. Walsh then offered the
following resolution, that has become historic:
" Resolved, That the Democratic party of Georgia, in Convention assembled, hereby renews the expression of its devotion to the great principles of the Democratic party of the nation, and pledges the united and enthusiastic support of the Democracv of Georgia to Gen. Wiiifield Scott Hancock and the Hon. Win. H. English, the nominees of the Cincinnati Convention.
" 2. Whereas, After a long and tedious session of this Convention, and continuous balloting, it appears that no nomination of a candidate for Governor can be made un der the two-thirds rule ; therefore, be it resolved, That this Convention recommend to the people of Georgia, Gov. Alfred IF. Colquitt as the Democratic candidate for the office of Governor at the ensuing election, provided that this resolution shall not go into effect until three ballots shall have been had under the two-thirds rule, and it is demon strated that no nomination can be effected thereby.
" 3. Resolved, That a committee of nine, consisting of one from each Congressional District, be appointed by the Chair to notify Gov. Colquitt of the action of this Conven tion and request his acceptance."

The reading of the resolution created a profound sensation. Mr. "Walsh said, in his resonant accents, that the argument was exhausted, and he moved the suspension of the rules and called the previous ques tion. The excitement was intense. The minority resisted bitterly. The fiery young "Watson said gamely, " "We were tied to the names before us, hemmed up, penned up, starved out. I said that these gyves being upon me, I could never go to Colquitt, and I never will." The rules were suspended. The first resolution about Hancock and English was unanimously adopted. Dr. Carlton offered a resolution that was read by courtesy, " That this convention nominate Alexander H. Stephens by acclamation." Dr. Carlton tried to speak. Cries of " order." Mr. Brown, of Fulton, began to say something of " why sen tence of death should not be passed upon the Democratic party." Cries of "order" and "go on." It was a confused time, but the Chairman, Mr. Trammell, held the Convention to its business with a steady hand. It was evident that the crisis had come. The majority had the power, and were firm. Judge Willis of Talbot, asked Mr. Walsh to withdraw

584

A STIRRING TIME.

the resolution long enough to allow the.minority time to consult. An adjournment was made until 3 o'clock for this purpose.
The minority met in caucus first at the Kimball, and then at the Markham House. It was apparent at once that the solidity of the minority was broken. Strong- men refused to go farther in the fight upon Colquitt, and in the disintegration of the Democracy, notably Col. Clifford Anderson, Judge J. T. Willis, and R. W. Patterson. But the greater part of the minority stood immovable and unrelenting. The convention met in the afternoon, under very intense feeling, the ma jority quiet but expectant of success, and the minority depressed and divided, but with its opposition element stubborn and watchful. The resolutions of Mr. Walsh were adopted. The 30th ballot was taken, and was unchanged, save that the minority concentrated on Col. flardeman, and for the first time the contest was narrowed to two men. The 31st ballot showed a concentration of the minority on Lester, but with a grim adherence of each side to its man.
Mr. Reid of Putiiam, offered a resolution for a Conference Committee of three from the majority, and two from the minority, to consult and report. Gen. Young favored the resolution. The rules were not sus pended, so the resolution failed. Col. P. "W. Alexander of Cobb, of fered a resolution that it was the supreme duty of the convention not to adjourn until it nominated. A fiery discussion ensued. There is little doubt that some of the minority leaders drove the discussion, to heat the body arid solidify the minority. It was a debate full of fire and taunts. There is no doubt, either that some of -the utterances of the majority speakers, thus provoked, stopped the change to Colquitt. Dr. Carlton and Col. Alexander made speeches, and were replied to by Col. Preston and Col. Livingston. "When Col. Preston said the minority was determined not to nominate Colquitt, the response " no! no! never! " pealed from that side. Col. Livingston declared that it had been the policy of the minority " to stuff into our face everybody's name, but that of Alfred H. Colquitt," and that " persistency on that line was an insult to the Colquitt delegates." Prolonged applause, hisses and great confusion followed this statement. He thus con cluded:
" It cannot mean that they are in earnest ; it cannot mean that they hope to accom plish anything by it, because I give these gentlemen credit for good common sense. If you do not hope to gain anything by it, why persist in it ? If you do not intend to insist arid stir up the baser feelings of our nature, and get up turmoil and strife in the convention, why insist ? It has been manifested by Colquitt's friends that they intend to nominate him under the two-thirds rule if they can; or if not to elect him by the

COLQUITT REOOMMEXDED.

585

people, and you might as well receive it now. [Applause, long continued.] And they intend to put him iu office next November. [Renewed applause.] "
The heated, sparring continued until Col. Anderson asked a recess of half an hour. The convention re-assembled, and the 32nd ballot pro ceeded. " Col. Clifford Anderson cast 2g votes for Colquitt as " an offer ing- of peace." The applause was prolonged over this noble act of moral firmness. Judg-e R. F1. Lyori, of the Macori delegation, with fierce emphasis, stated that he cast l- vote for Thomas Hardeman, in the hope that it will " unite the Democratic party in soli do." Applause and hisses greeted this. Judge AVillis, in an eloquent speech, cast 3 of the Talbot county votes for Colquitt, saying that they were now testing the question whether they should dissolve the organized party, or cling to their preferences. Applause and hisses accompanied this manly utter ance. The last ballot went on in blinding excitement, and the result was announced ; Colquitt, 220J-g, Lester, 58g, Hardeman, 4G 370-, Gartrell, 15 ^, "Warner, 8^-. Gov. Colquitt still lacked 14 votes of a two-thirds nomination, but stood the recommended candidate of the party for Governor.
The convention then, elected candidates for Hancock and Tilden elec tors. Hon. J. C. C. Black and R. E. Kerman were chosen at large, and A. P. Adams arid L,. J. Glenn, alternates. The District electors were S. D. Braswell, W. M. Hammond, C. C. Smith, L,. R. Ray, John I. Hall, R. B. Nisbet, T. W. Akin, Seaborn Reese, arid W. E. Simmons. The next day N. C. Barnett was nominated by acclamation for Secretary of State, and W. A. 'W right for Comptroller General. A spirited contest occurred for the nomination for Attorney General, between R. 1ST. Ely, J. "W". H. Underwood and J. T. Glenn. Maj. Ely had a heavy majority, and Mr. Jemison offered a resolution in sport, that he be declared nomi nated, and that his resolution, was offered to carry out the letter and spirit of the two-thirds rule. A shout of laughter g-reeted this rally. Col. J. S. Boynton's name was put in arid withdrawn. Col. Clifford Andersen's name was announced, and he received the nomination. Maj. D. N. Speer received the nomination for Treasurer.
In the afternoon, "W. A. Harris moved to adjourn sine die. Judge Willis, in voting against it, appealed to the minority to come to Colquitt, and make a nomination. Before the vote on adjournment was an nounced, Mr. Dendy, of Harris county, said he did not wish the conven tion to adjourn without a nomination, arid he changed four votes to Col quitt from Hardeman, bringing Gov. Colquitt within 9 votes of a twothirds maj,ority. The enthusiasm over this was immense, and the cheering

586

THE CONVENTION ADJOURNS.

prolonged, and there is no doubt that the changes would have con tinued, and secured the nomination. But both Dr. Carlton and Col. Norwood objected to any changes of votes for the nomination, on a motion to adjourn. The convention adjourned \vith matters in this condition, and Gov. Colquitt was before the people as the selected choice of the Georgia Democracy for Governor, through the action of the most extraordinary convention of Georgia political annals.
The conduct of the convention was in the highest degree revolu tionary, and it resulted in a schism in the Democratic party that the people alone could settle, and which they did settle with an overwhelm ing emphasis.

CHAPTER L.
GOVERNOR COLQUITT'S OVERWHELMING RE-ELECTION.
The memorable Colquitt Election Campaign of 1880.--The Minority Organize a Revolt from the Action of the Convention.--J. C. Dell and Mr. Wade.--The Invitation to Dr. Felt on to Run.--lion. Thomas M. Norwood put out as the Minority Candi date for Governor.--Gov. Colquitt Accepts.--Judge Hiram AVarner Resigns from the Supreme Bench aud Speaks Against Gov. Colquitt.--The State Press for Col quitt.--The Discussion between Colquitt and Norwood --A Disgraceful Scene at Macon.--Attempt to Silence Colquitt, by a Violent Mob.--The Benefit to Col quitt.--The Leaders of the State Against Colquitt.--The Masses of the People for Him.--A Sharp Tilt between Gen. Gordon and Gov. Smith.--The Inspiration of the Opposition to Colquitt.--The Republican Convention makes no Nomination.-- A Desperate Campaign of Calumny Against Colquitt.--Ben. C. Yancey's Charge and its Withdrawal.--Gen. Henry R.* Jackson's Superb Speech.--The very Safety of Society and the Preservation of "Character at Stake.--The Convict Catechism.-- The Appointment of Gov. Brown as United States Senator, a Leading Issue.-- The Race between Gov. Brown and Gen. Lawton.--Gov. Brown's Work.--The Colquitt Workers.--Gov. Colquitt's Election.--The State House officers and their Aids.--The Canvass for United States Senator.--Gov. Brown's Election.
THE adjournment of the stormy convention of August, 1880, was the beginning of the second and still more heated phase of the memo rable Colquitt gubernatorial campaign. The members of the minority were asked to remain in the hall. Mr. Norwood was made chairman. A committee of nine was appointed to prepare an address to the people arid business for the meeting-. The committee was H. BE. Carlton, R. F. Lyori, F. G. Wilkins, J. L. Warren, T. M. Imboden, .1. W. Staton, D. B. Harrell, W. R. Brown, P. W. Alexander and H. T. Hollis. At night a resolution was reported that the recommendation of Gov. Col quitt was not binding1, and the minority should have a candidate for Governor. There could not be a finer exhibition of moral courage than the action of Mr. J. C. Dell and U. P. Wade, of Screven county, minor ity delegates, in opposing this resolution, in fearless dissent from the sentiment of the meeting, which expressed itself in hisses, thoug-h both were cheered. Their remarks \vere thus reported:
"Mr. Dell continued, and declared that the resolutions would inaugurate a new party in Georgia. The question is, shall we submit to the inevitable, or shall we begin revo lution in the party. I speak for myself and for nine-tenths of my people that we shall

588

HOlSf. T. M. NORWOOD, THE MINORITY CANDIDATE.

abide by the action of the majority of this Convex

Colquitt is the choice of the people, and I believe t

[Cheers.] It is the duty of patriotism to adjourn now and go lit i \vithc

up mischief in the party. [Cheers and hisses.]

Mr. Wade, of Screveii, said he had battled with the minority 1 had followed it

everywhere. But the question now is, if we are not putting weap sinto the hands of

these men? I shall tell my people that it is best to submit to the i itable. Gov. Col-

quitt will be elected in spite of us. [Great cheers and hisses.] I mot approve these

resolutio nd I ill clearly speak

No

r set of men shall ever

dete

hat I deem my duty. [Cheers nd hi

A. P. Adams, S. H. Jemison, H. Van Epps and S. W. Small made applauded speeches full of fire and opposition to Colquitt. For several days the air was full of rumors as to who would be presented bv the minority. It was a heavy blow to the minority when it ca,me out that on the 10th of August, before the convention adjourned, H. H. Carlton, J. L. "Warren and Wm.'G-arrard had. telegraphed to Dr. Wm. H. Felton, the acknowledged leader of the Independents in the State, asking him if he would make the race against Gov. Colquitt, assured of strong support, a request that Dr. Felton declined, as his friends wished him to continue the race for Congress. It was with a grim and exultant glee that Dr. Felton gave this significant correspondence to the public, and it so handicapped the minority that the gentlemen, who did the mischief, endeavored to break the force of the injury by as
suming it as a personal act of their own. It was rumored that Mr. Stephens, Col. Candler, Gen. Wofford. and
others would, make the race. The problem was solved when Col. Thomas M. Norwood was declared the candidate of the minority. The committee of the minority, with G. M. McDowell as an additional member, issued an address explaining their course, and published the correspondence with Mr. Norwood. A large Executive Committee was appointed, with Col. P. W. Alexander, chairman, and a campaign central committee, with Col. M. A. Candler as chairman, and C. H. Williams as secretary. There is no doubt of the efficient labors of these committees. They conducted a campaign of remarkable vigilance and vigor. Mr. Williams, the secretary, was at his post to the last, and kept the struggle lively. Mr. Norwood's letter of acceptance bore
date the 13th of August, 1880. On the 12th of August the committee appointed by the convention,
Philip L. Cohen, R. Ridgeley, R. Jones, W. A. Hawkins, F. M. Longley, Geo. M. Nolan and Samuel Hall notified Gov. Colquitt of the ac tion of the convention, and requested, that he bear the standard of the

JUDGE IIIRAM WARXER EXTEES THE COXTKST.

part}1". Gov. Colquitt replied in a singularly strong arid dignified lettor. lie thus epitomized his administration:

" It lias been gratifying-to see a steady improve lent in individual welfare and in

svery phase of the public condition, and I am not insensible to the compliment con-

'eyed in your letter that you accord to me credit fo: these results to the full extent that

in executive may properly claim in our scheme of j

esults wrought in these years are, au elevated state credit, a diminished public debt, a

ed s

of the

clu

strife thr ugh

To these

a liberal

of popular education

The issue was thus made up, and the most intense and desperate political contest of Georgia history begun. T. X. Rucker, a mirioritv delegate from Clarice, had said when the convention adjourned, " it -will be the bitterest campaign ever known in Georgia," and he predicted correctly. Mr. Norwood wrote to Gov. Colquitt, proposing a mutual retirement. Gov. Colquitt declined to retire under the heavy arraign ment made by the minority against him, and contrasted his own candi dacy as the choice of nearly two-thirds of the party with that of Mr. Norwood, as the nominee of a committee of nine. Both sides came down to work. It would require a volume to record the notable inci dents of this unparalleled campaign. The contest preceding- the con vention had been a hot one. It was child's play compared to the struggle leading up to the election. It was a species of black flag fight. Juclg-e Hiram AVarner resigned his place as Chief Justice on the 16th of August, " for reasons of a private nature exclusively." In a speech in Greenville, during the campaign, -he gave the following reason for his resignation, in. connection with a decision of the Supreme Court on a suit of the State ag-ainst the securities of R. A. Alston:
" The Governor thought proper to take an appeal before the people from the Stipreme Court of the State, of which I was at the time Chief Justice. I had no intention at that time of resigning. I was able and willing to perform the duties of the office as I had been for the ten years, so far as I knew ; but when I saw one department of the
a manner calculated to weaken public confidence in its Judiciary, I felt that I could no longer, with honor to myself and credit to the people, hold that position. * * * *
" Therefore I tendered my resignation so as to give the Governor an opportunity to appoint a personal judge who might be willing to decide upon his official acts in accord ance with his own personal wishes, and thereby save him the trouble of appealing to the people to review the judgment of the Supreme Court."
There was no more remarkable incident of this unprecedented cam-

590

THE ISSUE MAIJE UP.

paign than this slip of the venerable Chief Justice. It showed the rancor of politics; it showed the excess to which an honest man can go under a virulent anger; and it demonstrated the severity of this canvass. The people thoug-ht too hig-hly of Judge ^rarner to believe him earnest in a reason for resigning that was neither just to him or Gov. Colquitt.
Mr. Norwood spoke in Atlanta, and Gov. Colquitt replied to him in a letter. This speech and letter formulated the issues of the canvass, and were both able and exhaustive. Mr. Norwood tripped up upon some of his facts and figures, and thus put himself at some disadvan tage. But his speech was bold, earnest and aggressive. Gov. Colquitt's letter was the strongest document of the campaign, and it will pass into history as a model of political disputation. It wr as felicitous, dignified, concentrated and unanswerable. It was trenchant without discourtesy, and handled his antagonist unsparingly in a decorous man ner. It covered every point of attack against him, and rested impregnably upon official facts and figures. Mr. Grady, the chairman of the campaign committee, sent it into every county in the State for the quiet perusal of every voter, and its clear statements supported by the records, carried an irresistible weight.
The large majority of the State papers took ground for Gov. Col quitt, led by the four powerful dailies, the Atlanta Constitution, Au gusta Chronicle and Constitxitionalist, Savannah JVews, and Macon Telegraph and Messenger. The strongest opposition to Gov. Colquitt was in the cities and towns, and all of these papers had a noisy and vigorous sentiment to antagonize. In Savannah and Macon it "was especially bitter. Col. Estill of the- News, was menaced in Savannah, with the loss of patrons and business. This was the home of Col. Norwood, and the campaign on that si'de ran into proscription. Col. Estill, with cool nerve, pursued his course, regardless of the pressure, while Col. Thompson wrote some of the best leaders of the campaign. The four Titans of the press wielded a prodigious influence. The Columbus Times later came out for Colquitt, and put in some telling* blows. The Columbus Enquirer-Sun, Atlanta Post-Appeal, Savannah Recorder and Augusta IVevcs kept the liveliest sort of a fusillade on the Norwood side, and well exemplified the power of an earnest
press. A discussion was arranged between Gov. Colquitt and Col. Norwood
and covered seven appointments, beginning at Augusta and ending with Columbus, and including the intermediate points of Madison, Co-

COL. NORWOOD AS THE MINORITY LEADER.

591

, vington, Griffin, Macon, Butler, Talbotton and Columbus. It was an amusing peculiarity of the canvass that both sides claimed the complete triumph of their respective champions, and the utter demolition of their opponents. The matter depended very much upon whose side happened to have the majority present. "Whoever had the numbers made the largest racket. Perhaps the fairest statement came from the Augusta Chronicle. It thus measured the speakers:
" Candor compels us to say that Hon. T. M. Norwood is no stump speaker. His two speeches in the Senate led our people to believe that he was a gentleman of oratorical power. He has no magnetism whatever, and as a public speaker he is not above the grade of mediocrity. Our whilom Senator is no match for Gov. Colquitt on the stump."
The selection of Col. Norwood, was not a fortunate one in many respects. An elaborate and logical pleader, and possessing an affluent but not a ready or contagious intellectuality, he lacked fire and the magnetic element. A plain man in appearance, he was cold and unelectrical. He was not the ]eader for the masses. His antecedents too were against him. He had not participated in the war; he had taken the unpopular side as a receiver of back-pay in the Senate; he had been agent for some of our contested Bullock bonds; he had used some very hard things in his speeches about the negroes, whose votes -were needed to elect him. All of these matters were used effectively against him. In Macon and Columbus the majority of the people assembled to hear the discussions were against the Governor, but at the other points -were for him. An incident occurred at Macon that did great injury to Mr. Norwood's cause. He had the opening and the conclusion. The scene was unparalleled for a civilized community. Mr. Norwood made a severe arraignment of Gov. Colquitt. The Governor arose to reply, introduced by Hon. A. O. Bacon. The Macon Telegraph and Messenger thus describes the wild time that ensued:
" Thereupon occurred one of the most remarkable scenes ever witnessed, probably, in the state. For two hours the man stood before the people, speaking amid a storm of cheers, hisses, groans, cries, cat-calls, jeei's and insults. Eloquence was powerless before it, and the presence of the most substantial and dignified citizens of Macon had little effect A dozen times the speaker was forced to stop entirely, and several times Col. Whittle, Capt. A. O. Bacon and others sought to calm the people in vain. It was only when Colquitt's time dwindled down to thirty minutes that he secured a comparatively quiet interval.
" It was the most disgraceful scene ever witnessed in this city, but let it be said to the credit of the greater portion of the crowd, that when called upon to endorse or condemn the confusion, there arose a shout of condemnation that for a little while awed the remainder into silence. The speaker straggled through it all, reminding a looker-on of a

59;}

THE WILD SCKXE ix MACOX.

strong swimmer bat'ling with the waves. He kept his tempei through, letting his indignatii and patience could endure i

be overwhelmed. " No intelligible report of the speech as delivered can be given. It was broken up
into snatches through which were mixed the questions of the crowd and his answers."
The conclusion o this brave exhibition of manhood and endurance is thus portrayed by the Telegraph:
" At this time the crowd kept up a pretty lively fuss, but when the speaker ended his description of how Norwood was nominated", the excitement and confusion became o^ erwhelming. Gentlemen advised the Governor to cease, but he refused. No one could be heard for a long time. Finally Captain Bacon addressed them, and in a sharp speech

" When the speaker could be heard he attacked Norwood's war and senate record, but the confusion became so great that even the reporters within a few feet of him could not hear his words. Some one said something about Joe Brown, and the governor

democrat ; had voted the ticket for"twelve years ; had acted with the democratic com mission in Florida. He had voted for Grant ; the democrats had voted for Greeley ; he had favored the reconstruction measures ; the democrats had. afterwards endorsed them ; he had not always been a democrat, but there were whigs in the crowd around him.
i his lips in a torrent of writhing sarcasm, and, wearied,
This occurrence will afford some conception of the desperate crusade a.o-aiiist Grov. Colquitt, and of the lengths to which this stormy canvass ran. Here was the Executive of the State insulted by a howling- mob; here was an officer whose record had been assailed, refused a hearing- in reply to his assailant. The incident made hundreds of votes for Grov. Colquitt. His splendid bearing-, under this trying- ordeal, demonstrated the g-ame quality in the man that all men so rrmch admire. The stirringIncidents of this canvass would fill a volume of the most dramatic type. It was a curious feature of it all, that the drift and the noise seemed to belong- to the minority. The huzzaing- and fire appeared overwhelming-ly on that side. It looked like Grov. Colquitt was being* swept away, yet to the critical and posted observer it was apparent that the great heart of the people, in its trust for him, was true and untouched. Strong leaders, one after another, threw themselves into the current ag-ainst him, and unavailingly added their best energies for his defeat.
Ex-Chief Justice Hiram Warner, ex-Gov. James M. Smith, ex-United States Senator H. V. M. Miller, Geri. A. R. Lawton, Hon. Rufus E.

f

NORWOOD'S HEAVY SUPPORT OF LEADERS.

593

Laster, Gen. Robert Toombs, Gen. Wm. T. Wofford, Col. J. C. C. Black, Hon. Milton A. Candler, Maj. Joseph Ganahl, Hon. A. P. Adams, Saml. H. Jemison, Esq'., S. B. Spencer, Esq., H. Van Epps, Esq., Col. John D. Ashton, Samuel W. Small, Hon. Louis F. Garrard, Hon. Mark Blanford, Hon. Thomas W. Grimes, Col. J. T. Jordan, Gen. Eli Warren, Hon. Nelson Tift, W. M. Bray, Rev. J. R. Respess, Col. David E. But ler, Mr. -Walter G. Charlton, Mr. Alvin Freeman, Dr. H. H. Carlton and others, joined in the affray and spoke or wrote letters against Colquitt. An effective worker on the Norwood side was Col. George "W. Adair, brimful of resources and expedients, and of a sleepless energy, and withal one of the wittiest of speakers. There was a close canvass of the whole State, and in many places elaborate discussions. Perhaps the attitude of Gov. Smith created the most varied commentary. It had been charged, that when he accepted the office of Commissioner of Railroads from Gov. Colquitt, he had stated that he would resign, it whenever he antagonized his administration. Be this as it may, the criticism upon him was not kind, and in his speech in Atlanta he said he would resign, but it should be to------Gov. Norwood that he tendered his resignation. His speeches were very aggressive. He and Gen. Gordon struck at each other sharply.
Gov. Smith commented severely upon Gen. Gordon as urging that Gov. Colquitt was " persecuted for floating the banner of the King of Kings." And he continued with sarcasm:

of holy men have enlisted to teach Sunday sch ools, but who has felt himself commi sioned to visit the camps of these poor unfortu ates, and teach them the way of salv tion? Has our Governor ever done so? If so, hen and where? [Continued applaus from whites and blacks.]"
To this Gen. Gordon made the telling- reply:
"But Governor Smith makes his climax against the present administration, when he charges that Governor Colquitt does not preach to the convicts. [Laughter and ap plause.] Of all the marvelous tilings which have transpired in this marvelous campaign, the most remarkable and farcical is the spectacle of James Milton Smith lecturing Alfred H. Colquitt upon his duty as a Christian. [Great laughter and cheering.] Why, I thought the charge against Colquitt was that he spent too much time running around to Sunday schools, and was neglecting on this account his duty as Governor; but it seems that this was all a mistake, and that the real complaint is that he did not do enough running about. [Laughter.] Fellow-citizens, it would take forty of the best lawyers in Georgia to tell what Governor Colquitt's opponents would have him to do. In
enough. [Laughter and applause.]" 38

594

GORDOX AXD GOVERNOR SMITH.

This was keen sparring between, these strong- talkers. Another practical matter that was the subject of a racy tilt between these gentlemen, was the endorsement of the ISTorth Eastern Bonds. Said Gov. Smith:
" The opinion of Attorney General Ilammoiid was adverse to the indorsement, and the same I hold has never been nor can be successfully met. It is still on file in the ex ecutive office. Disregarding all these, however, the Governor at last allowed himself to be persuaded to make the indorsement. But not until after the ratification of the constitution of 1877, which provides that the credit of the State shall not be pledged in

was sworn to obey, took away from the Governor, and from every other official, the power to pledge the credit of the State in such cases. Nevertheless the Governor, in the face of this provision of the constitution, made this pledge. The constitution said he should not do it. But he made the pledge. He swore to obey the constitution. I make no comment upon this. [Applause.]"
Gen. Gordon thus replied to this assault, the interruptions showingthe fever of excitement that prevailed:
" Bat Governor Smith places his chief objection to Colquitt's endorsement on the ground that Attorney General Ilammoiid, the former Attorney General of the State, had ad vised against the endorsement. Well, if Attorney General Hammond's opinion ought

to have controlled Governor Smith, who did appoint him to office. Mr. Hammond was Governor Smith's legal adviser when lie was in the Executive chair. Mr. Hammond was not Governor Colquitt's legal adviser, since he occupied that chair. Governor Colquitt's legal adviser (Major Ely) did not advise against Governor Colquitt's indorsement of the North-eastern Railroad bonds, and Governor Colquitt therefore, with the advice of the ablest counsel, gave the indorsement. Governor Smith's legal adviser did advise

turned a deaf ear to his legal adviser and indorsed them notwithstanding. Governor Colquitt, with the advice of able lawyers, indorsed for a broad gauge road at the rate of SG,000 per mile. Governor Smith, contrary to the advice of his own Attorney General, indorsed for a narrow gauge road to the amount of $12,000 a mile. Governor Col quitt's indorsement never cost the State one dollar in money. Governor Smith's in dorsement cost the State the loss of nearly or quite a half million dollars. [Cries of " Give it to him," " Hurrah for Gordon," "" Hurrah for Smith," Laughter and hisses.] Governor Smith indorsed for the North and South Road, to the extent of S240,000 in all. Two hundred thousand of this was lost as principal, besides the interest for twenty years on the bonds which you are bound to pay. But this is not all. Governor Smith indorsed, against the advice of the Attorney General, for another railroad, narrow gauge at that, called the Memphis Branch up here at Rome, and he lost the State nearly every dollar of that money. [Laughter.] This railroad has long since gone " where the woodbine twineth." [Great laughter, cheers and hisses.] It is among the things that were. [Laughter.] There is not a car, nor engine, nor bar of iron, nor cross tie left to mark the place where it once was. [Laughter.] Colquitt, according to Governor Smith, is a very weak Gover nor. Well, I am glad he has left no such monument of strength as this. [Applause J I rejoice that he was not strong enough to brave the advice of his own Attorney General

TIIK REPUBLICAN" COXVKXTIOX.

595

and pocket such a loss for Georgia. [Great applause.] Oh, my countrymen, what do you think of this warfare made upon Governor Colquitt by an ex-Governor who indorses one narrow gauge railroad for $240,000, and then buys it for $40,OOO--[cheers and hisses]--and who indorses for another narrow gauge road and loses it all except the pittance for which the iron and cars sold, leaving nothing else save the bare and gullied earth where it once was. [Loud cheering.]'3
Both speeches \vere delivered at Columbus, though at different times. These speeches will also give an idea of the heat pervadingthis acrimonious contest. Against the powerful array of Norwood orators were enlisted and speaking- for Gov. Colquitt, Gren. John B. Gordon, Col. Raphael J. Moses, Col. John D. Stewart, Gen. O. C. Home, G. W. Mabry, Esq., Grigsby E. Thomas, Esq., Walter B. Hill, Esq., B. W. Batterson, Esq., Hon. I. E. Shumate, Col. J. A. W. John son, W. C. Glenn,-Col. Jenks Jones, Geo. Fry, Willis Hawkins, David Vason, J. A. Billups, and others. The odds in the number of orators were against Gov. Colquitt.
One of the Colquitt papers presented a list of the Norwood leaders, showing that the majority of them had been defeated candidates for some place and shrewdly surmised that the movement was a powerful effort to build up a new party, that would bring- the " outs " in, arid the extraordinary personal crusade against Colquitt, wTas the selected means to accomplish the end. It was the fact that attack ori Colquitt was the weapon of opposition. Mr. Norwood had his point of assault written out under some sixteen heads or more, and the document wTas so bulky that the huge and formidable indictment evoked a storm of badinage and retort. It certainly was an incongruous thing that so many ordinarily conservative men were eng-aged in this bitter personal campaign, so foreign to them, and so inconsistent with their character. It was a deeper motive than one man's alleged shortcomings.
The Republican convention met on the 7th of September, 1880, after the split. It was composed chiefly of colored delegates. The question of the Republicans nominating a candidate for Governor was a very important one. The Republican Executive Committee of the State had questioned their own authority to act, and had called a convention of nine delegates from each Congressional District. W. A. Rleclg-er, a bright young colored man, was Chairman of the Executive Committee, and called the convention to order. "W. J. White was elected Bresiclent. The convention was a very turbulent one, but still quite unanimous. Col. Jonathan Norcross was a delegate, and offered a resolution for the Republicans to support Norwood. He made a speech supporting- his resolution, and declaring that he had a letter from Marshall Jewell, say

596

THE n^AL SI.AKDEE.

ing- it was for the interest of the Republican party to go for Norwood. A hot discussion ensued. The convention finally passed a resolution by 72 yeas to 9 nays, to make no nomination. This left the Republi cans free to vote for whom they pleased. The colored voter was a strongfactor in the contest, and was sought by both sides. The penitentiary lease system entered very larg-ely into the canvass. A number of col ored speakers took the stump on both sides.
Gen. "Wofford made the most effective talks to the negroes, and was very potential in changing them to Norwood. The battle waxed hotter as it rieared the election day. The whole State was in a turmoil. The papers were filled with the notes of the angry strife. In the midst of the stormiest time, an incident occurred that gave a tremendous shock to the Norwood cause. Col. Ben. C. Yaricey published a letter charg ing that Gov. Colquitt had drawn from the State $7,500 for the State Agricultural Society, and not accounted for the money. The next day followed the statement of the Secretary of the Society, Col. Malcolm Johnston, showing by the books the charge to be utterly unfounded, and every dollar accounted for. Col. Yancey was in Athens, and seeing the reply of Col. Johnston, he telegraphed his prompt withdrawal of the frightful error. This was the straw that broke the camel's back. The people had before become sickened with the crusade of calumny against the Christian Colquitt.
It was in the unparalleled turbulence of this phase of the conflict when the opposition was thundering its heaviest volleys ag-ainst Col quitt ; when it looked as if an unsparing enmity would be satisfied with nothing less than the moral wreck and political annihilation of a noble Georgian; but when the great public sense and feeling were quivering under an accumulated sense of indignation and injustice, that a chival rous gentleman threw himself, stimulated by his own burning sensibility into the rancorous struggle, and gave eloquent, impassioned and unan swerable utterance to the overmastering popular sentiment that had been hitherto unvoiced. It was a dramatic incident, full of thrillinginspiration. The distinguished and brilliant citizen, who was thus irre sistibly impelled into politics, in which he had taken no part since the surrender, was Gen. Henry R. Jackson. "With every fiber of his intense soul throbbing over the prostitution of a great public election to the defilement of private character, this loyal scion of honor and courage, with the magnificent inspiration that is the child of truth and genius, under the guidance of rig-ht, struck the electrical key-note of the great conflict. It was not a question of policy or politics, of administrations

T

GENERAL, HENRY R. JACIvSON S GREAT SPEECH.

597

or dynasties, it was something grander and more vital; the very exist ence of civilized and Christian society demanded the crushing- rebuke of slander as a political weapon and the protection of private character.
It has often happened that, in a public agitation there has been some crucial idea in the public mind that has been, gathering an overwhelming-

the fact that it incarnated the popular thought. And if, as in this instance, the utterance, so seasonable and suggestive, comes with the entrancing- accompaniments of poetic diction, lofty spirit and glowing eloquence, and with the highest prestige of character in the speaker, it more than bears the impression and wields the spell of resistless inspiration. The people were inflamed. The State was on fire with fierce passion. The mad battle of slander, pursued with reckless audac ity and resisted with desperate resentment, had set the public blood throbbing in feverish pulsations. Every fair-minded man in the State was in a growing rebellion against the horrible drift of the campaign. At this opportune moment it was that this gifted Georgian, Gen. Jack son, the very instrument for such a mission, born an orator, unstudied

protest against personal defamation for political purposes, arguing Gc Colquitt's cause \vith an unanswerable logic, and formulating an appeal of resistless power.
Public sentiment had been grossly outraged by a secret campaign pamphlet, entitled the " CONVICT CATECHISM," meant to put the negro vote against Gov. Colquitt, appealing to the worst prejudices of the blacks, dealing in the vilest falsehoods, and doing great injury to our State abroad in furnishing material for aspersing the verv civilization of the Commonwealth. The direct charge of personal dishonesty against the Governor, circumstantially given by a responsible gentleman, and withdrawn in twenty-four hours upon the presentation of facts, easily in his access, fired the State, and brought the campaign of calumny to an explosive focus. The time and the people were both ripe for Gen. Jackson's transcendent and potential effort----his sing-le, unsurpassable conclusive speech. The following extract from that address will afford some conception of its style and influence:
" I ask every true-hearted man who listens to my voice, whether, if he had been one
simply believed that the charges against him were yet to be proved--whether lie could

598

GENERAL HENRY R. JACKSON'S ELOQUENT SPEECH.

have obtained his own consent to surrender that candidate to such a fate ? [Cheers.] I am aware that it is not wise to indulge in strong words, and yet I cannot restrain my self from saying that the delegates who declared upon the floor that rather than do it they would " rot in their seats/' commanded my cordial sympathy. [Cheers.] It has been contended by gentlemen, who possess my highest esteem, that Governor Colquitt's supporters, having themselves adopted the two-thirds rule for the control of the conven tion, and he having failed to obtain a two-thirds vote, the majority could not honorably recommend him for election, and Gov. Colquitt could not honorably present himself as a candidate to the people. This is a conclusion which I cannot accept. [Applause.] My whole nature rises up in resistance to it. If I be allowed to refer to myself, I have no hesitancy in saying that, were my name placed before such a convention, and were I to lose the nomination, not simply by failing to secure a two-thirds vote in my favor, but by a two-thirds vote against me, and were I to be satisfied that this result had been reached through the belief of charges involving my integrity or my personal honor, made falsely against me, I would unfurl my flag of resistance, though it might seem to others the frailest of rags. [Cheers.] I would write my declaration of war, though the words might be traced on the sands of the seashore. [Cheers.]^ I would challenge the juris diction of any nominating political convention to pronounce condemnation upon me un heard ; I would, indeed, appeal to my own people for a hearing ; would call forth each of my peers to listen to my words, and to look an honest man in the eye ; and if after all, their verdict should be rendered against me, while the hair would grow whiter on my head and the wrinkles grow deeper in my brow, and the very earth upon the verge of my grave crumble and falter beneath my feet, I would at least sink into its embrace, proudly conscious of carrying with me a heart which had not been untrue to itself, which had not tamely yielded to the despotism of a lie. [Greet cheering.] A man's country

his honor--never ! never ! never ! [Cheers.] That is something between himself, his con science, his prosperity, and his God. Let us beware that, in the excitement of tempo rary conflict, we do not trample upon heaven-born principles which must outlive the stars !
" The conclusion cannot be questioned that the minority of the convention, by their action during its session, and by placing a candidate in nomination after its adjourn ment, practically resolved themselves into the grand inquest of a criminal court, with the prosecutor and the State's counsel enrolled among their number, and proceeded to pre fer an indictment before the people of Georgia. [Applause.] They have thus made of every voter a petit juror to try the issue of guilt or innocence. I have not failed to pursue the argument of the case, in some instances falling from the most eminent lips, and yet wholly ineffective to control my convictions. I have seen that charges, involving absolute personal infamy, have been solemnly, and yet most remarkably made. The honorable withdrawal of such may indeed rectify the personal ; I do not think it can wholly rectify the public mischief. Despicable appliances have been resorted to, which,

flict, are practically responsible for their appearance. [Applause.] Under these cir cumstances, the fact that I was myself at one time opposed to Gov. Colquitt; that I, too, have made complaints of him, never in public, but among my friends, has made me feel the more restless, and the more anxious to repair any mischief which might pos sibly result from a word of mine. [Applause.] Before the wrongs which, in my judg ment, have been inflicted upon him, anything of which I may have complained, has been

THE BKOWIST APPOINTMENT.

599

constrained ' to pale its ineffectual fire.' [Applause.] And now, as the canvass draws to a close, so far as I am capable of forming a correct judgment, tlie calm, exhaustive letter which he wrote at the beginning, remains unanswered, and in all essentials is a good defense. Therefore have I raised my voice here in his support, and will hereafter, cordially give him my vote." [Great cheering.]
The effect of this speech on those who heard it was indescribable. Cheer upon cheer followed in deafening- succession. It was copied all over the State, and thousands sent out by mail. It struck a universal feeling-, and met with an endorsing- response everywhere.
One of the main issues of the campaig-n was the Brown appointment, and, in consequence, Gov. Brown flung- himself into the strug-g-le with his whole strong- energy. But this issue was curiously complicated. Col. Norwood ignored it entirely, though Gen. Lawtori, who was run ning- for the United States Senate, upon a magnificent presentation of his name by the people of Chatham county, for that august office, took bold ground against Gov. Colquitt, in conflict with the usual consider ations of prudential policy that govern candidates. Gen. Wofford, who was supporting Norwood, favored Brown for the Seriate. Gen. Toombs took no stock in the slanders upon Colquitt, but opposed the Brown appointment. It was right amusing when Gen. ^Wrofford was booked for a speech at Columbus, where Gov. Brown had many opponents, that he should have been alarmed away by the threatened development of Ins support of Brown.
The gubernatorial and senatorial issues ran along- tog-ether. Gov. Colquitt warmly championed his appointment of Brown, meeting- that issue handsomely, and planting- himself squarely upon its propriety. Gen. Lawton. arid Gov. Brown were worthy foemen, but the contest was not equal. Gen. Lawton stood at that terrible disadvantage result ing when a strong man is shorn of his strength. He was handicapped by Norwood's cause, and carried a double burden. He had many friends among Gov. Colquitt's supporters, yet his course drove them from his cause with a few exceptions, notably the powerful Chronicle and Constitutionalist of Augusta. Gov. Brown had his own massive backing, and he had Gov. Colquitt's too, almost unbroken, since the defeat of Brown was the condemnation of Colquitt on a question involving alike official honor and personal integrity. It was a strikingfeature of this whole campaign that nearly every issue was foolishly freighted by the minority with some uncornpromisable question of sacred character, to have yielded which would have been an unforg-ivable and crushing- dishonor in Gov. Colquitt, arid desertion in his friends.

600

GOVERNOR COLQUITT S ACTIVE FRIENDS.

And this very overmastering- subject of conflict of Gov. Brown's appointment as United States Senator carried with it the vital repute of Colquitt, Brown and Gordon. The opposition made a controlling matter of a simple act, practically unimportant, properly regarded.
The mere filling1 of a three weeks' vacancy in as hig-h an office as United States Senator was a trivial occurrence. When it was con strued, to involve betrayal of Senatorial trust in Gordon, barter of Gu bernatorial integrity in Colquitt, and the base purchase of distinction by Brown, it became magnified into overwhelming- import, it comprehended the transcendent idea of the purity of public service, and it engendered inevitably a conflict of personal disgrace and political extermination. And the intensity and desperation of the struggle were proportioned to the magnitude of the cause. Gov. Brown has never been a mediocre political fighter. He gave to this supreme contest his best effort of brain, experience and energy. He rallied his vast legion of personal and political friends to Gov. Colquitt's support. Pie devoted every resource of his extraordinary management to this conflict.
Effective work was done in all parts of the State by enthusiastic coadjutors for the Colquitt cause, f A series of unusually trenchant and arg-umentative articles upon the issues appeared in the Macon Telegraph and 3fessenger, over the signature of " No-Axe." | Their author was Walter B. Hill, Esq.^ one of the foremost young la)wyers in the State. Among those who did a large work in their localities were ; Dr. W. H. Pilcher of Warren, H. W. Hopkins of Thomas, E, F. Lawson and Jenks Jones of Burke, Judge E. R. Harden of Brooks, Judge T. G. Holt and Charles Bartlett of Bibb, Phillip M. Russell and Gen. George P. Harrison of Chatham, G. E. Thomas and H. Bussey of Columbus, A. D. Abrahams of Lag-range, A. L. Hawes of Baker, G. W. Mabry of Glyrm, Judge W. D. Nottingham of Houston, Col. J. W. Preston of Jasper, Col. M. C. Fulton of McDuffie, Col. H. R. Harris of Merriwether, Col. L. F. Livingston of Newton, C. M. Bozeman, Gen. O. C. Home and George T. Jordon of Pulaski, B. F. Adams of Putnair, Judge W. F. Eve of Richmond, B. D. Evans and T. J. Smith of Washington, Col. W. A. Harris of "Worth, Dr. H. R. Casey of Colum bia, R. L. Barry, and a host of others. Dr. Casey has been a prominent figure in State politics, and stands among the first citizens of Georg-ia.
The day of election came, and the result was such an overwhelming victory for Gov. Colquitt, and crushing defeat for the minority candi date as to excite a wonder that so small an opposition had been able to make such a deceiving show of strength, as indicated by the noise.

GOVERNOR COLQUITT'S GREAT VICTORY.

601

The whole vote was, 182,353. Gov. Colquitt received of these, 118,349, and Col. Norwood, 64,004. Gov. Colquitt's astounding majority was 54,345. The import of this triumph may be estimated by comparison. In the large Northern States, where there are from a half to threequarters of a million of voters, majorities run to a few thousand only in heated contests, and a 40,000 majority is something exceptional. The people spoke in no uncertain voice, and \vith an overmastering emphasis. And the condemnation of personal slander as a political weapon was befitting our great State. Hon. Clifford Anderson was elected Attorney General, Hon. N. C. Barnett, re-elected Secretary of State, Hon. \\rm. A. Wright elected Comptroller General, and Hon. Daniel N. Speer, Treasurer.
The State House offices were in the main most admirably filled, and well organized. The Executive Department proper had the original staff of the Governor nearly entire. Major J. W. Warren and Col. I. W. Avery, \vere and are the Executive Secretaries, Col. John 13. Baird, the Adjutant General, Mr. R. A. Murphy the Warrant Clerk, and Col. T. C. Howard, in charge of the minutes. Col. Baird has taken a zealous interest in the organization of the Military department, whose present status is largely due to his labors. Mr. Murphy is a tall, dark-bearded gentleman, of uniform suavity of manner, and a most pleasant associate. The Comptroller's assistants'are Robert A. Hard email, one of the most accomplished book-keepers and rapid and tasty penmen of the State, a brother of Col. Thomas Hardeman, arid a marvel of figures, memory and correctness, Dr. William King arid Mr. Will Haralson. Mr. Speer, the Treasurer, is aided by his brother, W. J. Speer, and both are close business g-entlemen. The State Librarian is Mr. Frank L. Haralson, a handsome and bright young lawyer, talented arid aspiring', arid with the promise of both legal and political distinction before him. Capt. John W. Nelms, the Principal keeper of the Penitentiary, a faithful official, and a true man, has his half brother, Mr. Turner, doing his clerical work. Prof. Gustavus J. Orr, State School Commissioner, has for his assistant, Col. Mark Johnston, one of the most pleasant and efficient of the State House attaches. The staff of Col. John T. Henderson is a strong one, composed of Mr. J. R. Redding, Mr. J. S. Newman, "Win. H. Howell and W. B. Henderson, all attentive and skilled in their duties. Col. N. C. Barnett has had with him for ye^ars a gallant officer of the Confederacy, Col. J. F. Jones, who well suits his venerable and irreproachable chief.
The Legislature elected, which convened on the 3d of November, 1880,

602

JOSEPH E. BKOW;N~ ELECTED SENATOR.

gave an overwhelming endorsement of the appointment of Gov. Brown as United States Senator by Gov. Colquitt, by electing1 him to the august responsibility over his worthy and distinguished competitor, Gen. A. II. Lawton, by a vote of 146 for Brown, to 64 for Lawton, or 82 majority in 210 votes. I3oth Gov. Brown arid. Gen. Lawton gave public utterance to their views. It was a right suggestive contest in its philosophical aspects, and it was an even, fair battle, honorably fought and uriobjectionably won. The issues were clearly presented by these illustrious intellectual foemen. The night before the election, Gov. Brown made a speech in De Gives Opera House in Atlanta, in which he made an explicit declaration of his opinions. He reviewed the course of the Democratic party, and his own position, on the recon struction measures, and the fourteen and fifteen constitutional amend ments; and showed conclusively, that his present position on those questions wras identical with that occupied by him in 1868; and that he now stood upon the precise platform occupied at present by the Demo cratic party on those questions. He took position in favor of a faith ful and just execution of the constitutional amendments in letter and spirit. He was for a free ballot and a fair count. Laying aside obso lete issues, he favored a broad progressive statesmanship, embracing in its benefits every section of the Union. " The world, moves," said ho, " and we must move with it." It was one of the ablest and most remarkable speeches of the age--a bold, advanced, progressive enunci ation of public sentiment. An anonymous writer, " John Temple," in the Sunday Banner, gave a sketch of the scene that is well worthy of preservation as a clever piece of word-painting.
"I sat in the Opera House the othe: light and watched i "A crowded house--the beauty and ti the blaze of gas-light : an eager, 1 lliant

of music from a band of Union soldier , a brief demonstration as the prominent figures in the General Assembly filed in and took seats upon the stage, and then a pause, a hush, arid a burst of passionate applause as a gray-bearded and attenuated man walked awkwardly in.
" The members of the Assembly arose and bowed profoundly. " The gray beard bowed ungracefully in return. " Its wearer sunk into a sofa, and, while the baud played a stirring lyric, we had time to scan him well. " Nothing in the man's appearance or manner suggested the idea of a more than

A VIVID CONTRAST.

603

bearded figure, sitting there so quietly under the glare of the footlights, faced the eve of a consummated and realized ambition for which he had watched and -waited, toiled, planned and hoped for a weary life-time.
" It was a singular face--iiot a line or a curve that suggested birth or blood ; not a touch of the aristocrat had been born of the twenty years of affluence that had rolled over him ; a calm face, with a wonderful depth of quiet patience and tranquil determi nation in 'its placid outlines--the face of a man who would have smiled calmly at the stake, not from warrior pride or fortitude, but because the equable pulse of his disci plined and philosophical temperament accepted the inevitable.
"And now he sat, facing a to-morrow that would bring, with a certainty which he had calculated to<,a mathematical nicety, the realization of his life-dream.
" It had come at last. "From the plow handles to the helm of State, from Gaddistown to the National Cap itol, and from handling- the rope that ' gee'd ' or ' havv'd ' the famous ' bull' to handling
the reins that veered the Government. " He rose to speak. His first sentence, awkward like himself, spoken in the vernacu
lar of the masses, proclaimed himself of the people--a commoner indeed. But there was a homely strength in what he said, a practical vein, of thought, a well-defined and

" There was the air of the soldier about this mail. His erect carriage, his easy and yet faultless dignity of dress and manner, the perfect grace of movement, the firm mouth and the strong lines of the handsome face, with the flashing eye, all proclaimed the old blooded Southerner, fme-fibered and high-mettled as an Arab steed.
" He had the magnetism and clash of a born leader. * * * " The man in the gallery was the rival of the man oil the stage. The priz.e to be awarded on the morrow was sought by both, but the winner was already known. " The patrician in the gallery, throned in the hearts of Georgia's chivalry, had reached out his white hands, and pointing to his bright record and his stainless charac ter, had asked this splendid gift of the State. And she said to him, ' Nay !' with a pang at her heart.
" The plebeian 011 the stage, deified in the reason of the people, had pointed his thin, patient fingers to the pregnant future, which his 'judgment' alone could utilize to their advantage, and said, ' I am one of you. Give me this! '
" And with utter faith they gave it to him. " The people loved Lawtori's purity and his shining character. " They trusted Brown's sagacity and his wonderful management. "There the two men sat, in the struggle for the best honor in the gift of the State. And I could not help thinking of the forces and ideas that were at stake in the contest between them. It was the last close struggle for supremacy between the spirit that ruled the old South and the spirit of the new South. The old South was a South of traditions, of sentiments, chivalric memories, of heroic impulses. The new South is a South of conservative tendencies, of practical ambitions, of democratic ideas."

604

SENATOR BROWN'S SERVICE.

The scene was certainly an impressive one, and the result it prefaced was invested with a vivid arid philosophical interest. It is a pretty idea that contending- forces of variant systems of civilization were involved. Perhaps they were to some extent. 13ut there could be no better representatives of the best of the Old and New South, than either Gov. Brown or Gen. Lawton, while Gov. Colquitt arid Gen. Gordon stood as striking1 types of the most cherished sentiments and practices of our ante-war civilization. The result had a two-fold significance. It was, to a considerable extent, personal in noting- the restoration of public confidence to Gov. Brown as well as harvesting- the fruits of the recent victory. And it demonstrated the determination of an honorable but practical people to conform to the new order of things to the fullest extent necessary for the public welfare.
The election of Joseph E. Brown to the United States Senate by a Legislature so representatively Democratic, over a competitor so for midable, and who would, have received the cordial support of the body under other circumstances; and after so full, free and searching* a test of the issue on its merits, was as fair a triumph as has ever been won in the State. And it was a victory for both Gov. Colquitt and ex-Gov. Brown. The element of Gov. Brown's pre-eminent capacity for the great trust entered largely into this battle, and his career as a Senator in the session of Congress of 1880 and 1881 crowningly verified the anticipation of his usefulness. He had in the three brief weeks of his appointment in 1880 placed himself immediately among the foremost factors of the august body he entered. In the first lengthy session of his elective term he continued conspicuously and prominently his strong arid valuable service. He made a number of speeches that seized the attention of the Senate and people. He steadily grew in influence and prestige. He became a recognized party leader. He made a strong speech upon the important subject of establishing an educational fund. His interest in the cause of free and liberal education has been earnest and unceasing. Perhaps the most effective speech that he made was on the " Peculiar Coincidence " in the determination of Senator Mahone of Virginia to support the Republican party in effecting, an organiza tion of the United States Senate.
That memorable contest is recent in memory. Senator Mahoiic, a Democrat, gave the Republicans a majority by his vote, and his friends Gorham arid Riddleberger were nominated for Secretary and Sergeant at Arms by the Republican caucus. The contest between the Demo crats and Republicans over the organization of the Senate continued

HIGH OPIXIOXS OF SENATOR BROWjST.

605

for weeks. The Democrats refused to go into the election of these officers after the committees had been organized. The Republicans refused to go into Executive session to transact the business requiring attention. Many of the Democrats wore for yielding. It was Senator Brown who held them to the policy of resistance, a policy that finally succeeded and that gave new strength and courage to the somewhat demoralized Democratic party.
Senator Hill first uncovered the position of Senator Mahone, and Grov. Brown demonstrated the matter, and was fiercely assailed by Mahone, to whom he made a crushing reply. The matter illustrated that peculiar quality of successful leadership for which Grov. Brown has been so remarkable in his long and varied life. Senator Lamar said of him that " the ease, dignity and power with which he estab lished himself as one of the leaders of the Senate was simply marvelous." Mr. Hill, his colleague, could not find words to express his esti mate of Grov. Brown's " discretion, sagacity and inflexible patriotic sentiments." Senator Conkling said that he " looked to see Senator Brown one of the most notable men in the country." Senator McDonald of Indiana uttered this strong encomium:
" He is one of the most valuable additions made to the Democratic force in the senate for years. More than that, he is a senator whose influence will he felt all over the country. He seemed to recognize instantly upon coming into the seriate that it was not a debating society, but strictly a practical business body. He therefore became at once

both sides of the chamber.' He can be a power for good in the practical questions that must be settled now that sentimental issues have died out."
These strong opinions from the highest sources will show how Sena tor Brown impressed himself upon the strong brains of the Senate. His political stature to-day cannot be estimated. He is in the very ripest maturity of his potential faculties, and has the largest possible arena for their exercise, a domain of distinction and usefulness com mensurate to any man's abilities. He is fortified by his religious ante cedents and connections, and his Christian liberality is an undying- monu ment to the man. Mr. J. P. Harrison in his book of Baptist celebrities just published, thus speaks of his charities.
" Through life he has been a most liberal giver ; yet his charities have been so unos tentatious that few if any are aware of their extent. Some, of his donations have necessarily been public, and a few of them it may be well to mention.
" He contributed $800 to the building of the Sixth Baptist Church of Atlanta ; Si ,000 to the Georgia Baptist Orphans' Home; $1,000 to Mercer University; $500 to the Southern Baptist Convention ; $500 for an organ for the Second Baptist church of At-

606

THE LEGISLATURE OP 1880-81.

larita ; $3,000 for repairs and additions to the same church ; $500 (some years ago) to the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, and recently (1880) 350,000 to the same institution; and last year lie contributed $800 towards the payment of his pastor's

simply innumerable."
He holds a larg-e variety of heavy trusts: President of the "Western Atlantic Railroad Compam^ President of the Dade Coal Company, working1 350 hands, President of the "Walker Iron and Coal Company, working over 300 hands, and making 75 tons of iron per day, Presi dent of the Southern Railway and Steamship Association, including the transportation companies interested in Southern traffic, Presi dent of the Board of Education of Atlanta, etc. These large responsi bilities practically testify to the versatile genius of this masterful character, and give augury, that in the near future we may expect alike in great business enterprises, and august political achievement that Senator Brown, will enlarge his own fame and give luster to our State.
The Congressional election resulted in a fine corps of Representatives, viz.: George R. Black, Henry Gc. Turner, Philip Cook, Hugh Buchanan, N. J. Hammond, James H. Blount, Judson C. Clements, Alexander H. Stephens, Emory Speer. These gentlemen have been alluded to in this work. Col. Black has been identified for years in high place with the State Agricultural Society, and is a handsome, talented person, a fine specimen of our Southern gentlemen. Col. 1ST. J. Hammond has been a member of the Constitutional Conventions of 1865 and 1877, and Attorney General of the State, under Grov. Smith's administration, and is now serving his second term in Congress. He is one of the best equipped men we have in public life, -with uncommon powers of intel lect, information and eloquence. Somewhat of a cold and exclusive individual, with little popular -warmth, he has, by sheer force of intellec tual power and available public capacity, clutched high trust. He is a marked character, strong and brilliant, and his future is one of large promise.
The Legislature of 1880 and 1881, elected Col. James S. Boynton President of the Senate, and Hon. A. O. Bacon, Speaker of the Plouse. Col. Boynton is a tall, stately, dignified gentleman of sterling ability, the very highest possible character, and of most agreeable manners. He has made an admirable presiding officer, and both he and Mr. Bacon are prominently spoken of for Governor. Among the more experienced members, who have been mentioned before, we find in the Senate, A. C. Westbrook, R. L. McWhorter, "Win. B. Butt, H. D. McDaniel, W. P.

THE PEKSOXEI/LE OF THE T.EGIST.ATUKE.

607

Price, J. M. "Wilson, S. M. H. Byrcl, B. C. Dugg-ar, R. T. Fouche and A. T. Hackett. In the House of the better-known legislators were: P. Barrow, AY. S. Basinger, J. B. Estes, L. F. Garrard, A. H. Gray, AY. M. Hammond, A. L. Miller, N. L. Hutchins, T. AY. Milrier, AAr . J. Northern, E. A. Perkins, J. H. Polhill, AY. R. Rankin, M. P. Reese, H. M. Sapp, J. L. Singleton, J. M. Smith, H. D. D. Twiggs, P. B. AYhittle, AA^. M. AYillingham, C. T. Zachry.
Mr. Pope Barrow has been a most useful member with an unusual capacity for legislative work, and a happy vigor arid courtesy in dis cussion. Col. AAr. S. Basing-er is one of the most original and. intellec tual members, a gentleman of thought, conviction and culture. Jutlg*e H. D. D. Twiggs has taken a high prominence, a fluent, ornate and eloquent speaker. Pie had graced the Bench, and he was equally and conspicuously at home in the legislative halls. The other gentlemen have been sketched in this volume. This legislative body has been unusually rich, in bright young men, just entering- public life.
Hon. P. AAT . Meldrim, in the Senate, has made a brilliant reputation. Representing- the critical constituency of the 1st District, including Savannah, a handsome, thorough-bred looking gentleman, with a pecul iarly silvery elocution, he has at once become a legislative leader. Dr. R. B. Harris, E. P. S. Denmark, A. L. Hawes, James G. Parks, Du Pont Guerry, S. G. Jordan, John S. Reicl, AY. J. AYinri, B. F. Payne, are new men. These are all promising- young- Senators. Among- the yJ ouo ng Rl epr. es^ entatives are F. G. Du Bigonon,J a classic y.7 oungto gfc>entleman,> making- gems of exquisite speeches, and carrying important measures affecting his constituents with a wonderful sxiccess; J. C. Branson, Reese Crawford, son of Martin J. Crawforcl, AY. C. Carter, J. M. Dupree, E. F. Du Pree, F. C. Foster, Henry Hillyer, J. J. Hunt; Davenport Jackson, son of Gen. Henry R. Jackson; H. C. Jones, J. J. Ivimsey; Lucius M. Lramar, Colonel of the famous 8th Georgia Regiment, in the Avar, and ripe now for congressional honors; T. AAr. Lamb, Edwin Martin, J. H. Martin; S. AY. Mays, of Richmond, a brilliant young- lawyer; AY. H. Patterson, AY. A. Post, AY. AY. Price, F. P. Rice, H. C. Roney, L. L. Stanford, Dr. C. M. Summerlin, J. L. Sweat, AY. B. AYingfield, W. C. AYinslow; Seaborn. AYright, a rare young1 orator, gifted by inherit ance with eloquence from his silver-tongued father, Judge Aug. R. AYright. Mr. J. T. Youngblood and U. B. AYilkinson must not be omitted from the valuable new members, though not young- men.
The work of this body has not been very valuable, while it has illus trated the impolicy of biennial sessions and the impracticability of the

608

GOVEEXOK COLQUITT'S AIDS.

laws on local legislation. This legislature has been singularly illiberal in many respects, and yet it has expended nearly a quarter million of dollars beyond the State expenses. It refused to begin the construc tion of a, much-needed new capitol; it declined to even make a bid upon some valuable colonial records of the State, on sale in England; it killed a general temperance law; it left the railroad commission law practically unchanged; it voted $165,000 to enlarge the lunatic asylum; it authorized the expenditure of $18,000 for a new revision of the code made by Geo. N. Lester, W. B. Hill, and it has improved the convict laws without any radical changes.
It elected as Judges of the Superior Court the following- gentle men: William O. Fleming, George Hillyer, James R. Brown, James T. Willis, J. C. Fain, F. M. Longlej-, S. W. Harris, William B. Fleming, John D. Stewart, R. W. Carswell, E. H. Pottle and C. F. Crisp. A new judicial circuit has been created, the North Eastern, and Hon. C. J. Wellborn elected the Judge. During Gov. Colquitt's administration the following Aids were appointed on his staff: Col. B. B. Ferrill, of Savannah, a pleasant and public-spirited young gentleman, of one of the old families of that city, and Col. W. D. Mann of Albany; and recently Lt. Col. J. H. Estill, the proprietor of the Savannah JVetos, one of the first citizens of Georgia, Lt. Col. L. C. Jones, of Atlanta, and Lt. Col. T. W.. H. Harris, of Rome. Of Col. John B. Baird, who, under the new law, was appointed by the Governor Adjutant General of the State, with the rank of Colonel, the convention of military officers that met in July, 1880, in Rome, passed the following complimentary reso lution in appreciation of his services in this department, the resolution being offered by Lt. Col. Magruder:
" Whereas, Col. John B. Baird accepted appointment as Adjutant General of Georgia, and has zealously and laboriously discharged the duties of that office without compen-

" Resolved, That in behalf of the Georgia Volunteers we do hereby express our high appreciation of the valuable and gratuitous services thus rendered, and we commend him as a faithful and efficient officer."

CHAPTER LI.
THE JOURNALISM AND LITERATURE OF GEORGIA.
A fine "Endowment of Press Writers.--The Daily Journals.--A Strong Array of Papers. --Gifted Editors.--Newspapers running- back to the Revolution nearly.--The Weekly Journals.--The Religious Press.--The Literary Periodicals.--A Heavy Corps of News and Political Weeklies, Original, Independent and Progressive.-- A Galaxy of Bright Thinkers and Writers--A Steady Growth of a Vigorous Journalism.--Model Editors.--Georgia's Picturesque Literature.--The very Home of the Nation's Humor.--An Unequaled Quintette of Humorists of wide Repute.-- Our Historians and Biographers.--Men known to the World.--A Glittering Endow ment of Poets of National Fame.--Our Novelists and Miscellaneous Writers.
TAKE them all in all, Georgia has as bright, independent and gifted journalists, and as newsy arid vigoj-ous a batch of papers as any State in the Union. Our press typify admirably the sturdy and self-asserting character of our people, and blend a sparkling vivacity \vith resolute conviction and an admitted ability. It is a matter of undeniable fact that there have been in the past, and are to-day, more notable and brill iant men that have illustrated and adorned our journalism than an}^ State North, East, West or South. There is now a larger endowment of superior press writers connected with the papers of this common wealth than any other can show. We have men that can be pitted against any workers on the continent, witty, tasteful, scholarly, discrim inating, masterful spirits of the pen--whose labor finds a ready market in the metropolitan papers of largest circulation, arid the most critical magazines of the times.
Our ablest statesmen, orators, jurists and business men have been many of them connected with our State press. Some of the most pow erful names among- our people have vivified and given it honor,--among them Alex. H. Stephens, Gen. A. R. Wright, Judge Ciricinnatus Peeples, ex-Gov. H. V. Johnson, Gen. Mirabeau B. Lamar, Col. James Gardner, Gen. Henry R. Jackson, H. W. Hilliard, Samuel Barnett, P. W. Alexander, Gen. Win. M. Browrie, Dr. H. V. M. Miller, Albert R. Lamar, and others. At the present time, as has been stated, wre have a superb array of known arid gifted writers, whose utterances are quoted over the wThole country, and make Georgia a marked State in its able and progressive journalism.
39

610

THE AUGUSTA CHRONICLE AND CONSTITUTIONALIST.

Of the daily press of the State, we can point to Walsh and Randall of the Augusta Chronicle, Moore of the Augusta News, Ho well, Finch, Grady and Harris of the Atlanta Constitution, Clisby and Reese of the Macon Telegraph, Thompson and Richardson of the Savannah News, King of the Columbus Enquirer-Sun, and De "Wolf of the Columbus Times, while H. H. Jones, J. H. Martin and S. W. Small ("Old Si.") still browsing in daily iiewspaperdom, though not editing, are still rec ognized powers of the press. Dr. H. H. Tucker of the Index, Rev. Atticus G. Haygood of the Advocate, and Mrs. Mary E. Bryan of the Sunny South, are among our recognized paper celebrities.
The daily press of Georgia is able, enterprising, independent and financially strong. It has a high reputation abroad. Several of them are among the oldest journals in the country, running- back almost to the Revolution, and enjoying- the distinction of having- been established and edited by very illustrious men. The oldest living paper is the Augusta Chronicle and Constitutionalist, representing two old jour nals, the Chronicle having been founded in 1785, and the Constitution alist in 1799. A history of this powerful consolidation of venerable papers would pretty nearly furnish the chronicles of Georgia for threequarters of a century. Mr. "William Smythe was not the editor of the Chronicle and Sentinel in. 1858, as stated in page 79 of this volume, but James M. Jones was chief editor then. In. 1846--47, James M. Smythe, father of "Win. ~W. Smythe, was assistant editor. The contro versies in 1850 between the Chronicle and Sentinel and "Wm. "W. Smythe, resulted in a duel between Tom Thomas and Smythe, in which the latter, at the third fire was shot in both thighs. In 1859, Mr. Jones employed Mr. V. M. Barnes to aid in editing the Chronicle, which he did with vigor and ability, and in 1860 and 1861, Mr. Barnes was chief editor. In 1863, Mr. Barnes edited the Constitutionalist, and was a member of the Constitutional convention of 1865. The Consti tutionalist, under James Gardner, from 1850 to 1860, was the most potential political paper we have ever had in Georgia, and Gardner would have been Governor on the strength of his editorial power but for an early indiscretion. The two "Wrights, father and son, Ambrose R., better known as " Ranse," and Gregg, were two brilliant writers. The younger, H. G. "Wright, was a witty and felicitous paragrapher, capable of heavy work, arid yet with a sing-ularly happy fund of keen, hearty humor. Its present management is exceedingly able and bright. Patrick "Walsh, James R. Randall, and a sprightly young writer-, Pleas ant Stovall, conduct it. Walsh has fine chances to realize Gardner's

II. G. \VRIGHT.
JAS. R. RAND ALL.
JAMES GARDNER. x AUGUSTA "CHRONICLE."

GEN. AMBROSE R. WRIGHT.
HENRYjg. MOORE.
HON. PATRICK WALSH. AND CONSTITUTIONALIST,"

TI1E COLUMBUS JiXQUIRKK-SU^T, AXU ATHJEXS BA^XJiB.

611

baffled hope of filling- the Executive chair of Georgia, arid giving to his paper the glittering- distinction it so closely escaped a quarter of a cen tury ago, of furnishing the State a Chief Magistrate. Raiidall is perhaps the most scholarly and versatile writer we have on the Georgia press.
The next' paper in seniority is the Columbus Enquirer-Sun, which was established as the Enquirer in 1828, by Mirabeau B. Lamar, who afterwards became so famous as the first President of the Republic of Texas. Gen. Lamar ran the paper until 1830, when he was succeeded by Hon. Henry ~W. Hilliard, recent United States minister to Brazil, who edited it for a year. Gen. Lamar resumed control, in 1834, for a while. S. M. Flournoy was editor, througii various chang-es of proprie torship, from 1834 to 1857, when he, died. Mr. Thomas Ragland was sole and senior proprietor from 1843 to 1873. Mr. Flournoy was a vig orous writer and ardent whig*. John IT. Martin was editor from 1858 to 187G, of whom we have spoken elsewhere. The sons of Mr. Ragland, in 1874, sold the paper to Mr. A. R, Calhoun of Philadelphia, who ran it until 1S7G. Mr. Calhoun made thing-s lively. He cut about at men and measures in a mariner somewhat unusual to our quiet news paper experiences, and kept in an incessant turmoil of editorial and personal conflict. In. 1875 he boug-lit out the tS>.(-n, and adopted the present name of the " Enquirer-Sun.'''' Major TV. L. Salisbury bought out Mr. Calhoun, and conducted the paper, with Mr. J. G. De "Votie as editor. Major Salisbury was assassinated in 1878. Mr. John King-, the present proprietor, bought the paper soon after. Mr. De Votie contin ued as editor until his death, in April, 1881, when. Mr. King* assumed editorial as well as business management. The paper is a model of typographical beauty, and one of the progressive journals of the South. It was made a daily in 1858. Under the enterprising and able manage ment of Mr. King, it wields a powerful influence.
The Athens JSanner, made a daily in 1879, by Dr. H. IT. Carlton, and now owned and edited by that very high type of our best Georgia journalism, J. T. "Waterman, runs back to 1816. Athens took early to the press. The first paper was brought in a wagon from Philadelphia, by Rev. John Hodge, a Presbyterian minister. It lived but a short time; A little sheet was published by Samuel Wright Minor, who was the first editor that hoisted the name of Gen. Jackson, for Presi dent. Jackson remembered him by making* him printer of the laws of the United States, though Minor had. removed to Fayetteville, Fayette Co., Georgia. The Southern JBanner was published and. edited by

612
Albion Chase and Alfred jSTesbit, and was the only Democratic paper in that part of the State. Alfred Nesbit went to Milledg-evillo and took charge of a paper started by John A. Cuthbert, afterwards United States Senator from Georgia. Col. Hopkiris Holsey, Mr. James Sledge, Mr. S. A. Atkinson, Messrs. T. W. and T. L. Gantt, Dr. II. II. Carlton aiid Messrs. Chapman and. Ingraham, in succession, o\vned the Hanner. Mr. "Waterman bought it in September, 1880. Mr. Waterman is one of the really independent and original members of the Georgia press. He is a trenchant and a cultured writer, fearless, honest and immovable in
s, a keen, witty paragraphist, and with a modesty that to shyness in his manners.
The Savannah JVeios was established in 1850, on the loth day of Jan uary, by John M. Cooper, publisher, and Wm. T. Thompson, editor. Savannah has had a number of papers that have had an honorable career, the Georg-ia Gazette, founded by James Johnson, in 17C3, and suspended in 1799; the Savannah He^^ublican, by John F. Everett, in 1802, and running- for seventy years, covering- twenty-four chang-es of manag-ement and including- P. 'W. Alexander and J. R. Sneed among- its conductors; the Savannah Georgian, in 1818, by Dr. John Ilarney, living to 1859, and numbering- those two brig-ht men among- its editors, Gen. Henry R. Jackson in 1849, andAlbert R. Lamar; the Evening t7o^trnaZ, in 1852, by J. B. Cubbeg-e, and Advertiser in 1805. The Savannah News was started as a cheap business daily, its price being- four dollars a year. The paper has had a number of chang-es-of proprietorship, but throug-h them all Col. Thompson has been the editor for the thirty-one years of its varied and influential existence, except from the fall of Savannah in December, 18G4, to August, 1865, when Mr. S. W. Mason ran the paper as the Savannah Herald, a little war affair. Col. Thompson was propri etor from 1855 to 1858. T. Blois and Aaron Wilbur have been among the proprietors. Col. J. II. Estill became proprietor in July, 1867, and under his business manag-ement and th.e capable editorship of Col. Thompson, the News has become one of our most powerful representa tive Southern journals, financially successful, boldly enterprising, inde pendent, dignified, and potentially influential. It is a model of typo graphical beauty and taste. Col. Estill is destined for large things. No man can tell where he will bring up. He has a cool sense, a clear judgment, and a firm nerve that are the components of a strong indi viduality. He handles everything well. His executive ability is very marked. "Whatever he touches, prospers. He owns a street railroad. He has erected one of the finest buildings in the State for his paper.

THE MAC03ST TELEGRAPH AXT> MESSEXGKR.

613

He is President and Director of railroads, benevolent societies, press associations, etc., without limit, his energetic and discriminating- busi ness ability Making- him valuable everywhere and in all practical matters. Mr. B. H. Richardson, one of the brig-htest journalists of the State, is the city editor of the JWeics. ^'f ,f
The Macon TelegrapI^f^^^jMessenger was established in 1826. It has been a notable paper'in Georgia annals. The name that has been continuously connected with the Telegrapli, since in 1848, like Col. Thompson with the Savannah JVeios, has been the familiar and honored one of Joseph Clisby, but it has had some very brilliant men associated with him. Among these may be mentioned J. R. Sneecl, of the Savan nah Republican; Captain Henry Flash, one of our genuine Southern poets, the author of that ring-ing- lyric, "Ode to Zollicoffer; " Col. H. H. Jones, one of the truest men and most graphic writers of the Georgia press; A. R. "Watson, another poet; A. "W. Reese, an editor of trenchant writing- capacity, one of the hardest political hitters in our State journalism. The TelegrapJi absorbed the Messenger some ten years or more ago, a paper .established by Simri Rose, published at the time of consolidation by Rev. John W. Burke, and edited, among others, by A. W. Reese and Gen. "Wm. M. Browne. Gen. Browne made fame as a "Washington, editor; he was on the staff of Mr. Davis during- the war, and is now Professor of Agriculture at the State Uni versity at Athens. When Mr. Rose started the Messenger, Macon was a diminutive village. No man "did more to make it a handsome city than he. The beautiful cemetery bears his name. This and the Messenger were his pets. He was a bright Mason, too. The JSfessenffer absorbed the Georgia Journal of Milledg-eville. The surviving associates of Mr. Rose are the Hon. J. T. ISTisbet of Macon, and that most accomplished writer, Rev. Joshua Ivnowles of Greensboro, Ga. Mr. Clisby has been spoken of elsewhere in this \vork. His writing- has an Addisoniati purity of style. His treatment of subjects is poised and conservative, while underlying and pervading his lucubrations, there is a perennial strata of the most exquisite humor.
The remarkable and unapproachecl paper of Georgia is the Atlanta Constitution. In sparkle, push, versatility, enterprise, genius and suc cess, it has no peer in the South, except the Louisville Courier-Jbtirnal. Its career has been full of romance, and -dramatic in the extreme. Duels and libel suits have been among its varied experiences. It was established the 16th of June, 1868, by Carey W. Styles & Co. The com pany was J. II. Anderson, arid "W. A. Hemphill was the business man-

614

TIIK ATJLAXTA CONSTITUTION-.

ager, and. has continued in that place to the present, a model of managing capacity, and. more responsible for the business success of the paper than all others combined. Col. Styles edited, the paper, and a red-hot administration it was, fighting Radicalism without quarter, and. with a burning- bitterness. Styles & Co. ran the paper four months, when Styles went out, arid W. A. Hemphill & Co. took the paper, the company being- Mr. Andersori, J. \V. Barrick edited the journal until May, 1809, when Col. I. W. Avery took editorial charge. In 1870, Col. E. Y. Clarke bought Mr. Andersen's half interest, In 1872, the paper was changed into a stock concern. Jn^JLSJZA Col. Avery retired from the editorship, buying an interest in the Atlanta Herald from Col. R. A. Alston and Henry W. Grady. Mr. N. P. T. Finch came into the paper in 187;3. Col. Clarke was managing editor until 1870, when ho sold out to Hon. E. P. Ho well. The present proprietors are E. P. Howell, W. A. Ilempliill, N. P. T. Finch, Henry W. Grady and R. A. Hemphill, who kept the books of the concern for four years in its early history, and has recently bought an interest, and become book-keeper again, a strong- business addition to its corps.
Capt. Ilowell decides the political course of the journal, and -writes editorials like rifle shots, that snap and go straight to the mark, and bring the blood. Mr. Finch is an editor of universal versatility and an industry that knows no bounds. He reads and culls every one of the hundred exchanges that come to the office, and writes fine leaders upon every conceivable subject. Mr. Gracly's flashing arid inimitable sketches, editorials and articles give an unremitting- sparkle to the paper. Oil the staff of this journal are two of the best writers of the Georgia press, Mr. J. C. Harris and Mr. F. II. Richardson, and an industrious compiler, Mr. J. T. Lurnpkin. Mr. Harris can compass anything in ncwspaperclom from a strong- editorial to a pungent paragraph. Every thing- he writes is both strong- and dainty. His book reviews are schol arly and charming-, with a vein of delicious humor and quaint reflection, and often a subtle and aromatic irony most exquisite. His Uncle Remus sketches have made him famous. Mr. Richardson is a scholarly young writer of rare promise. No journal in the Union has a better intellectual and literary equipment than this paper. This is strong praise, but it is every bit merited. His contemporaries on the journal will not consider it a derogation from their high claims to say that Mr. Grady is the genius of this powerful paper. There is a vividness, an audacity and a velvety splendor about his articles that are peculiar to himself, and that no other man has approximated.

ATLANTA CONSTITUTION.

THE ATI.AXTA CONSTITUTION AXD AUGUSTA NEWS.

615

The journal had a romantic time during- Reconstruction. Its editors and proprietors had five dueling affairs. It then took that root in the affections of the people of the State that gave to it its first growth, and laid the basis for its enduring- and remarkable prosperity. During those fi'ery days of Reconstruction, under the editorial management of Col. I. W. Avery, it battled with a steady conservatism, yet an unwea ried devotion for the public interest, refusing- the patronage of the Bullock administration, and fighting every measure of wrong. Mr. Grady's connection with the Constitution beg-an then. He was a stu dent at the University of Virginia, and wrote a boyish letter of g-ossip for publication. Col. Avery was struck with the uncommon vivacity arid grace of the communication, and in accordance with his policy of making superior correspondence a special feature of the paper, he encouraged the boyish writer. When Col. Hulburt, as Superintendent of the State Road, who was a wonderful genius in enterprise, originated the first press excursion to go over the State Road, to have it written up, Col. Avery telegraphed to Mr. Grady, who had left college to return to his home in Athens, to come and represent the Constitution on that affair. Grady's letters, under the name of " King- Hans," were the best of the hundreds written then, and were copied into the whole State press. This experience turned the brig-ht boy into his native journal ism, where his genius finds its legitimate field.
The Augusta Daily Evening News has had a flattering success. It was issued November 20, 1877, by Wm. H. Moore, who had been with the writer in conducting the Atlanta Herald. Mr. Moore had associ ated with him Messrs. Gow and "Weigle, all practical newspaper men. Mr. Gow had the material, but none of the gentlemen had any capital. The paper paid its way from the start, and has gained a fine circula tion and advertising patronag-e. Mr. Moore is a peculiarly snappy, vigorous writer, with a good stock of shrewd humor and piquant observation. He has, to a remarkable degree, the true journalist's keen instinct for news. His paper is a paragraphic epitome of current events, a trenchant critic upon all things and men, and a very unusually rapid arid growing success.
The Columbus Times is a fine and influential paper that is the revival of one of the most venerable of our anti-war journals. It was started in its second career six years ago. It' is now run by Wrynne, DeWolf & Co., and is one of our best journals, conducted in a fair, conservative arid enterprising way. The Rome Courier started as the Coosa Hiver Journal in 1843, by S. Jack, Dr. H. V. M. Miller and W. Spencer. It

616

THE EEMAI^fl^a DA1LIKS OF GKORGIA.

passed through various hands when, in 1849, A. M. Edclleman and S. M. Jack bought it and changed the name to the Rome Courier. Joshua Knowles, and Wm. J. Scott, in succession, owned it. In 1855 M. Dwinell and S. Finly bought, and in 1856 Mr. Dwiiioll became sole proprie tor, and has owned the paper ever since and made a fortune out of it by his successful management. Mr. Dwinell was in the war when the paper was managed by 13. Gr. Selvage. The Co drier was suspended from May 17, 1864, to September 1, 1805. The daily was established February 1, 1881, after twenty-one years' successful publication of the tri-weekly. Since 1857 the Courier has absorbed four other papers by purchase and consolidation, the Calhoun Statesman, the Cedartowa Patriot, in 1858, the Ghattooga .Advertiser in 1874, and Rome Commer cial in 187G. Soni3 of the bast writers of our press have edited the Courier, notably Mr. Grady, Mr. Willing-ham and Mr. Harris. Mr. D win ell has written an excellent book of European travel.
The .Atlanta Daily Post-Appeal was established October 1, 1878, by Col. E. Y. Clarke, who sold it January 13, 1880, to David E. Caldwell, who has sinae owned and edited it, and has made it a well-established and paying property. The Post-Appeal may be called the war paper of Georgia. It generally takes the opposition to the majority, and it makes matters lively. It slashes right and left and has a large amount o vim and enterprise. It has had on its staff Col. Sawyer, one of the strong men of the Georgia press, and Mr. Wallace Reed, a graceful and well-known Georgia journalist. The Griffin Daily JYeics was estab lished in 1871. It was run for years by J. 13. Alexander. It is now conducted by C. A. Xiles, a capable and independent journalist. It is a staunch little paper, the steadiest, truest, most conservative jour nalistic craft in the State. The Rome Bulletin was started in 18G!), and is run by the Mo^ely family, who write well, and all write, Mrs. Mosely, who has recently died, being a most excellent journalist. The Savannah .Recorder was established by R. M. Orme in 1878, but is now conducted by other parties.
One of the best and most pronounced little dailies is the Albany JVews and Advertiser, published and edited by Henry M. Mclntosh & Co. This was the consolidation of the News, established in 1844, and the Advertiser, in 1877, the union occurring in September, 1880. Mr. Mclntosh is one of the most vigorous and independent editors of the State press. He comes of the famous Mclntosh blood.
The weekly press of Georgia has always included an unusual number of clear-headed, out-spoken, independent and well-informed editors.

THE RELIGIOUS AXD LITERARY PRESS.

61?

And it was never in as thriving and influential a condition as it is to-day. The mental activity of the age finds in the weekly ncws%)aper, literary, religious, scientific or political, the vent for that more quiet and philo sophical phase of its operations, that deals not so much with the fact of news, like the daily journal, as with its application to life and society. The Georgia weekly papers have some remarkable instances of original and striking individuality, and can probably number as many potential and successful thinkers and workers as the press of any State in the Union.
The religious weekly %)ress of Georgia is very powerful and capable. The two oldest papers arc the CVtJVd^m;, <Z/&f?gg (;&(? ^^>g*jZ, founded in 1830, published by James P. Harrison, and edited by Dr. Henry H. Tucker. Doth are remarkable men. Mr. Harrison is the son of Hon. Geo. W. Harrison, Secretary of State under Gov. Town's administration, who was Governor from 1847 to 1851. He is a business man of extraor dinary enterprise, practical, ambitious, accurate and successful, and withal a simple-minded, truo-hearbed, loyal friend and gentleman. Dr. Tucker is one of the large-brained men of Georgia, a profound thinker, crystally candid, and a muscular, logical writer. Tha TF^jJgya/t (7A;Vjg*m* vlf&)ocZe, owned and in part edited by the Rev. John AV\ Burke, with Rev. Atticus G. Havgood as chief editor, one of the most eloquent divines and powerful writers of the country, was founded in 1837, and is a nue journal. Mr. Burke, too, is a marked man, like Mr. Harrison, a marvel of energy and business triumph. In Butler, Tavlor countv, the (rO^)eJ J)/eajf6v%Y/6r, founded in 1878, and edited by Mr. J. R. Res-
pess, is published. Georgia has a weekly literary journal, the /%/?2)??/ /SV)ZA, established
in 1875, by the Seals Brothers, with Mrs. Mary Bryan as editress, that equals any paper in the Union. It has a national circulation, and is a brilliant publication. Another literary and society weekly of peculiar merit, is the Atlanta (?cz3Me, founded by Henry W. Grady, in 1878, and now owned and edited by Williams & Palmer. The Atlanta 7%r>)&o<y7*<%/)A is a weekly literary and political paper, started in 1878, by \V H. Christopher, a young man of some uncommon qualities. The TF6<?X'7y JT^aZ is a good paper owned by Col. E. Y. Clarke.
The oldest news and political weekly is the Milledgeville Z7/^o?% /%</ JZecorcZer, now owned by Barnes & Moore. This paper was the combi nation of the /Sb?fgAe)v& V?ecorr?er and the ^&cZe?"J Z7^o;t in 1872. The 7Ze<?orr?er was established in 1819 by Grantland & Camak, who sold to Grieve & Orme. The Z7)*^o?& was started in 1825, as the /%Ze))?<%/& v*dT Y^Zr^oZ, and sold to Henry Solomon, and the name changed to

018

GEORGIA WKEKI.Y PRESS.

the Union in 1830. John G. Polhill was the editor. In 1831 John A. Cuthbert, who has just died in Alabama, and who was a congressman from Georg-ia, was associated with Mr. Polhill in 1831. Mr. Wilkins Hunt, Park & Rogers, and Armstrong & Campbell, in succession owned the paper. Boughton, Nisbet & Barries bought it in 1851. Ex-Gov. H. V. Johnson edited it once. Mr. J. M. Moore became part proprietor in 1802. Mr. Nisbet retired in 1807. Mr. Boughton died, and Barnes & Moore are the present proprietors. The consolidated journal, the Urilot'i and Recorder, is one of the honorable land-marks of Georgia history, and has furnished to the writer more valuable polit ical historic material than all other sources combined. It is, to-day, a progressive paper, representative of the State's best civilization and most virtuous and independent public thong-lit.
The J\fountain Signal at Dahloiiega, the center of the famous gold region, was put forth in 1839. It is now owned by Col. W. P. Price, one of the valuable and most public-spirited men of Georgia.
The next paper in age is the Sandersvillo Herald and Georgian, founded in 1841, and now run by Wm. Park. The Lagrang-e Reporter was started in 1843 by Dr. Bronson, with Col. W. B. Jones and Hon. John F. Awtry as printers, and the name then was the Lag-range Her ald. B. H. Bigham arid Col. Jones owned the paper a while. Win. J. Scott of " Scott's Magazine," edited it for a period. Alexander Speer, a most remarkable man, father of Judge Speer of the Supreme Court, and grandfather of Emory Speer, the congressman, was editor a long time. Thomas J. Bacon, a relative of Speaker A. O. Bacon, conducted this journal. The paper had a stirring administration under C. H. ,-'C. Willing-ham, who was threatened with arrest for his unsparing denunciations of the military reconstruction government. Mr. J. T. Waterman bought the Reporter in 1872, and ran it for eight brilliant journalistic years, making it a model in every respect. He sold to Wm. A. AVimbish, who has recently disposed of the paper.
The next weekly paper in point of time was that exquisite specimen of typography and sustained taste and ability, the JVort/i Georgia Citizen, published and edited at Dalton by J. T. Whitman. It was started in 1847 by Ware & Wyatt, as the .Mountain Eagle. Its name has been often changed--to Spirit of the Times, N~orth Georgia Times and Citizen. In 1858, the proprietor and editor was J. Troup Taylor, and not J. P. Christian, as stated in chapter ten, page severity-nine. In 1859, J. T. Whitman, the present owner, bought the paper. It was partially destroyed by Gen. Sherman's men,' and was suspended a

GKOIIGIA WKKKI.Y 1'KKSS.

G19

while. It has been Democratic, conservative and ably conducted, and is one of the solid institutions of Dalton. In 1854 Col. C. W. Hancock established the Surnter Jl^pnMiean in Americus, when the place had three hundred people. It was a Whig- paper, but has been Democratic since the war. It was suppressed by Gen. Steadman a month, in 1865. It is a fine journal, and Col. Hancock is a leader of the Georgia press. It has a splendid scope of territory, it has grown steadily in circulation, and its present and only proprietor, if lie lives fifty years longer, will leave it a legacy of honor and profit to his descendants. The SoutJiern ~\Vatch'ina-n, at .Athens, was also estab lished in 1854. The Southern Enterprise, at Thomasville, began its life in 1855, and is now brilliantly run by Mr. C. P. Sans ell
In 185G the J-foJtroe Advertiser was launched at Forsyth. J. P. Harrison ran it long. J. C. Harris began his bright journalistic career upon it. It has always been a model of a paper, and Henry II. Cabaiiiss now keeps it up to its unsurpassable standard. In 185? the Cartersville E-tipress was put forth. In 1858 the GaLnosville E.ijle commenced a strong career, J. E. Redwine long managing it. Its edi tor is a bright writer, H. A\r. J. Ham. In 1859 the Early County JVe '?g, at IBlakely", and the Elbertoii Gazette, at Elbertoii,were established, both first-class journals.
The Warreiitoii Clipper, so far as we can learn, is the only war-born paper in existence, it having been established in 1863. It has had a stirring time, one of its editors, Mr. "Wallace, having been murdered. It is now run by Rev. John A. Shivers, one of the noted men of the State press, a bold, born editor. After the surrender, the Newnan Herald came to us first in 1805, and also the Georgia Enterprise at Coving-ton. The year 1866 saw an increased activity in the birth of papers. The Marietta Journal, Waynesboro Herald and Expositor, Dawsou Journal, Eatonton Alessenr/er, Greeiiesboro Herald, Hawkinsville Dispatch, Jesup Sentinel, Sparta Times and Planter, and Washing ton. Gazette, all vigorous bantlings, inaugurated healthy, influential jour nalistic lives. The Marietta ,T<m,rnal was issued when the town was in ruins and garrisoned by Federal soldiery. It served a good mission, and gave hope to the county. It fought reconstruction boldly, and was menaced time and again. R. M. Goodman & Go. owned it up to 1875, when iSTeal & Massey bought, and still run it. It is a first-class journal. The Waynesboro Herald and Expositor is under control of R. O. Lovett, and was a consolidation, in 1880, of Expositor, started in 1866, and the Herald in 1878. The Eatonton ^Messenger has been a

030

GEORGIA WEKKLY PRESS.

specially valuable and vigorous paper. It was called first the Press and Messenger. It has changed hands and names several times. Its publisher and editor is Geo. W. Adams. It is one of the progressive journals of Georgia.
Ill 1867 the Valdosta Times was established. In 18G8 the Barnesville Gazette was introduced to the public by Lambkin & Pound. Mr. Pound, McAlichael & Alien, and lastly J. C. McMichael owned the paper in succession, the last gentleman now being the proprietor. The journal has been twice enlarged, so great has been its prosperity. It is read in six counties, and is a strong publication. The Brunswick Appeal was started also in 18G8. The year 1869 saw several excellent weeklies given to the public, the Madison J\fadisonian, tho Galhouii Times, the Fort Valley JMirror, the Perry Home J~Oiirncd, the Rome -Bulletin, and the Talbotton Register and Standard. The Jfadixoniait was the project of Dr. J. C. C. Blackburn, for thirty years identified with our State journalism. It is ably conducted, Dr. Blackburn being aided by his son, IS. M. Blackburn, and especially and wisely devoted to local news. The Talbotton Standard was the enterprise of two remark able young men, John B. Gorman and J. T. "Waterman. Mr. German was a gallant soldier, has been a successful business man, and a great walker, traveling on foot over 1,200 miles, and is altogether a genial and original character. The /Standard was consolidated with the llegister in 1880, and is now owned by J. B. German and O. D. German, and edited by O. T). Gorman, who is a facile writer, and noted for his enterprise and fearless views. It is one of the model papers of the State, and wields a deservedly great influence in the progressive county in which it is published.
In 1871 the Catoosa Courier was published, and has a large circula tion, under R. M. Morris. The Hinesville Gazette was first issued in 1871, and that sterling journal, the Gwinnett Herald, published now by Col. Tyler M. Peoples, at Lawrenceville. This is one of the strong weeklies, and edited by an ornament of the newspaper calling. The .McDuffie Journal, at Thompson, and the Louisville ^etcs and Farmer and Bainbridge J)emocrat by Mr. Ben. Russell, complete the list of 1871. The Carroll County Times is a vigorous weekly, founded in 1872 by Edwin R. Sharpe. It has a pure moral tone, and steadily strives to ele vate public sentiment. Carrollton is the terminus of the Savannah, Griffin and North Alabama Railroad, and the county is large and its prospects bright. The Eastman Times, the Toccoa -A^C/cs, the Green ville Vindicator by J. T. Revill, the Lumpkin Independent, all came

1

out in 1872. The Vindicator is conducted with singular power and independence. The Greensboro Georgia Home Journal was founded in 1873 by Rev. J. Iviiowles, an eloquent preacher and an able writer. The Hamilton Journal arid jMiddle Georgia Praxis at Indian Springs, Oglet'horpe Echo at Lexington, and Montezurna WeeJcly, and the Thomasville Times by J. Triplet!, also appeared in 1873. In 1874 the State Line Press at West Point, by S. P. Callaway; the Coving-ton Star by J. II. Anderson, the Jonesboro News, Quitman Reporter, Summerville Gazette, and the Darien Timber Gazette, by Richard W. Grubb, were established. These are all the very highest types of weekly jour nals, bold, able and enterprising. Mr. Callaway aided to found an admirable system of public schools. Mr. Anderson's career has been romantic, he figuring largely in the famous Kansas troubles, arid is one of the strong- men of our press. Mr. Grubb is a genius. His bright, newsy paper has been a departure in-journalism, and is to-day a recog nized leader among our State publications.' In its files it has embalmed the local history of its county and the famous citizens. It has gi\en some twenty-five sketches of the journalists of the State. His office has been twice destroyed by "fire. As delegate to political conventions, member of State Democratic Committee, he has been, unusually honored. The Gazette has a large circulation, copies of it going to Hong Kong, Calcutta and Europe. The year 1875 saw the birth of the JSerrien County News at Alapaha, the Brunswick Advertiser, the Carriesville Register, Hartwell San, Irwinton SoutJierner and Appeal, Jefferson
forest News. The Rome Tribune, the Marion County Arc/us, the Dublin Gazette,
the Elllrjay Courier and Butler Herald, Crawfordsville Democrat, now under charge of a bright Atlanta youth, Mr. Ed. Young, De Kalb News at Decatur, Franklin News, Henry County ~\Vee7cly by ]3rowri & McDonald, Waltoii County Vidette at Monroe, Coffee county Gazette, Swainsjooro Herald, all had birth in 1876. The Crawfordsville democrat was established, by "W. D. Sullivan, then sold to M. Z. Andrews, who disposed of the paper to Ed. Young & Co. Mr. Young has doubled the size and circulation of the paper in a month, and its editorial manage ment shows the first order of ability. The Tribune was founded by that powerful writer, Col. 13. F. Sawyer, and is now run by an efficient editor, T. E. Hanbury. The Argus, published by "W. "W. Singleton at Buena 'Vista, is a conservative and well conducted journal, having a large scope of territory. The Dublin Gazette was the enterprise of John M. Stubbs. It had a number of editors, A. T. Alien, J. M. G.

622

GEOEGIA WEEKLY PKESS.

Medlock, Ira T. Stanley, J. H. Etheridge, and no\v it is managed ablv by David "Ware, Jr. The Ellijay Courier was begun by Lumsden & Blatts. It chang-ed hands several times, until in 1877 it came into the vigorous control of W. F. Combs, its present efficient editor. It is the official paper of Fannin, Gilmer and Pickens. It has been a faithful advocate of our public school system. The Du Pont O7cefeenokean, Walker County Messenger at La Fayette, Quitman Free Press and Griffin Sun belong to the year 1877. Mr. C. R. Hamleiter edited the Sun vigorously, and recently sold it to Randall & Randall.
In 1878 the Dade County Gazette, the Conyers Weekly, and the Dalton A.rgxis, Blackshear JVews, Cartersville Free Press, by C. H. C. 'Willing-ham, that sturdiest of our political editorial fighters, the Cedartowii Advertiser, the Dublin Post, and Louisville Courier, came forth to healthy usefulness. The Rev. J. A. Darr put out the Gazette, Dr. T. J. Lumpkin bought it in 1879, and runs it now. Its motto well exemplifies its management--*-" Faithful to the right and fearless against the wrong." Mr. J. 1ST. Hale established and now conducts the Conyers Weekly, and it is a paragon of good administration, run strictly on a cash basis. The Argus was the bantling of H. A. Wrench' at Dalton, and was a spicy, outspoken, combative, keen-cutting striker. It is now run by Hamilton & Willingham, and is still a piquant paper.
In 1879 several most excellent journals were established, one of them in its scholarly, forceful and vivid editorials equaling any journal, North or South. This paper, the Sparta Zshmaelite, edited by Sidney Lewis, is marked by a commanding ability, thorough fearlessness, and an incisive discrimination in its editorial conduct. Mr. Lewis is certainly a strong and gifted writer, and one of the ornaments of Georgia jour nalism. The Fort Gaines Tribune, was the enterprise of S. E. Lewis, and has deservedly grown into large circulation. The Douglassville Star was founded by Rev. J. B. C. Quillian, and sold the same year to its present proprietor, Robert A. Massey, who has made it one of the live papers of Western Georgia. The other papers, born in 1879, were the Arlington Advance, Cochran Enterprise, Americus Recorder, Bellton Georgian* in Hall county, Dawsonville Mountain Chronicle, Fort Gaines Tribune, Fort Valley Advertiser, Harlem Columbian, McVille So^lth Georgian, Newnan Leader, Sylvania Telephone, Thomaston Middle Georgia Times, Thomasville Post, and Warrenton Our Country. The year 1880 was right prolific in new journals, the W^~!kinsville Advance, Spring Place Times, Danielsville Yeoman, Cleveland Adver tiser, Canton Advance, Camilla Des%>atch, and Elberton ]S^e^os.

GEORGIA HUMORISTS.

OUR GEORGIA HUMORISTS.

G28

The year 1881 has witnessed the establishment of several successful papers; the "Waltou JVews by 13. S. Walker, \vhich from January to Sep tember has obtained the extraordinary circulation of 1,100 ; the Pike County jVeics, by that veteran and accomplished journalist, Col. J. I). Alexander, who so long- conducted the Griffin JVeios. Col. Alexanderwas a g-allant Confederate, a good lawyer, and has been one of the best editors in Georgia. He is a pleasant gentleman, true, able and full of the honor of his calling. His paper has had a remarkable success. He has just sold his journal to E. T. & J. E. Pounds.
It has been an extraordinary mark of progress that the colored people have two well established weekly newspapers, one the JToicrnal of Progress at Cuthbert, edited by an intelligent man. named Weight, and the other the JBlade at Atlanta, edited by W. P. Pledger, Chairman of the Republican State Executive Committee, arid a very well educated and smart person, a good writer and excellent speaker. This account of the journalism of Georgia is the beginning- of what constitutes an interesting- part of our State history, and is necessarily imperfect from the difficulty of collecting- information of so multifarious an interest.
Tho literature of Georgia has not been voluminous, but it has been in many respects original and picturesque, and. marked by a vivid individuality. The field in which Georgia literary g-eirius has been most affluent is that subtle and delicate range of intellectual demonstration known as Hu^iOR. Our State can point to five writers of national reputation, who have rig-htfully won the fame due to genuine and original humorists. Xo state or country on the globe can show in one generation such a galaxy of humorous writers as Georgia. These five, in the order of their seniority, are Judge A. 13. Longstreet, author of " Georgia Scenes," Col. William T. Thompson, author of " Major Jones' Courtship," Col. Richard M. Johnston, author- of the "Dukesboro Tales," Charles H. Smith, our " Bill Arp," and Joel Chandler Harris, our " Uncle Remus." The first three, Long-street, Thompson and Johnston, have pictured the racy flavor of country life ; Mr. Smith has rang-ed over the whole domain of humorous thoug-ht, touching u.p the world of human foible with a gentle satire ; while Mr. Harris has portrayed with a master hand that wonderful and obsolete character, the plantation negro of the gone slavery clays. Perhaps it is not invidious to say that the younger one leads the quintette. " Uncle Remus " has g-orre to Europe to capture the critics and literary savans there, and it is not less an inimitable and sustained piece of character drawing, imbued with a matchless humor, than a priceless contribution to ethnological science.

024

GEORGIA'S HUMORISTS.

The South owes a debt to this author for snaiching- from oblivion pictures of a personality so pathetic and so valuable.
Mr. Harris is versatile. He writes dainty poems, strong- political leaders, business editorials, discriminating- literary criticisms, pungent paragraphs upon the absurdities of the day, and he has sketched a serial story, the " Romance of Rockville," that betokens the power of the novelist. He is now engaged upon a story for " Scribner's Mag azine," depicting the old slave life in the South. The most attractive quality of Mr. Harris' genius is his own utter unconsciousness of its versatile power.
Judge Long-street valued very little his talent for humorous writing, and was said to be ashamed rather of his successful venture. His " Ransey Sniffle " \vill live forever. Col. Thompson wrote also " Major Jones' Travels," the " Chronicles of Pineville," " Hotchkiss' Codifica tion of the Statute Laws of Georgia," a dramatization of " The Vicar of \Vakefield," and " The Live Indian," a comedy out of which John E. Owens, the comedian,.made fame and money, without pay to the author. And strangely too, Col. Thompson was tricked out of the copyright of his " Major Jones' Courtship," in the very flood tide of its extraordinary sale, and by a chain of curious circumstances has reaped no profit from its great circulation. This book was first published in the Madison Miscellany. A chaste writer and an inimitable humorist, Col. Thomp son \vill live in our literary annals enduring-ly.
Col. Johiiston is writing- regularly for the magazines, " Harpers' " and " Scribners'." His " Puss Tanner's Defence," in Harpers' several months back, is simply unsurpassable. It, like his " Dukesboro Tales," is a delicious piece of characterization, veiling- in its exquisite humor, and faultless portrayal of personality, a pathos as gentle and an underlyingtragic intensity as strong as any man's pen ever embodied. As for " Bill Arp," the man seems perennial. "Week after week for years he has sent out his unfailing messengers of wise fun, scalping- with a kind keen ness the every day fatuities of life, and beneath it all bubbling out a never ceasing current of touching- human nature. His book " Peace Papers " had a fine run. Judge Longstreet has gone to his long home. Col. Thompson, in his editorial labor, does no literary work. Long- may he and Johnston and Arp and Uncle Remus be spared to scatter their humorous wisdom and illustrate Georgia in the world of letters.
We have had considerable Historical writing in our State. McCall and Stevens gave us fragments of Georgia History. The Rev. Georg-e , AVhite furnished valuable contributions in his " Statistics of Georgia,"

COLOXKL CHARLES C. JOXES, JR.

625

and " Historical Collections of Georgia," coming to 1854. In 1779, we had the " Historical Account of the Progress of the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia," by Rev. Mr. Herbert. In 1869 a " History of Georgia " was printed by T. S. Arthur and W. H. Carpenter. Hon. Thomas R. R. Cobb wrote in 1858 an " Historical Sketch of Slavery." Stephen F. Miller in 1858 published his "Bench and Bar of Georgia." Judge E. J. Harden printed a " Life of Gov. George M. Troup." Hon. A. H. Chappell put forth in 1874 " Miscellanies of Georgia," and Thomas Gilbert of Columbus was the publisher. Hon. AVilliam A. Stiles \vrote before the war a " History of Austria," a scholarly -work. Judge Garnett Andrews was author of " Reminiscences of an ,Old Georgia Lawyer." A very remarkable ,book of historical Biography by a Georgian is " Reminiscences of Fifty Years," by \Villiam H. Sparks, a work of uncommon vividness, value and dramatic power. Col. Sparks lias a second volume of these interesting Reminiscences ready for the press.
The undisputed head of our Georgia historic writers is Col. Charles C. Jones Jr., a gentleman of the highest literary culture and a born antiquarian. He has published twenty-five books and pamphlets relat ing to Georgia matters, and is now engaged upon a three volume work covering the entire field of Georgia History from the founding of the colony to the present. His most important work, that has attracted the attention of the literary savans of Europe and won him the degree of LL. D., from the University of the City of New York, is the " Antiquities of the Southern Indians, Particularly of the Georgia Tribes." This volume has a large scientific value, is a, model of ornate and strengthful sty^e, and is the fruit of antiquarian research, critical, accurate, and profound. Col. Jones numbers among- his other valuable publications, " Indian Remains in Southern Georgia," " Monumental remains of Georgia," " Historical Sketch of the Chatham Artillery," " Ancient Tumuli in the Savannah River," " Ancient Tumuli iri Georgia," " Historical Sketch of Tomo-chi-chi, Mico of the Yamacraws," " Remi niscences of General Henry Lee," " Kasimir Pulaski," " The Siege of Savannah in 1779," "The Siege of Savannah in December 1864," " Ser geant William Jasper," " General Officers of the Confederate Service," " The Dead Towns of Georgia," " The Life of Commodore Josiah Tattnall," " Aboriginal Structures in Georgia," " Hernando I3e Soto, His March Through Georgia," " Memorial of Jean Pierre Purry," " The Georgia Historical Society," " The Colonial Acts of the General Assem bly of Georgia, 1754--1774." Besides these important publications, whose

026

GEORGIA'S POETS.

scope and variety give token alike of the literary labors of this classical writer and accomplished antiquarian, Col. Jones has contributed innu merable articles to the reviews and periodicals of the country. He adds the graces of a charming gentleman to his literary tastes, and has a superb collection of original historical manuscripts and important Indian relics. He writes with remarkable fluency and taste, in a chirography like copper plate. His " History of Georgia" \vill be a work of unspeakable value, and it is fortunate that the important labor has fallen to one so capable and finely equipped.
Interesting sketches have been written of Savannah by --------------; of Macon, by J. Butler; and of Atlanta, by E. Y. Clarke. Ex-Gov. Wilson H. Lumpkin left valuable manuscript of record of a number of . years of Georgia History, that has never been published. Col. Herbert Fielder has ready for the press, manuscript of a History of Georgia covering the late war which must prove a valuable work. One of the most important books of historical bearing is the famous " "War Between the States," by Hon. Alexander H. Stephens, in two volumes, which has had a \vide circulation, and is a profound and accurate presentation of the philosophy of the great civil war. Two very interesting biog raphies of Mr. Stephens havebeen written, one by Henry Cleveland, and the other by Richard M. Johnston and William H. Browne. Another brilliant Georgia biography is the " Life of Linton Stephens," by J. D. Waddell.
Georgia has had a lavish affluence of poets, and can number amongthem some of the admitted masters of poetry. Such names as James R. Randall, Paul H. Hayne, Sidney Lanier, Charles W. Hubner, F. O. Ticknor, Harry Flash, Henry R. Jackson, and Richard Henry Wilde, constitute a galaxy of genuine poetic genius. Mr. Randall has won an immortal fame by his " My Maryland." His handsome face, lit with the inspiration of his soul, is a noble outward indication of his exalted strain of pure p*oesy. His newpaper work is uniformly of the highest order, chaste, glowing, thoughtful, alike full of solidity, faultJessness and radi ance. Mr. Hayne has taken a high stand in the world of literature, he being the only one of our writers who devotes himself to it as a pro fession. He has published several volumes of poems. He is a fine master of versification. He has written some very fine sonnets. He has just furnished the ode for the opening of the International Cotton Exposition at Atlanta, that is a fair out-giving of his poetic genius, warm, scholarly, musical and vivid.
The name of Sidney Lanier evokes the tenderest thought of the

SI'ARKMNG GKOKGIA POETS.

627

reader. His recent death, so young arid yet so established in fame, and with such affluence of distinction before him, has made him rarely mourned. He was a singularly gifted person. His mind early dis played originality, brilliance and critical taste and beauty of scholarship. He published " Tiger Lilies," a novel, in Georgia, a book full of his individuality. He moved North and fixed himself in the literary world, easily and shiningly. He was chosen from the -whole rich range of American poets to deliver the opening poem at the Great Centennial at Philadelphia--a glittering pre-eminence. He published in succession with increasing fame, " The Science of English Verse," and " Boys King Arthur." And he died in the rnidst of a new project, and occupy ing the distinguished chair of lecturer in literature at the John Hopkins University. Lanier was a genuine genius. He had the true poetic inspiration and a divine-master's faculty of poetic utterance. Richard Henry Wilde's " My Life is like a Summer Rose," \vill live with the language. Gen. Jackson is a true poet, and has written, some exquisite g-ems of poetic feeling and expression. He published in 1850 a volume entitled " Tallulah and other Poems." Perhaps " My Father" and ii My "Wife and Child" are his best poems and breathe the true inspi ration. Harry L. Flash, editor of the Macon Telegra^^h, was a poet of rare power. He has settled down in some distant State to the sale of pork, but to that prosaic business in which he is said to be succeeding admirably, he is devoting a poetic faculty as dainty as exists. In 1860 he published a volume of poems, and he has written fugitive pieces as exquisite as anything- in the English language.
One of the daintiest and sweetest poets we have in Georgia is Charles W. Hubner, now employed upon the editorial staff of the Christian Index. He has published a number of volumes, all rythmical, fervent and sparkling. His " Souvenirs of Luther," " Wild Flow ers," " Cinderella," and " Modern Communism," have given him an admitted standing- as the possessor of the true poetic faculty. He is now issuing,- through the fine publishing house of Brown & Derby, a volume of " Poems and Essays " that will enlarge his rising fame. There is one name upon which every Georgian can linger with a tender admiration, Dr. F. O. Tickrior. His poems were thrown off carelessly, and never published in book form until after his death, but he had a flashing* vein of poetic genius, and deserves to rank among the true poets of America. His " Little Giffen of Tennessee " is one of the liv ing lyrics of the English language. J. R. Barrick, once editor of the Atlanta Constitution^ and A. R. Wr atson of the Macon Telegraph, were

628

GEORGIA BOOKS OF A SKKIOUS NATURE.

both fair poets. Mrs. M. C. Bigby of Newnan, Ga., has written some meritorious verses. Mrs. E. B. Castlen of Macori, published a sprightly volume of poems under the title of " Autumn Dreams." Miss Annie R. Blount of Augusta, printed a volume of poerns before the war. Mr. S. Yates Levy of Savannah, wrote a successful drama, " The Italian Bride," for Miss Eliza Logan, that evinced merit. Father Ryan wrote some of his best poems in Georgia while editing the JBctnner of the South in. Augusta. His "Conquered Banner" has become historic. Miss Carrie Bell Sinclair of Augusta, published a volume of poems. Mr. John C. Langston of Bolingbroke, has recently printed a volume. Mrs. Jennie Porter has published " "Valkyria " this year, a work com memorating the war, with many poetic flashes, and having an excellent circulation North. Mr. James Maurice Thompson, formerly a lawyer of Calhoun, Ga., has become a regular and popular poetic contributor to the literary journals of the country. He has written many fine tales.
Of serious works, Georgia has produced quite a number. Mr. John S. Wilson published the " Necrology of the Synod of Georgia" in 1871; Rev. James P. Simmons of Lawrenceville, the " War in Heaven; " Prof. Joseph Le Conte, a " Text Book of Geology," and with his brother, Dr. John Le Conte, a " Text Book of Chemistry;" Dr. P. H. Mell, the present able Chancellor of the University of Georgia, " Baptism," " Predestination," " Corrective Church Discipline," and a " Manual of Parliamentary Practice; " Rev. F. R. Goulding wrote " Life Scenes from Gospel History," besides an inimitable series of boys' books that have had a world-wide circulation. " The Young Marooners " was printed in 1852 and has been issued by the tens of thousands in America and Europe. Mr. James P. Harrison has just issued one of the most valuable publications of the day, a volume of 900 pages, giving the biog raphies of Southern Baptist divines, illustrated with over 400 portraits. It has been edited \vith great care, and printed by his own publishing establishment, the Franklin Printing- House. A remarkable work just published is " Our Brother in Black," by that powerful writer and eloquent divine, Rev. Atticus G. Haj-good, president of Emory College and editor of the Methodist Advocate. It is an able, fearless, original and conservative work, dealing with the problem of the colored race in the South with both a Christian and statesman-like hand. It is one of the most sententious, preg-nant and philosophical publications of the time, and deserves the geneVal circulation it is getting. Capt. M. Dwinell, of the Rome Oourier, gave us " Common Sense Views of Foreign Lands," a remarkably clear book of travels, written with force and sim-

OUR GEORGIA NOVELISTS.

629

plicity. Rev. J. M. Bonnell, president W^esleyan Female College, Macon, issued a " Manual of the Art of Prose Composition." Prof. R. M. Johnson published " The Eng-lish Classics " as a text-book in colleges, a work clear, accurate and discriminating-. Col. "W. S. Rockwell printed a " Hand-Book of Masonry." Mrs. Mel R. Colquitt is one of our most gifted lady writers, who has written no book, but gained hig'h reputation for her varied contributions to the periodicals of the day. Mr. White of Athens has written a book on " Southern Gardening-" that is an authority.
In the domain of fiction Georgia has done well. The leading novelist of the South, Miss Augusta J. Evaris, now Mrs. Wilson, author of "Beulah," " Macaria," etc., and is a Georgia born lady. Hon. Henry W. Hilliard, recent TJ. S. Minister to Brazil, Cong-ressmari from Georgia from 1845 to 1851, issued a novel, " De Vane: a Story of Plebeians and Patricians," in 1SGG. Mr. Clifford A. Lanier, a brother of Sidney Lanier, has given the State two novels, " Thorn-Fruit " and " Two Hundred Bales;" Rev. Mr. Warren of Macon, the novel of "Nellie Norton;" Mrs. Maria J. Westmoreland, " Heart-Hung-ry " and " Clifford Trcup; " Mrs. Mary E. Tucker, the " Confessions of a Flirt; " Mrs, Emma L. Moffett of Columbus, "Crown Jewels;" W. D. Trammell, " Ca Ira;" Miss L. A. Field, " Helen Freeman on the Right Path; " Mrs. M. J. R. Hamilton, "Cachet;" Mrs. Fannie Hood of Rome, "Maude, a Life Drama; " Mrs. Hamrnond of Atlanta, has recently put out the " Geor gians," a novel of unusual power.
Our two romance writers at present, of largest celebrity, are Mrs. Mary E. Bryari and Prof. William Henry Peck. Mrs. Bryan has published " Manche " and " Wild "Work," two very dramatic novels, given out under the strong imprimatur of the Appletons, and displaying talent of a high order. She has been for years editing- the Sunny So^lth. That she has found time and been able amid her severe absorption of journalistic duty to produce two such fictions, is something remarkable. "Wild Work" is a reconstruction romance, founded in fact, and depicting some of the anomalous phases of that strange era in the South following the war, that has been narrated in this volume in its place in the march of turbulent events. Mrs. Bryan has genuine literary genius, and it is finding a wide and appreciative recognition. She is also a lady of lovely character and delightful social qualities. Prof. William Henry Peck has probably made more money than all the rest of our literary workers. He has been professor, president of a college, editor and novelist. His fecundity of literary production is extraordinary. He

630

GEORGIA JOURNALISM! ANI> LITERATURE.

had published thirty-four serials up to 1869, many of them stories of the late war, the "Renegade," "The Conspirators of New Orleans," " The Phantom," " The Confederate Flag- of the Ocean," " The Maids and Matrons of Virginia," etc. In 1868, Prof. Peck moved to New York and lived there until 1875, when he located in Atlanta. In New York he wrote only for Bonner's great paper, the Ledger, the New York TVee/cti/ and the Philadelphia Saturday N^ight. Mr. Bonner, with that bold management that has marked him, has for years monopolized the genius of our Georgian, whose stories have so largely contributed to his paper's success, and paid him the salary that railroad presidents receive. Mr. Peck has had $5,000 for a single story. His novels are principally historical, requiring laborious study before the author begins to fill out his plots. He writes usually five hours a day, sometimes ten. He studies five hours a day, and in addition reads everything- published and keeps up with the press. He is a student of faces, voices, manner isms and peculiarities, and combines the result of his observation in his characters.
It has been no accident or stratch that enables this industrious Geor gian to lead the serial writers of the world, to command a princely income, and to maintain his hold upon the largest reading1 constituency iri America and England. Since 1870 he has written some forty novels, among- them " The Stone Cutter of Lisbon," " The King's Messenger," " The Queen's Secret," " Flower Girl of London," " The Miller of Mar seilles," etc.
The characteristics of both our Georgia Journalism and Literature are marked,--healthy sentiment, independent thought, and a rapidly increasing culture. The genius of our Georgians is pure, original, and of a sunny, picturesque quality, but lacking in discipline arid equipment. The epoch of reconstruction has in many respects favored the demon stration of our Southern literary talent. The stimulus of necessity has forced latent intellectuality to vigorous exercise. Success, of unquestion able capacity, has only been possible in competition with the trained methods of literary professionals, and to this end have our bright Georgia intelligences studied and striven. The warm fancy and strong, vivid, ready brainfulness of the minds of a race, gifted by nature and inheritance, have developed wonderfully. And, in the light of the ver satile intellectual activity in our State in the last decade, reaching the demands of cosmopolitan criticism, grasping the attention of the world of letters and running into the highest forms of manifestation, we can indulge in large augury for our State's literary future.

CHAPTER LII.
THE RAILROADS, RESOURCES AND FUTURE OF GEORGIA.
The State use of "Railroads.-- Stupendous "Railway Schemes Centering in Georgia recently.--Our State Railways.--The Central, Georgia, Air Line and State Rail roads.--Wm. M. Wadley and his Great Plan.--E. W. Cole and his Dramatic Vicis situdes.--The Erlauger Syndicate.--The Richmond and Danville, and Georgia Pa cific Combination.--The Louisville and Nashville Organization and Gen. E. P. Alex ander.--Over ^50 Millions of Railroad Property Focalizing on Georgia; and 25 Millions Building on Georgia soil.--Our Railroad Superintendents.--L. N. Tramniell, Railroad Commissioner.--Georgia's Mineral Affluence.--A Grand State in Mineral Wealth.--The Results of the Geological Survey.--Our Agricultural Attractions.--The Work of our Agricultural Department.--Cotton Production.-- Fruit.--Immense Range of Production.--Productive Fertility.--Stock.--Water Power Illimitable.--Small. Farms.--Cotton Manufacture.--Free Schools.--The International Cotton Exposition.--An Amazing Enterprise.--A World's Fair put on foot in 108 days.--The Men of this Great Work.--The Opening of the Expo sition.--Great Speeches.--Senators Z. B. Vance and D. W. Voorhees.--The Scope of the Exhibit.--A New Era betokened, and Georgia its Apostle.--The Summing up of Georgia's Career and Destiny.--A Noble Statehood, leading in the rush of Civilization and Progress.--The End.
OXE of the most powerful elements in Georgia's striking- progress has been that her people early learned the value of the railroad, as an irresistible instrumentality of advancement. And it has been a curi ous exemplification of her potential destiny, that in the last year or two this State has been the focal point of five stupendous railroad combi nations, including thousands of miles of track, radiating through a quarter of the vast Union, and involving hundreds of millions of property. And it is a fact, significant and honorable, that the majority of the mas ter spirits of these colossal enterprises are from Georgia. It is no acci dent that this supreme pre-eminence has fallen to our commonwealth, but it is the result of adequate causes--her geographical advantages, her superb resources, and the genius of her men.
We have now in Georgia 2,616 completed miles of railroad property in the State, estimated as worth sixty millions of dollars. The capi tal stock in 1880 was $31,380,650; funded and other debt, $24,136,727--total 85.5,517,343. These roads cost $49,676,723. They earned

032

LTCADIXG GEORGIA RAILROADS.

$8,416,625, net earnings being- 83,429,018, of which 81,619,936 was paid as dividends, and $1,051,111 as interest. The first railroads built were the Central, from Savannah to Macon, 191 miles in length, and the Georgia railroad, 171 miles, from Augusta to Atlanta. The experimen tal survey for the Central Road was made by Col. Crug'er, at the cost of the city of Savannah, in 1834. The Central Railroad and Banking- Com pany was organized in 1835, the road begun in 1836, and completed in 1843. The master spirit of this initial enterprise was "W~. "W. Gor don, Ksq., a gentleman of uncommon energy and administrative ability. The charter of the Georgia road was granted in 1833. A part of it was operating' in 1837, and the road completed in 1845. The Macon and Western Railroad was chartered in 1833, lie charter amended in 1836, and the road completed from Macon to Atlanta, 103 miles, in 1846. These roads had been constructed by private capital. Our enterprising' people immediately turned their energies to connect ing our completed triangular system from Savannah and Aug-usta, to Atlanta, with the great West.. Some bold spirits, among- them Hon. Alex. H. Stephens, chartered, and voted the State's money to the West ern and Atlantic Railroad, 138 miles, from Atlanta to Chattanooga, Term. This road was completed in 1850. The Air Line was chartered in 1856. Mr. Jonathan Norcross was the first president. The road was located in 1860. Work was not beg-un until 1867, under Col. Buforcl as president. The first ground was broken March, 1869, and the first rail laid October, 1869. The road was completed August 26, 1872, the 265 miles from Atlanta to Charlotte costing $7,950,000. The name, Col. J. G. Foreacre, has a powerful and honorable connection with this great road. He was its general manager for years, and is a. gentleman of extraordinary ability and enterprise. He is now presi dent of the North-Eastern Railroad. Still another name of strongprominence that had connection with the Air Line, is Maj. John B. Peck, who has long managed the South Carolina road, an able railroad writer as well as manager.
To show the benefits of railroads, on the Air Line road, the popu lation decreased from 1850 to 1860, when there was no railroad, at least two per cent., or from 108,800 to 105,247, while on the Western and Atlantic railroad it increased thirty-five per cent., or from 98,208 to 132,549. The enhancement of property in value was over twenty-two millions, or eig'hty per cent, greater on the State road. After the Air Line road was built, the increase in fourteen counties was fifteen millions in four years, and 2,000 voters, representing 14,000 people.

WILLIAM M. WADLEY.
The South-western Railroad, 143

Gaines, 22 miles; from Griffin to Carrollton, 60 mile

now belong

by purchase or lease to the Central, making- 787 miles.

The Georgia Railroad, 171 miles; Macori branch, 78 miles; "vW v aassnhiing-

ton branch, 18 miles; Athens branch, 40 miles; riartwell road, 10

miles, and Lawrenceville road, 10 miles, making- 327 miles, have been

leased by the Central Railroad, giving that enormous corporation 1,114

miles of track in the State, besides its outer connections of the Western

Railroad of Alabama, Montgomery and Kufaula road, and Port Royal

and Aug-usta road, running its total to 1,494 miles of road. It is in

close sympathy with the Atlanta and West Point Railroad, 89 miles,

one of the most valuable and best managed railways in the South, whose

stock has valued high, and whose g-overning spirit has been Col. L. P.

Grant, one of the most capable railroaders in the Union. The gentle,

man whose name is most identified with the Georgia Railroad is Hon.

John P. Kingg-, once a United States Senatorr, and for foorrtyy yycears a rea

railroad monarch, able, far-seeing, public-spirited arid influential. The

genius of this powerful combination is William M. Wadley, a gentle

man of iron force of character and a capacity for broad enterprises.

Mr. "Waadeleyy is a large, n nooblee looookningg man, wwith a face of ssinnguulaar

benevolence of expression. He began in the humblest capacity on the

CCeentral Road. He has risen to a masterfiil pre-eminence through an

individuality, unusually strong-, simple and direct, with a vigorous posi-

tiveness of will, and far-reaching conceptions, and yet with a narrowed

range of thought in some matters due to lack of early culture. He is

a great-brained and indomitable man. His superb system, grasping the

most vital railways of the State, connecting- at Savannah -with the

Northern ports by a magnificent line of Ocean steamers, clutching the

South Carolina seaport metropolis of Charleston, with its roads, holding-

a direct link with Alabama and Mississippi and the great "West, is a

monument to his consummate and sagacious audacity. Mr. "Wadley

builds solidly, and he is one of the Railway Kings, not only of Georg-ia

but of the South.

The Macori and Brunswick Railroad was beg-un in 185 9 and finished

in 1869, costing four millions for the 196 miles, including- the branch to

Hawkinsville. Col. George H. Hazlehurst was the ruling- spirit of this

G34

COLONEL. E. W. COLE.

enterprise, a charming- gentleman, and an accomplished railway manager. This road, whose history is romantic in the extreme, is the corner stone of the famous Cole-Seney combination. The history of these colossal railway movements in Georgia is a glowing chapter of startling sur prises, sudden, secret arid overwhelming purchases on a gigantic scale, splendid demonstrations of individual management, and formidable coalitions of capital and genius. And connected with these dramatic audacities of railway enterprise, have been some touching episodes of personal strategy, success and disappointment. Col. E. W. Cole, long in charge of the Georgia Railroad, had while President of the Nashville and Chattanooga and St. Louis roads* conceived arid carried out appar ently a powerf ul scheme that gave him supremacy to the Georgia coast. In the very hour of success, the Louisville and Nashville Railroad, under Victor Newcomb's daring young1 guidance, bought the Nashville and Chattanooga road, dethroned Cole and clutched his great scheme. It was like Sedan to Napoleon, seemingly, the end of an empire.
Col. Cole bore his downfall philosophically. He had in his long rail road career demonstrated abilities so conspicxious, judgment so sound, executive power so superlative, and a scope of conception so accurate arid broad, that "when he organized in a few days a plan covering a cash expenditure of sixteen millions of dollars, and gathering into a compre hensive and symmetrical chain the scattered links that railroaders had struggled with for years, the country gave to the indomitable Cole the acclaim due to his enterprise and genius. Taking Brunswick, Georgia, as his ocean terminus, he bought the Macon and Brunswick road, Selma, Rome and Dalton road, East Tennessee and Virginia road, leased the Memphis arid Charleston road, and has thousands of hands building the gaps from Macon to Rome, through 'Atlanta. Baffled in leasing the Cincinnati Southern, he has perfected his scheme by securing connec tion with Norfolk and by Knoxville to Kentucky, and from Morristown to the Carolina roads. His associates are Mr. George I. Seney of the Metropolitan bank of New York, whose gifts to the Georgia colleges have so endeared him to the people of our State. The whole line of this combination includes 2,138 miles, penetrating the seven states of Georgia, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Kentucky, North Carolina and Virginia, and. represents fifty millions of dollars.
The Brunswick and Albany railroad, like the Macon and Brunswick road, a Georgia enterprise full of romantic eventfulness in its construc tion, begun before the war and finished since, a memento of the rriost tragic episode of Reconstruction, embroidered with the association of

THE ERI,A:ST GER SYNDICATE.

over five million of fraudulent bonds, lias been made the initial link of another vast railway scheme, known as the Erlanger syndicate of Frank fort capitalists in Europe, represented by Mr. Fred Wolfe. This line extends from Brunswick, Ga., to .New Orleans, arid from New Orleans through Chattanooga to Cincinnati, and from New Orleans to Texas. It owns besides the Brunswick and Albany road, the Vicksburg and Shreveport, and the Vicksburg- and Meridian, the Memphis, Holly Spring's and Selma roads, and has leased the Cincinnati Southern. It has invested over twelve millions, and is building between three hundred and four hundred miles of new road. The Erlanger line einbraces at present one thousand six hundred and thirty-one miles of road, worth forty millions of money, and it is still extending. It includes at present the following lines:

Cincinnati Southern, . Alabama Southern, Meridian to Vieksburff, Vicksburg to Shrevepor Meridian to New Orlean Eutavv to Memphis, Eutaw to Selma, Selma to Albany, Albany to Brunswick,

326 ii 296 145 196 193

Total, .

1,631

Mr. "Wolfe has twenty-five millions to invest. Baron Erlanger, the head of the syndicate, is the husband of the daughter of John Slidell, Confederate Commissioner to Europe, captured on the British steamer Trent. To the historic fact of Slidell's embassy and the affectionate devotion of his daughter to the South, do we owe this enormous invest ment of capital, commencing- in Georgia, in the rail-ways of the South.
v The Georgia Western Railroad, running- from Atlanta into the inex haustible coal fields of Alabama, has been a cherished project of Georgia enterprise for years. Starting and failing-, organized and reorganized time and again, finally Gen. John B. Gordon caught up the unutilized and affluent opportunity, and has given it life. He and his brothers, E. C. Gordon, Walter Gordon and Gov. A. H. Colquitt, organized the Georgia Pacific Syndicate, with twelve and a half millions of capital, to build a line from Atlanta through Birmingham, Ala., to the Mississippi river. That rich and powerful syndicate, the Richmond and Danville, already owning the Air Line road in Georgia, has taken in the Georgia Pacific. This magnificent scheme covers the following roads:

636

THE GKEAT LOUISVILLE AND NASHVILLE RAILROAD CO.

Richmond to Danville, Va.,

........

.

Piedmont Railroad, Danville to Greensboro, N. C., .....

North Carolina Railroad, Goldsboro via Greensboro to Charlotte, N. C-, .

North-western North Carolina Railroad, Greensboro to Salem, N. C., .

Atlanta and Charlotte Air Line Railroad, Charlotte to Atlanta, Ga., ..

N. & C. Narrow Gauge branches, ........

Charlotte, Columbia and Augusta Railroad, Charlotte via Columbia to

Augusta, Ga., ...........

Columbia and Greenville Railroad, Columbia to Greenville, . . .

C. & G. branches,

...........

Spartansburg, Union and Columbia Railroad, Alston to Spartansburg, S. C.,

Ashville and Spartansburg Railroad, Spartansburg to Heiidersonville, N. C.,

Western North Carolina Railroad, Salisbury to W. F. Ashville,

..

Virginia Midland Railroad, Alexandria to Danville, Va.,

...

Manassas Junction to Strasburg, Va.,

.......

Franklin Junction to Roey Mount, (N. G.,)

......

Orange C. H. to Gordonsville, Va.,. . . . . . . . .

Warrenton Junction to Warrenton, Va., . . . . . .

Richmond, York River and Chesapeake Railroad, . .

..

North-eastern Railroad and Georgia, Athens to Lula, Ga., ...

14O miles. 49 " 223 " 29 " 269 " 70 "
191 " 143 "
85 " 68 " 48 " 155 " 233 " 62 " 37 "
9 "* 9" 39 " 40 "

1,899 "
Add to this net-work of 1,895 miles the Georgia Pacific from Atlanta to Greenville, Miss., and Arkansas City, and its branches, of 500 miles, and we have the superb aggregate of 2,395 miles, worth seventy-five millions of dollars, with Atlanta and Richmond its centers. The Pres ident of the Richmond and Danville Company is N. S. Buford of Rich mond ; Vice Presidents, George "W. Perkiris of New York and A. Y. Hokes and T. M. Logan of Richmond, with T. M. R. Talcott as General Manager, A. Pope, General Agent, and R. Temple as the Chief Engineer. The Georgia Pacific remains under the Presidency of Gen. John B.
Gordon. ; We now come to the powerful combination, that seems to be invinci/ ble, spreading its strong tentacles ubiquitously, clutching new conquests |' with a giant's hand, preserving an acknowledged supremacy .amid all the shifting changes of railway domination, and enlarging its colossal rule with a steady, irresistible force. "Working in an impenetrable secrecy, its purposes are only discovered when successful. It in some way crushes rivalry, \vhile it has a masterful capacity of beneficial coali tion. The Louisville and Nashville combination is the mysterious and potential organization to which allusion is made. It inaugurated its first startling movement in invading Georgia and dethroning the irrepres sible Cole. It is bound in a cordial alliance with \V~adley's gigantic system in Georgia. It bought a majority interest in the Western and

RAILWAY MAGNATES.

GEXEIiAL E. 1'. ALEXAXDES.

637

Atlantic railroad, and but for the wily brain and firm nerve of Joseph E. Brown, whose forethought framed, and whose skillful management enforced, the provision in the law of the lease that kept the control of the road in the hands of the original lessees, and made a forfeiture of the lease the penalty of discrimination, this subtle and iron-handed cor poration would have obtained the possession and guidance of this regnant little State road of ours. And it has been a curious piece of railway drama, that this steady, diminutive rail-way of 138 miles*planted in Northern Georgia, has held its imperial monopoly of power and business, firm amidst toppling- syndicates, unaffected in a. hurly-burly of vast changes and the war of massive schemes, making every one of the stupendous enterprises of thousands 01 miles of steel track, typifying millions of aggressive capital, pay tribute to its sovereignty. No rival has yet sprung into life, though King Cole is seemingly about to accom plish the achievement.
It is an interesting- fact, that the active spirit of this colossal combi nation, the Louisville and Nashville, is our own brilliant young Georgian, Gen. E. P. Alexander, a noble officer of the South in the war, and nowone of the railway magnates of the Union. He is carrying ably a vast responsibility. ^Vadley and Cole are nearing sixty years in ag-e. Alexander is in the forties, and may -well be called the young Napoleon of the railways. The Louisville and Nashville has over 3,300 miles of road, -worth one hundred millions of dollars, covering the South and the West. An instance of its daring and -watchfulness is shown in the fol io-wing recent movement in Georg-ia.
In 1853, the Savannah, Albany and Gulf railroad was projected. Dr. John P. Screveii was tlio master-spirit, and his son, Col. John Screven, succeeded him. The road was done to Thomasville, 200 miles, in 1861, and almost destroyed during- the war, and rebuilt to Bainbridge, 236 miles, in 1867. It has branches, Dupont to Live Oak, forty-nine miles; Thomasville to Albany, fifty-eight miles; and the Waycross and Florida division from Tebeauville to Folkston, thirty-four miles, extending to Jacksonville. This road had a million dollar subscription from the State, and $1,200,000 from Savannah. It is in the hands of a new com pany, and bears the name of the Savannah, Florida and Western rail road. The Louisville and Nashville road has, -with its accustomed sagacity, combined with the Savannah, Florida and Western railroad, which extends its line to Chattahoochee, Florida, connecting with the Pensacola and Mobile road, now constructing by the Louisville and Nashville Company, and forming a direct and unbroken trunk line from

638

GEORGIA THE CENTER OF GREAT K. R. SCHEMES.

New York by Savannah to New Orleans. Thus does a Georg-ia line, starting from a Georgia seaport, afford the main Atlantic Southern outlet for another grand scheme. The Louisville and Nashville covers its shining tracks of steel from Norfolk to New Orleans by two routes, from Louisville to Pensacola, and from St. Louis to the Gulf of Mexico and the Atlantic Ocean.
Again, Mr. Garrett, President of the Baltimore aiicl Ohio Railroad, is said to be seeking his own line from Danville, Va., through Spartansburg, S. C., to Atlanta, at a cost of ten millions of dollars. These colossal enterprises stagger the imagination, and yet they are realities. The whole tendency of railway management is to vast consolidation, -which is now experiment. It remains to be seen whether the huge net-works of railway will prove homogeneous arid successful systems, or loosely knit schemes, heterogeneous and inharmonious. One thing- is certain, and that is that in the face of these sweeping systems, State railroad commissions, governing isolated links of great chains, must be power less to regulate them, especially in the absence of a uniformity of policy in the States. It looks as if a National commission must ultimately be a necessity.
It is another evident contingency of this consolidating phase of railroadism, that the still larger combinations of the North and ^Vest may be expected to have an eye to the South, sooner or later, and with their illimitable capital and herculean enterprise, we may look for disarrange ments of our Southern syndicates. Jay Goulcl has 12,000 miles of rail way, from New York to California and Mexico. Railroads are secured by purchase of a bare majority of their stock. When, it becomes to the interest of Gould or Vanderbilt, in the rushing- development of Georgia and its enhanced value in a commercial view, to turn a longing- eye here, we may not unreasonably anticipate a flutter and displacement of our present syndicates.
Be this as it may, Georgia to-day occupies a position unparalleled in the Union. Ten thousand miles of railway corporations, aggregating300 millions of money, are pouring capital into and seeking control of Georgia commerce. Between twenty and twenty-five millions of capital from the North are being invested in railways in Georgia to perfect grand schemes. In every part of the State new iron pathways, besides those long lines already mentioned, are opening up the counties to the march of progress. The Marietta and North Georgia railroad, twentyfour miles from Marietta to Canton, is. building on to the Carolina border. The North-eastern road, thirty-nine miles from Athens to Lula,

THE RESOURCES OF GEORGIA.

639

is swiftly extending-; a road from G-ainesville to L>ahloneg-a is in process of construction; from Arlington to Blakely in Early county, the link is almost clone; the Xorth and South road from Columbus to Hamilton is booked for Lagrang-e; the Augusta and Knoxville road has its four teen miles built in Georgia, and is going on; innumerable charters have been granted; Atlanta arid Alabama, Rome and Chattanooga, Rich mond county railroad, Rome and Lag-range, Gumming and Suwannee, Buena Vista road, Logansville road, Rome and Carrollton, Kingston and Gainesville, Tennille and ^Vrightsville, Coving-ton and Ocmulgee, Coving-ton and North Georgia, Coving-ton and South River, Hawkinsville and Florida, Jeffersonville and Southern, Belt road, Cleveland and Lulu railroads.
It would not be proper to conclude reference to our Georgia railroads without some allusion to its fine array of Superintendents, men of superior capacity and character. Among these are Mr. Raoul, Mr. Wm. Rogers and W. F. Shellman of the Central, Gen. Wm. McRae of the State road, Col. H. S. Hairies of the Savannah, Florida and 'Western, Mr. I. Y. Sage of the Air Line, Mr. John Green of the Georgia, and Mr. J. M. Edwards of the Macon & Brunswick. A change lias been just made in the Railroad Commission, Col. N. C. Barnett retiring, and Col. L. N". Trammell taking his place. Col. Barnett filled the place well. Col. Trammell has all the qualities to make a superiorCommissioner. He brings to the high duties a splendid practicality, ambition to serve the public interest, and natural diplomacy.
The resources of Georgia are not fully known. The Geological sur vey,'so \vell conducted for five years by Dr. George Little, still incom plete, presents such an exhibition of varied wealth, even in its partial exe cution, as places our commonwealth foremost in its transcendent natural advantages.
The results of the survey have been: 1st, a collection of ten thousand specimens of minerals, rocks, ores, fossils, plants and woods, represent ing every county in the State, arranged in g-eographical position, so that any one may walk through the room on county lines and see samples of everything- which would be seen by traveling over the whole State.
2. A topographical map of the State, half completed, showing- the county lines as now established by law, county towns, villages, postoffices, churches, schools, mills and roads.
3. A geolog-ical map of the State, showing the different formations and periods in its history, and the mines in operation.

04:0

Tllli MINERALS OF GICO KG I A.

4. A hypsometric rnap showing- the elevations from tide water to 4,811 feet on the Blue Ridge.
5. A map showing the river systems and drainage areas. 6. County maps of Dade, Walker, Catoosa, Chattooga, Murray, Whitfield, Gordon, Bartow, Floyd, Polk, Cobb, Fultqn, Hall and Habersham, and of the Okefenokee Swamp, embracing- portions of Clinch, Ware and Charlton counties. 7. A map of the Ocmulgee River, from Coving-ton to Macon, show ing- all the sites for manufactories in a distance of seventy miles, with an aggregate fall of 400 feet, with an atlas representing the topography of- the separate falls. 8. A map of North-West Georgia with two sections, showing the g-eological features from the North-west corner of the State to the line of metamorphic rocks, in Bartow county. . 9. Unfinished maps of the counties in the western half of the State, for which all the data have been collected on sectional maps. 10. Gold mines have been put in successful operation in Rabun, Towns, Union, Fannin, Gilmer, Pickens, Cherokee, Cobb, Paulding-, Haralson, Dawson, Lumpkin, \Vhite, Hall, Habersham, Lincoln, Oglethorpe and Meriwether. In 1874 there were twenty-five stamps in Lumpkin; in 1881, 425. The 400 increase represent about 400,000 dol lars of investment of capital. 11. Copper has been worked by the Hunt & Douglas process, in Haralson county. 12. Lead has been mined in Lincoln county. 13. Manganese mines have been opened in Polk, Floyd and Bartow. From the last $60,000 worth was shipped during the last year. 14. Iron mines have been opened, and large shipments made, from Bartow and Polk and Dade counties, and over 100 miles of outcrop of fossilierous iron ore located in Dade, Walker and Chattooga counties. 15. Coal has been mapped over a territory of 175 square miles. 1.6. Soapstone is now worked into blocks for furnaces and kilns and stoves, in Atlanta, from the mines in Cherokee. 17. The largest acid chambers in America have been built at At lanta, for the manufacture of sulphuric acid and the mills for produc tion of acid phosphates. ^These form the basis for the fertilizers, of which Georgia consumed last year $5,000,000 worth. 18. The North-eastern railroad is well under way to reach the gold, asbestos, serpentine and corundum of North-east Georgia. 19. The Marietta arid North Georgia railroad is moving toward

MINING IN GEORGIA.

641

the iron, marble, mica, graphite, talc, soapstone and gold of North Georgia.
20. The Georgia Pacific is building to the gold, copper, magnetic iron, asbestos, mica and corundum of West Georgia, the coal-fields of Alabama, and the cotton belt of the Mississippi.
21. Georgia has taken the first rank of the Southern States, from the publication of its resources for mining, manufacturing arid agricul ture, its climate, health resorts, mineral waters, timber and variety of soils.
Up to this time there have been collected and placed in the geological rooms, at the State Capitol, carefully labeled with the name of the owner, and the number of the lot, district and section, and arranged by counties: Asbestos from nine counties; Barite or Heavy Spa, two; Buhrstone or Mill Rock, twenty-seven; Chrome for paints, two; Coal, three; Copper, twelve; Corundum for Emery wheels, six; Diamond, one; Graphite or black lead, ten; Granite for building, forty-five; Glass sand, two; Green sand, fertilizer, four; Grindstone arid "Whet stone, four; Gold ores, sixty-one; Gypsum, land plaster, two; Hy draulic Cement, two; Iron ores, seventy-one; Iron Pyrites (sulphur), seven; Kaolin, for china ware, eleven; Lead ore, eight; Lignite, fuel, four; Limestone, forty-eight; Manganese, fifteen; Marble, six; Marl, fertilizer, twenty-two; Mica, eleven; Nickel, one; Nitre, two; Peat, four; Quartz (opal, amethyst), forty-six; Slate, roofing, four; Soapstone, twenty-two; Serpentine, mantels, etc., eleven; Rutile, seven; Zinc ore, two.
The following- counties have minerals as follows: JKa7mn, Gold, Asbestos, Serpentine; Toions., Gold, Copper, Corundum; Union, Gold, Mica; Fannin, Gold, Copper, Iron, Marble, Talc; Grilmer, Gold, Copper, Iron, Marble, Soapstone; Pickens, Gold, Iron, Mica, Marble, Graphite; GheroJf.ee., Gold, Copper, Iron, Mica, Soapstone; Jtfilton, Gold, Iron; Forsyth, Gold; J)aiosoti, Gold, Corundum; T-j'UtT*pJcin, Gold, Copper, Iron; W/iite, Gold, Asbestos, Diamond; Tlabersharn, Gold, Iron, As bestos; Hall, Gold, Lead, Iron, Mica, Asbestos; Dade, Iron, Coal, Fire clay, Holloysite; Wcil7eer, Iron, Coal, Marble; Catoosa, Iron, Marble, Limestone.
We have now in Georgia fifty gold milte with 500 stamps, the ma chinery worth $500,000; one copper mine,$50,000; one Sulphuric Acid fac tory, $200,000; one Soapstone mill, $10,000; one Asbestos mine, $10,000; one Manganese mill, $100,000; eighteen Iron Furnaces, $2,000,000; one Lead mine, $1,000,000; one Corundum mine, $10,000; one Mica mine,

642

AGRICULTURAL DEPARTMENT.

$5,000; Lime Kilns, $20,000; one Ferro-Manganese Furnace, $10,000; aggregating" four millions dollars of mineral establishments. Georgia has grown from the production of 9,034 tons of iron in 1870 to 35,152 tons in 1880.
The State of Georgia has the honor of being the first State in the Union to organize a Department of Agriculture, presided over by a Commissioner charged with the administration of the office, untrarnmeled by an advisory board.
The administration of the Department throug-hout, and especially by Hon. J. T. Henderson, has been vigorous and profitable to the State by educating the farmers through many valuable publications, by increasing production and elevating- the pursuit of agriculture. It contributed too, more largely than any other instrumentality, to the advertisement of the resources of Georgia, and to the enhancement of her reputation abroad. It is a source of gratification to Georgians, when traveling- in other states of the Union, to hear the encomiums passed upon their State, and especially upon the work of their Department of Agriculture.
The commissioner has control of the inspection and analysis of commercial fertilizers, and by the thorough system of supervision the farmer is very thoroughly protected from loss, by the purchase of spu rious goods.
The fee for the inspection of fertilizers is fifty cents per ton. The State derived during the last season the sum of $64,060.23 in revenue from this source. Previous to 1877, the inspectors received the fees as compensation for their services.
Under the law of 1877, the inspectors receive salaries and the fees are paid into the treasury. Since that time nearly $200,000 have been paid into the treasury, in fees for inspection, or $100,000 more than the Department of Agriculture has cost since its organization.
The influence of the publications of the department have exerted a silent, yet decided influence on the agriculture of the State, which has been overlooked by many, but which has not failed to impress itself iipon the observant of this as well as other states of the Union--nor has this influence been confined to Georgia, but has been felt for good in adjacent states. The manuals on Sheep-Jmsbandry, the Hog, on Cattle, Farmers Scientific Manual, the Hand-book of Georgia, Manual of Georgia, the reports of the soil-tests of commercial fertilizers in the different sections of the State--the crop reports--indeed all of the publications issued by the department, have exerted a most salutary influence upon the productive industries of the State, by supplying a

r

GEORGIA THE SECOND COTTON STATE.

643

vast amount of useful information to the tillers of the soil, which, they have riot failed to turn to practical account.
A few facts and figures in this connection will serve to illustrate some of the beneficial effects of the work of this Farmers' Department conducted by farmers in the interest of farmers. The production of oats in the State in 1870 was, according-to the census, 1,904,601 bushels. The census of 1880 shows a production of 5,544,161 bushels, on 612,350 acres. This increase has been induced, in the main, through the agency of the publications of the Department, which informed the farmers in every section and county of the State as to the varieties which had given best results. The influence of the information in regard to the Rust Proof variety of Oats, published by the Depart ment, has been most marked. " The influence of the Department in inculcating correct ideas in regard to the use of commercial fertilizers, has been decisive in the increase in cotton production. According- to the census of 1870, the Cotton Crop of the State was 473,934 bales, while the census of 1880 shows a production of 814,398 bales, upon 2,617,138 acres, aggregat ing 193,430 tons of lint cotton, and 386,859 tons of cotton seed. This increase in cotton production has riot been accompanied by a reduction in grain. On the contrary, besides the increase in oats already mentioned, the last census shows that Georgia produced 5,544,013 more bushels of corn in 1879 than in 1869. The census reports of 1880 reveal the complimentary fact that Georgia stands the second State in the Union in the total production of cotton, a fact due to "better cultivation of the soil, the use of fertilizers and the thrift of an industrious popula tion." It has been a remarkable fact in the cotton production of Georgia, that the use of the commercial fertilizer has made Northern Qeprgia a large cotton-producing section by hastening the seasons.
Georgia, in her versatility of climate and soil, is adapted for every variety of fruit, and is making rapid progress in fruit culture. The raising of early fruits and vegetables for the Northern and ^Western markets, is becoming- a vast business. Judge Cunning-ham, of Atlanta, is the leader in the fruit industry. He has the largest orchard in the South, 60,000 trees covering nearly 600 acres. The first peaches bring thirty-five dollars a bushel in the New York market.
The range of production in Georgia is very \vide and varied. Sea Island cotton, rice, sugar and tropical fruits, in the Southern part; cot ton, corn, fruit and the cereals all over the State; and grasses and clovers in the middle arid Northern parts, afford any kind of farming,

644

FERTILITY OF GEORGIA SOIL.

that any one can desire. The vast pine forests in the lower portion have supplied an immense and growing lumber and turpentine trade. The tea production has been proven a success, offering an illimitable source of wealth with the proper labor.
Some remarkable cases of productive fertility have been shown. Mr. R. H. Hardaway, in Thomas county, raised 117 bushels of corn to the acre; Mr. S. "W. Leak, of Spalding county, has obtained 40^- bushels of wheat on an acre; Mr. J. F. Madden, in the same county, raised 137 bushels of oats; Mr. T. C. Warthen, of W^ashington county, five bales of cotton; Mr. J. R. "Winters, of Cobb county, over three tons of clover hay; Dr. T. P. Janes, of Green county, five tons of clover hay; Mr. R. Peters, Jr., of Gordon county, nearly five tons of Lucerne hay; Dr. W. Moody, of Greene county, seven tons of Bermuda hay; Mr. John Dyer, of Bibb county, 398 bushels of sweet potatoes; Dr. J. S. Lavender, 1552 bushels of turnips in Pike county, on one acre. These are fine results, and show alike the fertility of the soil, and the excellence of the farming.
In stock raising-, Georgia has the best capacities, and has achieved good results. The Jersey cattle are taking strong and general hold on our people. Col. Richard Peters, of Atlanta, has been the leader in the introduction of stock. He has experimented in every variety of thoroughbred cattle and hogs. He has tried Devon, Ayrshire, Brahma, Durham and Jersey cattle, settling down finally upon the Jersey breed, the Merino sheep and the Angora goats. Col. W. B. Cox has made a specialty of Jerseys, and also Mr. Rhode Hill, Judge John L: Hopkins, and Mr. J. B. Wade, and others.
The water powers of Georgia are almost innumerable, covering threefourths of our counties. There are mineral springs of strong potency in 23 counties. The development of cotton manufactures is progress ing with a giant stride. The manufacture of cotton where it is grown is an idea that is seizing the world, it has proven so profitable. In Augusta 170,000 spindles are running, and the profit for eleven years of one mill, has been 18 per cent. The Eagle and Phenix mills of Columbus, in 1870 used 1927 bales, and in 1880, 19,000, and have made 25 per cent, profit. The following figures taken from an article in the Savannah JSTeios will tell the tale of our manufactures:
" There are two classes of factories iu our State--those exempt from taxation for a cer tain period, and those which pay taxes annually to the Comptroller General. Through the courtesy of Robert U. Harcleman, Esq., the able chief of this department of the Comptroller's office, we have verified our figures, as far as such a thing was possible.

FACTORIES, FARMS A?sD FREE SCHOOLS.

045

Of the taxable factories, Bibb county lias invested within her borders $77,500, Brooks $13,955, Clarke $260,000, Cobb $156,750, Coweta $7,500, Docatui-$5,000, Early $6,500, Greene $52,000, Haucock $10,800, Harris $75,000, Hart $f.,OOO, Houstou 825,000, Miirfcogee $501,565, Newton $15,5OO, Pulaski $6,000, Richmond $5-16,000, Taylor $11,000, Troup $40,000, Upson $45,000, Waltou $56,000, Warren $30,000, making a total of $1,966,070. Of the non-taxable corporations Cobb county has invested $53,000, Chattooga $225,000, Coweta $75,000, Chatham $100,000, Cherokee $16,OOO, Bibb $70,000, Brooks $30,000, Bartow $49,000, Early $57,000, Fulton 286,000, Muscogee $500,000, Pickens $15,000, Richmond $1,700,000, making a total of $3,176,000, and a grand total of $5,142,070. This, however, does not include the splendid new cotton factories under con struction at Augusta, in Richmond county, which, when fully completed and put in operation, will add over $2,000,000 to the foregoing grand total."

These are marvelous figures. The policy of running small well-tilled farms in the place of the baro nial plantations is becoming engrafted beneficially upon our husbandry. From 1868 to 1873 our small farms had increased 32,824, and now the enlargement will number 138,626, of which 76,451 are owned, and the balance rented. Only 3,491 are 1,000 acres and over; 7,017 of 500 acres to 1,000; 53,635 of 100 to 500; 26,059 of 50 to 100; 36,524 of 20 to 50; 8,694 of 10 to 20; 3,110 of 3 to 10; and 101 under 3 acres. Georgia has more farms than any Southern State. The colored people have become thrifty and own 680,000 acres of land. The farmers must gen erally adopt the policy of raising provisions and making cotton a sur plus crop, and then with the multiplication of manufacturers we shall see an era of prosperity that can not be measured. In free education the State is marching apace with the age. Prof. .1. Gr. Orr, the State School Commissioner, has done a noble work. The attendance since the inauguration of the school system in 1871, exhibits the gratifying fact of a steady growth of the system in each year. In 1871, white pupils, 42,914; colored, 6,664; total, 49,578. In 1873, white, 63,922; colored, 19,755; total, 83,677; increase, 34,099. In 1874, white, 93,167; colored, 42,374; total, 135,541; increase, 51,864. In 1875, white, 105,990; colored, 50,358; total, 156,394; increase, 20,808. In 1876, white, 121,418; colored, 57,987; total, 179,405; increase, 23,011. In 1877, white, 128,296; colored, 62,330; total, 196,626; in crease, 11,211. In 1878, white, 137,217; colored, 72,655; total, 209,872; increase, 19,246. The total number of children of school age is 433,444. Cities and towns have local school laws, paying $200,000. With the State school fund the sum of $600,000 is paid for free schooling. The State gives an endowment of $10,000 to the State University at Athens, and $8,000 to the colored college at Atlanta. The State University and

64:6

CONDENSED STATEMENT OF GEORGIA ADVANTAGES.

its branches at Dahlonega, Milledg-eville, Cuthbert, and Thomasville, educate free in the highest college curriculum over 2,000 pupils. "We \ave flourishing denominational and private schools and colleges. Mr. oreo. I. Seney of New York, deserves a large share of State gratitude and appreciation for $100,000 donation to Emory College at Covington, and $70,000 to Wesleyan Female College at Macon. The State is espe cially affluent in Female Colleges. "Wesleyan, at Macon, is the first Female College that was established in the world. The Southern Masonic Female College at Covington, Catholic Pio Nono College at Macon, Rome Female College, Rome Cherokee Baptist Female College, Houston Female College at Perry, Martin Institute at Jefferson, Coriyers Female College, Collingsworth Institute, Levert Female College at Talbotton, Southern Female College at La Grange, West Point Female College, and two Female Colleges at Dalton, are among our prosperous seminaries of learning.
The following succinct arid, condensed statement of the advantages of Georgia was made by Hon. Joseph E. Brown, arid gives an admirable recapitulation of our great State:
" The climate is genial and healthy, wifh every variety to suit the preferences of the immigrant, whatever may be his intended pursuit. If he desires to raise rice, sea island cotton and semi-tropical fruits, including the orange, and have fi'sh in abundance, or desires to engage in the culture of early vegetables and fruits for Northern consumption, he can find a suitable location upon her southern coasts or islands. If he desires to engage extensively in the lumber business, there is no better field open to him in the

diat his capital and enterprise may justify. If he desires to raise cotton, and pro duce the cereals necessary for his own use, there is no better field than Middle and Southern Georgia. If he desires to embark in sheep husbandry or the raising of cattle, he can do so with great success in all the wire grass section of the State, where they winter themselves upon the spontaneous productions of the earth. If he wishes to make sugar and syrup for his own use, and even for market, South Georgia affords him an ample field. If he wishes to cultivate clover and the other grasses, with corn, wheat, oats and cotton, the rich valleys of upper Georgia hold out a most inviting prospect. If lie wishes to raise the apple and other fruits of the higher latitudes, the high table and mountain lands of North-eastern Georgia afford him an ample field with liberal remuneration. If he wants to engage in the culture of potatoes and vegetables in com mon use, he can find a suitable location in almost any part of the State. If he wants a healthy retreat in the heat of summer he can find among the mountains of North-east Georgia localities where the buds scarcely begin to swell before the first days of June, and where he will need fire in his room every night in the year. If he wants to engage in the manufacture of cotton, water power of the best kind abounds without limit, and lie will never be interrupted a day during the year by the streams being frozen over with ice, or if he prefers the use of steam power, he can have that in the upper part of the State, near the conl mines, as cheap as he can have it anywhere in the Union. And if

THE INTERNATIONAL COTTON EXPOSITION.

647

his tastes or his training lead him into the business of merchandising, Atlanta, Savannah and other centers of the State extend to him an inviting field and a cordial invitation. In a word, we offer to the immigrant of every country and of every calling or pursuit a cordial welcome and an inviting field of operations, where industry, energy and economy soon lead not only to competency, but to the accumulation and possession of large wealth.
The year 1881 will be a memorable one in Georgia annals in marking the most momentous and far-reaching event of her extraordinary mate rial progress. It has at one single step placed her indisputably among the foremost states of the Union and the leader of the South. It has strikingly \vorked out her "manifest destiny" of supremacy. The INTERNATIONAL COTTON EXPOSITION, the first WORLD'S FAIR in the South, was opened on the 5th day of October, 1881, with imposingceremonies. In its significance and results it was a massive occurrence. An immense crowd witnessed the pageant. The Right Rev. Bishop Robert W. Elliott, son of Bishop Stephen Elliott, one of the most gifted and pious divines of Georgia, opened the ceremonies \vith a beautiful prayer. The Director-General, H. I. Kimball, gave a brief history of the enterprise, and presented' the Exposition to the public. Gov. A. H. Colquitt, the President of the Exposition, formally received the Exposition in a brief address of fervent eloquence. Succinctly alluding to the financial and material purposes of the project, he broad ened its inspiration in these noble words, \vhich evoked deafening-
applause:
" While material objects and results have been wisely considered in this exposition, for one, I feel sure that the noble and beneficent impulse of this enterprise is to draw the people of every section of this great country nearer and more firmly to gether, and closer to each other's hearts. The idea that has run like a thread of light through every measure and labor of this enterprise is, that all sections or portions of this vast country are truly, essentially, virtually parts of it. You, gentlemen, propose to encircle in the warm embrace of your fraternal love our fellow-citizens of every state, and to unify the spirit of our common country. A sublimer work was never designed or attempted by mortal agency. * * Let the good work prosper and go on. Let the ministering spirit of peace and good will, with strong pinion, take the sweep of this vast heritage of ours, and may every patriot feel that in the house of our Father, we cherish one heart, one hope, one destiny."
IT. S. Senator, Z. B. Vance, of North Carolina, followed in an exquisite little speech. His tribute to Cotton was poetic. Designatingit as the "infant heir of the blood royal to the empire of trade," he
continued in these beautiful words:
" The merchant in the distant city listens for tidings of its coming up ; the manufac turer amid his brick walls and tall chimneys anxiously observes its bloom ; the restless

C48

U. S. SEXATORS Z. 15. VAXCE AXD I). W. VOORHEKS.

speculator gazes upon its opening bolls ; the mariner, with his broad sails napping idly against his masts, waits for its maturing--and the poor everywhere pray for the gentle shower and the soft sunlight on which it feeds, and rejoice at its safe ingathering.
" Its growth is the idyllic poem of our people--its mature existence is a system of political economy. It is the source of the hoarse shout of the steam engine ; it is the melody of the soft song of the spindle and the loom; it i.-, the fairy of the waterfall; it is warmth, it is comfort, it is beauty. It is the pride of our fields, the source of our wealth, the king of our commerce."
Mr. Vance g-ave this soulful Southern welcome, the characteristic out flow of the sunny hospitality of our people:
" Farmers, merchants, manufacturers, miners, curriers, laboring men and men of

welcome you all. To every one present, or to come, we extend a Southern welcome, warm as our sunshine, and bid him behold what can be done by a land whose fields were but yesterday ' kneaded into bloody sods by the maddening wheels of artillery,' whose beasts of burden were swept away by devastating armies, whose noblest sons were slaughtered in battle, whose homes were burned with fire, and whose governments have passed through an era of corruption worse than anarchy. We invite you with pride to witness these conclusive tests of the genial nature of our climate, the fertility of our soil, the energy of our people, the conservative vitality of our political institutions; in short, we invite you to see that we have renewed our youth at the fountains of industry and found the hills of gold in the energies of an imperishable race.
" To every human soul from all the broad domains of Christendom, which may have one desire to promote the happiness and stimulate the progress of our race, which can add one voice in praise of the triumphs of peace, we say welcome, in God's name, to the hearts and homes of this Southern land."
The response to this was given by U. S. Senator Daniel W. Voorhees,
of Indiana, in a speech of eloquence and statesmanship, holding the
immense g-athering upon his stately utterances for one hour and a half.
This address elaborately recounted the history and triumphs of Cotton.
The whole speech was a great one. There were expressions in it of
noble import, and a broad grasp of inspired prophecy. The paragraphs
following deserve perpetuation:
" This is a world of compensations, and it seems to me that for the sorrows of the past we are now standing in the dawn of a better day than American history lias ever known, and that the splendor of its unclouded sun will soon break over our heads. Sir, the South enters the arena to contend, for the first time, for the supremacy in all the industrial pursuits. She comes with the light of youth and hope in her face, her eyes no longer red with weeping, and every patriotic heart in the North salutes her here on these grounds with a fraternal embrace. This is a field of peaceful strife over which the angels in heaven have joy. The South and the North meet here with one language, one territory, one government, one allegiance, one flag and one heart for the prosperity of all. Those whom God hath thus joined together let no man seek to alienate or put asunder '.

SKXATOR VOOKIIEES GREAT SPEECH.

" The relations which the southern states bear to the g

js that

inig-hty cotton helt which startled and revolutionized the tn

than a

century ago ; whose fields, with their tinted blossoms, are :

more valuable to

mankind than all the mines of gold and diamond fields

th. It was once

thought that the cotton plantation was dependent upon a ce

m of labor. The

rapidly increasing production of cotton during the last fi

s has, to the joy

whoir

ever bestowed. It inv 3 the labor of every nativity and color, and :

ates the

all.

"There is such a thing as fair play in the history of a people, and the time has now

come for the south, in my opinion, to enjoy its fruits. There is a gigantic double profit

within your reach if you will put forth your hands and take it. The profit of the pro

ducer you already have; the profit of the manufacturer--which enriches nations--is

all,

if I i

the

the call has been made. Be assured that it will be answered. It is my fond hope and

belief that he who is living twenty-five years hence will behold the transfiguration of

the south. New industries, incoming capital, and teeming populations are in store for

her future. The cotton belt proper, extending from North Carolina to Texas, will be

alty. Along the banks of southern streams, inlets and bays, new cities and villages will arise, sending to all the markets of the world the manufactured productions of the neighboring plains.
" The Creator has here spread His amplest bounties for the human race, and the south now for the first time, with the authority of circumstance and ceremony, invites the capital and labor of the world to assist in their development. Throughout all this vast extent of country, the capabilities of the south for cotton-raising- and for manufacturingher own productions are practically without limit. There are young men and women now listening to me, who will as certainly behold a crop of twenty million bales in the future, as they have seen one of five millions in the past. And they will with the same certainty, behold the purchasers of the whole world coming here, not only for their supply of the raw material, but also for manufactured goods in such quantities as to rule all markets, foreign and domestic. Such is the great and puissant future which I foresee for the South, springing forward, as she now is, to grasp all the improvements, the inventions, and the progression of the present age, and all the benefits and blessings of her government.
" Sir, I come from the North-west, and I bring to you the hail of hope, g-ood cheer, and American brotherhood from every true and manly heart in all that mighty region. A few moments more and the first world's fair on southern soil will begin its three mouths' career. All the nations will take note of the experiment. Your brethren of the East, of the North and of the West are looking- on, hoping- all things and believing all things favorable to its success. A fter a little while it will take its place in history, and from that point may a new era of national prosperity be opened before the Ameri can people, and may they be inspired with new and lasting- affection for each other."
The ceremonies closed with a fitting poem by Paul H. Hayne, read
by Col. N. J. Hammond,--a rare tribute to Atlanta, whose irrepressible
enterprise has made this aug-ust achievement a success. The concep-

tion of an International Cotton Exposition belongs to Mr. Edward Atkinson, of Boston, Ma.ss., arid the original idea was to combine in one g-reat display, every conceivable form of cotton production, manu facture and invention. This idea was soon enlarged, and the Exposi tion was broadened into a World's Fair. There was much competition for the Exposition between southern cities, and some very stronginducements held out, but Atlanta won it. On the 25th of February, 1881, the first meeting of business men was held in Atlanta, and a tem porary organization was effected. A charter was procured and a per manent organization effected on the 16th of April. The enterprise was placed in the hands of an executive committee of 29 members. The committee was composed as follows:

II. I. KIMBALL, CiIAIRMAN,

......

B. E. CRANE, CHA IRMAN, pro tern. .....

Joseph E. Brown, .
S. M. lamaii, . . . J. W. Kvckmaii, . . R. J. Lo wry, ....
R. F. Madilox - . . W. A. Moore, . . . M. C. Riser, .... L. P. Grant, .... Jno. A. Fitten, . . . .R. D. Spaldin-, . Richard Peters, . . . K. P. Ho well, . . . Sidnev Koot, .... J. W/Paramore,

. Atlanta, Ga. B. F. Abbott, . . .

. Atlanta, Ga. T. G. Healey, . . .

Philadelphia, Pa. W. C. Nefi, . . . .

. Atlanta, Ga. Jno. L. Hoplmis, . .

. Atlanta, Ga. Jno. T. Heriders.Mi, .

. Atlanta, Ga. J. F. Cummintrs,

.

. Atlanta, Ga. Jas. R. Wylie, . - .

. v Atlanta, Ga. J. C. Peck, . . .

. Atlanta, Ga. E. P. Chamberlin, . .

. Atlanta, Ga. Edward Atkinson, .

. Atlanta, Ga. Cyrus Bussev, . . .

. Atlanta, Ga. Richard Garsed,

. Atlanta, Ga. Jno. H. Inman, . . .

Atlanta.
Atlanta.
. . Atlanta, Ga. . . Atlanta, Ga. . . Atlanta, Ga. . . Atlanta, Ga. . . Atlanta, Ga. . . Atlanta, Ga. . . Atlanta, Ga. . . Atlanta, Ga. . . Atlanta, Ga.
Boston, Mass. New Orleans, La. Philadelphia, Pa. . . New York.
St. Louis, Mo.

Mr. H. I. Kimball was made Director-General, and Mr. J. W. Ryckman, editor of the Textile Hecord, the Secretary. The first President of the convention was Joseph E. Brown. He resigned on account of family affliction, and Gov. Alfred H. Colquitt was made the President. Mr. Kimball has an uncommon talent for enterprises of this kind, possess ing- energy, inventiveness and administrative faculty. Mr. Ryckman has been the right man in a responsible place. The committee has proven to be a body of extraordinary management. Mr. Kimball visited the North and West, and Hon. Thomas Harcleman the South and West, in the interest of the Exposition, addressing the Boards of Trade of the leading cities, and securing some $200,000 of subscriptions to the enter prise. The interest in it was general and.profound. Business men took hold of it eagerly. Dr. H. V. M. Miller was sent to Europe as agent of the Exposition.
Perhaps never, in the history of such enterprises, has there been .any thing to equal this one in the rapidity and completeness of its execution.

COTTON.

651

It is an unequaled monument of bold arid immense business skill and energy. On the 30th of May, 1881, the contract was signed for the main building-, which had been enlarged four-fold beyond the original size to suit the enlarged demand. On the 1st of June, ground was first broken, and in 108 days, to the 5th of October, 1881, when the Exposi tion was opened, building's have been erected, furnishing twenty acres of exhibition space, eleven miles in circumference, using eight million feet of lumber, five miles of sewerage pipe and six miles of steam pipe. Beautiful grounds have been created. An hotel for the accommoda tion of 1,000 guests has been erected at the grounds.
The work done has been simply amazing. Over 2,000 exhibitors have soug-ht space, and hundreds have been refused. Every kind of business is represented. Some exhibitors have expended $35,000 on their displays. The varied exhibition of general industries is complete. In executing the chief idea of the Exposition, the show of cotton, textile machinery, and the hundreds of appliances and processes that have grown out of the g-reat staple all over the world, is something phenomenaL Seed of every kind of cotton grown in the world were obtained by telegraphic order by Mr. S. M. Inmari, the Treasurer of the Exposition, and are planted and growing in the same field. There is cotton from India, from Hindoostan, from China, from Japan, from Australia, the North coast of Africa, Brazil, Chili, and the South Sea Islands, the Cape of Good Hope, Mexico, Central America, I3ombay, and every other climate in which the cotton plant has ever been grown. Each plant preserves its characteristics admirably, and side by side may be seen cotton with the perfectly red flower growing ten feet high, and the stalks, with perfectly blue flowers, growing less than two feet high. There is the queer Chinese cotton with a pinched, contracted look that marks everything- that comes from that country; the Peruvian cotton, with its flowers of Indigo and its small bolls; the Indian cotton, with its tropical appearance, but imperfect fruitage, and all of them with their various marks crowned by a few rows of our own, king of them all. Cognate to this, and a part of the same exhibition are bales and bags, and packages of cotton received from every country, in which cotton is handled, packed, or baled in the manner peculiar to each country. This exhibition of itself is a wonderful one, and shows that while the South may be ahead of all other sections in growing cotton, that there are older, if not wiser people, who know how to pack it better.
The display of cotton machinery is complete and instructive. Every process of manufacture is practically shown, and the aggregate in-

GEORGIA S GREAT IN VKXTOES.
veiitions of this keen-witted age are grouped together in the benef icent collision of peaceful rivalry for the benefit of all peoples and countries.
Among- the most picturesque demonstrations, are those made by the great railroad systems, of the woods, minerals and agricultural produc tions of the country on their lines of track. States have made similar displays of their resources. It is impossible to enumerate the extent of this stupendous exhibition. It includes the commerce and manufac tures of the world. Throngs of people are swarming to the Exposition, giving the supplement of a vast attendance to the supreme achievement. The problem of entertaining thousands of visitors in a city of 40,000 inhabitants, has been a critical one, but it has been nobly solved by hospitably throwing open the homes of the indomitable little metropolis t:j> the inundation of welcome guests.
Reviewing the past of Georg-ia, impartially estimating her present importance and power, it requires no strain upon the imagination to lay down for her a great future. She seems to have been selected for un usual achievement. Her history glitters with incidents of moral and intellectual supremacy, some of them valuable and important, and freighted with associations of renown and humanitarian utility.
Georgia was the first and only free and anti-slave colony in America, and continued thus for a number of years, until the superior growth of the slave colonies around her necessitated a change. Her code of laws of 1799 was so wise and symmetrical that it was engrafted upon the hoary and venerable body of English jurisprudence. The first steam ship that ever crossed the ocean sailed from Savannah, an instrumen tality that has revolutionized the international commerce of the world. The first female college in the world, the Wesleyan Female College, was established at Macon, Greorgia. The Cotton Gin, that omnipotent weapon of human benefit was invented in 1793, by Eli ^Vhitney, near Savannah, on the plantation of Gen. Greene of revolutionary fame. And it is a fateful coincidence that our great International Cotton Ex position, the first of the world, now progressing in Atlanta, should be on Georgia soil, and the outcome of that wonderful invention of nearly a century ago that here found birth. ^JThe first sewing machine was invented by a Georgian, Rev. F. R. Goulding, authorof^-trTe^?rYoung~~Maroonefs7w----The archives of the Georgia State Executive Department contain a letter written by James L,ongstreet, father of A. B. Longstreet, author of " Georgia Scenes," in 1793, to Edward Telfair, Governor of Georgia, asking his help to

GEORGIA THE LEADER OF THE CONFEDERACY.

653

equip the steamboat that he had invented, thus establishing Georgia's claim to the first invention of this benefaction.
The State has witnessed another incalculable contribution to the world's great benefits in the discovery, by Dr. Crawford "W. Long, a native of Athens, Ga., of ANAESTHESIA, in 1842, who thereby takes rank among the benefactors of mankind. Science and humanity have determined that the two greatest boons conferred on mankind were vaccination and Anesthesia. England gave the one arid Georgia the other. The portrait of Dr. Long was presented to the State of Georgia by Mr. Stuart, and formally received by the General Assembly, and it no\v hangs in the Representative Chamber, in the State House in At lanta, among the historic pictures of our distinguished men.
The four years before the war of 1861, the increase in the taxable wealth of Georgia was 176 millions of dollars, an astounding fact. In the slavery agitation preceding- the war, Georgia was the leading- instru mentality, and to Robert Toombs, of this State, is due above all others the responsibility for secession. The declaration of defiance for the South against the North was fulminated by Martin J. Crawford, a Georgian. The first act of war was by the Georgia Governor, Joseph 1C. Brown, in seizing Fort Pulaski. Georgia's reprisal upon New \rork through Gov. Brown evoked the attention of the Congresses of both governments. The shaping spirits of the Southern Confederacy were , Georgians. Ho well Cobb was President of the Convention, Thomas R. R. Cobb was Chairman of the Judiciary Committee, Francis S. Bartow was Chairman of the Military Committee, Alexander H. Stephens was Vice President of the new g-overnmeiit, and Robert Toombs was premier of the President in the provisional, arid the formative period of the per manent, Confederate governments. Mr. Stephens' great Corner Stone Speech put the world against the South on the slavery issue. Gov. Joseph E Brown made Georgia historic by his eloquent controversies with Mr. Davis arid the Confederate administration upon the momentous issue of preserving the integrity of constitutional principle. Confed erate States Senator, Benjamin H. Hill, became the strong- prop of Mr. Davis in the closing years of the war, and another strong Georgian, Gen. A. R. Lawtori, the administrator of the most important depart ment of the Confederate service.
Georgia became the center of field supply, and of manufacture of army stores, as well as the main depository of Federal prisoners. Finally the chief battle ground was transferred to Georgia, and the decisive campaign of the struggle, resulting in the capture of Atlanta,

054

GEORGIA A LEADING STATE OF THE UXIOX.

Shermaii's March to the Sea, the annihilation of one of the twin armies of the Confederacy, and the destruction of the subsistence of the other, brought the war to its end. The first effort at peace was made by Gen. Sherman in this State. The Confederate administration drifted to and went to pieces in Georgia, the last order of the Confederate govern ment was issued, and Mr. Davis, the President, was captured in Georgia. Georgia sent more troops to the field, lost more soldiers in battle, and sacrificed more property than any other Southern State. And a Georgia lady, Mrs. Mary A. "Williams, was the originator of the Decora tion Day custom, observed by both sections universally in paying honor to the dead of the war.
In the era of Reconstruction Georgia played a more potential part than any of her suffering sisters, undergoing three distinct and different rehabilitations, furnishing the most conspicuous champions for and against that motley experiment of governmental workmanship, fightingits abuses most stubbornly, focalizing the public attention most conspicu ously, eliciting more of Congressional legislation, and finally regenerating with more sturdy vigor and superb recuperation than any other Confed erate commonwealth. Since the complete restoration to her own State sovereignty in 1871, just ten years ago, Georg-ia has, in the liberality of her statesmanship and in material progress, outstripped all of her rivals. She is the first State of the Union in the extent and variety of her mineral and agricultural resources, the second State in the production of cotton and the first in the South in its manufacture. In education^in literature, in journalism Georgia has kept apace with the best progress of the age. In furnishing the railway genius of the South this com-' monwealth has had no rivalry, while in the colossal focalization of railroad capital and enterprise in her borders, that will bring a tidal wave of new population and. boundless development, Georg-ia has had the most magnificent possible practical tribute to her unequalable supremacy. The prodigious pow'e'r of these gigantic instrumentalities of commerce and increased production must give her irresistible capacities for growth and prosperity. Supplement this with the transcendent benefactions of the great Cotton Exposition now progressing, which \vill introduce this State to the world as the favored Southern home of Cotton, the imperial monarch, and surely no people or country will or can have the basis for a more august future.
Hut at last the proudest excellence of this commonwealth lies in her political, moral and Christian civilization. Lovers of constitutional government, devoted to a true, fraternal Union, loyal to law and liberty,

THE KXD.

055

wedded to temperance and morality, cherishing the sanctity of home and imbued with the spirit of the genuine religion of the living God, her million and a half of God-loving people at last constitute the real greatness of Georgia. And most striking of all her glories, this State, so potential in severing the Union, is to-day, by her broad-hearted senti ments, her catholicity of patriotism, her genius for substantial enterprise and her elevated philanthropy, the dominant agency in re-uniting the broken brotherhood of States, in re-cementing the sundered sections of the nation, and in restoring the lost harmony of this mighty Republic.
Thus does the record close in 1881 for GEORGIA.

APPENDIX A.
GEORGIA. OFFICERS
WlIO SERVED IIST THE ClVIL WAR OF 1861-5 IZST THE CONFEDERATE
SERVICE, USTCLUDIJSTG GENERAL A:STD REGIMENTAL FIELD OFFICERS AND CAPTAINS.
THE following list is admittedly incomplete and painfully imperfect. It was taken from the Confederate war records in the custody of the Federal Government at Washington., D. C., and has been enlarged and corrected as far as possible from the meager documents in the Georgia archives, and such personal information as has been obtainable and authentic. The war department of the Confederacy was most loosely run as far as its records are concerned. Regimental muster-rolls were curiously mingled and confused, very few of the constantly occurring changes in military organizations were noted, and altogether a hap hazard and inaccurate method of clerical work seems to have prevailed.
It will be found in the following list, faithfully transcribed, that men's names are both wrongly spelled and omitted, and there has been no opportunity to rectify the one or supply the other. Gen. Marcus J. Wright, who is employed to edit the Confederate records, is giving to his important work in the War Archives office under Col. R. N. Scott, an intelligent and faithful industry, and is daily perfecting the Confederate war chronicles. But as his task covers the whole Confederacy, he can devote but a portion of his time to Georgia.
This list of our Georgia officers is given as a beginning, with the hope that in future editions, it may assume something like accuracy and com pleteness through the voluntary co-operation of the survivors of the Conflict. Those who have been omitted or improperly printed, can, by furnishing the author with the facts, appear" as they should hereafter. And it would be well for commanding officers of organizations to com municate with Gen. Marcus J. Wright, at Washington, D. C., the facts about their commands, in order that the publication of Georgia's service and personelle in the great civil war, may be as complete as possible.

658

APPKXDIX A.

The writer is much indebted to Gen. M. J. Alright, for assistance in preparing this list,- and also to Major Sidney Herbert, for valuable aid in making- a full roster of Georgia general officers, and for the roster of Georgia AVest Point officers who entered the Confederate service. Major Herbert is a disinterested and pains-taking collector of valu able historical information as well as a graceful writer.

Georgia Generals.

Capt. Corps of Engineers, C. S. A., April 2, 1861.
Chief of- Ordnance, A. of X. Va., Aug. 1862.
Lt. Col. of Artillery, Dec. 31, 1861. Colonel of Artillery, Dec. 5, 1862. Chief of Artillery, Longstreet's Corps,
Sept. 25, 1863. Bris. Gen. of Artillerv, Feb. 26, 1864. (West"Pointer and ^d Lt. JBng. Corps U. S. A.)
AXOKRSON, C. D. Brig. Gen. in Georgia State forces.

BRYAN, GOODE Col. 16th Ga. Infantry, Feb. 15, 1862. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Aug. 29, 1863. Re signed Sept. 30, 1864.

Col. Tlth Ga. Infantry, July 2, 1861. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Nov. 1, 1862.

! CORP., THOMAS ft. II. j Col. Georgia Leaion, Aug. 28, 1861.

A-XDKRSOX, ROBERT II.

! Brig. General, Nov. 1, 1862.

1st Lieut. Corps of Artillerv, March 16, 1861.
Major 1st Batt. Ga. Sharp June 20, 1862.

C. S. A., Shooters,

I '

CLAYTOX, HEXRY D. Major General. A nati listing from Alabama.

Col. 5th Ga. Cavalry, Jan 2O, 1863.

CARS WELL, R. TV.

Brig. Gen. P. A. C S., Jnlv 20, 1864. j Brig. Gen. State forces.

(West Pointer and 2d l.t. Inf. U. S. A.) AVKRY, ISAAC W.
Private 8th Ga. Vol., May 21, 1861. Capt. Ind. Cav. Co., Nov." 1, 1861. Lt. Col. 23d Ga. Cav. Bat., Aug. 1862.

| COLQTTITT, ALFRED H. j Col. 6th Ga. Infantry, May 27, 1861. I Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Sept. 1, 1862. | Major General, March 1865.

Col. 4th Ga. Cav., Nov. 1862.

I CAPERS, F. TV.

Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Feb. 1865.

j Brig. Gen. State forces.

BARTOW, FRANCIS S.

; COOK, PHILIP

Capt 8th Ga. Vols., Mav 21, 1861.

' Col. 4th Ga. Infantry, Nov. 1, 1862.

Col. 8th Ga. Vols., May" 1861.

Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Aug. 5, 1864.

Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S.," 1861.

BROWNE, WILIAM M. Brigadier General.

GUMMING, ALFRED Major Corps Inf. C. S. A., Mar. 16, 1861. Lt. Col. 10th Ga. Regiment, June 1861.

BATTLE, CULLKN A.

Colonel

" "" Sept. 25, 1861.

---------- General. A native Georgian, en Brig. Gen. P. A. C S., Oct. 29, 1862.

listing from Alabama.

(West Pointer and Capt. Infantry, U. S. A.)

BOWEN, JOHX S. Major General.

DKSHLER, JAMES Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., July 28, 1863.

BEXNING, HENRY L. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Jan. 17, 1863.

DOLES, GEORGE, killed, Col. 4th Ga. Infantry, Mav 8, 1861. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S , Nov. 1, 1862.

659

Du BOSE, DUDLEY M. Col. 15th Ga. Infantry, Jan., 1863.
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. 8., Nov. 16, 1864.

EVANS, CLEMENT A.

Major 31st Ga. Infantry, Nov. 19, 1861.

Col.

"

" May 13, 1862.

Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., May 19, 1864.

GARDNER, W. MONTGOMERY Major Corps Inf. C. S. A., Mar. 16, 1861. Col 8th Ga. Infantry, Aug 21, 1861. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Nov. 14, 1861. (West Pointer and Capt. Infantry U. S. A.)
GARTRELL, Lucius J. Col. 7th Ga. Inf., May 31, 1861. Resigned Dec., 1862. Member of Confederate Congress. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Aug. 22, 1864.

GIRARDEY, VICTOR J. B. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., July 30, 1864.

JONES, DAVID R. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., June 17, 1861. Major Gen., Oct. 11, 1862.
(West Pointer and Capt. in Adj. Gen. Dept. U. . A.)
IVERSON, ALFRED, JR. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., 1863. (1st. Lt. Cav. U. S. A.)
LAWTON, ALEXANDER R. Brig. Gen. P. A C. S., April 13, 1861. Quarter Master Gen. C. S., August, 1863. (West Pointer.)
LONGSTREET, JAMES Lt. Col. Corps Inf. C. S. A.,Mar 16, 1861. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., June 17, 1861. Major Gen., Oct. 7, 1861. Lt. Gen., Oct. 9, 1862.
MARTIN, JAMES B. Brig. Gen. A native Georgian enlisting from Alabama. Killed.

GORDON, JOHN B. Lt. Col. 6th Ala. Infantry, Dec. 26, 1861. Col. 6th Ala., April 26, 1862. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Nov. l, 1862. Major Gen., May 14, 1864.
Lt. Gen., 1865.

McL-A-vvs, LAFAYETTE
Major Corps Inf. C. S. A., Mar. ]O. 1861. Col. 10th Ga. Infantry, June 17, 1861. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Sept. 25, 1861. Major Gen., May 23, 1862.
(West Pointer ;md Capt. Inf. U. S. A.)

HARDEB, WILLIAM J. Col. Corps of Cav. C. S. A., Mar. 16, 1861. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., June 17, 1861. Major Gen., Oct. 7, 1861.
Lt. Gen., Oct. 10, 1862. Tendered full Generalship, 1864.
(West Pointer and Lt. Col. Cav. U. S. A.)

MKRCER, HUGH W. Brig. Geu. P. A. C, S., Oct. 29, 1861.
McCoY, H. K. Brig. Gen. State troops.
PIIJ-LLIPS, WILLIAM Brig. Geu. State troops.

HARRISON, GEORGE P., JR. Col. 32d Ga. Infantry. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Feb., 1865.
HARRISON, GEORGE P., SR. Brig. Gen. State forces.
HOLTZCLAW, JAMES T. Brig. Gen. A native Georgian, enlisted from Alabama.
HENDERSON, ROBERT J. Colonel. Brig. Gen., 1865.
JACKSON, HENRY R. Brig. Gen. P. A: C. S., June 4, 1861. Resigned Dec. 2, 1861. Major Gen. State troops, Dec., 1861. Re-appointed Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Sept. 21, 1863.

PHILLIPS, R. J. Brig. Gen. State troops.
PERRY, WILLIAM F. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S. A native Geor gian enlisting from Florida.
PRATHER, J. S. Brevet Brigadier.
SEMMES, PAUL J. Col. 2nd Ga. Inf., May 7, 1861. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Mar. 11, 1862.
SIMMS, JAMES P. Brig. Geu. State troops.
SMITH, W. D. Capt. Corps Cavalry, C. S. A., Mar. 16, 1861. Col. 20th Ga. Reg., July 14, 1861. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., March 7, 1862. Died. ,

JACKSON, JOHN K. Col. 5th Ga. Infantry, 1861. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Jan. 14, 1862.

SORREL, G. MOXLEY Chief of Staff to Gen. Longstreet. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S.,Oct. 27, 1864.

GOO

APPEXDIX A.

ST. Jonx, ISAAC M. Cant. Corps Engineers C. S. A., Feb. 15, 1862. Major Artillery, Head Nitre arid Mining Bureau, April 18, 1862. Lt. Col. Mining Corps, May 23, 1863. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., and Commissary General, C. S., Feb. 16, 1865.
STOVALL, MARCELLUS A. Lt. Col. 3rd Ga. Bat. Inf., Oct. 8, 1861. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., January SO, 1863.
THOMAS, EDWARD L. Col. 35th. Ga. Inf., Oct. 15, 1861. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Nov. 1, 1862.
THOMAS, BRYAN M. Col. of 51st Tennessee, 18. Alabama and Cavalry Regiments. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Aug. 1864. (West Pointer and 2nd Lt. In'f. U. S. A.)
TRACT, EDWARD D. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S. Killed.
TOOMBS, ROBERT Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., July 19, 1861. Resigned Mar. 4, 1863. Secretary of State to President Davis.
TWIGGS, DAVID E. Major General P. A. C. S., May 22, 1861. Died July 15, 186.2.
WAEKER, WM. II. T. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., May 25, 1861. Resigned Oct. 29, 1861. Brig. Gen. State troops, Dec. 1861. Reappointed Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Feb. 9, 1863. Major G8u. May 3, 1863. Killed.
(West Pointer and Bat. Lt. Col. Inf. IT. S. A.

WAYNE, HEXRY C. Major General State troops and Adju tant General of Georgia. (West Pointer aud Brevet Major, IT. S. A.)
WALKER, W. S. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S.
WEIGHT, GIDEON J. Brig. Gen. State troops.
WRIGHT, AMBROSE R. Col. 30th Ga. Inf., May 8, 1861. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S." June 3, 1862. Major Gen., Nov. S>6, 1864.
WILSON, CLAUDIUS C. Col. 25th Ga. Inf., Sept. 2, 1861. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Nov. 16, 1863.
WHEELER, JOSEPH Captain and Colonel, 1861. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Oct. SO, 1862. Maj. Gen., Jan. 30, 1863. Lt.'Gen., Feb. 28, 1865. (West i'ointer and 2nd Lt. Mounted Rifle men, U. S. A.)
YOUXG, P. M. B. Major Ga. Legion, Sept. 5, 1861. Lt. Col., Nov. 15, 1861. Col. Cobb's Legion, Nov. 1, 1862. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Sept. 28, 1863. Maj. Gen., Dec. SO, 1864.
ZACHARY, C! T. Col. 27th Georgia Inf., 1861. Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., March, 1865.

~Wcst Point Georgia Stxtdents wfio entered t7ie Confederate and served beloto the Itanlc of General.

Andrewv J. Ford, Capt. and Asst. Surg.

Abraham B. Ragan, Majo

,d Pay-

master.

John T. Mercer, Col. 21st Ga. Inf.

Lerov Napier, Jr.

William D. Smith.

John R. Church.

Geo. A. Cuimingham.

Abner Smead. St. Clair Dearing.
Owen F. Solomon. Edward F. Bagley. Alexander B. Montgomery. Aurelius F. Cone. Arthur Shaaf.

Georgians on the Federal Side in the War.

Brig. Gen. Brevet, Maj. Gen. M. C. Meigs, Quarter Master Gen. U. S. A.
Col. and Bvt. Brig. Gen. John M. Cuvler,
Surgeon. TL S. A. Col. and Bvt. Brig. Gen. Henry D. Wallen,
U. S. A.

Brig Gen. George F. B. Dandy, Quarter

Master Dept. U. S. A.

Capt. Mason Carter, 5th Inf.

Lt. Col. Julian McAllister, Ordn

Dept.

U. S. A.

APPENDIX A.

ANTRY.

1st Georgia, Regulars, Infantry?

Colonel Chas. J. Williams, Resd. Wm. J. Magill. R. A. Wayne.
Lieutenant Colonel Win. J. Magill. Wm. Martin.
R, A. Wayue. Miller Grieve. Major John D. Walker. " li. A. Wayue. Miller Grieve. " A. A. F. Hill.
Assistant Quarter Master L. T>e Laigle.
W. W. Paine. Captain (E) R. A.Wayne.
(E) J. R. Du'Bose.
(F) J. G. Patten. (H) M. Grieve. (I) L. l-I. Keuan (L) A. M. Wallace.

Captai , (C) H. A. Cannon. (M) A. A. F. Hill. (G) J. G. Montgomery (D) John Milledge. (A) H. H. D. Twiggs. T. Fort. G. W. Anderson.
John Howard. E. P. Bowdre, W. W. Paine. R. H. Atkinson. F. M. Myers. Thos. Burdell.
Chas. L. Wvlly. B. II. Hudson. J. D. Anthony. (B) Wm. Martin. (K) Jacob Read.

1st Georgia Volunteers, Infantry.

Colonel J. N. Ramsay. Lieutenant Colonel Geo. H. Tho; Major Jas. W. Anderson. Captain (A) Geo. M. Haiivey.
(B) T. G. Wilkins. (C) John A. Houser. (D) H. B. Adams.

Captain (E) S. A. M. Jones. (F) C. A. Stone. (G) John W. Evans. (H) T. B. Cabaniss. (I) Samuel II. Crump. (K) J. S. Pinkard.

1st Georgia Volunteers, Infantry- 510 (2cl)

Colonel Charles H. Olmstead. Lieutenant Colonel W. S. Rockwell.
M. J. Ford. Major W. J. Ford. A. C. S., E. W. Drummond. Assistant Quarter Master E. Hopkins.
" F. M. Hull.
Adjutant M. II. Hopkins. Captain (A) J. II. Flarmery.
(B) David O'Connor. " (B) James Dooner.
(C) J. W. Anderson.

Capta

(C) G. W. Anderson. (D) S. Y. Levy.
" P. C. Elkins. (E) J. M. Doherty. (F) J. S. Turner. (G) A. C. Davenport. (G) G. Eberhart. (H) F. W. Sims. (II) J. Lachlison. (I) C. Werner, Kd.
(I) C. A. H Umbach. (K) John Cooper.

2d Georgia Infantry, Volunteers-- 750

Colon. ;1 Paul J. Semmes. Edgar M. Butt,
Lieute] lant Colonel Skid more Harris. W. T. Harris, Kd. Wm. R. Holmes, Kd
W. S. Shepperd.
Edgar M. Butt. W. S. Shepperd. Wm. T. Harris.

Major W. W. Cl irltoii. '.. M. Le
Assistant Quarter Master Jas. Houston. A. C. S S., G. W. Dillingham. Adjutant W. Redd.
Captain (A) D. G. Candler. (B) Wm. T. Harris. (C) Wm. S. Shepperd. (D) Wm. R. Holmes.

APPENDIX A.

Captain (E) W. A. Campbell. (F) Thos'. E. Dickerso
(G) Roswell Ellis.

Captain (H) Jesse A. Glenn. (I) Charles R. Wiggins. (K) Jared J. Ball.

2d- Georgia Volunteers, Reorganized.

Capptain (A) W. W. Charlton. (A) John W. Owens. (B) A. McLewis. (C) W. S. Shepperd. (C) Robert Howard. (D) W. A. Thompson, Kd.

Captain (E) T. J. Morris. (F) A. B. Shuford, Kd. (G) T. Chaffin. (H) B. L. Hancock, Kd. (I) Jno. T. Maddox. (K) J. B. Newell.

3d Georgia Infantry, Volunteers--1145.

Colonel Ambrose R. Wrig-ht.

Edward J. Walker.

Lieutenant ColonelJames S. Reid.

R. B. Nesbit.

"'

" C. Snead.

Major Augustus H. Lee.

John R. Sturgis, Kd.

A. B. Montgomery, detailed v

regiment.

Major Jolin^Jones.

A. C. S., H. S., Hughes. Assistant Quarter Master, A. Phillips.
Adjutant W. W. Turner.

Adjutant J. B. Habersham. J. W. Perry. S. L. Alexander.
Captain (A) Wm. C. Musgrove. (B) R. B. Nisbet. (C) R. L. McWhorter. (D) C. H. Andrews. (E) J. R. Griffin. (F) Wm. O. Beall. (G) Edward J Walker. (H) John F. Jones. (I) N. A. Carswell. (K) H. C. Billups.
(L) Jas. W. Hendon.

3d Georgia Volunteers, Reorganized--1064.

Captain (A) S. A. Corker. (B) R. B. Nisbet. (B) John S. Keid. (C) J. T. Geer. (D) C. H. Andrews (E) J. A. Hamilton (E) G. W. Alien. (E) J. G. Royal. (F) J. M. Waters. (F) J. A. Mason. (G) E. J. Walker.

Captain (G) C. Snead. (H) John F. Jones. (H) L. F. Luckie. (H) J. H. Evans. (I) N. A. Carswell. (K) H. C. Billups. (K) D. B. Langston. (I) J. J. McRee, Kd. (I) W. H. Bearden. (I) H. J. Hughes.

Georgia Infantry, Volunteers--870.

Colonel George Doles. Philip Cook. W. H. Wfllis.
Lieutenant Colonel John J. Matthews. W. T Jordan. Philip Cook. David R. E. Winn.
Major Charles L. Whitehead. " Wm. F. Jordan. " David R. E. Whin.
" R. S. Smith. " Edwin A. Nash. " F. H. de Graffenreid. " Wm. H. Willis.
A. C. S., J. B. Morgan.

A. C. S., Jas. F. Murphy. Assistant Quartermaster H. R. Daniels.
Wm. H. Tiiisley. Adjutant Philip Cook.
A. J. Roberts. Captain (A) B. Cusley.
(B) Robt S. Smith. (C) Ed. A. Nash. (D) Geo. F. Todd. (E) T. G. Rust.
(F) B. R. Maves. (G) Geo. F. BartletL. (H) Same M. Prothro. I) Wm. L. Johnson..

Georgia Volunteers, Reorganized--730.

Captain (A) J. P. Strickland. (A) Jas. II. Weeks. (B) R. S. Smith. (B) M. H. Hill. '(B) A. C. Gibson. (C) E. A. Nash. (C) Geo. F. Todd, Dd. (C) A. C. Frost.
" (E) Wm. E. Smith. (E) F. H. de GrafTeuseid. (F) Geo. G. Carey.

Captain (F) Jas. F. Sullivan.
(K) D. R, E. Winii. (K) R M. Bisel, Kd. (G) Wm. F. Jordan. (G) John T. Lang, Dd. (G) C. R. Ezell (H) J. W. Caraker. (H) Wallace Butts. (I) S. M. Prothro. (1) Wm. H. Willis.

5th Georgia Infantry, Volunteers-- 825.

Colonel John K Jackson. Saml. W. Maugham. Wm. F Black. Win. T. Beach. Chas. P. Daniel.
Lieutenant Colonel Thos. Beall. Charles K. Day. John F. Iverson.
Major Win. L. Salisbury. " Charles P. Daniel. " I). H. Anslev. " W. B. Hundley.
A. C. S., H. B. T. Montgomery.

Assistant Quartermaster, Jas. M. Cok Adjutant R S. Cheatham. Captain (A) Charles A. Platt.
(B) Saml. W. Maugham. (C) John H. Hull. (D) Ed. H. Pottle. (E) C. B. Wootten. (F) William H. I.ang. (G) William J. Sears. (H) Hugh M. King. (I) John T. Iverson. (K) William J. Horsley.
|

5th Georgia
Captain (A) D. II. Anslev. (C) H. P. SteeueV. (D)Ulm B. Hundley. (F) John F. Kiddor.

Volunteers, ^Reorganized--424.
Captain (G) John J. Hurt. (H) Stephen R. Weston. (I) John F. Iverson. (K) Win. G. Horsley.

6th Georgia Infantry, Volunteers-- 849.

Colonel A. H Colquitt. J. T. Lofton. S. W. Harris.
Lieutenant Colonel James M. Newton, Kd. W. C. Cleveland. J. T. Lofton. S. W. Harris.
W. M. Arnold, Kd.
Major Phil Tracv, KY1. " C. D. Anderson. " W. C. Cleveland. " W. M. Arnold. " J. M. Culpepper.
A. C. S., T. J. Collier. A. Q. M., K. N. Elv. Adjutant B. Russell.

Adjutant J. H. Rogers. Captain (A) W. M. Arnold.
(B) John Hanna. (B) W. M. Tidwell. (C) C. D. Anderson. (C) J. M, Culpepper. (D) J. D. Watson. (D) S. M. Ralston. (E) W. C. Cleveland. (F) E. H. Shackelford. (G) John T. Griffin. (H) W. L,. Plaine. (H) B. J. Russell. (I) J. A. Barclay. (K) J. T. Lofton" (K) S. W. Harris.

1th
Colonel T,. J. Gartrell. W. T. Wilson. W. W. White.

Georgia

Infantry, Volunteers--891.
Colonel G. H. CarmichaeiLieutenant Colonel John Dumvoodv.
W. W. White. "

664

APPJEXDIX A.

Lieutenant Colonel George II. Carmichael. M. T. Allniau.
Major L. B. Aiiderson. " E. W. Hoyle.
A. C. S., W. J. Wilson. A. Q. M., R. R. Holliday. Adjutant E. W. Ho vie.
J. E. Shaw. Captain (A) G. 11. Carmichael.

Cantain (B) G. J. Foreacre. (C) C. S. Jenkiiis. (D) J. B. Lindley. (E) John W. Fowler. (F) Eli Benson. (G) C. N. Featherstoix (II) Thos. K. King. (I) Wm. W. Whfte. (K) W. J. Ballard.

^th Georgia Volunteers, Reorganized--624.

Major G. H. Carmichael. " H. H. Wiet. " John Kisser. " T. S. Hartridge. " M. T. Allman.
A. Q. M., B E. Henry. Captain (A) G. H. Carmichael.
(B) H. II. Wiet. (C) D. T. Peek, Kd.

Captain (C) I. M. Ilolcombe. (D) J. Kixer. D) T. J. Hartridge. (E) W. W". Bradberry. (F) J. C. Wadkins. (G) M. T. Allmaii. (H) R. B. Hicks.
(I) W. W. White. (K) Juo. McLendon.

8t/i Georgia Infantry, Volunteers-- 745.

Colonel F. S. Bartow, Kd. Wm. M. Gardner. L. M. Lamar. John R. Towers.
Lieutenant Colonel John R. Towers. E. J. Magrudcr.
Major E J. Magruder. " George (J Dawson.
Surgeon H. V. M. Miller. A. C. S., George C. Norton. A. Q. M., E A. Wilcox. Adjutant J. E. Branch, Kd.
A. R. Harper. W. F. Shellman.

Captain (A) E. J. Ma-ruder. (A) S. II. Hall. (B) A. F. Butler. (B) J. H. Couper. (B) J. West.
(C) H. J. Menard. (D) H. E. Malom. (E) I). Scott. (F) J. T. Lewis. (G) T. D. L. Kvan.
(JI) George N. Varborough. (I) George O. Dawson. (K) Jacob Phinizv. (K) T. J. Bowling.

Georgia Volunteers, Infantry.

Coloiiel E. R. Goulding. R. A. Turnipseed. Ben Beck.
" E. F. Hoge. Lieutenant Colonel R. A Turnipseed.
John C. Mouno-er. E. F. Hoge.
J. G. Webb. Major John C. Mouuger.
'" W. M. Jones.
" C. J. Webb " J. W. Arnold. A. C. S., J. C. Waddy. A. C. S., R. J. Cowart. A. Q. M , J. W. Button. A. Q. M., E. P. Watkins. Adjutant A. O. Bacon.
John Jones.

Captai u (*A ) Jc>hn Lane,

(A) Gi cleon J. Norman,

(B) W n. M. Jones.

(B) W in. E. Cleg-horn,

(C) Ge orge Hillver.

(C) J. W. Arnold.

(D) J. G Webb.

(D) T. A. Hurt.

(E) P. A. S. Morris.

!

(E) R. P. Wellborn. (E) S. A. Jemison.

(F) Be i Beck,

(F) Ha nip Doles.

(G) E. F. Hoge.

(G) G. G. Gordon.

(G) E. A. Sharpe.

(H) Jol m C. Mounger.

isferred to Artillery.

Captain (H) R. A. Hardee. (H) S. D. Corker, Kd. (H) T. J. Hardee. (I) L. C. Belt. (I) R. V. Fulcher.

APPENDIX A.
Captain (I) Thomas Rought. (K) J. M. D. Kins:, Dd. ( K) N. C. Duncan. ( K) M. E. Sparks.

10^/4 Georgia Volunteers., Infantry--808.

Colonel Lafayette Me Laws. " Alfred Camming-. " John B. Weems. W. C. Holt. " A J. McBride.
Lieutenant Colonel J. B. Weems. Willis C. Holt. C. C. Kibbee.
Major R. R. Hawes. '" Willis C. Holt. " P. H. Loud.
A. C. S., G. H. Cheever. A. Q. M., S. T. Neal. Adjutant R. G. Strickland.
John H. L>obbs. Captain (A) O. S. Kimbrough.

Captain (B) C. H. Phimzy.
;; ( B) A. P. Boirs-s.

"-< <.'

i

B) C)

W. S. Willis

Davis. C. Holt.

C) J. W. ]\eil.

D) Ileiirv L. Leon.

(( FF-,))

Andrew Win. F.

J. McBride. Johnston.

(F) W. G. Green, Dd.

(F) T. II. Wood.

:

i G) C. C. Kibbee.
II) P. H. Loud.

H) B. M. Foster.

(I) Y. L. Wootton.

(K) J. P. W. Head.

(K) T. C. Cone.

\\tJi Georgia Volunteers, Infantry-- 750.

1

Colonel Geora-e T. Andcrson. F. II- Little.
Lieutenant Colonel Theo. L. Guerry. " Wm. Luffinau.
Major Wm. Luff man. '" W. R. Welsh.

" H. D. McDaniel.

" C. T. Goode.

A. C. S , Hockonlmll.

Assistant (Quarter-master J. Guthrie.

Adjutant J. F. Green.

Captain (A) Wm. H. Mitchell. Kd.

(B; J. W. Stokes.

Captain. ( C Wm Lnffman.
;; ( .^ W. R. Kamsay. D W. R. Welsh.
" <: S. C. Dobbs.

"

( ^) J. D. Hvde. F) J. W. Johnston.

"

(5) John Y. Wood. II M. T. Nunuallv, Kd. [-1 K. C. Arnold. "
[) Samuel Thatcher, Dd.

" ( [) F. M. Bledsoe.

(I) F. B. Braiman.

(K; G. W. Wimberly.

12t7i Georgia Infantry, Volunteers-- 745.

Colonel Edward Johnson.

" Z. F. Conner.

" Edward Willis, Kd.

Lieutenant Colonel A bner Snead.

F. B. Scott, Kd.

Willis A. Hawkins.

Mark H. Blauford.

"

"

J. Hardeman.

Major Willis A. TTawkius.

''' Edward Willis.

" J. Hardeman.

" J. T. Carson.

Captain (A) Samuel Dawson, Kd.

(A) S. G. Prior.

" (B) Isaac Hardeman.

(B) Jos. N. Beall.

Captain (C.) John McMnllan, Kd.

C) T. W. Harris.

"

D) Wm. L. Fnrlow, Kd.

" "

D) D. D. Peden. E) T. B. Scott.

"

E) Jas. A. Wbitesides.

" "

F) Wm. F. Brown, Kd. F) Jas. Everett.

" " "

G) R. T. Davis, Dd. G) A. S. Reid. H) J. G. Rodo-ers. II) O. T. Fvans.

" 1 I) J. W. Patterson, Kd.

:"

! I) James M. Brians. K) Mark II. Blaiiford.

K) R. McMicbasl.

I3t7i Georgia Infantry, Volunteers--947.

Colonel Walker Ector, FM. Marcellus Douglass, Dd.
" James M. Smith. Lieutenant Colonel James M. Smith.
John H. Baker.
Major James M. Smith. '" John H Baker.
A. C. S., J. H. Maugham. A. Q. M., M. Gomerly. Adjutant O. K. Walker. Captain (A) J. H. Mitchell.

Captai:

(B) James McCanley. (C) J. L. Moore. (D) W. W. Hartsfield. (E) W. A. Clarke. (E) B. P. Brooks. (F) S. W. Jones. (G) J. T. Crawford. (H) Rich Maltha.
(I) E. W. Robinson. (K) J. A. Long.

Georgia Infantry, Volunteers--770.

Colonel A. V. Brumby. Felix Price Robert W. Folsom. R. P. Lester.
Lieutenant Colonel R. W. Folsom. W. A. Harris. James M. Fielder.
" II. P. Lester.
W. L. Goldsmith. Major W. A. Harris.
" James M. Fielder. " R. P. Lester. " W. L. Goldsmith.
" C. C. Kellv. A. C. S., T. C. Moore. A. Q. M., E. A. Heggis. Adjutant A. Talliaferro.
T. C. Moore. Captain (A) J. H. Etheridge, Kd.

Captain (A) J. W. Mayes. (B) C. C. Kelly. (B) W. N. Rvle. (C) L. A. Lane. (D) James M. Fielder. (E) R. P. Lester.
(E) S. B. David
(E) R. N. Rogers.
(F) R. P. Harman, Kd. " * (F) W. O. Cleffg.
(F) J. H. Hicks
(G) William A. Harris. (G) T. T. Mounger: (H) Thos. M. Yopp, Cashd. (H) H. B. Smith. (I) R. W. MeMiehael, Kd. (K) W. L. Goldsmith. (K) R. A. Holt. (K) J. M. Evans.

~L5t/i Georgia Volunteers, Infantry--660.

Colonel T. W. Thomas. William T. Millican.
D. M. DeBose.
Lieutenant Colonel W. M. Mclntosh, Kd. T. J. Smith.
Major T. J. Smith.
" P J. Shannon. A. C. S.i J. H. Willis. A. Q. M., H. W. Forbes. Adjutant B. H. Lofton.
L. Pierce. Captain (A) A. B. Cade.
(A) J. S. Callawav. (B) William T. Millican.

Captain (C) L. H. O. Martin. (C) W. J. Willis. D) S. J. Farmer. D) S. J. Flynt. E) T. J. Smith F) John C. Burch. (G) S. Z. Hearnesberger.
(H) William R. Poole. (H) T. H. Jackson. (I) William H. Mattox. (I) J. A. Gaines. (K) J. L. Culver. (K) Mark Latimer.

~LQth Georgia
Colonel Howell Cobb. " Goode Bryan. " James S. Gholston.
Lieutenant Colonel Goode Brvar Henry P/T1; B. E. Stiles.

Volunteers, Infantry--865.
Maj H. P. Thomas.
James S Gholston. " J. H. Skelton. A. C. S., L. McGuire. A. Q. M., R. Thomas. Adjutant T. W. Cumming.

Captain (A) J. S. Gholston. (A) H. C. Nash, Kd.
" (A) J. M. Sims. (B) A. M. Reynolds, Kd. (C) J. H. Skeltou. (D) J. N. Montgomery. (E) B. E. Stiles.

Captain (F) J. II. I) McRae. (G) A. C. Thompson. (II) N. Reeder. (II) H. M. Richardson. (I) N. L. Hutchius. (K) R. J. Boyd.

Colonel II. L. Bemiing. Weslev C. Hodges.
Lieutenant Colonel W. C. Hodges. Chas.W. Matthews, Kd W. A. Barden.
ivlajor Thomas Walker, " J. H. Picketfc. " W. A. Barden. " J. B. Moore.
A. C. S., G. H. King.
A. Q. M., T. C. Shorter. Adjutant T. A. Klink. Captain (A) D. B. Harrell.
(A) IX H. Wilmot. (B) H. L. French.
(C) F. S. Chapman. (C) J. B. Moore.

Captain (D) C. G. Campbell. (D) V. A. S. Parks. (D) J. . Martin. (E) John A. McGregor. (E) J. N. Tvcrs. (FJ IX B. Thompson. (F) H. McCaulcv. (F) J. H. Weeks.
(G) Aug. C. Jones, Kd. (G) A. B. NichoJs. (H) R. E. Kennon.
(H) W. A. Barden. (I) C. W. Matthews. (K) John H. Pickett. (K) A. M. Jones, Kd. (K) M. H. Marshall. Ensign B F. Shivers.

ISth Georgia Infantry, Volunteers-- 750.

Colonel William T. Wofford. S. Z. Ruff, Kd.
" Jos. Armstrong. Lieutenant Colonel S. Z. Ruff.
F. M. Ford. Major Jefferson Johnson.
" J. A. Stewart. " W. G Gallahan. Captain (A) J. B. O'Neill.
(B) J. A. Stewart.

Captain (C) D. L. Jarratt. (D) S. IX Irviii. (E) E. J. Starr. (F) J. C. Roper. (G) J. C. Maddox. (H) F. M. Ford. (I) Jos. Armstrong. (K) Jno. A. Crawford. (K) W. Brown. (K) L. C. Weems.

19^A Georgia Infantry, Volunteers--752.

Colonel W. W. Boyd. Andrew J. II utchiiis. J. H. Neal.
Lieutenant Colonel Thos. C. Johnson.
A. J. Hutchius. Jas. H. Neal. T. W. Flvnt.
R. B, Ho'gan. Major A. J. Hutchins.
J. H. Neal. J. W. Hooper. C. W. Mabry. Wm. Hamilton. * Adjutant Jas. P. Perkins.
S. G. Turner. Captain (A) F. M. Johnston.
(B) Jas. H. Neal.

Captain (B) John Keely.

(C) J. J. Beall.

(C) R. B. Hogan.

(D) Jas. IX Hunter.

(E) Chas. W. Mabrv.

(E) IX H. Sims.

(F) Wm E. Curtis.

(F) A. H. Black.

(F) Wm. Hamilton.

(G) Tilman W. Flvnt.

(H) John B. Beall".

(I) John T. Chambers

(K) John W. Hooper.

(A) John Morrison.

|"

(B) Jas. H. Neal.

" (B) Denis S. Mvers.

1 " (C) A. J. Richardson.

668

APPENDIX A.

Captain (G) ------ Elliott, Kd. (H) J. W. Neallv. (I) T. W. Abercrombie.

Captain (I) ------ Lnlor. (K) A. J. Kowe.

2Qth Georgia Infantry, Volunteers-

iel W. D. Smith.

" J. B. Gumming.

" J. I). Wad dell.

Lieutenant Colonel J. B. Cumming.

"

" John A. Jones," Kd.

E. M. Seago.

Major John A. Jones.

" Royer L. Gamble.

" J. 1). Waddell.

" Wm. Craig.

Adjutant J. O. Waddell.

Captain (A) A. B. Ross.

(B) John A. Strother.

(C) Roger L. Gamble.

(D) Jas. D. Waddell.

(E) R. D. Little.

(F) E. M. Seago.

(G) John R. Ivev.

"

(H) J. A. Coffee.

(I) Van A. Leonard.

(I) C. B. Minis.

(K) Wm. Craig.

21st Georgia Infantry, Volunteers-- 749.

Colonel John T. Mercer, Kd. Thomas W. Hooper.
Lieutenant Colonel James J. Morrison. Thomas W. Hooper T. C. Glover.
Major T. W. Hooper. " T. C. Glover. " M. Lynch.
Adjutant T. J. Verdery. L. F. Bakewell.
Captain (A) T. C. Glover.
(A) W. M. Butt, Kd.

Capta

(B) A. S. Hamilton. (C) J. F. Woddail, Kd. (D) II. T. Battle. (E) J. R. Hart. (F) John T. Boykin. (G) Wesley Kinman, (G) N. B. Hudffins. (H) Jas. C. Kisbct. (H) Jolm B. Counties. (I) Michael Lynch. (K) John B. Akridge.

22nd Georgia Infantry, Vohinteers--805.

Colonel Robert H. Jones. " George II. Jones.
Lieutenant Colonel T. W. Pritchett. Joseph Wasdon, Kd.
Major J. Wasden. " Lawrence D. Lallerstedt.
Adjutant I. A. Girardeau. S. L. Bedell. J. D. Daniel.
Captai (A) L. R Lallerstedt. (A) G. W. Rush. Kd.
(B) Thomas S. Hundley. (B) J. W. Walker. (B) F. M. Heath. (B) I. C. A. Beall. (C) B. C. McCurry.
(D) John Gibson.

Captain (D) J. N. Mercier. (E) H. N. Howell. (E) J. D. Foster. (F) P. E. Willis. (G) J. J. Jones. (G) W. F. Jones, Dd. (G) G. W. Thomas. (H) J. D. W. McDonald. (H) F. M. Cormally. (H) J. W. Leonard, Kd. (H) H. J. L. Beall.
(I) George II. Jones. (I) A. B'. Rodders.
(K) J. T. Albert, Kd. (K) J. W. Callaway, Kd. (K) F. M. Clayton.

2,3rd Georgia
Colonel Thomas Hutcherson. W. P. Bare-lav, Kd. Emory F. Best.
" J. H. Huo-oins. M. 11. Balieneer.
Lieutenant Colonel W. P. Barclay.

Infantry, Volunteers--811.
Lieutenant Colonel E. F. Best. James II. Hnggins. M. H. Ballenger.
" J. J. A. Sharp. Major E. F. Best.
" J. H. Husrgins.

APPEXUIX A.

669

Major M. R. Ballenger. " J. J. A. Sharp. " W. J. Boston.
Adjutant C. Saunders. E. Fort.
Captain (A) Ben G Pool. (A) W. J. Boston. (B) J. H. Huggins. (" C ") M. R. Ballenger.

Captain (C) H. T. Kennon. (D) John L. Steele. (E) James Lovless. (F) B. F. King.
(F) R- W. Mitchell. (G) John J. A. Sharp. (H) Francis M. Young.
(I) M. L Pritchett. " (K) Andrew Young.

24:t7i Georgia Infantry, Volunteers-- 775.

Colonel Robert McMillan. C. C. Saunders.
Lieutenant Colonel C. C. Sanders. J. N. Chandler. T. E. Winn.
Major R, E. McMillan. " T. E. Winn. " F. C. Smith.
Adjutant D. E. Banks. U. S. Turner.
Captain (A) J. N. Chandler. (B) P. E. Davaiit. (C) W. L. Smith, Kd. (C) F. C. Smith.

Captain (D) John Corn. (D) 11. II. Smith, Kd. (E) J. N. Cannon, Kd. (E) II. P. Cannon, Dd. (F) J. II F. Mattox. (F) T. E. Wiiin. (G) W. T. Leonard, Dd. (G) W. S. Brewster, Kd.
" (IT) John H. Moselv, Dd. (II) George W. Keeling. (H) N. J. Dortch, Dd. (I) H. I. Pool. (K) J. G. Porter.
Ensign W. C. Sears.

25t7i Georgia
Colonel C. C. Wilson. W. J. Winn.
Lieutenant Colonel W. P. M. Ashley. W. H. Wvlly. A. J. Williams.
Major W. J. Winn. " W. H. Wvllv. " A. W. Smitn.
A. Q. M , W. D. Bacon. Adjutant R. E. Lester. Captain (A) A. W. Smith.
(B) M L. Brvan. (C) J. Roberts.

Infantry, Volunteers.
Captain (D) A. J. Williams. (E) W. S. Norman. (F) George T. Duiiham. (G) W. D. Hamilton. (H) W. H. Wvllv. (I) A. H. Smith." (K) M. J. McMullen. (L) R. J. McClary. (B) Jos. Bryan. (D) J. R. Cooper. (D) A. Jackson. ,,-L (G) Jas. W. Best.'
j

25t7t, Georgia
Captain (A) W. H. Wylly. (B) A. W. Smith. (C) R. J. McClary. (D) A. H. Smith.
' " (E) G. W. Holmes. (F) R. R. Young.

Volunteers, Reorganized.--870.
Captain (F) J. R. Moore. (A) J C. Brvan, Cashd. (A) J. C. Hbwell. x (H) S. I). Bradwell. } ----*-- (I) J. M. Smith. --' 1 (K) J. R. Cooper.

2Gt/i Georgia Infantry, Volunteers--951.

Colonel C. W. Styles. E. A. Atkinson.
Lieutenant Colonel W. A. Lane. E. S. Griffin. J. S Blain. Win. A. McDo
Major Thos. N. Gardner.

E. S. Griffin. "" J. S. Blain.
" B. F. Grace. Adjutant E. A. Atkinson.
Andrew J. Lyles. Captain (A) G. C. Dent.
(B) A. S. Atkiuson.

APPENDIX A.

i (C) J. C. Nichols. (13) I). J. McDonald. (E) Eli S. Griffin. (F) Wm. H. Dasher. (G) Ben. F. Mosely. (H) Wm. A. McDonald. (I) Alex. Atkinson. (K) Jas. S. Blain. (L) Ben. A. White, Jr. (L) M. R. Cogdell. Reorganiz. (A) Jas S. Blain. (A) N. Dixori. (B) A. Atkinson.

Captai n (B) Jas. H. Hunter. (C) Jas. Knox. (D) David Davidsor (E) E. S. Griffin. (F) John Lee. (G) C. M. Howell. (H) J. P. Smith. (II) R. Paxton. (I) C. W. Billiard. (I) Thos. J. Ivey. (K) B. F. Grace. (K) J. Hilton.

~21th Georgia Infantry, Volunteers-- 721.

Colonel Levi B. Smith.

C. T. Zachry.

Lieutenant Colonel C. T. Zachry.

"

" -- Brewer. "

John W. Stubbs.

J. M. Dorsev.

James Gardner, Kd.

"

" H. Bussev.

Major H. B. Holliday.

" C. J. Dennis.

" J. Gardner.

" H. Bussev.

" W. H. Renfroe, Kd.

" I. D. Graham.

Adjutant J. Gardner.

I. B. Pve.

A. C. S. Thomas Bacon, Kd.

J. M. Zachry.

A. 0. M., H. B. Holliday.

" G. B. Buchanan.

Captain (E) -- Spratlin, Dd.

(E) J. M. Zachry.

(A) P. C. Carr, Dd.

y- Captaiii (A) W. E. Doughert
(B) J. W. Stubbs. (B) J. J. Alien.
(C) C. J. Denis. (C) J. W. Murray. (C) W. W. Johnston (C) Thomas Grace.
(D) J. N. Dorsey. (D) Geo. Latham. (E) W. H. Renfroe. (E) -- Abercombie. (F) J. Wilcher. (F) -- Edwards. (G) W. D. Redding. (G) M. L. Billingsle> (H) C. T. Zachry. (H) W. H. Delamar, Kd. (H) R. A. Harkie. (I) O. A. Lee, Kd. (I) J. D. Graham. (I) ------ Baxley. (K) H. Bnssev. (K) C. Calhoun.

2St7i Georgia Infantry, Volunteers-- 718.

Colonel T. J. Warthen, Dd.

Tally Gravbill.

Lieutenant Colonel Geo. A. Hall.

"

" James G. Cain.

W. P. Crawford.

Major J. G. Cain.

" Tullv Graybill.

" -Jas. W. Banning.

Adjutant J. W. Robinson.

Captaiii (A) Tullv Graybill.

" (A) J. R". Tucker.

(B) E. B. Hook.

Captain (B) R. W. Flournov. (C) Wm. P. Crawfor d. (D) N. J. Garrison.
(E) Geo. R. Moore. (F) Jessie Burtz. (F) L. R. Wade.
(G) John Hill, Jr. (H) Wm. L. Johnson (H) J. A. Johnson. (I) Isaac F. Adkins. (K) John N. Wilcox.

Georgia Volunteers, Infantry--850.

Colonel R. Spaulding. " Wm. J. Young.
Lieutenant Colonel T W. Alexander W. D. Mitchell.

Major L. J. Knight. '< J. C. Lamb.
Adjutant G. Butler. Captaiii (A) C. S. Rockwell.

APPKXDIX A.

671

Captain (B) W. J. Young. (C) T. S. Wylly. (D) J. C. Lamb. (E) F. M. Jackson. (F) W. W. Billopp.

Captain (G) I. J. Owen. (H) W. D. Mitchell. (I) J. W. Turner.
(K) H. C. Bowan.

2Qt7i Georgia Volunteers, Reorganized.

Captain (A) J. D. Henderson. (B) W. W. Spencer. (C) L. J. Knight.

Captain (D) J. C. Lamb. (E) B. Y. Stanford.

30th Georgia Infantry, Volunteers-- 767.

Colonel David J. Bailev. Thomas W. Maugham. James S. Bovntoii.
Lieutenant Colonel Miles M. Tidwell. Thomas W. Maugham. Jas. S. Bovuton.
Major Cicero A. Thorpe. " J. R. Bovnton. " Henry Hendrieks.
A. C. S-, A. N. McLarty. J. C. Little.
A. Q. M., J. C. Hightower.

Adjutant J. W. McCord. Captain (A) John L. Barnett.
(B) H. Hendrick. (C) J. G. Lindsev. (D) Thos. C. Bartlett. (E) Robert M. Hitch. (F) Wm. N. Magonick. (G) John Edmondsoii. (H) Francis M. Harrall. (I) C. A. Dollar. (K) Wm. B. Richards,

30t7i Georgia
Captain (A) Felix L. Matthall. (B) Henry Kendrick. (C) R. J. Andrews. (D) Hudson Whitaker. (E) R, M. Hitch. (F) Ulm N. Magonick.

Volunteers, Reorganized-- 728.
Captain (G) John Edmondson. " (G) Jno W. McLeod. " (M)F. M. Harrell. " (J) C. A. Dollar.
j " (K) Geo. T. Longino. i

31st Georgia Volunteers, Infantry-- 800.

Colonel P. J. Phillips. Clement A. Evans.
Lieutenant Colonel Daniel P. Hill. J. T. Crow.
Major C. A. Evans. " J. H Lowe.
A. C. S., J. H. Sntton. A. Q. M., A. B. Redding. Adjutant J. H. Woodbridge.
Wm. M. Head.

Captain (A) Apollo Forrester. ~" (B) RcSdolphus T. Pride. " (C) Archer Griffetts.
! " (D) John T. Crowder. j " (E) L. B Redding.
" (F) Warren D. Wood. (G) J. H. Lovve.
(H) John W. Murphy. (I) Geo. W. Lewis. *
(K) R. H. Fletcher.

3~Lst Georgia Volunteers, Reorganized.

Captain (A) A. Forrester, Dd. (A) C. L. Shorter. (B) R. T. Pride.
" (C) J. G. Sanders. (D) Thos. B. Settle. (E) L. R. Redding.

i Captain (F) M. D. Wciod. i " (G) J. H. Love.
(H) J. W. Murphy. (I) Geo. W. Lewis. (K) R. H. Fletcher. " (K) S. W. Thornton.

32d Georgia
Colonel Geo. P. Harrison, Jr. Lieutenant-Colonel W. H. Pruden.
E. H. Bacon.

Volunteers, Infantry--880.
Major E. IT. Bacon, Jr. " W. Y. Holland.
Adjutant G. M. Blount.

APPEXDIX A.

Captaiu (A) W. Y. Holland. (A) W. I). Coruwell. (B) J. B. McDowell. (C) S. J. Heath. (D) R. K. Iliiies. (D) J. A. Hines. (E) S. A. 11. Joues.

Capta

(E) P. II. Talliafen (F) C. A. Willis. (G) J. A. Phillips. (H) S. I). Mobley. (I) J. F. Lewis. (K) E. G. God bee. (K) J. L. McElmur:

Colonel A Littlefield.

Georgia Volunteers.

Georgia Infantry,

Colonel J. A. W. Johnson. Lieutenant Colonel J. W. Bradl Major Thos. T. Donough.
" John M. Jackson. Adjutant I. J. McLemlon. Captain (A) Caleb Chitwoocl.
(B) Thomas A. Neal. (C) R. A. Jones.

Capta

Volunteers.
(D) Wm. E. Brock. (E) Jordan Rowland. (F) W. A. Walker. (G) G. M Blackwill. (H) John M. Jackson. (1) A. T. Bennett. (K) A. P. Daniel.

3oth Georgia Infantry, Volunteers-- 656.

Colo lei E. L. Thomas 'Boiling II Holt.
Lieutenant Colonel Gustavns A. Bull. B. H. iJolt. W. H. McCullongh.
Major B. H. Holt. " W. H. McCullough. " W. L. Groves. " L. A. Williams. " J. T. McElvaiiy.
Adjutant J. H. Ware," Kd. S. W. Thomas.
Captain (A) Wm. I. Head.

Captain (B) I. M. White. (C) D. B. Henry. Kd. (D) L. A. J. Williams. (D) J. M. Mitchell. (D) I. P. Johnston. (E) E. R. Whitley. (F) R. M. Rawliiigs, Dd. (F) J. T. McElvany. (G) Wm. S. Barrett. (H) A. K. Richardson. (I) W. L. Groves. (I) S. T. Irvine. (K) W. H. McCulloch.

3Gth Georgia Infantry, Volunteers--986.

Colonel Jesse A. Glenn. C. E. Broyles.
Lieutenant Colonel Alex. M. Wallac Major Chas. E. Broyles.
'" Juo. Loudermilk. Adjutant John S. Ault. Captain (A) J. W. Aderhold.
(B) H. J. Spray berry. (D) J. R. Rhodes. (E) W. H. Howard, Jr. ( F) J. P. Girardy. (G) R. T. English. (H) J. T. Kerr. (I) J. N. Edwards.

Captain (K) E. S. Amos. (A) Joseph Glenn. (B) Geo. A. Cooper. (C) B. B. White. (C) F. M. Dwight. (D) Jrio. Loudermilk. (E) J. I). Gilbert. (F) E. L. Martin. (G) D. H. Elledge. (H) A. P. Roberts. (I) J. L. Morgan. (K) A. A. Dyer. (L) Thos. Williams.

Georgia Infantry, Volunteers.

Colonel A. F. Rudler. Lieutenant Colonel J. T. Smith. Major J. J. Bradford.

Major R, E. Wilson. Adjutant G. H. Sherod. Captain (A) R. E. Wilson.

Captain (B) T. E. Blanchard. (D) J. G. McMullan Kd.
(D) W. M. Clark. (I) M. Keudrick, Dd.

Captain (I) T. D. Wright. (I) Wm. Hutchinson.
(K) W. H. H. Phelps.

38t/i Georgia Infantry, Volunteers-- 775.

Colonel A. ~R. Wright.

Geo. W. Lee.

J. J). Mathews.

Lieutenant Colonel Geo. W. Lee.

Lewis J. Parr.

J. D. Mathews.

'"

" P. E. Davaut.

Major L. J. Parr.

" T. H. Bomar.

Captain (A) Win. L. McLeod, Kd.

(B) Robert P. Eberhart.

(C) John Y. Flowers.

(D) Geo. W. McClesky, Kd.

Captain (E) Wm. H. Battey, Kd.

(E) J. W. Brinson.

( E) L. W. Farmer, Kd.

(F) Cornelius R. Hanleiter.

(G) Wm. Wright.

(G) Geo. F. Robinson.

(H) Thomas H. Bomar.

(I) John C. Thornton.

(I) J. O. Maxwell.

(K) Jas. D. Matthews.

"

(K) Clias. A. Hawkins, Kd.

(K) R. T. Donough.

(K) L. H. T. Bomar.

39th Georgia Infantry, Volunteeri

Colonel J. T. McConnell, Dd. J. F. B Jackson,
Lieute nant Colonel J. F. B. Jackson. Major J. H. Randall
Acljuta t W. M. McCallister. Captai (A) T,. W. Crook.
(13) T. H. Pitner.
(C) Timothy Ford.

Captai

(D) J. W. Cnreton. (E) C. D. Hill.
(E) H. B. Osborne. (F) Jas. II. Anderson. (G) B. J, Brown.
_(K) J. W. Brady, Kd. (I) John D. Hayes.
(H) Wm. H. Edwards.

4:0t/i Georgia Infantry, Volunteers.

Colonel Abda Johnson. Lieutenant Colonel Robert M. Young. Major Raleio-h G. Camp. Adjutant G.' W. Warwick. Captain (A) Jno H. Matthews.
(B) John U. Dobbs.
(C) Z. B. Hargrove.

Captain (D) Francis II. Hall. (E) J. F. Groover.
(F) John Middlebrooks. (G) Thos. J. Foster. (H) Jose])h L. Keel. (I) Abda Johnson. (K) Alex. Murchison.

4,1st Georgia Infantry, Volunteers-- 683.

Colonel Charles A. McDaniel. Lieutenant Colonel Wm. E. Curtii Major John Kni<rlit.
" W. S. Nail. Adjutant E. Elless. A. Q. M., A. D. Abrahams. Captain (A) J. E. Rtallings.
(B) Geo. N. Lester. (B) D. McCleskey.
(B) Thomas I. Dobbs.

Capt;

(C) Geo. S. A very. (D) Jno. W. Powell. (E) J. C. Curtwright. (F) A.D. Abrahams. (F) S. D. Clements. (G) \Vashinsrton Henibree. (G) R. A. Wood. (H) Newton J. Ross.
(I) W. B. Thomason. (K) J. J. Bowen.

42 d Georgia Infantry, Volunteers--929.

Colonel Robert J. Henderson. Lieutenant Colonel R. F. Mad do:
Wm. H. HuL Major W. H. Hulsey.

Major L. P. Tho
Adjutant H. M. Wylie. Captain (A) L. P. Thomas.
(B) B. P. Weaver.

43

674

j Captai

(G) Enoch E. McCollu (H) J. T. Mitchell. (I) John II. Barrett. (K) Wm. E. Calhoun.

Infan try Volunteer

Colonel Skidmore Harris. H. C. Kellop-g.
lieutenant Colonel Hiram P. Bell. Major Henry C. Kellogg. Adjutant J. S. Alien. Cabtaiii (A) Win. F. Mullins.
(A) A. M. Keinhart. (A) W. I. Sloaii. (B) M. M. Grantham. (C) Ben. F. Hanie. (D) Wm. P. Brown.

Captain (D) M. J. Ragsdale. (E) Thos. G. Pilgrin (F) James F. Law. (F) Cicero II. Furr. (G) M. M. Mintz. (G) J. M. Storey. (II) II. II Howard. (I) W. C. tester. (K) John F. Rives. (E) M. II. West.

Colonel Robert A. Smith. John B. Estes.
" Sam'1. P. Eumpkins. Wm. H. Peebles.
Lieutenant Colonel J. B. Estes. S. P. Pumpkin. W. H. Peebles. Jas. W. Beck.
Major Richard O. Banks. Jus. W. Adams, Del. W. H. Peebles. J. W. Beck.
John C. Kev. Adjutant Chas. M/Wiley. Captain (A) W. H. Peebles.
(A) H. M. Credille. (B) John C. Key. (B) Jas. Ilenderson.

ia Volunteers-- 018.
Captain (C) Sam'1. P. Eumpkiu. (D) John B. Estes. (D) R. R. Hanes. (E) Joseph W.Adams. (E) J. H. Couiially. ( F) David E. Hitchcock. (K) C. D. Pearson. -( F) G. G. Green, Kd. (F) J. B. Reese. (G) John Huie. ((J) J. E. Blalock. (II) Jno. C. Redding. (II) Jno. W. Butler. (I) Chas. W. Alliston, Kc (I) J. II. Harris. (I) Jas. W. Beck. (1) Thomas T. Eason.

Georgia Infantry Volunteers--G8G.

Colonel Thomas Hardeman. " Thomas J. Simmons.
Lieutenant Colonel T. J. Simmons. W. E. Grice. J. W. Carter. W. S. Wallace. C. A. Coun, Kd.
Major W. E Grice. M. R. Rogers. J. W. Carter.
" A. W. Gibson. Adjutant Geo. F. Cherry. Captain (A) M. R. Rogers.
(A) W. H. Shaw. (A) Geo. F. Cherry. (B) J. W. Do/Jer.

Captain (C) Jas. M. Carter. (C) John H. Baskius, Dd. (C) II. G. Eamar. (D) Jos. H. White, Dd. (D) Jesse Mays. (E) Wm. S. Wallace. (F) Richard M. Bonuer. (F) John Hardeman. (G) C. A. Conn. (H) Wm. M. Davis. (II) John G. Brown. (FI) W. D. Killen. (I) E. J. Dupree. (I) J. I. Hall. (1) J. M. Carter. (K) A. W. Gibson.

Colonel Peyton H. Colquitt, Kd. S. J. C. Dunlap.
Lieutenant Colonel Win. A. Daniel. Major Alex M. Speer.
" S. J. C. Dunlap. Adjutant W. W. Cliarlton.
W. R. Bedell. Captain (A) T. B. Hancock.
(B) Sam'1. J. C. Dunlap. (C) A. 11. Cooper, Kd. (C) T. C. Tilluum.

D) E. G. Raifoi E) Wm. A. An F) John P Bea F) K. M. DixoL G) G. A. Ball. G) Malcomb Gi H) Elea/,er Tav (I) W. E. Moor (I) W. A. Davi. ( K) A. G. Bedel (K) I. E. Pou.

47ZA Geo
Colonel G. W. M. Williams, Dd. " . A. C. Edwards.
Lieutenant Colonel A. C. Edwards. W. S. Phillips. J. S. Cone.

Volun rs-- 814.
\ Majo: J. S. Cone. A. G. Cone.
Adjutant B. S. Williams. Captain (A) M. J. Doyle.
(BJ Pat. Gormley, Cashd.

Georgia Infantry Volunteers--1052.

Colonel William Gibson. M. R. Hall.
Lieutenant Colonel R. W. Carswell. M. R. Hall.
Major J. R. Whitehead.
M. R. Hall. Adjutant Julian Gumming-.
T. II. Gibson. Captain (A) A. Kellev, Kd.
(B) M. R. Hall. (C) H. J. Dortic, Dd. (C) L. G. Doughty, Kd. (C) J. K. Evans.

i (D) John W. Harlow, ] (D) U. L. Skinner. (E) T. H. Polhill, Kd. (E) B. W. Carswell. (E) W. J. Smith. (F) Thos. W. Kent. (G) Ulvases A. Rice. (G) T."J. Roberstori. (II) JN'iell McLeocl. (H) A. C. Flanders. (I) R. J. Wilson. (K) T. J. Hamilton. (K) D. T. Wilson.

Infantry Volunteers--762.

Colonel Andrew J. Lane. S. T. Player. J. T. .Jordan.
Lieutenant Colonel Seaborn M. Mannin Jonathan Rivers. S. T. Player. O. H. Cooke. J. T. Jordan. W. J. Williams.
Major J. Rivers. " S. T. PI aver. " J. H. Pate. " W. J. Williams. " John Durham. " J. B Du-gan.
Adjutant M. Newman. Captain (A) S. T. Plaver.
(A) J. B. DuoVan. (B) Jas. Humphreys, Dd. (B) W. J. Williams.

Captai

(C) Wm. M. Carter. (C) J. T. Jordan. ' (D) Wm. F Holden. (D) John Durham. (K) Sam'1. D. Fuller. (K) A. C. McLennon. (F) O. H. Cooke. (F) T. D. Wilcox. (G) Jas. T. Cappell. (G) H. B. Stanley, (II) A. D. Jemigan. (II) C. M. Jones, Kd. (II) W. G. Bell. (I) Jas J. Lawrence. (T) A. J Lane. (I) J. W. Alien. (K) II H. Whitfield. (K) S. M. Manning. (K) J. H. Pate. (K) O. A. V. Rose.

APl'KNOIX A.

50*/i Georgia Infantry Volunteers--974.

Colonel W. R. Manning. Peter McGlaslian.
Lieutenant Colonel F. Kearse. W. 0. Fleming.
Major P. C. Pendleton.
D. Curm. " W. 0. Fleming. " P. Sheftall. Adjutant Jas P. Graves. Captain (A) Jiio. T. Wilson.
(B) P. B. Bedford. (B) P. C. Pendleton.

Captain (C) John M. Spence. (D) Jas. T. Bevill.
" (E) Cicero 11. Young, (F) Duucau Curry.
" (F) W. 0. Fleming.
(G) John B. Osteen. (H) Jesse M. Wells. " (I) E. C. Morgan. " (I) C. Townseud. (K) Pliny Sheffield. (K) John G. McCall.
(F) H. L. Reeves.

51s* Georgia Infantry Volunteers--908.

Colonel W. M. Slaughter, Dd. E. Ball. James Dickev.
Lieutenant Colonel E. Ball. O. P. Anthony. J. Dickev.
J. P. Crawford. Major 0. P. Anthony.
" H. M. Dmiwoody. " Jas. Dickey. " J. P. Crawford. Adjutant J. H. West. Captain (A) FI. M. Dnmvoorlv.
(A) S. Alexander, Kd. (A) W. It. McLeau.

Captain (B) W. C. Ware, Kd. . (B) W. H. Chastain. (C) A. Cumbie. (C) J. W. Brooks.
( D) F. M. D. Hopkins, (E) James Dickey. (F) B. J. Kendrick. (F) T. M.Jones.
(G) John P. Crawford. (H) Edward Ball. (H) Wm. F. Da vis. (I) O. P. Anthony. " (I) S. A. McLencion. (K) Wm. M. Slaughter. (K) Richard Hobbs.

52nd Georgia Infantry Volunteers--890.

Colonel Wier Bovd. Lieutenant Colonel C. D. Phillips. Adjutant W. A. James. Captain (A) S. H. Vandiviere.
{B) John J. Moore. (C) It. It. Asbnrv. (D) John A. Parker.

Captain (D) J. W. Woodward. (E) D. W. Killian. (F) S. M. Beck. (G) Lewis B. Beard. (II) W. W. Brown. (I) John R, Russell. (K) T. F. Cooper.

53rd Georgia Infantry Volunteers.

Colonel L. T. Doyal.
Lieutenant Colonel Thomas S Major J. P. Sims. Adjutant John F. Hanson. Captain (A) T. W. Atkins.
(B) Thos. W. Sims. (I) J. M. D. Bonds.

Captain (D) J. W. Hance, Kd, (E) Jas. P. Sims. (E) S. W. Glass. (F) Thomas Sloan. (G) R. P. Taylor.
(H) W. B. Baker. (C) Sam'1. W. Marshbone. (K) J. M. Ponder.

54cth Georgia Infantry Volunteers--815.

Colonel Charlton H. Way. Lieutenant Colonel Morgan Rawls. Major Wm. H. Mann. Adjutant T. H. Brantlev. Captain (A) T. W. Bra'ntlev.
(B) Geo. W. Moody. (C) D. A. Green. (C) T. M. Brantley.

Captair

(D) A. S. Roberts. (E) J. D. Evans. (E) H. M. Tally. (F) W. T. Chisholm. (G) Geo. W. Knight. (H) C. R. Russell. (I) L. L. Elkins. (K) Geo. Eason.

APPENDIX A.

677'

55th Georgia Infantry Volunteers--1008.

Colonel C. B. Harkie, Cashd. A. W. Persons. D. S. Priutup.
Lieutenant Colonel A. W. Persons. 13. S. Priutup.
Major D. S. Printup. M. P. Tucker.
A. C. S., ------ Wright. Adjutant R. C. Saxon. Captain (A) Turner J. Ball.
(B) James M. Griffin.

Captain (C) Wm. J. Collins. (D) John G Lester. (E) Ben H, Kendiick, Kd. (F) H. W. Baker. (F) J. J. Koberson. (G) li. L. Mitchell. (H) J.. P.. Alle . (I) 1). A. Lee, Dd. (K) M. P. Tucker. (L) E. M. Westbroo

5Gth Georgia Infantry Volunteers.

Colonel E. P. Watkins. Lieutenant Colonel J. T. Slaughter. Major M. L. Poole.
" J. P. Brewster.
Adjutant Jas. N. Bass. Captain (A) J. P. Brewster.
(B) J. B. Martin.
(C) J. A. Grice.

Captain (T)) W. S. Monroe.
" (E) J. F. Albert. " (F) P.. II.. Prather, Kd. " (-G)-E-. M-.-Stre
(H) J. M. Parrisb. (I) J. M. Cobb. (K) B. T. Sberman. (, K). J. H. Harrison.

57t/i Georgia Infantry Volunteers.

Colonel Wm. Barkalo. Lieutenant Colonel E. S. Guyton. Major John W. Shinholser. A. C. S., M. W. johnston. Assistant Quartermaster H. Cleveland.
Adjutant T. J. Dyson. Stephen De Bruhl. Geo. R. Hunter.
Captain (A) L. C. Bryan. " (B) James M. Smith.

Captain (C) Lucius Q. Tucker. (D) Henrv K. Byington. (E)C. II. Richardson. (F) John F. Viiison.
(G) James P. Jordan. (11) John li. Bonner. (I) Georo-e W. Bishop. (K) J. W." Shinholser.
(K) J. N. Shinholser.

58t7i Georgia Volunteers.

5Qt7i Georgia Infantry Volunteer, -833.

Colonel Jack Bro LreutenanTCoYonel C. J. Harris.
B. II. Gee.
Major B. H. Gee. " C. J. Harris. " M. G. Bass. " W. II. Fielding.
A. C. S., W. A. Sparks. Assistant Quartermaster B. F. Bruton Adjutant H. Marshall.
" M. F. Bass. Captain (A) B. H. Gee.
(B) John G. Collins. (C) W. H. Ficklin.

Captain (D) D. C. Smith. (D) B. H. Miller. (E) M. G. Bass. (E) B. L. Brown. (F) James M. House. (G) G. F. Brown. (H) Jack Brown. (II) F. M. Robinson. (H) W. W. Train. (I) E. Cain, Dd. (I) John W. Hutchinson. (K) C. J. Harris. (K) F. W. Johnson. (K) S, H. Gates.

GQth Georgia Infantry Volunteers.

Colonel W. H. Stiles. W. B. Jones.
Lieutenant Colonel Thoma Major W. B. Jones.

A. C. S., A. D. Mu. Assistant Quartermaster D. N. Speer. Adjutant B. F. Keller.
R. L. McFarlin.

678

APPENT>IX A.

Captain (A) T. D. Bertody. (13) W. B. Jones. (C) J. C. Wardlaw. (C) James C. Ward,
(D) W. Talliaferro. (E) J. W. Beck.

Captai 2 (F) W. P. Jarrett.

(G) John B. Colding, Kd.

"

(H) W. 11. Stiles. (H) W. C. Leake.

(I) B. F. Fariss.

(K) W. II. Howard.

Q~Lst Georgia Infantry Volunteers.

Colonel John H. Lamar. Lieutenant Colonel J. Y. McDuffie.
C. W. McArthur. Major A. P. McRae.
Peter Brennan. " H. Tillmaii. Assistant Quartermaster Geo. Higgins. Adjutant G. W. Lamar.
G. C. Connor.
Captain (A) G. D. Wilcox. (B) 1). R. A. Johnson.
(C) Dan'1. McDonald. (D) S. II. Kennedy.

Captain (E) C. W. McArtlmr.

(E) T. M. McRae.

( F) P. Bremian.

(G) W. Fannin.

(H) J- M. Dasher.

(I) J. D. Van Valkenburg.

"

(K) E. F. Sharpe. (C) J. A. Edmondson.

'

(G) H. T. Colley. (A) J. Y. McDuffie.

'

(D) H. Tillman. (B) A. P. McRae, Kd.

62nd Georgia Infantry Volunteers.

Colonel J. R. Griffin.

Lieutenant Colonel Randolph Townes.

"

" John T. Kennedy.

Maior John T. Kennedy.

" W. L. A. Ellis.

A. C. S., T. Meara.

W. R. Baldwin.

Adjutant B. B. Bower.

W. A. Holson

Captain (A) John P. Davis.

(B) Jas. W. Nichols.

"

(B) B. B. Bower.

Captain (C) W. L. A. Ellis.

" '

(D) Win. II. Fancett. (D) R. Duvall.
(E) W. A. Thompson.

(F) S. B. Jones.

5 '

(G) Pat. Gray. (H) Thos. A. Janes. (M) A. P. Newhart.

(I) Jno. A. Richardson.

(K) E. W. Westbrook.

"

(K) S. L. Turner (L) Theo. G. Barbara,

63rd Georgia Infantry Ve lunteers-- 986.

Colonel George A. Gordon. Lieutenant Colonel Geo. R. Black. Major John R. Giles.
'< J. V. H. Alien.
A. C. S., G. W. Lamar. Assistant Quartermaster C. J. White. Adjutant J. S. Hammond. Captain (A) J. V. H. Alien.
(B) James T. Buckner.

Captain (C) E. J. Craven.

(D) E. H. Harrison.

(E) Thad. Oliver.

(F) John H. Losser.

J

"

"

(G) D. N. Martin. (H) H. H. Scranton. (I) C. W. Howard.

(K) Wm. J. Dexra.

Q4:th Georgia Infantry Volunteers.

Colonel John TV. "Evans, Kd. TV. H. Weems.
Lieutenant Colonel James Barrow, Kd. W. H. Weems.
Major W. H. Weems. ' " C. 8. Jenkins.
Assistant Quartermaster E. R. Peabody. Adjutant J. A. Bvrd.
Captain (A) John K. Redd.

| Captain (B) T. J. Pritchett.

(C") N. W. Garrard.



(D) Geo. S. Thomas.

(E) C. S. Jenkins.

"

(F) P. Robinson.

1C

(G) D. C. Smith.

(G) C. A. C. Waller.

(H) S. A. Tow-Dsley.

"

(I) J. T. McClusky, CashcL

APPKXDIX A.

679

Goth Georgia Infantry Volunteers.

Colonel C. J. Smith. John S. Fain. K. 11. Moore. W. G. Foster.
Lieutenant Colouel J. S. Pain. - " 11. H. Moore.
" J. W. Pearce. Major B. F. Browue.
" B. H. Moore. " J. W. Percv. " S. F. Williams. A. C. S., W. A. Martin.

Adjutant T. TV. Alexander. Captain (A) S. F. Williams.
(B) Andrew H. Morris. (C) John H. Craven. (D) W. G. Foster. (E) W. F. Thomas. (F) A. Budolph. (G) John W. Holmes. (H) F. M. Kitchens. (I) Henry L. Smith. (K) W. TV. Grant

6Gt7i
Colonel J. C. Nisbet. lieutenant Colonel Major A. C. S.

Georgia Infantry Volunteers.
Captain (F) A. H. Beid. (G) G. V. Hall. (I) J. Thoruton.

CobVs Georgia Legion-- 1018.

Colonel Thos. B. B. Cobb, Kcl. Fierce M. B. Young. G. I. TVriffht.
Lieutenant Colonel P. M. B. Young. G. B. Knight.
Jeff. M. Lamar, Dd. Luther J. Gleun. 11. S. King. Win. G. Delonev.
Major Ben. C. Yancey. ". J. M. Lamar. " W. G. Deloney. " L. J. Glenn. Z. A. Bice. Thos. M. Camack. G. I. Wright. TV. D. Convers.
Adjutant J. C. Bn'therford. Inf. Captain (A) W. I). Convers.
(B) C. A. McD'aniel.

Inf. Captain (B) TV. TV. McDaniel.

(C) L. J. Glenn.

(C) M. F. Liddell.

(C) A. C. Grier.

(D) Thomas Camack..

(D) TV. A. Wimi, Ivd.

(D) Jas. F. Wilson.

(E) W. S. C. Morris.

' (E) T. B. Cox.

(F) W. F. S. Powell.

(G) G. B. Knight.

(G) J. C. Barnett.

Cav. Captain (A) T. P. Stovall.

(A) J. J. Thompson.

(B) Z. A. Bice.

(C) TV. G. Deloney. .

(C) T. C. Williams.

(13) TV. J. Lawton.

Art. '

(A) M. Stanley.

P'hilUp's Georgia Legion-- 725.

Colonel Wm. Phillips. John S. Morris.
K. T. Cook, Kcl. E. T. Barclay. J. Hamilton. TV. TV. Bich. Major John T). Willcoxon. TV. P. C. Puckett. " Joseph Hamilton. " E. S. Barclay. Adjutant Jas H. Lawrence. J. W. Wofford. F. S. Fuller.

Adjutant J. A. Matthias. Inf. Captain (A) O. M. Daniel.
(B) B. T. Cook. (B) Thos. Hamilton. First Lieutenant (B) J. F. B. Jack Captain (C) E.' S. Barclay. (C) J. S. Norris. (C) A. S. Erwin. (D) H. F. Wimberley. (E) Jos. Hamilton. " (F) Jackson Barries. (G) Chas. Dul.iguon. (H) W. W. Bich. (H) J- E. Mhhollin.

Captain (I) W. B. C. Puckett. (K) R. S. Y. Louy. (I) J. M. Johnson. (L) J. T. Lowry. (M) J. F. McClesky. (M) Sam'1. Y. Harris. (N) S. S. Uunlap. (O) T. K. SprouJl.
(O) H. I. McCormick. (P) W. W. Thomas. Cav. Captain (A) J. H. Nichols.
(A) C. Du Bignon. (A) A. R. Love.
(B) Wm. H. Rich. (B) T. G. Wilkes.
(B) B. B. McKenzie.

Cav. Captain (C) E. C. Hardin. (C) W. B. C. Puckett. (C) G. A. Roberts. (D) P. L. Y. Long. (D) H. Buehanau. (E) A. F. Hunter. (F) W. W. Thomas.
Inf. Captain (A) D. B. Saiifo'rd. (A) F C. Fuller. (A) O. P. Daniel. (A) P. B. Robinson. (B) I. I). Dodcl. (E) VV. H. Barler. (E) J. M. McDonald. (F) P. McGovern.
Arty, H. N. Ells.

Smith's Georgia Legion of 375,

Partisan Bangers. Colonel Sumner J. Smith. Lieutenant Colonel John R. Hart.
John S. Fain.
Major B. F. Brown. Robert H. Moore.
Adjutant B. F. Chastain. Jas. M. Gartrell.
Assistant Surgeon B. P. White. John W. Farrell.
Assistant Quartermaster Jas. W. Langston. C. M. Bale.
Captain (H) A. Rudolph. (C) W. F. Thomas. (H) Jas. Harlow.

Cav. Captain (G) John R. Hart. (G) A. F. Ball. (B) T. C. Fain. (C) L. M. Stiff. (D) S. M. Ralston. (E ( L. Ilarlow. (E) J. T. Burns. (V) S. Anderson. (A) G. W. Standridge.
Inf. Captain (A) Jacob W. Picrcey. (B) Sam'1. F. Williams. (C) A. H. Morris. (D) John H. Craven. (E) Ben. C. Grant. (F) Ulm G. Foster.

'Wrighfs Georgia Legion.

Colonel Aug. R. Wright. Lieutenant Colonel G. W. Lee.

j Major Lewis J. Parr.

Thomas Legion--395.

ls Georgia Reserves.

Colonel J. H. Fannin. Captain (A) W. B. Wood.
(B) G. A. Hall. (C) E Baker. (D) J. C. Thornton. (E) J. H. Grant.

Captain (F) G. W. Austin. (G) W. H. Hartnett. (H) J. H. Powell. (I) J. Whatelv. (K) J. D. Watson.

2nd Georgia Reserves.

Colonel R. F. Maddox. Captain (A) S. Chamberlain.
(B) R. Adams. (C) E. Holcombe. (D) T. C. Jackson. (E) J. F. McCloskey.

I Captain(F) M. Richardson. (G) E. M. Donehoe. (H) C. M. Jones. (H) N. Clav. (I) S. S. Fears. (K) J. R. Mehaffey.

APPENDIX A.

3rd Georgia Reserves.

Colonel E. J. Harris. Lieutenant Colonel J. S. Moore.
Major J. B. Griffin. Adjutant S. D. Martin. Captain (A) J. A. McMauus.
(B) C. D. Amos. (C) W. F. Scott.

Captain (D) T. P. Lloyd. (E) N. Miller. (F) O. Cromwell. (G) S. 13. Niitt. (H) S. E. Glass. (I) T. H. liodgkiss. (K) G. A. Cuuningham.

4:(7i Georgia Reserves.

Colonel R. S. Taylor. Lieutenant Colonel A. D. Candler. Major J. H. Bush. Adjutant W. T. Florence. Captain (A) G. S. Peavv.
(B) J. M. B. Carltou.
(C) J. P. Hudson.

Captain (D) R. T. Bowie/} (E) B. I). Johnson. (F) A. C. Alien. (G) J. G. Jordon.
" (H) R. C. Saxon. (I) T. L. Anderson.
" (K) M. A. Adams.

5t7i Georgia Reserves.

Colonel J. B. Cumming. Lieutenant Colonel C. D. Findley. Major C. E. McGregor. Adjutant O. T. Thweatt. Captain (A) M. R. Freeman.
(B) B. D Lumsden. (C) B. Whiddon.

Capt;

(D) W. Paine. (E) W. A. Cobb. (F) J: C. Jarratt. (G) C. E. Clarke. (H) W. M. Gunn. (I) W. P. Mobley.
(K) W. H. Lawson.

681

Georgia State Guards.

Colonel J. G. Yeiser. Lieutenant Colonel J. R. Fre Major T. W. Alexander. Captain (A) J. H. Lawrence.
(B) J. Trout.
" (C) S. 1). Wragg. (D) A. A. Terhune.

Captain (E) M. L. Troutman. (F) J. Taliaferro. (G) H. F. Wimberly. (H) S. A. Bordoers. (I) D. B. Dean. (K) C. O. Stillwell.

~Lst Georgia Battalion Infantry.

Lieutenant Colonel J. B. Villepigue. G. A. Smith.
Chas. Spaulding. Major W. S. Lovell.
Adjutant E. G. Jeffers. Captain (A) J. W. Aderhold.
(B) H. J. Spray berry. (C) G. A. Smith.

Captain (D) J. R. Rhodes. (E) W. H. Howard, Jr.
" (F) J. P. Girardey. (G) ~W. S. Lovett. (H) J. F. Kerr. (I) J. N. Edwards.
(K) G. S. Ames.

1st Georgia JBattalion Infantry Sharp-Shooters JVo. 2.--323.

Major Arthur Shaaf. Captain (A) A. Shaaf.
(A) H. 13. Twyman. " (B) A. L. Hartridge.

Captain (B) B. H. Hardee. (C) Wm. H. Ross. (D) G. C. Pent.
(D) C. T. Berwick.

C82

2nd Georgia Battalion Infantry.

F. S. Gross.

Captain (A) W. F. I. Rosa. (B) JohnF. Wupree, Dd. (B) W. F. Walker.
(C) Geo W. Ross. (C) C. B. Redding. " (D) Geo. S. Jones.

2nd Georgia Battalion Infantry Sharp-SJiooters JVo. 2.

Manor J. J. Cox. " R. H. Whiteley.
Assistant Quartermaster Thos. B. Gcnv Captain (A) li. II. Whiteley.
(A) C. H. George/

Captai

(B) Wm. H. Brown. (C) E. W. Ansley. (C) M. G. Hester. (D) Sam'1. 13. Oliver.
(E) O. C. Myers.

3rd Georgia J3attalion Infantry.

Lieutenant Colonel J. B. St< dl. Major A. F. liudler. Adjutant C. P. Roberts. Assistant Quartermaster B. T. Jones
J. A. Aiid( B. Orme. H. P. Kiel Captain (A) Jas. D. Yeiser.

Captain (B) Robert E. Meson. (C) M. Kendrick. (D) Geo. M. McDowcll.
" (E) Andrew J. White. (F) J. J. Bradford.
- " (G) A. F. Rudler. (G) T. D. Caswell.
(H) W. H. H. Plielps.

3rd Georgia Battalion Infantry Sharp-Shooters JVb. 2--320.

Lieutenant Colonel N. L. Hutchins. Major H. H. Smith. Captain (A) Wm. M. Crumley.
(B) Garnet McMillan. (B) John W. King. (B) F. E. Ross. (C) W. E. Simmons.

Captain (C) "W: D. Anderson.
(C) N. N. Gober. (E) John F. Martin. Adjutant R. J. Davaiits.
J. H. Williams. P. E. Savaiis. Assistant Quartermaster J. P. Phillips.

4:t/i Battalion
Lieutenant Colonel W. II. Stiles. Major Thos. J. Berry. Assistant Quartermaster D. N. Speer.

Georgia Infantry'.

4:th Georgia Battalion Infantry Sharp-Shooters JVb. 2.

Ensign A. TV. Colliiis. Captain (A) S. M. Jackson.

. (B) TV. M. Carter. (C) B. M. Turner.

5t/i Battalion
Major G. M. Gunnels. Captain (A) W. G. Rice.
(B) John G. Williams.

Georgia- Infantry.
Captain (C) Jas. J. Shumate. (A) G. M. Gunuells.

Qth Georgia Battalion Infantry. JVo Rolls.

1'tJi Battalion Georgia Infantry. ( Consolidated with 6lst Georgia.)

Lieutenant Colonel C. A. L. Lamar. John H. Lamar.

I Major John H. Lamar.

8th Georgia Battalion Infantry--390.

Lieutenant Colonel J. T. Reid. A. Littlefield. Z. L. Walters.
. Major B. F. Hunt. Assistant Quartermaster II. S. Crawfo: Adjutant J. W. Gray. Captain (A) H. M. Lumpkin. (B) M. Y. Sexton, Cashd.

Captain (C) Wm. Holsonback. (D) Z. I,. Walters. (D) J. A. Hard in.
" (E) John A. Hopper. (E) John A. Penu.
(F) L. N. Jackson, Cashd. (F) J. W. Boaz. (G) T. J. Paxton.

Wt/t, Georgia Battalion Infantry--478.

Major John E. Ryl

, Kd.

" J. D. Frederic.

Ensign Wm. C. Tinsley.

Assistant Quartermaster J. W. Whitehead

Captain (A) Jas. U>. Frederick.

Captain (B) Dan Henderson. (C) B. F. Bell. (D) Wm. I,. Jones. (E) John L. Adderton.

llth Georgia Battalion Infantry-- 693.

Lieutenant Colonel G. W. M. Willia Captain (A) Wm. S. Phillips.
(B) Pat. Gormiey. (C) Jas. H. Latiiner. " (D) Phillip G. Tippins.

Captain(E) A. C. Edwards. (F) John D. Ashton. (G) Isaac M. Aikin.
" (H) Wm. W. Williarr (I) M. J. Doyle.

121/i Georgia Battalion Infantry--543.

Lieut enniit Colonel IT. D. Cape Majo II. I). Capers.
" Sam'1. 11. Crump. " G. M. Hanvey. Assistant Quartermaster Ker B Adjutant F. W. Baker, Kd.
E. F. Clayton. Captain (B) J. W. Rudisill.

Captain (D) Geo W. Johnson. (C) Sum'1. H. Crump. (C) J. 1-1. Taliaferro. (I) J. V. II. Alien. (D) Geo. M. Hanvey. (D) J W. Andersou. (F) Geo. M. Hood.
" (E) J. J. Newsome.

loth Georgia Battalion Infantry.
Captain (A) Geo. R. Black. (B) Jno. R. Giles. (C) Jas. T. Buckuer.

Georgia Battalion Infantry--469.
Major Joseph T. Smith
Assistant Quartermaste T.. C. Burch.
Captain (A) J. G. McMullin. (B) D. L. Ghol
18*7t Georgia Battalion Infantry.
Captain (A) W. S Basinge (A) Thomas T. Sc: (B) G. W. Stiles. (C) G. C. Rice.

684,

APPENDIX A.

25t/i Battalion Georgia Infantry. Lieutenant Colonel G. W. Lee.

Georgia State
Captain (E) H. D. Burnan. (E) Linton Stephens
" (F) Wm. H. Sworm.

Guards., Stephens' Battalion.
Captain (F) J. A. Shivers (G) B. Walden.

1st Battalion Georgia Reserves.

Major W. R. Symons. Captain (A) J. M. Dye.
(A) W. H. C. Mills. " (B) J. Cunningharn.
" (C) Win. M. Davidson.

Captain (D) J. B. ITussey.
(K) A. Morrison. (F) B. Millicaii. (G) R. A. Peoples. " (H) W. C. Alien.

1st Battalion Georgia Reserves--2. Augusta Fire Brigade.

Lieutenant Colonel C. A. Platt. Maior C. B. Day. Captain (A) C.'W. Hersey.
(B) J. D. Butt.

Captain (C) C. B. Day. (D) J. Henrv. (E) J. C. Moore. (F) J. W. Adams.

Atlanta Fire Battalion.

Lieutenant Colonel G. W. Lee. Major J. H. Mecasliii. Captain (A) J. Sladelman.
(B) L. Hiehardson.
(C) J. A. Taylor.

Captain (D) J. T. Banks. (E) P. Brown. (F) T. P. Fleming. (G) S. B. Love. (H) S. P. Bassett.

Battalion Georgia LigJit Guards, JMacon Ordnance Guards Battalion.

Colonel Patrick Mell. Major H. T. Price. Captain (A) C. W. Bond.
(B) C. Dodd.

Captain (C) A. De Laperrier. (D) B. C. Saxon. (E) B. H. Cannon.

Provost Battalion Georgia 'Volunteers.

Captain(A) M. D Lee. (A) Wm. McConnell. (B) T. J. Kchols.
" (C) J. W. Longino.

Capt!

CD) E. Holmes. (E) J. C. Hendrix. (F) L. L. Stro/er.
(G) 11. P. Eberhart.

9t/t Battalion
Major J. T. Smith. Captain (A) J. G. McMullin.
(B) D. L. Gholston.

Georgia Volunteers.
I Captain (C) D. C. Young. (D) G. Eberhart.
I " (E) S. G. Pettus.

^Miscellaneo^ls
Captain A. C. Davenport. John B. Hussey. W. H. Banks.

Georgia Infantry.
Captain E. B. Whitley. A. Bowsml. C. S. Jeukins.

Captain P. Robinson. S. M. Ralston. L>. Crurn. D. C. Smith. F. T. Cullens. J. R. Hart. Wm. A. Carswel G. Lumpkiii. J. F. Cooper. W. S. L>u Bose.

Captain J T. McClusky. N. J. Macarthy. W. S. Goodwin. E. Richards. C. H. Way. W. A. Adams. T. A. Skelton.
" J. R Camming. J. Hill, Jr.
" W. C. Thornton.

C85

CAVALRY.

1st Georgia Cavalry Regiment.

Colonel J. J. Morrison. S. W. Davitt.
Lieutenant Colonel A. R. Harper. Major S. W. Davitt. Adjutant John N Ferkins. Captain (A) W. M. Hutching.
(B) J. H. Strickland. (C) M. H. Haynie.

Captain (D) R. Trammell. (E) I. M. Blalock. (F) V. J. Reynolds. (G) J. L. Kerr. (H) Win. M. Tumlin. (I) I. F. Leak.
(K) H. A. North.

2nd Georgia Cavalry Regiment.

Colonel W. J. Lawton. Arthur Hood. C. C. Crews.
Lieutenant Colonel Arthur Hood. J. F. Dunlop. F. M. Ison.
Major C. A. Whaley. Adjutant R. F. Lawton. Captain (A) G. C. Looney.

Captain (B) W. J. Lawton. (C) Charles C. Crews. (D) O. Winuingham. (E) F. M. Ison (F) Thos. H. Jordan. (G) W. I). Grant. (H) W. H. Chapman. (I) Jas. W. Mayo.
(K) J. C. Duulop.

3rd Georgia
Colonel Martin J. Crawford. R. E. Kennon.
" W. R. Thompson. Lieutenant Colonel R. E. Kennon. Major H. H. Johnston. Adjutant I. P. L. Mudar. Captain (A) W. R. Thompson.
(B) Beverly A. Thornton. (B) W. J. Underwood.

Cavalry Regiment.
Captain (C) J. H. Persons. (D) R. E. Kennon. (F) J. T. Thornton. (F) Jas. A. Fowler. (I) 1). H. Collins. (H) D. F. Booten. (K) A. R. Hushes. (I) John W. Hurt.

4:t/i Georgia
Colonel Isaac W. Avery. Lieutenant Colonel W. L Cc Major L>. J. Owen.
" J. R. Stewart. Adjutant B. H. Newton. Assistant Quartermaster Wrr Adjutant J. W. Ramsay.

Cavalry Regiment (ls)--1015.
A. C.'S., Jos. M. Stones. Captain (A) R. A. Keith, Kd. First Lieutenant (A) G. I). Hancock. Second Lieutenant (A) G. A. Sloan.
(A) J. Hill. Captain (B) G. B. May. First Lieutenant (B) T. S. May.

C86

Second Lieutenant (B) J. C. Meliitvre. (15) J. W. Rarnsav. (B) Dave May, Kd.
Captain (C) Jeff Johnson. First Lieutenant (C) H. C. Erwin. Second Lieutenant (C) 1). A. Holland.
(C) A. R. Bates. Captain (D) Wm. J. Rogers. First Lieutenant (13) J. C. Hartman. Second Lieutenant (13) J. M. Boydston.
(13) J. Readdick. Captain (E) W. L. Cook.
(E) Oliii Wellborn. (E) B. C. Woddail. First Lieutenant (E) J. Johnson. Second Lieutenant (E) J. J. Jones.
(E) A. H. Jones.
Captain (F) C. D. McCutchen. (F) Jos. E. Ilelviugstone, Kd. (F) F. G.Horn.
Lieutenant (F) F. G. Horn. (F) J. E. tlelvingstone. (F) J. 13. Alien. (F) J. W. O'Neal. (F) J. R. Sloan.
Captain (G) Wm. R. Logan.

Captain (G) R, E. Kirigsley. First Lieutenant (G) R. E. "Creekmore. Second Lieutenant (G) H. J. Dean.
(G) W. M. C. Parkinson. Captain (H) G. H. Graham. First Lieutenant (11) J. T. Freeman.
(H) Wm. T. Arnold.
(H) W. M. Martin. Captain (I) I. W. A very.
(1) 13. J. Owen".
(I) H. H. Burke. First Lieutenant (1) I). J. Owen.
(1) II. H. Burke. Second Lieutenant (I) J. Shehan.
(I) A. C. Guntz. " " (I) G. W. Mitchell.
(I) R. Sutherland. Captain (K) J. R. Stewart. First Lieutenant (K) P. W. Stewart. Second Lieutenant (K) W. O. Cain.
(K) F. A. Eubanks. Captain (L) L. B. Anderson. First Lieutenant (L) J. C. N. Foote. Second Lieutenant (L) W. B. Chappell.
(L) W. A. Nolan. Captain (M) John 13. Ashton.

Georgia Cavalry liegiment (2nd)-- 807.

Lieutenant Colonel John L. Harris. Major J. C. McDonald Captain (A) J. S. Wiggins.
(15) W. M. Ha/.zard. (C) N. A. Brown. (D) Jno. Raddick.

Captain (E) R.N.King. (F) J. P. Turner. (G) A. McMillan. (H) T. S. Wylley. (I) J. C. Nichols. (K) D. Crum.

5t/i Georgia Cavalry liegiment.

Colonel Robert H. Anderson. Lieutenant Colonel Ed Bird. Major R. J. I3avant. A. C S., G. S. Barthelmess. Assistant Quartermaster T. B. Gowan.
. Captain (A) O. C. Hopkins. (B) W. A. Wiltberger.

Captai . (C) R. F. Aikin. (D) J. M. Marsh. (E) M. N. Call. (G) G. B. Beste. (H) W. L. Walthour. (T) W. Brailsford. (K) H. I. Strother.

Qth Georgia Cavalry liegiment.

Colonel John R. Hart. Lieutenant Colonel B. F. Brown
J. C. Fain.

Major J. C. Fain. Assistant Quartermaster T. W Fulton. Adjutant B. F. Chastain.

7t7i Georgia, Cavalry Hegirnent.

Colonel W. P. White, I3d.
Lieutenant Colonel J. L. McAllist Kd.
Major E. C. Anderson. " John T. Davis.

Captain (A) W. T3. Russell. (A) E. W. Moise. (B) A. R. Miller. (B) L. J. Smith.

APPENDIX A.

Captain (C) J. N. Davis. (C) F. E. Burke. (C) W. E. Cropp. (C) E. C. Anderson. (D) R. H. Wylley.(D) J. H. Sykes. (D) P. A. L. Morris. (E) II. K. Harrison.
(E) F. Beasley. (F) R. F.Jones. (F) J. R. Johnson.

Captai.

(F) C. C. Bowen. (G) F. W. liopkins. (G) T. S. Hop kins. (H) J. Hines.
(H) J. L. McAllister. (I) J. W. Brumby. (I) F. G. Pitt. (K) L. S. Quarterman. (K) L. W. Phillips. (Kj I. S. McAllister.

Sth Georgia Cavalry Regiment.

Colonel R, J. Griffin. Lieutenant Colonel J. M. Millen. Major J. M. Millen.
W. G. Thomas. S. B. Spencer. Adjutant T. G. Pond.
M. E. Williams. Captain (A) J. P. Davis.
(A) T. S. Paine. (A) H. L. Norneet. (A) R. Towns. (B) B. B. Bower. (B) B. L. Screven. (13) W. G. Thompson. (13) J. N. Nichols. (C) W. L. A. Ellis. (C) J. G. Smith. (D) T. R. Duval. (D) M. J. Smith.

ICai;pt;

(D) S. B. Spencer. (D) W. H. Farrertt. (E) W. H. Thompson. (E) J. G. Cress. (E) J M. Turpin. (E) W. J, Deas. (Fj S. B. Jones. ( F) M. E. Williams. (G) P. Gray. (G) J. R. Harper. (H) T. A. James. (I) A. J. Love. (I) J. B. Edgerton. (I) J. A. Richardson. (I) W. A. Lane. (I) J. T. Kennedy. (K) S. L. Turner. (K) E. W. Westbrook. (L) T. G. Barham.

Qth Georgia Regiment Cavalry.

Colonel G. T. Wright. Lieutenant Colonel B. S. King. Major M. D. Jones. Adiutant Jas. Y. Harris. Captain (A) T. B. Archer.
(A) Z. A. Rice. (A) T. P. Stovall. (A) B. C. Ring. (A) O. II. P. Juhan. (A) J. J. Thomas.
(A) B. C. Yancey. (A) C. H. Sanders. (A) W. L. Convers. (B) M. D. Jones. (B) L. J. Gleim.
(B) Wm. W. McDaniels. (C) W. G. Deloney. (C) T. C. Williams. (D) G. I. Wright. (D) C. H. Camfield.

| Captain (D) W. J. Lawton. (D) J F. Wilson. (D) W. A. Winn. (E) W. C. Dial. (E) B. S. King. (.E) T. B. Cox. (E) W. S. C. Morris. (F) W. D. Jones.
(F) Wm T. S. Powell. (F) G. W. Moore. (G) Wm. M. Williams. (G) J. C. Barnett. (G) G. B. Knight. (H) J. E. Ritch. (H) W. A. Cain.
(I) W. B. Young. (I) Wm. Duke. (K) F. E. Eve. (K) J. J. Floyd.
(L) A. M Rogers.

~LQth Georgia Cavalry Regiment.

Colonel V. H. Taliaferro. Lieutenant Colonel F. D. Claibori Major Jesse H. Sikes.

Captain (A) E W. Moise. Lieutenant (A) J. Cox.
(A) Wm. E. Crapp, .

"688

APPEJVDIX A.

lieutenant (A) J. E. Moses. Captain (B) L. J. Smith. Lieutenant (B) J. M. Buyers.
(B) G. W. Austin. (B)S. T. King-sberry. Captain (C) J. 1-1. Kikes. Lieutenant (C) P. A. S. Morris. (C) I. W. Ware. Captain (D) F. .E. Burke. Lieutenant (D) J. N. Carter. (D) P. E. Baker. Captain (E) F. A. Beasley. '

Lieutenant (E) T. C. McLendon. (K) Jas. Cody. (E) C. D. Rainwater.
Captain (K) F. G. Pitt. Lieutenant (K) Y. B. Sharpe.
(It) B. P. Jeukius. (K) M. B. Pitt. Captain (L) J. B. Bonner. (L) S. T. Kingsberry. Lieutenant (L) T. C. Sharpe. (L) H. I. Smith. (L) H. I. Boon.

11 th Georgia Cavalry Regiment.

Colonel A. Toting. Lieutenant Colonel H. W. Barclay. Major Madison Bell. Captain (A) M. Bell.
(B) E. P. Bedell. (C) J. Reid (D) D. M. West.

Captain (D) J. M. Crawford. (E) J. Kelly. (Fj W. C. Price. (G) T). M. West. (II) W. S. Erwin. (I) J. N. Dorsey. (K) N. T. Taber.

2nd Georgia Regiment of Partisan Rangers.

Colonel A. A. Hunt.

\st Battalion Georgia Cavalry.

Major Robert IT. Anderson. Adjutant R. Wayne.
Robert Grant. Assistant Quartermaster R. IT. Footman.

Captain O. C. Hopkins. Wm. Hughes, Jr. Abial Winn.

1st Battalion
Captain (1) O. G. Cameron. (2) John Shawhan. (3) Jas. M. Thomas. (4) Ezekiel F. Clay.

Georgia Cavalry IVo. 2.
Captain (5) John B.-Holliday. (6) R. G. Stoner. (7) P. M. Millen.

Battalion
Lieutenant Colonel Edward Bird. Major R. J. Davant. Captain (A) II. J. Strobhar.
(B) N. U. McCall.

Georgia Cavalry.
Captain (C) G. B. Best. (D) W. H. Wiltberger. (E) J. M. Marsh. (F) R, F. Aikin.

3rd Battalion Georgia Cavalry.

Lieutenant Colonel puncan L. Clinch. Major John L. Harris.
Assistant Quartermaster H. R. Fort. Captain (A) A. C. Strickland.
(B) I. C. McDonald.

Captain (C) I. S. Wie^ina. (Di W. M. Hazzard. (E) N. A. Brown.
(F) John Readdick.

9th Battalion
Major Wm. Phillips. Captain (A) R W Hai ick.
(B) G. D. Rice

Georgia Cavalry.
Captain (C) W. A. Austen. (D) J. Loveless. (F) T. R. Sheats.

APPENDIX A.

Cavalry Georgia Battalion.

Captain (A) M. A. Candler. (B) A. C. Sloan. (C) G. T. Rakestraw (D) B. M. Long.

Captain (E) A. R. Williams. (F) E. S. Ferguson. (G) W. S. R. i-Jardman.

I5t/i 'Battalion Georgia Cavalry (Partisan Hangers).

Lieutenant Colonel J. 11. Griffin.

| Assistant Quartermaster R. P. How

~LQth Battalion Georgia
Lieutenant Colonel F. M. Nix. Sam'1 J. YVi
Major S. J. Winn. E. Y. Clarke.
Adjutant; E. Y. Clarke. Thos. E. Winn.
Captain (A) T. F. Jones. (C) A. J. Walters.

Cavalry (Partisan Rangers).
Captain (D) David A. Camp.
(E) Wm. L. Merler. (F) John 1). Simms. (G) F. J. Whiteliead. (B) Wrn. B. Bailey. (H) J. F. Bay. (I) J. A. Strange. IK) W. S. Thomas.

Georgia Battalion Cavalry.

Major Charles T. Goode. Assistant Quartermaster Jas. Goode. Captain (A) Thatldeus G. Holt.

Captain (B) James L. Leath. (C) W. I. Vasou. (D) G. 11. Coley.

20th Georgia Battalion Cavalry (Partisan Rangers)--293.

Lieutenant Colo: si John M. Millen.
Major S. B. Spencer. Adjutant M. E. Williams Assistant Quartermaster L. S. Va Captain (A) Sam'1 B. Spencer.
(A) Moses J. Smith. (B) W. G. Thompson.

Captain (C) J. G. Cress. (D) Wm. A. Lane. (E) A. J. Love. (E) Thos. S. Paine. (F) J. B. Peacock. (F) M. E. Williams.

21st Battalion Georgia Cavalry (Partisan Rangers).

Major Wm. P. White. Adjutant B. Green Assistant Quartermaster Wm. L Platt.
Wm. F. Laws. Captain (A) W. D. Russell.
(B) Jerry R. Johnson.

Captain (B) C. C. Bowen. (C) R. L. Miller. (D) W. H. Banks, Cashd. (D) H. K Harrison. (E) R. F. Jones.

23rd Battalion Georgia Cavalry.

Lieutenant Col, si Isaac W. Averv.
Adjutant B. H. Ni Assistant Quartermaster Wm. K. M< A. C. S., Joseph Stones. Captain (A) I. W. Avery.

Captain (A) W. L. Cook. (B) Jeff Johnson. (C) G. B. May. (D) C. D. McCutchen. (E) I). J. Owen.

24th

Georgia Battalion Cavalry.
Captain (B) John N. Davis. (C) R. H. WyJley. (C) John W: Brumby.

AlMMi.N'.DIX A.

Georgia Battalion Cavalry.

I,ieuten ut Colonel A. Hood. Captain (A) A. W. Hunter.
(B) ,1- T. Wimberly.
(C) F. J. Browning.
(E) L. Little.

Captain (F) F. L. Pipper. (G) S. C. Hall. (H) R. W. Wade.
" (I) J. C. JLasseter.

30 ifA Battalion Georgia Cavalry.

Lieute iiant Colonel A. Young Capta :n (A) M. Bell.
(B) E. P. Bedell. (C) J. Beid. (D) I) M. West. (D) J. M. Crawford.

Captain (E) J. Kelly. (F) W. C. (H)) W. S. Erwin. (1) J. N. Dorsev. (K) N. T. Taber.

/Stephens'1 .Battalion Georgia Cavalry.

Lieutenant Colonel Linton Stephens. Major J. A. Shivers. Adjutant W. H. Lawson. Captain (A) J. Raley.

Capta n (B) T. E. Brown. (C) S. G. White. (D) J. F. Geev.

Culbersorfs Battalion State Guard Cavalrj.

Colonel A. B. Culberson. Captain (A) T. A. Sharpe.
(B) J. B. Rogers.

Capta n (C) J. M. Easterli n
(D) \Vm. Mahan. (F) J. Jones.

Stephens' Cavalry Battalion.

Major John T. Stephens. Capta 11 (A) B. G. Lockett.
(B) J. W. Ellis.

Captain (C) J. R. Banks. (D) C. F. Recldinc:.

Miscellaneous Georgia Cavalry.

Captain H. A. Gartrell. J. F. Waring. T. J Key. W. C. Humphreys.

Captain L. W. Humphreys " T. J. Watts. J. S. Pemberton.

General S. D. Tree's Escort.

Captain T. M. Nelson, Kd.

| Captain Gill Ragland.

Georgia ^fountain -Dragoons. Captain Isaac W. Avery.

Al'l'KXDIX A.

ARTILLERY.

Qf/i Battalion Georgia Artillery.

Major A. Levden. Adjutant G. A. Loftoii. Assistant Quartermaster J. W. Brown. Surgeon N. A. D'Alvignv. Captain (A) Elias Holcombe.
(B) Win. W. Seutell.

Captain (B) H. P. Randall. (C) George W. Atkii (C) A. M. Wolihin. (C) B. W. York. (D) T. M. Peei.les. (E) B. F. Wyly.

Ilt/i Battery Georgia Artillery.

Lieutenant Colonel Alien S. Cutts. JMajor A. S. Cutts.
" John Lane. Assistant Quartermaster Thos. II. Join Captain (A) A. S. Cutts.
(A) II. M. Ross.

Captai

(B) G. M. Patterson. (C)C C. P. Crawford. (C) J. Lane. (D )Jas. A. Blackshenr. (E) John T. Wingfieid.

(Georgia Battery ^\.rlittery.

Lieutenant Colonel H. D. Caper Major H. D. Capers.
; < S H. Crump. " G. M. Hanvey. Adjutant F. W. Baker, Kd.
E. F. Clayton. Assistant Quartermaster Ker B< Captain (A) J. W. Aiiderson.

Captain (A) G. M. Hanvey. (B) J. W. Rudisill. (B) S. H. Crump. (C) G. W. Johnson. (D) J. N. Taliaferro. (E) J. J. New-some. (F; G. M. Hood.

14/fc Georgia Battery Artillery.

Lieutenant Colonel J. T. Montgo Major Joseph Palmer. Adjutant J. II. Cox. A.'C. S., C- T. Swift. Captain (A) J. Palmer.
(B; Thos. H Dawson.

Captain (C) C. B. Fei-rell. (D) E. II. King. (E) Franklin Robe (H) Jas. G. Gibson (F) S. A. Moses.

22nd Georgia Battery Siege Artillery --666

Lieutenant Colonel Win. R. Pritchard.

Major John B. Gallie, Kd.

'< M. J. McMullan.

" D. T. Bertody.

Adjutant J. J. Symons.

H. Symons.

Assistant Quartermaster H. R. Washbi

"

E. J. Dawsoii.

Captain (A) T. D Bertody.

(A) J. M. Cambeli.

(A) G. R. Niles.

(B) M. J. McMullan

Captain (B) D. A. Smith.
(C) John Lama. (C) J. A. Beals.
(C) J. B. Gallie. (D) Richard J. Nuuii. (D) J. Manning. (E) C. Husse.v.
(E) L. J. Gui'lmartin. (F) A Bonaud. (F) Geo. A. Nkhols. (G) F. T. Cullens. (H) R, A. Turnipseed.

28th Georgia Battery Artillery.

Major A. Bonaud. Captain (A) J. A Cotten.
(B) L. B. Field ino-. (C) C. P. Crawford. (D) J. Wilcher.

Captain (E) M. T. McGregor
(F) J. R. Blount.
(G) J. L\ Godwin. ( H) T. J. Key. (I) R. F. Bishop.

692

APPENDIX A.

Cherokee LigJit Artillery.

Captain M. V. D. Corput.

| Captain John G. Yeiser.

^White's Artillery. Captain B. F. White.

Captain E. G. Dawson.

Terrell Light Artillery. | Captain John W. Brooks.

Oohimbus Light Artillery. Captain E. Croft.
Campbell Siege Artillery. Captain C. G. Campbell.

Chestatee Artillery. Captain T. H. Bomar.

Martinis Lig7it Artillery. Captain R. Martin.

JacTcson Artillery. Captain G. A. Cure.

JDanielVs LigJit Artillery. Captain C. Daiiiells.
<7b. Thompson Artillery.

Captain C. R. Hanleiter.

| Captain I,. J. Parr.

PritcliarcT's Artillery. Captain E. E. Pritchard.
JMaxtoett Artillery. Captain J. A. Maxwell.

Captain C. W. Slaton.

Macon Light Artillery. | Captain H. N. Ells.

Captain J. Scogin.

Scot/in's Light Artillery. | Captain O. C. Gibson,

Oglethorpe Siege Artillery.

Captain (A) J. T.ama. (B) Richard J. Nunn.

I Captain (B) G. F. Oliver. [

APPJSX.DIX A.

Clinch''s Artillery. Captain N. B. Clinch.

Mercer Artillery. Captain A. J. Macarthy.

Echols Light Artillery. Captain J. H. Tiller.

LarnweWs Light Artillery.
Captain A. Smith Baruwell.

Captain T. D. Bertody.

Lartoio Artillery. | Captain A. C. Dunn.

Captain T. L. Massenburg.

Massenbtirg Lattery. | Captain G. H. Dure.

Captain M. W. Harris. K. W. Anderson.

Palmer's Artillery.
Captain J. H. Yates.

Nelson"1 s Artillery. Captain J. Milledge.

Captain J. F. Wheaton.

Chatham Artillery.
| Captain J. S. Claghorn.

G-irardey*s Lattery. Capt. J. P. Girardey.

Howeirs Lattery.

Captain Evan P. Howell.

Miscellaneoiis Artillery Roll.

Captain F. T. Collins. M. Kendrick. J. H. Baker. S. P. Hamilton. J. K. Booton. J. Talley.
J. C. Fraser. J. P. W. Read. J. D. Hawkins. G. T. Barnes.
C. Sweet. F. Blodgett, Jr.

Captain J. W. Brown. J. P. Girardey. H. H. Carlton. E. Croft. E. P. lairnpkin.
A. J. White. C. C. Campbell. J. S. Cleg-horn. E. E. Pritchard. Wm. W. Sentell.
J. T. Culpeper. C. Daniells.

Independent EchoVs Artillery. Captain John H. Tiller.

SUPPLEMENT TO APPENDIX

Major General Jeremv F. Gilmer.

Samuel G. French.

Brigadier General Paul J. Quattlebaum.

Robert H. Chilton, Dd.

C. C. Crews.

Colonel Sewall L. Frem>nt.

IA,. Col. 1st Ga. Regulars H. D D. Twi"-gs

Adjutant " '" Robert H. Atkinson

Major

"

" E. W. Hazzard.

Captain Co. (F) S. R. Lawrence,

" (G, M. M. Potter.

(M) D. S. Kennedy.

" (I) T. M. McGregor.

" (K) T. J Abbott.

" (G) J. C. Fain.

Captain Co. (K) F. T. Callens.

" (M) P Hamilton.

Adjutant 10th Ga. Inf. Leroy Napier.

Capt (A) " " " Richard Hawes.

" (B) " " " John B. Weems.

" (K) " " " G. G. Crawford.

" (F) " " " John Stovall.

" (H) " " " Wm. Ashburn.

" (I) " " " Wm. P. Redwine.

" (G) " " " O. Home.

" (D) " " " Thos. D'Antignac.

" (I)) " " nV\ "

" " A. D'Antignac. " " Th Ad

Adj. 6th Ga. Infantry, B. Russell.

Robert S. Comiell.

CHAXGES OF ORGANIZATION.

3rd Bat. Ga. Inf. consolidated 37th Ga. I 21st Bat. Ga. Partisan Rangers and 24th

Inf. Reg.

1

Bat. made 7th Ga. Cav. Reg.

4th Bat. Ga. Inf. consolidated in 60th Ga. 67th Ga. Inf. Reg. reported with------Lester,

Inf. Reg.

Col. But no rolls.

7th Bat. Ga. Inf. consolidated in 61st Ga. 10th Confederate Cavalry made up of 19th

Inf. Reg.

Ga. Bat. Partisan Rangers and 5 Ala

30th Ga. Bat Cav. and 4 companies made

bama companies. Col. C. T. Goode,

llth Ga. Cav. Reg

Lt. Col. T. G. Holt. Major W. J. Vason,

7 companies from 7th Confederate Cav. and

Adijutant Joe Baa;ss.

i from 20th Ga. Bat. Cav. Staff of Gen. A H. C< olquitt. Captains

made 10th Ga. Cav. Reg.

Geo. G. Grattam and Jemy Jackson,

10 companies Cobb's Ga. Legion made 9th

A. A. G. Lts. Jas. Randall and H. H.

Ga. Cav. Reg.

Colquitt, A I). C. Major R, N. Ely,

7 companies 62nd Ga. Regt. and 3 compan

A. Q. M. J- B. Morgan^ A. C. S. Lt.

ies of 20th Ga. Bat. Cav. made 8th Ga.

H. Estill, Ordnance.

Cav. Reg.

Lt. Col. E. Y. Clarke of 16th Ga. Bat. Parti

15th Bat. Ga Partisan Rangers merged in

san Rangers holds commission stating

62nd Ga Reg.

his promotion for gallantry on the field.

APPENDIX B.
CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN JEFFERSON DAVIS, PRESIDENT OF THE CONFEDERACY, AND JOSEPH E. BROWN, GOVERNOR OF GEORGIA, ON
CONSCRIPTION.
LETTER OF MR. DAVIS.
EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, [ RICHMOND, May 29th, 1862. )
Dear Si?':--I received your letter of the 8th inst., in clue course, but the importance of the subject embraced in it required careful consideration ; and this, together with other pressing duties, has caused delay in my reply.
The constitutional question discussed by you in relation to the Conscription Law had been duly weighed before I recommended to Congress the passage of such a law ; it was fully debated in both houses; and your letter has not only beeu submitted to my Cabi net, but a written opinion has been required from the Attorney-General. The consti tutionality of the law was sustained by very large majorities in both houses. This decision of the Congress meets the concurrence, not only of my own judgment, but of every member of the Cabinet ; and a copy of the opinion of the Attorney General, here with enclosed, develops the reasons on which his conclusions are based.
I propose, however, from my high respect for yourself, and for other eminent citizens who entertain opinions similar to yours, to set forth, somewhat at length, my own views on the power of the Confederate Government over its own armies and the militia, and will endeavor not to leave without answer any of the positions maintained in your
letter. The main, if not the only purpose for which independent States form Unions or Con
federations, is to combine the power of the several members in such manner as to form one united force in all relations with foreign powers, whether in peace or in war. Each State amply competent to administer and control its own domestic government, yet too feeble successfully to resist powerful nations, seeks safety by uniting with other States in like condition, and by delegating to some common agent the combined strength of all, in order to secure advantageous commercial relations in peace and to carry on hos tilities with effect in Avar.
Now, the powers delegated by the several States to the Confederate Government, which is their common agent, are enumerated in the 8th section of the Constitution, each power being distinct, specific, and enumerated in paragraphs separately numbered. The only exception is the 18th paragraph, which, by its own terms, is made dependent on those previously enumerated, as follows :
" 18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execu tion the foregoing powers," etc.
Now, the war powers granted to the Congress are conferred in the following para
graphs :

690

APPENDIX B.

No 1 gives authority to raise "revenue necessary to pay the debts, provide for the com mon defense, and carry on the government," etc.
" No. II, to dec/are war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concern ing captures on land and water."
" No. "12, to raise and support armies ; but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years."
"No. 13, to provide and maintain a navy." " No. 14, to make rules for the government and .regulation of the land and naval

It is impossible to imagine a more broad, ample and unqualified delegation of the whole war power of each State than is here contained, with the solitary limitation of the appropriations to two years. The States not only gave power to raise money for the common defense; to declare war ; to raise and support armies (in the plural) ; to provide and maintain a navy ; to govern and regulate both land and naval forces ; but they went further, and covenanted, by the 3rd paragraph of the 10th section, not " to engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay."
I know of but two modes of raising armies within the Confederate States, viz.: volun tary enlistment, and draft or conscription. I perceive, in the delegation of power to raise armies, no restriction as to the mode of procuring troops. I see nothing which confines Congress to one class of men, nor any greater power to receive volunteers than conscripts into its service. I see no limitation by which enlistments are to be received of individuals only, but not of companies, or battalions, or squadrons, or regiments. I find no limitation of time of service, but only of duration of appropriation. I discover noth ing to confine Congress to waging war within the limits of the Confederacy, nor to pro hibit offensive war. In a word, when Congress desires to raise an army, and passes a law for that purpose, the solitary question is under the 18th paragraph, viz.: " Is the law one that is necessary and proper to execute the power to raise armies," etc.?
On this point you say : " But did the necessity exist in this case ? " The Conscrip tion Act cannot aid the Government in increasing the supply of arms or provisions, but can only enable it to call a larger number of men into the field. The difficulty has never been to get men. The states have already furnished the Government more than it can

ies," Congress is the judge whether the law passed for the pur-
armies might be raised in other ways, and that, therefore, this particular way is not "necessary." The same argument might be used against every mode of raising armies. To each successive mode suggested, the objection would be that other modes were practicable, and that, therefore, the particular mode used was not "necessary." The

APPEXDIX IS.

69?

true and only test is to inquire whether the law is intended and calculated to carry out the object; whether it devises and creates an instrumentality for executing the specific power granted; and if the answer be in the affirmative, the law is constitutional. None can doubt that the Conscription Law is calculated and intended to " raise armies." It is, therefore, " necessary and proper " for the execution of that power, and is consti tutional, unless it comes into conflict with some other provision of our Confederate

You express the opinion that this conflict exists, and support your argument by the citation of those clauses which refer to the militia. There are certain provisions not cited by you, which are not without influence on my judgment, and to which I c,all your attention. They will aid in defining what is meant by " militia," and in determining the respective powers of the States and the Confederacy over them.
The several States agree " not to keep troops or ships of war in time of peace." Art. 1, sec. 10, par. 3.
They further stipulate, that " a well regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed." Sec. 9, par. 13.
That "no person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime,

land or naval forces, or in the militia when In actual "service in time of war or public danger," etc. Sec. 9, par. 16.
What then are militia ? They can only be created by law.--The arms-hearing inhab itants of a State are liable to become its militia, if the law so order ; but in the absence of a law to that effect, the men of a State capable of bearing arms are no more iniliiia than they are seamen.
The Constitution also tells us that militia are not troops, nor are they any part of the land or naval forces ; for militia exist in time of peace, and the Constitution forbids the States to keep troops in time of peace, and they are expressly distinguished and placed in a separate category from (and or naval forces, in the 16th paragraph, above quoted; and the words land or naval forces are shown, by paragraphs 12, 13 and 14, to mean the army and navy of the Confederate States.
Now, if militia are not the citizens taken singly, but a body created by law ; if thev

directly to the definition quoted by the Attorney General, that militia are a " body of soldiers in a State enrolled for discipline." In other words, the term " militia " is a col lective term, meaning a body of men organized, and cannot be applied to the separate individuals who compose the organization.
The Constitution divides the whole military strength of the States into only two classes of organized bodies--one, the armies of the Confederacy ; the other, the militia of the States.
In the delegation of power to the Confederacy, after exhausting the subject of declar ing war, raising and supporting armies, and providing a navy, in relation to all which the grant of authority to Congress is exclusive, the Constitution proceeds to deal with the other organized body, the militia, and instead of delegating power to Congress alone, or reserving it to the States alone, the power is divided as follows, viz. : Congress is to have power--
" To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Confederate States, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions." Sec. 8. Par. 15.

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APPEXDIX B.

" To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the Confederate states; reserv ing to the States respectively the appointment of officers and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress." Par. 16.
Congress, then, has the power to provide for o-ganiziny the arms-bearing people of the States into militia. Each State has the power to officer arid train them when organized.
Congress may call forth the militia to execute Confederate laws. The State has not surrendered the power to call them, forth to execute State laws.
Congress may call them forth to repel invasion ; so may the State, for it has expressly
rosfci-vejl this right. Congress may call them forth to suppress insurrection ; and so may the State, for the
power is impliedly reserved of governing all the militia except the part in actual ser
vice of the Confederacy. I confess myself at a loss to perceive in what matter these careful and well denned
provisions of the Constitution regulating t.it: organization and government of the militia, can be understood as applying in the remotest degree to the armies of the Confederacy ;

of authority over the militia, so far as granted, it appears to me to be plainly an addi tional enumerated power, intended to strengthen the hands of the Confederate Govern ment in the discharge of its paramount duty, the com:ii:v.i defense of the States.
You state, afber quoting the 12th, 15th and 16th grants of power to Congress, that, "These grants of power all relate to the same subject matter, and are all contained in
taken as a whole, and construed together." This argument appears to me unsound.--/LV the powers of Congress are enumerated
reason of their location in the same section, than they can control any of the other para graphs preceding, intervening, or succeeding. So far as the subject matter is concerned, I have already endeavored to show that the armies mentioned in the 12th paragraphs are a subject matter as distinct from the militia mentioned in the 15th and 16th, as they are from the navy mentioned in the 13th. Nothing can so mislead as to construe to gether and as a whole, the carefully separated clauses which define the different powers to be exercised over distinct subjects by the Congress. But, you add, that, " by the grant of power to Congress to raise and support armies, without qualification, the framers of the Constitution intended the regular armies of the Confederacy, and not armies composed of the whole militia of all the States."
that the militia is a body of enrolled State soldiers, it is not possible, in the nature of things, that armies raised by the Confederacy can " be composed of the whole militia of all the States." The militia may be called forth, in whole or in part, into the Confeder ate service, but do not thereby become part of the " armies raised " hv Congress. They remain militia, and go home when the emergency which provoked their call has ceased. Armies raised by Congress are of course raised out of the same population as the militia organized by the States ; and to den}^ to Congress the power to draft a citi-
the State militia, is to deny the power to raise an arinv at all ; for, practicallv, all men

APPENDIX B.

099

law may be unconstitutional, because it comprehends
composed of the whole militia of all the States." But it is obvious, that if Congress have power to draft into the armies raised by it any citizens at all (without regard to the fact whether they are or not members of militia organizations), the power must be co extensive with the exigencies of the occasion, or it becomes illusory ; and the extent of the exigency must be determined by Congress ; for the Constitution has left the power
cumstances, the power thus delegated to Congress is scarcely felt by the States. At the
numbers to ours, the necessity for defence has induced a call, not " for the whole militia of all the States," not for any militia, but for men to compose armies for the Confeder ate States.
Surely, there is no mystery on this subject. During our whole past history, as well as during our recent one year's experience as a new Confederacy, the militia " have been called forth to repel invasion " in numerous instances ; and they never carne otherwise than of bodies organized by the States, with their company, field, and general officers ; and when the emergency had passed, they went home again.
I cannot perceive how any one can interpret the Conscription T^aw as taking awav from the States the power to appoint officers to their militia. You observe on this point
in reserving the power of: appointing the officers, is defeated, and that portion of the Constitution is not only a nullity, but the whole military power of the States, and the entire control of the militia, with the appointment of the officers, is vested in the Con-
not calling forth the militia." I can only say, iu reply to this, that the power of Congress depends on the real nature
of the act it proposes to perform, not on the name given to it ; and I have endeavored to show that its action is merely that of "raising an army," and bears no semblance to " calling forth the militia." I think I may safely venture the assertion, that there is not one man out of a thousand of those who will do service under the Conscription Act that would describe himself, while in the Confederate service, as being a militia man ; and if I am right in this assumption, the popular understanding concurs entirely with my own deductions from the Constitution as to the meaning of the word " militia."
My answer has grown to such a length that I mnst confine myself to one more quota tion from your letter. You proceed : " Congress shall have power to raise armies. How shall it be done ? The answer is clear. In conformity to the provisions of the Constitution, which expressly provides that when the militia of the States are called forth to repel invasion, and employed in the service of the Confederate States, which is now the case, the State shall appoint the officers."
I beg you to observe that the answer which you say is clear, is not an answer to the question put. The question is : How are armies to be raised 1 The answer given is, that when militia are called forth to repel invasion, the State shall appoint the officers.
There seems to me to be a conclusive test on this whole subject. By our Constitution Congress may declare war. offensire as well as defensive. It may acquire territory.--Now, suppose that for good cause, and to right unprovoked injuries, Congress should declare

700

APPENDIX B.

war against Mexico, and invade Sonora. The militia could not be called forth in such a

case, the right to call it being limited to " repel invasions." Is it not plain that the law

now under discussion if passed under such circumstances, could by 110 possibility be

aught else than a law to " raise an army ? " Can one and the same law be construed

into a " calling forth the militia," if the war be defensive, and a " raising of armies,"

if the war be offensive ?

At some future day, after our independence shall have been established, it is no

improbable supposition that our present enemy may be tempted to abuse his naval

power, by depredation on our commerce, and that we may be compelled to assert our

rights by offensive war. How is it to be carried ou ? Of what is the army to be com

posed ? If this Government cannot call on its arms-bearing population otherwise thau

as militia, and if the militia can only be called forth to repel invasion, we should be

utterly helpless to vindicate our honor or protect our rights. War has been well styled

" the terrible litigation of nations." Have we so formed our Government, that in this

litigation we must never be plaintiff 1 Surely this cannot have been the intention of the

f ramers of our compact.

In no aspect in which I can view this law, can I find just reason to distrust the pro

priety of my action in approving and signing it ; and the question presented involves

consequences, both immediate and remote, too momentous to permit me to leave your

objections unanswered.

In conclusion, I take great pleasure in recognizing that the history of the past year

affords the amplest justification for your assertion, that if the question had been, whether

the Conscription Law was necessary in order to raise men in Georgia, the answer must

have been in the negative. Your noble State has promptly responded to every call that

it has been my duty to make on her ; and to you, personally, as her Executive, I

acknowledge my indebtedness for the prompt, cordial, and effective co-operation you

have afforded me in the effort to defend our common country against the common

enemy.

I am, very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

His EXCELLENCY Jos. E. BROWN,

JEFFERSON DA VIS.

Governor of Georgia, Milledgeville.

REPLY OF GOV. BROWN.
ATLANTA, June 21st, 1862.
IIlS EXCELLENCT JEFFERSON DAVIS, PRESIDENT, ETC.
Dear Sir:--I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 29th ult., in reply to mine of the 8th of the same month, which reached my office, at Milledge ville, on the 8th inst., together with a copy of the written opinion of the Attorney Gen eral, and has since been forwarded to me at Canton, where I was detained by family
Your reply, prepared after mature deliberation and consultation with a Cabinet of dis tinguished ability, who concur in your view of the constitutionality of the Conscription Act, doubtless presents the very strongest argument in defense of the Act, of which the case is susceptible.
Entertaining, as I do, the highest respect for your opinions and those of each individ-

APPENDIX B.

701

ual member of your Cabinet, it is with great diffidence that I express the conviction, which I still entertain, after a careful perusal of your letter, that your argument fails to sustain the constitutionality of the Act ; and that the conclusion at which you have arrived is maintained by neither the contemporaneous construction put upon the Con stitution by those who made it, nor by the practice of the United States Government, under it, during the earlier and better days of the Republic, nor by the language of the instrument itelf, taking the whole context, and applying to it the well established rules by which all constitutions and laws are to be construed.
Looking to the magnitude of the rights involved, and the disastrous consequences which, I fear, must follow what I consider a bold and dangerous usurpation by Congress of the reserved rights of the States, and a rapid stride towards military despotism, I very much regret that I have not, in the preparation of this reply, the advice and assist ance of a number equal to your Cabinet, of the many "eminent citizens" who, you admit, entertain with me, the opinion that the Conscription Act is a palpable violation of the Constitution of the Confederacy. Without this assistance, however, I must pro ceed individually to express to you some views, in addition to those contained in my for mer letters, and to reply to such points made by you in the argument, as seem to my mind to have the most plausibility in sustaining your conclusion.
The sovereignty and independence of each one of the thirteen States at the time of the adoption of the Constitution of the United States, will not, I presume, be denied by any, nor will it be denied that each of these States acted in its separate capacity, as an independent sovereign, in the adoption of the Constitution. The Constitution is, there fore, a league between sovereigns. In order to place upon it a just construction, we must apply to it the rules, which, by common consent, govern in the construction of all written constitutions and laws. One of the first of these rules is, to inquire what was the intention of those who made the Constitution.
To enable us to learn this intention, it is important to inquire what they did, and what they said they meant, when they were making it. In other words, to inquire for the contemporaneous construction put upon the instrument by those who made it, and the explanations of its meaning by those who proposed each part in the Convention, which induced the Convention to adopt each part.
I incorporated into my last letter a number of quotations from the debates of prominent members of the Convention upon the very point in question, showing that it was not the intention of the Convention to give to Congress the unlimited control of all the men able to bear arms in the States, but that it was their intention to reserve to the States the control over those who composed their militia, by retaining to the States the appoint ment of the officers to command them, even while "employed in the service of the Con federate States." I might add many other quotations containing strong proofs of this position, from the debates of the Federal Convention, and the action of the State Con ventions which adopted the Constitution ; but I deem it unnecessary, as you made no allusion to the contemporaneous construction in your reply, and I presume you do not insist that the explanations of its meaning given by those who made it sustain your con-

I feel that I am fully justified by the debates and the action of the Federal and State Conventions, in saying that it was the intention of the thirteen sovereigns, to constitute a common agent with certain specific arid limited powers, to be exercised for the good of all the principals, but that it was not the intention to give the agent the power to destroy the principals. The agent was expected to be rather the servant of several mas-

702

APPJEXDIX B.

ters, than the master of several servants. I apprehend it was never imagined that the time would come when the agent of the sovereigns would claim the power to take from eacli sovereign every man belonging to each, able to bear arms, and leave them with no power to execute their own laws, suppress insurrections in their midst, or repel invasions.
In reference to the practice of the United States Government under the Constitution, I need only remark, that I do not presume it will be contended that Congress claimed

tion or compulsion, to enter the service of the General Government, without the consent of their State Government, at any time while the Government was administered, or its councils controlled, by any of the fathers of the Republic who aided in the formation of
the Constitution. If, then, the constitutionality of the Conscription Act cannot be established by the
contemporaneous construction of the Constitution, nor by the earlier practice of the Gov ernment while administered by those who made the Constitution, the remaining inquiry is, can it be established by the language of the instrument itself, taking the whole con text, and applying to it the usual rules of construction, which were generally received and admitted to be authoritative at the time it was made.
The Constitution, in express language, gives Congress the power to " raise and sup port armies." You rest the case here, and say you know of but two modes of " raising armies," to wit : " by voluntary enlistment, and by draft or conscription," and you con clude that the Constitution authorizes Congress to raise them by either or both these

conveyed by those who used this language, it is necessary to inquire what signification was attached to the terms used, at the time they were used ; and it is fair to infer that those who used them intended to convey to the minds of others the idea which was at that time usually conveyed by the language adopted by them. Apply this rule, and what did the Convention mean by the term " to raise armies ? " I prefer that the Attor ney General should answer. He says in his written opinion :
" Inasmuch as the words ' militia/ ' armies/ ' regular troops/ and ' volunteers/ had acquired a definite meaning in Great Britain before the Revolutionary war, and as we
that the term ' militia/ in our Constitution, was used in the sense attached to it in that country."
Upon this statement of the Attorney General rests his definition of the term " militia," which is an English definition ; and upon that definition rests all that part of your argu ment, which draws a distinction, however unsubstantial, between calling forth the militia by authority of Congress, and calling forth all men in the State who compose the militia by the same authority. In the one case, you term it calling forth the militia, and admit that the State has the right to appoint the officers : in the other case, while every man called forth may be the same, you term it raising an army, and deny to the State the appointment of the officers. As this is necessary to sustain the constitutionality of the Conscription Act, you cannot disapprove the statement of the Attorn ev General above quoted. If, then, the Attorne^y General is right, that the terms " militia," " armies," " regular troops," and " volunteers " had acquired a definite meaning in Great Britain before the Revolutionary war, and we have derived most of our ideas on this subject from that source, and if we may safely conclude that the term " militia" in our Consti tution was used in the sense attached to it in that country, is it not equally safe to con-

APPEXDIX 15.

7(JO

elude that the terms " armies," and to " raise armies," having acquired a definite mean ing in Great Britain before the Revolutionary war, were used in our Constitution in the same sense attached to them in that country ?
At that period, the Government of Great Britain had no Conscription Act, and did not " raise armies " by conscription, therefore the Convention which made our Consti tution, " having- derived most of their ideas on this subject from that source," it is " safe to conclude" that they used the term to " raise armies in the sense attached to it in that country." It necessarily follows, the Attorney General being the judge, that your conclusion is erroneous, and that Congress has no power to " raise armies," not even her " regular armies," by conscription.
But, as those who framed the Constitution foresaw that Congress might not be able by voluntary enlistment, to raise regular or standing armies sufficiently large to meet all emergencies, or that the people might refuse to vote supplies to maintain in the field armies so large and dangerous, they wisely provided, in connection with this grant of power, another relating to the same subject-matter, and gave Congress the additional power to call forth the militia to execute the laws of the Confederate States, suppress
insurrections, and repel invasions. In this connection, I am reminded by your letter, that Congress has power " to
declare war," which you say embraces the right to derlare offensive as well as defensive war ; and you argue, as I understand, that the militia can only be called forth to repel invasions, and not to invade a foreign power, and that Congress would be powerless to

tiou, to invade foreign powers. If this were even so, it might be an objection to the Constitutional Government, for want of sufficient strength, which is an objection often made by those who favor more absolute power in the General Government, and who attempt, by a latitudinarian construction of the Constitution, to supply powers which were never intended to be given to it. But does the practical difficulty which you sug gest, in fact exist ? I maintain that it doss not. And I may here remark, that those who established the Government of our fathers, did not look to it, as a great military power whose people were to live by plundering other nations in foreign aggressive war, but a peaceful Government, advised by the Father of his Country, to avoid " entangling alliances " with foreign powers.
But you suppose, after our independence is established, that our present enemy may be tempted to abuse his naval power, by depredation on our commerce, and that we may be compelled to assert our rights by offensive war, and you ask, " How is it to be car ried 011 ? " "Of what is the army to be composed ? " The answer is a very simple one. If the aggression is such as to justify us in the declaration of offensive war, our people will have the intelligence to know it, and the patriotism and valor to prompt them to respond by voluntary enlistment, and to offer themselves under officers of their own choice, through their State authorities, to the Confederacy, just as they did in the offensive war against Mexico, when many more were offered than were needed, without conscription or coercion ; and just as they have done in our present defensive war, when almost every State has responded to every call, by sending larger numbers than were called for, and larger than the Government can arm and make effective. There is no danger that the honor of the intelligent freeborn citizens of this Confederacy will ever suffer because the Government has not the power to compel them to vindicate it. They will hold the Government responsible if it refuses to permit them to do it. To doubt

704

APPIiXDIX 13.

this, would seem to be, to doubt tlie intelligence and patriotism of the people, and their competency for self-government.
It would be very dangerous, indeed, to give the General Government the power to

ments of the States, and the intelligence of the people, and to compel them to prosecute ic for two years, the terms for which appropriations can be made and continued by the Congress declaring it. Hence the wisdom of our ancestors in limiting the power of

intelligent public opinion. France has a conscription act, which Great Britain has not. Both arc warlike powers,
given to .France over Great Britain ? Has not the latter been as able as the former to " raise armies" sufficient to vindicate her honor and maintain her rights 1 When France had no conscription law at one period of her history, she was a Republic. Soon after she had a conscription law, she became an Empire, and her ruler an Emperor, leaving her people without the constitutional safeguard which protects the people of Great Britain.
But you ask, " Shall we never be plaintiff in this 'terrible litigation of nations ? '" If the litigation commends itself to the intelligence of the people as just, they will not
position. The eagerness with which the people of the Confederacy now desire that we assume the plaintiff's position, and become the attacking and invading party, instead of acting constantly upon the defensive, is evidence to sustain my conclusion 011 this point.
That those who framed the Constitution looked to a state'of war as tending to con centrate the power in the Executive, and as unfavorable to constitutional liberty, and did not intend to encourage it, unless in cases of absolute necessity, and did not, there fore, form the Government with a view to its becoming- a power often engaged 111 offenive A
' Wa: force is to be created, and it is the Executive will which is to direct it. In Avar the pub-
In war, the honors and emoluments of office are to be multiplied, and it is the Executive patronage under which they are to be enjoyed. It is in war, finally, that laurels are to be gathered, and it is the Executive brow they are to encircle. The strongest passions and most dangerous weaknesses of the human breast--ambition, avarice, vanity, the honorable or venial love of fame, are all in conspiracy against the desire and duty of peace." See Federalist, page 452.
In connection with this remark of Mr. Madison, it may not be amiss to add one from Mr. Calhoun. That great and good man who may justly be styled the champion of State Rlyhts and Constitutional Liberty, in the first volume of his works, page 3G1, while speaking of the war which was forced upon Mr. Madison while President, by Great Britain,"says :
" It did more ; for the war, however just and necessary, gave a strong impulse adverse to the Federal and favorable to the national line of policy. This is, indeed, one of the unavoidable consequences of war, and can be counteracted only by bringing into full

APPENDIX B.

705

safely avoided ; and when necessary, of arresting-, to a great extent, the tendency of the Government to transcend the limits of the Constitution during its prosecution, and of correct ing all departures after its termination. It was by force of the tribunitial power that

I beg to call special attention to the portions of the above quotation which I have
italicized. Having rested the constitutionality of the Conscription Act upon the power given to>
Congress to " raise armies," you enunciate a doctrine widen I must be pardoned for saying, struck me with surprise ; riot that the doctrine was new, for it was first pro claimed, I believe, almost as strongly, by Mr. Hamilton in the federalist, but because it found an advocate in you, whom I had for many years regarded as one of the ablest arid boldest defenders of the doctrines of the State Rights school, in the old government.
Your language is: "I hold that when a specific power is granted by the Constitution, like that now iu
question, to ' raise armies/ Congress is the judge whether the law passed for the pur
pose of executing that power, is necessary and proper."
Again you say : " The true and only test is, to inquire whether the law is intended and calculated to carry out the object, whether it devises and creates an instrumentality for executing the

From this you argue that the Conscription Act is calculated and intended to " raise
armies," and, therefore, constitutional. I am not aware that the proposition was ever stated more broadly iu favor of unre
strained Congressional power, by Webster, Story, or any other statesman or jurist of the
Federal school. This is certainly not the doctrine of the republican party of 1798, as set forth in the
Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions. The Virginia Resolutions use the following lan guage, that, " It (the General Assembly of Virginia) views the powers of the Federal Government as resulting from the compact to which the States are parties, as limited by the plain sense and intention of the instrument constituting that compact, as no further valid than they are authorized by the grants enumerated in that compact; and that in the case of a deliberate, palpable and dangerous exercise of other powers not granted bv said compact, the States who are parties thereto, have the right and are in duty bound to interpose for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining within their respective limits the authorities, rights and liberties appertaining to them. That the General Assem bly doth also express its deep regret,, that a spirit has in sundry instances been mani fested by the Federal Government, to enlarge its powers by a forced construction of the Constitutional charter which defines them ; and that indications have appeared of a design to expound certain general fihrases-- (which having been copied from the very limited grant of powers in the former articles of Confederation were the less liable to be mis construed)--so as to destroy the meaning and effect of the particular enumeration, which necessarily explains and limits the general phrases, so as to consolidate the States by degrees into one sovereignty, the obvious tendency and inevitable result of which would be to transform the present Republican system of the United States, into an absolute or at least,
a mixed monarch//." The following quotations are from the Kentucky Resolutions drawn up by Mr. Jeffer
son himself (the italics, as in the last quotation, are my own). "That the several States composing the United States of America are not united on the principle of
45

70G

APPEXDIX B.

unlimited submission to the General Government; but that, by a compact under the style

stituted a General Government fur special purposes--delegated to that Government cer tain definite powers; reserving, each State to itself, the residuary mass of right to their own self-Government; that whensoever the General Government assumes undelegated powers its acts are unauihoritative, void and of no force ; that to this compact eacli State acceded as a State, and is an integral party--its co-States forming as to itself the other party ; that the Government created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final Jur>Gii of the extent of the powers delegated to it--since that would have made ITS DISCRETION and not the Constitution the measure of its powers ; but that as in all other cases of compact among parties having no common JUDGU, each has an equal right to JUXJGE for itself as ivell of infractions as of the mode and measure of redress."
And again : " That the construction applied b//the General Government (as evinced by sundry of their proceedings) to those parts of the Constitution of the United States which delegate to Congress a power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises; to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States ; and to make all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution the powers vested by the Constitution in the Government of the United States, or any department thereof, goes to the destruction of all the limits prescribed to their power by the Constitution. That words meant by that instrument to be subsidiary only to the execution of the limited powers ought not to be so construed, as themselves to give unlimited povcei s, nor a part so to be taJsen as to
destroy the whole residue of the instrument." But let us examine your doctrine a little further and see whether it can be reconciled
:to the construction lately put upon the Constitution by the States composing the Con federacy, over which you preside, and the action lately taken by them.
The Constitution of the United States gives Congress the power to provide for call ing forth the militia to "suppress insurrection." Carry out your doctrine, and Coiigress must of course be the Judge of what constitutes an insurrection, as well as Of the means "necessary and proper" to be used in executing the specific power given to Congress to suppress it. Georgia, claiming that the Congress of the United States had abused the specific powers granted to it, and passed la\vs which were not " necessary and proper " in executing these specific powers, which wei-e injurious to her people, and claiming to be herself the Judge, seceded from the Union. Congress denied her power or right to do so, and acting upon the doctrine laid down by you, Congress claiming to l)e the Judge, proceeded to adjudicate the case, and determined that the action of Geor-

to arm our negroes against us. Congress will, no doubt, justify this act, under the specific power given to it by the Constitution, to " raise armies," as the armies, as well as the militia may be used to suppress insurrection, and to execute the laws. Applythe test laid down by you, and inquire, is this law " calculated and intended " to carry out the object (the suppression of the insurrection, and the execution of the laws of the United States in Georgia)? and does it " devise and create an instrumentality for exe cuting the specific power granted ? " Congress, the Judge, answers the question in the
Again, suppose you are right, and Congress has the constitutional power to " rai.ce

API-MS xmx B.

707

the Confederacy, between 18 and 35 years old, able to bear arms, to enter these armies, you must admit that Congress has the same power to extend the law, and compel every man between 16 and 6O to enter. And, you must admit that the grant of power is as broad in times of peace as in times of war, as there is in the grant no language to limit it to times of war. It follows that Congress has the absolute control of every man in the State, whenever it chooses to execute to the full extent the power given it by the Constitution to " raise armies." IJow easy a matter it would have been, therefore, had the Congress of the United States understood the full extent of its powers to have prevented in a manner perfectly constitutional, the secession of Georgia and Mississippi rom the Union. It was only necessary to pass a Conscription Law declaring every n both States, able

s gr provide for the execution of the laws of the Union in the two States, or to provide for " raising armies." This would have left the States without a single man at their com-
stitute even a Convention to pass an ordinance of secession. If it is said, the people of the States would have refused to obey this law of Congress,
and would have gone out in defiance of it ; it may be replied that this would have been revolution and not peaceful secession, the right for which we have all contended-- though our enemies have not permitted us to part with them in peace -- the right for which we
Your doctrine carried out not only makes Congress supreme over the States, at any time when it chooses to exercise the full measure of its power to "raise armies," but it places the very existence of the State Governments subject to the will of Congress. The Conscription Act makes no exception in favor of the officers necessary to the existence of the State Government, but in substance declares that they shall all enter the service of the Confederacy, at the call of the President, under officers which are in future to be appointed by the President.
As already remarked, Congress has as much power to extend the act to embrace all between 16 and 6O, as it had to take all between 18 and 35. If the act is constitutional, it follows that Congress has the power to compel the Governor of every State in the Confederacy, every member of every Legislature of every State, every Judge of everv Court in every State, every officer of the Militia in every State, and all other State officers to enter the military service as privates in the armies of the Confederacy, under officers appointed by the President, at any time when it so decides. In other words, Con gress may disband the State Governments any day when it, as tli*. judge, decides that by so doing it "creates an instrumentality for executing the specific power" "to raise armies."
If Congress has the right to discriminate, and take only those between 18 and 35, it has the right to make any other discrimination it may judge " necessary and proper " in the " execution of the power," and it may pass a law in time of peace or war, if it should conclude the State Governments are an evil, that all State officers, Executive, Legisla tive, Judicial and Military, shall enter the armies of the Confederacy as privates under officers appointed by the President, and that the army shall from time to time be recruited from other State officers as they may be appointed by the States.
To state the case in different form, Congress has the power under the 12th paragraph

708

APPENDIX B.

of the 8th section of the 1st Article of the Constitution to disband the State Govern ments, and leave the people of the States with no other Government than such military despotism, as Congress in the exercise of the specific power to " raise armies " (which I understand you to hold is a distinct power to be construed separately) may, after an application of your test, judge to be best for the people.
For, as all the State officers which I mention might make effective privates in the armies of the Confederacy, and as the law passed to compel them to enter the service might " create an instrumentality for executing the specific power to ''raise armies/' Congress, the judge, need only so decide and the act would be constitutional.
I may be reminded, however, that Congress passed an Exemption Act after the passage of the Conscription Act, which exempts the Governors of the States, the members of the State Legislatures, the Judges of the State Courts, etc., from the obligation to enter the military service of the Confederacy as privates under Confederate officers. It must be borne in mind, however, that this very act of exemption by Congress is an assertion of the right vested in Congress to compel them to go, when Congress shall so direct, as Congress has the same power to repeal which it had to pass the Exemption Act. All the State officers, therefore, are exempt from Conscription by the grace and special favor of Congress and not by right, as the Governments of the independent States whose agent, and not master, Congress has been erroneously supposed to be. If this doctrine be correct, of what value are State rights and State sovereignty ?
In my former letter I insisted, under the general rule, that the 12th, 15th and ICth paragraphs of the section under consideration, all relating to the same subject matter, should be construed together. While your language on this point is not so clear as in other parts of your letter, I understand you to take issue with me here. You say :
" Nothing can so mislead as to construe together and as one whole, the carefully sepa rated clauses, which define the different powers to be exercised over distinct subjects by Congress."
These are not carefully separated clauses which relate to different powers, to be exer cised over distinct subjects. They all relate to the same subject matter, the authority given to Congress over the question of war and peace. They all relate to the use of armed force hy authority of Congress. If, therefore, Coke, Blackstone anil Mansfield of England, and Marshall, Kent and Story of this country, with all other intelligent writers on the rules of construction, are to be respected as authority, there can, it would seem, be no doubt of the correctness of the position that these three paragraphs, together with all others in the Constitution which relate to the same subject matter, are to be con strued together "as one whole."
Construe them together, and the general language in one paragraph, is so qualified hy another paragraph, upon the same subject matter, that all can stand together, and the whole when taken together, establishes to my mind the unsoundness of your argument and the fallacy of your conclusion.
But I must not omit to notice your definition of the term " militia," and the deduc-

You adopt the definition of the Attorney General, that "the militia are a body of soldiers in a State enrolled for discipline." Admit, for the purposes of the argument, the correctness of the definition. All persons, therefore, who are enrolled for discipline under the laws of Georgia constitute her militia. When the persons thus enrolled (the militia) are employed in the service of the Confederate States, the Constitution expressly reserves to Georgia the appointment of the officers. The Conscription Act gives the

APPENDIX B.

709

President the power by compulsion to employ every one of those persons, between 18 and 35, in the service of the Confederate States ; and denies to the State the appoint ment of a single officer to command them, while thus " employed." Suppose Congress at its next session should extend the act so as to embrace all between 18 and 45, what is the result? " The body of soldiers in the State enrolled for discipline " are every man " employed in the service of the Confederacy," and the right is denied to the State to appoint a single officer, when the Constitution says she shall appoint them all. Is it fair to conclude, when the State expressly and carefully reserved the control of their own militia, by reserving the appointment of the officers to command them, that they intended under the general grant of power to " raise armies," to authorize Congress to defeat the reservation and control the militia, with their officers, by calling the very same men into the field, individually and not collectively, organizing them according to its own will, and terming its action " raising an army " and not calling forth the militia ? Surely the great men of the revolution when they denied to the General Government the appointment even of the General Officers, to command the militia when employed in the service of the Confederacy, did not imagine that the time would come so soon when that Govern ment, under the power to " raise armies," would claim and exercise the authority to call into the field the whole militia of the States, individually, and deny to the States the appointment of the lowest lieutenant, and justify the act on the ground that Con gress did not choose to call them into service in their collective capacity, and deny that they were militia if called into service in any other way.
If Congress has the power to call forth the whole enrolled force or militia of the States in the manner provided by the Conscription Act, there is certainly no obligation upon Congress ever to call them forth in any other manner, and it rests in the discretion of Congress whether or not the State shall ever be permitted to exercise their reserved right; as Congress has the power in every case to defeat the exercise of the right by calling forth the militia under a conscription act, and not by requisitions made upon the States. It cannot be just to charge the States with the folly of making this important reservation, subject to any such power in Congress to render it nugatory at its pleasure.
Again, you say " Congress may call forth the militia to execute Confederate laws ; the State has not surrendered the power to call them forth to execute State laws/'
" Congress may call them forth to repel invasion; so may the State, for it has expressly reserved this right."
" Congress may call them forth to suppress insurrection and so may the State." If the conscription law is to control, and Congress may, without the consent of the State Government, order every man composing the militia of the State, out of the State, into the Confederate service, how is the State to call forth her own militia, as you admit she has reserved the right to do, to execute her own laws, suppress an insurrection in her midst, or repel an invasion of her own territory'?
Could it have been the intention of the States to delegate to Congress the power to take from them without their consent the means of self-preservation, by depriving them of all the strength upon which their very existence depends?
After laying down the position that the citizens of a State are not her militia, and affirming that the militia are " a body organized by law," you deny that the militia con stitute any part of the land or naval forces, and say they are distinguished from the land and naval forces, and you further say they have always been called forth, as "bodies organized by the States," with their officers; that they "do not become part of the

710

APPENDIX B.

armies raised by Congress," but remain militia, and that when they had been called

forth, and the exigencies which provoked the call had passed, " they went home again."

The militia when called forth are taken from the body of the people, to meet an emer

gency, or to repel invasion. If they go in as " bodies organized by the States," yon

hold that they go in militia, remain militia, and when the exigency is passed they go

home militia, but if you call forth the same men by the Conscription Act for the same

purpose, and they remain for the same length of time, and do the same service, they

are not militia but the armies of the Confederacy, part of the land or naval force. In

connection with this part of the subject you use the following language :

" At the present moment when our very existence is threatened by armies vastly

superior in numbers to ours, the necessity for defense has induced a call, not for the

whole militia of all the States, not for any militia, but for men to compose armies for the

Confederate States."

.

In the midst of such pressing danger, why was it that there was no necessity for any

militia; in other words, no necessity for any " bodies of men organized by the States,"

as were many of the most gallant regiments now in the Confederate service, who have

won on the battle-field a name in history, and laurels that can never fade?

Were no more such bodies " organized by the States " needed, because the material

remaining within the States of which they must be composed was not reliable? The

Conscription Act gives you the very same material. Was it because the officers

appointed by the States to command the gallant State regiments and other "organized

bodies " sent by the States were less brave or less skillful than the officers appointed by

the President to command similar " organized bodies? " The officers appointed by the

States who now command regiments in the service, will not fear to have impartial his

tory answer this question. Was it because you wished select men for the armies of the

Confederacy? The Conscription Act embraces all, without distinction, between 18 and

and 35 able to do military duty and not legally exempt. You do not take the militia.

What do you take? You take every man between certain ages, of whom the militia is

composed. What is the difference between taking the militia and taking all the men

who compose the militia? Simply this : In the one case you take them with their officers

appointed by the States, as the Constitution requires, and call them by their proper name,

"militia," "employed in the service of the Confederate States." In the other case you

take them all as individuals--get rid of the State officers--appoint officers of your own

choice, and call them the " armies of the Confederacy." And yet these armies, like you

say the militia do, will " go home " when the exigency has passed, as it is hoped they

are not expected to be permanent like the regular armies of the Confederacy; or in

other words, like the land and naval forces provided for in the Constitution, from which

you distinguish the militia. Indeed, the similarity between these " armies of the Con

federacy," called forth in an emergency, to repel an invasion, to be disbanded when the

emergency is passed; and the militia or bodies of troops organized and officered by the

States, called forth for the same purpose, to be composed of the same material and dis

banded at the same time, is most remarkable in everything, except the name and the

appointment of the officers.

Excuse me for calling your attention to another point in this connection.

As yon admit the militia have always been called forth as " bodies organized by the

States," and when thus called forth that the States have always appointed the officers, I

presume you will not deny that when the President, by authority of Congress has made

a call upon a State for " organized bodies of soldiers," and they have been furnished

APPENDIX B.

711

by the State from the body of her people, they have entered the service as part of the militia of the State "employed in the service of the Confederate States" under the 15th and 16th paragraphs of the 8th Section of the 1st Article of the Constitution.
Your message to Congress recommending its passage shows that there was no neces sity for the act, to enable yon to get troops, as yon admit that the Executives of the State had enabled you to keep in the field adequate forces, and also that the spirit of resistance among the people was such that it needed to be regulated and not stimulated.
Yon say^ " I am happy to assure you of the entire harmony of purpose and cordiality of feeling
which have continued to exist between myself and the Executives of the several States, and it is to this cause that our success in keeping adequate forces in the field is to be
attributed." Again you say: " The vast preparations made by the enemy for combined assault at numerous points
on our frontier and sea coast, have produced the result that might have been expected. They have animated the people with a spirit of resistance so general, so resolute and so self-sacrificing, that it requires rather to be regulated than to be stimulated "
If then the Executives of the States by their cordial co-operation had enabled you to keep in the field " adequate forces," and the spirit of resistance was as high as you state, there was no need of a Conscription Act to enable you to " raise armies."
Since the invasion of the Confederacy by our present enemy, yon have made frequent calls upon me as Governor of this State for " organized bodies" of troops. I have responded to every call and sent them as required, " organized " according to the laws of the State, and commanded by officere appointed by the State, and in most instances, fully armed, accoutred and equipped. These bodies were called forth to meet an emer gency, and assist in repelling an invasion. The emergency is not yet passed, the inva sion is not yet repelled, and they have not yet returned home. If your position be correct they constitute no part of the land or naval forces as they were not organized nor their officers appointed by the President, as is the case with the armies of the Con federacy, but they were cattedforth as bodies " organised and their officers appointed by the States." Hence they are part of the militia of Georgia employed in the service of the Confederate States as provided by the two paragraphs of the Constitution above quoted, and by paragraph 16 of Section 9 of the 1st Article which terms them " militia in actual service in time of war or public danger." They entered the service with only the training common to the citizens of the State. They are now well trained troops. But having gone in as " bodies organized by the State," or as militia, yon say they remain militia, and go home militia. In this case we seem to agree that the State,
der the express reservation in the Constitution, has the right to appoint the officers. fl have the written opinion of Mr. Benjamin, then Secretary of War, about the time of I the last call for twelve regiments, concurring in this view, and recognizing this right of |the State. And it is proper that I should remark that the State has, in each case, been [permitted to exercise this right, when the troops entered the service in compliance with
requisition upon the State for " organized bodies of troops." The right does not [stop here, however. The Constitution does not say the State shall appoint the officers I while the organizations may be forming to enter the service of the Confederacy, but
irhile they " may be employed in the service of the Confederate States." Many thouads are now so employed. Vacancies in the different offices are frequently occurring
by death, resignation, etc. The laws of this State provide how these vacancies are to be lied and it is not to be done by promotion of the officer next in rank, except in a single

712

APPENDIX B.

instance, but by election of the regiment, and commission by the Governor. The right of the State to appoint these officers seems to be admitted, and is, indeed, too clear to be questioned.
The Conscription Act, if it is to be construed according to its language, and the prac tice which your Generals are establishing under it, denies to the State the exercise of this right, and prescribes a rule for selecting all officers in future, unknown to the laws of Georgia, and confers upon the President the power to commission them. Can this usurpation (I think no milder term expresses it faithfully) be justified under the clause in the Constitution which gives Congress power to " raise armies 1" and is this part of the Act constitutional ? If not, you have failed to establish the constitutionality of the
Conscription Act.
The 14th paragraph of the 9th Section of the 1st Article of the Constitution of the Confederate States declares that--
" A well regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed." This was no part of the original Constitution as reported by the Convention and adopted by the States. But " The Convention of a number of the States having at the time of their adopting the Constitution expressed a desire in order to prevent misconstruction or abuse of its powers, that further declaratory and restrictive clauses should be added, Congress at the session begun and held at the city of New York, on Wednesday the 4th of March, 1789, proposed to the Legislatures of the several States twelve amendments, ten of which only were adopted."
The second amendment was the one above quoted, which shows very clearly that the States were jealous of the control which Congress might claim over their militia, and required on this point a further " restrictive clause " than was contained in the original Constitution.
The 16th paragraph of the preceding Section expressly reserves to the States " the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress." In connection with this, you admit that the States reserved the right to call forth their own militia to execute their own laws, suppress insiirrections or repel invasions. This authority to call them forth would have been of no value without the authority to appoint officers to command them ; and the further authority to train them ; as they cannot with out officers and training be the well regulated militia which the Constitution says is " neces sary to the security of a free State."
The conclusion would seem naturally to follow, that the States did not intend by any general words used in the grant of power, to give Congress the right to take from them, as often as appointed, the officers selected by them to train and regulate their militia and prepare them for efficiency, when they may be called forth to support the very existence of the State.
The Conscription Act embraces so large a proportion of the militia officers of this State, as to disband the militia in the event they should be compelled to leave their commands. This would leave me without the power to reorganize them, as a vacancy can only be created in one of these offices by resignation of the incumbent, or by the voluntary performance of some act which amounts to an abandonment of his command, or by a sentence of a Court Martial dismissing him from office. The officer who is dragged from his command by Conscription, or compulsion, and placed in the ranks, Is in neither category; and his office is no more vacated than the office of a judge would be, if he were ordered into military service without his consent. And unless there be a

APPENDIX B.

7l:j

vacancy I have no right to fill the place, either by ordering an election, or by a brevet appointment. I have no right in either case to commission a successor so long as there is a legal incumbent.
Viewing the Conscription Act in this particular as not only unconstitutional, but as striking a blow at the very existence of the State, by disbanding the portion of her militia left within her limits, when much the larger part of her " arms-bearing people " are absent in other States in the military service of the Confederacy, leaving their families and other helpless women and children, subject to massacre by negro insurrec tion for want of an organized force to suppress it, I felt it an imperative duty which I owed the people of this State, to inform you in a former letter that I could not permit the disorganization to take place, nor the State officers to be compelled to leave their respective commands and enter the Confederate service as Conscripts.--Were it not a fact well known to the country that you now have in service tens of thousands of men without arms and with no immediate prospect of getting arms, who must remain for months consumers of our scanty supplies of provisions, without ability to render service, while their labor would be most valuable in their farms and workshops, there might be the semblance of a plea of necessity for forcing the State officers to leave their com mands, with the homes of their people unprotected, and go into camps of instruction, under Confederate officers, often much more ignorant than themselves of military science or training. I must, therefore, adhere to my position and maintain the integ rity of the State Government in its Executive, Legislative, Judicial and Military De partments, as long as I can command sufficient force to prevent it from being disbanded, and its people reduced to a state of provincial dependence upon the Central power.
If I have used strong language in any part of this letter, I beg you to attribute it only to my zeal in the advocacy of principles and a cause which I consider no less than the cause of constitutional liberty, imperiled by the erroneous views and practice of those placed upon the watch-tower as its constant guardians.
In conclusion, I beg to assure you that I fully appreciate your expressions of personal kindness, and reciprocate them in my feelings towards you to the fullest extent.
I know the vast responsibilities resting upon you, and would never willingly add unnecessarily to their weight, or in any way embarrass you in the discharge of your im portant duties.--While I cannot agree with you in opinion upon the grave question under discussion, I beg you to command me at all times when I can do you a personal service, or when I can, without a violation of the constitutional obligations resting upon me, do any service to the great cause in which we are all so vitally interested.
Hoping that a kind Providence may give you wisdom so to conduct the affairs of our young Confederacy as may result in the early achievement of our Independence, and redound to the ultimate prosperity and happiness of our whole people.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, JOSEPH E. BROWN.
P. S.--Since the above letter was written I see, somewhat to my surprise, that you have thought proper to publish part of our unfinished correspondence.
In reply to my first letter you simply stated on the point in question that the consti tutionality of the Act was derivable from that paragraph in the Constitution which gives Congress the power to raise and support armies. I replied to that letter with no portion of your argument but the simple statement of your position before me. You then, with the aid of your Cabinet, replied to my second letter, giving the argument by which you

714

APPENDIX R.

attempt to sustain your position, and without allowing time for your letter to reach DIP,

and a reply to be sent, you publish my second letter and your reply, which is your first

argument of the question. I find these two letters not only in the newspapers but also

in pamphlet form, I presume by your order for general circulation.

While I cannot suppose that your sense of duty and propriety would permit you to

publish part of an unfinished correspondence for the purpose of forestalling public opin-

if>n, I must conclude that your course is not the usual one in such cases. As the cor

respondence was an official one upon a grave constitutional question, I had supposed it

would be given to the country through Congress arid the Legislature of the State.

But as you have commenced the publication in this hasty and as I think informal

manner, you will admit that I have no other alternative but to continue it. I must,

therefore, request as an act of justice that all newspapers which have published part of

the correspondence, insert this reply.

J. E. B.

APPENDIX C.
ORIGINAL COMMUNICATION OF MRS. MARY "WILLIAMS, TO THE COLUM BUS (GA.) TIMES, SUGGESTING THE DECORATION DAY CUSTOM.
COLUMBUS, GA., March 12, 1866. Messrs. Editors:--The ladies are now and have been for several days engaged in the sad but pleasant duty of ornamenting and improving that portion of the city cemetery sacred to the memory of our gallant Confederate dead, but we feel it is an unfinished work unless a day be set apart annually for its especial attention. We cannot raise monumental shafts and inscribe thereon their many deeds of heroism, but we can keep alive the memory of the debt we owe them, by dedicating at least one day in each year to embellishing their humble graves with flowers. Therefore we beg the assistance of the press and the ladies throughout the South to aid us in the effort to set apart a cer tain day to be observed, from the Potomac to the Rio Grande, and be handed down through time as a religious custom of the South, to wreath the graves of our martyred dead with flowers ; and we' propose the 26th day of April as the day. Let every city, town and village join in the pleasant duty. Let all alike be remembered, from the heroes of Maiiassas to those who expired amid the death throes of our hallowed cause. We'll crown alike the honored resting places of the immortal Jackson in Virginia, Johnston at Shiloh, Cleburne in Tennessee, and the host of gallant privates who adorned our ranks. All did their duty, and to all we owe our gratitude. Let the soldiers' graves, for that day at leasr, be the Southern Mecca to whose shrine her sorrowing women like pilgrims, may annually bring their grateful hearts and floral offerings. And when we remember the thousands who were buried " with their martial cloaks around them," without chvistiau ceremony of interment, we would invoke^the aid of the most thrilling eloquence throughout the land to inaugurate this custom, by delivering on the appointed day this year, a eulogy on the uiiburied dead of our glorious Southern army. They died for their country. Whether their country had or had not the right to demand the sacrifice is no longer a question for discussion. We leave that for nations to decide in the future. That it was demanded--that they fought nobly, and fell holy sacrifices upon their country's altar, and are entitled to their country's gratitude, none will den^v. The proud banner under which they rallied in defense of the holiest and noblest cause for which heroes fought, or trusting woman prayed, has been furled forever. The country for which they suffered and died, has now no name or place among the nations of the earth. Legislative, enactments may not be made to do honor to their memories, but the veriest radical that e^eS^traced hissgenjeajogy back to the deck of the May Flower, could not refuse us the s5nV]|^^|i^il;eeof 'paying honor to those who died defending the life, honor and happiness

APPENDIX D.
SPEECH OF A. O. BACON IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JULY 29, 1872, ON THE QUESTION OF THE FRAUDULENT BULLOCK BONDS.
MR. SPEAKER :--I believe, from what I know of the opinions of the majority of the members of this House, that they are prepared to vote upon the question of the State's liability upon these bonds. In rising to address this House, it is not my object to attempt to influence their votes. But, sir, we stand in a position of grave responsibility. Our action of to-day must pass into history and materially affect the future of the State for good or ill, and a century hence will be the subject either of censure or commenda tion. It is important, therefore, not only that our action should be right, but that we should show to the world that it has not been accompanied with reckless haste, but with careful investigation and deliberation, and based upon stern justice. I trust, therefore, that 1 shall be indulged by the House while I give some of the reasons which guide and control my course in this moment of solemn responsibility.
In the limited time which it is proper that I should occupy, it will be impossible for me to present an argument upon the law of this matter to show that these bonds were illegally indorsed and illegally issued, and that the State is under no legal liability for their payment. Nor, sir, did time permit, would I be inclined to attempt to improve upon the admirable legal argument presented by the committee in their report. I am content, as a lawyer, to adopt that argument, with the kindred lines of argument into which a further discussion would naturally elaborate it, as my argument, and to be judged by it for the correctness of the conclusion of law which is presented.
Perfectly satisfied, as I am, upon the question of legal liability of the State, I pro pose to inquire briefly whether the people of this State are under moral obligation to assume the burden of this mountain of debt which it is sought to heap upon them. This, sir, is the all important question to me. Georgia cannot be sued in a court by her creditors, and the decision of the legal question is to me, therefore, not sufficient. I recognize the obligation of Georgia in morals and in honor for the payment of her just debts as far more binding upon her people than mere legal obligations which can not be enforced in the courts, and hence the important question which I have labored to decide correctly, " is Georgia bound in morals or in honor for the payment of these bonds ? " If she is so bound in honor, then a mathematical demonstration that she is not bound in law would not weigh a feather to influence me to vote to release her from their full payment. But, on the other hand, if she is bound neither in law nor in honor, no representative has a right under a feeling of false pride to impose upon an already plundered and impoverished people an unjust, unlawful, and oppressive load of debt.
To determine this question I know of but one test, and that is, did the people of Georgia, by themselves, or their freely chosen representatives, create the debt ? Was it the act and deed of a " free parliament of the people," or was it the act- and deed of those who were not freely chosen, and who unlawfully assumed to be the representatives of the people ? If they who did this thing were of the latter kind, and were not only illegal officers, but acted without law, and in violation of express fundamental law,

718

APPENDIX D.

Georgia is bound neither in law, nor in morals, nor in honor for their acts; if they were illegal officers, but acted within the law and by its authority, as they were de facto officers, although not de jure, Georgia is bound by the law, and she cannot escape the responsibility of these bonds. On the other hand, if it was the act of Georgia's freely chosen officers, Georgia is bound in honor by their act, even though it was without law and in violation of it. If the people, uncoerced and untrammeled in a free election, placed unworthy men in office, they are bound in honor to protect all persons not par ties to the fraud from the consequences of the corruption of those they placed in power.
A hurried glance at some of our political history for the past few years will assist xis in deciding this question. I do not desire to open old political sores, and therefore I shall not dwell upon the character of the sword and bayonet election in April, 1868, when twenty thousand of the best and most intelligent men in Georgia were disfran chised, and when the polls were kept open for four days and nights, that the vice and ignorance of the State might have an opportunity to vote as often as necessary to secure the pre-determined result. For the purpose of this argument I shall not dispute that it was a free election of the people, although, in truth, it was anything else. I will simply say that in its results it filled this hall with hungry and unprincipled adventurers from every Northern State, and with poor, deluded, ignorant negroes, the mere dupes and tools of the bad white men. But while this was true, the people had succeeded, in spite of swords and bayonets, in sending here some good men--some men who loved Georgia, and who, in the fierce contests which followed, struggled heroically to shield her from the spoilers. These good men, this Spartan band, few though they were, were too numerous in the Legislature to suit the purposes of these beasts of prey, who sought to gorge themselves with the plunder of a people bound and surrendered to their shameless rapacity. The plunderers, who proposed to despoil Georgia by directing the measures of the Legislature as the player directs the movements of the pieces on the board, had a majority in the Legislature, but experience soon proved to them that it was not a smooth and certain working majority. The heroic little band of Georgians fought them at every turn, employing every available weapon of parliamentary warfare, and to the dismay of the plunderers, even, some of their chosen henchmen in the motley crew revolted at their iniquities and corruption, and refused to obey their orders in the critical moments of conflict. What was to be done ? The victim was here, the State lay prostrate at their feet, and could be plundered of millions if a Legislature could be secured entirely subservient. Bullock, Kimball, Blodgett & Co. determined to secure such a Legislature. By the lavish use of money * * * the press of Wash ington was subsidized, and another act of Congress was passed which again surrendered our people to the dominion of the sword. Under that act Bullock summoned the Legis lature to assemble in this city on the 10th day of January, 1870. The history of the black days which followed I prefer to read from the journal of this House. It is Avell known to every one that by law the clerk of the preceding House presides and organizes the new House. The clerk was present, and yet under military authority he was pre vented from taking his rightful position, and we read on the first page of the journal
that " the House was called to order by Hon. A. L. Harris, clerk, pro tern., appointed by his Excellency, the Provisional Governor, to organize said House, under act of Congress approved December 22, 1869." There was no authority for this, either in the State law or the act of Congress, but Bullock had been authorized by Alfred IT. Terry, United States General, to thus violate the law and trample on the rights of this House. To carry out their determination to turn certain men out of this House and put others in

APPENDIX D.

719

their places, it was necessary to rule this House for two weeks arbitrarily, and with a

the plunderers, to deny to the members the simplest rights of any Assembly. And, accordingly, we find this House overawed by the swords which clattered in these halls, and the bayonets which glistened at that door, for two weeks under the supreme and arbitrary dictation of this A. L Harris, an insignificant railroad understrapper of Foster Blodgett, who had no more legitimate connection with this House, and no more right to preside over it than over the Parliament of Great Britain. On the first day after read ing Bullock's proclamation and Terry's military orders, and calling the names of a few counties to ascertain what members from them were present, we read in the journal : "After the call of the county of Haralson, the clerk pro tern. (A. L,. Harris) announced that the House would take a recess until Tuesday, January 11, 1870, at 10 o'clock, A. M." This usurper, not a member or official of the House, backed by bayonets, adjourns the House arbitrarily until a time specified by himself. And this thing continued day after day, as shown by the journal, for sixteen days, each day this understrapper adjourn ing the House to a specified time, and the journal showing the fact in the same language each day, as I have just read, only varied occasionally by an order from Bullock and

orders also appear upon the journal. During all this time Harris was supreme, and the members were allowed to take no part in the matters of the House for sixteen days, except to answer to the roll call. No motion, resolution, or other action by any mem ber, was allowed, and every effort to control, direct, or take part in the proceedings of the House made by any member was arbitrarily suppressed. They were daily sum moned to this hall, and after answering to their names, ordered and compelled to dis perse. Every movement was ordered by Harris, and his authority and power was the bayonet which glistened at the door. In vain did the gallant few, led on by the gentle man from Floyd (Dunlap Scott), and the gentleman from Cobb (W. D. Anderson), who now occupy seats upon this floor, struggle against the usurpation and the tyranny. They were powerless in the grasp of the military power. Every participation in the proceedings of the House was denied them, and even the poor privilege of entering their protests upon the journal of the House refused. But this is the brightest side of the tragedy which was being enacted beneath this roof during those sixteen days. In a room in this building was being perpetrated during this time the most infamous out rage which has ever been visited upon a Legislature in American history. Three offi cers of the United States army, aliens to our people and foreign to our soil, in flagrant violation of the act of Congress under which they assumed to act, sat in that room and had dragged before them as felons the duly elected representatives of the people, and were assuming to decide whether they were to be allowed to sit in this House as the repiesentatives of the people who had elected them. My duties before the courts called me to this city at that time, and with my own eyes I saw the soldiers without, and within these three sashed and girded officers of the United States army in solemn mockery sitting in judgment upon the qualifications of the duly elected representatives of the people, arraigned before them as felons deserving the felon's doom. And before these epauleted officials, and under flashing swords and glistening bayonets, an unarmed and defenseless assembly were crushed down, unable to resent the barbarous indignity, or to prevent the consummation of the diabolical outrage upon representative govern ment, for which all this was intended. What this outrage was let the record relate. On page 30 of the journal of the House is found the following :

APPENDIX r>.
" HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIE
" General Orders, No. 10.-- " Whereas, the board convened by General Orders, No. 3, current series from these
headquarters, consisting of Brevet Major-General T. H. Ruger, colonel Eighteenth United States Infantry ; Brevet Brigadier-General T. J. Haines, commissioner of sub sistence, and Major Henry Goodfellow, judge advocate United States army, has made its report in writing, by which it appears that R. A. Donaldson, of Gordon county, E. M. Talliaferro, of Fulton county, and J. H. Nunn, of Glascock county, members-elect of the House of Representatives of Georgia, are not eligible to seats therein under the laws of the United States, therefore, it is hereby ordered that the said R. A. Donaldson, E. M. Talliaferro, and J. H. Nunn be and they are hereby prohibited from taking part

member thereof."

[Then follows a section of the order in which General Terry graciously permits cer

tain elected representatives of the people to take their seats. Then the order proceeds

to prohibit Frank Wilchar, of Taylor county, from taking his seat, and then proceeds

as follows :]

"And, whereas, J. B. Burtz, of Mitchell county, J. A. Brinson, of Emanuel county, A.

T. Benuett, of Jackson county, A. M. George, of Baker county, David Goff, of Randolph

county, William J. Hudson, of Harris county, D. Johnson, of Wilcox county, Henry C.

Kellog, of Forsyth county, J. W. Meadows, of Johnson county, J. H. Penland, of Union

county, Robert C. Surrency, of Tatnall county, J. R. Smith, of Coffee county, Hiram

Williams, of Dooly county, John C. Drake, of "llpson county, J. T. Ellis, of Spalding

county, J. M. Rouse, of Worth county, persons elected to said House, have refused,

declined, neglected or been unable to take one of the oaths prescribed by the act of

December 22, 1869, although ample opportunity so to do has been given them, * * *

it is, therefore, ordered that said persons be, arid they are hereby prohibited from taking

seats in said House, or participating in the organization of proceedings thereof.

" By order of Brevet Major-General Terry.

" J. H. TAYLOR,

" Official: J. H. TAYLOR, A. A. G."

"Assistant Adjutant General. '.

And as if to make assurance doubly sxire, Brevet Major-General Terry, on the same day, issued General Orders, No. 10, from the headquarters of the military district of Georgia, in which he gives to the understrapper Harris minute instructions as to the manner in which he shall proceed to organize the House, and again repeats the names of the members elect who were proscribed in General Orders, No. 9, and again orders that they be prohibited from taking their seats or participating in the proceedings of the House. This order also is in the journal of the House, and immediately follows Gen eral Orders, No. 9 ; and in regular order thereafter the journal relates how these twenty men were denied their seats to which they had been elected, and how Bullock, with the approval of Terry, forced upon the House in their places twenty other men who had been defeated at the polls. Sir, the blood of every true man must boil at the rela tion of this outrage. I almost doubt the testimony of my own eyes as I read; but, nevertheless, it is true, and here is the evidence of it in the journal which I hold in my hand. Let the representatives of the people hear it, and I would that the world might hear it, that a general of the United States army drove twenty duly elected members of

APPENDIX r>.

721

this House from their seats at the point of the bayonet, and with the same weapon thrust into this House twenty other men who had no right here, thus changing forty votes ; and that the acts of such an illegal body, perpetrated in utter violation of law, we are called upon to say we are bound in honor to abide by.
In this way the great object of the plundering crew was gained. A Legislature was thus secured ready to do their bidding, and hesitating at no enormity or corruption longer than was necessary to agree upon the terms of the division of the stolen plunder. No law, constitutional or statutory, presented to them any barrier, and in one year, while the people were ground with taxation, millions of dollars were stolen from the treasury, and millions of bonds fraudulently issued in the name of the State, and scattered over the country. Under one act passed by the body so constituted, was one which was drawn in Wall street and passed by the dictation of the men who drew it. It was in undis guised violation of the constitution, and was never published with the other laws, but hid away for one whole year after its passage before it was brought to light, and the record shows that Bullock signed it two days before it passed the Legislature. Yet under this illegal act, while so hidden away in manuscript, over $1,800,000 were issued. Does not this relation answer the question whether this body so manipulated was com posed of the freely chosen representatives of the people ?
This action by General Terry was in flagrant violation of the act of Congress under which he assumed to act. Section 5 of that act enacts that for any person, by force, violence or fraud, to prevent any person duly elected from participating in the proceed ings of the Senate or House of this General Assembly, shall be a felony punishable by imprisonment, not less than two nor more than ten years. But what cared he for law, strong in his swords and bayonets ? He had but one design, and that was to exclude Georgians from the Legislature, and to hand over the State, bound and utterly defense less, to be robbed and despoiled by the carpet bag plunderers. When a body so con stituted openly violated the written constitution which all might read, who shall say that Georgians are bound either in law or in honor by their act ? Who entrusted them with the keeping of Georgia's honor ? Who authorized General Terry to appoint legis lators for Georgia ? If Georgia is bound in honor or in law by the acts of General Terry's appointees, why are they not equally bound by the acts of General Terry ? If General Terry had in a general order authorized Bullock to issue bonds in the name of the State, would Georgia be bound in honor to pay those bonds because Bullock stamped them with a seal which he himself had made and denominated the seal of Georgia ? And if Georgians are bound in honor by the illegal acts of a body from which General Terry had, by the strong arm of military power, driven out twenty duly elected repre sentatives of the people, and pinned with his bayonets into seats in this House twenty other men appointed by himself, why would not Georgia have been equally bound in honor by his acts if lie had turned out all the Representatives and marched in here with a regiment of his men and organized them as the Georgia Legislature, and authorized the issue of bonds ? Arid what is the difference in practical result between turning out the whole Legislature and turning out such a number and appointing others in their places as would give the plunderers a certain, overwhelming- majority ? Clearly, there is no practical difference, and to ho!d Georgia bound in honor by their acts is a slander upon the name of honor. Georgia acknowledges no such bond of honor ! She acknowledges the bond of law wherever this illegal body acted within the law, and she testifies this by acknowledging her liability upon over two and one-half millions of

722

APPENDIX D.

bonds issued by them where no constitutional law was violated, even though a large proportion of the money arising therefrom * * * * never reached the treasury.
But, sir, I am told that innocent parties have these bonds both in America and in Europe. I answer that no one was ignorant of the illegality of these bonds except by his own laches. They were issued in plain, palpable violation of the written funda mental law, which all might read, and were void from the beginning, and the outrage per petrated by General Terry upon this House, which I have related, was, by a faithful press, published to the world again and again. Sir, I do not arrogate to myself any superior knowledge of European affairs to that Europeans have of American affairs. I know that the Rhenish provinces of France have been wrested from her by Germany, and are now held and governed by the strong hand of power. If a bond of the province of Lorraine, signed by her German Governor, was presented to me, I would know that in purchasing it I but speculated upon the continuance of the German power. Her peo ple could be under no bond of honor for its payment. It was known to the world that we had been vanquished in a terrible war, and that we were held down under the mili tary heel. It was known that we were denied the control of our government, and that vagabonds and outcasts, sustained by bayonets, were ruling over us. It could not fail to be known that we were not bound in honor by their acts, and that where they plainly violated the fundamental law, we would acknowledge no responsibility. Sir, I cannot disguise the indignation which I feel that the noble people of Georgia have been brought to this extremity. I do not conceal from myself the fact that, however right we may be, the cup will be exceedingly bitter. I know that against us truth will be perverted, and falsehood will be asserted. I know that at us the ignorant and the malicious will point the finger of scorn ; and, sir, if the people of Georgia were rich--if these millions of debt illegally incurred by others in their name could be paid, with the millions of interest which will accrue, without bringing hunger and nakedness to thousands of dwellings in this State, I would say to my people, although you are bound neither in law nor in honor, pay this debt rather than suffer these wounds to your pride. But Georgians once rich are now poor; on every side of us are still to be seen the blight and blast of war. Our houses have been burne<i, our fields have been devastated, and our movable property carried off to enrich the coffers of the victor. Saddle this unjust and illegal debt upon them, and every industry in the State will be paralyzed, credit will indeed be gone, and grim want will follow the tax gatherer to almost every door in Georgia, for a genera tion to come. I care not what others may do, this great and dire calamity I will not bring upon the people simply to minister to pride. Satisfied that the people of Georgia are bound neither in law nor in honor for this debt, it is a high duty which we owe them to see to it that they are not burdened with it; and, sir, if we were to be so recreant to our trust as to attempt to tie this millstone around the necks of the toiling men and women and helpless orphans of Georgia, these fathers of the State who look down upon us from these walls would start into life from canvas to rebuke the monstrous iniquity. Conscious of the correctness of our conduct, and the purity of our motives, I fear not for the honor of Georgia; she has never yet been dishonored by her own sons. She has been dishonored by the oppressions and outrages which have been heaped upon her. She was dishonored when the noble Jenkins was thrust from the high place to which he had been called by the unanimous voice of the people, and a military officer placed in his seat. She was dishonored when the military tyrant drove her legal representatives from this hall at the point of the bayonet, and appointed others illegally to their places. She was dishonored when Georgia was converted into a military camp, and by the mili-

APPENDIX r>.

723

tary power adventurers, thieves, aiid vagabonds were placed and supported in all the high places of the State, and we would be thrice dishonored if we were to acknowledge ourselves bound by the acts of these foreign vandals, and thereby condemn our people to half a century of poverty and suffering.
And, sir, when I seek to learn of the honor of Georgia, I shall not consult those who have been guilty either as principals or accessories of these great crimes against her, or those interested in the fruits of those crimes ; but I will consult the glorious memories and traditions of the past, and read it in the history of Georgia's illustrious dead. Nor will I confide the keeping of Georgia's honor to the harpies and the vampires who plun dered and preyed upon her in the day of her helpless extremity ; but I will confide it to Georgia's own sons and daughters, who in the past have, for the preservation of that honor, grandly dared and nobly suffered. And when they shall be dead, I doubt not but that their children, who in the lessons of the fireside will learn the story of this great wrong, will rise up to vindicate our action of to-day.
[The asterisks indicate the omission of certain words which would be offensive to indi viduals, and now omitted by request of Mr. Bacon.]

INDEX.

A

Alabama, 148, 157, 152, 171, 181,182, 206, 252, 267, 272, 292, 306, 323, 361.

Abbeville, S. C., 324.

Alabama Spirit of the South, 148.

Abbott, B. F., 650.

Alabama St., Atlanta, 307.

Abolitionists, 122, 134, 196, 243, 357.

Alabama, Adams, Cav. Brig., 283.

Abraham, Capt., 328.

Alabama & Chat. R. R., 495.

Abrahams, A. D., 574, 600.

Albany Circuit Created, 444.

Acworth, 244, 277, 306,

Albany, Ga., 184.

Adair, Geo. W., 260, 348, 593.

Albany News and Advertiser, 616,

Adairsville, 183, 244.

Albany, N. Y., 172, 462.

Adams of Massachusetts, 327.

Albany, Patriot, 79.

Adams, Ala., Cav. Brigade, 283.

Albion, N. Y., 462.

Adams, A. P., 524, 542, 543, 546, 547, 574, 576, Alexander, Gen. E. P., 637.

585, 588, 593.

Alexander, Felix R., 326.

Adams, B. F., 600.

Alexander, J., 183.

Adams, G. W., 383.

Alexander, J. D., 616, 623.

Adderhold, Capt., 194.

Alexander, Dr. James F., 364, 391.

Address to Congress, Bullock, 408.

Alexander, J. R., 406, 568.

Address to People, 455, 367, 375, Gov. Jenkins. Alexander, P, W., 612, 73, 74, 94, 95, 150, 290,

Address to the People, 226, 210, 121, 166, 1860, 358, 373, 374, 383, 466, 467, 468, 493, 574, 579, 684,

1861.

587, 588, 609.

Adjournment, Bullock's Legislature, 441.

Alexander, T. W., 97.

Adjuster, ship, 173, 176, 177.

Alexander, W. F., 329.

Adjutant General, 1860, 131, 175, Office created, Allapaha Circuit Created, 444.

243.

Allatoona Pass, 276.

Adjutant Gen., C. S., 241, 294.

Allegiance, Oath of, 340.

Adkins, J., 375, 396, 410, 411.

Alien, A. A., Judge, 76.

Admission of Foster Blodgett, 428.

Alien, J. V. H., 574.

Advance and Retreat, Hood's, 493.

Alston, R. A., 373, 453, 532, 533, 589.

Advertiser, Boston, 560.

Altercations, Brown's, 201.

African Slave Trade, 115.

Age, Philadelphia, 435.

.mendments, Constitutional, 139, 362, 385, 390,

-Aggression and Resistance, 152.

402, 454.

Agricultural College, 395, 503, Dahlonega.

merican Empire Extension, 81-83; H. R.,

Agricultural Department, 504, 546, 550, 642-3.

Jackson.

Agricultural Resources of Ga., 642-3, 654.

American Atlanta, 93.

Agricultural State Society, 131, 416, 516, 596.

nerican newspaper, 391.

Aid, State, 70, 361, 412, 444, 447, 459, 529, 540.

nerican Party, 40, 43, 93.

Air Line Railroad, 632.

nerican State Convention, 89.

Akerman, A. T., 375, 376, 406, 426, 439, 440, 502, nericus Recorder, 622.

505, 506.

nnesty, Proclamation, 304, 340, 341, 345, 346,

Akin, T. W., 574, 580, 585.

549.

Akin, Warren, 95, Nominated for Governor ; isesthesia, 652.

128, 212, 219, 220, 262, 375, 383, 398,415, 426, 501, iders, H. C., 324.

503. Alford, 43. Aired, L. J., 27, 89, 110, 319, 465, 467. Alabama, 271, 72, 74, 103, 115, 122, 123, 147.

Anderson, Clifford, 97, 262 ; legislature of 1859, 119, 453, 468, 518, 574, 577, 579, 581, 584, 585, 601.
Anderson, Col. C. D., 284. lerson, G. T., 215.

718
Anderson, E. C., 43 217, 347. Anderson, Col. E. C. Jr., 263. Anderson, Qeo. W., 72, 267, 313.
Anderson, J. H., 621. Anderson, John W., 130. Anderson, L. F., 542. Anderson, Major, 196. Anderson, Robt. H., 183, 263. Anderson, Capt. K. S , 298. Anderson, Capt. "Whit, 291, Anderson, W. IX, 395, 411, 465, 496. Anderson, W. J., 430, 43. Anderson, TV. M., 574. Andersonville Prison, 269. Andrews, Bishop, 137. Andrews, Garnett, 26, 131, 406, 625. Andrews, L. F. W., 119. Andrews, Capt. M. H., 299. Andrews, Spy, 243, 244, 245." Anecdotes, 29, 36, 45, 52, 55, 71, 243.
418, 422, 436,'448,'458,'459/499/508/532,' 549. Annual Sessions Legislature, 70. Anti-Secession, 320. -Appeal, Memphis, 270. Appendix B.. 238. Appendix C., 242. Appling Co., on Brown, 89. Appointment of Brown, 599. Appomattox Court House, 323.
Archer, M. li,.,'5W.' Argus, Baiiibridge, 79. Arkansas, 115, 123, 162, 165, 267. Arlington Advance, 622. Armistice, 324. Armory, State, 248. Arms, 235, 248, 281. Arms for State, 129, 217, 235. Armstrong, 78, 116. Army Colportage, 266. Army of Tennessee, 241. Army of Virginia, 323. Army Vote on Brown, 261. Arnold, C. W., 519. Arnold, B-r 11. I)., 321, 390. Arnold, Reuben, 554. Arnow, J. M., 496. Arp, Bill, 19, 623, 624. Arrests, 327, 345, 346, 386. Arsenal, Augusta, 161, 162. Arthur T. S.,,625. Artificial Limbs, 356. Artillery, Chatham, 146, 230. Artillery, Washington, 164. Ashburn, G. TV., 376, 386, 387, 388, 651. Ashton, J. B-., 110, 111, 593.

Association, Ladies' Memorial, 361, 503, 504. Athens, 372, 503. Athens Banner, 79, 611, 612. Athens, Watchman, 79, 93, 619. Atkins, James, 468. Atkinson, A. S., 98, 108, 110, 111. Atkinson, E. S., 650. Atkinson, H. M., 435. Atkinson, R. H., 460. Atkinson, Col. W. H., 247. Atlanta, 128, 129, 144, 152, 183, 184, 245, 260, 266,
269, 279, 300, 505, 201, 206, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285, 286, 287, 289, 291, 292, 305, 300, 307, 314, 326, 337, 347, 366, 386, 387, 398, 414, 412, 413, Proposition for Capitol; 414, 445,452, 457, 461, 494,504, 516, 517, 530, 532, 554, 562, 572, 590. Atlanta Banks, 132. Atlanta City Bonds, 445. Atlanta Commonivealth, 243. Atlanta Confederacy, 125, 271. Atlanta Gate City Guards, 194.
Atlanta Inteliirjencer, 53, 79, 155, 209, 214, 217, 243, 270, 314, 395.
Atlanta Post Office, 401. Atlanta Rolling Mill, 541. Atlanta & West Point II. R., 456, 633. Atlantic Ocean, 306.
Atlantic & Giilf R. R., 555. Attorney General C. S., 235. Attorney Generals, 97, 262, 424, 492, 510, 530, 538. Auditor, Second, C. S., 267. Augusta, 209, 259, 292, 312, 325, 326, 337, 346, 372,
590, 644. Augusta Arsenal, 161, 162. Augusta Banks, 132, 168. Augusta Battalion, 162. Augusta Chronicle, 40, 66, 78, 220, 271, 272, 415,
422, 431, 453, 496, 516, 520, 590. Augusta Circuit Created, 444. Augusta Constitutionalist, 79, 110, 125, 164, 179,
228, 259, 453, 569. Augusta Democrat, 148. Augusta Despatch, 142. Augusta Light Infantry, 194. Augusta News, 521, 569, 614. Aunt Celia, 310, 311. Austell, Alfred, 33, 206, 477, 482, 490. Avery, I. W., 215, Captain Dragoons; 246, Col.
4th Ga. Cav.; 275, Tanners Ferry Fight; 277, "Wounded New Hope Church; 375, 374, 314,
366, 373, Dem. Convention; 497, 402, 421, Ed. Constitution; 425, Circular Letter; 501, 503, 531, 601, 614, 615. Awtry, A. F., 542. Awtry, Mrs. S. A., 184.

719

B.
B., Appendix, 238. Back Pay, 591. Bacon, A. O., 390, 391, 453, 495, 496, 606, 592, 523,
524, 541, 542, 568, 579, 591. Bacon, Maj. R. A., 555. Bailey, David J., 17, 45, 46, 72, 150, 215. Bainbridge, Argus, 79. Bainbcidge, Cuthbert & Columbus K. R., 447,
495, 496, 497. Bainbridge Democrat, 620. Bambridge, Southern Georgian, 79, 93. Bambridge Volunteers, 194, 195. Baird, Col. Jolm B., 601. Baker, Co., 80. Baker, Fire Eaters, 205. Baker, Rep., 506. Balance to a quarter of a cent, 65. Baldwin, Co., 96, 149, 165. Baldwin, Gov., 140. Ball, James M., 291. Balleiiger, M., 395, 465. Baltimore Convention, 1860, 114, 11C, 117, 118,
119, 120, 121, 122, 501, 502. Baltimore & Ohio R. R., 638. Bank, Columbus Cases, 356. Banks County, Created, 80. Bank Convention, 206. Bank, Fourth National, 448. Bank, Fulton of Brooklyn, 448. Bank, Georgia National, 446. Bank Suit, 77. Bank Suspension 1S57, 49, 78, 131, 132, 169, 214,
221. Bank Reforms, 79, 169. Banks in 1860, 1861, 168, 198, 227, 267, 315, 330. Banks, Battle of, 50, 58, 60, 78, 132, 141. Banks, Gen. N. P., 503. Banner, Athens, 79, 611, 612. Banner, Newnan, 79. Banner Sunday, 602-3. Baptists on State Road, 81, 266. Bard, Samuel, 400, 401, 417. Barber, Jas. ~W., 386. Barber, S. L., 251. " Bargain," 558-9, 560-1. Barrett, Thomas, 73. Barrick, J. R., 627. 73arkaloo, Col. W. K., 248. Barnes, George T., 33, 129, 212, 251, 351,453, 568,
579. Barnes, V. M., 519. Barnes & Moore, 617. Barnesville Gazette, 620. Barnett, Col. N. C., 381, 353, 507, 527, 550, 585,
601. Barnett, Sam., 355, 553, 554, 555, 609, 639.

Barnett, Town, 327. Barrow, D. C., 108, 111, 115. Barrow, Pope, 529, 606. Bartlett, C., 600. Bartlett, Geo. T., 98. Bartow Co., 184, 372, 531. Bartow, Francis S.,41, Know Nothing Leader ;
45, 46, for Congress 72, 127, Speech in Savan nah ; 128, 130, 131, 144, 146, 150, 152, 154, 164, 184, 198,199 ; 200, 204, 206, Killed at Manassas, 254, 653. Basinger, W. S., 532, 606. Bass, N., 206, 121, 126. Battalion, Augusta, 162. Battery, Girardey's, Ga., 247. Battle of the Banks, 50, 58, 60, 78,132, 141. Battle between Bullock and Angier, 418, 448. Battle Flags, 263, 274. Battle Order, Cassville, 276. Battles, 282, Buckhead road. Battles, 282, Atlanta ; 283, Resaca ; 283, Ken-
Baugh, Robert, 532. Baxter, Eli H., 18, 40, 131. Baxter, Hon. John, 245. Bayard Senator, IT. S., 422, 565. Bayonet Rule, 335, 343, 345, 131, 144, 146, 150. Beal, J. W., 184. Beall, Miss P., 205. Beall vs. Robinson, 77. Beauregard, Gen., 244, 247, 256, 292, 312. Beech & Root, 284. Beck, of Ky., 423, 436. Beck, E. W., 33, 34, 511. Bedell, C. C., 386. Bedell, W. A., 387. Befgian, Am. Company, 216. Bell, B. F., 519. Bell, H. P., 127, 150, 165, 166, 212, 262, 390. 502,
513, 533. Bell, Hon. John, 127, 120,125, for President, 128
129, 135. Bell, Madison, 375, 376, 400, 468. Bell, Rep., 436. Beef Selling Ineligibility, 431. Bellton, Georgian, 622.
nett, A. T., 431. Bennett, L. S., 340. Benning, Henry L., 76, 77, 101, 108, 115, 116, 122,
125, 131, 150, 154, 164, 215, 224, 265, 341, 356, 387, 467, 497, 498, 501, 502, 503. Bentley, M. H., 376. Berrien, J. McP., 41. Bethune, J. N., 35, 72, 79, 80, 96, 222. Bethune, Gen. M., 348, 405, 436. Betts Arrested, 345, 346. Berrien Co. News, 621. Bibb, County, 66.

TOO

INDEX.

Biennial Session Legislature, 70, 530.

Boughton, S. M., 73, 79, 80.

Big, Shanty, 244, 306.

Boutwell, U. S. Sen., 330, 499.

Bigby, Mrs. M. 0., 628.

Bower, E. C , 541, 549.

Bigby, J. S., 376, 379, 406, 454, 468, 502.

Boyce, Rev. Dr., 266.

Bigham, B. H., 52, 70, 119, 213, 262.

Boyd, W., 529, 73, 212, 218, 348.

Bigler, U. S. Senate, 139.

Boyd, W. W., 215.

Bill Arp, 19, 623, 624.

Boynton, J. S., 453, 503,685, 606.

Billups, John, 73, 212.

Bozeman, Dr. Jas. F., 509.

Billups, J. A., 41, 52, 53, 513, 579.

Bozeman, C. M., 574, 600.

Binding Wheat, 37, Brown when Nominated. Bradley, A. A., 376, 382,396, 400, 4J7.

Bingham in Congress, 410, 434, 433.

Bragg, Gen., 246, 265, 269, 295, 324.

Black Code, 355.

Branch, T. P., 497, 498.

Black Craze, 344.

Branliam, Dr. J., 120.

Black Enfranchisement, 340, 376.

Branson, J.'C., 607.

Black, George R., 348, 349.

Brantley, Rep., 506.

Black, Geo. S., 251.

Brantley, Rev. Dr. Wm. T., 399.

Black, Hon. Jerry, 328, 366.

Braswell, S. D., 585.

Black, J. C. C., 524, 579, 585, 593.

Bray, W. M., 593.

Black, John, 69.

Brazil, 362.

Black Problem, 355-361.

Bread, 252.

Black, Gen. B., 606.

Breckenridge, J. C., Gen., 123,125,126,127,129,

Black Eepublican Party, 99, 103, 112, 118, 120. 131, 135, 324, 325, 326, 328, 330.

123, 127, 129, 130, 131, 139, 140.

Brent, Robert J., 366.

Blackburn, Dr. J. C. C., 79, 80, 86, 90.

Brewster, C. W., 569.

Blackshear, E. J., 72.

Bribery, 133.

Blackshear Mews, 622.

Bribery, Bullock, Committee, 436.

Blade, Atlanta, 623.

Brigade, Doles, 263.

Blaine, Senator, U. S., 565.

Brigade, Toombs, 265.

Blance, J. A., 318, 372, 496.

Brigade, Thomas, 299.

Blanford, M. H., 262, 467, 579, 593.

Brigham, H., 340

Blankets, 282.

Brinson, J. A., 431.

Bleckley, Logan E., 22, 85, 89? opinion of Loch- Briscoe, L. H., 52, 70, 98, 108, 110, 111, 115,120,

ran, 355, 399, 400, 488, 522, Supreme Court, 523. 212.

.

Blockade Cotton, 350.

British Consul, 265.

Blockade running, 217, 263.

British Province, 294.

Blodgett, Foster, 93, 372, 375, 376, 383, 398, 412, British Subjects, 177, 265.

414, 416, 420, 428, 432, 433, 448, 449, 450, 451, 458, Broadus, Dr., 266.

467, 468, 476, 494.

Brooklyn, 536.

Bloody Shirt, 465, 566.

Brooks County Created, 89.

Blount, J. H., 348, 373, 420, 502, 511, 520, 579, 581, BI-OOKS, Lt. A. G., 299.

606.

Brown, Col. Jolm T., 550.

Blount, Miss A. E., 628.

Brown & Derby, 627.

Blue Ridge Circuit, 27.

Brown and McDonald, 621.

Board, Military, Terry, 430, 431, 434.

Brown, B. Gratz, 503.

Boats for Georgia, 190.

Brown, Col. Jack, 248.

Boggess, A. J., 73.

Brown, Dr. B. B., 68.

Bombardment of Atlanta, 284.

Brown, D. P., 87.

Bond Compromise, 496-9.

Brown, Gov. John C., 505.

Bonds of Atlanta, 461.

Brown, Jas. E., 464, 465, 621, 529, 607.

Bonds, Confederate, 206.

Brown, Joseph E., 5, as a Leader ; 7, Compared

Bonds, Railroad, 447, 495, 496, 540, 594.

with Toombs ; 7 to 16, Early Life; 16, Rung

Bonds, State, 226, 227, 348, 360, 445, 446, 447, 448, for Senate ; 21, as Senator ; 26, Anti Know-

467, 494, 475, 496 9, 510, 511, 525, 529, 534, 591.

Nothing ; 28, 29, 30, as a Sudge ; 35, 38 ; 39,

Bonnell, J. M., 629.

"Who is Joe Brown ; 41, Speech at Canton;

Bonnet Secession, 149.

42, Calico Bed Quilt; 44, 45, l^iscussion with

Boston Advertiser, 560.

Hill; 46, Elected Governor ; S47, Lesson of

Boston, John, 147, 176, 181.

Brown's Election ; 48, Brown ^nd Johnson;

Boston Post, 461.

48, 49, Brown's Appearance; 5l^ Opinion of

INDEX.

721

Toombs, 1849 ; 68, Brown and Toombs ; 60, in Brown, Lt. Col. John M., 283.

the Bank Fight; 61, Veto Message on Banks ; Brown, Macon Infantry, 194.

62, Era of Change ; 71, J. W. Lewis, State Ed. Brown, Mackey, 8.

Supt.; 72, Waste Iron State Road; 78, Ap Brown, Mrs. Joe, 192.

points H. Gf. Dana, Judge ; 78, Bank Reforms ; Brown, Old John, 106.

80, State Road ; 81, Executive Proclamation ; Brown, W. M., Gen., 72, 154, 373, 426, 453, 609,

85, Impression on State ; 87, Milledgeville 626.

Tribute ; 91, 92, Speech of Acceptance; 96, Brown, Walter R., 574, 577, 583, 587.

Ke-elected Gor.; 98, His First Administra Broyles, C. N., 84, 108.

tion ; 99, Second Inaugural; 101, Veto Power ; Brunswick, 190.

116, 118, Letter on Charleston ; 123, His Ad Brunswick Advertiser, 621.

ministration; 125, Stand to Arms ; 129, Mes Brunswick & Albany R. B., 447, 456, 457, 459,

sage ; 134,131, 132, Banks ; 142, 134, Views on 495, 496, 497, 499, 634.

the Crisis; 147, 143, 145, 146, Seizure Fort Brunswick Harbor, 564.

Pulaski; 148, 151, Compliment to him; 164, Bryan, Cap*. H., 205.

161,163, Augusta Arsenal; 168, 170, Fine Ad Bryan, Goode, 150.

ministration ; 171, 172, 173, Reprisal on New Bryan, G, W., 465.

York ; 177, 178, 179, 186, 187,189; 192, Liberal Bryan, Mrs. M. E., 610, 617, 629.

ity ; 192, 193, 194, For 3rd. term Gov.; 195, Brumby, A. V., 215.

Review and Speech ; 197,198,199, 200 ; 201, 202, Bryant, J. E., 375, 376, 396, 398, 406, 427, 429, 432,

Salt Famine ; 204, 206, 207, 208 ; 210, Address 433.

to People; 213, 214, 216, 218, 221, 222; 225, Buchanan, Hugh, 33, 36, 52, 53, 73, 126, 351, 468,

Brown's Fight on Confederate Legislation, 529, 531, 606

was it Right ? ; 226, 231; 233, Tender Cabinet Buchanan, President, 38, 41, 42, 43, 45, 90, 58, 91,

Place; 234, 335, 238, Brown and Davis ; 239, 104, 106, 107, 108,109, 119^ 143, 182, 554, 557.

248, 250, Farewell Order ; 252, 253, Beautiful Buckhead Road, 282.

Incident; 255, Brown, Hill and Davis ; 256, Bufford, Col. A. S., 632, 636.

Calls out Militia Officers ; 257, 259; 261, 262, Bull, O. A., Judge, 76.

Foreign Press Comment; 263, 265, 266, 270, Bull, Miss A., 205.

272, 273, 281, 282, 286 ; 287-9, Brown and Sed- Bull, Miss S., 205.

don; 289, Grady's Tribute ; 289, 290, 291, Bulletin, Rome, 616.

DeFontaine's Letter ; 292, Visit from Beaure- Bullion Gold, 326, 329.

gard; 301, 302, 303, 305, 307, 309, 310, 313 ; 317, Bullock, Rufus B., 375, 376,383, 384, 396, 397, In

318, Message in 1865 ; 319, 320,322, 332 ; arrest, augurated ; 399, makes Brown Chief Justice ;

336, 337, 338, in Reconstruction ; 339, not Al 400, 402, 404, 406, 408, 410, 411, 412, 414, 415, 417,

lowed as Governor ; 339, Resignation as Gover 418 ; 419, Now and Then ; 422,420,421, A Fugi

nor ; 355, 340, 342, 346, 347, Position after the tive ; 422,423, Prodigality; 424,425,427,430,431,

War ; 350, 351, State Cotton ; 358, 359, 360, 432, 535, 4'36, 437, 438, 439, 440, 445, 447, 448 ;

361, 363; 366, 364, 365, Famous Reconstruc 450, Indicted ; 451, 45i, 454; 457, 459, His Ad

tion letter ; 367,368, Brown and Jenkins ; 371, ministration Tottering ; 460, Resignation and

369, 370, Brown and Hill; 375, 377,382, 384,385, Flight ; 461, 462, About Resignation ; 462,

386,387, 388,390,392; 397,398, Defeat for Senate ; 463, Arrest and Acquittal, His Administra

399, 400, the Martin Slander ; 401,402, 403, 406; tion, 464, 466, 468, 472, 475,480, 488,494, 530, 531,

406, Appointed Chief Justice ; 413, 417, 424, 532, 498, 508, 510, 525.'

Letter against Bullock ; 425, 439, 440, 441 ; Bunn, M. H., 465

454, Eulogy on Cobb ; 455, 456, as a Judge ; Bureau of Immigration, 415, 416.

456, President Lease Co.; 457, 464; 468, 475, Burke County, 306, 571.

at Gov. Smith's Inaugural ; 476, State Road Burke, J. B., 431.

Lease Triumph; 476-492, Duel with Gen. Burke, John W., 353, 613, 617.

Toombs ; 497, 498, Opinion on Bond Question ; Burnett, G. P., 376.

502 ; 520, His Influence ; 521, 522, in Florida ; Burney, J. W., 73, 111, 115, 184.

526, 539, 541, 551, 555 ; 599, 570, 558, 568, Ap Burney, S. W., 107,121.

pointed U. S. Senator ; 561, 563, before Peo Burning of Atlanta, 307.

ple for Senator ; 564-7, Service in the Senate ; Burns, J, A., 459.

572, 592, 599, 600, 602; 603-5, Senatorial Ca Burns, John T., 379, 395, 468, 381, 353.

reer ; 637, 646.

Burnside, Gen., 226, 246.

Brown, Joseph, 8.

Burr, Augustus P., 385.

Brown, Julius L . 312.

Burton, Gov. of Delaware, 165.

46

722

Bush, Arbor Meeting, 391, 392.

Campbell, Wm., 245.

Campbellite Baptists, 81.

Bussey, H., 600.

Canal Atlantic & Gt. Western, 458, 505.

Butler, Ben., 409, 410, 415, 433.

Candler, A. D., 467, 524, 528, 541, 542, 546, 547.

Butler, David E., 357, 355, 373, 374, 416, 579, 593 Candler, Milton A., 89, 212, 213, 251, 310, 347,

Butler, Ga., 591.

349, 373, 394, 401, 412, 481, 511, 520, 579, 588,

Butler Herald, 621.

593.

Butler, J., 626.

Candler, S. C., Ill, 115, 121.

Butt, Mrs. R. F., 184.

Cannon, 281.

Butt, W. M., 395, 550.

Cannon, H. H., 209.

Butt, Wm. B., 606.

Cannon, R. A., 546.

Butts County on Brown, 88.

iton, 11, 14, 37, 41.

Byrd, P. M., 156.

Canton Advance, 622.

Byrd, S. M. H., 606.

Capers, F. W. Gen., 216, 227.

Capitol Building, 412, 413, 530, 607.

C.

Cards, Cotton, 251, 282.

C., Appendix, 242.

Carlton, Dr. H. H., 611, 593, 496, 524, 526, 574,

Ca Ira, 520

577, 578, 583, 584, 486, 587, 588.

Cabaniss, E. G., 250, 41, 76, 78, 212, 219, 220, 251, Carlton, ~L. D., 251.

260, 348, 351, 383.

michael, J., 88.

Cabaniss, G. A., 574.

Carnesville Register, 621.

Cabaniss, H. A., 619.

olinas, 74, 151.

Cabaniss, T. B., 351, 541, 542, 549.

penter. Senator U.S., 434, 435.

Cabbage, 310, 311.

Carpenter, W. H., 625.

Cabinet of Mr. Davis. 233, 235.

Carpet Bagger, 365, 366.

Cabinet, Lincoln's, 304.

Carroll County, 66.

Cadets, 311.

Carroll County Times, 620.

Cain, J. G., 110, 244, 496.

roll Prison, 338.

Cake Incident, 147.

son, A. A., 574.

^^^eli, J. H., 427, 433.

swell, K. A., 150.

S'noun, 244, 275.

Carter, W. C., 607.

jalhoun Times, 620'.

ter Wm., 231.

Calhoun, A. P., 74.

swell, R. W., 262, 284, 607.

Calhoun Academy, 10, 11.

Cartersville, 183, 184.

Calhoun Georgia Platform, 79.

tersville Express, 79, 619.

Calhoun, J. M., 93, 260, 291.

Cartersville Free Prfss, 622.

Calhoun, John A., 43.

Cartersville & VanWert R. R., 447, 495, 496, 497.

Calhoun, John C., 236.

Casey, H. R., 600, 544, 111, 150, 285, 351, 502, 503,

Calhoun, W. F., 496.

529, 541.

Callaway, S. P., 621.

Casey, J. R., 574.

Caldwell, D. E., 616.

Casey, Judge, Jos., 330.

Calico Bed Quilt, 42, and Brown.

3 Co., on Brown, 89, 96, 149, 184.

California, 1860, 114, 123.

sville, 276.

Callender, W. H. D., 175.

sville Standard, 79.

Camden County, 249, 251, 254.

Castlen, Mrs. E. B , 628.

Camilla Despatch, 622.

iatechism Circuit, 597.

Camilla Riot, 404, 405.

Catholics on State Road, 81.

Camp, Capt., 194.

Catoosa Courier 620.

Camp McDonald, 206.

Catoosa Springs, 245.

Camp Oglethorpe, 195.

Cats, Miller Wild, 205.

Camp Wesley, 67.

Jattle in Georgia, 644.

Campaign, Georgia, 274, 313.

Jaucus, 468, 572, 576, 582.

Campbell, Capt. Given, 324.

iavalry, 191, 199, 246, 263, 282, 283, 284, 285, 311,

Campbell County, 28, 67, 88, 550.

324.

Campbell, D. C., 87, 91, 107, 108, 165.

Javalry, First Ga., 246

Campbell, J. Buleau, 219, 40O.

Cedartown Advertiser, 622.

Campbell, Judge, 305, 322.

a, Aunt, 310, 311.

Campbell, Tunis, 376, 396, 428.

3us 1870, 499, 565.

723

Central Bank, 78.

! Cincinnati Platform 1856, 90, 114, 116, 118, 120,

Central Confederacy, 165.

I 502.

Central Railroad Co., 149, 311, 360, 456, 632, 633. ! Cincinnati Southern R. R., 634, 635.

Chambers, F., 519.

\ Citizenship, 357.

Chamberlin, E. P., 650.

! Citizen American, 82.

Chambers Kep., 550.

; Citizens' Bank, 541.

Chaneellorsville Battle, 264.

City Columbus Light Guard, 197.

Chantilly Battle, 294.

City Council of Atlanta, 414, 445.

City Property in 1860, 168, 169.

;

Change, Era of, 47.

Civil Rights Measure, 358.

j

Chappell, A. H., 72, 73, 120, 121, 125, 127, 250, I Claghorn, Capt., 146, 285.

i

348, 358, 375, 383. 625.

i Claims Collected, 533.

Charlton, W. Gr., 593.

Claims, Georgia, 391.

Charleston, 144, 221, 288, 289, 292, 322.

| Clark, Capt. and Lt Col., 194, 195.

Charleston Convention 1860, 114, 115, 116, 118, Clark, Dr. P. Y., 340.

120, 123.

i Clark, Gov.,282.

Charleston Courier, 174.

Clark, Gov. of Texas, 435.

Charleston Mercury, 270.

i Clarke, Judge John T., 381, 390, 453, 467, 541, 542,

Charlotte, 3ST. C.> 276.

I 549.

Chastain, E. W., 33, 36, 89, 90, 154, 183, 206, 220, Clark, R. H., 21, 33, 36, 38, 72, 84, 150, 356, 426,

221, 228.

431.

Chatauqua, 536.'

Clark, TV. L., 450.

Chatham Artillery, 146, 230.

Clark, TV. W., 222, C. S. Congress.

Chatham Co., 89, 149, 165, 315, 381, 403, 581.

Clark and Troup Campaign, 555.

Chattahoochee Co., 574.

Clarke, E. Y., 497, 614, 626.

Chattahoochee river, 278, 282, 286.

Clarke, Judge James M., 88, 110, 115; Lively

Chattanooga, 183, 244, 269. .

Speech, 406, 531.

Cheap Coal, 416.

Clayton, Philip, 224.

Cherokee Circuit, 81, 125.

Clayton, W. TV., 19.

Cherokee County, 11, 16, 28, 42, 67, 88, 315, 96, Clayton, TVm. TV., 449.

253, 347.

Cleburne, Gen. Pat., 298.

Cherokee Cow Driver, 88. Cherokee R. R., 447, 495, 496, 497.

Clement, J. C., 496, 513, 541, 542, 606. Clerk Legislative System, 100.

Chicago Convention, 385.

Cleveland Advertiser, 622.

Chicago Platform, 425.

Cleveland, Henry, 110, 111, 115, 163, 228, 229,

Chicago Times, 344, 435, 560.

626.

Chicago Tribune, 435, 560.

Clews, Henry, 448, 457, 510.

Chichester, T. W., 360.

[ Clift, J. TV., 362, 414.

Chickamauga, 258, 264, 296, 504.

j Clift, "W. L., 376.

Chief Justice, 523, 457, 399, 406, 456, 547.

Clinch Co., 67, 574.

Chief of State Ordinance, 228.

Clinch, Maj. D., L. 247.

?

Children, Indigent, 252.

Clipper, TVarrenton, 417.

Chilton, R. H., 416.

Clisby, Jos., 79, 80, 256. 610, 613.

China, Mr., Ward, Minister, 51, 80.

Clothing for Soldiers, 207, 281, 251, 263, 295. "

Chipley, TV. D., 386.

Glower, G. H., 402.

Chisholm, W. S., 555.

Club, Georgia Union, 340.

Chittenden, N. Y., 510.

Coal, Cheap, 416.

Christy, John H., 347, 351, 358, 503.

Coal for State, 534.

Christian, H. H., 377.

Coast Defense, 321, 218, 206, 216, 217, 227, 231,

Christian Index, 610, 617, 627.

248.

Christianburg, Ohio, 245.

Cobb County, 16, 28, 88, 149, 206.

Christmas Gift to Lincoln, 321.

Cobb, Howell, 24, Elected Governor; 26,35,39,

Chronicle, Augusta, 40, 66. 79, 119, 220, 271, 272, 58, Description ; 78, 108, 109, 110, 111, 116, 118,

415, 422, 431, 453, 496, 516, 520, 524, 591.

119, 120, 121, 128, 129, 137, 138, 143, 144, 151,

Chronicle and Constitutionalist, Augusta, 524, 152, 164, 181, 206, 215, 224, 225, 226, 241, 249,

" 569, 590, 599, 6!0.

250, 257, 263, 272, 283, 284, 306, 307, 314, 318,

Choice Pardon Case, 141.

337, 391, 392, 454, 557, 653.

Cincinnati, 370.

Cobb, J. A., 395.

Cobb, Jolin A., 574. Cobb, Thos. K. K., 206, 150, 84, 131 ; Cliarac
151, 154, 164, 181, 215, 224, 225, 226, 249, 250, 254, 466, 625, 653 Cochran, A. E., Judge, 76, 121, 212, 219, 250, 251. Cocliran Enterprise, 622. Cochran, Dr. B. J., 66.

Colquitt Campaign of 1880, 386, 400. Colquitt, Cooper, and Black, 73, 555. Colquitt County, 205. Colquitt, Miss M. E., 205. Colquitt, Mrs. Mel R., 623. Colquitt, Peyton H., 264, 33, 34, 79, 110, 126, 197,
247.

Code Duel, 476, 492. Code of Georgia, 81, 355, 607. Coffee Co. Gazette, 621. Coffin Regiment, 205. Cohen, P. L, , 574, 588. Colien, Solomon, 110, 115, 120, 206, 347, 351. Cold Harbor Battle, 274. Cole, C. B., 406. Cole, Col. E. W., 634, 636, 637. Cole, H. G., 375. Cole, Judge C. B., 347. - Coleworts, 310. Coif ax, Senator TJ. S., 409. Colley, F. H., 524, 542, 546, 574. Collamer, U. S. Senate, 139. Collier, J. J.. 430. 431. Collier, John, 529, 481, 459, 364, 431, 453. Collins, J. T., 519. Collins, Robert. 116. Colonial Flag Raised, 154. Color Free Persons of, 168. Columbus, 590, 561, 389, 386, 361, 345, 341, 327,
297, 242, 45, 197. Columbus Bank Cases, 356. Columbus City Light Guards, 197. Columbus Corner Stone, 79. Columbus Enquirer, 79, 93, 569. Columbus Giiards, 201. Columbus Prisoners, 386, 543. Columbia, So. Ca , 322. Columbus Soutli Guards, 194. Columbus Sun, 270. Columbus Times, 242, 33, 73, 79, 86, 109, 384. Colportage Army, 266. Colquitt, Alfred H., 17 ; Legislature 1849, 20 ;

Commercial Advertiser, N. Y., 435. Commissary, Gen. State, 216, 307. Commission, Railroad, 553, 554, 555. Commissioner of Agriculture, 504. Commissioners, Secession, 164. Commissioner to Europe, 216, 246. Commissioner, State School, 444. Commissioners to Washington, 181. Committee, Minority, 5S7. Committee of Public Safety, 231. Committee, Reconstruction, 358. Commonwealth, Atlanta, 243. Compromise of 1850, 117, 139. Compromise, Bonds, 496, 499-. Comptroller General, 71, 214, 227. Concordia Hall, 572. Cone, F. H., 41, 72, 73. Cone, Peter, 52, 53, 72, 97, 107, 108, 126. Confederacy, Atlanta, 125, 271, 219. Confederacy, Southern, 140, 152, 167, 178, 183,
189, 196, 202, 205, 216, 218, 222, 235,246,258, 274, 281, 300, 301, 330, 457, 209, 272, 323,237, 240, 266, 269. Confederate Constitution, 85, 2"6, 235. Confederate Currency, 257, 266, 316. Confederate Congress, 198, 199 206, 222, 223, 232, 235, 248, 251, 255, 261, 265, 271, 273, 312. onfederate Government, 324, 178, 179, 180, 329, ~ 193,209, 216, 224. Confederate Legislation, 213, 232. Confederate State Senators, 222, 224, 242, 243.
[federate War Debt, 252.
Confederate Qt. Mr. Dept., 294, 295, 296, 297. Conference, Hampton Road, 305, 322

32, 35 ; For Governor, 36 ; Close hit for Gov ernor, 72, 80, 126, 128, 131, 150, 154, 199, 205, 215, 224, 260, 313, 383, 386, 390, 452, 453, 46*, 493, 501, 504, 510, 515, 516, For Governor ; 517, 518, His Character; 519, Ejected Governor; 523, 521, 525, 526, Financial Message; 535, 533, 530, 532, Financial Administration; 536, 537, 538, 539, 540, 541, 543, 544, 551, 552, A Hard Ordeal; 558, 554, 555, Campaign of 1880; 561, 562, 563; 564, 567, As a political Manager; 571, 569, 570, Campaign Organized; 575, 576, 577, 586, 587; 587, 588. 589, Accepts Recommenda tion; 590,591, Strong Letter to Norwood; 593599, 600, 601, Elected; 602, 635, 647.

Congress Provisional Conf., 178, 206. Congress on Slavery, 114, 175. Congress, TJ. S., 258, 427, 415, 357, 359, 269, 409,
410, 433, 436, 438, 439, 440, 457, 458, 475, 476. Congress, Weekly, 622
igressional Campaign Districts, 96, 166. Congressional Districts, 499. Congressmen, TJ. S., 338, 341, 348, 362, 454, 511,
520, 606. Conkling, Senator TJ. S., 409, 434, 559, 565,
605. Coiiley, Benjamin, 466, 467; As Governor; 468,
Message; 502, 503, 510, 375, 376, 395, 396, 397, 411, 414, 420, 428, 429, 433, 458, 460, 464.

725

Connecticut, 288. Connor, G. C., 312. Conscription, 225, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 238, 251,
253, 288, 248, 249, 250, 251, 255, 259, 263, 264, 271, 301, 318, 319, 456. Conservative Men Silent, 150. Constitution, Atlanta, 7, Grady's Sketch ; 10, Bill Arp; 37, Incident of Brown ; 39, Grady - s Sketch; 110, E. P. Howell, Editor; 402, I. W. Avery, Editor, 415, 418, 420, 421, 425, 435, 441, 448, 452, 458, 402, 470, 478, 479, 497, 501, 502, 506, 569, 571, 590, 610, 613, 615, 627. Constitution of Georgia, ^1865,_ 85 ; ISTTj 101, 185, 207, 348, 377, 382, 383, 384,", 395, 397,"401, 528. Constitution and Slavery, 57, 117. Constitution, U. S., 155, 185, 225, 235, 236. Constitutional Government, 270. Constitutional Liberty, 272. Constitutional, New Guarantee, 139. Constitutional Union Party, 119. Constitutionalist, Augusta, 79, 228, 110, 125, 164, 179, 110,125, 164, 179, 259. Contingent Fund, 418, 467. Controversies, 551, 508, 226, 511, Brown and Davis. Convention, 378, 349, 347, 348, 1st. Reconstruc tion; 355, 606; 1866, 358, 372; National Union, 412, 383; 1867, 372, 375, 376; 2d. Re construction, 382, 385, 373, 374, 375," Demo cratic; 385, Chicago; Dem. 1868, 389; Col-
1869, 414; Negro Labor, 416, Macon; South-
cratic, 1870, 452, 453; 1871, 467; 1872, 501; Bal timore, 1872, 501; State Dem., 1872, 502; Straight, 502; Republican, 502; of Gover nors, 1873, 505; of Governors, 1876, 517; Dem ocratic, 1876, 518; Republican, 519; Constitu tional, 1877, 528, 529, 530, 553, 555, 606; Demo cratic, 1880, 568, 572, 586; National Dem., 568, 572; Bank, 206; Political, 208; Baptist,

.1860 ; Military, 130, 1860 ; Secession, 131, 146, 147, 149, 150, 156, 164, 166, 184, 189 ; Southern at Montgomery, 164, 181. Convention, Cpiig., 581. Convention, Republican, 595. Convict Catechism, 597. Convicts, 308, 309. Cook, Phil., 262, 348, 351, 374, 502, 511, 520, 606. Cooper, Gen. Samuel, 241, C. S. Adj. Gen. Cooper J. H., 72. Cooper, Mark A., 244, 72, 73, 74. Cooper, J. M., 568. Corinth, 312. Corker, S. A., 453. Corn Distillation, 230, 320, 338, 360. Corner Stone Speech, 195, 653, Alex. Stephens,
respondence, 265, 259, 349, 234, 264; Davis ad Brown, 282, 287, 292, 301, 370, 588, 389, >3. Corry, M. C., 370. Costin, J. T., 414. Cothran, W. S., 206. Cotton, 221, 731, 248, 251, 252, 282, 301, 319, 311, 350, 361, 416, 643, 644, 647, 652, 654. Cotton Cards, 251, 282. Cotton Gin Invented, 652. Cotton Manufacture in Georgia, 644. Cotton Planters' Convention, 78, 131, 206. Getting, D. G., 375, 376, 400, 460.
tl, British, 265. bies, New, 100. County Courts, 361.
f Meetings, 1880, 130, 135, 231. Courier, Charleston, 174.
r, Rome 615, 628. Court Martial, 245. Covington, 283, 590, 591. Covington Enterprise, 19.
igton Star, 621. ,n, Edgar, 366. Cowart, Col. J. R., 398.

347. Convention, Nashville 20 ; Democratic, 1857,
33 ; American, 1857, 41 ; Southern, 43, 44, 72, 74 ; Cotton Planters', 78, 131, 2C6 ; cratic, 89, 1858 ; Opposition, 93, 94, 95, 1858 ; National Dem , 107 ; Legislative, 107 ; Send Delegates Nat. Con. Democratic, 107, 108, 109, March 1860; 110, 107, 108, 109, Dec. 1859 ; The Charleston, 1860, 114, 115, 116, 118, 119, 120, 123; Georgia, 1860, 115; Richmond, 1860, 116, 122; Baltimore, 1860, 116, 120, 122; Constitutional Union, 119, 1860; 119, 120, National ; Democratic, 1860, 120 ; National Democratic State, 121, 1860; Na tion State Rights, 123 ; Democratic State, 126 , Aug. 1860 ; Johnson & Douglas, 126, Aug.

Cowart', R. W., 73. Cox, A. H., 524, 542, 543, 544, 549. Cox, Albert H., 372. Cox, S. S., About Bullock, 423. Cox, W. B., 644. Crane, B. E., 650. Crawford, Geo. W., 72, 73, 82, 150, 155, 185. Crawford, Joel,'72.
Crawford, M. J., 45; Anecdote, 45, 96, For Con gress, 131, 138, 164, 180, 182, 20J, 226, 246, 386. 453, 653, 607, 523, 531 ; Supreme Ct., 579.
Crawford, Reese, 542, 549, 607. Crawfordsville Democrat, 621. Crew, Jas. R , 291, 292. Crisp, C. F., 467, 468, 531, 607.

726

NDEX.

Crittenden, Hon. J. J., 139.

Davis, Senator U. S., 139, 410, 565.

Crook, L. Vf., 125, 245.

Davison, John, 129.

Cromwell & Co., 175.

Dawson County Created, 70.

Crosby, Clews Agent, 457.

Dawson, Town, 310, 314.

Crowders, Monroe, 205.

Day, Jos , 35.

Croxton, Gen., 337.

Dardeii, Dr. W. G., 417. '

;

Crusader, Temperance, 79.

Darien Timber Gazette, 621.

Culberson & Dougherty, 426.

Dark Horses, 577.

'

Culloden, 66, 67.

Darr, Rev. J A., 622.

Cumbie, 80.

Dawson Journal, 619.

Gumming, Alfred, 183.

Dawsonville Chronicle, 622.

Gumming, Col. of Macon, 494.

Day, Decoration, 242.

Gumming, J. B., 390, 391, 461, 462, 465, 467, 468, Deaf and Dumb Asylum, 534.

507, 518, 541, 542, 545, 549, 579.

Death, River of, 258.

Gumming, Julian, 33, 34, 120, 121, 126, 162, 391. Debate, Grand, 153, 250, 272.

Gumming, Maj. M., 247.

Debrell's Brigade, 324, 325.

Cummings, J. F., 650.

Debt, Conf. War, 252, 359, 386.

Cunningham, John, 146.

Debt, Imprisonment for, 102.

Cunningham, Judge, 643.

Debt, Public, 99, 124, 129, 267, 322, 381, 348, 360,

Currency Bonds, 446, 447, 448, 495, 497.

403, 495, 529, 534.

Gushing, Hon. Galeb, 123.

ecatur, 282.

Cusseta, Ala., 184.

Declaration of Independence, 273.

Cuyler, Richard B., 149, 206.

;oration Day, 242.

Defenders of the South, 205.

D.

Defense, State, 219.

Dabney, W. H., 33, 120, 126, 150, 512, 513, 579.

DeFontaine, F. G., 289, 290, 291.

Dade Co. Gazette, 622.

DeGraffenreid, W. K., 73, 74, 285.

Dahlonega Volunteers, 194.

DeKalb Co., 149, 213, against Secession.

Dahlonega, 186, 188, 458.

DeKalb, N~eios, 621.

Dahlonega College, 395.

Delanoy, \V. G., 84, 108.

Dahlonega Signal, 618.

Delannoy, J. D., 125.

Dallas, 276.

Delaware, 74, 115, 123, 151, 165.

Dallas, Texas, 519.

Delegates to Baltimore, 121.

Dalton. 183, 244, 259, 269, 274, 306, 366.

Dell, J. C., 465, 468, 496, 574, 587.

Dalton Argus, 622.

Democrat, Augusta, 148.

Dalton Times, 79.

locratic Committee, Cincinnati, 370.

Danbury, Va., 139.

locratic Convention, I860, 121, National, 18,

Daniel Wilberforce, 574.

, 89, 126, 389.

Daniell, Dr. W. C., 165, 166.

Democratic Executive Committee, 426, 383, 453,

Daniell, W. C., 73.

468, 503, 574.

Danielsville Yeoman, 622.

>emocrjvtic Legislatures, 444.

Danville, Va., 323.

>emocratic Nat. Ex. Com., 129.

Darien Bank, 78.

'emocratic Party, 1840, 73, 99, 113, 118, 119, 122,

Darnell, Rep., 436.

123, 222, 338, 537.

Davis, B. M., 546.

'emocrats Expelled, 431.

Davis, C. \V., 406.

Dendy, Mr., 585.

Davis, Invincibles, 205.

mark, E. P. S., 607.

Davis, J., 94.

Department of Agriculture, 504.

Davis, Jefferson, 181, 183, 184, 188,193, 194, 197,198, Department of Georgia, 228.

201, 209,223, 224, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, Deposits, State, 549.

240, 248, 249,255; Brown, Hill, and Davis, 560, Deserters, 257, 320.

263, 264, 265, 272, 273, 279, 282, 287, 289, 293, 291,' Despatch, Augusta, 142.

292, visits Georgia; 293, Macon Speech; 293, Despatch, President to Gov. Johnson, 352, 354.

Sketch of Davis; 294, makes Lawton Q. M. Despatch, Richmond, 174.

Gen., 301, 302, 303, 304, 317, 318, 320, 323, 324, Despatch. Sherman to Lincoln, 301, 303,312, 321,,

325, 329, 330, 331, 493, 653.

Destruction, Dick Taylor's Book, 313.

Davis, Mrs. Jeff., 324.

Detailed for Duty as Gov. 379.

Davis, P. D., 546.

DeWolf, Editor, 610, 615.

Diamond, James J., 107, 108, 111, 115. Digest of Georgia Law, 84. Direct Trade Co., 131, 216, 416. Disabilities, 386, 425, 426, 431, 475, 476. Discord, 122. Dis
152; 1863, 272; 1863, 374. Disfranchisemeiits in Georgia, 340, 358, 359, 363. Uismuke, F. D., 519. Distillation forbidden, 230, 241, 248. District Courts, 444, 467. District of Columbia, 139. Districts, Congressional, 499. Disunion, 103, 105, 107, 122, 135,149,151, 183, 243,
155. Divorce, 101, 274, 361. Dixie Doodle, 205. Dixon of Muscogee, 132,133. Dixey Boys, 205. Dobbin, TJ. S. Kev. Cutter, 147. Documents, State, 309. Dodge, L. A., 340. Doggerel on the Banks, 64. Doles, George, 215, 263, 314. Donaldson, R. A., 431. Doodle, Yankee, 205. Doolittle, U. S. Senate, 139. Dorsey, J. N., 202, 503, 506, 519. Dougherty, Miss Burney, 184. Dougherty, Charles, 20, 21. Dougherty County, 136. Dougherty, Wm., 72, 74, 77, 125, 250, 251, 356,
426, 481, 488. Douglass, M., 96, 127, for Congress. Douglas, Stephen A., 103, 106, 114, 115,116, 119,
123, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 135, 139, 143. Douglassville Star, 622. Doyal, Capt., 197. Doyal, L. T., 127, 248. Dragoons, Independent Ga., 215, 247. Drake, J. C., 431. Dred^Scott case. 103. 118, 127. Driver out, 88. DuBignon, F. G., 574, 607. Dublin, 331. Dublin Gazette, 621. Dublin Post, 622. DuBose, A. M., 546, 551. DuBose, C. S., 496. DuBose, C. W., 212, 220, 351, 541. DuBose, Gen. D. M., 390, 391, 454, 519, 569. Duel, 319, 383, 476, 492. Duer, John M., 384. Duggan, Maj. J. B., 299. Duggan, Capt. J. F., 299. Duggan, Martin, 321, 340. Duggar, B. C., 606.

3, Gen., 325. 3, W. A., 386. 3an, C. C., 373, 395, 402, 569, 580. jan, John W., 33, 73, 110, 121. i, Gen., 387. 3, John 1ST., 554. ling, J. L., 375, 406. DuP(Dnt, Okefeenokean, 622. DuPiree, E. F., 607. Dupi:-ee, J. E., 127. Duprree, J. M., 519, 607. Dwirlell, M., 262, 272, 373, 615, 616, 628. Dye] , Elisha, 73. Dye] , John, 644.
E.
Eagle, Gainesville, 619. Early Co. News, 619. Early, Gen. Jubal, 285. East Tennessee, 189, 554. East Tennessee, Va. & Ga. B. R., 634. Eastman Times, 620. Eaters, Baker Fire, 205. Eatonton Messenger, 619. Echols Co. Created, 80. Echols, H., 262. Ector, W., 215, 242. Edge, John M., 16. Edmondson, Jas., 52, 53. Edmunds, Senator TJ. S., 407, 422, 434, 435, 559. Education in Georgia,_654. Edwards, John, 639. ---------- Effigy, 180, 181. Eggleston, Col. B. B., 337. Eighteenth Ga. Vols., 215. Eighth Cong. District, 500, 507. Eighth Ga Cavalry, 263. Eighth Ga. Inf., 199, 202, 204, 215. Elberton Gazette, 619. Elberton News, 622. Election, 207, 211, 232, 259, 261 349, 351, 373, 383,
384, 432, 439, 440, 441, 453, 454, 466, 502, 505, 506, 513, 519, 607, 606, 600-1, 530,' 531, 526, 528, 529. Election of Officers (Mil.,) 194, 232, 264, 265. Electors, 126, 127, 129, 223, 389, 406, 409, 402, 518, 519, 520, 557, 585. Eleventh Ga., Inf., 204, 215. Eligibility of Democrats, 430, 453. Eligibility of Negroes, 397, 410, 415. Elkhorn Battle, 246. Ellijay Courier, 621. Ellington of Gilmer, 359, 502. Elliott, Bishop R. W , 647. Elliott, Bishop Stephen, 647. Ellis, Captain, 101. Ellis, J. T., 431. Ellis, W. D., 569.

. 728



IN:

Eloquence, Georgia, 170.

Express, Savannah, 109.

Ely, Robert K., 97, 108, Legislature of 1S59; 110, Extension, American Empire, 81-2, Speech H.

136, 453, 502, 503, 530, 534, 585, 594.

R. Jackson.

Elzey, Arnold, 1G1, 102, 1G3, 104.

Extortioners, 257.

Emancipation Proclamation, 258, 304, 343, 353, Exciting Scene in Congress, 409, Georgia's

355.

Electoral Vote.

Emigration, 362.

Executive Committee, Minority, 588.

Emory College, 64C.

Executive Mansion, 309, 311; 337, 445, 448, 532.

Empire, American Extension, 81, II. R. Jack- Exile of Atlanta People, 291, 292, 305, 310, 314.

Expelled Democrats, 431, 432.

Empire State of the South, 1G7.

Exposition, International Cotton, 647-652, 654.

Empire State, Griffin, 79.

Endorsements, Bonds, 458.

Expulsion of Xegroes, 401, 402, 403, 405, 407,

Enfleld Rifles, 217.

409, 410, 411, 415, 432, 434, 444.

Enfranchisement of Blacks, 340, 363.

Extra Pay to Officers, 412.

Enfranchisement of Citizens, 349.

Ezzard, Capt., 191.

England, 328, 457.

Enlistments, 191, 197, 230, 274, 298, 299, 317.

F.

Enrollment of Conscripts, 234, 248.

Episcopalians on State Road, 81.

Epps, H. Van, 588, 593.

Era of Change, 47.

Erskine, Judge John, 346, 360, 396, 399.

Erwin, Alex. S., 531.

Erwin, W. S., 464.

Erlanger, Baron, 635.

Erlanger Syndicate, 635.

Estes, J. B., 606.

Estes, M. V., 464.

Estill, Col. J. H., 590, 568, 612.

Etowah, 214,

Etowah Guards, 194.

Eufaula, 231.

Eulogy on Linton Stephens, 502.

Europe, Commission to, 216, 217, 226, 246, 301,

350, 370, 416, 494, 499, 635, 650.

Evans, Captain, 194.

Evans, Augusta J., 629.

Evans, B. D., 33, 88, 120, 600.

Evans, Clement A., 98, 119, 247.

Evans, J. W., 108, 111, 263.

Evarts, "VVm. M., 532.

Eve, W. F., 600.

Everett, Edward, 120, 125, 127, 129.

Ewell, Gen., 294, 493.

Exchange of Prisoners, 269.

Executive Committee Constitutional Union

Party, 119.

Executive Committee, Dem., 107, 111, 116, 383,

426, 453, 468, 503, 574.

Executive Department, 202, 460, 473, 493.

Executive Kat. Dem. Com., 129.

:utiv<

>clai atioi !, 81.

Exemptions, Conscript, 234, 236, 265.

Express, Cartersville, 79.

Express Co., 384.

Express, Petersburg, '^70.

Factories seized, 248, 297. 3ts, Unpalatable, 226.
Fain, Col., John S., 263. Fain, J. C-, 607, 394, 395, 465, 467, 529, 532, 541,
542, 569. Fain, J. G-, 73, 108, 111. Fair, John, 249. Fair, State, 416. Fairs of Atlanta, 554. Fail-burn, 184. Fall of Atlanta, 285, 286. Fall, Rise and, of Confederacy, 238. Fambro, A. G., 52. Family Visitor, Madison, 79. Famine, Salt, 201.
inin County, 28, 189, 192, 359. Fannin, I. L., 52, 84, 97, 209. Farewell Order, Gen. Jackson, 239. Farms in Ga.. 645. Farrow, Henry P., 382, 383, 406, 414, 420, 424,
425, 431, 433, 434, 439, 492, 121, 417, 468. Fast Candidate, 45. Fasting, Humiliation and Prayer, 230.
nd the Confederacy, 278. Father O'Reilly, 307.
sting, Bullock, 423, over Georgia's Injury. Featherston, L. H., 73, 108, 111, 390, 529, 574. Federal Court, 360. Federal Government, 258. Federal Gunboats, 229. Federal Officers, 343. Federal Relations, 129.
al Spies, 243. Federal Troops, 144, 161, 226, 229, 243, 249, 267,
269, 274, 275, 278, 282, 283, 285, 286, 298, 306, 311, 312, 317, 322, 338. fees, Lawyers, 446. Felton, Dr. W. H., 97, 212, 511, 513, 514, 520, 588. Felton, L. M., 72, 569.

EX.

'

729

Female Colleges, 646. Fen-ill, B. B., 60. Ferry, Senator, U. S., 435. Field, Miss L,. A., 629. Field, S- E., 375, 465, 575. Fields, Lawson, 42, 111. Fielder, H., 33, 34, 89, 373, 468, 497, 498, 499, 503,
505, 506, 626. Fiftli Ga. Cav., 263. Fifth Ga. Volunteers, 215. Fifteenth. Amendment, 410, 411, 412, 415, 422,
423, 424, 425, 426, 433, 434. Fifteenth Ga. Volunteers, 215. Fifteenth U. S. Corps, 322. Fiftieth Ga. Inf., 248, 274. Fifty-first Ga. Inf., 248, 264. Fifty-second Ga. Inf., 248. Fifty-third Ga. Inf., 248.
Fifty-fifth Ga. Inf., 248. Fifty-sixth Ga. Inf., 248. Fifty-seventh Ga. Inf., 248. Fifty-ninth " " 248. Fighters in Georgia, 183. Fillmore, Millard, 416. Finances of State, 315, 525, 532. Financial Crisis of 1840, 62. Financial Trouble, 131. Finch, N. P. T., 610, 614. Fire, Charleston, 221. Fire Eaters, Baker, 205. First Ga. Cavalry, 246. First Ga. Company tendered, 184. First Ga. Regulars, 183, 194, 214. First Ga. Volunteers, 214, 242.
Fisher, G. S., 502. Fitch, F. S., 417. Fitch, Henry S., 360, 383. Fite, A. W., 574. Fitteii, John A., 650. Fitzgerald, Capt. E., 148. Fitzpatrick, Gov. of Ala., 123. Fitzpatrick, Rep., 432. Fitzsimmons, O. P., 462. Flag, Colonial, raised, 154. Flag, Confederate, 184, 319. Flag, United States, 161, 163, 179, 187, 188, 319. Flag, White, Incident, 519, 137, 164, 181, 230,
263, 274. Flash, Harry, 319, 626, 627. Fleming, W. B., 607, 415, 76, 150, 358. Fleming, Wm. O., 607, 391, 390, 77, 272, 468. Flewellen, E. A., 526. Floating Debt, 534. Florida, 74, 115, 123, 147, 148, 152, 181, 204, 206,
241, 252, 267, 313, 331, 521. Flournoy, K. W., 395, 417.

Floyd Co., 149, 191. Floyd, Col. Henry, 249. Floyd, J. J., 348, 390. Floyd, Macon Rifles, 197. Flynn, John H., 375. Fool Parties, 193. Foreacre, J. G., 632. Foreign Com. of Immigration, 415. Forester, Georgia, 193. Forney's Paper, 434, 435. Forrest, Gen., 225, 267, 282, 305. Forsyth, C. D., 502. Forsyth County, 28, 165, 205. Forsyth, John, 182. Forsyth, Quitman Guards, 194. Fort, Alien, 496, 542, 544, 549, 553. Fort Gaines, Tribune, 622. Fort McAllister, 267, 313. Fort Morris, 148. Fort Moultrie, 144, 145. Fort, Pickens, 186. Fort Pulaski, 145, 146, 147, 152, 180, 198, 204, 217,
229, 230, 240, 294, 387, 653. Fort Sumter, 144, 145, 146, 148, 189, 196. Fort Valley Advertiser, 622. Fort Valley Mirror, 620.
Fortieth Ga. Inf., 247.
Forty-second Ga. Inf., 247. Forty-third Ga. Inf., 247.
Forty-fifth Ga. Inf., 247.
Forty-eighth Ga. Inf. 247, 264. Forty-ninth Ga. Inf., 248, 298. Foster, A. G., 375. Foster, C. S., 88. Foster, F. C., 607. Foster, Ira R., 10, 216, 260, 307, 309, 310, 338,
364. Foster, N. G., 41. Fouche, R. T., 467, 606. Fouche, S. 73. Fourth Ga. Cavalry, 199, 200, 247, 275; 1. W.
Avery, 277. Fourth Ga. Cavalry (second) 263, D. S. Clinch. Fourth Ga. Volunteers, 215, 263. Fourth National Bank, 448. Fourteenth Amendment, 352, 357, 358, 359, 388,
396, 397, 422, 423, 433. Fourteenth Ga. Vols., 215, 263. Fowler, A. S., 413. Franklin Co., 149, against Secession. Franklin College, 181. Franklin News, 621. Franklin Printing House, 628.

730

i*

Franklin, Tenn., 313. Fraternization, National, 536. Frauds, State Road, 450, 451. Freedman's Bureau, 339, 342, 346, 361. Freedmen, 343, 352, 355. Freedmen's Code, 355. Freeman, Alvin, 593. Freeman, J. C., 502. Freeman, S. H., 119. Free Persons of Color; 1860, 168, 318, 343. Free Schools, 645. Frost, F. A., 355. Fruit in Georgia, 643. Fugitive Slave "Law, 119, 130, 139, 152. Fullarton, A., 265. Fuller, W. A., 244. Fulton, 108. Fulton Bank of Brooklyn, 448. Fulton Co., 89, 165, 358. Fulton Col. M.'C., 163. Fulton M. C., 600. Funch & Meincke, 176. Fund, Contingent, 467. Fund, Military, 129, 130, 216, 221, 251, 263. Fund, School, 99, 444. Furlov, T. M., 120, 150, 212, 260, 261, 373, 374.
503, 529. Furman, F. C., 574. Furniture, ex-Mansion, 309, 311.
G.
Gaddistown, 9, 28, 169, 192. Gainesville Eagle, 619. Gallagher, Dr. M. J., 124, 125, Inventor of gin. Gallie, Major, J. B., 267. Gait, Judge, 245. Gait, Mayor, 257, 263.
nahl, J. H., 593. Gardm
35; his letter to Clanton, 43, 72, 79, 80, 120, 121, 122, 126, 179, 259, 609, 610. Gardner, Win. M., 183, 199, 215, 224. Garlington, Gen. A. G., 532. Garrard, Gen., 283. Garrard, L. F., 467, 526, 542, 543, 550, 551, 593, 606. Garrard, Wm., 588. Garrett, Mr., 638, Garsed, Richard, 650. Gartrell,, Henry Clay, 204. Gartrell, J. O-, 73. Gartrell, L. J., 17, Legislature, 1849; 19, Demo cratic Resolution, 43, 45, 95, 96, 138, 180, 204, 215, 222, 260, 356, 558, 387, 462, 516, 529, 55&, 557, 569, 571, 577, 580, 585. Garvin, I. P., 209. Gas for State, 534. Gaskill, Varney A., 128, 384, 416, 446. Gate City Guards, Atlanta, 194.

Gaulden, W. B., 46, 110, 115, 121, Gaulding, A. A., 79. Gazette, Atlanta, 242, 260, 617. Geological Department, 101, 496, 639. Geological riches of Georgia, 639-642. Geologist, State, 504, 639. Germany, 499. General Assembly, 17, 59, 69, 77, 79, 81, 199, 212,
217, 220, 249, 254,- 257, 271, 273, 307, 314, 317, 319, 361, 394, 403, 414, 427, 499, 531, 633. General Comptroller, 71. Geneva, Talbot Co., 180. George, A. M., 431. Georgia, 3-7, 74, 113, 115, 123, 152, 153, 154, 156, 164, 166, 167, 168, 170,175, 178, 181, 184, 199, 204, 206, 216, 224, 226, 236, 238, 241, 246, 267, 268, 269, 270, 272, 274, 280, 287, 292, 294, 300, 301, 305, 313, 322, 323, 331, 353, 360, 369, 386, 396, 400, 408, 409, 410, 422, 434, 474. Georgia Banks, 50. Georgia Bill, 434, 436, 437. Georgia Code, 84. _____ Georgia Conspirators, 435. Georgia Department, 228. Georgia Forester, 193. Georgia Independent Dragoons, 215, 247. Georgia Jeans, 214. Georgia Military Institute, 309.
>rgia National Bank, 446. >rgia Pacific Railroad, 635, 636. >rgia Platform, 143.
rgia Railroad, 283, 326, 327, 456, 633. irgia Reconstructed, 437. >rgia Regulars, 1st, 183, 194. .rgia Sectional Prejudice, 51. >rgia Union Club, 340. .rgia Western Railroad, 416, 561, 635.
, 79. Gettysburg, 258.
ibbs, Jas. S., 206. Gibbs the Briber, 435.
ibbs of Walton, 94. Gibson, O. C., 110, 115, 126, 209. Gibson, Wm., 52, 53, 73, 97, 137, 212, 247, 264, 3
406, 433. Giddens, W. W., 574. Gignilliatt, W. R., 529, 574.
>ert, Thomas, 625. ner, County, 28, 257, 315, 359.
Gilmer, George R., 72, 73. nore, J. N., 88, 574. u-dey's Georgia Battery, 247.
Girl on Slavery, 56. Gladding, W. H., 124.
lasscock County, Created, 70. lenn, Jesse A., 205, 247, 355, 361.

EX.

731-

Glenn, John T., 585. Glenn, John W., 574. Glenn, L. J., 165, 166, 314, 374, 585. Glover, Dr. T. O., 88. " Go It Niggers," 397. Gold, 257, 266, 316, 325, 328, 329. Gold Bonds, 446, 447, 448, 495, 597. Golden Lead, Ship, 173. Golden Murray, Ship, 173. Goldsmith, W. L., 507, 527, 546, 547, 548. Goode, C. T., 348, 349, 373, 390, 501. Goodfellow, Major H., 430. Goodnow, "Wm., 541. Gordon Co., 553, 149, 315, Against Secession. Gordon, E. C., 635. Gordon, Gen. John B., 226, 264, 313, 323, 358,
383, 384, For Governor; 390, 398, 416, 459, 501, 505, 506; 558-9, Resigns U. S. Senator, 560, 561, 562, 563, 5617568, 571, 593, 594, 595, 600, 603, 635. GordonTGeorge A., 33, 34, 35, 36, 52, 70, 110, 173, 212, 260, 263. Gordon, Town, 311. Gordon, "Walter, 635. Gordon, W. W., 632. Gorham, 604. German, J. B., 620. G or man, O. D., 620. German, W. R., 529. Gosjiel Messenger, 617. Gould, Jay, 638. Goulding, E. R., 215. Goulding, R. F., 628. Gove, Sam'1., 376. Government, 69, Division of Powers; Immaterialized 82, 226, 258, 270.

Grantland, S., 541. Graiitville, 184. Gray, A. H., 524, 542, 543, 544, 569, 606. Great Seal of State, 381, 473, 507, 550. Great Western Canal, 505. Greeley, Horace, 501, 502, 503, 521. Greenbrier Battle, 216. Green, Hon. James A., 533.
;en Island, 229. Green, John, 639. Green, Miss Mary A., 361, 503. Greene, County, 135, 458. Greene, Gen., 652. Greene, Judge, J. W., 406. Greensboro Herald, 619. Greensboro Home Journal, 621. Greenville Vindicator, 620. Gresham, Elizabeth, 14. Gresham, John J., 116, 383. Grice, W. L., 531. Grier, E. C., 529. Grieve, F. G., 87. Grieve, Miller, Sr., 73. Griffin, Col. J. R., 263, 502. Griffin Empire State, 79. Griffin Independent South, 79. Griffin, Iverson's Speech, 104, 197, 243, 266, 504,
591. Griffin Ifews, 476^77. Griffin Neii's, 616. Griffin Sun, 622. Grimes, Thos. "W., 373, 403, 541, 542, 569, 593. Grimes, U. S. Senate, 139. Griswoldville, 306, 311. Groif, David, 431.

270, 292, 310, 314, 321, 340, 383, 386, 388, 400, 436, 441, 347, 351, 379, 464, 468, 502, 519, 531, 550. Governor's Convention, 505. Governor's Horse Guards, 191. Governor, Provisional, 341. Governor's Race 1880, 37. Governor's Race in 1857, 31. Governor's Salary Increased, 70. Gow & Weigle, 615. Grady, Henry W., 7,_39, 289,(48&, 569, 590, 610, 614, 615, 616. ~~" Graham, E. D., 394, 431, 465, 500, 502, 503. Graham, J., 374. Grain Distillation, 230, 248. Grand Jury, Bartow Co., 531. Grant, L. P., 633, 653. Grand Jury on Bullock, 458. Grant, J. A., 540. Grant John, T., 510. Grant, Ulysses S., Gen., 258, 306, 381, 367, 371, 376, 385, 386, 401, 410, 422, 423, 431, 440, 502, 521, 562, 563.

Grubb, R. W., 621. Guarantees, Kew Constitutional, 139. Guards, Atlanta Gate City, 194. Guards, Columbus, 201. Guards, Columbus City Light, 197. Guards, Columbus South 194. Guards, Etowah, 194. Guards, Forsyth Quitman, 194. Guards, Home, 263. Guards, Newnan, 194. Guards, Perry Southern Rights, 194. Guards, Sav. Vol., 146. Guerard, John M., 110, 529. Guerillas, 320. Guerry, DuPont, 607. Guerry, J. H., 465. Guerry, T. L., 33, 52, 53, 80, 98, 120, 262, 317, 375,
529, 574. Guilmartin, Capt., 230. Gunboats, Federal, 229. Gun Powder, 204. Guns, Rape of the, 171,199, 201, 204, 207, 321.

m

732

Gun, tlie Gallagher, 124.

Harkie, C. B , 248.

GwinnettCo., 149, 315, against Secession.

Harlem, Columbian, 622.

Gwinnett Herald, 620.

Harpers' Magazine, 623.

H.

Harrell, I>. B., 587, 33, 34, 406, 529, 574, 577, 583. Harris, A. L., 375, 427, 429, 430, 434, 457, 458.

Habeas Corpus, 271, 272, 273, 358, 456.

Harris, B. T., 390.

Habersham County, 69.

Harris, Capt. of Dahlonega, 188, 194.

Hackett, A. T., 98, 606.

Harris, Charles J., 147, 533.

Haines, Gen. T. J., 430.

Harris, Col. Skid, 247.

Haines, H. S., 639.

Harris County, 165.

Hale, J. ST., 622.

Harris, Dr. R. B., 607.

Hall, John I., 465, 468, 494, 542, 544, 579, 585.

Harris, Gen., 162, 163, 164.

Hall, Samuel, 34, 89, 110, 120, 165, 574, 588.

Harris, Gov. of Tennessee, 166, 362.

Hall, W. H.F., 413.

Harris, Henry R., 150, 502, 600, 511, 520.

Halleck, Gen. H. W., 322.

Harris, Hon. Wm. L., 140.

Ham, H. W. J., 619.

Harris, J. L., 531, 503, 97, 150, 209.

Hambleton, J. P., 121, 374.

Harris, Joel Chandler, 610, 614, 623, 624.

Hamilton, Miss M. J. R., 629.

Harris, Judge Iverson L., 84, 87, 249, 347, 356,

Hamilton, Senator, II. S., 435.

372.

Hamilton & Willingham, 622.

Harris, Judge S. W., 529, 607,

Hamlin, Hannibal, 120, 129, 130, 135.

ris, J. W., 126.

Hammock, C. C., 459.

ris, Lt. Col. W. T., 264.

Hammond, A. D., 468.

ris, Lt. C. T. "W. H., 608.

Hammond, Dennis F., Judge, 76, 208, 364.

Harris, W. A., 600, 585, 52, 54, 73, 98, 108, 138,

Hammond, H. C. M., 138.

139, 348 496, 574.

Hammond, K. J., 606, 85,348, 492,493, 510, 529, arrison, Burton N., 324.

562, 579, 594, 649.

arrison, Geo. P., Jr., 183, 247.

arrison, G. P., Gen., 72, 110, 216, 228, 351, 600.

Hammond', W. M., 524, 542, 543, 544, 545, 546, 547, arrison, Jas. P., 605, 617, 619, 628.

579, 585, 506.

arrison, Rep., 432.

Hampton JRoads Conference, 305, 322.

arrison, Wm., 541, 519.

Hancock, 89.

Harper's Ferry, 106, 108, 294.

Hancock, C. W., 373, 467, 619.

per, F. M., 395.

Hancock, Gen., 585, 583, 581, 380, 5B9.

Harper, R. G., 96.

'Hanks, J. A. R., 81, 90, 542, 546.

Hart, Col. John B., 263.

Hanleiter, C. K., 119, 622.

Hartford, State Bank of, 175.

Hansell, A. H., 72, 150, 529.

tness, Private, 324.

Hansell, C. P., 619.

Hartridge, A. S., 321.

Hansell, Gen. A. J., 85, 212, 347.

Hartridge, Julian, 89, 97, 106, 108, 110, 111, 115,

Hanvey, Capt., 194.

120, 222, 261, 383, 453, 468, 501, 502, 503, 511,

Haralson, Frank T.., 601.

520.

*"

Haralson, Hugh, 205.

'arts, Nancy, 205.

Haralson, Will, 601.

artwell Sun, 621.

Hardaway, E, H., 644.

:arvard Law School, 294.

Hardee, Wm. J., Gen., 183, 224, 225, 247, 269, Hasty Legislation, 100.

275, 276, 278, 279, 285, 292, 312, 313.

llathaway, Lt., 324

Hardeman, J. L., 574.

Hawes, A. L., 574, 600, 607.

Hardeman, Robt. U., 601, 644.

rkins, S., 529, 544.

Hardeman, B. V., Judge, 76.

Kkins, S. W., 54L

Hardeman, Thos., 41, 52, 70, 96, 180, 262, 197, 215, Hawkins, W. A., 33, 34, 37, 72, 90, 120, 150, 453,

247, 272, 341, 351, 358, 373, 374, 425, 453, 501, 502, 510, 523;'Supreme Court, 574, 581, 588.

503, 516; 517, Retires from Governor's Race; Hawkinsville despatch, 619.

518; 558, 556, Candidate for Gov.; 569, 571,572, Hayden, J. A., 364.

577, 580, 584, 585, 650.

Hayes, J. D., 510.

Harden, E. J., 35, 415, 625.

Hayes, R. B., 5.32.

Harden, E. B., 110, 115, 183, 574, 600.

Haygood, Atticus G., 610, 628.

Hardin, Mark, 395.

Hayne, Paul H., 626, 649.

Hargrove, Z. B., 212, 251, 519.

sn, Gen., 313.

Hazlehurst, Col. Geo. H., 497, 498, 633. Head, State Senator, 548, 577. Healey, T. G., 650. Heard, Mrs P. B., 205.
Heath, Gen. H., 299. Heidt, Emanuel, 465. Hemphill, R. A., 614. Hemphill, W. A., 613, 614. Heiiderson, Col., John T., 504, 505, 601, 642, 650. Heiiderson, Col. R., 247. Henderson, Wm. B., 601. Hendricks, Gov. T. A., 505. Henry Co. Weekly, 621. Henry, Wm., 439. Herald, Atlanta, 522. Herald, New York, 174, 175, 176, 179, 261, 435, 560. Herbert, Major Sidney, 277. Herbert, Rev. M., 625. Hero of Olustee, 313. Herring, W. F., 284. Herring, Wm., 364. Hester, Robert, 73, 212, 262. Hicks, Gov. of Maryland, 165. Higbee, E. H., 406. Hill, A. Franklin, 111, 115. Hill, Barnard, 356, 467, 531. Hill, Benjamin H., 39, Know Nothing Leader;

Histories of Ga., 624. History, Secret, 260. Hobbs, R., 574. Hodgkins & Sons, 171. Hottnian, Gov., 461, 462. Hoge, E. F., 453, 465, 468, 496. Hoge, James, 111, 115. Hoke, A. \'., 636. rlolcombe, A. W., 375, 394, 430, 529, 541. H olden, Senator, 395. Hollis, H. T., 533, 574, 587. Holmes, Or. Duel, 119. Holt, Hiiies, 348, 42, 72, 84, 98, 119, 222. Holt, Judge T. G., 347, 349, 373, 374, 467. Holt, Pulaski S., 206.
Holt, Thad. G., 257, 600. Holt, T., IT. S. Sec. of War, 145, 162. Holt, W. S., 453, 262, 272, 373. Holt, "W. W., 35, 76. Holtzclaw, 519.
ne Comr. of Immigration, 415. :ne Defense, 252.
ne Guards, 263. nes, Soldiers Giving Tip, 276. nestead Laws, 356, 382, 529, 530. nes, Wayside, 242. Honey Hill Battle, 313. >d, Arthur, 416, 108, 111, 120, 150, 209, 220.

383, 391, 392, 455, 488, 497, 498, 501, 505, 506, 510, 511, 520, 526, 527, 541, 544, 557, 604, 653. Hill, Capt., 385. Hill, Col. John M., 284. Hill, D. P.. 73, 150, 154, 165, 272, 302. Hill, E. Y., 73. Hill, Geo., 231. ... ~ "~\ Hill, Joshua, 45, 46, 'Elected to Congress; 95, 96, 119, 180, 260, 201, 301, 303, 304, 348, 356, 398, 399, 407, 428, 433, 434, 458, 529. Hill, Miss A., 205. Hill of Harris, 63. Hill, Rhode, 644.
Hill, T. W. J., 364. Hill, Walter B., 85, 595, 600, 607. Hilliard, H. W., 43, 416, 609, 629. Hillyer, Geo., 33, 43,52, 90, 108, 110, 115, 120, 464,
524, 531, 579, 607. Hillyer, Henry, 524, 607. Hillyer, Junius, 415. Hindman, Gen., 362. Hines, J. K., 574. Hinesville Gazette, 020. Hinton, B. B., 394, 430, 464, 467.

Hopkins, C. H., 94, 119, 376, 398. Hopkins, H. W., 547, 600. Hopkins, Judge John L., 426, 481, 547, 548, 554,
i44, 650.
Home, Gen. O. C., 595, 600. se Guards, Governor's, 191.
Hospital and Relief Asso., 221, 251*262. .'otclikiss, X. P., 376, 451. louse Journals, I860, 135. :ouse of Reps., 1857, 60, Vote on Banks; 1857, 70, Vote on Pardon Veto; 1861, 219, 221, 242, 250, 262; 1863, 272, 359, 395, 414, 423, 427, 428, 429, 441, 458, 466, 533, 551. :ouser, Capt., 194. -ouston Co., 571.
Howard, Gen., IT. S. A., 339. :oward, Gen. W. P., 242. oward, J. H., 35, 131, 242. :oward, Thos. C., 17, 20, In Legislation, 1849; 25, 120, 128, 601.
:owell, C., 416. 496. iowell, Evan P., 88, In Washington Co.; 110, In Convention, 1860; 5, 24, 541, 542, 548, 568, 569, 610, 614, 650.

734

Howell, Midshipman, 321. Ho well, Miss, 324. Howell, Wm. H., 601. Hoyle, L. C., 464, 574. Hoyt, Judge, 481. Hubbard, N. Y-, 510. Hubner, C. W., 626, 627. Hudson, G. B-, 465. Hudson, 3. M., 541. Hudson, R., 386. Hudson, \V. J., 431,502, 503. Hughes, D. G., 3T4. Hughes, James, 434. Hulburt, B., 364, 373, 384; 385, 400, 416, 420, 419,
451, 488. . Hull, Asbury, 73, 138, 351.
Hull, Wm. H., 33, 36, 42, 108, 111, 115, 355, 497, 498.
.Hulsey, W. H., 5-42, 543. llumber, B. G., 533, 544, 545, 551, 129. Humiliation, Fasting and Prayer, 230. Humphries, Dr. Wm. C., 138. Huimicutt, C. W., 291. Hunter, Geo. R., 73. Hunter, Gen. r>avid, 229. Hunter, ,J. II., 390, 468, 496, 503. Hunter, R. M. T., 206, 305, 322. Hunter, U. S. Senate, 139. Hunt, J. J., 607. Hunt, Wm. H., 399. Hutcheson, T., 215. Hutching, N. L., 76, 108, 222, 524, 542, 549, 606. Mussey, L,t. C., 230.
Idaho, 401, Illinois, 381. Illustrate Georgia, 199. Imboden, Col. T. M., 580, 581, 587. Immigration, Bureau, 415, 416.
Importation of Arms, 217. Impressment, 262, 318. Imprisonment for debt, 102. Inaugural, 262, 214, 99, 50, 60, Brown ; 352, 353,
388, 397, 468, 539. Incendiary Speech, 389. Incident, Brown and Kenan, 233, 253, 377, 397,
410. Income Tax, 267. Independence, 236. Independence, Declaration of, 273. Independent Georgia Dragoons, 215, 247. Independentism, 512, 513, 514, 588. Independent Macon Volunteers, 194. Independent South, Griffin, 79. Indian Claim, 533. Indigents, 251, 252, 263, 315.

iligibility, Negro, 402.

'amy Roll of, 439.

'antry, 246, 263.

Infantry, Oglethorpe, 164.

Infantry, Macon Brown, 194.

nfantry, Wrightsville, 205.

ngalls, Senator U. S., 565.

Ingram, Porter, 111, 110, 91, 45, 89, 529, Anee-

ote of Brown.

Ingram, W. K., 323.

Inman, John H., 650.

nman, S. M., 650, 651, 554, 569.

nman, W. H., 206.

nstitute, Ga. Military, 309.

ntelligencer, Atlanta, 53, 79, 155, 209, 214, 217,

243, 271, 314, 395, 397.



telligencer, National, 423.

nternational Cotton Exposition, 647, 652, 654.

ternational Sunday School, 535.

tervention, 117, 122. .

Intiir

428.

Invective, 392.

Investigating Committees, 436, 446, 448, 450,451,

461, 476, 494, 508, 540, 544, 545, 546, 550, 551.

Invmcibles, Davis, 205.

Inviiicibles, Union, 205, 38, Endorsed- as Sena

tor ; 104, 105, Griffin Disunion Speech ; 138,

222, 242, 243, 250.

fron, 416.

Iron Waste, State road, 72.

Irwin, David, 27, 84, 85, 209, 347, 375, 383, 497,

499.

frwin, Jared, 207.

frwin, J. T., 36, 38, 73, 97, 108, 111, 115, 120, 129.

Irwin, Rep., 432.

Irwin, Robert, 321.

Irwin's Cross Roads, 331.

[rwinton, SoutJierner, 621.

Irwinville town, 331.

Irvine, W. T., 546.

tverson, Alfred Jr., 183, 263, 283.

Iverson, Alfred, Sr., 18, Judge Supreme Court ;

Ivy, Rep., 550.

J.
Jackson, Davenport, 607. Jackson, Harry, 465, 547, 549. Tackson, Henry R., 18, 19, Judge Supreme
Court ; 35 ; 82, Speech in 1858 ; 89, 90, Conven tion of 1858 ; 91, 92, 108, 115, 120, 121, 126, 128, 161, 162, 163, 165, 172, 173, 174,176, 177, 178, 186, 216, 224, 227, 228, 229, 238, 240, 241, 242, 263, 294, 465, 493, 532, 627, 549, 579, 596, 597, 598, 607, 609 612, 626, 627. ackson, James, 18, 19, Judge Supreme Court ; 45, for Congress ; 89, 96, 131, 138, 180, 222, 250, 251, 383, 522, Supreme Court, 579.

735

Jackson, John K., 215, 224, 275.

Johnston, General A. S., 247, 265.

Jackson, Stonewall, 225, 246, 258, 268, 294, 493. Johnston, General Jos. E., 204, 269, 274, 275,

James, Dr. Thomas P., 504, 550, 644.

276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 282, 283, 284, 285, 322, 324,

325, 326, 350 ; 286, Compliment to Georgia Mi

Jarratt, Dr. W. A., 87.

litia ; 292, 313.

Jasper, 187.

Johnston, J. Boorman, & Co., 448.

Jeans, "Georgia Made, 214 Governor Brown Johnston, Malcolm, 596.

Inaugurated.

Johnston, Mark, 601.

Jeffers, Asa O., 249.

Johnston, R. M., 42, 623, 624, 626, 629.

Jefferson Forest News, 621.

Jonesboro, 285.

Jemison, S. II., 574, 577, 585, 588, 593.

Jones, Captain, 194, 195.

Jenkins, C. J., 17, Legislature 1849 ; 20, Union Jones, Colonel C. C., Jr., 230, 625,

Leader ; 24, Beaten for Governor ; 25, for

Vice-President ; 26, 72, 85, 131 ; 142, Judge " Jones," E., 376.

Supreme Court; 221, Judge Supreme Court ; Jones, E. L., 400.

249, 260, 381f 348 ; 351, for Governor ; 354, 352, Jones, George S., 526.

353, Elected Governor ; 355, 360, First Mes Jones, II. C., 607.

sage ; 366, 367, 368, 369, 370, 378, 379, 508, 507, Jones, II. H., 610, 613.

381, 397, 448, 449, 472, 473 503 ; 525, 529, Presi Jones, J. A., 72, 73, 90, 110, 115, 138, 139.

dent Congress, 1877.

Jones, J. C., (Lt.) U. S. A., 162.

Jervis, J. K., 577.

Jones, Jenks, 96, 97, 138, ISO, 262, 351, 496, 503,

Jesup, George R., 73.

595, 600.

Jesup Sentinel, 619.

Jones, John, 124, 353, 378, 379, 403, 507, 508, 510.

Jewell, Marshall, 595.

Jones, J. W., 42.

Joe Brown's Boys, 192.

Jones, Lt. Col. L. C., 608.

Joe Brown's Pets., 286.

Jones, Lt , J. P., 216.

John Brown's Soul, etc., 307.

Jones, R., 464, 588.

Johnson, Colonel Abda, 247.

Jones, Robert, 215.

Johnson County Created, 80.

Jones, Seaborn, 77.

Johnson, Coloeril J. A. W., 247, 351, 383, 467, Jones, Thos. F., 107, 108.

574, 576, 595.

Jones, "W. B., 502.

Johnson, D., 431.

Jonesboro ATews, 621.

Johnson, Ed., 215.

Jordan, Chas. S., Sr., 350.

Johnson, H. V., 18, Judge Supr. Ct.; 24, 26, Jordan, Col. J. T., 299, 593.

Elected Governor ; 35, 36, 38, 70 ; 48, Johnson Jordan, George W., 98, 574, 600.

and Brown; 49, Message on Banks ; 72, 73, Jordan, J. T., 524.

Delegate to Sou. Convention ; 84, 113, 116, 117,

118,119,120; 121, Speech in 1860; 122; 123,125, Joseph, Mr., 580.

for Vice President ; 126, 127, 128, 129, 131 ; Journal and Messenger, Macon, 93, 385.

137, Opposing Secession ; 143, 150, 151, 152, 153, Journal of Progress, 623.

154, 155, 183, 208, 222, 249, 250, 251, 286 ; 347, _arnalism of Georgia, 401, 609, 623.

President Reconstruction Convention ; 356, Journals, Legislature, 408.

358, 361, 362, 370, 371, 375, 508, 516; 518, 526, Judge Advocate Dunn, 387.

527, 531, 562, 609, 618.

Judges Salaries Increased, 70.

Johnson, H. V. Mrs., 19.

Judah, General, 320, 338.

Johnson, James, 348, 347, 346, 342, 25, 341, 349, 352, Judiciary Committee of Congress, 433.

353, 355, 356, 468, 502, Beaten for Congress ; Judiciary in 1858, 76, 221.

95, 41, Know Nothing Leader.

Johnson, Lindsay, 73.

Judges, appointed by Generals, 346.

Johnson, Mark, 115.

Judges, appointed by Governor, 349, 406, 529,

Johnson, President, Andrew, 330, 338, 340, 341, 531, 538, 607.

346, 348, 349, 352, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 362, 363,

385.

K.

Johnson, Reverdy, 362.

iansas Bill, 38, 41, 42, 43, 45, 75, 93, 104, 106.

Johnson, S. C., 406.

:eeper of Penitentiary, 538. ,

Johnson, W. J., 110, 115.

:elly, Judge of Pa., 339.

Johnson, W. P., 465, 574.

:elly, Sheriff of N. Y., 175.

Johnson, Wm. Preston, 324.

Kellogg, II. C., 431.

736

Kenan, A. H., 17, 52, 70, 119, 150, 154, 350, 164, Lamar, George TV., 121.

181, 192, 222, 233, 272, 347.

Lamar, Henry G., 31, 32, 34, 35, 36, 78.

Kenan, Miss Henrietta, 192.

Lamar, Jefferson, 111.

Kendrick, Captain B. R., 205.

Lamar, J. M., 36, 108, 115.

Kennard, Lt , J., 216.

Lamar, L., 127.

Kennedy of ST. Y., 175, 176.

Lamar, L. Q. C., 272, 605.

Lamar, Lucius M., 199.

Kennon, R. E., 519, 585.

Lamar, M. B., 609, 611.

Kentucky, 416, 331, 324, 269, 123, 139, 152, 165, Lanier, Clifford, A., 629.

166, 226", 246, 519.

Lanier, Sidney, 626, 627

Kentucky, 1st. Infantry, 204.

Land in Georgia in 1860, 168, 169.

Key, D. M., 532

Land Scrip Fund, 503.

Key, Miss E., 205.

Lane, Col. A. J., 248.

Kibbee, C. O., 373, 464, 467, 468.

Kiddoo, David J., 76.

Langford, L. B., 451.

Kiddoo, W. K., 373.

Langston, J. C., 628.

:

Kimball, E. N., 413, 450.

Larey, Capt., 194

Kimball, H. I., 412, 418, Advance from Bullock :

650, 647, 447, 448, 457, 459, 477, 479.

653.

Kimball House, 457, 572, 584.

,.

Latham, John, 230, Gallantry.

Kimball, Opera House, 414, 418, 444, 445, 446, Latimer, F. H., 156.

448, 461.

Laughridge, Col. B., 241.

Kimsey, J. J., 607.

Lavender, Dr. J. S., 644.

King, r>r. W., 601.

Law of Nations, 174.

King, Hans, 615.

Lawrenceville ATews, 86.

King John, 474, 10, 611.

Lawson, A. J., 73.

King, Jonn P., 222, 348, 351, 633.

Lawson, Capt. E. F., 205, 574, 577, 600.

Kingston, 244.

Lawson, Thos. G., 262, 272, 351, 503, 529, 531,

King, Thos. B , 22, 98, 108, 110, 120, 216.

579, 581, 582.

King, William, 301, 302.

Law Stay, 214.

Kirby, Ship, 173.

Law Suit, 366.

Kirkland, W. W., 183.

Lawton, Alexander R,, 98, 108, Legislature,

Kirkscey, E. J., 386.

1859; 110, 138, 145, 146, 147, 172, 201, 204, 224,

493, 228, 239, 254, 279, 453, 415, 330, 326, 321, 291,

Kiser, M. C., 650.

295, 296, 297, Quarter Master General ; 518, 519,

Kittrell, John, 88.

Elector ; 529, 532, 541, 568, 569, 579, 592, 599, 602,

Klux, Klan Ku, 382, 383.

603, 653.

Knight, Judge, N. B., 406.

awton, Col. TV. J., 245, 246.

Know Nothingism, 26, 27, 39, 40,*ft3, 44, 45, 94, 46, Lawton, Dr. J. S., 387.

93, Buried.

Knowles, Rev. Joshua, 613, 621.

Law, William, 20, 21, 127, 222, 360.

Ivnox, Samuel, 73.

Leak, S. W., 643.

Knoxville, 184, 245.

,se State Road, 80, 456, 444, 476, 520.

Ku Klux Klan, 382, 435, 458, 469.

guers of the South, 103.

League Union, 382, 383.

LeConte, John, 628.

Lachlison, Alderman, 321.

LeConte, Joseph, 628.

Lady Davis, Ship, 216.

Leclbetter, Gen., 245.

Ladies Memorial Association, 361.

Lee, Capt., G. TV., 184, 247, 291.

Lagrange, 184, 205.

Lee, Gen. Robert E., 217, 227, 228, 229, 246, 254,

Lagrange, Reporter, 618.

264, 265, 285, 294, 295, 298, 299, 313, 317, 323, 325,

Lamb, T. TV., 607.

362.

Lamar, A. R., 72, 73, 79, 80, 151, 215, 372, 453, Lee, J. A. L., 506, 251, 374, 436.

467, 468, 501, 609, 612.

, J. C. S., 119.

Lamar, C. A. L., 41.

's Volunteers, 184.

Lamar, Capt. L. M., 148, 607.

Legion Georgia Cobb, 215.

Lamar, Col. John H., 263, 314.

Legion, Phillips, 215.

Lamar, G. B., 172, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 206.

;islative Lay on the Banks, 64.

EX.

737

Legislative Obituary, 441, 442, 443, 444. Legislative Sessions, 70, made Annual. Legislative Wrongs, 100. Legislature of 1849, 1850, 17, 70 ; 1857, 1858, 50, 69,
77, 80, 81 ; 1859, 9T, 106, 141 ; 1860, 129, 131, 138, 140 ; of North Carolina, 165 ; New York, 175 ;
218, 220, 221, 240, 246, 248, 249, 251,252, 255, 257 ; 1863, 262, 265, 270, 272, 273, 303, 304, 307, 309, 312 ; 1864, 314, 316, 318, 337, 338 ; 1865, 349, 350, 351, 353, 355, 356, 359 ; 1866, 361 ; 1868, 385, 388, 394,401,404,405,409, 410, 412, 413, 415, 423; 1870, 424, 426, 427, 430, 431,432, 433, 436, 438, 441, 442, 443, 444, 457. 461 ; 1871, 464, 466, 467, 476, 477, 494, 496, 503', 507, 508 ; 1877, 524, 528, 541 ; 1878, 541, 546 ; 1880, 602, 606. Lester, George N., 607, 416, 415, 84, 97, 209, 212, 220, 262, 431, 512, 513, 531, 574. Lester, Rufus E., 400, 453, 464, 523, 524, 533, 541, 549 ; 556, 557, Candidate for Gov.; 9569, 571 572, 577, 580, 581, 584, 585, 593. Letts Brown, 1st ; 234, 235, Brown to Davis, 2nd.; 235, 236, Davis to Brown, 2nd.; 236, 237, Brown to Davis. 3rd.; 237, Davis to Brown,3rd.; 237,
259, Brown's Letter,' Re-election ; 265, 266^ Brown and Fullarton ; 271, 272, Toombs to Brown ; 287, About State Troops ; 287, Seddon to Gov. Brown ; 287, Gov. Brown to Seddon ; 288, Mr. Seddon to Gov. Brown ; 288, 289, Gov. Brown and Mr. Seddon ; 289, Seddon to Gov.
Gen. Hood to Gen. Sherman ; 292, Gen. Slierman to Gen. Hood ; 292, Hood to Sherman ; 415, Circular about Negro Eligibility ; 423, Angier about Bullock ; 425, 424, Gov. Brown on Eligibility ; 425, About Reconstruction Act ; 439, H. P. Farrow ; 453, Linton Steph ens ; 461, Bullock's about Resignation ; 468, H. P. Farrow ; 473, Gov. Jenkins Restoring <3treat Seal ; 475, Gov. Brown against Radical Trickery ; 507, Gov. Jenkins about Seal ; 310, Gen. I. R. Foster ; 314, Gov. Brown and Gen. A R. Wright ; 322, Sherman andHalleck ; 338,
Reconstruction ; 370, Gen. Pope to Gov. .Jenkins ; 370, Gov. Johnson against Recon struction ; 371, Gen. Pope to Gen. Grant ; 378, 379, Gov. Jenkins to Gen. Meade ; 588, T. M. Norwood's Acceptance ; 589, Gov. Colquitt's Acceptance ; 596, B. C. Yaiicey. Levee, 68, Abolished. Levees, Mississippi, 416. Leverett, Wesley, 11. Levy, S. Yates, 628.

Lewis, D. W., 52, 70, 73, 94, 97, 107, 119, 222. Lewis, Gen. J. R., 444. Lewis, Gleason, F., 503. Lewis, John W., 12, Brown's early Friend ; 13,
35, 250 ; 71, Supt. of State Road, 224. Lewis, M. W., 53, 84, 97, 119, 529. Lewis, Sidney, 622.
Leydeii, Maj. A., 387. Libel Suit, Bullock's, 452. Liberal Republicans, 501, 502. Liberty, Sons of, 205. Library, State, 308, 538.
Atla: Light Guard, Columbus City, 197. Light Infantry, Oglethorpe, 198, Savannah. Lincoln, Abe, 322, 321, 318, 305, 120, 127, 129, 130,
134, 304, 303, 302, 258, 135, 144, 151, 182. 196, 232, 273, 286, 300, 301.
Little, Ada, Ship, 282. Little, Dr. George, 504, 639. Littlefield, A., 215, 247. Lippman, Alderman, 321. Literature of Georgia, 623-630. Livingstone, L. F., 574, 5SO-, 584, 600. Lloyd, at Atlanta, 307. Lloyd, Thomas E., 209, 262, 347, 415. Lobby, Legislative, 272. Local Legislation, 530. Lochrane, O. A., 22, Admitted to Bar ; 33, 73,
108, 110, 144, 221, 319, 350, 426 ; 456, 457, Made Chief Justice ; 460, 477, 478, 481, 493, 499. Locke, Major, 324. Locke, R. D., 519. Lofton, W. A., 89, 126. 526. jOgan, Dr. J. P., 150, 151, in Secession Conven tion. Logan, T. M., 636. Lomax, Tenant, 33, 72. London Times, 313. Long, Dr. Crawford, W., 652. Long, Jeff., 416, 420, 519. Longley, F. M., 496, 588, 574, 607. Longstreet, A. B., 623.
igstreet, Gen. J. B., 264, 296. igstreet, J. C , 81. Loriiig, Gen., 278. Losses by War, 331, 332. Lost Mountain, 277. Louisiana, 74, 115, 122, 123, 147, 152, 165, 166, 181, 182, 267, 330, 331, 563. Louisville Courier, 622. Louisville JVetvs and Farmer, 620. Louisville & Nashville R. R., 561, 634, 636, 637, !8. ejoy's Station, 306. Lovell, Gen. Mansfield, 279.

738

Love, Peter E., 76, 96, t!6, 117, 180, 212, 220, 251.

n, Executive, 309, 311, 337, 445, 448.

Lovett, R. O., 574.

actories in 1860, 168, 198.

Lowry, R. J., 650.

Ma acture of Cotton, 416, 644, 654.

Lowry, W. M., 554, 574.

Lubbock, Gov., 324.

313, 653.

[arietta, 129, 183,229, 244, 277, 286, 309,

."Lumpkin County, 28, 149, 186, 189.

597.

Lumpkin Independent, 620.

[arietta Journal, 619.

Lumpkin, J. H., 18, Judge Supreme Court; 31, [arietta & North Ga. R. R., 526, 638.

32, 34, for Governor ; 35, 36, 73, 108, 115, 120, Marion Co. Argus, 621.

22 ; 54, Description ; 76, 131.

Markham House, 572, 584.

Lumpkin Law School, 84.

Markham, Wm., 382, 461.

Lumpkin Palladium, 79, 86.

Marsh arid Moore, 554.

Lumpkin, S. W., 541, 548.

Mar.tha J. Ward, Ship, 177.

Lumpkin, Wilson, 72, 73, 138, 351, 626.

Martin, B. Y., 121, 125, 126.

Lunatic Asylum, 308, 534.

Martin, Edwin, 607.

Lutherans on State Road, 81.

Martin, Mrs. Fannie, 399.

Lyon, R. F., 101, 358, Supreme Court Judge ; Martin, John H., 79, 80, 607, 610.

131, 356, 574, 585, 587.

Martin, Col. L. H. O., 285.

Lytle, 96, for Congress.

Maryland, 123, 151, 165.

M.

Mass Meeting, 1856, 43. Mass Meeting in 1868, 391.

Mabry, G. W., 574, 595, 600.

Massachusetts, 120, 123, 130, 288, 327.

Macon, 78, 94, 125, 129, 147, 148.

Massey, Robt. A., 622.

Macon Brown Infantry, 194.

Mathews, A. B., 108.

Macon Floyd Rifles., 197.

Matthews, J. D., 272, 348, 351, 468.

Macon Independent Volunteers, 194.

Mattox, H. W., 496, 506.

Maund/J. C., 120, 542, 543, 546.

Macon, Speech of Davis, 289, 293, 303.

Maxwell, Rep., 436.

Macon State Press, 79, 165, 171, 188, 194, 197,206, May, Robert H., 259, 574.

257, 276, 283, 301, 306, 308, 311, 314, 323, 337, 338, Mayor of Atlanta, 291, 445.

341, 342, 345, 373, 405, 412, 416, 519, 590, 591.

Mayors, 408.

Macon Telegraph, 18, 78, 79, 86, 256, 319, 374, 569. I Mays, S. W., 607.

Macon Volunteers, 197.

McAllister Fort, 267, 313.

Macon & Augusta R. R., 38.4.

McAllister, Col. J. L., 263.

Macon & Brunswick R. R., 70, 361, 456, 495, 525, McAllister, M. H., 20, 21.

526, 534, 633, 634, 635.

Me Arthur, J. J., 395, 432.

Macon & W. Railroad, 285, 456, 487, 488-492, 632. McBain, N., 36.

Madden, J. F., 644.

McCall's History of Ga., 624.

Maddox, R. F., 650.

McCalla, A., 569.

Madison, Ga., 302, 590.

McCamy, S. R., 554.

Madison Family Visitor, 79.

McCay, H. K., 120, 28t, 375, 376, 406, 440,

Madison, James, 236.

McClellan, Gen., 246, 294.

Madisonian, 80, 620.

McClellan, Rep., 506.

Mafflt, Lt. J. N., 216.

McComb, M. D., 87.

Magruder, Gen., 362.

McCqnnell, Eli, 124.

Magruder, Lt. Col., 608.

McConnell, Col. J. J., 247.

Mahone of Va., 193, 604.

McCook, Gen., 283.

Maimed Soldiers, 356.

McCulloch, U. S. Sec., 330.

Main Trunk It. R., 70.

McCutchen, B. R., 439.

Maine, 120.

McCutchen, C. D., 262, 390, 468, 531.

Major Jones' Courtship, 80.

McDaniel, Col. C. A., 247, 254.

Majority Rule, 572, 573.

McDaniel, Henry D., 348, 496, 541, 545, 547, t

Malvern Hill Battle, 294.

'

579, 606.

Man For the Times, 46, 193 .

McDonald, C. J., 20, 24, Beaten for G.

Manassas Battle, 1st, 198, 199, 202, 204, 294.

26, 76, 101, Supreme Ct. Judge; 108, 110, 1

Mann, W. L., 608.

131.

Manning, Col. W. R., 248.

McDonald, Camp, 206.

cDonald, I)., 77. cDonald, U. S. Senator, 605. cDowell, G. M., 588. cDuffle Journal, 620. cGehagan, Jno., 43, killed. cGeliee, E. J., 107, 108, 110, 115, 209.
lntire, A. T., 348, 349, 454, 9. lntosh, H. M., 61G. lntosli, Lachlan, 181, 228, 229. lntosli, AV. M., 126. lntyre, J., 96, For Congress. eKibben, Thomas, 88. Kinley, AVm., 36, 128. Laws, L. B., 183, 215, 224. M Lendon, S. G., 574, 582.
McMahon, Capt., 230. McMillan, G., 390, 465, 468, 494, 511. McMillan, Robt., 73, 121, 215, 284, 358. McPherson, Gen., 275, 276, 278, 282. McRae, Tlios. M., 156. McVille Georgian, 622. McWliorter, R. L., 52, 53, 97, 119, 351, 395, 396,
432, 458, 465, 542, 546, 606. Meade, Gen., 381, 378, 379, 383, 387, 388, 396, 397,
472 r 507, 508." Meadows, J. W., 431. Means, Alex, 152. Meldrim, P. W., 007. Mell, Rev. Dr., 266. Mell, Dr. H. P., 628. Memoirs of the War, 300, Sherman's. Memorial Association, Ladie's, 361, 503. Memorial Convention, 349. Memorial Day, 242, 361. Memminger, C. G., 282. Memphis Appeal, 270. Memphis Branch R. B., 525, 526, 594. Memphis & Charleston R. R., 634. Mercer, Geo. A., 373, 374, 496, 541. Mercer, H. AV., Gen., 214, 224, 228, 248, 282. Mercer, J. T., 215. Merchandise in 1860, 168, 169. Mercury, Charleston, 270. Merrill, W. AV., 66, 502. Merriwether Co., 89, 571, 574. Mershoii, Judge M. L., 529, 574. Message Veto on Banks, 61, 78, by Brown; on
Pardon, 70, by Brown; 2nd Annual, 100, hy Brown; 3d Annual, 129, by Brown; about Banks, 133, 141, by Brown; to Secession Con vention, 154, by Brown; 213, 216, 218, Gov. Brown; 220, 228, 248, 252, 262, 270; 271, 272, Great War Document; 273, 314, 317, 318; 348, 352, Gov. James Johnson; 355, Gov. C. J. Jenkins; 359, Against 14th Amendment; 397,

expulsion; 410, Bullock on 15th Amendment; 413, 414, 432, 438, 468, 510, 525, Gov. Colquitt; 544, Gov. Colquitt, 3ST. E. Bond. Methodist Advocate, 610, 617. Methodists on State Road, 80, 137. Mexican "War, 163, 227, 240, 241, 242, 565. Mexico, 362. Michigan, 331. Middle Ga. Argus, 621. Mileage, 444. Military Board, 434, 430, 431, Terrys. Military Convention, 130. Military Court, 386, Columbus Prison. Military Fund, 129, 130, 216, 221, 248, 251, 263. Military Governor, 340, 407, 409. Military Institute, Ga., 309. Military Rule, 341, 342, 439. Militia, 207, 230. 235, 242, 249, 250, 255, 256, 263, 281, 283, 284, 286, 287, 288, 303, 306, 313, 314, 322, 425, 436. Milledge, John, Sr., 40, 52, 54, 70, 73, 94, 95, 119. Milledgeville, 54, 78, 87, 94, 116, 119, 126, 148, 155, 191, 192, 197, 617, 309, 208, 233, 283, 292, 307, 308, 310, 312, 317, 322, 337, 341, 343, 412, 417, 530. Milledgeville Union, 42, 60, 79, 81,209, 219, 271, 346. Millen, Col. John II., 314. Miller, Andrew J., 17, Legislative, 1849; 20, and Brown; 21, Woman's Bill; 23, Opinion of Brown; 41. Miller, A. L., 524, 542, 543, 606 Miller, Dr. H. V. M., 40, 43, Know Kothing Leader; 73, 94, 119, 127, 128, 199, 250, 375, 382, 384, 398, 407, 433, 434, 579, 592, 609, 650. Miller, John, 119. Miller, Stephen F., 625. Miller, T. W., 46, Beaten for Congress. Miller Wild Cats, 205. Millionaires in Ga., 315, 316. Mills, Capt., 388. Mills, J. G AV., 321, 340, 427. Milner, Jas., 41, 358. Milner, T. AV., 542, 549, 606. Milton County Created, 70, 136. Minerals of Georgia, 639, 642, 654. Minerals, State, 504. Minie Rifle, 125. Minority, 587. Minors, 101. Mint, U. S., 186, 187. Minute men, 129, 147, 162. Missionary Baptists, 81. Missionary Mass Meeting, 266. Missionary Ridge Battle, 258, 269, 274. Mississippi, 74, 115, 123, 140, 147, 148, 152,181, 237, 252, 267, 269, 272, 292. 331, 369.

Missouri, 123, 152, 165, 166, 246, 269, 331. Missouri Compromise, 104, 139. Mistake, Amusing, 243. Mitchell, Gen., 245. Mitchell County Created, 70, 404. Mitchell Heirs, 476-492. Mitchell, Win. L., 73, 208. Mobile, 281. Mobile Register 261. Mobley, J. M., 110. Mock Legislature, 312. Moderation of U. S. Soldiers, 380. Moffatt, EmmaL., 629. Molineaux, Gen., 327. Money in 1860, 1863, 1C8, 169, 257, 266, 316. Monitors, Federal, 267. Mouroe Advertiser, 619. Monroe County, 66. Moaroe Crowders, 205. Monstrosity of Election, 441. Montezuma, 311. Montezuma Weekly, 621. Montgomery, Ala., 72, 164, 181, 183, 184, 206, Montgomery of Pa., 115, In Charleston Con Montgomery Guards, 230. Montgomery, "W. W., 120, 121, 222, 493, 522. Monticello, Ship, 172, 175, Monument to Gen. McPherson, 282. Moody, Dr. W., 644. Moore, A. R., 73. Moore, C. R., 431. Moore, Gov. of Ala., 147. Moore, H. M., 110, 138, 139. Moore, J. N., 617, 618. Moore, Romulus, 402. Moore, T. H., 88. Moore, W. A.. 650. Moore, W. H., 610, 615. Moore, Win. 1C., 90, 529. Moore & Marsh, 554.
176, 177. Morgan, Gen. John, 282. Morgan, Gen John T., 275. Morgan, Mrs. Nannie, 205. Morgan, K. J., 42. Morgan. U. S. Kep., 436. Morris Fort, 148. Morris, Thomas, 33, 34, 108. Morrison, Col. J. J., 246. Mot-ton, Senator TT. S., 422, 431, 435, 559. Moses, R. J., 43, 264, 324, 325, 326, 327, 328, 329,
352, 359, 361, 387, 388, 390, 3S1, 524, 595. Mott, R. L., 468. Moultrie, Fort, 144, 145. Mounger, Lt. Col. J. C., 264. Mountain, Kennesaw, 277. Mountain, Lost, 277.

untain, Pine, 277. witain Signal, Dahlonega, 618. llaly, Capt. W. T., 299. nn & Parsons, 175. nnerlyn, C. J., 222, 383. rder of Ashburn, 386.
rphy of Barto\v, 581. rphy, C., 111. rphy, John, 404, 406. i-phy, J. W., 465, 541, 544, 545, 546. rphy, R. A., 601. rray Co., 12, 149, 241. scogee Circuit, 372. scogee Co., 77, 89, 132, 164, 186. Maryland, 453. srs, Major O. C., 228. mtt, P. L., 364, 529, 542, 543, 554.
icy, Harts, 205. z-ative, Johnstoi
313. ihville & Chattanooga R. R., 456, 634. isau, 350. ;ional Con. Union Convention, 119, 120. ional Dem. Convention, 107, 383, 385. National Dem. Ex. com., 351. National Dem. State Convention, 121. National Fraternization, 536.
il Intelligencer, 423. National State Rights Convention, 123. National Union Convention, 358, 1866. Naval, Federal Expedition, 216. Neff, W. C., 650.
fegro Arguments against Ineligibility, 402, 403, 407. Negro Code, 355. Negro Delegation, 434. Negro Enfranchisement, 340.
lity, 358, 359, 385. Negro Expulsion, 409, 410, 415, 434. Negro Insurrection, 237, 249, 404. Negro Legislators and Eligibility, 415, 396, 401,
405. Negro Property, 645.
Soldiers, 298, 299, 312, 317, 318. Negro Suffrage, 359, 362, 389, 411, 412, 425, 455. Negro Testimony, 352. Negroes in Georgia in 1860, 168. Negroes, Holding Office, 152, 357,376, 415. Nel :, John W., 550, 551, 601. Nelm i, L. A., 108, 111, 115, 119, 121. Nels i, G. E. W., 224. Netherland, G. M., 476.
in, Capt. M. A., 383. TOomb, Victor, 561, 634. rman, J. S., 601.

aii, Adj. M., 299. aii, Win. T., 510, 5S4, 569, 574, 577. an, 44, 184. Ne^ an Banner, 79. JSTei an Guards, 194. Newnan Herald, 619. Newnan Leader, 622. News, Augusta, 521, 569, 590, 610, 615. Neivs, Griffin, 477.
News, Savannah, 79, 243, 277, 569, 590, 608, 610, 612, 644.
Newsom, A. F., 231. Newton, County, 43, 197, Banner Dem. Co. New Constitutional guarantees, 139. New Counties, 101. New Era paper, 417, 451. New Hope Church, 274, 276, 277, 504. New Jersey, 165. New Orleans, 184. New South, 603. New York, 123, 155, 163, 165, 171, 173, 175, 179,
381, 360, 454, 461, 494, 510. New York Commercial Advertiser, 435. New York Herald, 174, 175, 176, 179, 261, 435,
560. New York Legislature, 175. New York Post, 560. New York Times, 421, 559. New York Tribune, 176, 560. New York World, 422, 433, 461, 469, 560. Next Highest Candidates, 432, 434. Nichols, J. C., 120, 347, 390, 464, 467, 478, 479, 483,
483, 484, 485, 503, 574. Nichols, J. H., 574. Nichols, Wm., 36. Niles, C. A., 616. Nineteenth Ga. Vols., 215. Ninth Gong. Dist., 512. Ninth Ga. Cavalry, 263. Ninth Ga. Inf., 204, 215, 264. Ninth Ky. Cav., 324. Nisbet, Eugenius A., 41, Know Nothing Leader;
72, 116, 117, 125, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 164, 166, 181, 209, 211, 222, 351, 383. Nisbet James A., 33, 121. Nisbet, J. C., 373, 395. Nisbet, Jas. T., 73, 121. Nisbet Legislature, 212. Nisbet, R. A., 452, 549. Nisbet, R. B., 585. Nixon, E. S., 451. No-Axe, 600. Nolan, Geo. M., 574, 580, 588. ^Nominations, 572. Non-Action, 373, 374, 375. INon-Combataiits, 251. JSTon-Intervention, 116, 117, 118, 121.

Norcross Jonathan, 519, 595, 632. Norfolk, Va., 197. North, 218, 232, 212, 273, 285, 304, 313, 3
North Ga. Agricultural College, 458. North Ga. Citizen, 618. North Georgia, 261, 278, 320, 321, 338,
373, 374, 409. North and Slavery, 57.
th & South R. R., 525, 526, 594. No Northern Factories, 130. Northern Fighters, 183. Northern Merchants, 132. Northern States, 189, 196, 198. Northern War Spirit, 204. Northern, W. J., 373, 524, 542, 544, 574, 606. North Carolina, 123, 152, 165, 226, 267, 272, 291,
292, 324, 331, 361, 396. North-Eastern Circuit, 608. North-Eastern R. R. Bonds, 540, 543, 545, 554,
556, 594, 632, 638, 639. North-Western Life Ins. Co., 445. Norton, Senator TJ. S.,435. Norwood, Capt. J. A., 205. Norwood, Thos. M., 212, 213, 220, 250, 365, 390,
494, 497, 418, 501, 526, 527, 574, 365, 366, 370, 385, 463, 536, 577, 579, 581, 582, 586, 587, 588, 589, 590, 591, 593, 595, 599, 600, 601. Notaries, Public, 424. Notes on the Situation, 370. Nottingham, W. L\, 600 Novelists of Georgia, 629. Nunan, Capt., TJ. S. A., 343. Nunn, J. H., 431. Nunnally, A. D., 394, 416, 476, 481. Nutting, C. A., 373, 496, 510.
o.
Oath of Allegiance, 340. Oath of Amnesty, 341, 345, 346, 347. Oath Test, 360, 407, 415, 423. Oath, 460. Oats, 643. Obedience to Organic Law, 372. Obituary of Legislature, 1870, 44 1, 442, 443, 444. Obituary of Radicalism, 470, 471, 472. Obloquy upon Bullock, 408. O'Byrne, Alderman, 321. Ocean, Atlantic, 306. Ockington, J. G., 569. Ocmulgee Circuit, 372. Oconee Riveir, 314. O'Connor, Charles, 366, 369, 502. O'Connor, Capt. Thomas, 383. Odium upon Gov. Brown, 398. Office, 152, 538, 539. Officers appointed by President, 213.

Officers appointed by Bullock, 40G.

Parker, Capt. T. M., 148.

Oglethorpe, Sir James, 102, Monument to.

Park, Wm., 618.

Oglethorpe Light Infantry, 140, 198.

ks, J. G., 607.

Oglethorpe Infantry of Augusta, 164, 194.

Parks, Rep., 432, 436.

Ogletliorpe Camp, 195.

ole, 337, 338.

Oglethorpe Echo, 621.

rotts of Atlanta, 554.

Ogeechee River, 267.

TOtt, J. R., 127, 347,375, 376, 396, 400, 468.

Ogeechee Riot, 417.

Partings, 197.

Ohio, 165, 245, 425.

aula Circuit, 381.

Ohio Regiment, 2nd., 245.

Pate, J. H., 262.

Ohio Regiment, 21st., 245.

Patriot, Albany, 79.

Ohio 3d Cavalry, 343.

^Patriot, Washington, 460.

Oliver, 108.

Patterson, Capt. Sam., 205.

Olmstead, Col. C. H., 229, 230.

Patterson, W. II., 550, 607.

Olustee, Hero of, 313.

Patterson, R. W., 574, 582, 584, 595.

_ Old South, 603.

Paulding County, 28, 315.

'Old Si., 610.

Payne, B. F., 607.

O'Neal, J. "W., 411, 414, 428.

Payne, W. H., 465, 496.

Oostanaula River, 275. *

Peabody, Rep., 506.

Opelika, 283.

Peace, 221, 285, 286, 290, 300, 303, 304, 305, 322, 323,,

Opposition Convention, 1858, 93, 94.

339, 357, 408, 410,- 474, 653.

Peace, Georgia, in, 170.

Orators in 1860 in Ga., 128,' 17o!

Peace, Last Year of, 124.

Order of Battle, Cassville, 276.

Peace Resolutions, 1863, 273.

Order, Ending Reconstruction, 400, 1868.

Pease, P., 364.

Order, Expelling Democrats, 431.

Peck, Wm. H., 629, 630.

Order, Forbidding Legislature, 338.

Peck, J. C., 650.

Order, Last of Conf. Gov., 323, 324, 326, 329.

Peck, Major John B., 632.

Ordinaries, 346, 408.

Peeples, C., 41, 73, 74, 95, 208, 356, 453, 531, 609.

Order to Militia, 256.

Peoples, T. M., 467, 569, 574, 620.

Order, Removing Gov. Jenkins, 379.

Pemberton, Gen., 229.

Ordinance, Ratifying U. S. Constitution, 155.

Penitentiary, 317, 308, 70, 248. Removal in 1858;

Ordinance of Secession, 155, 156, 312.

436, 538, 546, 596, 607.

Ordnance Stores at Augusta, 163.

Pennington, Hon. Wm., 180.

Ordnance, 228.

Penland, J. H., 431.

Oregon, 1860, 114, 123, 561.

Pensacola, 188, 194.

O'Reilley, Father, 307.

Pensacola & Mobile R. R,., 637.

Orme, A. J., 451.

Pennsylvania, 123, 165, 381.

Orme, R. M., Sr., 73, 79, 80, 119.

People on the Banks, 60, 535.

Orphans, Indigent, 252.

Per Diem, Legislative, 467.

Orr, J. G., Prof., 473, 550, 601, 645.

Perkins, E. A., 606.

Orr, Hon. James L., 151.

Perkins, Geo. W"., 636.

Osgood, C. 1C , 340, 429, 433.

Perry, Southern Rights Guards, 194.

Our Brother in Black, 628.

Perry, Henry, 574.

Outlawry of Atlanta Men, 291.

Perry Home Journal, 620.

Outrages as Political Capital, 404, 458.

Person, Free of Color, 168, 1860.

Overby, B. H., 26, 73, 205.

Personne, 290.

Overby, Mrs., 205.

Peter the Hermit, 157, T. R. R. Cobb.

Owen, A. F., 73.

Peters, R., Jr., 644.

Owens, Geo. S., 351.

Peters, Col. Richard, 644, 650.

Petersburg Express, 270.

P.

Petersburg, Va., 298, 323.

Pace, J. M., 502, 503, 510, 529.

Pets, Joe Brown's, 286.

Pacific, Southern, 416.

Phoenix Riflemen, 173.

Padelford, E., 340.

Philadelphia, 358.

Paine, "W. W., 52, 53, 84, 98, 524.

Philadelphia Age, 435.

Palladium, Lumpkin, 79, 86.

Phillips, C. D., 546, 551.

Pardon Power, 69, 124, 141, 346, 360, 412, 446, 467. Phillips, Gen. P. J., 284.

Phillips, Geo. N., 42.

owell, IT. S. Senate, 139.

Phillips, R. W., 395, 414, 436, 465.

'owers, A. P., Judge, 76, 78.

Phillips, Wm., 32, 36, 42, 89, 110, 111, 162, 163, 'owers, J. H., 540.

186, 206, 215, 216, 387, 524.

Pi eke

319.

'resbyterians on State Road, 81.

stt, Joseph, 73.

'ress, Northern, 331, 409, 435, 495.

Pickens, Fort, 188. Pierce County Created, 70.

'ress of State, 209, 321, 370, 458, 609-623. 'rescott, W. A., 532.

Pierce, Dr. Lovick, 137.

'resident Confederate States, 179, 183, 193,

Pierce, Geo. F., 373, 465, 467, 468, 476, 496, 502, 213, 218, 295.

518, 529, 541.

'residential Contest, 1860, 99, 113.

Pierce, President, 554.

'resident, Senate, 262, 351, 395, 400, 428, 464, 465,.

Pierce, Wm. R., 404.

466, 496.

Pike County, 192.

'resident United States, 300, 369, 404, 410, 422,

Pike County Neivs, 623.

423, 502, 503, 532.

Pike, W. J., 546.

?reston, J. W., 574, 373, 541, 542, 544, 548, 549,

Pilcher, W. H., 574, 600.

577, 581, 584, 600.

Pinckard, Capt., 194, 195.

^rice, Gen., 362.

Pine Mountain, 277.

'rice, H. F., 209.

Pistols in the Legislature, 429.

Price, W. P., 569, 607, 524, 454, 436, 395, 410,

Pittman, Judge, 488.

606, 618.

Pittsburgh, Pa., 186.

Prices in 1864, 316.

Planters, 361.

Primitive Baptists, 81.

Planters Asked for Slaves, 248.

Prince, C. H., 362, 375.

Planters' Cotton Convention, 78, 131, 206.

Printing, Public, 546.

Platform, Georgia, 79, 143.

nting, Public C. S., 224.

Platform Nat. Dem. Con., 1878, 385.

Printup, D. S., 89, 84, 98, 33, 108, 110, 111.

Pledger, W. A., 595, 623.

son, Carroll, 338.

P. M. L., 229.

Pritchard, Lieut. Col., 331.

Poe, Washington, 41, 73, 150, 351, 502, 503.

Poets of Georgia, 626, 627, 628.

son, 341.

Polhill, J. H., 524, 542, 543, 546, 606.

reclamation Amnesty, 304.

Policy, Andrew Johnson's, 357.

'reclamation Convening Legislature, 252.

Political Policy, State Road, 457.

'reclamation, Emancipation, 258, 304.

Polk County, 27.

'reclamations, Executive, 82, 198, 207, 230.

Polk, Gen., 276, 278. Polk, President, 237.

r Ele.

Poll Tax, 467.

oclamation of Peace, 357.

Polls, 266, 267, 315.

odigality of Bullock, 422.

Poore, M. J., 404.

alongatioii, 433, 434, 438, 439, 440, 467.

Pope, A., 636.

Property, State, 266, 315, 331, 534.

---Pope, Gen., 246, 367,370,371, 372, 373, 378, 379, 390.

oscription, 455.

Pope, Judge, 488.

otest against Convention, 1859, 108.

Pope, Judge J. D., 399, 406.

otest against Majority Report, 1860, 121.

Popular-Sentiment, 535.

otest against Secession Ordinance, 156.

Population of Ga., 1G8.

Protest in Legislature, 1863, 272.

Port Royal, 216.

'rovidence in Slavery, 56, 75, 105, 153, 154,

Porter, Lewis, 434.

446, 452, 459, 185, 186, 196, 392, 404, 412,

Porter, Mrs. Jennie, 628.

423, 467, 534.

Post, Boston, 461.

'revision to Plant, 221, 231.

Post, New York, 560.

'rovisional Conf. Gov't, 178, 223, 226.

Post, W. A., 607.

Postage of State, 534.

^visional President, 181.

Post-Appeal, Atlanta, 569, 571, 590, 616.

Pryor, Hon. Roger A., 206.

Pottle, E. H., 33, 34, 36, 73, 90, 262, 284, 352, 373, Public Building, 534.

374, 531, 607.

Public Debt, 99, 124, 129, 267, 332, 381,

Pou, J. F., 465.

403, 495, 529.

Pounds, E. T. & J. T., 623.

Public School System, 444, 493, 546, 645.

744

IN

Public Printing, 54'J,

Reconstruction, 394, 393, 392, 255, 259, 200, 312,

Public Printing, C. S., 22i. Pulaski County on Brown, 88.

333, 405, 406, 407, 408, 415, 417, 42O, 422, 4L'J, 425, 433, 436, 437, 438, 439, 440, 469, Reconstruction

Pulaski, Fort, 145, 146, 147, 152, 180,198, 204, 229, Ended; 470, 473, 475, 528, 562, 634, 653, 336, 340,

217, 230, 240, 387, 294.

346, 347, 381, 354, 355, 357, 368, 359, 360, 362, 363,

Pullen, Miss L., 205.

3C6, 369, 370, 371, 372, 373, 374, 377, 379, 380, 382,

Putney, F. F., 404.

383, 384, 385, 388, 400.

Purdom, A.B., 574.

Reconstructionists, 374.

Purging Legislature by Court Martial, 430.

Recorder, Savannah, 590, 616.

Purse, Thos., 22,

Recorder, Southern, 79, SO, 86, 94, 260.

Q-

Redding, Wm. C., 351. Redding, J. R , 601.

Quartermaster Dept., Confederate States, 297. Redemption, 472.

Quartermaster-General, State, 216, 279, 307, 310. Red wine, Dr., 459.

Quitman County Created, 80.

Red wine, J. E., 524, 549.

Quitman, Forsyth Guards, 194.

Reed, James S., 108.

Quitman Free Press, 622.

Reed, Wallace, 616.

Quitman Reporter, 621.

Reese, A. W., 373, 383, 453, 610, 613.

K.

Reese, D. A., 94, Chairman Opposition Conven tion.

Rabun County, 257.

Reese, Judge Augustus, 73, 150, 152, 154, 372,

Radicalism, 359, 362.

383, 389, 503, 529, 579.

Radish, Rep., 432.

Reese, M. P., 606.

Ragsdale, 108, Legislature of 1859.

Reese, Seaborn, 585.

Raid, Streight, 267.

Reese, W. J., 251.

Railroad Bonds, 447, 457, 594.

>se, W. M., 348, 353, 464, 467, 476, 529.

Railroad, Brunswick & Albany, 447.

ormation of Union, 152.

Railroad, Central, 311, 632.

Refusal to treat with So. Comrs., 182.

Railroad Claims, 533.

Refugees, 310.

Railroad Commission, 553, 554, 555, 607, 639.

Regenerated Georgia, 474.

Railroad, Georgia, 283, 326, 327, 632.

Regiments, 213, 214, 215, 221, 245, 246, 252, 261.

Railroad Losses, 332, 529.

Register, Mobile, 261.

Railroad, West Point, 283, 285.

Registration, 363, 373, 384, 400.

Railroads of Georgia, 631, 639, 654.

Regulars, Ga. 1st, 183, 194, 206, 214, 242.

Railroads Superintendents, 639.

Reid, J. A., 524.

Rains, Dr. T. A., 285.

Reid, John S., 607.

Ramsey, J. A., 36, 386.

Reid, S., 73.

Ramsey, James N., Col., 195, 214, 224.

Reid. Wm. A., 52, 574, 581, 582, 584.

Randall, J. R., 453, 610, 611, 626.

Relief, 382, 395, 397, 431, 433.

Randall & Randall, 622.

Relief and Hospital Assoc., 221, 251, 262.

Randolph Co., 231.

noval of Capital, 412.

.Randolph, Hon. G. W., 238.

loval of Gov. Jenkins and others, 379.

Rankin, W. R., 542, 653, 574, 606.

ifroe, J. W., 465, 509, 527, 530, 549, 550.

Rape, 312.

Render, J. A., 115.

Rape of the Guns, 171, 199, 201.

Reply of Gov. Brown, 134, to Legislature.

Rapidan, 296.

Report against 14th Amendment, 359.

Rate of Taxation, 168.

Report Committee on Opera House, 446.

Ratification of Constitution, 207.

Reporter, Selma, 270.

Rawls, Morgan, 262, 347, 395, 432, 465, 467, 502. Reporter, Lagrange, 93.

Rawson, E. E., 364.

Reporter, Wiregrass, 79, 89.

Ray, John, 209.

Reports of Southern Commissioners, 165.

Ray, L. R., 585.

Representatives in Congress. 180.

Reagan, A. R., 364.

risal upon New York, 171, 177, 179, 184.

Reagan, John H., 324, 330.

Republican Convention, 1869, 414.

Rebel Authorities and Tyranny, 338, 339.

Republican Ex. Com., 420, 426, 595.

Rebel Democratic Rowdies, 414.

Republican Party, 120, 125, 138, 139, 140, 166, 175,

Rebel Women, 322.

357, 358, 384, 385, 408, 411, 519.

Reconstruction Committee, 407, 418, 436.

745

Republican, Springfield, 560.

Republican, Suinter, 89, 93.

Rewards, Bullock's Large, 421, 446, 459.

Republicans, Liberal, 501, 502.

Reynolds, P., 17, Legislative 1849; 52, 53, Legis

Repudiation, 495.

lative, 1857; 73, 119, 150, 348.

Requisitions for Troops,- 188, 191, 197, 226, 232, Rhett of South Carolina, 75.

263, 264, 287.

Rice, Frank P., 607.

Resaca, 183, 244, 275, 283, 361, 504,

Rice, Geo. D., Judge, 76, 88, 108, 154, 222.

Resignation, Judge Warner, 589.

Rice, John, 433.

Resistance and Aggression, 152.

Rice, Sally, 9.

Resolute, Ship, 216.

Rice, U. S. Senate, 139, 435.

Resolutions, Southern, 20, Legislature, 1849; For Richardson, B. H., 610, 613.

Buchanan, 38, Convention, 1857; For H. V. Richardson, C. B., 374.

Johnson, 38, Convention, 1857; Benniiig & Richardson, J. M., 66.

McDonald, 77, Legislature, 1858; about Code, Richardson, F. H., 614.

84, Legislature, 1872; at Milledgeville, 87,

about Brown; in Washington Co., 88, about 122.

Brown; about Brown, 90, Convention of 1858; Richmond County, 137, 165, 570.

on John Brown Raid, 106, Legislature of Richmond Despatch, 174.

1859; on Southern Rights, 108, Dem. Con. Richmond, Va., 186, 199, 206, 264, 267, 270, 294,

Dec., 1859; Appointing Ex. Com., Ill, Dem. 295, 297, 312, 323, 324.

Con. March, i860: Mr. Toombs, 126, Aug. Con Richmond & Atlanta R. R., 561.

vention, 1860; of County Meetings, 130, 135, Richmond & Danville R. R., 635, 636.

(1860) 136; Committee, 131, To call Secession Riddell, E. S., 340.

Con.; Dixon of Muscogee, 132, 133, against Riddleberger, 604. .

Gov. Brown; about Secession, 138; Gov. Ridgely, R., 588.

Brown, 147, Fort Pulaski; For Secession, 151, Ridley, Dr. R. A. T , 119, 351, 355, 359.

154, Fort Pulaski; Nesbit, 156, Secession Con Rifles Bought and Captured, 131, 163, 217.

vention; Capitol site, 185; Secession Conven Rifle, Gallagher, 124.

tion; Legislature 1S61-2, 220, against Brown; Riflemen, Phoenix, 173.

Legislature 1861-2, 221, For War; Virginia,

236; Legislature 1861, 250, 252, Camden Co.; Rifles^ Washington, 'sandersville, 194.

Legii

451.

i 1863, 273; 318, of War; 321,

Rights, Southern, 104, 108.

Unionism; 330, of Congress; 3:

! R iggold, 183, 244, 274.

Riley, H. W., 186, 465; 17, 98, Leg. 1849, 1859.

373-374, Denouncing Reconstru

ts; 375, Ringgold Volunteers, 194.

Whitfleld Co. Meeting; 402, Rebuking Bul

lock; 409, U. S. Congress; 410, 415, Negro Eli Rise and Fall of Confederacy, 238, 493, Davis

gibility to Courts; 414, about O'Neal; 414,

ok.

Republican Convention; 441, That Passed River of Death, 258, 296.

Election Monstrosity; 444, To buy Kimball Road Commissioners, 424.

Opera House; 445, To buy James Mansion^ Roaring Lion of Liberty, 115.

453, Dem. Convention, 1870; 507, about Gov. Roberts, D. M., 569.

Jenkins; 540, Repealing State Aid; 545, N. E. Roberts, Dr., 309.

Bond; 546, Impeachment of Goldsmith; 551, Roberts, H., 206.

Plumber about Colquitt; 580, 583, In Colquitt Roberts, J. E., 36.

Convention; 583, 584, Recommending Gov. Robinson, Judge, P. B., 406.

Robinson, S., Spy, 245.

Republicans not to Nominate; 608, Military Robson, W. G., 88.

Rockafellow, A. D.,458.

Resources of Georgia, 646.

Rockwell, C. F., 381, 379.

Respess, J. R., 593, 617.

Rockwell, Col. W. S., 321, 629.

Retaliatory Legislation, 129.

Rocky Face Mountain, 275.

Retreat, Johnston's, 274.

Rogers, A. M., 518.

Revels, Negro Senator, 434.

Rogers, Wm., 639.

Revenue Reform, 560.

Roll of Infamy, 439.

Review at Macon, 195, 231, Gov. Brown.

Rolling Mill, Atlanta, 541, 544.

Reville, W. T. 574.

Roman, A. B., 182.

Rome, 244, 263, 267, 275, 276, 383. Koine Bulletin, 616, 620. Borne, Cavalry, 191. Rome Courier, 615. Rome Southerner, 125, 260, Rome Tribune, 621. Roney, H. C., 542,607. Roofs, 243. Root, Sidney, 650. Roper, A. C., 386. Ross, B. L., 577. Ross, Lt., Wm. H., 148. Ross, M. A., Spy, 245. Ross of Houston, 580. Rough and Ready, 285, 291. Rousseau, Gen., 283. Rouse, J. M., 431. Royal, Port, 216. Rucker, T. 1ST., 574, 589. Rudler, Col. A. F., 247. Ruger, Gen. Thomas H., 381, 379, 403, 430, 473. Rule of Brigadier Generals, 372. Russell, B. E , 529, 569, G20. Russell, . A., 541, 546, 547. Russell, Isaac, 465. Russell, J. M., 574, 262, 351, 361. Russell, Philip M., 33, 262, 351, 524, 600. Russell, Waring, 529. Russian Subjects, 177. Rutherford, B. II., 79. Rutherford, W., 67. Rutledge, Lt. J., 216. Ryan, Father, 628, Ryckman, J. W., 650.
Safety, Committee of Public, 231. Saffold, Thomas P., 43, 89, 107, 110, 120, 121, 126,
150, 348, 350, 375, 502. Sage, I. Y., 639. Sage, Russell, 448, 497. Salaries Increased, 70, 217, 529, 537. Salmons, L. S., 364. Salt Famine, 201, 230, 231, 241, 242, 248, 251, 263,
319, 322. Sampson, Ship, 216. Sanford, Gen., 327. Sanford, J. W. A., 140, 93, 19, 131, 165. Sanderson, Capt. G. JK., 379. Sandersville, 306. Sandersville Herald and Georgian, 618. Sandersville, Washington Rifles, 194. Sapp, H. M., 606. Saussy, J. R., 403, 405.
Contest; 168, 172, 176, 181, 198, 199, 204, 205, 228, 229, 248, 263, 265, 307, 346, 360, 557, 294, 212^ 217, 239, 256, 257, 309, 312, 313, 321, 340, 417, 590.

Savann;

,vannah Express, 109.

,vannah, Florida & W. R. R., 555, 565, 637.

.vannah Georgian, 74-, 79.

.vannah, Griffin & K. Ala. R.R., 620.

vannah Ladies, 147.

vannah News, 569, 79, 243, 277, 590, 608, 610,

512, 644.

;

vannah Republican, 66, 74, 79, 94, 174,^209.

vannah River, 229, 325, 565.

vannah Steamer, 216.

vannah Vol. Guards, 146.

Sawyer, B. F., 616.

Schley, 220.

Schley County Created, 70.

Schley, George, 259.

Schley, John, 356.

Schley, Wm., 42, 72, 73, 406.

Schofield's Army, 275, 278, 284.

School Commissioner, State, 550.

School Fund, 1859; 99, 129, 444.

Schools, Public, 444.

Schurz, Carl, 436.

cott, Dunlap, 395, 396, 410, 429, 444, 453, 465,

482.

cott, General, 181.

cott, John, Spy, 245.

Scott, Isaac, 206.

Scott, U. S. Rep., 459.

jven, Dr. J. P., 43, 72, 637.

sven, John, 97, 146, 497, 498, 529, 637.

Scribner's Magazine, 623.

Sea Board, Georgia, 216.

Sea, Sherman's March to, 167.

Seago, A. K., 476, 242, 364.

Seal of State, Great, 381, 473, 507, 550.

Is' Bros., 617.

Sealy, J. R., 340.

ecession, 134, 136, 137, 138, 143, 144, 145, 147,

149, 152, 153, 154, 155, 157, 164, 180, 208, 261, 312,

320, 339, 348, 370

Secession Convention, 131, 147, 149, 150, 153, 154,

164, 166, 184, 189.

Secession Ordinance, 155, 156, 166, 312.

Second Auditor, C. S., 267.

>nd Ga. Cavalry, 246.

Second Ga. Regulars, 214.

and Ga. Volunteers, 215, 216, 264.

snd Ohio Regiment, 245.

et History, 260.

etary of C. S. Treasury, 224, 281, assistant.

Secretary of State, 460, 507, 527, 546, 550.

Secretary of State Confederacy, 181, 224.

etary IT. S. Treasury, 175, 330.

Secretary of War, Conf., 216, 233, 238, 250, 264.

295.

Seddon, Hon. James A., 26 J, 265, 287, 288, 289.

Seeley, Isaac, 376, 475. Selma (Alabama) Reporter, 270. Selma, Rome & Dalton Railroad, 634. Semmes, Paul J., 186, 215, 216, 224. Senate, 428, 394, 359, 319, 317, 262, 60, 227, 441. Senate of 1859, 97, 221, 250. Senate, C. S., 222, 250.
te, State, of 1860, 133, 166, Gov. Brown Mei age. Senate,.State, of 1863, 262, 272. Senate, U. S., 397, 386, 362, 357, 193, 112, 139, Toombs' Disunion Speech. Senatorial Representation, 50. Seney, George I., 634, 646. Separate State Action, 136, 303, 304. " Seven Days Fight, 294. Seventh Gong. District, 500, 512. Seventh Georgia Cavalry, 263. Seventh Ga. Infantry, 202, 204, 215. Seventh Ga. Volunteers, 215. Sewarcl, James L., 45, 46, 90, 98, 108,110, 529, 115, 120, 121, 125, 126, 212, 260, 348, 453. Seward, Win. H., 117, 182, 305, 322, 348, 354. Seymour & Blair, 385, 389, 390.

i, T. J., 464, 494, 529, 531, 541. Simms, J. M., 412,414. Sinclair, C. B., 628. Singleton, J. M., 606. Sisson, V. P., 432.
Months' Troops, 190. teenth Ga. Volunteers, 215. Sixth Congressional District, 581. ;th Ga. Cavalry, 263. Sixth Ga. Infantry, 199, 215. Sixtieth Ga. Volunteers, 203. Sixty-first Ga. Volunteers, 263. Sixty-second Ga. Volunteers, 263. Sixty-third Ga. Volunteers, 263. Sixty-fourth G a. Volunteers, 263. Sixty-fifth Ga. Volunteers, 263. Skidaway Island, 229. Slander Campaign, 540, 543, 555-6, 570, 571, B Slander Mill, 421, 404, 416, 420, 436. Slappey, Robt. R,, 73. Slaughter, Wm. M., 264, 110, 115, 126, 248.
Trade, 74, 115, 164. si, Spy, 245.

Shadrack, P'. G., 245. Sharkey, Governor, 369. Shanks, U. S. Congress, 422. Sharpe, Edwin R., 620. Sharpe, Rifle, 125. Sharp and Quick, 384, 416. Sharpsburg battle, 294. Sheibley, P. M., 414. Shelbyville, Tenn., 245.
Shellman, W. F., 639. Shepherd, Private, 327. Sheri Shermaii, Gen. Wm. T., 274, 275, 276, 277, 278,
282, 283, 285, 286, 291, 292, 293, 310, 300, 301, 302, 303, 304, 305, 306, 307, 309, 312, 313, 317, 321, 322, 324, 326, 337, 359, 431, 653. Sherman, J., 376. Sherman's March to the Sea, 167. Sherman, Senator, U. S., 428, 434. Shewmake, J. T., 212, 262. Shiloh Battle, 246, 247. Shine, W. F., 502. Ships, 216, 281, 282. Shivers, John A., 619. Shorter, Hon. John G., 151. Shropshire, W., 36. Shumate, I. E., 395, 397, 405, 436, 467, 574, 576, 581, 595. Sibley, G. R,., 546. Silliman, Prof., 13. Siminons, James P., 73, 121, 126. 156, 628'.
. W. E., 120, 465, 467, 468, 585. s, Ja , 156.

359, 363, 386, 396, 432, 433, 653. Slaves to "Work on Defenses, 248. Slidell, John, 635. Slow, Governor, 45. Small, S. W., 588, 593. Small, S. W., (Old Si), 588, 593, 610. Smalley, Judge, 176. Smith, 70. Smith of Brooks, 220.
Smith, Captain, 194, 197. Smith, Miss A., 205, Smith, C. C., 585. Smith, Charles H., 10, 623. Smith, Captain E., 148. Smith, Gen. Gustavus W., 263, 281, 285, 286,
287, 313, 321, 337. Smith, J. R., 431,' 432. Smith, J. Henly, 319. Smith, James H., 324. Smith, James M., Governor, 77, 125, 262, 386,
444, 452, 461, 462, 465, 466, 468, 493; 468, Elected Governor; 472, 468, 469, Inaugural; 475, 502, 503, 504, 505, 507. 508, 509, 510, 511, 515, 516, 521, 522, 525, 526, 527, 531, 532, 533, 440, 553, 554, 562, 572, 579, 592, 593. Smith, James M., of Oglethorpe Co., 524, 542, 543, 574, 606. Smith, Miss L., 184. Smith, L. B., 108, 110, 215, 247. Smith, W. D., 215.

Smith, W. E., 261, 511, 520. Smith, O. L,, 351.
:iith, CapJ. R, A., 148, 247, 264. Smith, Suni'mSr' J., 32, 33, 3 73, 91, 97, 108, 111, o 383, 390. Smith, T. J., 600. Smith, T. M., 406. Smith, Gov. Win., 292. Smythe, Wm., 80, 108. ) Smythe, Wim'M'.>387. Smithsonian %n^1situte, 557. Snake Creek Gap, 275. Snead, Claiborne, 110, 352, 361,. 465, 531. Snead, Thos. L., 496-9. Sneed Jas. R., 79, 80, 383. Snyder, D. D., 458. Soldiers, 251, 282, 298, 299, 331, 380, 409, 422, 4 Soldiers giving up homes, 276. Sons of Liberty, 205. Sorrell, Gen. Moxley, 296. South, 115, 118,153, 185, 196, 204, 218, 226, 242, 2
258, 270, 271, 286, 304, 313, 341, 357, 359, 362, 3 385, 393, 501. South Carolina, 74, 123, 144, 148, 151, 206, 2 266, 152, 179, 181, 216, 221, 252, 287, 292, 312, 3 321, 322, 331, 361. South Caroliniaii, Charleston, 289. South, Defenders of, 205. South Ga. & Fla. It. K., 495. South Guards, Columbus, 194. South, Leaguers of, 103. South, Old and New, 603. South, and Slavery, 56, 57. South, Spirit of the So^^,th, Ala., 148. Southern Coast, 256. Southern Commercial Convention, 72,1858 ; 75, Agency to Disunion, 416. Southern Confederacy, 86, 104, 151, 152, 105, 1 178, 27U, 294. So-

uthe:

intio: is, 43, 44, 11 36.

mthern, Georgian, Bainbridge, 79, 93.

mthern Heroism, 270.



juthern Independence, 226.

)uthern Merchants, 132.

)Uthern Outragey 458.

)uthern Pacific, 416.

mthern Recorder, 79.

>uthern Republic, 103.

mthern Rights, 24^-8, 104, 108,119, 1,

>uthern Rights Ghiarcls, Perry, 194<

mtiierner, Rome, 125, 260.

.utlovest N~ews, 79.

';- j

aith-Westerri~Georgia, 269, 309, 310, 325,/^

>uth-Western" R7 R:,.456, Q33.

.vereignty Squatter, Il4

>vereignty, State, 226, 235, 249, 254, 265, 367.:

Spaldiiig, Lt. Col. C., 2i7.

Spaldiiig, Chas., 72.

:'J

Spalding, R. D.," 650.

Sparks, O. G., 412, 413. ,

Sparks, Wm. H., 625.

Sparta, 212.

/--,

Sparta, Ishniaelite'^622.

r~"> r : L_,>

Sparta Times and Planter, 619.'-- -..-} "

'

Spaulding, R., 36, 52, 53, 63, 89, 95, 138, 139. Spavined Rogue, 461.

Speaker of House, 262, 351, 391, 395, 432, 466,

468, 496, 523.

O i ^~

Spear,' E, P., 574.

.,

Specie Train, 325.

,,, ( ] ' ' 's"'~

Speculation, 257, 322.

Speech, 137, 144, 153, 154, 180, 184, 185, 243, 272; ;

289, 292, 293, 318, 341, 356, 358, 370, 372, 389, 391, ~

392, 399, 401, 423, 428, 429, 435, 455, 458, 495>"

518, 549, 62, 565, 506, 571, 578, 579, 584, %87, '~

593, 594, 596^-99^ 602, 647.

, Alex. M.^ 96J 262, 523, Suprj

Speeeeir, ^. JJ,^90, 110, 585, 601.

Speeeeir, Emory^513, 514, 606.

.,547.

Speer, T. J., 376, 390, 454, 511.

Speer., W. J., 6(U V .. A

Spencfer, S. B.^427, 150, 593.

Spies, Federal, 243. '"-.

Spinner, TJ. S1: Treasurer, 330. Spirit of the S'o.u-tli, 1808, 393.

Spirit of the South, Alabanna, 148.

Spratt, 74r-,

'

Sprayberry1, H. J., 52, 194. ;-">

Spring Place, 12. Spring Place Times,^Z.

Springfield Tieput^lcan,- 5.60.

gquatter Sovereignty," 104 104, 114.

Sttirnes, E-, 18, 35, 355r-3f!3.

Stanberry, Mir",., 309. -.^

;, .j-

ssville,79.

Stanford, L. L., 607.

^','

Stansel, \V. H., 60. r""-*Stansell, A. l-tv,48. '('->- J'

Stantoli, EdwinJfl-., 339, 367. f'

of th West, 148.

'---^

\, J.;H., 18.

r , %f

Stark, "C&l. Wm^JI., 310. "

. / ~ s , ' '

State, the, 82fH.^fe.-?ackson's Speech. / : .

State AgricifljturatSjbciety, 131, 452, App^fepria-

tion, 596,.610. . ^

~v

State Aid, 70, ^"<5l, 412, 444, 447, 529, 5 40, 541. C

Ty,248.,.

ids, 226, 227, 360, 4J8S-4.35, 226; 227, 31

>A 446, 447,-418, 510^511, 5^, 557, ~~"~ ""

526, 632, 653. -\

tetate-Con^missary Gen., 21*6.

Conventions, 107, Yig.'st'C" " '-"

;o.

749

State Debt, 1860, 168, 315, 360.

Stewart, Co. on Brown, 88.

State Defense, 219.

Stewart Senator, U. S., 435.

State Democratic Convention, 389.

>ng, Judge C. H., 284.

State Dem. Ex. Committee, 374, 383.

St. John, Gen. J. M., 324, 326, 330.

State Deposits, 549.

St. Louis and Iron Mt. R. R., 456.

State Disorder, 353.

St. Mary's River, 565.

State Geologist, 504.

Stiles, Wm. H., 31, 32, 34, 35, 72, 80, 86, 108, 109,

State, Great Seal of, 507, 381, 473.

110, 120, 215, 263, 318, 625.

State House Officers, 403, 507.

tone, A. W., 502.

State Press, Macon, 79.

tone, Corner, Speech, 195.

State Property, 266, 315, 331.

itone, Win. A., 340.

State, Qr. Mr. Gen., 216.

itonemaii, Gen., 283.

State of the Republic Committee, 405.

Story, Col. R. L., 263.

State Road, 71, 81, 89, 98, 124, 129, 168, 243, 267, Stoval, Major, 215.

275, 285, 306, 348, 356, 360, 400, 416, 418, 422, 427, itovall, Pleasant, 610.

436, 444, 448, 449, 450, 451, 456, 459, 467, 476, 486, Itraight Democracy, 502.

520, 532, 559, 561, 632, 637.

itreight Raid, 267.

State Rights, 236, 337.

Stress of War, 253.

State Bights Nat. Convention, 123.

Strickland H., 126, 222.

State School Commissioner, 444, 546.

ckland, L., 546.

State, Secretary of, 71, 400.

>hecker, E. L., 108, 110, 115,

State Senate, 50, 166, 359, 394, 395.

Styles, C. "W., 110, 120, 150, 215, 284, 398, 468.

State Sovereignty, 226, 236.

Stafford, Col. S. S., 284.

State Treasurer, 417, 71,400, 382, 403.

State Action, Separate, 136, 302, 303.

State Troops, 166, 186, 213, 221, 224, 227, 230, 231,

te Finances, 448, 315, 403, 412.

239, 240, 248, 262, 263, 286, 294, 303, 337.

i, Atlanta, 479, 501.

State University of Athens, 503.

vey, State, 504.

State University, Military, 229, 372.

pension of Banks, 62, 214, 221.

Statesmanship, Georgia, 170.

Stationery for State, 534.

Statistics of 1860, 167, 169.

399, 415, 456, 457, 493, 508, 540.

Staton, J. W., 587.

luperior Court Judges, 70, 76, 349, Salaries I:

Stay Law, 214, 356, 361.

creased.

Steadman, Gen., U. S., 346.

Sumter Republican, 89, 93, 619.

Steadman, E., 464.

Supreme Ct. U. S., 103, 118, 360, 369, 370, 473.

Steamers for State, 205, 216, 263.

Sun, Columbus, 271, 384.

Steele, J. H., 400, 79, 80, 90, 91.

nter County, 136.

Stephens, Alex. H., 19, Supporting Jas. Jack

nter Port, 144, 145, 148, 179, 196.

son; 25, 26, 39, 43, 45; 46, Elected to Congress; Substitute for Secession Ordinance, 155.

59, Description; 73, 103,104; 105, and Iversoh; Surplus Forage Crop, 253, Brown.

109,for President; 110, 113,116, 125,126, 128,131, Substitute Law, 262.

137, 143, 150, 151, 152, 154, 155, 164, 181, 195, 209, Surrency, R. C., 431.

223, 231, 249, 272, 286, 300, 301, 302, 303, 305, 322, Surrenders, 323, 326, 337, 359, 361.

337, 356, 358, 370, 386, 387, 398, 399, 415, 500, 501, Suffrage, Negro, 359.

502, 505, 506, 507, 511, 520, 533, 579.

Summerlin, Dr. C. W., 607.

Stephens, J. A., 541.

Sumner, Charles, 407, 435.

Stephens, Linton, 17, Legislature, 1849; 33, His Sunday-School, International, 535.

Chai

Suspicion, Fever of, 552.

72; 101, Supreme Ct. Judge; 128, 131, 142, 150, Sunday Banner, 602, 603.

155, 231 249, 250, 251, 272, 273, 285, 358, 391, 426, Sunny South, 610, 617.

*" ;

453, 501, 502, 626.

Summerville Gazette, 621.

Stevens, History of Georgia, 624.

Superintendents of Ga. R. Rds., 639.

Stevens, Thaddeus, 357, 358, 407.

Swell-Head Governors, 193.

Stewart, Gen., 279.

Swinton's Book, 278.

Stewart, Mrs. Gen. A. P., 321.

Sweat Boxes, 387.

Stewart, J. A., 374.

Sweat, J. L., 574, 607.

Stewart, J. D., 352, 355, 574, 577, 607, 524, 569, 595 Swainsboro Herald, 621.

.

Stewart, J. R., 262.

Sylvania Telephone, 622.

T.
Talbot Co. Democracy, 87, Abo Talbot Co., 180, 585. Talbotton, 591. Talbotton Register and Standard, 620. Talcott, T. M. R., 636. Taliaferro, A., 88. Taliaferro, Col. J., 263. Taliaferro Co., 149, 500, against Secessi Taliaferro, E. M., 431.

Thirty-first Ga. Inf., 247. Thirty-second Ga. Inf., 247. Thirty-third Ga. Inf., 247. Thirty-fourth Ga. Inf., 247. Thirty-fifth Ga. Inf., 247. Thirty-sixth Ga. Inf., 247. Thirty-seventh Ga. Inf., 247. Thirty-eighth Ga. Inf., 247.
Th<

Ta: er's Ferry Fight, 275.

Tar 3r, Rep., 550.

Tattnall Co., 149. Tatum, Rep.,'550. Tax on Cotton, 248. Tax, Confederate War, 226, 227, 248.
le, 267, 534. Ta: Tax, Railroad, 534. Tax, U. S., 360. Taxation Keel need, 98, by Gov. Brc Taxation, Kate of, 98, 168. Taylor, Col. W. H., 298, 299. Taylor, Dr., 13. Taylor, Gen. Dick., 313. Taylor, R, S., 138.
Ti 79.
Temple, Jolin, 602-3. Temple, R., G36. Tennessee, 74, 123, 162, 165, 166, 226, 241, 246, 258,
207, 269, 293, 305, 331. Tennessee Car Company, 450. Tennessee, East, 189. Tenth Ga. Volunteers, 215, 274. Term, Third, 207, 210, 211. Territories, Slavery in, 103, 106, 108, 114, 118,
'119, 120, 152, 166. Terrell Co., 314. Terry, Gen. Alfred, 417, 421, 424, 427, 429, 431. Test Oath, 360, 407, 415, 423. Texas, 327, 74, Ilffl23, 152, ^65, 267, 324, 435, 436,
519, 627. Textile Pwrd, 650. Thayer, ft-enator TJ. S., 423. Third Ofi. Cav., 247. Third f*a. Vols., 215. Third 'Ohio Cavalry, 383. Thirii Term, 207, 210, 211. Thirteenth Amendment, 352. Tlx-r.teenth Ga. Vols., 215, 242. Thirtieth Ga. Inf., 247.

homas, liev.-C. W., 399. homas, Thomas VT., 26, 33, 34, 35, 72, 215, 249. homasville Enterprise, 619. homasville Times, 621. homaston Times, 622. homasville Post, 622. hompson, G. II., 195. hompson, J. M., 628. homson, W. S., 547. hompson, Wm. T., 590, 79, 80, 373, 374, 529, 610, 612, 623, 624. homson, Jos., 304. hornton, B. A., 359. Thrasher, J. J., 364. hrasher, John J., 260. hurman, Senator U. S., 422, 458, 565. hurmoiid, T. II., 36.
227, 260, 453. icknor, F. O., 626, 627. Tift, Kelson, 120, 373, 383, 408, 410, 415, 426, 453, 454, 503, 529, 593. ilden and Hendricks, 518, 519, 520, 521. 'imes of Columbus, 33, 73, 79, 86, 109, 242, 384, 493, 590, 610, 615. 'imes, Chicago, 344, 435, 560.
imes' Man for the, 193. 'imes, I-ondoii, 313. 'imes, 2STew York, 421, 559. immonsville, N. C., 350. Tipton, Senator U. S., 435.
511, J. P., 544. ,st at Augusta Arsenal, 163, 164. Tobacco Blockade, 350. :oombs, Mrs. Gen., 328, 346. ?oombs, Robert, 25, 26, 38, Endorsed as U. S. S.; 39, 43; 54, Description; 54, Brown's Opinion, 1849; 58, Brown and Toombs; 103, 106, 112,113,
ton Convention; 125, 126. 128, 131, 138, 139, 140, 143, 145, 150; 152, 153, The Leader of Se-

751

cession; 154, His Fiery Speech; 155; 164, Del- , Turner, H. G., 502, 503, 542, 546, 547, 548, 551,

egate to Montgomery; 106, Address Secession 579, 606.

Con.; 175,181, 206, 222; 222, Declines C. S. Sena- Turner, J. P., 547.

torsliip; 224, 225, 22G, 231, 242, 249, 250, 251, 254, Turner, "W. A., 549.

2GO, 264, 265; 271, Tribute to Brown; 281, 285, Turpentine to defeat Federals, 229.

396, 411, 432, 433, 436, 458.

468, '.

263.

506, 510, 529, 530, 531, 034, 541, 553, 557, 593, 599,

653.

Tompkins, II. B., 531.

Tory Sentiment, 257.

Towers, J. R., 574.

Towns, Geo. TV., 18.

Tracy, K. D., 42.

Tracy, Phil., ill, 110, 97, 108, Legislature, 1859;

115, 120, 138, 139.

Trade, Direct Co., 131, 416.

Train, Specie, 325.

Trammell, L. N., 15, 32, 33, 36, 110, 212, 262, 375,

Trammell, Wm. D., 520, 629. Transfer of Georgia Troops, 217, 218, 221, 230. Treason,319. Treasurer, State, 71, 378, 379, 382, 436, 505, 509,
527, 529, 533.
Treasury Notes, Confederate, 206. Treasury Notes, State, 185. Treasury, U. S., 138,175. Tredegar Iron Works, 186. Troutman, J. R., 544. Trial of Ashburn, 3SG. Trials, Impeachment, 547-550. Tribune, Chicago, 435, 560. Tribune, New York, 176, 560. Trice, Thomas C., 192, 193, 194, 208. Troops, 131, 1G6. 184, 186, 188, 189, 190, 192, 198,
204, 206, 213, 217, 218, 221, 224, 226, 227, 230, 239, 240, 248, 2G2, 263, 286/294, 303, 313, 337, 653. Troup, GOT., 140, 184. Troup and Clarke Campaign, 555. Triplett, J. L., 554, 621. Trippe, J. B., 71, State Treasurer. Trippe, Robert P., 40, 43, 46, 76, 94, 98, 119, 138, 139, 222, 510, 522, 579. Trippe, T. II., 154. Trumbull, Senator U. S., 422, 434, 436. Troup, County, 136, 205. Tucker, Dr. II. II., 610, 617. Tucker, J. A., 36, 72, 82. Tucker, Mrs. M. E., 629. Tuggle, W. O., 390, 391, 519, 529, 533. Tumlin, Lewis, 126. Tumlin, N. J., 574. Tumlin, TV. M., 395, 401, 405, 432. Tunnel Hill, 244. Turnbull, J. J., 496. Turner, H. M., 376, 396, 405, 412, 414, 416.

-iggs Co., 455. Twiggs, Gen. David E., 224. Twiggs, II. D. D., 518, 606. Two Governors, 314.
o Thirds Rule, 36, 572, 573, 576, 585. Tybee Island, 229.
Uncle Remus, 614, 623-4. Underwood, J. TV. II., 33, 36, 51, 52, 96, 180, 372,
415, 531, 585. Underwood, Wm. J., 66, 70, 138. Umphrey of Fannin, 359. Union Club, Georgia, 340. Union County, 28, 205, 257. Union Convention, National, 358, 1866.
Union League, 382. Union, Milledgeville, 417, 346, 42, 66, 79, 80, 82,
209, 219, 271. Union, The, 355, 358, 359, 366, 473. Unionism, 58, 104, 109, 113, 116, 117, 329, 135, 151,
152, 153, 155, 185, 186, 187, 189, 196, 197, 225, 257, 260, 261, 269, 291, 302, 312, 320, 321,340, 344, 404, United States Atty. Gen., 369, 440. United States Artillery, 294. United States Constitution, 355, 357, 455.
United States Coiirts, 132, 346, 360, 555. United States District Attorney, 360. United States Flag, 161. United States Hotel, 398. United States Government, 181, 238, 258, 265,
266, 355. United States Mint, 186, 187, 458. United States Marshal, 462. United States Senate, 139, 153,193, 356, 357, 407,
410, 434, 436.

United, States Supreme Court, 369, 370.

United States Senator, 3SC, 397, 398, 407, 428, 433,

458, 404, 505, 50G, 515, 520, 558, 504, 599, 602-6. Waddell, J. D.. 327, 375, 382, 390, 391, 466, 626,

University, State, 372, 503.

, AYade, E. C.. 519.

Unpalatable Facts, 226.

| AYade, J. B., 644.

Uptoii, Gen., 337.

Wade of Sere ven, 588.

Wade, U. P., 587.

A/.

Wade, U. S. Senate, 139, 409.

AAradleigh, Mr., 340.

A'aldosta Times, 620.

Wadley, Wm. M., 360, 497, 498, 633, 636.

A'alkyria, 028.

AY albert, J. T., 324.

A-alley of Virginia, 285, 294.

Walden, Lt. C. R., 299.

A~an A"alkenburg, Col., 314.

Walker, Mr., 369.

A^ance, Gov., 2S2, 565, 647, 648.

Walker, A. C., 121.

A^aiiderbilt, AY. II , 638.

Walker, A. T., 36.

A-urner, E., 88.

AValker Co., Messenger, 622.

A'ason, D. A., 212, 250, 574, 576, 577.

Tason, AY. J., 120, 165, 166.

Walker, Lt'. Col., C. Ar ., 163.

Arattles, Law of Xations, 174.

Walker, Dawson A., 77, 125, 356, 358, 363, 366, 502,

Areal, Lt. L. E., 299.

519, 521, 526.

Amenable, AAr . R., 361.

Walker, E, B., 284, 400.

Ar ermont, 123, 381.

Walker, John B., 90, Lively Speech.

Areto, 61, 69, 101, 132, 217, 356, 358, 362, 363, 410, I Walker, Gov. of Kansas, 38, 41, 42, 43, 45.

415, 46G, 467.

! AValker Light Inf., Aug., 194.

A'ice President, Confederacy, 181, 195, 196, 209, ! Walker, AVm. 31. T., 163, 183, 186, 216, 224, 227,

224, 300, 301.

i 275, 282.

Ticksburg, 258, 266, 269.

: AValker, Gen. W. S., 299.

Vicksburg & Meridian R. R., 635.

! Wallace, A. M. Col., 284. 291.

Ticksburg & Shreveport R. R., 635.

i Wallace, Major Campbell, 360, 387, 449, 497, 498,

AMllalonga, Alderman, 321.

553, 554.

Arillepigue, I. B., Gen., 215, 224.

Wallace, Mrs. Charles, 184.

Virginia, 74, 123, 152, 164, 197, 198, 313, 436, 199, Wallace. Charles, 417, 540.

206, 207, 236, 242, 246, 248, 267, 269, 285, 288, 292, j Wallace, AT. A., 98.

294, 296, 325, 330, 331.

! Walls, Cut, 229.

Walters, Jesse, 550.

Volunteers, Bambridge, 194.

Walton Co., 149, against Secession.

Volunteers, Dahlonega, 194.

Walton Co., Viaette, 621.

Tolunteers, Lee's, 184.

Walton News, 623.

A^olunteers, Macoii, Independent, 194.

Walton Spring, 245.

Tolunteers, Macoii, 197.

Arolunteers, Ring-gold, 194.

577, 578, 580, 583, 584, 610.

A'olunteers, State, 213, 354.

War, 170, 191, 217, 221, 252, 253, 268, 333, 218, 323,

Arolunteers, Spirit of, 265.

331, 332, 341, 344, 348, 474.

Tote on 15th Amendment, 411.

War Between the States, 625, 305, 322.

Ar ote in 1868, 406, 409.

War Dept. Confederate, 252, 348, 357, 359, 386.

Tote in 1863, 261.

War Department, Richmond, 199.

Ar ote on the Banks, 64, 77.

ir Indigenta, 252.

,r Measures, 213.

ir Secretary Conf., 216, 233, 238.

War Tax, Confederate, 226, 227, 248.

War Troops, 198, 213.

Ward, B. F., 36, 88.

Voters in Georgia in 1860, 168, 183, 331, 475.

Ward, John E., 35, 36, 37, 79, 497, 499; 51, Pres

Tote for President, I860, 129.

ident Senate ; 63, 66, Bank Speech ; 80, 82,183.

Tote, Power to, 341, 565.

Ware, Dr. A. C., 205.

Tote for Gov. Smith, 468.

Warner, Hiram, 18, Judge Supreme Ct.; 26. 31,

Tote for U. S. Senator, 602.

34. 35, 36, 43; 72, Delegate Sou. Con.; 110, 115,

Toorhies, U. S. Senator D. W., 648, 649.

116, 120, 121, 125, 126,150, 155, 356, 358; 372, Ac-

Judge; 415, 493, 523, 547, 548, 55G, 557, 569, 571, 577, 57S, 592, 590, 589, 585, 580. Warren, Rev. Mr., 629. Warren, B. H., 259. "Warren, Gen, Eli, 348, 358, 373, 529, 593.

jst, The, 370. ;st, F. II., 33, 89, 98, 108, 574. 3Stbrook, A. C., 54G, 606. jstern Georgia R. R., 416. astern Railroad, 633.

SO, 98, 124, 129, 168, 243, 244, 267, 275, 285, 306,

Wa ;n, Jas, AV., 601, 79, 80, 493.

348, 350, 560, 400, 416, 427, 444, Road Leased;

448, 449, 450, 451, 456, 467, 470, 48(5, 520, 532,559,

AVarrenton Oilr Country, 622.

501, 632, 637.

. Warsaw, Island, 229.

Westmoreland, Maria J., 629.

AVarthen, It. JL., 120, 529.

tmoreland, Dr. AV. F., 184.

AVarthen, T. C., 644.

AVest Point, 163, 294.

AVarthen, Gen. T. J., 88, 90, 215, 247.

AVest Point J'ress, 621.

AVashburn, Geu. U. S., 34S.

AVest Point Railroad, 283, 285.

Washington, Artillery, 104, 32G.

AVashington county on Brown, 88, 331,574.

dilated.

Washington, I). C., 123, 1C2,175, 181,260, 270,302,

304, 329, 330, 338, 310, 381, 354, 3G3, 3GG, 381, 391,

412, 414, 420, 433, 435, 430, 458, 473.

Washington, Ga., 324, 325, 326, 327, 328, 330.

Whig Party, 25, 26, 222, 223.

Washington, Gazette, 619.

AVhisky Distillation, 241.

Washington, J. H. R., 93, 20C, 251, 338.

Whitaker, J. I., 52, 53, 184, 383, 207, 216, 348, 349,

Washington St., Atlanta, 307.,

399.

Washington Rifles, Sandersville, 194.

White County Created, 70.

Washington Volunteers, 230.

.te Flag Incident, 137.

Waste Iron State Road, 72.

White, Rev. Geo., 624.

WatcJiman, Athens, 78, 93, 619.

White, Maj. E. C., 825.

Water Power of Ga., 644.

White, R. AV., 415.

Waterman, J. T., 611, 612, 618.

AVhite.Dr. W. II., 511.

Waters, H. H., 400.

White, AV. J., 595.

Watkins, E. P., 3G4, 71, 248, Sec. of State.

Whitehead, M. H., 406.

Wat kins, J D., 73.

Whiteley .Detective, 387.

Watkins, Wm., 242.

Whitely, R. H., 121, 375, 376, 433, 434, 454, 502.

Watkinsville Advance, 622.

Whitfield Co., 66, 247, 374, 375.

Watson, Thos. E., 574, 577, 579, 583.

Whiting, Gen. AV. H. C., 224.

Watson, A. R., 627.

Whitman, J. T., 618.

Watt, Rep., 506.

Whitner, John C., 387.

Watts, Gov., 282.

Whitney, Eli, 652.

Watts, L. B., 88.

Whiton, A. L., 448.

Way, Lt. Col. C. H., 228, 248.

Whittle, L. N"., 110, 212, 219, 220, 250, 251, 373,

Wayne, Henry C., 146, 175, 243, 260, S09. 312.

374, 383, 591.

Waynesboro, Herald, and Expositor, 619.

Whittle, P. B., 606.

Wayside Homes. 242.

Wealth of Georgia in 1860, 167, 169, 315.

Wicker, Thomas O., 88, 90, 352.

Wealth, Georgians, 331.

Widows, Indigent, 252.

Weed, H. B., 340.

Wiggins, J. S., 386.

Weed, AV. D., 321.

Wilcox Co., on Brown, 89.

AVeil, Col., 37.

AVilcox Co., Created, 70.

Weil, Col. S., 518.

Wild Cats, Miller, 205.

Weil, Samuel, 415, 416.

Wild, Land Troubles, 546, 547.

AVelch, F. O., 396.

Wilde, Richard Henry, 626, 627.

Welchell, Rap., 432.

Wilde, Gen. U. S., 346.

Wellborn, C. B., 66, 73.

Wilderness, Battle, 325.

AVellborn, C. J., 90, 110, 394, 430, 467, 529, 541 Wilkes Co., 324.

574, 608.

Wilkins, Capt., 194.

Wells, L. C., 364. 48

Wilkins, F. G., 574, 687.

754

n

Wilkins, W. A., 568. Wilkinson Co.,. 66, 574. Wilkinson Co. on Brown, 88. Wilkinson, TJ. B., 574, 607. Willard, C. D., 532. Williams, Brigade, 283. Williams, Charles H., 242, 588, 617. "Williams, C. J., 33, 34, 36, 42, 84, .97, 108, 129, 165
163, 183, 206, 214, 242. Williams, Col. G. W. M., 247. Williams, H., 431. Williams, H. J. G., 400. Williams, J. J., 554. Williams Capt. L. L., 299. Williams, Maj. M. H., 337, 503. Williams, Mrs. Mary A., 242, 361. Williams, Wiley, 89. Williamson, Jas., 154. Williford, Maj. W. J., 285. Willingham, C. H. C., 119, 373, 516, 616, 622. Willirigham, Dr. "W., 73. Willis, Dr., 321. Willis, Col. Ed., 314. Willis, J. R., 34. Willis, Judge J. T., 529, 574, 583, 584, 585, 607. Willingliarn, W. M., 606. Wiimington, N. C., 350. Wilmot Proviso, 19, 104. "Wilson, Gen U. S. A., 323, 337, 338, 339, 341. Wilson, Mrs. Augusta J., 629. Wilson, C. C., 215. Wilson, Geo. D., spy, 245. Wilson, J. M., 606. Wilson, John S., 628. Wilson, Mrs. W. T., 184. Wimberley, J. L., 209,348, 358, 529. Wimberly, F. B., 574. Wimberly, Dr. H.,390. Winningham, O., 245. Wingfleld, Junius, 73, 74, 110, 115, 120. Wingfleld, W. B., 607. Winn, Dr. R. D., 94. Wiiin, S. J., 496. Winn, W. J., 607. Winn, W. T., 394, 410, 430, 431. Winslow, W. C., 607. Winters, J. R., 644. Wiregrass Reporter, 79, 89. "Wisconsin, 381. "Wise, Henry A., 106, 107, Gov. of Va. Witt, Mrs. Et. H., 184. Wives, 243.

Wofford, John W., 496. Wofford, W. T., 17, In Legislature, 1849; 73, 108,
111, 150, 155, 215, 320, 321, 338, 339, 351, 390, 465, 468, 502, 503, 518, 5^9, 588, 593, 596,, 599. Wolfe, Fred, 635. Women, Married, 70. Wood, Fernando, 175, 436. Wood, R. A., 386. "Wood, Maj. R. R., 329. Woodbridge, W., 340. Woodson, Gov. Silas, 505. Woodward, U. S. Rep., 436. Wool Hats, 169. Wootten, C. B., 394. Wootten, J. C., 503. World, New York, 422, 433, 461. 469, 560. Worrell, E. H., Judge, 76, 222, 358, 503. Wrench, H. A., 622. Wright, Ambrose R., 40, His Character; 374, 383, 415, 453, 500, 501, 502, 511, His Death; 96, 119, 121, 125, 128,165, 215, 609, 224, 254, 262, 592, 314, 358. Wright, Aug. R., 33, 35, 36, 45, 73, 126, 128, 164, 181, 205, 215, 222, 250, 301, 302, 304, 373, 374, 529, 607. Wright, H. Gregg, 516, ,518, 520, 542, 543, 544. Wright, H. P., 546. Wright, Seaborn, 607. Wright, W. A., 43, 95, 96, 262, 373, 585, 601. Wright, W. F., 127, 347, 373. Wrightsville Infantry, 205. Wylie, Jas. R., 650. Wynn, Major, 257. Wynne, DeWolf & Co., 615.
Y.
Yale College, 13. Yancey, B. C., 43, 120, 416, 596. Yancey, Win. L., 75, 103, 115, 116, 138, 246. Yankee, 183, 229. Yankee Doodle, 205. Young, 63. Young, Ed., 621. Young Men's Library Asso., 199, Atlanta. Young, P. M. B., Gen., 183, 415, 454,458, 502,568,
574, 576, 581, 584. Young, "W. J., Col., 247. Youngblood, J. T., 607.
Z.
Zachry, C. T., 606. Zimmerman, R. P., 3