Reflections: Georgia African American Historic Preservation Network, 2017 September

Volume XIV, No. 2 September 2017
Sam Mahone, Special Contributor
Chair, The Americus-Sumter County Movement Committee, Inc.
Courageous Youth Fuel the Americus Movement
Until passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, segregation
by race was strictly and brutally enforced in Americus as it
was throughout the south. To be black in Americus during
this period meant that every aspect of your day to day
existence was determined by someone within the Chappell
stronghold.3
Fred Chappell was the self-avowed racist
Sumter county sheriff who often attacked and beat blacks
who went to the courthouse to register to vote.
Several members of Chappell’s family occupied local
3 [Beverly Brister]. (2012). Americus-Sumter County Movement Remembrance Committee: A City without Pity, Part one—Jake Dowdell
Interview (12:40 to 13:06) [Video File].Retrieved from http://www.
theamericusmovement.org/
Activist-Comedian Dick Gregory (2nd row, right) marches
with Americus youth, 1963. Courtesy Sam Mahone, ASCMRC
I
n 1960, two years before the Americus-Sumter County
Movement began, Americus city and Sumter County
officials had become acutely aware of the unrest among
African American citizens who had suffered under the
iron fist of American apartheid, segregation, and second
class citizenship. On a local level the emerging black
political activism of the Americus Voters League aimed
at empowering African Americans by having them
register to vote. The League consisted of small black
business owners and several members of the clergy who
enlisted black middle and high school students to canvass
neighborhoods and encourage their neighbors to register.
In the midst of this sudden black activism, Americus’s
white political, civic, and business leaders became
increasingly concerned about the impact of the Supreme
Court’s 1954 ruling that involuntary segregation in public
schools was illegal. Georgia Governor Ernest Vandiver
created an all-white fact finding commission, known as
the Sibley Commission1
, that would visit cities across the
state to determine how whites would react to widespread
integration in schools and public accommodation. The
first hearing of this commission occurred in Americus
in March of 1960, with 24 South Georgia counties
represented. The consensus that emerged was that they
would all continue to defend segregation, no matter the
cost.2
1 Quiros, Ansley L. God and the Devil on Equal Plane: School Desegregation, Private Education, and Engles vs Vitale, (North Alabama
Historical Review, Volume 4 2014), pp. 165-168 https://www.una.edu/
history/docs/Final%20Edit%204.pdf
2 Ibid
2
During the Americus movement, two “Freedom Centers”
were formed where local civil rights activists organized
literacy classes designed to teach potential African American
voters how to prepare to take the unconstitutional literacy test
in order to become registered voters. One of those centers
was at the Colored Hospital on Wild Street. In addition, a
library was established there by community leaders with
books donated from around the country because the local
public library denied access to African Americans. From
1923 to1953, the Colored Hospital was the only medical
facility in the south where black physicians and medical
professionals could practice and serve people of color. The
hospital was not only a lifeline for a poor and marginalized
African American community, it was a stabilizing institution
that unified and sustained them in the midst of the horrendous
Jim Crow era of discrimination and second class citizenship.
As their work progressed, local youth activists soon
enjoyed the aid of several religious and business leaders
like Americus Movement President, Pastor J.R. Campbell
of Allen Chapel AME, R.L. Freeman of Bethesda Baptist,
John and Mable Barnum of Barnum’s Funeral Home and
Hope Merritt, Jr., Lonnie Evans and Leland Cooper--all
deacons at various Sumter County churches. Under their
guidance the movement began to focus on challenging
the racist laws regarding public accommodation. The first
attempt to integrate public facilities in Americus occurred
on a hot and steamy July night in 1963 when eleven students
sought to purchase movie tickets at the white entrance to the
local Martin Theater, openly defying a lifetime of racist and
humiliating customs.5
The police were called and ordered
the youths to disperse. When they refused, the students were
arrested and charged with disorderly conduct. What followed
was a wave of street protests along Cotton Avenue and Lee
Street, against segregation in public facilities. Determined
to end the protests, local and state law enforcement often
attacked these youthful protestors with dogs, fire hoses and
electric cattle prods that burned their flesh and scarred them
forever. 6
During the summer of 1963, hundreds of youthful protestors,
some as young as twelve years old were arrested and jailed in
a number of jails throughout Sumter, Lee and Terrell County.
The most horrendous of these jails was the Leesburg, Georgia
Stockade, a rodent infested abandoned prison stockade where
5 [B. Brister]. (2012). ASCMRC: A City without Pity, Part two—Carolyn
Merritt Interview (11:12 to 13:56) [Video File].
Retrieved from http://www.theamericusmovement.org/
6 [B. Brister]. (2012). ASCMC: A City without Pity Part two—Tommy
Douglas Interview (3:48 to 6:27) [Video File].Retrieved from http://www.
theamericusmovement.org/
offices, including postmaster, county commissioner,
public service commissioner, state patrolman and court
clerk in charge of voter registration. This hierarchy ruled
with an iron fist; nepotism reigned supreme throughout
city and county government.
It was Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. who called Chappell
as the “meanest man in the world”, after spending the
weekend in his jail in December, 1961.4
Blacks had no
rights that any whites were bound to respect, and it was
within this oppressive environment that the AmericusSumter County Civil Rights Movement was born.
Following the Albany Movement of 1961-1962, where
Dr. King had led demonstrations, civil rights activity
shifted forty miles north to Americus. It was then in
December 1962 that Charles Sherrod of the Student
Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and
Project Director of the Albany-based Southwest Georgia
Project dispatched three members of SNCC to Americus
to begin an intensive community based voter registration
and education campaign. Its mission was to exploit the
advantage of a countywide black majority and to harness
the power and potential of a growing electorate that
would finally allow African Americans to take control of
their lives. In Americus SNCC found an eager and excited
cadre of youthful students from Staley Jr. and Sumter
County High Schools who began canvassing the streets of
Americus in search of African Americans willing to risk
life and limb by attempting to register to vote.
4 Robins, Glenn M. Americus Movement. New Georgia Encyclopedia,
February, 29, 2008. Web. Accessed September.4, 2017
Youth Americus marchers prepare to march for their rights, 1963
Courtesy Sam Mahone, ASCMRC Inc
3
33 juvenile girls were incarcerated for up to 45 days. The
ordeal of these girls was chronicled in a June 2006 special
report in Essence Magazine article titled “Stolen Girls” and
written by staff writer Donna Owens.
The surviving women among these were nominated to
receive the Presidential Medal of Freedom Award in 2016.7
It has been readily acknowledged by noted civil rights
activists and scholars that the Americus Movement was
one of the most significant social movements of its era.
It had the
highest number
of juveniles,
aged 12 to 15,
incarcerated, and
longer periods
of incarceration
for Americus
protesters than
their counterparts
in other Georgia
cities. The
Americus
Movement is
often referenced because of its length more than three
years. Then-SNCC-Chairman and now Congressman John
Lewis, referenced the Americus Movement in his address at
the 1963 historic March on Washington.8
Lewis led several
protest marches in Americus during the summer of 1965
and was arrested and jailed in the same jail Dr. King was
held four years earlier.
The Americus Movement led to two important legal
victories of the southern civil rights movement--both
decided in federal courthouse in downtown Americus.
The first case began on August 8, 1963 when SNCC field
workers Don Harris, Ralph Allen, John Perdew and CORE
worker Zev Aelony were beaten, burned with electric cattle
prods, along with hundreds of student protestors during a
night demonstration. The four civil rights workers were
singled out, arrested, and charged under Georgia’s 1871
Anti-Treason Act which was punishably by death. Because
this was a capital offense, no bond was allowed. The
intent of law enforcement officials was to once and for all
dismantle the Movement by arresting anyone they deemed
leaders, or agitators as they were called, and jail them
under the threat of death.9
The chief legal counsel for the
7 Parks, Jennifer. Lee Stockade women nominated for Presidential Medal
of Freedom. Albany Herald, June 2 2016
8 John Lewis. “Speech at March on Washington for Freedom & Jobs.”
Washington, D.C., August 28, 1963. Transcript, Americus GA Movement
& Seditious Conspiracy, http://www.crmvet.org/info/mowjl2.htm
9 [B. Brister]. (2012). Americus-Sumter County Movement Remembrance Committee: A City without Pity Part one—John Perdew Interview
defendants included C.B. King of Albany, Georgia, Donald
Hollowell of Atlanta, Thomas Jackson of Macon, Georgia
and Constance Baker Motley of the NAACP Legal Defense
Fund. All of the defendants remain in jail for 85 days
until November 1, 1963 when a three judge panel ruled
Georgia’s insurrection law unconstitutional, and set the
rights workers now known as the “Americus Four” free.10
A challenge by Sumter County attorneys moved the case to
the U.S. Supreme Court which upheld the ruling.
The second case began On July 21, 1965, when Mary Kate
Bell became the first African American woman to run for
(Justice of the Peace) office in Sumter County. On election
day, she was arrested along with Lena Turner, Gloria Wise
and Mamie Campbell, wife of Movement President, Rev.
J.R. Campbell, for attempting to vote in the “white” voting
line. Their arrests unleashed a torrent of daily marches,
protests and vigils demanding their release, an end to
voter suppression and intimidation, and the appointment
of an African American county voting registrar.11 While
incarcerated, the women filed a suit in federal court to
prevent local officials from prosecuting similar cases,
and to end segregated elections in Americus and Sumter
County. On July 30, 1965, federal judge William A. Bootle
ordered the release of the jailed women, ended segregated
elections in Sumter County, and appointed Thelma SmithWalker and Dorothy Bozeman as the first African American
voter registrars in Sumter County.
The impact of these two high profile cases reached far
beyond Americus: the federal court order to free the
Americus Four set a precedent allowing civil rights
demonstrators to proceed directly to federal court with
complaints of excessive bond or other violations of
constitutional rights; the arrest of the four women and the
subsequent daily protests and arrests and police violence
that followed, helped to break the back of the southern
filibuster, to push the Voting Rights Act in Congress, and
to help secure passage of both the Civil Rights Bill of 1964
and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
~~
Sam Mahone served as a SNCC field organizer based in
Americus and Southwest Georgia, 1963 to 1966. He is
chairman of the Americus-Sumter County Movement
Committee, Inc. and a docent at the National Center for
Civil and Human Rights in Atlanta.
(1:20 to 2:49) [Video File]. Retrieved from http://www.theamericusmovement.org/
10 Clotfelter, Jim. US Judges Erase Insurrection Charges. The Atlanta
Journal, November 1963
11 United Press International. Americus Negros prepare for siege. The
Atlanta Journal, July 1965.
The Leesburg Stockade still stands off Leslie
Highway. Melissa Jest/ HP
4
Arcadia Baptist Church nearby.3

In 1964, New York Times writer Homer Bigart reported
that 10 young black people were found guilty of
vagrancy for staging a pool demonstration in July that
year at Tift park pool.
These students were a part of the
Students Nonviolent Coordinating
Committee (SNCC), with some
being from various states such
as Donald S. Harris, graduate of
Rutgers University who was also
the director of the SNCC projects
in southwest Georgia.
Bigart wrote that this 1964 attempt
at Tift Park could test to the new
Civil Rights Act. The youth were
sentenced to 30 days on a jail road
gang or $102 each.4
Peter de Lissovoy, author of The Great Pool Jump
& Other Stories from the Civil Rights Movement in
Southwest Georgia, worked with the SNCC Southwest
Georgia project during this time. He and activists
Randy Battle, Dennis Roberts, and Curtis Williams
give their perspectives on little known social justice
events like the pool jump, and include the memories of
other activists, sites, and happenings memories from
the Albany movement and in Southwest Georgia in the
1960s.
Voter registration drives and other civil rights activities
were already occurring in Albany decades prior to
the entrance of SNCC into southwest Georgia. But
it was reported sexual assaults by white men on
black female students of Albany State College that
went uninvestigated by local police and the negative
coverage of black citizens by The Albany Herald that
triggered the arrival of SNCC activists Charles Sherrod,
Cordell Reagon, and Charles Jones.
3 Battle, Randy “Raised in Southwest Georgia.” Digital SNCC
Gateway, 2010. Web. Accessed May 14, 2017 https://snccdigital.org/
people/randy-battle/
4 Bigart, Homer. Ten in Pool Episode Guilty in Georgia. NY Times
July 10 1964
The Great Pool Jump-In of Albany Advanced Integration of Public Recreation
Kayla Morris, MHP and Public Historian
A 1963 civil rights protest in Albany known as
“the Great Pool Jump” sought to defy the city’s
continuation of segregated public accommodations. This
event took place at Tift Park, located on North Monroe
Street.
Tift park was created by the
city’s beautification project
of 1912 and designed by
Atlanta landscape architect,
Otto Katzenstein. The park
was named after segregationist
Nelson Tift, founder of the city
of Albany and owner of the
Bridge House also listed on the
National Register.1
The park
included a zoo from the 1930s
to 1977 and in the 1950s a
swimming pool was added.
Tift Park, listed on the
National Register of Historic Places in 1993, has been
deemed historically significant because of its importance to
the city’s recreational history, with areas of significance in
Black History, Architecture, and Landscape Architecture.
Today it serves as a recreational space and the location for
the community market.
Tift Park gained nationwide attention in 1963 when the
city decided to sell the swimming pool and tennis courts to
a private buyer, rather than comply with new integration
policies. The new owner, James Gray of the Albany Herald
Publishing Company, denied blacks entry into the pool
facilities.2
That summer of 1963, more than 75 individuals
attempted to integrate the pool but were turned away at the
entrance, with some being arrested by police for loitering.
This protest included an impromptu act where three
young black men-- Randy Battle, Jake Wallace, and James
Daniels-- scaled the fence and jumped into the whitesonly pool. They were able to evade the police, running to
1 National Register of Historic Places. The Bridge House/Tift’s Hall,
Albany, Dougherty County, Georgia. National Register #74000672
2 deLissovoy, Peter. Returning to Georgia. Reporting on Civil Right: Perspectives on Reporting. Web. December 11 2002. Accessed September 8,
2017 http://www.reportingcivilrights.org/perspectives/delissovoy.jsp
31 acre Tift Park continces to serves as a public park.
Photo credit: History Inc.
5
the church for five generations. Gaines believes the
church is significant for it representation of black life
after the Civil War and for its longstanding role as a safe
place for the African American community of Albany.
Out of these humble beginnings, Second Mt. Zion was
formed by the previously enslaved people here who
wanted a worship center to fortify them during the
turmoil of the Reconstruction Era. Gaines says after
Emancipation, Albany had one of the highest black
populations in Georgia, and that these demographics
remained until the 1940s. During Reconstruction 2,400
black men registered to vote between the years of 1867-
1868 and three African Americans were elected to the
state legislature.
Whites reacted to this progress with hostility and
violence toward blacks in Albany and throughout the
region. The Camilla Massacre of 1868 in nearby Mitchell
County offers proof that whites in the region were not
accepting of blacks attaining equal rights. On September
19, 1868, a few hundred black and white Republicans
marched to Camilla for a political rally. Hostile whites
attacked the marchers as they entered the courthouse
square; 30 marchers were shot and twelve died.6
Second Mt. Zion has been and continues to be an
inspiration to its members and its community.
6 Formwalt, Lee W. Camilla Massacre September 5 2002. Web. Accessed April 27 2017 http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/articles/
history-archaeology/camilla-massacre
Second Mount Zion Baptist Church. Courtesy of WFXL-TV
Their arrival in 1961 encouraged the growth of activism among
Albany’s black citizens, which resulted in the creation of the
Albany Movement.
Students of Albany State played an important role in Civil
Rights Movement; they partnered with the representatives
of SNCC and other social and civil justice organizations to
create the Albany Movement. With over 1,000 black protestors
arrested in Albany, the first arrests made were students Bertha
Gober and Blanton Hall. Gober and Hall entered the white
waiting room in the bus station in Albany to purchase tickets
and were asked to leave. After refusing to do so police arrested
both students.
Sources
reported that
the president of
the university
expelled both
students out of
fear of losing
his position.
SNCC’s The
Freedom
Singers was
founded
in 1962 at Albany State College, as recommended by folk
singer Pete Seeger, were used to encourage participants in
future movement campaigns. These students worked with
local leaders and the greater community to bring attention to
the injustices that were occurring in Southwest Georgia. The
Albany Movement and its foundation of young people were
fueled by those before them who created institutions that would
help feed their souls and minds. The Black Church is one such
institution.
One of these church is Second Mt. Zion Baptist Church, located
off Old Pretoria Road in an unincorporated community in
Dougherty County. Second Mt. Zion was founded in 1865 and
began as a brush arbor structure. Now, the church is made from
stone collected by members of the congregation from nearby
riverbanks.5
Gloria Gaines, a Dougherty County Commissioner and veteran
of the Albany Movement, says her family has been attending
5 Gaines, Gloria. (2017, April 27). Email Interview [Kayla Morris]
The Freedom Singers (l-r) Charles Neblett, Bernice
Johnson-Reagon, Cordell Reagon, Rutha Mae
Harris. Photo Credit: Saporta Report.com
6
Historical Highlights: Atlanta and Savannah Sit-ins Pivotal in Civil Right Movement
Compiled from sources with Special Contribution from Whitney Rooks
Environmental Historian, Georgia Historic Preservation Dvision
Following the first sit-in conducted by college students from
North Carolina A&T State University in Greensboro, NC in
February 1960, Morehouse College students Lonnie King and
Julian Bond formed the Committee on the Appeal for Human
Rights (COAHR) and led other Atlanta University Center (AUC)
students in nonviolent sit-ins in many of the city’s downtown
businesses. They began their movement by printing An Appeal for
Human Rights, authored by Roslyn Pope, a document that clearly
defined how inequality adversely impacted Atlanta’s African
American population.
The Atlanta Sit-In Movement began on March 15, 1960. The
AUC students initially protested
at ten segregated lunch counters
and cafeterias throughout the city.
During this time the AUC consisted
of six schools: Atlanta University,
Clark College, Interdenominational
Theological Center (ITC),
Morehouse College, Morris Brown
College and Spelman College.
Students from each institution
participated. The Movement lasted
until March of the following year.
COAHR planned and staged sit-ins
at lunch counters, movie theatres
and the Georgia Capitol. They
even held kneel-ins, a form of
protesting that tested the practice
of segregated worship, at white
churches. According to the New Georgia Encyclopedia more than
fifty demonstrators were arrested on the first day of the campaign,
including A. D. King and Martin Luther King, Jr. Protests
increased in size and number the following afternoon, when more
than 2,000 students closed 16 more lunch counters.
The Movement continued through that Christmas season, the
busiest time for retailers. After months of protesting, and a
decline in sales, downtown businesses were ready to strike a
deal with the African American community. After extensive
negotiations between business owners and leaders of the African
American community, an agreement was reached and on March
7, 1961 the sit-ins officially stopped. Although this deal was
finalized, it would take the Civil Rights Act of 1964, three years
later, for Atlanta to fully desegregate.
COAHR students met and planned protests at Rush Memorial
Congregational Church because it was the only place that would
open their doors to the students. COAHR’s initial headquarters
was in a classroom in the bottom of Harkness Hall on the
campus of Atlanta University. As the movement progressed
white protestors joined the students in their efforts. Seeing this,
Rufus Clement, the former president of Atlanta University, grew
concerned that the students would be tied to the simultaneous
communist movement. Clement asked Lonnie to ask the white
protestors to stop marching with them. When Lonnie refused
President Clement asked them to find another place to meet.
One day Lonnie happened upon Rush Memorial, which is down
the street from Atlanta University. He asked former pastor and
civil rights activist, Joseph E. Boone if the movement could
organize their meetings there and Boone agreed. So for the
duration of the movement Lonnie, Julian and the other COAHR
members held their meetings at Rush Memorial. Rush Memorial,
founded in 1913 by Dr. John Allen Rush, was also home to an
elementary school, the first black Boy Scout troop of Atlanta,
and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee which also
convened there.
On March 16, 1960, black students led by the
NAACP Youth Council staged sit-ins at whiteonly lunch counters in eight downtown stores.
Three students, Carolyn Quilloin, Ernest
Robinson, and Joan Tyson, were arrested in
the Azalea Room at Levy’s Department Store
(now SCAD’s Jen Library). In response,
African-American leaders Westley Wallace
Law, Hosea Williams, and Attorney Eugene
Gadsden organized a nearly complete boycott
of city businesses.
W.W. Law, president of the NAACP, listed
demands for desegregation of facilities, use of
courtesy titles (Mr., Mrs., Miss, instead of the
usual “boy” or “girl”), and hiring of Black clerks and managers,
according to Civil Right Movement Veterans.org. Young activists
kept the boycott strong with picket lines, sit-ins, and other forms
of direct-action at public beaches and parks, on the buses, at
movie theaters and white churches. Weekly mass meetings are
held each Sunday afternoon after church services.
Sit-ins and the boycott continued until October 1961, when
Savannah repealed its ordinance requiring segregated lunch
counters. The boycott continued until all facilities were
desegregated in October 1963, eight months before the passage
of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. According to the New Georgia
Encyclopedia, after continuous protest, all of the city’s lunch
counters desegregated within eighteen months, and Savannah
was an open city by October 1, 1963. In 1964, Dr. King, Jr.
declared Savannah the most desegregated city south of the
Mason-Dixon Line.
~
The Georgia Historical Society (GHS) has dedicated new
markers at three associated sites: The Milton and Yates Drug
Store (now the Clark Atlanta University student center), Rush
Memorial Congregational Church, and Levy’s Department Store
in Savannah. For details on GHS’s Georgia Civil Rights Trail
(CRT), visit www.georgiahistory.com .
Student protesters at McCrory’s in Savannah in 1961
Photo credit: Savannah Morning News
7

Georgia Coastal “Ribbuh Lib” Inspires
Young Writers, Artists in Savannah
The Deep Center takes
local youth through
Savannah’s Gullah-Geechee
communities this year
to learn and write about
“Ribbuh Lib” (Gullah for
River Life) with its Street
Writes program.
These teens will create
original written and visual art work based on their
research, site visits and resident interviews.
The project will feature Sandfly, Coffee Bluff, and
Thunderbolt communiteis in the Savannah area.
The Deep Center
2002 Bull Street, Savannah, GA 31401
912-289-7426 | www.deepkids.com
Photo credit: HPD/Melissa Jest
Announcements
Georgia Trust 2017 Fall Ramble goes
From River to River this October
The Georgia Trust
heads down river to
Savannah for its annual
Ramble on October 6-8.
Ramblers discover the
Moon River District,
as well as Savannah’s
early streetcar districts.
Tours will include
private homes, recent rehabs, and projects-inprogress. A apecial members’ reception will be held
at the Green-Meldrim House.
Georgia Trust for Historic Preservation
1516 Peachtree Street, NW Altanta GA 30309
404-885-7812 | www.georgiatrust.org
Photo credit: The Georgia Trust

GAAHPN Steering Committee Convenes
Fall Strategic meeting
As the Georgia African
American Historic
Preservation Network
(GAAHPN) enters nearly
30 years of service to
preservation, its steering
committee examines its
goals for the future.
Share preservation success stories, program ideas
and suggestions. Please email Melissa Jest, African
American Programs coordinator by October 12 at
melissa.jest@dnr.ga.gov.
GAAHPN
Georgia Historic Preservation Divison (HPD)
2610 GA Hwy 155 SW, Stockbridge GA 30281
770-389-7870 | www.georgiashpo.org
Image credit: HPD
Author, Boondock South: Stories from the HipHop South Lectures at Atlanta History Center
Acclaimed fiction writer
Regina N. Bradley
discusses her latest
collection and her studies
of the post-Civil Rights
Black American South
and hip hop culture 7
p.m. November 1 at the
Margaret Mitchel House
in Atlanta. Dr. Bradley
is an Assisstant Professor
at Kennesaw State University and an alumnae of
Albany State University.

The Atlanta History Center
130 West Paces Ferry Road NW, Atlanta, GA 30305
404-814-4000| www.atlantahistorycenter.com
Photo credit: The Atlanta History Center
The Georgia African American Historic Preservation Network (GAAHPN)
was established in January 1989. It is composed of representatives from
neighborhood organizations and preservation groups. GAAHPN was formed in
response to a growing interest in preserving the cultural and built diversity of Georgia’s
African American heritage. This interest has translated into a number of efforts
which emphasize greater recognition of African American culture and contributions
to Georgia’s history. The GAAHPN Steering Committee plans and implements ways
to develop programs that will foster heritage education, neighborhood revitalization,
and support community and economic development.
The Network is an informal group of over 3,000 people who have an interest in
preservation. Members are briefed on the status of current and planned projects and
are encouraged to offer ideas, comments and suggestions. The meetings provide
an opportunity to share and learn from the preservation experience of others and to
receive technical information through workshops. Members receive a newsletter,
Reflections, produced by the Network. Visit the Historic Preservation Division
website at www.georgiashpo.org. Preservation information and previous issues of
Reflections are available online. Membership in the Network is free and open to all.
About GAAHPN
This publication has been financed in part with federal
funds from the National Park Service, Department of
the Interior, through the Historic Preservation Division,
Georgia Department of Natural Resources. The contents
and opinions do not necessarily reflect the views or
policies of the Department of the Interior, nor does
the mention of trade names, commercial products or
consultants constitute endorsement or recommendation by
the Department of the Interior or the Georgia Department
of Natural Resources. The Department of the Interior
prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color,
national origin, or disability in its federally assisted
programs. If you believe you have been discriminated
against in any program, activity, or facility, or if you desire
more information, write to: Office for Equal Opportunity,
National Park Service, 1849 C Street, NW, Washington,
D.C. 20240.
Published quarterly by the
Historic Preservation Division
Georgia Department of Natural Resources
Dr. David Crass, Division Director
Melissa Jest, Editor
Velmon Allen
Jeanne Cyriaque
Lillian Davis
Barbara Golden
Terry Hayes
Richard Laub
Isaac Johnson, Chair
Dr. Gerald Golden, Vice-Chair
Steering Committee
Isaac Johnson
Chairman
Melissa Jest
African American
Programs Coordinator
Reflections Editor
Voice 770/389-7870
Fax 770/389-7878
melissa.jest@dnr.ga.gov
Staff
8
Since its first issue appeared in December 2000, Reflections has documented
hundreds of Georgia’s African American historic resources. Now all of these
articles are available on the Historic Preservation Division website
www.georgiashpo.org. Search for links to your topic by categories:
cemeteries, churches, districts, farms, lodges, medical, people, places,
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About Reflections
Ieshia L. Hall
African American
Programs Assistant
Voice 770/389-7879
Fax 770/389-7878
ieshia.hall@dnr.ga.gov