Colonial Records of the State of Georgia: Original Papers of Governor John Reynolds 1754-1756, Volume 27
Colonial Recordsof theState of Georgia

VOLUME 27

Colonial Recordsof theState of Georgia

Original Papers ofGovernor John Reynolds1754-1756

VOLUME 27

Edited byKENNETH COLEMANandMILTON READY

Copies Made from Original Records in England andCompiled under Authority of Allen D. Candler, 1902

Sponsored byThe Georgia Commissionfor the National Bicentennial Celebration

University of Georgia PressAthens

Copyright 1977 by

The University of Georgia Press

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Georgia (Colony). Governor, 1754-1755 (Reynolds)

Original papers of Governor John Reynolds, 1754-1756.

(The Colonial records of the State of Georgia; v. 27)

Copies made from original records in England and compiled under authority of Allen D. Candler, 1902.

Includes index.

1. Georgia--Politics and government--Colonial period, ca. 1600-1775--Sources. I. Coleman, Kenneth. II. Ready, Milton, 1938- III. Georgia. Commission for the National Bicentennial Celebration. N. Title. V. Series.

F281.C71 vol. 27 J87.G417 975. 8'02s 975. 8'02'0924

ISBN 0-8203-0423-9 77-6466

Most University of Georgia Press titles are available from popular e-book vendors.

Printed digitally

Reissue published in 2021

ISBN 9780820359113 (Hardcover)

ISBN 9780820359106 (Paperback)

ISBN 9780820359090 (eBook)

CONTENTS


Foreword to the Reissue


vii


Preface


xiii


Introduction


xv


Original Papers of Governor John Reynolds, 1754-1756


1


Index


295

These Volumes are forGeorgias Archivists and Librarians

This Volume is forJOHN WYATT BONNER

FOREWORD TO THE REISSUE

Volume 27 and volume 28, parts 1 and 2, of the Colonial Records of the State of Georgia consist of original papers of the colonys royal governors John Reynolds, Henry Ellis, and James Wright (and several others). These papers are primarily reports written to the Board of Trade in London between 1754 and 1782though only a few are from the tumultuous years between 1776 and 1782. They provide us with an exceptional view into the life of the frontier colony and the personalities of these men.

The governorship of Georgia was considered a dubious honor by London officials because the colony was renowned as a poor, hot, and unsophisticated place that required too great an effort to live in and oversee. Yet John Reynolds served between 1754 and 1757, Henry Ellis between 1757 and 1760, and James Wright between 1760 and 1782, with his service interrupted by the first years of the Revolutionary War. Once one begins reading their correspondence, it becomes readily apparent that they were all highly literate, possessed trained minds, and were keenly observant and adventuresome. Their letters conveyed many complex details to the Board, and these details help us gain a sense of their world, often one of urgency and tension.

They administered and were held accountable for the large subsidies provided by Parliament, and while these subsidies kept the colony afloat, there was never enough money to meet the many challenges they faced. They all regularly requested additional funds, primarily to establish stronger defense and to repair crumbling infrastructure. Written by hand, their correspondence was placed in boxes for transport by ship, and this slow and precarious exchange might take as long as six or seven months each way, if it arrived at all. The governors letters reveal how they met the many challenges they faced while governing the colony, the most important of which was to keep peace with the neighboring Creek Indians.

Much is written by the three governors about the colonys ever-changing relationship with the Creeks, who were both their greatest military threat and greatest ally. During John Reynoldss and Henry Elliss governorships (175460), the colonys relationship with the Creeks was complex because these Indigenous neighbors were trading partners and military allies not only with the British but also with the Spanish and French. After the end of the French and Indian War in 1763 and during the remaining years of James Wrights governorship (176082), the world of the Creeks and their neighbors to the east, the Cherokees, began to change dramatically. Often the governors expressed frustration about Indian problems in their letters, which at times convey a sense of their desperate need to find a way to defend the colony, to avert an Indian war, and to work with neighboring royal governors to create an enforceable Indian policy.

Much has been written about the Creek and Cherokee Indians during the colonial period, with the focus primarily on formal relations brought about by treaties and negotiations and the breaking of them, the benefits of these formal agreements to the colonists, and the resultant profound losses experienced by the Indians. While these are significant topics, it is important to recognize the emotional content in the governors letters when they wrote about anything to do with IndiansCreeks in particular. Their words can convey a strong sense of fear for the colonists and the colonys survival as well as their personal attitudes toward the Indians. These high emotions convey to us the shifting, dangerous, and traumatizing conditions the inhabitants of royal Georgia endured and help us to consider the long-term effects these conditions had on the population.

Each governor was concerned with maintaining and improving the infrastructure of the colonys few towns and ports, in part for defense and also for promoting colonization and everyday life. The governors focused their attention chiefly on the capital and principal port, Savannah. Johann Christoph Bornemann described it in the mid-1750s as a midsize European village with all the houses looking no better than market booths. Two decades later, Ebenezer Hazard described Savannah as a small town situated on the top of a sand hill. Reynolds, Ellis, and Wright knew it well as they resided and governed there, and each suggested to the Board that the capital be moved to a healthier and more secure location down the coast. One wonders why all three governors wanted to leave Savannah.

Their letters, and the legislation included in them, detail what needed to be repaired, demolished, constructed, or cleared in the town and environs and the governors efforts to arrange the work and the financing. These details give us information about the towns generally dilapidated condition over time and the need to improve it. A look back at the Trustee period might offer additional clues to the towns condition when the colony first became royal.1 Although the colony slowly grew in prosperity, its capital never matched the orderly vision of its famous town plan and was heavily damaged in 1779 during the Revolutionary War. The governors tireless efforts to improve the infrastructure of Savannah, hampered as it was by insufficient funds, can provide us with a broader understanding of the town itself, as well as the infrastructure conditions of the rest of the colony.

All three governors suffered from a profound lack of operating funds, which they never hesitated to mention to the Board and never overcame. The colony was not self-supporting and relied on the annual parliamentary appropriations in pounds sterling, which paid the salaries of Georgias government officials but was insufficient to ever meet the colonys many infrastructure and defense needs. Due to the overwhelming poverty of the populationwhich dated back to the Trustee periodthe governors could not raise any significant amount of local revenue through the collection of duties or taxes. Nor could they establish a quitrent tax law, which meant that no one had to pay tax on land. Most Georgians used their land and crops to barter and obtain credit, and Georgias private debt structure rested on land. Each governor, along with asking for additional funds, had a scheme or two of their own to get the colony out of debt and raise money, and these are described in detail in these volumes and offer insights into the colonys economic challenges. This lack of money had a lasting effect not only on the colonys growth and the poverty-stricken colonists ambiguous political stance but also on the future state of Georgia.

These three volumes, spanning nearly three decades, contain many new opportunities for research on topics both large and small. The many problems, places, and people that come alive through the original papers of the governors and others offer us the opportunity to better understand the colonists world.

The documents contained in this volume are the original papers of John Reynolds (ca. 171388), the first royal governor of Georgia. A British naval officer, he became acquainted with the southern colonies during his service aboard the HMS Arundel between 1748 and 1750, while patrolling for pirates off the coasts of South Carolina, Georgia, and Jamaica.

Suggested for the post of governor by his patron, Philip Yorke, lord chancellor of England, Reynolds arrived in Savannah in late October 1754 to inaugurate the first civil government. Accustomed to naval discipline, Governor Reynoldss autocratic leadership eventually led to serious conflict with members of the colonial government council and other colonists, and they sent to the Board of Trade charges against him. The charges, contained in this volumeof which he was only informed after being recalled to Londondeserve an unbiased and scholarly assessment, as does Reynolds himself, who has been discredited by historians. The charges and his answers to them offer a look at the foundation of the councils power, the growing pains of the new colony, and the governor himself.2

Governor Reynoldss letters reveal a thorough, serious, and military mind and describe the many difficulties he faced in Georgia. He was charged, among other things, with administering large parliamentary subsidies with funds earmarked for the vital concerns of defense and Indian diplomacy. Reynolds inherited good relations with the Creeks and neighboring Indians, due to the efforts of both James Oglethorpe and his respected Creek interpreter, Mary Musgrove. She and her third husband, the Reverend Thomas Bosomworth, initiated a complex set of petitions and land claims in 1746 that were settled in 1759. An examination of the correspondence generated by this legal battle, contained in this volume as well as others in the series, may reveal new insights into the relationships Creeks had with the colonists, the Board of Trade, and the land.3

The governor sent lengthy letters requesting the improvement of defenses in response to the French and Indian War (175463) and employed the surveyor general of Georgia, John G. W. DeBrahm, to develop a plan. The plan proved to be too reliant on British government resources rather than local ones and was viewed as impractical at the time. It might be worth considering just how practical the plan may have been in the long term; an adequately defended Georgia may have enabled the colony to prosper sooner and the colonists to live without the pervasive threat of attack.

For all his successes, John Reynolds lacked the personality and problem-solving skills to succeed as governor. By examining his experiences and the colonists response to his governorship, we might gain insights into the colonys transition from Trustee to royal rule. After answering the charges laid against him by Georgians, the Board allowed Reynolds to resign his governorship. He resumed his successful career in the British navy and died an admiral. Rocky though his time in Georgia was, there is much to learn from these letters about the colony and its people.

Leslie Hall

Notes

1. Volumes 2026 and 2931 in the series contain letters from the early colonists to the Trustees and the Trustees responses to these letters, respectively.

2. Volume 28, part 1, in the series contains John Reynoldss answers to the charges laid against him, which he presented to the Board of Trade in London.

3. Volume 26 and volume 28, part 1, in the series contain additional information about the Bosomworth claims.

PREFACE

The history of Georgias colonial records has been a varied one. Her customs records were destroyed in early 1776 when the vessel upon which they had been stored for safekeeping was burned during the Battle of the Rice Boats at Savannah, During the Revolutionary War, Georgia sent many of her records as far north as Maryland to protect them, and some of these never found their way back to Georgia. Many old records were left at Milledgeville when the states capital was moved to Atlanta in 1868. As late as the twentieth century colonial records were destroyed in Savannah to make room for current records. Normal loss and destruction through improper use and storage over the years have taken their toll as well.

With all this loss and destruction, it is not surprising that most of the colonial records which survived are the letters, reports, and other documents sent to London by colonial officials and now deposited in the Public Record Office. Georgia first had these records copied in the 1830s and 1840s and they were used by several historians before being burned accidentally in the late nineteenth century. Early in the twentieth century the Georgia volumes (mainly P.R.O., C.O. 5/636-712) were copied a second time by the state.

Between 1904 and 1916 twenty-five volumes of these transcripts were published as The Colonial Records of the State of Georgia (volumes 1-19, 21-26). Allen D. Candler began compiling and printing these volumes, and William J. Northen and Lucian Lamar Knight assumed the work after Candlers death in 1910. Essentially Candler, Northen, and Knight arranged the transcripts and printed the volumes with no further editorial apparatus.

Immediately the published volumes had an influence upon the writing of Georgias colonial history. The unpublished transcripts, arranged in fourteen volumes in the state archives, have been used considerably less. Some of these unpublished volumes contain very valuable materials such as the letters of Georgias three royal governors, the record of Georgias hesitant entry into revolt from 1765 through 1775, and other topics.

Many scholars, including the present editors, have long hoped that the remaining volumes could be published. This project is now undertaken by the Georgia Commission for the National Bicentennial Celebration and is being published by the University of Georgia Press as a part of their contribution to the national bicentennial and to making Georgias historical sources more available to scholars and students.

Athens, Georgia

Kenneth Coleman

Milton Ready

INTRODUCTION

This volume spans the years 1754 through 1756, essentially the period of John Reynolds administration as Governor of Georgia, and consists of Reynolds letters and reports to the Board of Trade in London. For these years the main developments in Georgia were the institution of royal government and the outbreak of war between England and France. The first of these events does not loom very large in this volume, but the second does.

In Reynolds initial letter to the Board of Trade, he showed himself to be prosaic and not very impressed with his colony or his job. This attitude continues throughout the volume. Reynolds described Savannah as an unimpressive town of about 150 small, rundown wooden buildings and indicated his fear that the French might wean Georgias Indian neighbors away from their friendship with the English. Reynolds at the same time reported he had already discovered that he could not live in Georgia in a manner befitting a governor on his salary of 600, so he asked for an increase.

Throughout the volume there are documents about silk culture, the operation of Georgias government, the troubles which soon developed between Reynolds and his council, land granting under both the Trustees and the new royal government, and the attempt to move the capital to Hardwick on the Altamaha River. The closely associated items of Indian relations and defense were the two most important problems from Reynolds viewpoint. He sent to England a long and detailed defense plan developed by Engineer John G. W. DeBrahm. The plan was obviously too expensive for Georgia or the home government to implement, but Reynolds never seemed to grasp this reality.

More than half of this volume is taken up with the Bosomworth Affair, the attempt of Thomas and Mary Bosomworth to secure compensation for Marys services as Indian interpreter and agent since the founding of the colony. The volume opens with documents on this problem continued from Volume 26 of this series. There is also Thomas Bosomworths main effort in the affair, a long Narrative of the case from the Bosomworth viewpoint, with numerous appendices and enclosures. It was transmitted to the Board of Trade by Reynolds for a decision in September, 1756. The Governor was more favorable to the Bosomworth claims than the President and Assistants under the Trustees had been. Much of this document seems not to have been used by historians who have written on the Bosomworths.

Where justice lay in the claims and counterclaims between the Bosomworths and authorities in Georgia is still hidden under this jumble of contradictory words. By far the most intriguing part of the entire controversy is the part played in it by Mary Bosomworth herself. Her husband Thomas wrote the letters, memorials, Narrative, and other papers presented to the authorities in Georgia and in England. Mary enters the controversy only through the writings of others, never in her own words. Hence her real feelings must remain an enigma to all who study this fascinating affair. The Bosomworth claims were not to be settled in the confines of this volume nor during the governorship of Reynolds. It was in Henry Ellis governorshipcovered by volume 28, part 1when the final decisions were reached.

Editorial Guidelines

The original volume division and internal arrangement created by Allen D. Candler and Lucian Lamar Knight, the original editors of this series, are retained. This will facilitate references in works already published which used these volumes in manuscript.

Original spellings are retained unless the meaning is not clear. A single word may be explained in brackets immediately after its appearance in the text. More lengthy explanations will be given in footnotes. Punctuation, often absent in eighteenth-century manuscripts, has been supplied for the sake of clarity, though many sentences are long by modern standards. All raised letters have been lowered, abbreviations that are not clear have been expanded, and slips of the pen have been corrected silently. No attempt at uniform spelling, even of proper names, has been attempted; rather the original text has been followed. For proper names a single most common spelling has been used in the index.

Each document is given a short introduction which contains the name of the writer and recipient, place written, date written, date received and/or read where indicated, Public Record Office location if available, and the topic or topics treated in the documents.

ORIGINAL PAPERS OF GOVERNOR JOHN REYNOLDS, 1754-1756

Extracts of letters between General James Oglethorpe, Major Wm. Horton, Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander Heron, to the Reverend and Mrs. Thomas Bosomworth, enclosed with the memorial of Thomas Bosomworth to the Board of Trade, Nov. 26, 1754, London, read Nov. 26, 1754, C.O. 5/644, A. 36, concerning Mrs. Bosomworths services to Georgia.1

James Oglethorpe to Jacob Mathews, Oct. 3, 1740, Frederica. Troops assigned to defend Mount Venture.

In regard to your desire of having your Settlement at Mount Venture defended I am very well Satisfyed it is for the Kings Service, but cannot at present divide the Regiment, yet I would not be wanting to Encourage you; Therefore Appoint you a Garrison of Twenty Men, which I Empower you to Raise & Appoint you to Command the same &c.

N. B.2 Hence It Appears That Mrs. Bosomworths then Mrs. Mathewss Settlement at Mount Venture on the South Side of the Alatamaha was ever looked upon as for the Kings Service; and what Stronger proofs could she give of her Zeal and Attachment to his Majestys Interest & the Welfare of the Colony than by Venturing her Life & Effects in the very Jaws of the Enemy where they were daily liable to Fall a Sacrifice with no other View but for the protection of the Southern Frontiers, And the Losses Sustained thereby in that Settlement being Burnt & Destroyed by the Spanish Indians3 were never yet Repaid her.

_________

James Oglethorpe to Mary Mathews, June 8, 1741, Frederica. Scout boat sent for Mrs. Mathews.

Chickilly (Chief Man of the Creek Nation)4 is Arrived & I waite with Impatience for your Company [coming ?] up; I have sent the Scout Boat on purpose for to bring you, I am

_________

James Oglethorpe to Jacob Mathews, June 4, 1742, Frederica. Asking Mathews to persuade Indians to reinforce Oglethorpes garrison.

There is a powerful Reinforcement5 (some say 2,000 men) Arrived at Augustine, As we may Expect they will undertake something. Perswade what Indians you can to Come to us.

_________

After the death6 of her then husband Captain Mathews his Excellency writ the following Letter.

James Oglethorpe to Mary Mathews, June 20, 1742, Frederica. Letter of condolence on the death of her husband.

I am Extremely Sorry for your Loss I am under Apprehensions that your Affairs must be in great Confusion. I shall be very glad of being of any Service upon this or any other Account, having a Sincere Friendship for you; I send you an Order to Capt. Noble Jones to bring you down in his Boat if you think proper for I should be glad of Assuring you how much.

_________

James Oglehtorpe to Mary Mathews, July 13, 1742, Frederica. Informing her of initial defeat of Spanish and asking for more Indian reinforcements.

I was very Glad to hear of your Resolution & it is with great Satisfaction that I can Acquaint you that we have Defeated the Spaniards in two Fights by Land and one by Water.7 There are four Captains and above One hundred and Fifty Men killed and taken but as we dont know what they intend to do, I must desire you would send all the Indians you Can to me And I will defray with pleasure any Expence that shall be laid out upon them; We are all resolved to Fight to the last & do not doubt of beating them.

N. B. At the time when the Spaniards Invaded Frederica when Advice was brought that the place was taken,8 which put most of the Inhabitants of Savannah to Flight; & so much Alarmed the Magistrates themselves that they kept their horses in readiness for a March upon the first Appearance of Danger. Mrs. Bosomworth was getting all the Indians she could possibly together and purposed to have gone with them in person to Frederica to the Assistance of the General had not she received the News of the Defeat of the Spaniards.

_________

James Oglethorpe to Mary Mathews, July 20, 1742, Frederica. Details of victory over Spanish given.

I take this Opportunity of Acquainting you that We beat off the Spaniards intirely and killed above two hundred & fifty of their Men. We have some Satisfaction for the Blood at Moosa.9 The White people Indians and highlanders had all their Share in the Slaughter; if you think it would be of any Service, I would give you one of the Crown prisoners for Seven years. I am very much Obliged to you for the pains you have taken about the Indians & should be very glad to see you when Affairs permit. We are Striving to make out a gang for Ocouthlah (an Indian Captain) to go to Warr.

_________

James Oglethorpe to Mary Mathews, Aug. 16, 1742, Frederica. Thanking her for sending Indians.

I thank you for sending down the Indians. I believe it would be much for your Conveniency to come hither that you might Acquaint me if I can be of any Service to you in Mr. Mathers Affairs. Mr. Jones will send you his Boat & hands.

_________

James Oglethorpe to Mary Mathews, Feb. 28, 1743, Frederica. He is going out again to meet the Spanish invasion of the colony.

I thank you for your kindness in sending down the Indians, we have now a Strong party. And the Spaniards having drove in the last Indians that went out and are come up with a Strong Body to Saint Johns River in their Way to Invade this Colony. I am resolved to meet them myself & shall set out tomorrow,10 and Trust in the providence of God that I shall have as good Success as I had when they last Attempted us, and as soon as I come back I shall see to Get the house ready for you.

_________

James Oglethorpe to Mary Mathews, Mar. 22, 1742, at the British camp in Spanish Florida. Boat sent for her to come to Frederica to talk with Indians about the French.

_________

I have been at Augustine & returned. As soon as I get to Frederica I shall Remove the Spanish prisoners & make the house Clear for you; All the Chiefs of the Indians are here. The Warr Kings Son of the Cussataus, the Son of Chichilly & many others who are very desirous to see you to have a Talk of very great Consequence about the French for which Reason I desire you would come Directly for Frederica. I have sent the Boat for you with Orders for Captain Noble Jones to take your Directions with Respect to the Boat.

_________

After His Excellency General Oglethorp went for England11 the following Letters were received from Major William Horton who Succeeded to his Command in Georgia.

William Horton to Mary Mathews, Dec. 17, 1743, Frederica. Asking her to send some Indians to Frederica next March.

I am Glad to find some Indians are Coming down. If they come here I will Receive them in the best manner I can. I wish about the Middle of March We could have a Number of them here to procure some Intelligence from the Enemy. I desire you would persuade some of them to be here about that time.

_________

William Horton to Mary Mathews, Feb. 19, 1743, Frederica. Thanking her for intending to send Indians to Frederica.

I am much Obliged to You for your Intentions of sending some Indians here. They will be of great Service to us in the Spring.

_________

William Horton to Mary Mathews, Feb. 19, 1744, Frederica. Indians at Frederica.

This day Whanny (an Indian Warrior) and Twenty Indians Arrived here and he tells me he Expects Talyea here in a few days with another party; I am Apprehensive there is some Divisions amongst the Indians in the Nation and that several of them are gone to the Spaniards. I hope I shall have the pleasure of Seeing you before these Indians return for they will be more Open with you & should be very glad of your Advice, what is proper to be done on such an Occasion. A Spanish Agent had been lately amongst them.

_________

William Horton to Mary Mathews, March 20, 1744, Frederica. Indian fight. Tooanahowie killed.

I congratulate you on the Success of your Brave Friends the Indians. On Saturday was Seenight [Saturday before last] a party of Yarmassees carried off a party of Captain Carrs Men that were Clearing of Land near his house. I had no Notice of it till next day I sent to Acquaint Tooataleochee who went out with his Indians. I Ordered some of the Boatsmen to Carry them down to Florida. On Saturday last they Engaged the Yammassees being Forty three in Number killed five of them and have taken one prisoner. They have retaken all Captain Carrs Men. The Sergeant has a Shot thro his side but will soon recover. Tooanahowe12 was killed on the Spot. This Action was on the side of Saint Juans River.

_________

William Horton to Mary Musgrove, June 13, 1744, Frederica. Need Indians to oppose feared Spanish attack.

I believe Itchke (an Indian Chief) is hunting some where near Savanna. I wish you could get him to come here. Be pleased to send all the Indians you possibly can, I fancy we shall have Occasion for them by the latter End of this Month at farthest. We are yet very quiet, but very Busy in preparing a proper Reception for the Enemy 15th June. I intended to have sent a Ranger by land with the above Letter. I wish you would hurry away the Indians. The Chickasaws are Arrived.

N. B. Upon Receipt of this Letter she immediately got a party of about 40 Indians which was as large a Number as could be got on so Short a Warning (the Indians being all out a hunting) & Embarked with them for Frederica when the Enemy was daily Expected.

_________

William Horton to Mary Mathews, Sept. 3, 1744, Frederica. Indian relations.

I received the favour of your Letter and Read with concern the Account you gave me of the Indians, Especially as I find you suffered considerably by it; I shall know in a few days whether Chickella will come here or not. If he does Shall beg the favour of you to come here and will send a Boat to wait on You.

_________

William Horton to the Rev. Thomas Bosomworth, Sept. 15, 1744, Frederica. Indian fight on St. Johns River.

I must desire youl Acquaint your Lady13 of a Remarkable Action done by some of the Creek Indians in Florida on the 8th. Demetrie14 who lay with two Boats in St. Juans River saw a detachment of horse, marching along the Beech. The Indians having Marched within three Miles of Augustine Crossed the Tracks of the horses and followed them several Miles till they came up with an Officer and four men. They killed the Officer & two men & took two prisoners. Hearing at the same time many Shots Fired at Saint Juans, they Supposed the Boats were Attacked & were hastning to their Assistance, but soon discovered the detachment Marching back along the Beech. The Indians Concealed themselves behind the Sea Banks till they came up when they Fired upon them and when they had loaded, Run down upon the Beech and Engaged them. The Spaniards were soon Routed. The Indians pursued them several times. They killed a Trumpeter and Eight Men, Seven Horses, and took one prisoner and Carried off Seven Horses and all the Enemies Baggage. In the whole Twelve Men were killed and fourteen horses. More horses were seen Running with their Saddles and Bridles on and their Riders Supposed to be dead. Not one Indian was hurt. They brought the three prisoners here.

_________

William Horton to Mary Bosomworth, Sept. 21, 1744, Frederica. Indian presents.

I have given the Indians that came from Warr very Extraordinary presents but nothing will satisfye them tho they have amongst other things Eight horses.

Captain Jones keeps himself in Liquor and will not let them be Satisfyed. I must desire youl please to come up here for I am very Apprehensive. Captain Jones will make mischief among the Indians; I have Ordered one of Captain Joness Boat to wait on you and Mr. Bosomworth. The sooner I have the pleasure of Seeing you the better it will be for the publick Service.

_________

William Horton to Thomas Bosomworth, Sept. 21, 1744, Frederica. Need Bosomworths at Frederica.

I have represented to your Lady our present Situation in Regard to the Indians. I hope I shall soon have the pleasure of Seeing you both here. I have Ordered Captain Jones to send a Boat to wait on you.

_________

William Horton to Thomas Bosomworth, Oct. 8, 1744, Frederica. Mary Bosomworth satisfied Indians well.

The Indians since Mrs. Bosomworths Arrival Seems very well Satisfyed. Before she came I was Harrassed to death, & all I could do fell quite Short of their Expectations.

_________

James Oglethorpe to Thomas Bosomworth, Feb. 16, 1744/5, Whitehall. Offers services to Bosomworths in England.

I received yours and hoped before now to have had the pleasure of Seeing you and Mrs. Bosomworth here. If I can be of any Service to you here, You may Freely let me know in what I can be Usefull, &c.

_________

William Horton to Mary Bosomworth, July 5, 1745, Frederica. Bosomworths to England.

I received the favour of your Letter and one from Mr. Bosomworth Acquainting me that he was going to Embark for England. If I Can be of any Service to you in his Absence be pleased to let me know and shall at all times be Ready to do any thing in my power.

_________

James Oglethorpe to William Horton, Nov. 13, 1745, Durham. Aid to be given to the Bosomworths.

I desire you would Countenance Mr. Bosomworth who brings you this and (to the utmost) the late Mrs. Mathews (now his wife) and you will know best in what manner that can be done.

I find there is the Utmost Endeavours by the Spanish Factions to destroy her (Mrs. Bosomworth) because she is of Consequence & in the Kings Interest. Therefore it is the Business of the Kings Friends to Support her, besides which I should always be desirous to serve her out of the Good Will and Friendship she had at all times Shewed to me as well as the Interest of the Colony.

_________

James Oglethorpe to Thomas Causton, Nov. 13, 1745, Durham. Aid the Bosomworths all you can.

I desire you would Assist Mr. Bosomworth and his Wife with your Advice & Friendship in their Affairs in Georgia as it is so necessary for the Welfare of the Colony that Mrs. Bosomworth & the Indians should be Supported.

_________

William Horton to Mary Bosomworth, Nov. 18, 1745, Frederica. Indians needed in March. Bosomworth trading post at the Forks of the Altamaha.

I have Sent Orders to Captain Jones that in Case you should Choose to come here he should Order a Boat to wait upon you.

You must Contrive some Means to draw down a Strong party of Indians about March next to assist against the Common Enemy if they intend us a Visit (which I sincerely think they do). Indians at all events would be of great Service but much more so if the Enemy brings any Body of Indians with them.

I think Madam the Forks is the best place you could have thought of for a Trading House & I cannot See but it must prove very beneficial to you and Agreeable to the Indians as well as Contribute to the publick Service & I will do as much as I am Able to make it Answer all the Ends you propose.

_________

William Horton to Thomas Bosomworth, March 30, 1746, Frederica. Indian war feared.

By all Accounts I have from the Creek Nation, Capt. Kent and Barnard, & from Carolina, the Cherokees, Creeks & Chickesaws are resolved to declare Warr against the English.

I shall see you in a few days in my way to Augustine Govr. Glyn15 was going to the Cherokees, but by a letter that came to me this day I find some Volunteers who were going to join him have declined going upon the Arrival of an Express from Mr. Brown which I Apprehend makes them think it too dangerous an undertaking. It [is] my Real Opinion that great partys of all three Nations are inclined to Warr. The Senicas & other Northern Indians (as my Advice tells me) are also so farr fallen off that they are ready to join the French.

_________

James Oglethorpe to Mary Bosomworth, July 16, 1746, Whitehall. Settlement of Bosomworth accounts.

I shall be glad of doing you any service in my power but the Regulating the Matter of Accounts or payment of Bills is not present in my power. I shall not be wanting in recommending your past Services to the Government when that shall be of use to you.

_________

William Horton to Thomas Bosomworth, May 19, 1747, Frederica. French influence among Creek Indians.

I received the Inclosed Extracts a few days ago from Augusta & think it would be for his Majestys Service, if any French Men either Linguisters, Traders or others that may come into the Towns in the Creek Nation, could be taken & brought down to this Place. Therefore desire that you l Communicate the Contents of the Inclosed to Mrs. Bosomworth that she may Use her Interest with the Creek Indians, to have this Service performed. I never will be backward in Rewarding the Creek Indians for any Service they do his Majesty against his Enemys.

If you Choose to go up to the Forks yourself to talk to Mrs. Bosomworth about this matter, two Rangers shall hold themselves in Readiness at the White post to Attend You.

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Extract of a Journal From a person lately come from the Creek Nation, April 11th 1747.

Went to Visit the Youtchees16 a Town a little distance off, and some other Neighbouring Towns, the French had sent Gunns & Ammunition to every Town in the upper and lower Creeks. That Malatchi Received a Gun that day with their Talk Acquainting them that their Boat should soon be up & that they should have everything they had Occasion for and that French Linguists should be sent to the Coweta Town. This was told the English Linguist by two of the beloved Men of the Creeks and Friends to the English in presence of White Men & Indians. 18th Set out for Augusta.

The French has sent up two 18 pounder Guns one Officer & a party of Men. They will certainly be a great curb to the English in a Short time. Had not this Warr broke out as it did every White Man in this Nation had been Murthered this Spring; the Tragedy was to Commence in the upper Creeks & to go quite through the Lower; every head Man had Consented to it. It was Confessed in the Lower Creeks by several of their beloved Men. At present since the Warr with the Cherokees and their pernicious Schemes being discovered they are very humble & seem to be afraid. The Squirrel King is Constantly sending up bad talks, as they themselves Confess there are several Indians in every Town that have French Commissions & are Cloathed by them. The Creeks are much afraid of our having peace with the Chactaws & seem to be Jealous and Suspicious of every proceeding of ours. Its a pity if theres a Firm Peace with the Chactaws that Trade should not be regulated & not over done.

Upon the Receipt of the above Letter and Extract of a Journal from Major Horton I immediately took horse & went to the Forks near 150 miles up the Country & Communicated the Contents thereof to Mrs. Bosomworth who immediately sent a Messenger up to the heads of the Creek Nation & by her Interest & Authority amongst them Countermined every intended design of his Majestys Enemies the French (at that time) in Alienating the Creek Indians from the British Interest & entirely put a Stop to their Admitting any French traders into the Towns.

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William Horton to Thomas Bosomworth, July 6, 1747, Frederica. Indian presents.

I received your Letter of the 14th past from your Brother at my return from Savannah, together with one from your Lady the Contents of which I communicated to Colonel Heron as well as my Intentions of Sending Indian presents to the Value of about 200 Sterl to Mrs. Bosomworth to Enable her to prevent Expences here by Stopping Indians at the Forks.

I have no Concern with the Indian Affairs but [it] will always be my Opinion that they ought to be supported, and I still think the Method I proposed will be Cheapest and most Effectual. Please to pay my Compliments to your Lady. I must beg leave to referr her to this letter as an Answer to hers. Your Brother will Inform you of the Intelligence, which Arrived this Morning to the Colonel from Augusta.

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Lt. Col. Alexander Heron17 to Mary Bosomworth, July 8, 1747, Frederica. Support for Indians. French in Alabama country influencing Creek Indians.

This moment I received the Inclosed & as I am well convinced that you have much to say with the Chiefs of the Creek Indians, I send your Brother Mr. Abraham Bosomworth who will deliver you this. I am no stranger to your good Inclinations towards the Inhabitants of this Colony nor to your humane disposition, which (if theres any ill Intentions amongst the Indians) must induce you to Use your Endeavours to prevent them from falling upon his Majestys Subjects on the Skirts of this province or South Carolina. I think we here have little to fear from the whole Body of Indians, but every humane person must be Concerned for the lives & fortunes of his Fellow Subjects. Its this Motive alone that induces me to desire youl use your utmost Endeavours to reconcile Matters, if the Indians are really what they are reported to be. I, having no manner of Instructions upon that head nor power to draw upon England, cannot Comply with what Major Horton had in point Agreed to, That is, an Annual Allowance to you to keep most of the Indians from Coming to this place which was too Great an Expence. I have in every letter to England since my Arrival Represented the necessity of keeping the Indians in our Interest & that a Sum of Money for Indian presents would be Absolutely necessary. I make no doubt of having an Answer Speedily upon that head, & what good offices you do, shall, when in my power, be rewarded & your Services represented by [me].

Deposition of William Gray

Then Came the Black priest and Indian unto William Gray and told him that the last Fall the French had a large Talk at the Albama Fort where was a great many of the head men of the Creeks sent for to talk, which was to get the Creeks to join the French against the English for that the English was designed to kill the French and the next would be the Creeks which disturbed the Creeks so much that they were designed to kill the English that were in the Nation and then fall upon the Settlements. But the Cherokees falling upon the Creeks hindered the Creeks from falling upon the English at that time, but since that the French have made them large promises for to Supply the Creek Indians with everything that they should want if that they would hinder the Chactaws from having a Trade with the English, and that the Creeks are determined that in Case the Carolinians should send up that large Body of horses and goods the Creeks are determined to kill the Men and then Seize upon the Horses and goods. Mirgosbi & the Squirrel King told William Gray the same, that in Case this large Body of horses and Goods should go for the Chactaws that will be no hindering of a Warr between the Creeks &, the English. Coat, one of the head Men of the Chickesaws, was sent by the rest of his head Men to me to go away from my plantation to the Settlements for there would be a Warr with the Creeks and the English, and that William Gray must not Stay longer otherwise he might be killed. For as soon as the horses and Goods that are from Carolina designed from the Chactaws gets into the Creeks the Warr is to begin (if not) the Reason why the Chickesaws desird William Gray for to leave his plantation was that he had headed them so Often to Warr that they could not endure to see his Blood Spilt. And that William Gray does verily believe there will be a Warr between the Creek Indians & the English very soon if not timely prevented, which I am dubious whether it can be done. My motive for this declaration is for to save my Fellow Creatures and without any other Interest or View, which I have Attested upon Oath this 1st day of July 1747.

William Gray

P.S. This Day I asked Coat if I might stay one month. He told me it would be dangerous to stay so long.

Augusta July 1st 1747

This day William Gray came before me and desired his Oath might be given to him to the Truth of this Account & he being duly Sworn declares the same to be just and True.

Sworn before me

Richard Kent.

Though Mrs. Bosomworth during Major Hortons Command had sent a Messenger to the Creek Nation and Satisfyed the Indians, Yet upon the Receipt of the above Letter and Deposition from Colonel Heron she gave it as her Opinion that it might be necessary to send an Agent. The person thought Qualified for that Expedition was Mr. Abraham Bosomworth18 who was Appointed Agent for that purpose in Order to bring down the Chiefs to Frederica. The more Effectually to Remove all uneasinesses & misunderstandings amongst them and likewise at her own Expence Supplyed him with Men, Horses and presents to Carry [to] the Nation to the Amount of upwards of 300 Sterlg. which she never was yet Repaid by the Government.

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Alexander Heron to Mary Bosomworth, July 20, 1747, Frederica. Abraham Bosomworth to be agent to Creeks.

I herewith send a power to Mr. Abraham Bosomworth to proceed to the General Assembly in the Coweta Town in the Creek Nation, there to use such Arguments as he thinks most likely to Remove all Jealousies & Establish a Strict Friendship with that Nation. (& as for want of Carriage) I cannot send several Necessarys that will be wanted upon that Occasion, I must beg of you to Supply such things as that Service will Require as also to give Stemacuha and his party of Indians now at the Forks such presents as you think necessary to Secure their Friendship.

P. S. As I have talked fully to Mr. Bosomworth. I shall referr you to him for particulars.

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Alexander Heron to Mary Bosomworth, Aug. 31, 1747, Frederica. Indian presents and negotiations.

I am Extremely Sorry its not in my power at this time to replace the presents you was so good as to give the Indians at the Forks, but as soon as I shall get Supplys they shall be returned & a more Regular Method fallen upon for the future Supplys. I hope by this you have heard from your Brother in Law Mr. Abraham Bosomworth & that he hath Succeeded in his Negotiations; I hope to have the pleasure of seeing you here with Malatchi and Chickilly as soon as they can Conveniently come. Mrs. Heron Joins me in our Sincere good Wishes.

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Alexander Heron to Thomas Bosomworth, Nov. 22, 1747, Frederica. Mary Bosomworth on way to Frederica.

Nothing Could give me more pleasure than ye letter I was just now favoured with from you, as it Acquainted me of your Recovery and my good Friend Mrs. Bosomworths being on her way to this place where you and she have a Right to Command every thing in my power. Its a great Addition to my happiness that I am to be honoured with the Company of Malatchi & his Attendants.

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Alexander Heron to Andrew Stone, Deputy Secretary of State, Dec. 8, 1747, Frederica. Merits of and aid for Mary Bosomworth.

In my last I sent you the Copy of the Memorial of Mrs. Mary Bosomworth with Extracts of Sundry letters from Genl. Oglethorpe and Major William Horton which I think sufficiently testifies her Character from the Aspersions of her Enemies.

I have had personal Knowledge of her Merit since my first Arrival in this Country and am highly Sensible of the Singular Service she has done her Country (a great part at the Expence of her own private Fortune) in continuing the Creek Indians in Friendship and Alliance with the English; And since Malatchi the Emperors Arrival here, I am more than ever Convinced that she is looked upon by the whole Creek Nation as their Natural princess, and any Injury done to her will be Equally Resented as if done to the whole Nation.

I therefore must beg the favour of you, Sir, to lay her Case before His Grace the Duke of Newcastle and Use the Utmost of your Interest to Sollicit Redress for her Sufferings & Obtain an Annual Support for her for the Future. For I assure you Sir, She is a Woman of such Consequence that if she is driven to the necessity of Flying to her Indian Friends for Bread it will be morally impossible for me to Maintain his Majestys peace & Authority amongst them. If she is properly Supported & a Sufficient Fund Allowed for Indian presents, I doubt not but her Interest with the Creek Indians & the Regiment alone to Maintain this Frontier against all his Majestys Enemys.

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Alexander Heron to Andrew Stone, Dec. 8, 1747, Frederica. Justice for Creek Emperor Malatchi.

Since my last of the 8th of September Malatchi the Emperor of the Upper and Lower Creeks, Arrived at this place with a very Grand Retinue which will be a considerable Expence, but as I have entirely reconciled Matters at this dangerous crisis so Conducive to the Welfare and Safety of this Colony and South Carolina by promising that I would Apply for Redress for all the Injuries Complained of and the Continuance of presents as Usual, I make no doubt but the Ministry will think it highly necessary & allow a Fund to Enable me to Maintain his Majestys Peace & Authority with that Nation which hath since my Arrival been defrayed out of the provision Money of the Regiment & the Interest & Assistance of our good Friend Mrs. Bosomworth.

I hope the Ministry will Enable me to give a Satisfactory Answer to the Emperor in Relation to the Acts of Injustice he Complains of.

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Statement of the officers of Oglethorpes regiment and the principal inhabitants of Frederica about the character and importance of Mary Musgrove, Dec. 17, 1747.

That the whole Creek Nation, who are a very Numerous, Bold, and Warlike people, seem greatly under her influence.

That she has (to the best of our knowledge) from the first Settlement of the Colony Always Endeavoured to Advance his Majestys Authority amongst them.

That she always shewed the Tenderest Regard for the lives & propertys of his Majestys Subjects when any disputes or Controversies happened between the Natives, & the people of Georgia, by using her Interest & good Offices amongst them.

That she has used always the utmost of her Endeavours in bringing down her Friends and Relations from the Nation to Fight against his Majestys Enemies whom they have very much Annoyed and been a Strong Barrier and Defence to this province and South Carolina against the Spaniards.

That She never has to our knowledge Acted inconsistent with her duty as a British Subject, or Allegiance to her prince, but has for many years, Gladly embraced every Opportunity of Giving proofs of her Zeal & Loyalty as such.

The Signal Instance which she has lately given by joining an Cooperating with Mr. Abraham Bosomworth who was Appointed Agent by Lieut. Colonel Alexander Heron and went up to Conferr with the Chiefs of the Creek Indians & thereby preventing a Rupture with that Nation (tho a Warr was thought unavoidable) will we think be Sufficient to prove the wicked Insinuations of her Enemys False, Groundless and Malicious.

We whose Names are hereunto Subscribed have likewise had personal Knowledge of the Reverend Thomas Bosomworth for these Five years past, Do Certify that the said Thomas Bosomworth never to our knowledge behaved Inconsistent with his duty or Allegiance to his prince but hath always Strictly Conformed to the Liturgy of the Church of England as by Law Established. In Witness whereof We have hereunto Set our hands this Seventeenth day of December in the year of our Lord One Thousand Seven hundred & Forty Seven.


Robt. Paterson Naval Officer

Archd Sinclair Register of

the Court of Vice Admirally

Thomas Herd Constable and

Marshall of the Court of

Vice Admiralty

John Calwell

Stephen Bedon

Benja Bedon

Samuel Lee

Thos Walker


Alex Heron

Raymd Demer

Paul Demer

Saml Mackay

Thos Goldsmith

Probt Howorth

Caleb Davis

Archd Don

Ronald Campbell

Fethe Bailiff

Willm Francis

Patk Houstoun

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Extract of a memorial to the Trustees signed by inhabitants of the southern part of Georgia, 1752, on the present state and condition of the southern frontier and praying that Mrs. Bosomworth be given her due.19

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Deposition of Adam Bosomworth, Oct. 2, 1750, stating how Mary Bosomworth used her influence to counter the French influence at Coweta Town in July, 1750.

Before me Samuel Mercer one of the Magistrates within the Colony of Georgia personally Appeared Adam Bosomworth of the said colony Gentleman and being duly Sworn Maketh Oath.

That on Sunday the 29th day of July last he this Deponent Arrived at the Coweta Town Chief in the Indian Creek Nation. That upon Monday the 30th as he was walking Round the Town he Observed the French Colours Flying at which being very much Surprized this Deponent Enquired the Reason of Mr. George Galphin Chief Trader in the said Town and was told by the said Galphin, That there had been three or four French Officers there about fourteen days ago and some private men along with them, and brought the above mentioned Colours along with them which were hoisted at their coming and some goods for presents which were distributed to some of the head Men; but what their Business was, to what Artfull Insinuations the French had made use of we could never learn, by Reason they had influenced the Indians so far as to deny him Admittance into the Square at their publick Talks, which they never before had refused, but sent for him on all publick Occasions to their Councils. From whence he Apprehended very bad Consequences as there Appeared a general Dissatisfaction amongst them. And the said Galphin further declared, it as his Opinion that most of the Creek Indians were at that Juncture very much in the French Interest as some of them declared they would have French Traders amongst them. And this Deponent Saith upon Enquiring the reason of the present Uneasenesses and Dissatisfaction amongst the Indians, that the French should so farr Alienate them from the British Interest. The said Galphin told him, he could give no other Reason for it. But the Treatment which the Indians had Received at Savannah last Summer, as the Traders in the Nation had perceived a great Dissatisfaction amongst the Indians ever since their Return from thence. As they had a notion from the proceedings of the White people at that time that the English wanted to break out a Warr with them which has very much paved the way for the designs of the French, who are very Industrious to Improve every Murmer and discontent amongst them to their own Advantage and had succeeded so far as to gain an Asscendancy in their Councils which made the Traders very much afraid they should fall a Sacrifice without a Speedy Interposition to Remove all Misunderstandings.

That on Tusday the 31st he this Deponent went to the Busk20 or Annual Assembly at the Cussataw and was told by the Traders of that Town, That the French had been at all the Upper Towns and most of the Lower Towns in the Creek Nation but never could learn what they came upon. That on Tuesday the Second day of August was held a General Council in the Coweta Square where Mrs. Mary Bosomworth was present and a Talk was made with a General Voice of the whole Assembly to send home to England by her for his Majestys Consideration. And that upon her promise to undertake the Voyage to represent them in England, to his Majesty there seemed a General Joy in the Face of the whole Assembly and the French Colours were taken down.


Sworn at Savannain Georgia the Secondday of October 1750 before me.


Jacob Ford





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Deposition of Jacob Ford, Sept. 20, 1751, that William Spencer and Samuel Marcer, two magistrates for the colony of Georgia, refused to administer the oaths to Adam Bosomworth for his statement.

Before me, John Mackintosh Mohr Esquire his Majestys Conservator of the peace in and for the Town and County of Frederica and Darian in the Colony of Georgia in America, personally Appeared Jacob Ford who being dully Sworn maketh Oath That on the Second day of October last past he this Deponent was personally present when the above named Adam Bosomworth exhibited the above deposition in manner and form as above written to Wm Spencer and Samuel Marcer two of the Magistrates for the Colony of Georgia and desired the said Magistrates to Administer him the said Adam Bosomworth his Oath as to the Truth of the Facts therein contained, which the said William Spencer and Samuel Marcer refused to do in the presence of this Deponent and one more Witness


Sworn before methis 21st September 1751 John Mackintosh Mohr


Jacob Ford





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Deposition of Adam Bosomworth, May 4, 1752, attesting to the truth of the facts in the above deposition.

Before me Audley Maxwell Esquire Conservator of the peace for the District of Midway and Ogeechee in the Colony of Georgia personally Appeared Adam Bosomworth of the said Colony Gentleman who being duly Sworn maketh Oath that the facts contained in the above Deposition are Just and True.


Sworn before me this4th day of May 1752. Audley Maxwell


Adam Bosomworth





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James Glen to Thomas Bosomworth, Nov. 14, 1752, acknowledging Mrs. Bosomworths services to His Majesty.

I received your Letters and Journal by Mr. Mackintosh and read them with Satisfaction. They were Equally Satisfactory to the Gentlemen of the Council, when they were Considered there. And We are all well pleased with the Trouble your Spouse had taken. As you have now finished the Business you had in charge, I desire that you may immediately return, communicating & Interpreting my letter to the Indians, and also taking care to send the other letters Inclosed to the several persons to whom they are directed. I have sent a few things to Mrs. Bosomworth to be distributed as you and she think proper, and I shall not fail to give Chigilli what he desires when I have the pleasure of Seeing him, which I hope will be at Concluding the peace with the Cherokees.

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James Glen to Mary Bosomworth, March 16, 1753, South Carolina, thanking her for her considerable services, especially translating talks.

I have enclosed a letter to Malatchi which when you have Read and Interpreted to him, I think it might be proper to Shew it also to Mr. Galphin, that he may get it Interpreted to him. I have also written to Mr. Galphin which I have left Open for your perusal, when you have read it Seal and deliver it. I hope to have the pleasure of Seeing you at Fort Moor; till then I shall say nothing of your Services, but I truly think they are Considerable which I shall take every Opportunity of acknowledging for. I am with Great Truth.

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James Glen to Thomas Bosomworth, May 8, 1753, Charles Town, commending his conduct.

I wrote so lately and so fully by a Negroe belonging to Mr. Fitz that I have little to add, and as he seemed to be a Carefull Fellow it is needless to repeat anything for I hope he delivered my Letters. However it was wisely done to send off this Express to prevent my waiting at Orangeburgh which might have been the Case. Indeed I have reason in General to Commend your Conduct in everything that I commit to your Care. For you not only faithfully follow the directions given you, but upon particular Emergencys that have not been provided for, your Own discretion is a very good Guide.

As I thought the End of April and beginning of May the best time to travel in, I sent for the Indians but I had no Notion that the Rivers could have been so high at that Season. I presume before this Reaches your hands, they must be Arrived or at least that you have heard from them. I should not be displeased if they have deferred their Journey also, and then they might be sent for when there is less danger from the heat, for I am afraid they may get Sick, but if they Come the length of Savanna Town, that is, Fort Moor, pray let them Dictate, and take care not to disgust them and while they stay there, or if they proceed downwards you will let it be with as little Expence as may be & Remember to keep an Account of the particulars, that is how much Corn Rum &c they have at each place for the Government will Grudge one Shilling Sterling per day when there are so many.

My Compliments to Capt. Codogan, Mr. Gray, & all the Gentlemen either at Augusta or New Windsor. But in particular Remember me to Maltchi, Chigilli, The Gun & Mrs. Bosomworth. A Vessell from London lately Arrived in Georgia & a Man of Warr is every day expected here. Captain Holwell is called home and will Sail in three Weeks.

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James Glen to Thomas Bosomworth, May 23, 1753, Charles Town, saying he will do everything agreeable to the Indians when they are brought to town by Bosomworth.

All possible care will be taken to make every thing Agreeable to the Indians in Town, which upon such short Notice could not be so Conveniently done at Dorchester, besides I am really Ill. I have not been out of my Room, hardly out of my Bed, these five or Six days past but by the time you come to Town I hope in God I shall be able to make them very welcome & to shew them as much respect as ever was Shewn to Indians.

___________________

Order in Council, Dec. 5, 1754, Court at St. James, received Dec. 16, read Dec. 17, 1754, C.O. 5/644, A. 37, approving a Board of Trade proposal that Clement Martyn be appointed to the Georgia Council and directing the Board to prepare a warrant accordingly.

Upon reading this day at the Board a Representation from the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations Setting forth That there is but Ten persons appointed by His Majestys Instructions to John Reynolds Esqr. His Majestys Governor of Georgia to be of the Council in that province, and that Clement Martin Esqr. hath been recommended to them as a person every way qualified to Serve His Majesty in that Station. The Lords Commissioners therefore humbly propose that he may be appointed of his Majestys Council in the said province. His Majesty in Council approving thereof is pleased to Order as it is hereby Ordered that the said Clement Martin Esqr., be, constituted and appointed a Member of His Majestys Council in the said Province of Georgia. And that the said Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations do cause a Warrant to be prepared for that purpose and lay the same before His Majesty at this Board.

___________________

Order in Council, June 21, 1754, Court at Kensington, received Sept. 17, 1754, read Jan. 7, 1755, C.O. 5/644, A. 38, approving authorization for His Majestys engraver to engrave a silver seal for sealing all public instruments in Georgia.

His Majesty having been pleased to Approve of a Draught of a seal for Sealing all publick Instruments in the Colony of Georgia in America The Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations did this day lay before His Majesty at this Board (pursuant to His Majestys Order for that purpose) a Warrant to authorise and require His Majestys Engraver to engrave a Seal in Silver of the same size with those heretofore sent to the Provinces of South and North Carolina, the same to be engraven with the Royal Effigies and a Figure representing the Genius of the said Colony on his knee offering to His Majesty a Skain of Silk. This inscription being under the said Effigies, hinc Laudem sperate Coloni,21 and this other Inscription round the Circumference, Sigillum Provincia nostrae Georgiae22 in America and on the other side of the said Seal His Majestys Arms, Garter, Crown, Supporters and Motto with his Majestys Title round the Circumference. And His Majesty in Council having been pleased to Approve of the said Warrant doth hereby Order that the Right Honourable Sir Thomas Robinson One of His Majestys principal Secretarys of State do lay the said Warrant (which is hereunto annexed) before His Majesty for his Royal Signature.

___________________

Order in Council, Aug. 6, 1754, Court at Kensington, received Sept. 17, 1754, read Jan. 7, 1755, C.O. 5/644, A. 39, authorizing the Governor of Georgia to appoint James Habersham Secretary and Register of the Records.

His Majesty having been pleased to approve of James Habersham Esqr. to be Secretary and Register of the Records in the province of Georgia in America. The Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations did this day lay before His Majesty at this Board pursuant to His Majestys Order for that purpose a Warrant to Authorize and require the Governor and Commander in Chief of the said Province to cause Letters Patent to be passed under the Seal of the said Province for constituting and appointing the said James Habersham Esqr. Secretary and Register of the Records accordingly, to hold and Execute the said Offices during His Majestys pleasure, and the residence of the said James Habersham within the said Province. And His Majesty in Council having been pleased to Approve of the said Warrant, Doth hereby Order that the Right Honourable Sir Thomas Robinson One of his Majestys principal Secretarys of State do lay the said Warrant (which is hereunto annexed) before His Majesty for His Royal Signature.

___________________

Order in Council, Aug. 6, 1754, Court at Kensington, received Sept. 17, 1754, read Jan. 7, 1755, C.O. 5/644, A. 40, approving the draft of a commission appointing John Reynolds Governor of Georgia.

Whereas there was this day read at the Board a Report made by the Right Honourable the Lords of the Committee of Council for Plantation Affairs upon considering the Draught of a Commission prepared by the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations for John Reynolds Esqr. to be Governor of His Majestys Province of Georgia in America together with a Warrant for preparing a Bill in order to pass the said Commission under the Great Seal. And it appearing by the said Report that the said Draught of a Commission is drawn in the usual Form, and contains the same powers as are usually granted to His Majestys other Govrs. in America. His Majesty was pleased with the Advice of His Privy Council to approve thereof and to Order, as it is hereby Ordered, that the Right Honourable Sir Thomas Robinson One of His Majestys Principal Secretarys of State do lay the said Draught of Commission and Warrant before his Majesty for His Royal Signature.

___________________

Order in Council, Aug. 6, 1754, Court at Kensington, received Sept. 17, 1754, read Jan. 7, 1755, C.O. 5/644, A. 41, approving the draft of general instructions which relate to the acts of trade prepared by this Board for John Reynolds, Governor of Georgia.

Whereas there was this day read at the Board a Report from the Right Honourable the Lords of the Committee of Council for Plantation Affairs upon considering the Draughts of General Instructions as also of those which relate to the Acts of Trade and Navigation prepared by the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations for John Reynolds Esqr. Govr. of the Province of Georgia. And it appearing by the said Report that there are inserted in these Instructions all such General Articles as have been constantly given to the Govrs. of His Majestys Plantations in America, and that there are only such particular Articles added thereto as appear to be adapted to the present State and Circumstances of this Province. His Majesty was thereupon pleased, with the Advice of His Privy Council to Approve of the said Draughts of Instructions and to Order, as it is hereby Ordered that the Right Honourable Sir Thomas Robinson One of His Majestys Principal Secretarys of State do cause the same (which are hereunto annexed) to be laid before His Majesty for His Royal Signature.

___________________

Memorial of Benjamin Martyn, agent for Georgia, to the Board of Trade, Jan. 14, 1755, London, received and read Jan. 15, 1755, C.O. 5/644, A. 42, asking the Boards instructions with regard to bills of exchange drawn upon him for services in Georgia. Enclosure A, an account of the estimated expenses from June, 1753, to June, 1754, and Enclosure B, the account of the expense of the Silk Culture for 1753-1754.

Humbly Sheweth

That he has received Letters of Advice from the late President and Assistants in Georgia, that Bills of Exchange amounting to the Sum of 1507.16.6 3/4 have been drawn on him, some of Which are already arrived.

He therefore prays your Lordships Orders for his paying the said Bills.

_________

Enclosure A

An Account of Estimated Expenses from June, 1753, to June, 1754, Savannah in Georgia.

The Accounts of the estimated Expences from the 24th June 1753 to the 24th June last amounting to Eight Hundred and twenty Pounds twelve Shillings and six Pence farthing Sterling being compleated, Mr. Patrick Graham and Mr. James Habersham have (to discharge this Service) drawn on you in sundry Bills of Exchange dated this Day payable (as you directed) at Sixty Days Sight for the aforesaid Sum of Eight Hundred Twenty Pounds twelve Shillings and six Pence farthing Sterling to the following Persons or Order.


And as you mention in your Letter of the 16th February last, that the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations had ordered the Sum of One hundred Pounds to be given to Mr. Joseph Ottolenghe, to encourage him to persevere in the Zeal he had shewn to promote the Silk-Culture, by Way of anticipating Ten Years Rent of his House, Mr. Patrick Graham and Mr. James Habersham have (agreable to your Instructions) drawn a Sett of Bills of Exchange on you dated this Day payable to said Mr. Joseph Ottolenghe or Order at Sixty Days Sight for the said Sum of One hundred Pounds.

The Accounts and Vouchers for which all the aforesaid Bills are drawn will be forwarded, by Way of Charles Town in a few Days with the Accounts of the Silk Culture, as well as our Proceedings in Council since September last and other public Dispatches in a Box directed to you, and as it appears safest to have the said Box forwarded in a Ship going direct for London, and there may be none offering immediately for that Port, we have thought proper to forward two of our General Letters of Advice of the Bills drawn on you, and order them to be sent by the two first going ships to any Port in great Britain, that you may be advised thereof as soon as possible.

Pat. Graham James Habersham N. Jones P. Robinson Francis Harris

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Enclosure B

The Accounts of the Expense of the Silk-Culture 1753-1754, Savannah in Georgia.

The Accounts of the Expence of the Silk-Culture the last Season amounting to Five hundred eighty seven Pounds four Shillings and a half Penny Sterling being compleated, Mr. Patrick Graham and Mr. James Habersham have (to discharge this Service) drawn on you in sundry Bills of Exchange dated this Day payable (as you directed) at Sixty Days Sight for the aforesaid Sum of Five hundred eighty seven Pounds four Shillings and a half Penny Sterling to the following Persons or Order namely --


All the Cocoons brought into the public Filature the past Season were reeled off under the Care of Mr. Joseph Ottolenghe, and he acquaints Us, he has got about 375 lb. of raw Silk, besides the Filozel [floss] &c, which will be Shipt you by the first going Ship to London from this Port or Beaufort which we expect will be sometime in December next. There may probably an Opportunity offer of shipping the silk from Charlestown direct to London sooner than December, but as our distant Situation renders it uncertain to Us when such a Ship may be ready to sail and the Silk may be exposed to get Damage, either in the Passage to Charles-town or by laying there for an opportunity of shipping it. We think it more prudent to wait for the first Ship from hence or Beaufort which we are well advised will not be later than December. We have acquainted Mr. Ottolenghe that we shall order the public Filature to be altered as he shall direct and the Accounts and Vouchers for which the aforesaid Bills are drawn will soon be forwarded you, with our public Dispatches (as we informed you in another Letter of this date) by Way of Charlestown ---

Pat. Graham James Habersham N. Jones Pickering Robinson Francis Harris

We have got all the Bills drawn on you negotiated without any Discount.

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The Lords of the Treasury to the Board of Trade, Jan. 20, 1755, London, received Jan. 20, read Jan. 21, 1755, C.O. 5/644, A. 43, notifying the Board that the King has directed the Board to prepare and lay before the House of Commons an estimate of the expenses for Georgia from midsummer, 1754, to midsummer, 1755.

I desire you will acquaint the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations that the Chancellour of the Exchequer hath received his Majestys Commands that their Lordships should prepare and lay before the House of Commons an Estimate of the Expences attending the Colony of Georgia from the Twenty fourth day of June 1754 to Midsummer 1755.

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Order in Council, Jan. 9, 1755, Court at St. James, received Jan. 13, read Jan. 22, 1755, C.O. 5/644, A. 44, requiring the Governor of Georgia to admit Clement Martin to the Council.

Upon reading this day at the Board, a Report from the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations together with a Warrant, prepared by them, directing and requiring John Reynolds Esqr. His Majestys Governor of Georgia, to Swear and admit Clement Martin Esqr. to be of His Majestys Council in that province. His Majesty this day took the said Report and Warrant into Consideration and was pleased with the Advice of His Privy Council to approve thereof and to Order, as it is hereby Ordered, that the Right Honourable Sir Thomas Robinson One of His Majestys principal Secretarys of State, do lay the said Warrant, which is hereunto annexed, before His Majesty, for His Royal Signature.

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Memorial of Benjamin Martyn, agent for Georgia, to the Board of Trade, Jan. 28, 1755, London, read Jan. 28, 1755, C.O. 5/644, A. 45, asking how the money granted for Indian presents should be disposed. Enclosed A, a list of goods for Indian presents.

Humbly Sheweth

That his Majesty hath been graciously pleased to grant a Warrant for the sum of 1500, to be paid to him, to be laid out in such Presents, for the Indians bordering on the Colony of Georgia as shall be thought proper by Your Lordships to be provided for and sent to them, and for satisfying and discharging all Charges and Expences relating thereto.

That Your Memorialist thinks it his Duty, on this Occasion, to lay, before Your Lordships a Copy of the last List of Goods which was transmitted from Georgia by the late President and Assistants in the Year 1750, as a proper Assortment for Presents to the Indians, and the Quantity which was then thought necessary.

That he has shewed the said List to several Merchants trading to, and others acquainted with that Part of America, and They approve of the same.

That he has inquired of the most reputable Tradesmen, who deal therein, the prices of the said Goods; and the Value of the whole List, according to their Estimate, amounts to about 800.

That the only Expences in England, after the Goods are purchased, will be the Package, the Conveyance of them on board a Ship, the Freight, and Insurance; if this shall be thought necessary.

That it appears by a Letter from the late President and Assistants dated January 1749/50 to Mr. Verelst, One of Agents then appointed to purchase the Presents, that They were of Opinion, A Moiety [part] of the sum of 1500 should be reserved for the Expences attending the Distribution of the Presents in Georgia; but Your Memorialist cannot see any Reason for reserving so great a Sum, and presumes there may be room for an Addition to some of the Articles specified in the aforesaid List.

That though the carrying of the Presents into the Indian Nation will, for many reasons, be a much more eligible Method than inviting the Indians down to the English Settlements to receive them, it will however be more expensive, but as the Expences cannot be ascertained.

He humbly prays Your Lordships will be pleased to order, What Part of the aforesaid Sum of 1500 shall be reserved for answering any Drafts on this Account.

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Enclosure A

A List of Goods for Indian Presents.

20 pieces striped Duffils, the stripes bright


10 pieces blew plains corded and Wormed for Women

200 Yards of embroiderd Serge the patterns large

2500 lb. F. Gunpowder

150 Wilsons trading Guns

40 Fowling pieces

12 Saddles with Cruppers and Bridles

8 Do a better Sort with Housings

2 Gross Stone Rings

12 Doz. Horn Combs

6 Doz. Ivory Do

4 Gross black and spotted Clasp knives

12 Doz. Razors

12 Doz. pair Scyssors

12 Doz. looking Glasses

12 Nests of red gilt trunks

19 Doz. check Shirts 18 Doz. white Garlisc Do

15 pieces of Calicoe

18 yards in Each.

50 Cwt. trading Bells

34 second hand scarlet, red, and blew coats

6 Do. a better sort, and 6 Wastcoats for head Men

34 tinsel laced Hats

6 tinsel laced Hats a better Sort for Head Men

6 Gross Body Cadis in pieces 12 yards each

6 Gross figured and Star Gartering

30 lb. Vermilion

14 Gross long Pipes

60 Gross Hunters Do

100 lb. Shag cut tobacco

40 lb. bright brass wire sorted

6 Gross Hawks Bells smallest size

12 Dozen Oval-eyed Hatchets

250 lb. brass Kettles sorted

10 Nests tin Kettles 15 in Each

4 Doz. quart tin Pots

4 Doz. Pint Do

4 Doz. 1/2 Pint Do

4,000 black flints for trading Guns

1,000 Do for Fowling Pieces

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Memorial of Abraham Bosomworth to the Board of Trade, Feb. 3, 1755, read Feb. 4, 1755, C.O. 5/644, A. 46, asking to be appointed an agent for Indian Affairs and commissioner to deliver Indian presents in Georgia.

Most humbly Sheweth

That your Memorialist was many years an Inhabitant of the Colony of Georgia in America, and has been employed as Agent for Indian Affairs in that Province and So. Carolina.

That your Memorialist has always Discharged the several Duties of his Station with unquestionable Integrity and approved Diligence and Fidelity to His Majestys Service and Interest, to The very great Detriment and Injury of his own Private Fortune.

That your Memorialist is informed The Lords Commissioners of His Majestys Treasury have been pleased to Direct the Sum of 1500 Sterg to be laid out in Presents for the better Securing the Friendship and Alliance of the Indians contiguous to Georgia in his Majestys Interest.

That your Memorialist is personally known to all the Kings, Chiefs, and Warriors in the Creek Indian Nations and well acquainted with their Trade, Temper, Customs, and Language; and has often been very instrumental, by his Influence and Authority, in Preserving the Safety of His Majestys Subjects.

That your Memorialist is well assured, from his own knowledge, and Experience, That not only Presents properly distributed, agreeable to your Lordships wise Directions, but the Appointment of a Person (acceptable to the Indians) for that Service, to go up occasionally to their Nations, redress their Grievances and regulate their Trade, is equally necessary to continue the Same, and the most effectual Expedient (at this Juncture) to prevent the French from gaining any Influence with these Southern Nations of Indians.

Your Memorialist Therefore most humbly hopes your Lordships will be Pleased to appoint him Agent for the Distribution of Presents and Commissioner for Indian Affairs in that Province, with such an Allowance for that Service as your Lordships shall think proper.

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John Reynolds to the Board of Trade, Dec. 5, 1754, Savannah, received Feb. 21, read Mar. 19, 1755, C.O. 5/644, A. 47, giving a description of Savannah together with a statement of conditions in regards to the Indian.

I humbly beg leave to acquaint Your Lordships of my arrival here on the 29th of October, and that the People appeard extremely well pleased on that occasion. As I have not yet had time to visit any other part of the Country, I must defer giving Your Lordships an account of it 'till I have properly informd myself.

The Town of Savannah is well situated, and contains about a hundred and fifty Houses, all wooden ones, very small, and mostly very old. The biggest was used for the meeting of the President and Assistants and wherein I sat in Council for a few days, but one end fell down whilst we were all there, and obliged us to move to a kind of Shed behind the Court house, which being quite unfit, I have given Orders, with the Advice of the Council, to fit up the Shell of a House which was lately built for laying up the Silk, but was never made use of, being very ill calculated for that purpose, as Mr. Ottolangee informs me, wherefore he says he has no further use for it, but it will make a tolerable good House for the Council and Assembly to meet, and for a few Offices besides. The Prison, being only a small old wooden House, without the least security, I have also orderd to be mended, and some Locks and Bolts to be put on for the present.

I have with the Advice of the Council, published a Proclamation for continuing all Officers till farther Order, and Issued Writs for electing Representatives to serve in General Assembly to meet here on the 7th of January and the erecting of Courts of Justice and Judicature according to His Majestys Instructions, is now under our Consideration.

Here has been a few of the Settlement Indians down already upon hearing of the arrival of a Governor, and I heartily Wish the intended Presents from England were arrived, for I am informd that Numbers of them may be expected on that occasion, as soon as their Hunting season is over, who will take it very Ill to be dismissd without Presents. It appears to me also of the greatest Importance to His Majestys Service to have some Troops in this Defenceless and Remote rovince, which, as Your Lordships knows, is the South Frontier of His Majestys Dominions in North America, and so near the Spanish Town of Augustine that the Negroes frequently Desert thither from hence, and even from Carolina, and the Spaniards very much encourage them to do so, as I am informd, and to the Southward of the Northern boundary of this Province lies the Indian Nations of the Chickasaws, Creeks, Eugees [Yuchis], Chactaws, and four fifths of the Cherokees, Who should be Awd by our Strength, as well as Courted by our Presents, and particularly now, as several Letters from Mr. McGillivray, and others, Indian Traders of Reputation at Augusta, have been received here by Patrick Graham Esqr. since my arrival, giving accounts of the Artifices of the French Governor at Mobile, who had Invited thither all the Chiefs of the upper Creek Nation, and being returned, they say they had a Grand Conference with that Governor, who was at great pains to Persuade them that the English were their Utter Enemies, Shewed them a fictitious Letter wrote with Red Ink; and a fictitious Captain who it was said was the Bearer of it. This Letter containd a proposal from the English Governors to the French, to Join together, in order to Destroy the Indians; at the same time he strongly recommended to them to put themselves under the Protection of the French, being the only Friends they could safely confide in, for the English wanted nothing but the Indians Lands, and at last will make Slaves of them; that it was high time for the Indians to begin upon the English, and they (the French) were ready to Support and Assist them &c. Mr. McGillivray observes that however Silly and Shallow these Arguments may appear to us, yet they may have a great effect to our Prejudice upon the Minds of the Indians, and especially on such of them as are in the French Interest already, of whom there are but too many in the Creek Nation.

On these accounts I think it my Duty to lay before your Lordships the enclosed Memorial for Troops, which I have also sent by this opportunity to the Secretary of State, and I also beg leave to lay before your Lordships the other enclosed Memorial, relating to my Sallery.

By this Conveyance Your Lordships will also receive the Minutes of the Council to the 3d. Inst.

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Memorial of John Reynolds to the Board of Trade, Dec. 5, 1754, Georgia, received Feb. 21, read Mar. 19, 1755, C.O. 5/644, A. 48, requesting troops to be stationed in Georgia.

Humbly Sheweth,

That His Majestys Province of Georgia under his Government, being a frontier Country to all His Majestys Dominions in North America, and bounded on all sides (except the North East) with various Nations of Indians, whose Allegiance to His Majesty is very precarious, and more particularly so at this time, as several Letters from reputable Traders in the Indian Country, have, written this Month been received here by Patrick Graham Esqr. one of the Council of this Province, giving accounts of the Artifices practised by the French Governor at Mobile, to persuade the Indians to Attack the English. And as there is neither Cannon, Small arms, Amunition, nor Fortifications in the Province, that are fit for Service nor Soldiers (except a small Detachment from the three Independent Companies at South Carolina), Therefore it appears to him of the greatest Importance to His Majestys Service, in the protection of His Majestys Subjects of the Inhabitants of this Province, to have a small number of Regular Troops here, to join and Support the Militia whenever they may be attacked; at least a Company of Foot of a Hundred and fifty Men; without which he humbly apprehends the Colony is in Danger of being Destroyed; and what Cannon, Arms, Amunition, &c. may be thought proper; which with great Submission he begs leave to recommend to your Lordships immediate Consideration.

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Memorial of John Reynolds to the Board of Trade, Dec. 5, 1754, Georgia, received Feb. 21, read Mar. 19, 1755, C.O. 5/644, A. 49, setting forth the extraordinary expense of living in Georgia and asking the Board to adjust his salary.

Most humbly Sheweth,

That your Memorialist finds the Charge and Expence of living in this Country, much greater than he immagined, every article of Life (except Beef and Pork) being extremly Dear, particularly Labour of all kinds that he could not subsist the meanest of his Servants here, with Lodging and Board only, 'till he could hire a House to live in, under Two Shillings Sterling a day each. That his Sallery being no more than Six hundred pounds a year, he finds that it will cost him at least that Sum to Live as a private Gentleman, without any regard to the Dignity of his Office, the perquisites whereof he perceives will be extreamly Low. He therefore humbly begs that your Lordships will be pleased to take the matter into your Consideration, and to Encrease his Sallery in such proportion as to your Lordships shall seem proper; and he is the more inclined to hope that your Lordships will be pleased to grant his Prayer, as his Half Pay in the Navy is saved to the Government at home during his Employment here.

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Joseph Ottolenghe23 to Benjamin Martyn, June 13, 1754, Savannah, received by the Board of Trade and read Mar. 20, 1755, C.O. 5/644, A. 50, giving the present state of sericulture in Georgia and thanking the Board of Trade for their generous pension.

I suppose that much Rethoric is not wanted to make good Mr. Martyn sensible how greatly wellcome was his last of the 16th of February to me. It brought such a Load of Comfort along with it, that I have neither Words sufficient to express the joy that it gave me, nor yet proper expressions to declare the grateful Sense which I entertain of so Good & charitable a Grant made me by their Lordships. Gratitude indeed, demands more than mere Thanks but what has the Poor else to offer? Tis true that such poor Tribute, is sincere, and as such I beg of you to be so Kind to tender them to their Lordships, assuring them that my constan Prayer to the Father of All, are to reward them seven Folds for their Goodness towards me.

Their answering also all my Requests with regard to the Filature deserves my Acknowledgment as well as Thanks. The Scales, Weights Files, & 4 Brass Cocks, are now safe into my Custody and answer the Ends that they are intended for. The Files also are Good and of a proper Size, & enough to serve for many Years.

I wish that it had been in my Power to send to their Lordships an Estimate of the Expencess for what is necessary to be done at the Filature, which you say it must be done on all future Occasions, where Orders are wanted. But Sir, I must beg Leave to inform you, that Estimates, at least such as may be depended upon, cannot be Obtained in Georgia for our Work-men here are not capable of calculating one, even in Matters of no great Moment. As for the large new built House, I shall not meddle with, first, because the putting of it in Order for the Use intended, would prove too expensive, since that none of the Matterials which must come down from the old Filature, can be of any use there. And Secondly, because tis impossible for me to be divided between two Houses, at some Distance from each other. The Working People are Girls, who love Play better than Work, & no soon my Back is turnd, but a Cessation of Hands immediately ensues; besides, the great Heats which this Climate is subject to will not permit even a stronger Constitution than mine, to run to, & fro, in the scorching Sun, without contracting some Distemper or other. Whereas had I been acquainted with the Scheme of building so large an House, I should at least have made it appear that there was no need of Building so large an One, much less of Occupying two public Lots for one single Filature, & that the most saving & prudent Method in Cases like This, Contiguity of Offices, was the most eligible, but as Things stand at present, the Filature is in one Lot, the sorting House in Another, the Oven for baking the Cocoons, in one Corner, a Miserable Well, which cost a large Sum, & not worth any Thing in another; yet one public Lot was not [only] sufficient to contain one Filature & all its necessary Offices, but a Second, if required.

I am obligd to say thus much even against my Inclination, because I must satisfy their Lordships that the Alterations which I requested are not the Result of Fancy, but necessity, for to find Faults is Irksome to me, & was it not for the Reason given, Silence would have been my Choice, especially if it be consider that whatever has been done in this Affair since my coming to the Colony, was executed before I knew anything of it, & the only good Luck which I had was the hindering of building an additional Filature, in another Part of the Town, for which a Plan was desird of me, but refused the giving it, because I then thought, & still think, that it would have been an useless Expence, since that what we had already, was sufficient to answer all the Demands of the Colony, & that upon Occasion, more Basons might be erected in the same old Filature with these & other Reasons which I offerd, the Project was dropt.

As for the Alterations which their Lordships have given me Liberty to make, they may rest satisfied, that it shall be conducted with all the Frugality imaginable, nothing superfluous, nothing Useless shall be attempted, but what is of immediate Necessity. I have comunicated to the President & some of the Assistants, with what is necessary to be done, & they approve of it. I intend God willing, to overlook the Work-men myself, that nothing may be wasted, & to keep them to their Duty, & when finished, I should be glad if any one of comon Sense as well as Honesty would acquaint their Lordships whether I have done what an honest Man ought to do. No Alteration in the Filature could be done this Season because the Orders for it came too late. I do not know how the Silk provd, that was sent Home last year, & what Faults, that I might mend Them.

This Year has provd propitious to the Worms, the Trees were out Earlier than usual, & the Worms hatchd, when their Food was ready for them. Many Methods have I tried & more I shall contrive in order to preserve the Seed from hatching before its Time. Cellars will not answer in these Parts, so well as in Italy as Experience shews it. The keeping it from the Air & among Linnen, is of some Use, but not always to be depended upon. The Cause of the premature Hatching of the Seed, I take it to proceed from the sudden Transitions that we have in Winter from extremely Cold, to a very hot Weather, & tho I may not be able to account for it in a philosophical Way, yet Experience has put me in possession of the Facts. Therefore if I can find out a Way to prevent the Seeds being insensible of such Changes, I may hope to have a Remedy for it, & if Success attends it I shall communicate it to you.

As to the Management of the Filature this Year, I kept pretty near to the Method which I practiced last Year, & I hope with the same Care & Deligence. I have by me now 376 lbs of Silk, only waiting for an Opportunity to be sent Home; besides Strazza, empty Cocoons etc: The last Articles, if we had here such a Convinience as you have of a Foundling-Hospital, when many such Hand might be employed, twould turn to much better Account than sending it Home to be sold at 2 Shillings per Pound one with the Other; whereas the empty Cocoons should bring at least 5S per lb. The best Waste 3S & 6D & the Inferior 2S & 6D per lb. at least, & the Purchaser still be a considerable Gainer. I hope that this observation will not offend, since that it is the Result of an honest intention, & built upon an Advertisement sent here from London, of a Sale of Silk, made in Georgia &c to be held on March 13th 1752. Wherein 2 Bags of empty Cocoons, are markd at 2S. l Ditto & Strazze 2S. l Ditto & Struzza 2S.24 I remember that then upon the Perusual of it, I made the same Remark which I do now, & desird that Notice of it might be taken, when Letters about the silk Affairs were sent Home, but whether forgotten or not, I cannt tell.

As for the Quality of this Years Silk, I believe it as Good, as the bad Quality of the Cocoons would permit, & I hope that good Success will attend the Endeavours of getting new Seed from abroad, an Article this extremely wanted in Georgia.

As to what you observe, that their Lordships are of Opinion that it will be of great Service, to instruct in the Business of Realing, as many Persons as can be conviniently among those who have large Plantations of Mulberry Trees &c is certainly just, & am sure that none that will come that can be conviniently retaind are refusd, & several do come from the neighbouring Plantations, but many are incapable attending the Filature, either because of their Distance from the Town, the Expenses which they must be at in Town, which their Poverty will not permit, nor yet the leaving their family Affairs during the Silk-Season. However this is supplied by instructing Young Girls, who will be spread throughout the Colony & this year I have raisd 8 Hands fit for the Bason. A Number this sufficient, in my humble Opinion, to stock in a few Years, the Colony with. Had the Trusteess wholesome Institution been followed, & such as had Land given, planted so many Mulberry-Trees, as twas wisely provided, there would be now fine, well grown Plantations of them, & Silk enough might be now made to supply England with but the general Neglect of it, cannot be recovered but by Time.

However there appears a general Bent, amongs the old Settlers as well as the new Commers, to raise large Plantations of Mulberry Trees; they neither want any Encouragement, nor Advice how to treat their Trees, or to manage the Worms from me; I lookd upon it to be my Duty so to do when I first came to this Colony, & it is become more so now, by their Lordships late great Goodness towards me, to whom I beg that you would be so Good, to present my humble Respects, the same I tender to Worthy Mr. Martyn, & I beg also that you11 believe me to be with all Sincerity.

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Joseph Ottolenghe to Benjamin Martyn, Nov. 25, 1754, Savannah, received and read Mar. 20, 1755, C.O. 5/644, A. 51 giving an account of the progress of silk the past year and the defeat of Greys scheme to take over the Assembly.

By the Inclosed youll find that tis not Neglect of Duty on my Part, but want of opportunity that you have not heard from me sooner. Since with the Letters which came with his Excellency, I found myself favored with one from you, dated Aug. 17th, 1754. In Answer to which I shall begin first with my Thanks to you for it, the Pleasure which I received in the Account which you gave me of the Silk sent Home last Year, & the Price that it was sold for. I hope that that which was made this Year will meet with the same liking, & I could wish that an Opportunity had offered sooner to ship it for England, but I hope that tis not now too late. His Excellency has been at my House to see the Silk, as well as many other Strangers, & indeed hardly a week passes but that I have Strangers that come to satisfy their curiousity, & every one express a great deal of Pleasure, in considering the great Benefits that will redound by so valuable a Manufacture both to Georgia & England. The Governour expresses a great Satisfaction at the Sight of the Silk, & by his countenacing it, will prove of great use, though of much Greater if the Parliament could be induced to settle it for some Years at the Publics Expence; however, I shall touch no more at Present upon this Necessary Point, but leave it to be treated off by wiser Heads than mine is.

Im very willing & ready to leave to their Lordships Generous Breast for my Stipend, having already tasted of their Goodness, & I hope even to make it my endeavour to be continued in their good Favour.

The Silk will be sent Home I believe by Macclellan, & before I seal This a Particular Account will be inserted in it. And now for Politicks.

When I say that I am going to treat of Politics, I mean of such wretched ones introducd in poor Georgia, by that infamous Gray.25 I remember that when I came to Georgia, that although some little squables happened between the Governing & Governed, yet by the Interposition of the Lovers of Peace, such animosities were stifled in their very Cradle, but since this Man came among us, has not only used all wicked Means to inflame the Minds of many weak People, but to form them into a Party, whose sole aim & design has been for these two years passed, to blacken & distress the Former Government & to disturb the Present, by Cabals, & wicked Means, Worthy of Grey & that Scandal to his Profession Ch-r-lo W-t-s-n26 his Brother in Iniquity & sedition of equal Fortune, equal Modesty & Sincerity. It would be too tedious & too Dirty to dwell upon a Detail of their dishonest Schemes, which I am sure as I do not intend to defile my Pen with them consequently youll not be punished with the reading of them, only observe to you that as their Grand Aim & Hopes, is an Opportunity to get as many of their Malecontent Companions to be chosen Members for the ensuing Election, in order to have an Opportunity to fish in their beloved muddy Water, but I hope that many of them will be disappointed. Theree Placess have resolved to choose no other Person but your Humble Servant. Youll say that Country must labour under a great scarcety of Horses, that is under the Necessity of saddling of asses, but Necessity has no law & though I know myself to weak in Mind & Body, to do much Good in the Assembly, as in Pocket to bear the Expences attending to it, yet if I can keep out from it one of these troublesome Fellows, I shall think my Time well employed; not that I intend even then to neglect the Instructing of the Negroes, no, I bless God I have never omitted my Duty towards them, (in Cases of Sickness excepted) ever since I had the Care of them.27

We have (blessed be God) amongst us several substantial Planters lately come to Georgia, who abhor & detest our dirty pretended Quakers scheme & indeed, we can never enough lament of his bringing in this Colony a Parcel of Lawless needy wretches which he brought or sent for from Virginia, the only Good (as we daily hear from thence) that he did to those Parts, has been by Freeing them of so many Free Boaters, who are become a Plague & dread (as Im informed) to those People who are so unhappy to be in their Neighbourhood. To these, Grey, without any Authority, has allotted Lands, a Parcel to each, & though the Grand Jury were unhappilly prevented before the Governour Came, from calling him to an Account, now we hope to see better Times. Gratitude, which always attend an Honest Breast will ever prompt such in this Colony, to thank God who rules the Hearts of Kings, that we have so Good a Governour appointed by his Gracious Majesty. May the God of Heaven long, very long, preserve his precious Life, for his Indulgence towards us. The Lords of Trade & Plantations Im sure will ever deserve the Prayers & Thanks also from those who are sensible of their great Goodness towards us, & may our Gracious God inspire our present Malecontents, with Gratitude & Love, that they may not abuse the present Government as they did the long suffering & fatherly Goodness of the Honourable the late Trustees. I shall now draw to a Conclusion, & only acquaint you that the Silk is in 3 Chests No. I 120 lbs., 21/2 [oz ?] of the First Sort Yellow, & a Bundle only of the Doppioni to fill it up. No. Contains 98 lbs., 3 1/2 of the first Sort, white; & 47 lbs., 3 1/2 of the Second Sort. No. III contains 108 lbs., 11 1/2 of 2d. Sort & Inferior Silk, which I hope will prove as Good & sell as well as that of last Year. I daily expect the much wanted Seed, which you encourage me to hope for in your last. I cannt set down the Content of the 3 Bales (I mean as to their Weights) which will be send Home, because, [they] are gone from my House to the public Store. You have in this, a Bill of Lading for the whole, & another will be conveyd to you, by the First Opportunity.

P.S. November 30th. I can now acquaint you that in spite of all the Wicked Arts Sinister Dealings, & scandalous Insinuations of Greys Party against me & two honest Gentlemen Candidates for the Town of Savannah, we were this Day elected, to the great Mortification of one Capt. Francis, & the renowned Mercer, Quondam servants of the Trustees, & one Gibbins a sanctified Knave late of Carolina set up against us, all 3 worthy of Grey & Watsons Friendship, & the two Former of their privy Council. Acton & Vernon Burgh, together with Goshen, have refreshed the Memories of those Sons of Discord with a common old Saying, that Chickens should not be reckoned untill they are hatched, which these great Wits have certainly forgotten, else twould have saved them many premature Boastings, & of the Shame that disappointment has brought upon them, for these 3 Places not having the Fear of Grey before their Eyes, have chosen 3 worthy well wishers to the wellfare of Georgia, instead of 3 of their Scrubs. We have not been able to keep out Watson from Savannah, but were in hopes that as a Majority in the Assembly will be in Favour of the Lover of Peace, & their Country, that we shall be able to keep these restless Children within proper Bounds.

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Certificate of Several Silk Manufacturers and Traders, Mar. 29, 1755, London, received and read Apr. 10, 1755, C.O. 5/644, A. 52, attesting to the goodness and color of a parcel of Georgia raw silk, given to the Board of Trade by Benjamin Martyn, agent for Georgia.

Having visited a parcell of above 300 lb. of Georgia raw silk imported by the Juno, Captain Macclellan last month and being desired as Manufacturers & traders, well versed in the Knowledge of all sorts of Raw Silk, to give our opinion of its quality; We do sincerely declare, that the nature & texture is truly good, the colour beautifull, the thread as even, & as clean, as the best Piedmont (called Nove Silks) of the size. And much cleaner & evener than the usual Italian silks that are generally imported in the greatest quantity, And the white is as good a colour as what comes from Piedmont, & would be worked, with less waste than China Silk, and has all the properties of good silk well adapted to the Weavers use, in most branches, & which is a proof that the hands employed in drawing said Silk from the Cocoons in Georgia, have been well taught, in a right method of making good clean, Even Silk, such as is greatly wanted & what would tend to the improvement of our Silk manufactures could 20 or 30 thousand Weight be made annually. In witness whereof we have hereunto Set our Names.


John SabatierPeter Duthoit JuniorJohn DelamareJames FrushardThomas Mason & Co.Peter MaillardJohn DesclauxSimon Dalbiai Junr.Thos. HandisydeAbr. NewhousePeter OgierJacob DelamarePeter CampartDavid DeLa VauxDaniel GilesJames OuvrySebastian LoySamuel TattonLewis Ogier


James Vere & Co.Lewis ChauvetStepn. BeuzcvilleAbraman DelamareJohn CrushJames LardantJohn Luke LandonAbraham DehuilleJohn OuvryPeter Nouaille Junr.Mary Mag: Alavoine & SonZack Agace &c.Richard RussellPeter Auber Senr.James MazeJohn GuillemardJohn MazeJames MartellJas. Walker

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Memorial of Thomas Bosomworth to the Board of Trade, Apr. 24, 1755, London, received and read Apr. 24, 1755, C. O. 5/644, A. 53, asking that his wife, Mary, be reimbursed for helping to distribute Indian presents in Georgia for the Trustees. Three enclosures, A, B, & C, appear with the memorial.

Humbly Sheweth

That in the year 1747 A Memorial of the Wife of Your Memorialist with Sundry other papers, setting forth her Services performed in Georgia and the Consequence of her Interest with the Creek Nations of Indians &c. to his Majestys Service was Transmitted by the Kings Commanding Officer in Georgia to his Grace the Duke of Bedford then one of his Majestys principal Secretaries of State.

That His Grace the Duke of Bedford in a Letter to the Commanding Officer of Georgia Dated Whitehall 26th April 1748 & in another Letter of the same date to his Excellency James Glenn Esquire Governor of the province of South Carolina was pleased to Notifie.

That the Memorial of Mrs. Bosomworth had been laid before his Majesty and that his Majesty had left it to the Consideration of the Agents that should be Appointed for the Provinces of South Carolina and Georgia for the Distribution of his Majestys Bounty to the Indians, Contiguous to those provinces, to give Mrs. Bosomworth such part of those presents as they should Agree upon & think Conductive to his Majestys Service;

That the Comittee of Conferrence of the Province of South Carolina Appointed to take into Consideration several letters from his Grace the Duke of Bedford one of his Majestys Principals Secretarys of State & other papers relating to the Distribution of the presents granted by his Majesty to the Indians Contiguous to and in Alliance with the Provinces of South Carolina & Georgia.

Did Report

That Agreeable to his Majestys Directions such part of the presents should be given to Mrs. Bosomworth as those two persons that were to distribute them should think proper out of the moiety of presents to be given in Georgia Conformable to their respective Instructions.

That His Excellency the Governor of South Carolina in his Instructions to the Agent Appointed in behalf of that Province to Act in Conjunction with the person nominated by the Trustees for Georgia to distribute his Majestys presents to the Indians, Dated the 12th July 1749.

Did Recommend the Affair of Mrs. Bosomworth to be first taken under Consideration jointly by the two Agents Agreeable to his Majestys directions.

That the Agent for South Carolina Conformable to his Instructions did Communicate his Sentiments in regard to Mrs. Bosomworths Case, To the president and Assistants in Council Assembled for the Colony of Georgia & declared it as his Opinion,

That nothing could Conduce more towards Answering the wise Intentions of his Majesty in the Distribution of his Bounty to the Indians than that a part thereof should be given to Mrs. Bosomworth by which means she by her Interest and Authority with the Creek Indians could prevent great Expences to the publick, and his Majestys Interest would be more Effectually gained and his Authority Advanced, than by any other Method.

That the Agent Appointed in behalf of the Trustees for Georgia refused to Cooperate with the Agent Appointed in behalf of South Carolina, and no part of his Majestys Intended Bounty was ever yet received by Mrs. Bosomworth, either from Carolina or Georgia, or any Reasons to her Assigned, either by the Agent or president and Assistants of Savannah (Tho Applied for in a Memorial of the 1st of March 1750) why the same was detained from her.

That Whereas it is Notoriously known that the Wife of your Memorialist has Sacrificed her health and fortune for upwards of Twenty Years for the Good of his Majestys Service (& is still willing to render more Signal Services to the Crown upon suitable Encouragement) has been at a very great Expence, in her Voyage to England in hopes to have Obtained an Adequate Reward from the Government for her past Services & is now Obliged to return to America, without so much as being Able to Obtain the payment of the money she has Advanced for his Majestys Service.

And Whereas the Inhabitants of the Southern parts of the Province of Georgia Intrusted your Memorialist with a Memorial Addressed to The Honourable the Trustees Setting forth (amongst other Things) the Naked and Defenceless Condition of the Southern Frontiers &c which is hereunto Annexed; as the same reasons do Still more forcibly subsist in regard to the defence & protection of this Country.

The Duty therefore that your Memorialist Owes to his most Sacred Majesty, whose faithful Subject he is, and glorys in his Zeal and Loyalty to his person and Government. To his Country as a Briton Born, To his own Character and Reputation, as a Man & a Christian he humbly presumes lays him under the Strictest Obligation to represent those Facts, And to lay this Memorial and the Annexed papers before your Lordships that the Consequences (if any should happen) may not be charged to your Memorialist, in doing of which he humbly presumes he has fully discharged his Duty as a Subject and the Trust reposed in him.

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An Oath concerning original papers taken by Thomas Bosomworth, Apr. 19, 1755, London, before Stephen Theodore Jenssen, mayor of London.

Thomas Bosomworth of the Parish of Christ Church London clerk but lately of Saint Catherines in the Colony of Georgia in America maketh Oath and saith that the several Paper Writings marked with the Letters (A) (B) and (C) & hereunto annexed are true Copys of the Original Papers from which they were copied this Deponent having examined the same with the said Original Papers and which said Original Papers now are in this Deponents Custody.

Sworn the 19th day of April1755 at the Mansion Housein London before me

Steph. Theodore Jenssen Mayor

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Memorial and Representation of the state and condition of the southern parts of Georgia from some freeholders, Apr. 18, 1752, Darien. Enclosure sheets A. and B.

Humbly Sheweth

That Whereas in the year 1735 for the further Strength & Security of the Northern Settlements, whose then Frontier lay Exposed, to the Incursions and Ravages of Enemy Indians, Your honours were Graciously pleased to lay out the new Town called Frederica, in the same manner as Your honours had done the Town of Savannah. And We Humbly presume Your honours Intentions were, that We, the Adventurers & Settlers of the Southern Frontiers, should Enjoy the same Rights & privileges which our Northern Neighbours did, as our Lives and properties were most Exposed to Danger.

Encouraged by such Views of Your honours Wise and paternal Case Exerted, in the Establishment of a Civil Government or Court of Judicature in the Southern District, We humbly beg leave to represent to Your honours the present State & defenceless Condition of the Southern parts of this Colony and the dangers that seem to Threaten not only our Lives and properties but may in its Consequences Effect the General peace and Welfare of the Whole.

His Majesty in the preamble of his Royal Charter, has been pleased to declare that his Gracious Intentions in the Settlement of this Colony were Chiefly to protect the Misfortunate and Distressed part of his Subjects by Mitigating the Rigour of the Law and Allowing some respite of time to Repair the decayed Fortunes, That instead of laying in a Gaol, & by that means a Burthern, they might by their Industry become Usefull members of Society.

That since the Suspension of Civil Government at Frederica the Inhabitants of the Southern parts have been Obliged upon all Occasions of Controvercy, Dispute, or Action, to Appear at the Court of Savannah, which on Account of its Great Distance, and other Expences necessarily Incurred, besides the Considerable Loss of time in Cultivating of our Lands, will in a Short time become a Burthen too great for us to bear; Retard the progress of the Colony; and Terminate in the utter Destruction of the Southern Inhabitants, unless Your honours will be pleased to Extend Your Fatherly Compassion to our relief upon which your Memorialists entirely rely.

In Justice to Ourselves and the Interest of the Colony with Real Grief of heart and the deepest Concern We must acquaint Your honours, that instead of Sharing that Clemency graciously intended by his Majestys Royal Charter to Adventurers in this Colony; by the Rigorous & Arbitrary proceedings of those presiding in Civil Authority at Savannah, We are harrassed with Warrants, Judgments, and Executions, not only to the Utmost Rigour of the Law, but sometimes in a very Illegal Manner as Instances will be produced. The Fatal Consequences of which We Apprehend is not only Contrary to his Majestys Gracious Intentions in Establishing the Colony but will Inevitably in a Short time reduce the Southern parts of it at least to its primitive State: an Uninhabited Country. As a Confirmation of which we shall only Instance, That about three Years ago Great Numbers of Inhabitants of his Majestys Northern provinces who on Account of the Warr & other Accidents had fallen into Misfortunes & thereby become proper Objects of his Majestys Clemency & protection were flocking into this Colony; but so Numerous were the Obstacles they met with in Acquiring Grants of Lands, Great Expences in long Attendance & the Rigorous proceedings of the Magistrates, when Applied to by their Creditors, were such Insuferable difficulties to persons in their unhappy Circumstances; which even from common humanity Claimed pity and Compassion, That to our knowledge not one Settler has come into the Southern parts for these two years past. But many have left the Colony and more of us will be Obliged to follow very soon, besides which hardships & Grievances which are already become too Great a Burthen for us to bear the very produce of our Labour being Greatly Abated in its Value on Account of the great Expences, necessarily Incurred, in carrying it so farr as Savannah to Markett which Consequently must be a great Discouragement to the Industrious Planter.

This, Honourable Gentlemen is a true State of the Southern parts of this Colony in regard to Civil Matters.

As to the present defenceless Condition of these Southern Frontiers & the dangers our Lives and Fortunes are Exposed we humbly beg leave further to represent.

That since the Reduction of the Regiment and Provincial Troops under the Command of his Excellency General James Oglethorpe Your Memorialists who are Settled upon the Main Continent of the Southern Frontiers have had no other defence and protection for our Lives and properties, but the Friendship & Alliance of the Creek Nations of Indians, who are the only Barriers betwixt us, & the most Inveterate Enemies of his Majestys Dominions both French and Spaniards and Indians in Amity with them (to the Ravages of which We are daily Exposed) whilst they Continue Steady and Stedfast to the British Interest.

The Spaniards at St. Augustine which is just bordering upon our Southern Settlements are daily Encouraging the Creek Indians to drive off our horses &c which they do not Fail to Reward them for, by buying them, of them at Extraordinary prices: By which Your Memorialists are greatly Injured in their Civil properties which they presume is Contrary to the Law of Nature & Nations to Encourage either Friend or Enemy Indians to make depredations in time of profound peace.

The French Emissaries are at this Juncture Assuming all Shapes & trying every Stratagim to debauch the Faith of the Creek Indians to the British Interest (a Glaring Instance of which we have lately had but too flagrant proofs of) several French Officers & their Attendants not two Months ago having Visited the several Towns in their Nations & by their Artful Insinuations & the unhappy Concurrence of a dissatisfaction and Jealosy reigning amongst the Indians, that the English wanted to Break out Warr with them, and other Compaints Occasioned by the Unusual Treatment and Reception the Chiefes of that Nation met with at Savannah last Summer; which has very much paved the Way for the Accomplishment of their Designs, in which they have so farr succeeded that the French Standard was Erected in the several Towns of the Creek Nations. And if the French should Seduce these Nations of Indians from our Alliance in the present defenceless State and Condition We are in, our Lives and properties must Consequently Fall a Sacrifice.

For a more Authentic Testimony of the Truth of these Assertions the Justness of our Apprehensions, & the Cause of those Uneasinesses amongst the Indians We humbly beg leave to referr your honours to the Bearer hereof Mrs. Mary Bosomworth whose great Authority & Interest amongst the said Nations Enable her to dive into their most hidden Councils & designs; and the Tender Regard she has at all times Shewn for the lives and properties of his Majestys Subjects in continuing those Nations Steady & Steadfast in their Friendship & Alliance with us, Your memorialists have seen so many Signal Instances of, as Claim our particular Acknowledgments. This is a piece of Common Justice that never will be denyed to this Gentlewoman, but by Malevolent Men guided by Sinister Motives, Envy, Malice, or ill design who are not only Wilfully resolved to disown the plainest Evidence of her Just Claim to such acknowledgments from every Inhabitant of this Colony, but are even ungrateful Enough to throw upon her unjust Loads of Infamy & Reproach in order to Arrogate to themselves, that Merit which is alone due to her Services since the first Settlement of this Colony. And We further beg leave to declare, that We are so highly Sensible not only of the Merit of her past Services, but the Consequence of her present Interest for the Welfare of the Colony, that to her Authority and Interest in Countermining the designs of the French in Alienating the Creek Indians from the British Interest, this defenceless Frontier of this Juncture Chiefly Owes its Safety.

This the present State & Conditions of the Southern Frontier.

Which with all Humility We beg leave to present to Your honours humbly Imploring your honours Serious Consideration in this Extremily & that you would be pleased to find such Expedients as you out of Your Wisdom & paternal Care shall think most Effectual to relieve the Dangers and Distresses of your humble Memorialists.

And We whose Names are hereunto Subscribed as in Duty bound for Continuance to your Honours of all Blessings Temporal & Eternal shall Ever pray.



Before me John Mckintosh M. Esqr. Conservator of the peace for the District of Frederica and Darian in the Colony of Georgia personally Appeared Adam Bosomworth of the said Colony Gentlemen who being duly Sworn declareth that he was present & did see the several Subscribing Freeholders Voluntarily Sign and deliver the with-in Instrument of Writing for the Intents & purposes therein mentioned.

Adam Bosomworth.

Sworn before me this18th of April 1752.

John Mackintosh

The within Written Memorial recorded in my office.

Chas. WatsonRecorder

19th April 1755. Exhibitedbefore me.

S. T. J.

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Depositions of Jacob Ford dated Oct. 2, 1750, Sept. 21, 1751, and Sept 20, 1751; and of Adam Bosomworth May 4, 1752.28 Enclosure sheet C.

Before me John Mackintosh Mohr Esqr. Conservator of the peace in the District of Frederica & Darian in the Colony of Georgia personally Appeared Jacob Ford Gentleman who being duly Sworn on the holy Evangelists of Almighty God Declareth that on or about the 20th day of September 1750 Warrants of Arrests were Obtained Sued forth & Issued against the Reverend Thomas Bosomworth of the Colony aforesaid at the Suit of Francis Harris & James Habersham Merchants of Savannah & also against Mary the Wife of the said Thomas Bosomworth (as a Separate Trader) at the Suit of Ann Harris Widow of Frederica. That the said Warrants so Issued never were Attempted to be served upon the Bodies of the said Thomas and Mary Bosomworth by any Constable Tything-Man or proper Officer whatever tho the said Thomas & Mary Bosomworth every day publickly Appeared that on the 3d day of October following the said Warrants were returned to the Court of Savannah under pretence of the said Thomas & Mary Bosomworth not being to become at, & an Attachment was immediately Obtained, sued forth & Issued from the said Court to Seize the Goods and Chattels of the said Thomas Bosomworth & Mary his Wife wheresoever to be found or come at within the said Colony.

And this Deponent further declareth that on Tuesday October 9 Wm. Abbot Constable by virtue of the said Attachment did Actually Seize and carry away a Quantity of Dear skins the property of the said Thomas Bosomworth and placed two Armed Men as Guards upon the house of one Henry Myheroffer at St. Simons where the said Thomas Bosomworth & Mary his Wife then Lodged with Orders not to let anything go out of the house of the said Henry Myheroffer but to Stop it.

And this Deponent further deposeth that the said William Abbot a few days after by Virtue of the said Attachment without any Legal process or the said Thomas & Mary Bosomworth ever being Arrested to plead to the Actions or without any Admiralty Warrant whatever did likewise Seize & Carry away two Boats the property of the said Thomas Bosomworth then lying in the Harbour of St. Simons.

And lastly this deponent doth declare that neither the Court of Savannah; nor the persons at whose Suit those Effects were Seized, nor the said William Abbot Constable or any other person on their Behalf have ever rendered to the said Thomas or Mary Bosomworth or any person on their behalf any manner of Account of the Effects so Seized as above mentioned which is now near Twelve Months ago.

Sworn before me this 20th September 1752.

John Mackintosh Mohr

19th April 1755. Exhibittedbefore me.

S.T.J.

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John Reynolds to the Board of Trade, Mar. 9, 1755, Savannah, received and read May 8, 1755, C.O. 5/644, A. 54, acquainting the Board that he has sent a French Officer, Antoine Waspy, by the Neptune suspected of being a spy, to England for questioning.

I have sent home by this conveyance in the Neptune Snow John Rutherford Master, bound for London, Antoine Waspy, a French Officer, who says he was Surgeon at the Alabamous Fort, & having killed an Officer there, in a Duel, made his Escape to Augusta, from whence he came hither three Days ago; but as I believe him to be rather a Spy than a Deserter, I thought it would be for his Majestys Service to send him home, and have given Directions to the Master of the Vessel he goes in, to put him on board one of the Men of War at the Nore, or in the River Thames, in order to secure him, in case Your Lordships should think fit to Examine him.

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J. Cleveland, Secretary to the Admiralty, to the Board of Trade, May 5, 1755, London, received May 6, read May 8, 1755, C.O. 5/644, A. 55, enclosing a letter from John Reynolds, Governor of Georgia, concerning Antoine Waspy, a French Officer suspected of being a spy.

The Captains appointed to regulate the Press in Town having transmitted to me a Letter from Mr. Reynolds Governor of Georgia directed to the Captains of any of His Majestys Ships, desiring them to receive and secure one Antoine Waspy whom he suspects to be a Spy & has sent home in a Merchant Ship to be examined by the Board of Trade, who he says are informed by him of this Matter. I am commanded by my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to send you the said Letter inclosed, and to acquaint you that the Man is secured on board the Hunter Tender in the River, which you will please to communicate to the Lords Commissioners for Trade, & inform me with their Lordships pleasure to whom they would have the Man delivered that Orders may be given for that purpose.

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John Reynolds to the Captain of any of His Majestys Ships, Mar. 9, 1755, Georgia, delivering up Antoine Waspy, a French Officer who deserted but who is suspected of being a spy. Enclosed in J. Cleveland to Board of Trade, May 5, 1755.

With this Letter will be delivered to you, Antoine Waspy, a French Officer, who pretends to have Deserted from a French Fort at the back of His Majestys Province of Georgia under my Government, but as I suspect him to be a Spy, I have sent him home, & directed the Master of the Vessel he goes in, to put him on board any of His Majestys Ships, for Security, 'till he shall be Examined by the Board of Trade, (whom I have acquainted with the matter) and Therefore beg you will be pleased to secure him accordingly.

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John Reynolds to the Board of Trade, Dec. 25, 1754, Georgia, received and read May 9, 1755, C. O. 5/644, A. 56, trasmitting two lists of ships and vessels entered and cleared at Savannah between Oct. 29 and Dec. 25, 1754.29

Your Lordships will be pleased to receive herewith lists of all the Ships and Vessels Enterd in and Cleard out at the Ports of His Majestys Province of Georgia under my Government, to this Day, according to His Majestys Instructions to me on that head.

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John Reynolds to the Board of Trade, Jan. 25, 1755, Savannah, received and read May 9, 1755, C. O. 5/644, A. 57, enclosing and endorsing a remonstrance and representation from the Council and Assembly asking that the terms under which land is granted be altered.

Your Lordships will be pleased to receive with this Letter, a Remonstrance and Representation to His Majesty, from the Council and Assembly of this Colony, relating to the Terms and Conditions of Grants of Land, and likewise their Address to me on that occasion.

The 67th Article of my Instructions directs that all Grantees of Land be obliged by the Terms of their Grant to Clear and Cultivate at the rate of Five Acres per year for every hundred Acres contained in their Grant, in failure of which the Grant shall be void; upon which Terms nobody will accept of Land, because, if the Tract Granted were all good Land, and every part of it fit for Cultivation (which is seldom if ever the case) the Grantee in 20 years time must either forfiet all his Land, or have neither Firewood, nor Wood for making and repairing his fences, Buildings, and many other things wanting in a Plantation; But as it generally happens that above half the Tract granted is Pine Barren, and totally unfit for Cultivation, the Grantee must then surely forfiet all his Land in a less time than Ten years, since it would be impracticable to Cultivate the Pine Barren. These Terms & Conditions therefore very much Alarm the Inhabitants, for they say it will be such a discouragement to any others to come here, that it will at least Retard the Settlement of the Colony for some Time, notwithstanding the Hopes they have of the Terms being Altered. I own I am of the same opinion and therefore hope that your Lordships will be pleased to Lay the matter before the King that if His Majesty shall think proper, the Terms of Conditions of Grants may Speedily be Altered.

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Address of the Council and Assembly to Gov. John Reynolds, Jan. 22, 1755, Georgia, received and read May 9, 1755, C.O. 5/644, A. 59, enclosed with Reynolds letter to the Board of Trade, Jan. 25, 1755, asking the Governor for relief of terms under which land is granted.30

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John Reynolds to the Board of Trade, Feb. 28, 1755, Georgia received and read May 9, 1755, C. O. 5/644, A. 60, transmitting the journals of the Assembly and Council, a summary of Greys activities, the problems of the southern boundary, notifying the Board of abuses of the land tenure system, together with an account of the silk culture.

By this conveyance Your Lordships will be pleased to receive the Minutes of the Council, and Journal of the Assembly of this Province, together with Transcripts of the Acts that have been made.

Here was an appearance of Sedition about a fortnight ago, by the instigation of one Edmund Grey a pretended Quaker, who fled from Justice in Virginia, and is a person of no property here, but has an artful way of instiling Jealousy of their Liberties into the Peoples minds, and without the least scruple, supports his assertions with any Falsehoods that may serve his purpose. This Man, by getting a Qualification made over to him for that purpose, was elected a Representative for Augusta; for he has persuaded many people that he has great Interest in England, by shewing a Letter he pretends to have received from a Person of a Noble Family there, with whom he pretends to have formd a Scheme for Monopolizing the Indian trade, and intorducing such sort of Government here would suit best with that, and some other Schemes he has the Impudence to say he was Consulted upon. He tells the People that this Government will soon be at an end, and then, he has promised by his Interest to give Places of Profit to many people, and has actually influenced five Representatives with himself, to withdraw from the House, in order to break the Assembly, and prevent Business being done. But his design was so Ill concerted, that he and his associates have been Expelld the House, by a Majority of the Whole Number of Representatives; not only for Withdrawing themselves, but for Signing a Letter, which was voted to be a Seditious one by both Houses.

I must beg leave to observe that the Bounds of this Province, as it is expressed in my Commission, is so uncertain, with respect to the Southern Boundary, that great inconveniencies will attend it; for nobody in this Country knows where the Head of the Alatamaha River lies, and they are all as Ignorant of what may be called the most Southern Stream of it; since the Southern Branches of it do not bear its Name; so That the Government, or Courts of Justice, in this Province can have no Cognizance of anything that happens to the Southward of the Main Body of the Alatamaha, where there are many English Settlements, and a Fort which is Garrisond with a Corporal and Six Soldiers. The Spaniards do not pretend to the Land to the Northward of the Mouth of St. Juans River, which lies in 30 degrees 20 minutes North Latitude. I hope therefore that Your Lordships will be pleased to Consider the great Importance of having the Southern Bounds of this Province Ascertain; and it is the Opinion of everybody here, as well as my own, that it should be to 30 degrees 20 minutes North Latitude upon the Sea Coast, and from thence Westward in a Strait Line to the South Sea, which will be universaly understood.

I am directed by the 65th Article of my Instructions to transmit to Your Lordships a full and particular account of all such Grants and Allotments of Lands as have been forfieted by a Non-complyance with the Terms and Conditions of them; as also of all such Allotments as do contain more than 500 Acres to any one Person. Upon which I must beg leave to observe, that the late Board of President and Assistants have informd me that they never had any Directions about the Terms and Conditions of Grants or Allotments since the resignation of the Charter; and the late trustees by an Instrument I have seen, bearing date the 13th July 1750, did then remit all sorts of Terms & Conditions, except the payment of the Quit Rents (none of which has ever been paid) and with regard to no more than 500 Acres being Granted or Allotted to any one Person. They have, since the Trustees resignation Evaded it, by frequently making Allotments of large quantities of Land to one Person, in the Names of all his Children, for 500 Acres to each, many of them Infants in the Cradle, or to their Relations, Absentees, or Fictitious Names, and by that means all the best Lands in the Province have been disposed of.

I must also mention to Your Lordships that many of the most considerable People here, who have Plantations in the neighborhood of Savannah and have been in possession for many years, are extrememy uneasie on account of Mr. Abercrombies having wrote over here to Mr. Young one of the Surveyors General, to claim a Barony in this Colony, which They apprehend may include their Estates. This Barony was made over to the Claimants by Lord Granville.

With regard to the Silk Culture, I am to acquaint your Lordships that Advertisements are Publishd for Paying three Shillings a Pound at the Filature for all Cocoons raised in this Colony, which, as there is a probability of 6000 lb. this Season, will amount to 900, and it would be also extreamly necessary to give some encouragement to the Planting of Mulbery Trees, which are much wanted, but the Thousand Pounds a year will not admit of that also unless credit has been given to the Colony for the savings of the two last years, which I never had any information about before I left England, and therefore would not take upon me to Draw for it, till Your Lordships are pleased to give me Directions thereupon; but according to the following Calculation made here by Mr. Habersham, there must be near fifteen Hundred Pounds in Bank. Vizt.


Supposed to Pay the Charges of Freight, and Commissions on Sale.

In my Letter of the 5th December last I acquainted Your Lordships of the Great and Absolute Occasion here is for some Troops; and likewise Indian Presents, the necessity of Both are more and more apparent every Day, which I therefore beg leave to remind Your Lordships of. And to Add that it will be extreamly necessary to have a Chief Justice sent hither from England; as here is nobody that is in the least Qualified to Preside in the Courts of Judicature.

I cannot yet pretend to give Your Lordships any Description of this Country, having been fully Employd since the day I arrived, especially since the meeting of the Assembly but as it will be necessary to give them some Recess at this Season, to attend their Planting, I shall take that opportunity to visit the Frontiers of the Province.

Within this week here has been a flying Report that some of the Notaweygo Indians, who are in the French Interest, and Live near the Lakes, have made Incursions about Augusta in this Province, but it is not yet Confirmd.

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Copy of an Order in Council, Jan 9, 1755, the Court at St. James, received Apr. 28, read May 9, 1755, C.O. 5/644, A. 61, approving a Board of Trade report and warrant admitting Clement Martin to the Council of Georgia.

Upon reading this day at the Board a Report from the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, together with a Warrant prepared by them, directing and requiring John Reynolds Esqr. His Majestys Governor of Georgia, to swear and admit Clement Martin Esquire to be His Majestys Council in that province; His Majesty this day took the said Report and Warrant into Consideration, and was pleased, with the Advice of His Privy Council to Approve thereof, and to Order as it is hereby Ordered, that the Right Honourable Sir Thomas Robinson, One of His Majestys principal Secretarys of State, do lay the said Warrant, which is hereunto annexed, before His Majesty for his Royal Signature.

A true copy

W. Sharpe.

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Order of the Lords of the Committee of Council for Plantation Affairs to the Board of Trade, May 15, 1755, at Whitehall, received and read May 28, 1755, C.O. 5/644, A. 62, asking the Boards opinion of Reynolds report on the uncertainty of the southern boundary of Georgia.

Whereas the Lords Justice were pleased by their Order in Council of the 13th of this instant to referr unto this Committee an Extract of a Letter lately received by the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, from John Reynolds Esquire Governor of His Majestys Province of Georgia, setting forth the present uncertainty of the Southern Boundary of the said Province, the great inconveniences that will attend its remaining so, and the importance of having it ascertained; The Lords of the Committee this day took the said extract of a Letter into their Consideration, and are hereby pleased to referr the same (a Copy whereof is hereunto annexed) to the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations to consider thereof and Report to this Committee what they conceive proper to be done thereupon.

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Copy of Order to the Lords of the Committee of the Privy Council for Plantation Affairs May 15, 1755, Whitehall, received May 29, read June 18, 1755, C. O. 5/644, A. 63, refering to the Board of Trade representations from the Assembly and Council of Georgia setting forth the difficulties of cultivating land under present granting system and directing the Board to report their opinion on the matter. The petition is enclosed.

Whereas The Lords Justices were pleased by their Order in Council of the 13th of this instant, to referr unto this Committee, an humble Remonstrance and Representation of the Council and House of Representatives of the Province of Georgia, setting forth, That the Governor, in consequence of His Majesty Instructions, has issued a proclamation Obliging all Grantees of Lands to clear and cultivate at the rate of five Acres per Year for every hundred Acres contained in their Grant, in failure whereof, such Grants are to be void, and humbly praying, for the reasons therein contained, that the said Condition may be altered, and that His Majesty would be graciously pleased to grant such redress as shall seem meet. The Lords of the Committee this day took the said Remonstrance and Representation into their Consideration, and are hereby pleased to referr the same (a Copy whereof is hereunto annexed) to the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations to consider thereof, and Report to this Committee what they conceive proper to be done thereupon.

[Enclosure]

To the Kings most Excellent Majesty

The humble Remonstrance and Representation of Your Majestys Council and House of Representatives for Your Majestys Province of Georgia in General Assembly met.31

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John Reynolds to the Board of Trade, Apr. 7, 1755, Georgia, received June 30, read July 3, 1755, C.O. 5/644, A. 64, expressing the necessity of altering the colonys southern boundary and telling of Greys settlements on the south side of the Altamaha River.

The necessity of extending the Southern Boundary of this Province, is more and more obvious everyday, as I acquainted Your Lordships in my Letter of the 28th Feb. since which I am informd by several Letters from the Southward, that Boats full of Men are daily passing over to the South side of the Alatamaha River, in order to settle out of the limmits of this Province; they are People of Edmund Greys Gang, and originally came from the back of Virginia, but last from the neighbourhood of Augusta, where they sat down a few years ago, by the Direction of that Grey, without any Authority from the Ministers of Government here. They are said to be a Lawless Crew, who live, like Indians, by Hunting only; and therefore the Planters of this Province are apprehensive of great Annoyance from them by their Stealing their Negroes, and Cattle, Harbouring of Insolvent Debtors, &c. which must consequently tend very much to the prejudice of the Colony in General.

If there should be any Objection to fixing our Southern Boundary to the Latitude of 30 degrees 20 minutes as I recommended in my aforesaid Letter, perhaps there might be None to fixing it to the most Southern Settlement of any British Subject, Inclusive, between this and Augustine, and there, in a Strait line East and West to each Sea; which I beg leave to recommend to your Lordships Consideration.

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John Reynolds to the Board of Trade, Mar. 25, 1755, Georgia, received July 21, read July 29, 1755, C. O. 5/644, A. 65, transferring lists of ships and vessels cleared at Georgia from Dec. 25, 1754, to Mar. 25 (Ladys Day), 1755.32

Your Lordships will be pleased to receive herewith Lists of all the Ships and Vessels Entered in, and Cleared out, at the Ports of His Majestys Province of Georgia, under my Government between the 25th of December 1754 and this Day, according to His Majestys Instructions to me on that head.

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John Reynolds to the Board of Trade May 1, 1755, Georgia, received July 21, read July 29, 1755, C.O. S/644 A. 66, describing the ruinous condition of Frederica and proposing a new capital for the colony to be built at Hardwick.

I am just returnd from the Southern Frontiers of this Province, which is the Island St. Simons, whereon stands the Town of Frederica, which was formerly Fortified, and in the late War Garrisond with a Regiment of His Majestys Troops. It is now in Ruins, the Fortifications entirely Decayed, and the Houses falling down. There still remains 20 peices of Cannon, some of them 18 Pounders, but all spoilt for want of Care; the rest of the Guns were removed to Savannah, after the Regiment was broke, and are also ruined by lying many years in the Sand without vents or Tampions. Frederica is the best Situation of any for a Garrison to cover and Protect the Province from Invasion by Sea, but is not at all proper for a Capital; for though it is not above seven miles from the Main Land in a direct Line, yet it is at least Twenty miles to go thro the Rivers and Creeks, which in a Serpentine course, divide the vast body of Morrass that lies between Frederica and the Main. The whole Country is extreamly well waterd with Rivers Navigable for very large Boats, but all the Inlets upon this Coast, as well as Carolina, are Bard.

Upon the Bar of St. Simons, which is the Inlet to Frederica there is three Fathom at low-water; as there is also on the Bar of Ossabaw; and on the Bar of Tybee, which last is the Inlet to Savannah River. These are the best Inlets in the Province, and Ossabaw is the best of them. It is the Inlet to the River Ogechee, a fine fresh water River, which runs from the Nation of the Upper Creek Indians, and falls into the Sea between the Islands of Ossabaw and Wassaw. It is Navigable for Ships of 500 Tuns, up to a Bluff upon the Main, 14 miles from the Sea, where a Town has been laid out, and called Hardwicke. It has a charming situation; the winding of the River making it a Peninsula; and it is the only fit place for the Capital. There is many objections to this Town of Savannahs being so, besides its being situated at the extremity of the Province, the Shoalness of the River, and the great Height of the Land which is very inconvenient in the Loading & unloading of the Ships. Many Lotts have already been granted in Hardwiche, but only one House is yet built there, and as the Province is unable to be at the Expence of Erecting the necessary Publick Buildings, and the Anual Sum of 500, Allowd for Erecting & Repairing Publick Works, Entertaining Indians, and other Incidental Expences, being insufficient for all those Purposes, I am in hopes Your Lordships will think proper to get a sufficient Sum Allowd for Erecting a Court House, an Assembly House, a Church, and a Prison at Hardwicke; which will be such an Encouragement to Private People to Build there, as will soon make it fit for the Seat of Government, to the universal Benefit of the Province.

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John Reynolds to the Board of Trade, May 31, 1755, Georgia received July 21, read July 29, 1755, C. O. 5/644, A. 67, giving an account of appointments made, of visits by Indians, of the death of Patrick Graham, and of Carolinas jealousy of Georgia.

Your Lordships will be pleased to receive herewith, Coppies of the Minutes of the Council to the 27th Instant and Duplicates of the Coppies that were sent by the last conveyance, of the Minutes and Journal of the Council, and of the Journal and Acts of Assembly of this Province; together with Duplicates of my last Letters to Your Lordships.

I have appointed Mr. Jonathan Bryan, one of the Members of the Council, to Act as Publick Treasurer, and Mr. William Russel, the Naval Officer, to Act as Commissary, and Clerk of the Publick Accounts, till your Lordships are pleased to let me know His Majestys Pleasure therein.

There are but very few Settlers arrive here, the reason of which I apprehend to be, the appearance there is of War, and the Defenceless State of this Frontier Province, which has neither Cannon, Small Arms, Ammunition, Fortifications, nor sufficient Troops; and Peoples Lives and Fortunes consequently in the Uttmost Danger. And this is what I have had the Honour to acquaint Your Lordships with, by several Letters and Memorials of mine, as well as the Representations of the General Assembly.

A Party of the Cherokee Indians, with their Chiefs, are arrived in this Town, and more of them are hourly expected; as well as Parties of the Creeks, Chickasaws, Eugees, and Chactaws; it being Customary upon the arrival of a new Governor, for the neighbouring Indians to come to him, to renew the Peace; and They always expect to receive Presents, but particularly upon that occasion. I have already had the Honour to acquaint Your Lordships, in former Letters, of the Great and Absolute occasion here is for Indian Presents. These People appear to be extreamly Dissatisfied at hearing that there is None for them, and if the Presents do not arrive soon, I dont know what may be the Consequence.

The opportunities here of sending, or receiving Intelligence from England, happen so very Seldom, that I am obliged to send His Majestys Scout Boat, with These, to Charles Town; to be sent home in the first Ship; and I rather send her that the Coxswain may make strict Enquiry at Charles Town if any Publick Letters for me, are sent that way from England: for the Carolinians are so Jealous of this Province, that they are apt to Stifle the Letters that are Directed hither. His Majestys Proclamation lay Three Months in a Merchants Warehouse there, before they sent it here; and as I have not yet received any Commands from Your Lordships, I suspect that They may have fallen into such hands.

P. S. I have this moment received an account of the Death of Patrick Graham Esqur. one of the Members of the Council.

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Copy of an order of the Lords of the Committee of Council for the Plantation Affairs, July 23, 1755, Whitehall, received July 28, read July 29, 1755, C. O. 5/644, A. 68, instructing the Board of Trade to prepare a draft of an instruction to the Governor of Georgia to alter the method of granting land conformable to the remonstrance and representation from the council and representatives of Georgia.

Whereas there was this day read to the Lords of the Committee, a Report made by the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, dated the 1st of this Instant, upon a Remonstrance and Representation of the Council and Representatives of the Province of Georgia, Setting forth, That the Governor, in Consequence of His Majestys Instructions, has issued a Proclamation obliging all Grantees of Land, to clear and cultivate at the Rate of Five Acres per Year for every hundred Acres contained in their Grant, in Failure whereof, such Grant to be void; And humbly praying for the Reasons therein contained, that the said Conditions may be altered, and that His Majesty would be graciously pleased to grant such Redress as shall seem meet. And Whereas the said Lords Commissioners have reported, That the Governor of the said Province hath informed them, that great Part of the Lands is Pine Barren, totally unfit for Cultivation, and that it generally happens that one Half of each Tract granted, is such land. And the said Lords Commissioners conceiving that great Difficultys and Inconveniencys may arise under the present Regulation, have therefore proposed, that an Instruction should be given to the Governor of Georgia, for the Settlement and Cultivation of that Province, conformable to the Regulations contained in the said Report. And the Lords of the Committee agreeing thereto, are hereby pleased to Order that the said Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, do prepare a Draught of an Instruction, for the Governor of the said Province, conformable to the said Regulations, and lay the same before this Committee.

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Copy of an Order of the Lords Justices in Council, Aug. 12, 1755, Whitehall, received Aug. 26, read Oct. 9, 1755, C.O. 5/644, A. 69, approving a draft of an additional instruction prepared by the Board of Trade for John Reynolds directing him under what terms and conditions of cultivation land can be granted in Georgia.

Upon reading at the Board a Report from the Honourable the Lords of the Committee of Council for Plantation Affairs dated the 7th of this Instant humbly offering to the Lords Justices for their Approbation a Draught of an Additional Instruction prepared by the Lords Commissioners for the Trade and Plantations, for John Reynolds Esquire Governor of His Majestys Province of Georgia directing him in what manner, and under what Terms and Conditions of Cultivation and Improvement, he is to make and pass Grants of Lands in the said Province. The Lords Justices this day took the said Report and Draught of Additional Instruction into their Consideration, and were pleased with the Advice of His Majestys Privy Council, to Approve of the said Draught of Additional Instruction (which is hereunto annexed) and to Order as it is hereby Ordered, that Claudius Amyand, and James Rivers Esquires Secretarys to the Lords Justices do lay the same before them for their Signature.

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Copy of an order of the Lords of the Committee of Council for Plantation Affairs, Sep. 10, 1755, Whitehall, received Sep. 6, read Nov. 6, 1755, C. O. 5/644, A. 70, referring to the Board of Trade for consideration the memorial of Cousaponakeesa (Mary Musgrove) praying a reimbursement for her twenty years service for the British interest.

Whereas the Lords Justices were pleased, by their Order in Council of the 26th of last Month, to referr unto this Committee the Memorial and Representation of Cousaponakeesa, Rightful and Natural born Princess of the Upper and lower Creek Nations, in behalf of Herself, Micos Chieftains, Beloved Men, Captains, Warriours, Subjects and Vassals, who, by the laws of God and Nature, enjoy any Heriditary Rights, Priviledges, or Dignitys whatsoever, in the said Nations, Setting forth her good Services to the Crown of Great Britain, and praying a Reimbursement of what She has expended for the British Interest, and such Recompence for Twenty Years Personal Services as His Majesty shall think fit. The Lords of the Committee this day took the same in to their Consideration, and are hereby pleased to referr the said Memorial and Representation (a Copy whereof is here unto annexed) to the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, to examine into the Truth of the said Allegations, and Report to this Committee what they think may be advisable for His Majesty to do therein.

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Richard Partridge to the Lords Justices in Council, announcing his appointment as Cousaponakeesas agent and attorney to prosecute her memorial.

Where as Cousaponakeesa has duly appointed me her Agent and Attorney to prosecute her humble Memorial hereunto annexed.

I do therefore humbly pray that You would be pleased to direct payment of the Money advanced by Order of the Commanding Officers for His Majestys Service, and that His Majesty would be further graciously pleased to take the Merit of her Personal Services the great Losses She has Sustained in her own private Affairs in His Majestys Service, and the great Expences She has been at on her Voyage to England and otherwise, into Consideration and allow her such Reward for the same as to You in Your Wisdom shall seem meet.

All which is humbly Submitted.

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Memorial of Cousaponakeesa (Mary Musgrove) to the Lords Justices of Council, June 30, 1755, London requesting reimbursement for her long and faithful service to the Crown.

The Memorial & Representation of Cousaponakeesa Rightful and natural born Princess of the upper & lower Creek Nations in behalf of herself, Micos, Chieftains, Beloved Men, Captains, Warriors, Subjects and Vassals who by the Laws of God and Nature enjoy any Hereditary Rights Priviledges or Dignities Whatsoever in the said Nations.

Sheweth

That Your Memorialists Ancestors by the Maternal Line (from whence all Rights descend according to the laws and Customs of Your Memorialists Native Country) tho under the Appellation of Savages or Barbarians were a brave and Free born people who never owed Allegiance to or acknowledged the Sovereignty of any Crown Head whatever. And We their Successors (Collectively) and Natural born Heirs have to this day maintained Our own possessions and Independancy against all Opposers by War at the Expence of Our Blood from the premises, We conclude That by that most inviolable Law of God Nature & Nations by which all Hereditary Rights have been handed down from the first patriarchs to this day, We are most justly entituled to all those Territories Lands and Royalties which We have not by Compact Cession or otherwise yielded up or parted with. That Our Ancestors have entered into several Treaties of Peace Friendship and Commerce with persons properly Authorized and impowered by the Kings and Queens of England And We their Successors have pursued the same Wise Methods which are now Subsisiting.

That by the Treaties now Subsisting betwixt his Majesty and the Creek Nations of Indians (over which God and Nature has ordained me Head) certain concessions of certain portions of Our Lands Our Natural Right by Conquest or Possession We have assigned such a part of our Rights as in the said Treaties are particularly specified reserving as We supposed an undoubted Right in the Residue.

That Your Memorialist having often seen many signal Instances of his Majestys Wise and Paternal Care extended and calculated for the preservation of the strictest Friendship and Alliance with the Indians upon the Continent of America who are the only Barrier against his Majestys most inveterate Enemies the French, in annually allowing considerable Funds for that purpose. Yet by the Missapplication of that Money or want of Experience in Indian Affairs His Majestys Intentions are in a great Measure Frustrated.

In Confirmation of this Assertion Your Memorialists begs leave from an Affection She has for the English Nation to lay the following Facts before Your Lordships - Vizt.

That Your Memorialist by Birthright Inherits all Rights and priviledges of her Mother confirmed by the general Voice of the Creek Nations.

That by Intermarriage with his Majestys Subjects it has been sayd by the Lords of Trade that Your Memorialist is a Subject because her supposed Father was. So, your Memorialist therefore Appeals to Your Lordships whether Your Memorialist forfeits the Right of her Inheritance by Reason One of his Majestys Subjects violated the Laws of God and Man? And whether your Memorialist ought to lose her Birthright in requital for her good Services to the Crown of Great Britain in disbursing large Sums of Money out of her own purse and never to this day has received even such her disbursements.

For Instance - Upon the Arrival of James Oglethorpe Esquire with the first Embarkation for the Settlement of the Colony of Georgia in the year 1732 Your Memorialist with her Indian Friends and Relations was then in the possession of the Lands adjacent to the Town now called Savannah and by her Interest and Authority with the said Indians was chiefly Instrumental in obtaining the first Adventures a quiet and Peaceable possession in that Country and in bringing about a Treaty betwixt Mr. Oglethorpe in behalf of his Majesty and the said Indians in behalf of the Creek Nation.

And Whereas Your Memorialists Alliance in Blood with the Chief Men and Warriors of the Creek Nations who in the Infant and even present defenceless State of the Colony then were and now are its Chief Defence and protection against the Designs of his Majestys Enemies, made her House the constant place of Rendezvous for War Indians, Your Memorialist had a standing Order not only from his Excellency General Oglethorpe during his Administration but also from every Commander in Chief of his Majestys Forces in Georgia to make such Issues and Supplies of provisions, Ammunition &c. To different parties of Warriors &c from time to time as were thought necessary for his Majestys Service.

That all Issues & Supplies of Goods &c made by Your Memorialist to War Indians in his Majestys Service during the Command of General Oglethorpe were settled and satisfied when he came for England in the Year 1743 & a Reward of 200 Sterling was then given in Consideration for Your Memorialists personal Services since the Death of her late Husband Captain Mathews, which was about the space of Twelve Months. Which Sum was not deemed (by the only proper judge of the Merit of Your Memorialists Services) an Adequate Reward 'till that time, but being all that was in General Oglethorpes power then to pay her, as the Credit of his Bills was then disputed in England.

That ever since General Oglethorpe left the Country in the Year 1743, Your Memorialist has not only upon all Occasions employed her Interest & Authority with the Creek Indians for his Majestys Service but in all cases of Danger & Difficulty upon the Want of Advice or Intelligence from the Enemy, upon the want of Parties of Indians to go to War & at all publick Conferences of Consequence with the Indians, has been sent for to Frederica above a hundred Miles distant from her own Settlement by his Majestry Commanding Officers & employed as Interpreter to the said Indians. Whereas notwithstanding the many & great Losses Your Memorialist has sustained in her own private Affairs by the Neglect thereof on his Majestys Service & all Your Memorialists personal Services Influences & Authority in continuing those Nations in the British Interest, Your Memorialist has never received any Reward or Consideration whatsoever.

That during the Command of Lieutenant Col. Alexander Heron by his Order & at his Earnest request at a Critical Juncture when a general Rupture with the Indians was thought unavoidable which might greatly have endangered the peace and Tranquility of his Majestys Southern Frontiers Your Memorialist advanced sundry Goods out of her own private Store for his Majestys Service to the amount of 650 Sterling and upwards In assured Confidence of a speedy reimbursement & an Adequate Reward for her personal Services. Though a Balance of upwards of 400 Sterling at this day remains due as will more fully appear by a particular Account ready to be produced & which now lies before the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of His Majestys Treasury & to which no Answer ever yet could by obtained.

That Your Memorialist always Gloried in having it in her power when in her Native Country to be of Servie to his Majestys Subjects & in return Your Memorialist might perish in the Streets of Your great Metropolis, if the King of Kings had not most wisely ordained.

But thanks be to God it is Our happiness to be in Friendship & Alliance with a prince tho the most potent Yet the most Mercifull whose Glory far transcends the most Despotic Princes in Europe Chiefly on Account of his always having made the most sacred Law of Nature and Nations a standing Rule of his Government in enlarging his Territories & Dominions in Foreign parts by purchasing from the rightful Lords such Lands as they were willing to resign and not like other Crowned Heads Fattening the Ground with the Blood of its rightful possessors.

Had We been in Alliance with a powerful Despotic prince We might have had some Grounds of Suspicion that Our Lands were One day to be enriched with Our Blood to glut & satiate the avaricious Thirst of Our Conquerors. But to entertain the remotest Suspicion of this kind in Our present Case is highly Derogatory to the honour & Dignity of that Crowned Head to which We are now allied.

To Your Lordships Consideration the whole is most humbly Submitted

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Copy of an order of the Lords of the Committee of Council for Plantation Affairs, Sept. 2, 1755, Whitehall, received Sept. 3, read Nov. 6, 1755, C. O. 5/644, A. 71, referring to the Board of Trade a remonstrance of the Georgia Commons House of Assembly asking that the fees of the public offices be settled by the General Assembly and not by the Governor and Council.33

Whereas the Lords Justices were pleased, by their Order in Council of the 26 of last Month, to referr unto this Committee the humble Remonstrance and Address of the Assembly of the Colony of Georgia, Setting forth, That the fixing and settling the Fees of the Publick Officers of that Colony, being solely in the Power of the Governor and Council, without the Concurence and Consent of the Assembly seems to them a great Hardship, and may be attended with Consequences hurtful to their Constituents, as it puts it entirely out of their Power to procure them any Redress if ever they should have Reason to complain on this Head, They therefore humbly pray, That the Fees of the Public Officers of that Colony may be settled by Act of General Assembly, and no otherwise, as is the Custom of all His Majestys other Provinces in America. The Lords of the Committee this day took the same into their Consideration, and are hereby pleased to referr the said Remonstrance and Address, (a Copy whereof is hereunto annexed) to the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, to consider the same, and Report their Opinion thereupon to this Committee.

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Copy of an order of the Lords of the Committee of Council for Plantation Affairs, Sept. 2, 1755, Whitehall, received Sept. 3, read Nov. 6, 1755, C. O. 5/644, A. 72, referring to the Board of Trade an address from the Georgia Commons House of Assembly asking that the General Assembly be permitted to settle the qualifications of representatives and electors.34

Whereas the Lords Justices were pleased by their Order in Council of the 26th of last Month, to referr unto this Committee a Remonstrance of the House of Representatives for the Colony of Georgia, Setting forth, That the Qualifications of Electors for Representatives, and of Representatives in Assembly, as settled by His Majestys Instructions to the Governor of that Province, may be Detrimental to the Welfare of His Majestys said Province, and humble praying, for the Reasons therein contained, that the General Assembly of the said Province may be permitted to settle the Qualification of Representatives, and the Qualification of Electors, by such Laws as may most conduce to the Interest and Welfare of His Majestys said Province. The Lords of the Committee this day took the same into their Consideration, and are hereby pleased to referr the said Remonstrance (a Copy whereof is hereunto annexed) to the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, to consider the same, and Report their Opinion thereupon to this Committee.

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J. West, Secretary to the Lords of the Treasury, to the Board of Trade, Jan. 13, 1756, London, received Jan. 13, read Jan. 14, 1756, C.O. 5/645, B. l, acquainting the Board that they should prepare and lay before the House of Commons an estimate of the expenses of Georgia from midsummer 1755 to midsummer 1756.

I desire You will acquaint the Lords Commissioners of Trade and plantations, that the Chancellor of the Exchequer, hath received his Majestys Commands, that their Lordships should prepare, and lay before the house of Commons, an Estimate of the Expences attending the Colony of Georgia from the 24th day of June 1755 to Midsummer 1756.

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Petition of Alexander Kellet and of William Clifton of Georgia to the Board of Trade, Apr. 25, 1755, Savannah, received July, 1755, C.O. 5/645, B. 2, asking that they may have such tracts of land granted them as the Board will direct the governor as their right, or grant such other relief of their penury.

Georgia

To the Right Honourable the Lords of Trade and Plantations

The humble Petition of Alexander Kellet Esq. a Member of his Majestys Council for the Province of Georgia and Provost Marshall and of William Clifton Esqr. his Majestys Attorney General for the same Province.

Sheweth

That your Petitioners had their several Posts conferrd on them the begining of August 1754 and soon after embarkd for Georgia.

That on their arrival your Petitioners were put to great Expences and Inconveniencies and in particular Sufferd much from the want of Habitation.

That your Petitioners have Lately obtained of the Governor and Council Grants of Two Lots of Land in the Town of Savannah the present Capital On which they purpose to build themselves Houses.

That it is judged necessary for the good of the Colony to have a Metropolis more Central than Savannah which Affair is now actually in agitation and when completed will Subject your Petitioners to fresh Charges They being by their respective Office obliged to attend the Seat of Government.

That the profit of your Petitioners several Posts are extremely inconsiderable and every necessary is here immoderately dear.

That your Petitioners have applied to the Governor and Council for Grants of Land in right of their places (as they are informd is customary in North America & the West Indies) But that such their Petition has been postpond on Account as your Petitioners conjecture of his Excellency the Governor not being particularly instructed on that head.

Your Petitioners therefore most humbly Pray your Lordships that in consideration of the extraordinary Expences they have been at and the hardships they have undergone they may have such Tracts of Land respectively granted them as this Right Honourable Board shall think proper Or that your Petitioners may have such other Relief as to your Lordships in your great Wisdom shall seem meet and expedient

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John Reynolds to the Board of Trade, Sept. 22, 1755, Georgia, received Apr. 13, read Apr. 14, 1756, C.O. 5/645, B. 3, notifying the Board that he had suspended Clement Martin as a member of the Council and asking the Boards support in this matter.

I was extreamly concerned at the receipt of the Mandamus for Mr. Clement Martins admission to be a Member of His Majestys Council in this Colony; because I foresaw, from his behaviour in the Assembly, whereof he was a Member, that he had no sort of Regard for His Majestys Service; having always Acted in direct opposition to it. He is a young Man of a very Turbulent, Overbearing Spirit; he came hither from St. Christophers (where his Father has been Master of a Vessel) and he arrived here a little before me, to Settle, with 12 or 14 very indifferent Negroes.

He has always behaved with great Indecency and Illmanners to me, in Council, ever since he has been a Member thereof; and particularly (because I would not Countenance the Issuing of the Paper Currency, before His Majestys Pleasure is known, concerning that Bill) he had the Impudence to tell me in Council, that I had but half Cheated the Assembly, for he had taken care that the Tax Bill was Ineffectual, for that it was formed without laying the Commissioner for Collecting the Money, under any Penalty, in case they should think it more convenient not to raise it; and that same Evening he made it the Subject of Conversation at a Tavern, in a Mixed Company, that all People might know how to evade the force of that Act.

He takes all opportunities to depreciate my Authority; Boasts, in all companies, that he has got the better of the Governor; and possesses the Council with an opinion that I have no Power to determine in anything, without their concurrence which most of them are but too much inclined to believe. Therefore, having Maturely considered all the Circumstances, I think it my Duty to His Majesty, to exert my Authority on this occasion and to Suspend the said Clement Martin from being a Member of the Council, without giving my Reasons to the Council for so doing, in hopes Your Lordships will Approve of them, and represent the matter accordingly to His Majesty.

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John Reynolds to the Board of Trade, Oct. 8, 1755, Georgia, received Apr. 13, read Apr. 14, 1756, C.O. 5/645, B. 4, relative to Indian presents, the silk culture, lands granted by the Trustees, and persons qualified to serve on the Council.

By the Juno, Capt. Mackelellan, who arrived here on the 30th of last Month, I have received the Honour of Your Lordships Letter of the 26th of March, together with the Indians Presents, which I hope will quiet the minds of the Indians, who are said to be on the point of breaking with us.

I have already dispatched Letters to all their Chiefs, acquainting them with the arrival of the Presents, and inviting them to an interview at Augusta, as soon as the Presents can be carried thither. And Your Lordships may depend upon my having the greatest regard to Oeconomy, and a frugal disposition of the Publick Money, upon all occasions.

I am extreamly glad that the Silk of last year, has proved so good in quality. The quantity produced this year, is above a hundred weight more than last; and I hope will prove equally good.

As we have not a sufficient number of white Mulberry Trees, I am of opinion that a Bounty upon those Trees, as well as upon the Cocoons, would be the most effectual means of promoting the Silk Culture.

I have ordered several Copies of a Paper, Your Lordships sent me, signed by a number of the principal Manufacturers and Traders versed in the knowledge of all sorts of Raw Silk, to be made Publick which will certainly be a great encouragement of this valuable Produce.

Your Lordships are pleased to say that you will have a due regard to the particulars set forth in my Application for an Increase of my Sallary, for which I am extreamly Obliged to You.

I have also received the Coppies of Two Memorials, and other Papers thereunto annexed, presented to Your Lordships by Mr. and Mrs. Bosomworth with Your Lordships Orders and Resolutions thereon, to which I shall pay the greatest regard and attention.

I have likewise received a Letter from Your Lordships Secretary, dated the 5th of June, wherein he says that it seems to have been understood, that the Terms and Conditions of Cultivation, are required of all Persons holding Lands under Grants already made; which is plainly not the intention of the Instruction which extends only to all Grants to be made for the future. But he is certainly Mistaken in that point, as Your Lordships may be pleased to see in the 64th Article of my Instructions; according to which, Publick Notice was given, by two Proclamations, Coppies of which I shall transmit to Your Lordships by this conveyance; together with the Minutes of the Council, and Duplicates of my last.

By the aforementioned Instruction, I am Ordered to Direct the Officers intrusted with the Registers and Records, of such Grants and Allottments of Land, as were made by the late Trustees, or President and Court of Assistants, to lay them before me for my Inspection. But no Person in this Country has ever taken any Register or Record thereof, except Mr. Jones, a Member of the Council, who told me that he had kept a sort of Account of those things for his own private use, but he refused to lay them before me; so that as I could have no Information of these matters, but what the Minutes of the late Court of President and Assistants, afforded; and as those Minutes commence only from the year 1741, I thought it necessary to direct all Persons holding Lands in this Province, to lay their respective Claims before me in writing, for my Inspection, and examination. Many have done so; but very few have yet applyed for fresh Grants, tho all the Inhabitants are extreamly eager to obtain Warrants for more Land, in proportion to the number of their Family, notwithstanding their objections to the Terms and Conditions; for they have been used to take possession of the Lands by virtue of the Warrant only, which they think gives them an equitable Right to it; and if they can continue to enjoy it that way, whereby they save the expence of a Grant, have no Quit Rent to pay, nor are bound to any Conditions; they do not seem to desire any better Title.

I have therefore, according to my Instructions, transmitted to Your Lordships by this conveyance, a List, extracted from the Minutes of the late Court of President and Assistants, of the Names of all Persons to whom any Allotments of Lands have been made by that Court; wherein those who have applied for Grants, are Marked; the rest having Declined to take out Grants. I hope to be effectualy Impowered to oblige them to it; and thereby Secure His Majestys Revenue of Quit Rents: and in the said List I have Marked as many of the Minors, and fictitious names, as I could at present discover; but I have been informed, since of acquainted Your Lordships with those evasions of the late President and Assistants, in their allottment of Lands, that they had no other methods of accommodating new Settlers, with a sufficient quantity for a Plantation, where a Family consisted of 50, or 60 slaves; and as they could Allott but 500 Acres to the master of Mistress, which was very insufficient; they made larger Allottments in Childrens Names, or, if there was no Children, in some fictitious Name; and as it has not had a bad Effect, perhaps Your Lordships will think them excusable.

In regard to the money allowed from England, both for the Silk Culture, and for contingencies, I beg leave to observe, that, as I have no Instructions upon that head, I have hitherto applied that Money by the Advice and Consent of the Council; who are also joined with me in the Draughts for the same upon the Agent for the Province; and I have appointed Mr. William Russell (who had 40 pounds a year from the Trustees, for keeping the Publick Accounts) to be Clerk of the Publick Accounts, with the same Sallary, to be paid out of the Contingencies. But I have been greatly at a loss to procure Money for the Payment of the Publick Debts, especialy for the Silk. Publick notice of our want of Cash for Bills of Exchange, has, by my order, been given in the Carolina Gazzette, and otherwise; but nobody has offered to advance Money thereon from Carolina; and in this Province, here is no sort of Current Money but Notes of Hand, and Orders upon Merchants have passed instead of Money, with which the Publick Debts before my arrival, used to be Discharged, to the great Discouragement of all sorts of Workmen, particularly those in the Silk Culture. Those Orders upon Merchants, suffer a severe Discount, or are paid in Goods, at an extravagent Price; which Goods, are, often, not wanted by the Party to whom the Money is due. However he is forced to take them in Payment, and Dispose of, again at a great Loss. A few Artful People have (either in their own Name, or the Names of their Dependants) contrived to Enrich themselves, by ingrosing all the Publick Bills in this manner, to the great Detriment of the useful, and Laborious People, and of the Province in General. Therefore, if all the Money allowed from England could be sent over hither in Specie, it would go farther, and be a greater Encouragement by fifty per Cent. Or if small Bills, to the value of what is allowed by the Government, were Struck in England, like the Sola Bills, that were Current here in the time of the Trustees; it would be of the same Advantage.

Mr. Martyn the Agent, in his Letter to me of the 24th of April last, says that I may draw on him for the 400 pounds, remaining to answer the Expences which may attend the Distribution of the Indian Presents; but he says the Bills of Exchange must be drawn at Sixty Days sight (as those drawn by Mr. Habersham always were) and that I must Specify in the Letters of Advice, the Services for which the Bills were drawn; because, he says, the Account of the 1500 pounds, must be delivered in, Seperately, To the Auditor of the Imprest; but it is so extreamly Difficult (as I observed before) to procure Money for Bills, even at Thirty days sight, that I believe I shall not be able to get any at Sixty; and as to Specifying the Services, before the Money is laid out, it is Impossible; unless, I was to allow somebody to make a Jobb of it, by Advancing the Money upon Interest, till the Account is Closed and the Bills Drawn. But I will take care to transmit to Your Lordships, a Particular Account of the Expence attending the Distribution of the Indians Presents, as soon as that Service is finished.

Mr. Pownals Letter of the 23d of April, informs me of Your Lordships Pleasure, that I should take the first opportunity of acquainting You, whether I think John Mullryne Esquire properly qualified to be of the Council in this Colony. Accordingly, in my humble opinion, he is by no means proper for it. No doubt but Your Lordships will have many Applications of that kind, and therefore I beg leave to mention some other People, that I think will be very Improper to succeed; Vizt. Edmund Tannatt, James Maxwell, Lewis Johnson, and George Cuthbert. In the two vacantcies in Council, that were left for me to fill up, I have appointed James Mackay and James Edward Powell Esqr, whom I hope Your Lordship will Approve and I beg leave to recomend James Read, James Dereaux, and Elisha Butler Esqr. as properly qualified to serve His Majesty in the Council of this Colony, which now has but 9 Members.

___________________

A list of persons to whom any land had been allotted by the President and Assistants in Georgia from Oct. 21, 1741, to Oct. 4, 1754, received Apr. 13, read Apr. 14, 1756, C.O. 5/645, B. 5, showing the quantity of land given and distinguishing those persons who have applied for royal grants. Enclosed with John Reynolds letter to the Board of Trade, Oct. 8, 1755.

An Account of Lands Alloted by the President and Assistants in the Province of Georgia as well before as since the Surrender of the Charter, taken from their Minutes.























_________

Copy of Proclamation from Governor Reynolds, January 1, 1755, Georgia, received April 13, read April 14, 1756, C. O. 5/645, B. 6, enclosed with Reynolds October 8, 1755, letter to the Board of Trade, requiring all persons claiming land from Trusteeship grants to exhibit their claims to the Governor in Council by April 7, 1755, to obtain fresh grants.

By his Excellency John Reynolds Esquire Captain General Governor and commander in Chief in and over his Majestys said Province

A Proclamation

Whereas I am commanded by his Majesty to give Publick Notice that all such Persons as hold or possess any Lands within his Majestys Colony of Georgia by Virtue of Grants from the late Trustees or from Persons acting under their Authority or by Virtue of Allotments made by the President and Court of Assistants not Exceeding Five Hundred Acres to any one Person shall be finally released from all Conditions of such Grants and Allotments and the Arrears of Quit Rents due thereon totally remitted on Condition that they do within a certain time to be specifyed by me appear by themselves or sufficient Attorneys before me in Council to take out fresh Grants in His Majestys Name under the Public Seal of the said Colony for the Lands they claim to be in Possession of under such Grants and Allotments subject to the payment of Two Shillings Sterling for every Hundred Acres so granted to commence within Two years from the Date of the Grant and that the said Grantees shall likewise be obliged to clear and cultivate at the rate of five Acres per year for every hundred Acres contained in their Grants in failure of which Such Grants shall be void. Provided nevertheless and it is his Majestys express Will and Pleasure that nothing herein contained shall extend or be construed to extend to Establish or confirm a Right in any Person or Persons to Lands which they claim to hold by Virtue of Grants or Allotments which Grants or Allotments have been forfeited by a Noncompliance with the Terms and Conditions thereof or which they claim to hold under Allotments of more than five Hundred Acres to any one Person. I have therefore thought fit to Issue this my Proclamation charging and requiring all Persons whatsoever that on or before the Seventh Day of April next they do lay before me for my Inspection a particular Account in Writing of all the Lands they claim to hold either in their own Name or in the Name of any other person with a particular Description of the Situation and Extent of such Lands and the Right and Claim they have to and the Tenure by which they claim to hold the same in Order if it shall be thought proper to their Obtaining fresh Grants for the same in His Majestys Name. Hereof none are to fail as they will answer the contrary.

Given under my Hand and the Seal of his Majestys said Colony at Savannah the first day of January in the year of our Lord God 1755 and in the Twenty Eighth year of his Majestys Reign.

J. Reynolds

By his Excellencys Command James Habersham Secry.

Georgia Secretarys OfficeA true Copy taken from theOriginal examd per James Habersham Seer.

___________________

Copy of Proclamation from Governor Reynolds, May 26, 1755, Georgia, received April 13, read April 14, 1756, C.O. 5/645. B. 7, enclosed with Reynolds October 8, 1755, letter to the Board of Trade, requiring all persons claiming lands from the Trusteeship to give their claims to the Governor in Council by June 30, 1755.

By his Excellency John Reynolds Esquire Captain General and Governor in Chief of this his Majestys Colony of Georgia and Vice Admiral of the same.

A Proclamation

Whereas by a Proclamation Published the first Day of January last particular Advantages are offered to all Persons holding Lands in this Province under Grants from the late Trustees or under Allotments of the President and Court of Assistants either before or since the Surrender of the Charter and they are directed to lay before me for my Inspection their respective Claims on or before the Seventh day of April last which time upon an humble request made to me by an Address from the Council and Assembly I extended to the Thirtieth day of June next. This is Therefore in his Majestys Name to charge and Command all Persons concerned to pay due Obedience thereunto and bring in their Titles and Claims accordingly on or before the last day of June next in Order that they may appear before me in Council on or before the Twenty Eighth day of July following and take out fresh Grants in his Majestys Name under the Publick Seal of the Province for the Lands they claim under such Grants and Allotments or under any other Title whatsoever as they will answer the contrary for their Name with an Account of the Quantity of Land that has been granted or alloted to them will be Immediately transmitted to be laid before his Majesty pursuant to my Instructions on that head and in like manner all Persons who have obtained Warrants for Land from Me are required forthwith to apply to the Surveyor General to have their Lands laid out and that the Payment of his Majestys Quit Rents may not be evaded they are within Ten Days after the return of their Warrants to take out regular Grants for the Lands so laid out. And it is His Majestys express Will and Pleasure that the said Warrants shall be returned within Six Months at furthest after the date thereof in failure of which they are Void and of no Effect.

Given under my hand and the Seal of his Majestys said Colony at Savannah the Twenty Sixth day of May in the Twenty Eighth year of his Majestys Reign and in the year of our Lord 1755.

J. Reynolds

Secretarys OfficeBy his Excellencys Command James Habersham Secy. God save the King

Georgia Secretarys OfficeA true Copy taken from theOriginal examined per James Habersham Secy.

___________________

Copy of the manifest of the ship Minervas cargo, Patrick James, master, April 4, 1755, Savannah, received April 13, read April 14, 1756, C. O. 5/645, B. 8, enclosed with Reynolds October 8, 1755, letter to the Board of Trade.

A Manifest of the Ship Minervas Cargo, Patrick James Master for London

Six Hundred & thirteen barrels RiceThree Hogsheads Deer SkinOne Tierce DittoEight hundred & twenty two Deer Skins in the HairOne barrel IndicoeEight Thousand one hundred white oak hogshead Staves.

Patrick James

Savannah in Georgia 4th April 1755

A True Copy Wm. Russell Naval Officer

___________________

Copy of the manifest of the snow Neptunes cargo, John Rutherford, master, Mar. 7, 1755, Savannah, received Apr. 13, read Apr. 14, 1756, C.O. 5/645, B. 9, enclosed with Reynolds Oct. 8, 1755, letter to the Board of Trade.

Manifest of the Cargoe on Board the Snow Neptune John Rutherford Master from the Port of Savannah in Georgia to the Port of London.

Four Hundred & nineteen barrels Ricefive barrels IndicoeTwenty Hogsheads Deer SkinsOne hundred & twenty three bundles Deer Skins in the HairOne barrel bees waxOne barrel GensangOne box Honeythree pine Boxes (Vizt.) 2 with Trees & one with glass frames.

John Rutherford

Savannah in Georgia 7th March 1755.

A True Copy Wm. Russell Naval Officer

___________________

John Reynolds to the Board of Trade, Jan. 5, 1756, Georgia, received and read Apr. 28, 1756, C. O. 5/645, B. 10, giving a state of the colonys defenses, population, its needs, and the arrival of 400 Papists from Nova Scotia, together with six enclosures.

I have received the Honour of Your Lordships letter of the 6th of August, together with an additional Instruction from the Lords Justices, altering the Terms of holding Lands in this Colony.

In order to obey Your Lordships Commands, I have consulted with Mr. De Brahm, one of the Surveyors (who is a very able Engineer, and who is now Fortifying Charles Town) about what will be necessary to be done to put this Colony into a proper State of Defence, and making an Estimate of the Expence, as far as it can be done in this Part of the World; and I have transmitted to Your Lordships, by this conveyance, a Representation and Estimate thereof accordingly; wherein Your Lordships will be pleased to observe, that the number of Artillery represented, are only what are necessary for present Use; but it will be proper to have a greater number, in order to have a ready Store, to supply the wants, from a nearer place than England. Likewise the number of Negroes augmented, will shorten the time of their Employ and a Master Gunner should be allowed at each Fort, to take charge of, and be accountable for the Ordnance Stores. I need not mention the necessity of a good Engineer to Superintend the Whole; and I beg leave to recommend Mr. William De Brahm, who is a German Gentleman of Great Honour and Ingenuity.

Mr. Pownal informs me by Letter of the 19th of September, that Your Lordships would have me transmit to You an Account of the present Actual State of Defence of this Colony, in relation to the Ordnance and Stores of War, to Forts & Fortifications and to the number of Inhabitants, with the true State of all places already Fortified, or which I judge necessary to be Fortified, with my opinion in what manner His Majesty may further contribute to the Security and Defence thereof, how many Men are able to bear Arms, and how the Militia are Armed, Mustered and Trained.

The Real State of Defence of this Colony is such, that it may be laid before Your Lordships in very few words.

At Augusta, which is 150 miles NWt from Savannah, there is now remaining a Wooden Fort of 120 foot Square, but it is so rotten that great part of it is propt up, to prevent its falling; it has Eight small Iron Guns, which are honey combed, the Carriages Rotten, and there is no Ordnance Stores. This is the only Fortification in the Province. For Frederica, which lies 100 miles SWt from Savannah, and in the late War was well Fortified, is now totally Dismantled, and nothing remains there but 20 old Cannon, without Carriages, or any Ordnance Stores. At Savannah here are 11 old Cannon, 3 and 4 Pounders, without any Carriages, or any Ordnance Stores, except 27 old Swivel Guns, and 61 old Musketts, most of them with broken Stocks, and many without Locks. This is the true State of the Forts, Fortifications, and Ordnance Stores in this Province.

According to the best account I can get, the Number of White People in this Colony, including Men Women and Children, are 4500, the Number of Negroes are 1855; of the White 756 are able to bear Arms, of which number the Militia now consists; but they are very badly Armed, many being unable to Purchase Arms, according to the Militia Act. They are divided into Eight Companies, which are Trained and Mustered by their respective Officers Six times a year; but most of them are very remotely situated from each other, it being 200 miles from Augusta to Fredrica.

In regard to my opinion how His Majesty may farther contribute to the Security and Defence of this Colony, I refer Your Lordships to the Representation before mentioned, in case of a War. But if a Peace should be established, even then, I think there ought to be two Companies of Foot, and two Troops of Rangers, and that Fredrica should be Fortified, and likewise that a Fort should be built upon the forks of the Ockonee and Alatamaha River; because the French, at Albamous, and Mobile, will always be tampering with the Indians; as the Spaniards, at St. Augustine, always are. And Annual Presents for the Indians, should never be omitted; these things are absolutely necessary for His Majestys Service, to Secure this Province, which, Your Lordships will please to remember, is one of the Frontiers of North America and in my opinion, if it was well Peopled, it would soon become one of the best Colonies, if not the very best, in His Majestys Dominions. But it cannot be expected that any Substantial People will Settle here unless some way could be found to invite them; and, I think, if the Town of Hardwicke was made a Free Port, for Seven years, it would Invite many Substantial Traders to Settle there, & consequently would be the most effectual means of Peopling the Province, and with that sort of People too, who would make it Florish most.

The Sum of 500 pounds a year, allowed for Erecting and Repairing Publick Works; Entertaining Indians, and other Contingencies is very Insufficient. Many things that are absolutely necessary to be done, cannot be undertaken, for want of money; particularly the Building of a Jail; Repairing the Light House, the Court House, and the Church, Mounting the few Guns we have, clearing the River of Wrecks, & old Trees that Interrupt the Navigation of it &c. And as I Apprehend that I am confined to that Sum, I shall not presume to draw for any more, without farther orders. I shall transmit the Account of the Expence of that Money, to Your Lordships, by this conveyance, likewise of that allowed for the Silk Culture; but that of the Expence attending the Distribution of the Indian Presents, must be deferred 'till the next conveyance, because all the Bills cannot yet be got in.

I sent the Indian Presents to Augusta, to be distributed, and appointed all the Indian Chiefs to meet me there, in the first week of December. I went thither accordingly, but, the Indians neglecting the time of appointment, I stayed there Ten days, and then returned to Savannah, leaving Mr. William Little Commissioner and Agent for Indian Affairs, to deliver my Speeches, and the Presents to them; which he did, to above 300 Indians, who arrived there a week after I came away; and Peace and Friendship were renewed between us.

Whilst I was absent from hence, at Augusta, and what Indeed was one reason of my returning hither so soon, two Transports arrived here from Nova Scotia with 400 French Papists, and Letters to me from Lieutenant Governor Lawrence, acquainting me that for the better security of that Province, & in consequence of a resolution of his in Council, he had sent those People to Georgia, and that he did not doubt of my concurrence. The Season of the year would not admit of their going back again, and therefore I was obliged to receive them; and their Provisions being all expended, and the poor Wretches ready to Perish, I was obliged to order them to be Supplied immediately; which, with the Hire of some Boats, to distribute them about the Province, has occasioned an Expence of near 80 pounds.

I beg leave to acquaint Your Lordships that it is absolutely necessary that a Chief Justice should be sent hither from England, here being nobody in the Colony capable of Presiding in the Courts of Judicature wherein great Irregularities are committed, for want of somebody properly qualified to direct the form of their Proceedings.

By this conveyance Your Lordships will be pleased to receive with the afore mentioned Representation and Accounts, Coppies of the Minutes of my Proceedings in Council, together with Plans and Elevations of the Fortifications, altogether in a Box, Directed to Your Lordships. And I have taken the Liberty to Inclose a Memorial, which I beg Your Lordships will be pleased to take into your Consideration.

_________

A Representation to the Board of Trade from John Reynolds, Jan. 5, 1756, Georgia, received and read Apr. 28, 1756, C. O. 5/645, B. 11, giving a plan of the forts, and garrisons necessary for the defense of Georgia together with an estimate of the expense. Enclosed with Reynolds Jan. 5, 1756, letter to the Board of Trade.

Georgia, being a large but weak Province, is unable to raise a number of men to meet an Enemy in the Field or Woods, it required therefore to be provided in sundry places with Forts, wherein few men may defend the Province (i.e. the settled part of the Province) against many, and keep the Inhabitants free from Invasions.

To Fortifie this Province, will require to choose such places where the Enemy must take his passage (as well by water from the East as by Land from the West) which places likewise are convenient to communicate one with another, by Land as well as by water, to make their correspondence & assistance as easy as possible.

The places for Forts near the Sea are, first Cockspur, a small Island in the mouth of Savannah River, commanding the North, but much better the South Channel. The North Channel is only for small Craft, but the South Channel is for large Vessels. Secondly, Savannah, being the first landing place, & likewise the best settled Town in the Province, on Savannah River. Thirdly Hardwicke, being likewise the first landing place upon great Ogechee River, where also is the passage over that River, to correspond between Savannah and Fredrica. Fourthly Fredrica being the Southermost place of the present Settlements, but the Center Between Savannah and St. Johns Rivers, upon an Island commanding the chief branch of Alatamaha River; a convenient place to Harbour Men of War, and being also protected by them; also the fittest place for a Garrison Town, or Place of Arms.

The Land passages for the Enemy, are, along the Rivers Savannah, great Ogechee, and Alatamaha. These Rivers are therefore all to be Fortified in such places where they leave off to be Navigable, Vizt.

At Augusta, and at the Fork of Ockonee and Alatamaha Rivers, and upon a South & North Course from these two places, on a convenient Spot, on great Ogechee River; to stop the Enemies passage along the River, and to defend likewise the passage for the communication, between the Forks and Augusta.

To Protect this communication it is necessary to raise Two hundred Rangers, Commanded by two Capts. with the assistance of four Lieutenants, and Six Sargents. They are to be Stationed in the following places and manner. Vizt.


In Fredrica, one Captn. & one Sergt. with


-- 29


Men


Augusta, one Captn. & one Sergt. with


-- 29





Savannah, one Lieut. & one Sergt. with


-- 29





Hardwicke one Lieutt. with


25





The Forks one Lieut. with


25





The Ogechee Pass one Lieut. with


25





Between Savannah & Augusta, one Sergt. with


14





Between the Pass & Hardwick, one Sergt. with


10





Between the Forks & Fredrica, one Sergt. with


14








200




Their Duty is to reconize the communications every day, to carry Letters, & Orders, and to Convoy Messengers, Travellors, and Troops when marching.

Fredrica is to be one half an Hexegon, i.e. of three Poligons 960 feet each, with two whole, and two Demi Bastions towards the Land; Two Demi Bastions, & a Cittadel towards the River; which Citadel must command both Town & River, and lodges the whole Garrison.

The necessary Artillery for this place is


The Garrison for the place is to be 300 Regulars, sufficient to Defend it against a surprise, but against a Seige, the Garrison must be reinforced with 700 men.


Hardwicke is to be a Triangle, i.e. three Poligons 600 feet each, with three detached Bastions, being only a Citadel commanding the River and Town.


Cockspur, is to be a Triangular Fort, i.e. three Poligons [each] 132 feet, with three Semi Bastions; or a Block House, with a Redoubt of 4 Poligons, each 100 feet, without any Bastion, being only to Defend the mouth of Savannah River.


Savannah is to be a Square, i.e. four Poligons each 448 feet, with four Bastions, 3 upon the Bluff to Command the Town, & one below the Bluff, besides a Battry upon the Bluff, to command the River, being only a Citadel to command both the River and Town.



Augusta, will be the Same as Savannah, only altogether upon one Harison, or like Hardwicke, being a Citadel of that Town.


The Pass, or Ferry over the Head of great Ogechee River, will be a Block house, in a Redoubt, of four Poligons 100 feet each, without any Bastion, being only a Protection of the Passage over the River.


The Forks will be the same as Hardwick, or Augusta, that is a Triangle; or Square.



All These Forts are only Projected in Earth-work faced with Facins, or Torf:36 being the Cheapest way in all parts of the World to Fortify by; but since Workmanship is so very Dear in these parts, because of the Scarcity of White People to Employ to such purposes, and those few that can be got, cannot be obliged for any time; and consequently there is no accounting upon White People let the Encouragement be what it will, it will therefore answer much better, and be more advantageous to Buy 150 Negroes, and to put them under the conduct of three Conductors, and Six Overseers; to every fifty Negroes One Conductor & two Overseers. One of the Conductors are to be a Bricklayer, One a Carpenter, and one a Blacksmith. Two of the Overseers are to be Bricklayers, Two Carpenters and Two Blacksmiths; and if possible all Sailors likewise. They chuse the best hands of those Sensible Negroes they think fit, to assist in their Business when required. These Negroes are to be employed either in one Place, or in two or three, as will be requisite to carry on the most necessary Works. These train of Pioneers are under the Direction of a Premiere Engineer, who is assisted by a Lieutenant, or second Engineer, and are likewise to have a Doctor, and two mates. If these Negroes are bought in Africa, & brought over to America, they will not amount to 4500 pounds Sterling.


Their maintenance per Annum each 5 pounds Sterling


750


The six Overseers Sallary per Annum 30 Sterl.


180


The 3 Conductors Sallary per Annum 50


150


The Doctor with two mates per Annum


180


The second Engineers per Annum


182


The Premiere Engineer per Annum


383





1825


The amount of it in ten years in which time all the work may be finished


18,250


For extraordinary expences, to build or buy Boats, Iron, Steel, & necessary Tools, & to hire now & then Soldiers, or others when necessary 1000 per annum


10,000


Add to this the Buying the Negroes


4,500





32,750


Suppose of 150 Negroes at the end of Ten Years there are but 100 left, every one of those will be worth 40 pounds Sterl. to sell in America,


4000


Consequently the Expence of Fortifying the whole Province of Georgia (subtracting the sale of the Negroes) will amount only to,


28,750

No other Calculation can be made in this part of the World, and it is certainly a way to do any thing of this kind much Cheaper than in Europe.

___________________

Memorial of John Reynolds to the Board of Trade, Jan. 3, 1756, Georgia, received and read Apr. 28, 1756, C.O. 5/645, B. 14, relative to the insufficiency of his salary and perquisites to maintain him. Enclosed with Reynolds Jan. 5, 1756, letter.

Most humbly sheweth

That your Memorialists Salary is no more than Six hundred pounds a year, and he finds that all the Fees or Perquisites of his office do not amount to Sixty pounds a year, exclusive of the Grants; and although the objections to taking out Grants have been removed, no more than 200 have yet been applied for; for which the Governors fees will amount to no more than 123.15.0. And notwithstanding he has observed the most frugal Oeconomy that could be consistent with his office, the Expences of his Living in this extremely Dear Country, have constantly exceeded his whole Income; which obliges him to represent the same to Your Lordships; and as he was forced to be at the Charge of a Thousand pounds in fitting himself out, without any Allowance for the same, or prospect of reimbursement, since the circumstances of the Colony are so poor, that there is not the least room to hope for any additional Salary or Perquisite from them; he humbly begs therefore that Your Lordships will be pleased to take the matter into Your consideration; and he does not doubt but your Wisdom and Justice will augment his Salary in proportion to the occasion; and he humbly hopes that Your Lordships will make it equal to the Governors of North Carolina.

___________________

John Reynolds to the Board of Trade, Jan. 8, 1756, Georgia, received in April, read May 4, 1756, C. O. 5/645, B. 16, recommending an advertisement in the [London] Gazette requiring all persons with grants of lands from the Trustees to lay in their claims by a fixed time.

Since I Sealed my Letter to Your Lordships of the 5th Instant, I recollect that it would be very proper, in my opinion, If Your Lordships approve of it, to have an Advertisement published in the Gazette, requiring all persons, to whom any Grants or Allotments of land in this Province, have been made by the late Trustees, by persons acting under their Authority, or by any other legal Authority, to lay in their Claims (by such times as Your Lordships please to fix) expressing the Quantity and Sitution of their Lands, the names of the original Grantees, and how the present Claimants property therein is derived; in failure whereof the said Lands to revert to the Crown. It would save a great deal of fruitless Trouble if Your Lordships will please to Order such Publick Notice to be given.

___________________

John Reynolds to the Board of Trade, Mar. 29, 1756, Georgia, received June 18, read June 22, 1756, C.O. 5/645, B. 17, complaining of the conduct and behavior of the Council and Assembly and asking support to bring more Germans to the colony.

Your Lordships will please to receive by this conveyance, the several Publick Papers, of which I have inclosed a List.

The Distribution of the Indian Presents at Augusta in December, made it necessary to Prorogue the Assembly, which was to have met on the 7th of January, to the 2d of February. And two of the Representatives, during the recess between March and January, having been appointed members of the Council; & a third, who had not Qualified, having acquainted me, by Letter, that he would not Serve, I ordered a Writ to issue for the Election of three members, to compleat the number which His Majesty has been pleased to direct that the said Assembly shall consist of; and accordingly three members were Returned, against either of whom no objection appeared, but yet none of them were admitted to Sit; and twelve members only, of which there was a great majority of very troublesome people, would have proceeded upon Business without admitting them. I gave the House time enough, by short Adjournments, to recollect that they were Wrong; and, in a Message, explained to them how they were so.

But nothing would do, for They expect to have the same Privileges as the House of Commons of Great Britain, and in some respects more. They ordered a message I sent for their last Adjournment, to be upon the Table, after it had been read to them; confined the Speaker in his Chair, and forced him to Sign a Paper (against which proceeding I transmit Your Lordships a Copy of his Protest), some private members seized upon the Minutes, made such Alterations as they pleased, and refused to deliver them to my written Order. Whereupon I found it necessary to Dissolve the said Assembly; and the Circumstances of this Colony are such, at present, that it is my opinion no Assembly can be had that will raise any money for the support of Government, or even for holding the Courts of Oyer & Terminer, unless the Governor was to admit of their exorbitant Claims, now perhaps even then, for the most considerable people here are very Indifferent about the Administration of Justice, having nothing to loose of their own, for they are deeply in Debt in the neighbouring Province, or otherways, and their Creditors, in order to have a Chance to be Paid, have suffered them to bring their mortgaged Negroes hither, where they turn to much better account than in Carolina, whilst they pay neither Taxes, Parish rates, Quit-rents, Customs, nor anything else. However, I proposed the calling another Assembly immediately, to the Council; but they voted against it.

I shall take this opportunity to acquaint Your Lordships, that a great majority of the Council have all along appeared to be extreamly Greedy of Power, and would fain have all things Determined by Vote. Some have declared in Council that all the Letters I write to Your Lordships, ought to be approved of by the Board, one motive whereof I apprehend to be, that if they could prevail with me to allow of this extraordinary Claim, there would be no danger of any Enquiry into the disposal of all the Publick money, which has passed through the Hands of some of them, and for which there remains nothing visible, but a poor Wooden Church, a Wooden Court-house, and a Light-house, all ready to tumble down; a small Wooden-house here called the Filature, and another at Ebenezer, a Wooden Council House, which was only a meer shell, without a Chimney when I arrived, and has cost near 300 pounds since, to make it useful.

His Majestys Warrant to me, for Alexr. Kellett Esqr. his being Provost Marshal in this Colony, Directs his being so, during his Residence here, and Mr. Kellett having withdrawn from hence, in order to go to England, without having previously intimated his intentions to me, I have therefore appointed Mr. Nathaniel Day to Succeed him as Provost Marshal 'till Your Lordships are pleased to acquaint me with His Majestys Pleasure therein, but I beg leave to assure you that Mr. Day is a person I have known many years to be a man of very good Character and Capacity; and I shall be very much obliged to Your Lordships, if you will please to Recommend him to be confirmed in that Office.

Jonathan Bryan Esqr. having resigned the office of Publick Treasurer I have with the Advice of the Council appointed James Edwd. Powell Esqr. to succeed him 'till Your Lordships are pleased to acquaint me with His Majestys Pleasure therein.

The Germans in this Province are a very Industrious People and Mr. Bolzius, who is their minister of the Gospel, and a man greatly esteemed among them, has informed me that his Correspondents in Wertemberg writes, that many of those People would come from thence at their own expence to Settle here, if a small Support could be allowed to them, for the first year only, 'till they could raise their own Provissions. He thinks that Four Pounds Sterling for each person, would be sufficient; and I am of opinion that it would very much promote the Peopling of this Colony, if it were to be allowed them, which I beg leave to recommend to Your Lordships Consideration.

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Jonathan Bryan to the Earl of Halifax, Apr. 6, 1756, Savannah, read June 30, 1756, C.O. 5/645, B. 19, relative to the declining state of the province of Georgia.

I should not presume to Trouble Your Lordship but as there have been no Representation Sent home by the General Assembly of the State of the Colony I thought it my duty to Inform Your Lordship of the Declining State of this province. Governor Reynolds when he came over was received with the greatest Satisfaction to the Inhabitants and had certainly the greatest prospect of being a happy Gover. and of making this a happy Colony as people were then crowding in every day, filld with expectations of being Settled in a Country which has all the Advantages of Air & Soil and founded upon liberty. But the face of Affairs are much altered. Few or no people come in Since the Arival of the Governor and Several persons of property with their families are gon out. Our trade much declined and I feer the Colony will be reduced to as low an ebb as it was under the Late unhappy Constitution under the Trustees, for which Ill turn of Affairs there must be Some weighty reasons which I Shall not presume to point out to Your Lordship. I only wish Your Lordship would patronize this Colony under its unhappy Curcomstances under whose wise Conduct I Should Not Yet Dispair in a few Years to See it Vie with Its flourishing Neighbours.

P.S.

Mr. Kellett who has behaved as a friend to the Colony, Can Inform Your Lordship of many perticulars.

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John Reynolds to the Board of Trade, May 12, 1756, Savannah, received July, read July 13, 1756, C. O. 5/645, B. 22, with which he sends a box of raw silk manufactured by the Germans at Ebenezer and asking that the filature at Ebenezer be used next season.

Herewith I beg leave to send Your Lordships a Box of Raw Silk, of the first, second, and third sort; manufactured entirely by the Germans at Ebenezer in this Colony, from Twenty two pounds fourteen Ounces & a half of Cocoons, of their own raising. Which I thought it necessary, at their own request, to allow them to Reel off, at the Publick Filature at Ebenezer; as a Tryal of their Skill, for they are very importunate to have the advantage of Reeling off all the Cocoons they raise at Ebenezer, (which is near forty miles from hence) and think it a great hardship to be forced to bring down their Cocoons to the Filature at Savannah, and for their Women to come so far from home to Reel off the Silk; since their Wages for that Work, will hardly Subsist them, in this Dear Town. The Art of Reeling the Silk from the Cocoons, should certainly be made as Publick throughout the Colony as Possible, and as there is a very good Filature at Ebenezer, belonging to His Majesty, which was kept a Secret from me, 'till I went to visit that Settlement, I proposed to Mr. Ottolanghe that it should be Employed; but he, Who is doubtless a very good Judge of the Culture of Silk, is nevertheless very Jealous of a Rival, and extreamly desirous of making himself Solely necessary, and therefore he strenuously advised the Contrary, and that all the Cocoons in the Province should be brought to Savannah to be Reeled under his Inspection (as they have hitherto been since my arrival) and he cant bear the thoughts of another Filatures being Employed yet a while, but pretends that it will be time enough to set other Filatures at Work, when he has Taught the Art of Reeling to a sufficient Number of Women throughout the Colony, at this Filature; & then he allows that other Filatures may be necessary.

But the same objection as the Ebenezer People makes, holds good with respect to the inconvenience of any other Womens coming hither to learn from any distant part of the Province, as is evident from the small number that do come hither to Learn, and therefore, though I did not think proper to Cross Mr. Ottolanghe this Season, nor 'till I know how Well they can perform at Evenezer. Yet I am sure that it will be a great Advantage to the Silk Culture of this Colony, to Employ the Filature at Ebenezer, as well as this at Savannah, Provided They can only make the Silk there, nearly as good as what is made here by Mr. Ottolanghe. Because then, People will have convenient opportunities at either place, of Learning the Art, which the Germans presume to understand perfectly Well at present, but may forget, for want of Practice. I have therefore sent Your Lordships this Sample of their Skill, that you may be pleased to Direct proper Judges to Report the Quality thereof to Your Lordships, whereupon, I Hope to receive Your Lordships Commands, whether the Filature at Ebenezer shall be Employed next Season or not?

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Memorial of Benjamin Martyn, agent for Georgia, to the Board of Trade, July 6, 1756, London, read July 6, 1756, C.O. 5/645, B. 20, asking the Board to order the Auditor to pay the salaries of Officers in Georgia from 1754 to midsummer 1756.

Sheweth

That he has been informed by the Auditor of the Imprest, that he is not authorised to pay the Salaries to the several Officers on the Estimate for the said Province, without Your Lordships Orders Each Year, specifying the said Officers and their respective Salaries, Which Orders are to be lodged, as his proper Vouchers, in the Auditors Office.

He therefore prays Your Lordships Orders for the payment of the Services on the Estimate, and of the Salaries from the Dates of the several Warrants and Appointments in the Year 1754 to Midsummer 1755, and from Midsummer 1755 to Midsummer 1756.

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Memorial of Alexander Kellet, one of Council and Provost Marshal of Georgia, to the Board of Trade, July 7, 1756, Georgia, received and read July 7, 1756, C.O. 5/645, B. 21, relating to the present sad state of that colony and the ill-conduct of Governor Reynolds and his Secretary William Little.

That your Memorialist in consequence of his Employments, embarkd for Georgia towards the end of August 1752; from whence he is Lately returnd, as conceiving it his Duty to lay before Your Lordships the Present State of that Colony; having been also frequently Importuned thereto by most of the Councillors, Representatives, Public Officers, & Planters of Substance & Character, there.

That the Inability of Mr. Reynolds, the Governor of Georgia, conferd, in a few months after his arrival there, the whole Administration of Affairs on Wm. Little, a Surgeon in the Navy, whom he had brought with him in the character of his Private Secretary; & who is a person Unconversant in Business, & of the most Despotic Principles. That Mr. Little has had a Complaint presented to the Governor against him by all the Councillors in the Province except one; in the prosecution whereof he was Proved guilty of Extortion, as Clerk of the General Court; & of Falsification of a Minute of the House of Representatives whose Clerk he was, in order to Cover his Sinking37 a Bill that had Passd both Houses; & of Forging a Minute relative to Another Bill, which had also gone thro the two Houses as he had acknowledged the Suppressing of it under his Hand. That the Governors Partiality could not but pass Sentence on Mr. Little as a Delinquent, on the first account, & remove him from the place of Clerk of the Court, tho he had sufferd him to Dispose of that very post, & has since bestowd two or three other employments on him. He has Dissolved the best Assembly hel ever probably meet in Georgia (& thereby left half of the Taxes of the last Year Uncollected, & those for the present Year Unprovided) merely to Frustrate an Enquiry into Mr. Littles conduct Publickly referd by him to the two Houses on the second head. That the Representatives turnd Mr. Little out of their House last Session for his contumacious, menacing, behavior there; that he had notwithstanding Falsifyd the Minutes of their Proceedings sent over; that since your Memorialist left the Province he has been informd that a grand Jury (of which Mr. Little was Foreman) has presented the person acting as Deputy Clerk of the Assembly for Refusing (by Mr. Littles orders) a Sight of these Minutes to two of the Members of the House of Representatives and that the Attorney general of Georgia has exhibited an information against him, as Justice of the Peace for Accusing a person of, & Arresting him for, High-treason; without any Evidence to support the charge.

That your Memorialist submissively represents to your Lordships, that Mr. Reynolds, the Governor of Georgia, has constantly endeavord to Depreciate the Council, that he sometimes Discontinues meeting the Councillors on Usual occasions, & sometimes summons them Extraordinarily on no occasion at all; that he dont communicate to them his, Majestys Instructions relative to their Duty, otherwise than by Reading these himself in an unintelligible manner; that he acts frequently without, & sometimes, oppositely to, their Advice, in Affairs in which they are to co-operate with him; particularly in the Distribution of the late Presents to the Indians, about which he never in the least consulted the Committee of the Council orderd to attend him at Augusta; but delegated the whole Business to Mr. Little who coud not possibly have any Knowledge of that Sort, & of which (by what has Transpired) there seems to have no other Use been made than to Establish Mrs. Bosomworths pretended Indian Title, to some Land & Islands, that she is now Prosecuting before the Governor. That the Governor has suspended from sitting in Councill Mr. Clement Martin, a Gentleman of so Unexceptionable a Character and Conduct that nothing but his having been the Person that deliverd the Councils Remonstrance against Mr. Little can account for such Suspension. That Mr. Reynolds contrary (as 'tis humbly apprehended) to his Instructions appoints Judicial & Ministerial Officers of Justice without advising with the Council; & has refused to have the formal Dissent of one of its Members from this Proceeding enterd in their Minutes. That the Governor Enters, or Leaves out, whatever he pleases in the Journal of the Council; & has accordingly omitted therein the Trial & Conviction of Mr. Little on the Prosecution of the Council & the Proceedings of the Council, in the Governors absence, on the arrival of the French Accadians. That Mr. Reynolds did not vouchsafe on the last occasion to Answer a necessary Dispatch sent to Augusta by the Senior Member of the Council at Savannah, otherwise than by returning a Captious, Unintelligible, order to the Commissary. That Mr. Reynolds has erected a New & Extraordinary Judicature where he solely Presides, before which he summond the Councillors in Mr. Littles case, & has (since your Memorialists Departure) cited the Senior Justice of the General Courts. That the Publick Officers in Mr. Reynolds Government are unprotected & harrassd on one hand, on the other consequently insulted & starved; & the Governor has in particular sent an Order to the Senior Justice of the General Court, recommending to him not to permit the Attorney General of the Province to act as an Attorney in that Court.

That your Memorialist has always acted as Councillor & Provostmarshall, as well as in the other employments he held in the Province, with Zeal for his Majestys Government, a dutiful Regard for the Governor; and apparent Disinterestedness. That as Provostmarshal, your Memorialist voluntarily ceded his right to the Milage from Savannah to Augusta in all Actions under ten pounds; & upon, Apprehension that he might have taken some fees not usual in South Carolina, offered by a public Advertizement to Discontinue any such fees, & to Refund all moneys receivd by him differently from the practice of that neighbouring Province. That your Memorialist notwithstanding soon experienced that the Inhabitants of Georgia, thro the General Indigence, & a Chimerical Expectation of at least a temporary Indemnity from Process, had contracted such an implacable Aversion to the duty of a Provost-marshal as to make it an incessant endeavor to render the Execution of that Office Impracticable. Nor can your Memorialist say that he has by any means been so powerfully pr [torn] ted by Mr. Reynolds as the Importance of a regular course of Justice required. His reitereated Petitions for a proper Jail, &c. having been constantly Rejected; & the Governor having twice (as your Memorialist has the strongest reasons to believe) tho Inefectually, stird up people with Promises of Success to Sign Petitions to himself praying your Memorialists Suspension. That the Governor (from what Inducement your Memorialist is almost at a loss to guess, he having done Mr. Reynolds several acts of Friendship) has also encouraged every body to Misbehave to him, by Rewarding most who did. That Mr. Reynolds has allowed Defamations of your Memorialist not in the least Probable to be assiduously Circulated; & has given a thousand Acres of Land to one Gray Elliot of Beaufort in South-carolina for no other pretension than that of being the Author of one of the most Scandalous; & that he has Countenanced several Vexatious Prosecutions, Illegally conducted, against your Memorialist. And to Crown his Unjustifiable Procedure with him, the Governor has of his Sole Authority Superseded the Deputation of the Post of Provost Marshal made by your Memorialist on his leaving the colony, by the advice of the Attorney General of Georgia; (who, as Attorney for your Memorialist in his absence, has deliverd a Protest thereon to the Governor & Council, with the Contents of which Mr. Reynolds never acquainted the Board) in conformity to the Universal practice of every Province in North-america & the West Indies, throughout which there is not one Original Patentee of the Place resident; & agreeably to the Power of Deputing given your Memorialist by his Majestys Commission, which woud be Useless if Personal Residence was intended to be required; as it doubtless is by the Commission of the Naval Officer, wherein a Special clause for that purpose is inserted notwithstanding Mr. Reynolds has allowd Mr. Bagshul; an Officer of the Port not empowered by his Commission to Depute, to appoint a Deputy & leave the Province; & permits the Constant Non-residence of one of the Surveyors General; and Notwithstanding the Governor cannot by his Instructions nominate any Judicial or Ministerial Officer of Justice but with the consent of a Quorum of the Council; & the Person Mr. Reynolds has selected to supply the place of the Principal Executive Officer of Justice is, to the Indignation of the Province, his own Valet.

That, in necessary consequence of these & many other Similar Proceedings, your Memorialist has for near Two years been a melancholy Witness of the dayly Decline of a Colony that with proper Management might in some Years be a Prosperous, Beneficial, Province, & where the very Fame of Kings Governor had sent, what is most wanted there, some Settlers of Property. But That promising Prospect has Disappeared; & thickning Gloom of Discontent, Division, & poverty, now hovers over it; instead of having substantial Settlers coming into it, many have left it; more doubtless been discouraged from attempting it; and most of the considerable Planters in the Colony are only detained (at the pressing Instance of your Memorialist) by the Confident Expectation of effectual & speedy Redress from this right Honorable Board where Justice & Wisdom so eminently preside.

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H. Fox, one of the principal secretaries of state, to the Board of Trade, Aug. 3, 1756, Whitehall, received Aug.3, read Aug.4, 1756, C.O. 5/645, B. 23, signifying His Majestys approval of Henry Ellis as Lieutenant-Governor of Georgia and asking the Board to order Governor Reynolds to return home.

Having laid before The King your Lordships Representation of the 29th past, with regard to the present State of Affairs in the Colony of Georgia; I am commanded to signify to your Lordships His Majestys Pleasure, that you should immediately direct Governor Reynolds to come to England, to answer for his Conduct in his Government; And The King having approved your Lordships Recommendation of Henry Ellis Esqr. to be appointed Lieutenant Governor of Georgia, during the Absence of Mr. Reynolds, your Lordships will be pleased to prepare, & transmit to me, for His Majestys Signature, the proper Commission for that purpose.

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Memorial of Henry Ellis to the Board of Trade, Oct. 5, 1756, London, received Oct. 5, read Oct. 8, 1756, C. O. 5/645, B. 24, setting forth the defenseless state of Georgia.

May it please your Lordships,

As soon as his Majesty, had been graciously pleased to appoint your Memorialist, however unworthy, to preside over his Majestys Colony of Georgia; he thought it his Duty to make the strictest Enquiry in his Power, into the present State and Condition of the Colony; and having so done, upon the most mature Reflection, he humbly apprehends it to be no less his Duty; to lay the Effect of that Enquiry, before your Lordships; as well from the deep sense he has of the great Care, and peculiar Attention, which this Board has shewn to what falls properly under their Cognizance; as from the full Perswasion he has, of the great Importance, of the Points, which he thus most humbly begs leave to represent.

The future Consequence of Georgia to this Country, from the probable Hopes entertaind of raising there many Commodities of the highest Value; and of the Utmost Utility to Great Britain; and its present apparent Importance as a Barrier; against the Indians, French, & Spaniards, seems to require, that it should be at all Times, but more especially at the present Critical Conjuncture, at least, in a tolerable State of Defence. Yet so far as your Memorialist has been able to inform himself, the Province in its present Condition may be truely stiled, Exposed, in the strictest sence of the Term.

The Frontier instead of being coverd by Forts, is intirely destitute of any, at least, that are not in Ruins. But if it were not, or if any of the old Forts were yet capable of being repaird; there are no Troops to defend them, except a single Independant Company of Forty Men, and that belonging to another Province. Neither are there any Artillery fit for Service, nor so much as a single Ship of War for the Protection of the Coasts; tho the Station in other Respects is extremely commodious for interrupting the Navigation of our Enemies from Gulph of Mexico.

As to the Inhabitants, they are in their present Circumstances utterly defenceless; for tho there may be about Eight hundred Men in the Province capable of bearing Arms; yet they are scattered through a wide Extent of Country; and which is still worse, are in no Condition of being brought together for their own Defence; as there are no Military Stores, no Magazines, no Posibility of procuring the former, and no Fund for procuring, or maintaining the latter. Add to this, that the French having their Emissaries every where, are very likely to be informd of this situation of Things, & may be thereby tempted to fall upon them from the almost Certainty of Success, even with the smallest force; to say nothing of what may be apprehended from the Spaniards, who have a strong Fortress, and a numerous Garrison upon Their Frontiers.

In this State of Affairs, the only probable hope of Assistance that can arrise, must be from the Friendly Disposition of the Indians. But it so happens, that the People of this Colony are likewise destitute of the most effectual Means of Securing that Assistance; as they are in no Condition of making them Presents, without which Experience has shewn, that they are not to be wrought upon; or any just Expectation entertaind from their Professions. If his own Safety, & Credit only, were to be risked from his entering on the Goverment under such Circumstances; Your Mernorialist had hestitated at least, at giving the Board the Trouble of this Application; but the Safety of the Colony, the Interest of the Nation, and the Honour of the Crown, being as nearly concernd, determined him, to what he thought coud not be avoided, without being wanting in the very first Instance, to what, to him, appeared to be his Duty.

Your Memorialist, therefore most humbly beseeches Your Lordships, to take the Premises into your serious Consideration; and in Consequence of your Representation, to procure five hundred Stand of Arms, to be transported as soon as posible, for the Service of the Inhabitants, as also a Ship of War to be properly stationed, for the Security of the Coasts; and a competent Provision to be made for Indian Presents; with whatever else your Lordships Wisdom shall suggest to be requisite, in this Time of Danger, for the Security of the Province.

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Report of Mathew Lamb to the Board of Trade, Jan. 5, 1756, Lincolns Inn, London, received Jan. 7, read Jan. 8, 1756, C. O. 5/645, B. 25, upon four acts passed in Georgia in January, 1755.

In Pursuance of your Lordships Commands Signified to me by Mr. Pownalls Letter wherein you are pleased to desire my Opinion in Point of Law upon the following Acts passed in the Province of Georgia in January 1755, I have perused and considered the same (vizt.)

1. An Act for Regulating the Militia of this Province and for the Security and better Defence of the same.

This Act is to continue for Three Years and as the same contains great Variety of new Matter relating to the Militia in this Province, I Submit to your Lordships that this Act may lie by Probationary till the Effect of it be known.

2. An Act for Stamping Imprinting Emitting and making Current the Sum of Seven Thousand Pounds Sterling in Paper Bills of Credit to be let out at Interest on good Securities at Six per Cent per Annum and for applying the said Interest.

This Act relates to Paper Currency, the carrying on of which in these Provinces has often been Discountenanced by your Lordships on Account of the bad Effects they have produced. And how far in this Province, and in the very particular manner it is intended to be done by this Act it is to be admitted, must from Circumstances and the Information given relating thereto, be submitted the Confirmation of this Act.

3. An Act Inflicting and Imposing Penalties upon any Person or Persons that shall Publish and Declare that the Acts of the General Assembly of the Province of Georgia are not of Force.

4. An Act for raising and granting to his Majesty a Sum of Money to defray the Expenses of the Courts of Oyer and Terminer and other Contingencies of Government.

Upon Perusal and Consideration of these Acts I have no other Objections in Point of Law than are before mentioned.

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J. West, Secretary to the Lords of the Treasury, to the Board of Trade, Oct. 15, 1756, Treasury Chambers, read Nov. 2, 1756, C. O. 5/645, B. 26, asking the Board to give the Treasury their opinion as to the nature and quantity of a present to be given the Creek Indians.

The Lords Commrs. of his Majts. Treasury upon consideration of the Memorial of Henry Ellis Lieutenant Governor of Georgia, laid before You, and by Your Lordships transmitted to them, are of opinion that a proper present for the Indians should be provided as proposed in the said Memorial; And desire Your Lordships, will favour them with Your Opinion, as to the Nature and Quantum of such Present, that the same may be got ready as soon as possible.

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N. Hardinge, Secretary to the Lords of the Treasury to John Pownall, Secretary to the Board of Trade, Nov. 5, 1756, Treasury Chambers, received and read in Nov., 1756, C.O. 5/645, B. 27, agreeing that 1500 should be distributed to the Indians of Georgia.

Your Letter to me of the 3d Instant, Signifying the Opinion of the Lords Commissioners for Trade and plantations in relation to the present of 1500, intended to be distributed to the Indians Inhabiting the Frontiers of Georgia, Has been laid before the Lords Commr. of his Majestys Treasury, and their Lordships have commanded me to acquaint You for the Information of the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, That they agree with their Lordships in their Opinion, both as to the sum to be distributed, and the manner of distributing the same.

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Memorial of Benjamin Martyn to the Board of Trade, Nov. 3, 1756, London, read Nov. 11, 1756, C.O. 5/645, B. 28, asking that 500 out of money set aside for sericulture be sent over with the new Lieutenant-Governor, Henry Ellis.

That the Governor of Georgia having represented, that it woud be of service to the said Province, to send thither a sum of Money to answer contingent Expences, and Demands for the culture of Silk; Your Lordships were pleased on the 28th of April last to order your Memorialist to send over the Sum of One thousand Pounds, with Your Orders that Seven hundred Pounds of the same should be applied solely to the said Culture. But as no Ships were then ready to sail, or for some time afterwards, Your Lordships, thinking it too late for the said Money to answer any of the current Services of the Year for which the last Sum was granted by Parliament, for which Services Bills of Exchange must have been drawn, before the Money could be received, were pleased to direct Your Memorialist to suspend the sending over the said Sum of Money.

That Your Memorialist conceives that it may be proper to send now part of the said Sum, to be ready to pay the People in small Sums for the Cocoons which They may bring to the Filature in the next Season, and as an Opportunity now offers of sending the same by Henry Ellis Esqr. who is going to the Province with his Majestys Commission of Lieut. Governor.

He humbly prays Your Lordships Orders for his sending over, under the care of Mr. Ellis, the Sum of five hundred Pounds out of the Money now lying in Your Memorialists hands, And that the said Sum be replaced out of the Grant of Parliament for the Civil Government of the Province to Midsummer 1757.

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John Reynolds to the Board of Trade, July 12, 1756, Georgia, received and read Dec. 21, 1756, C.O. 5/645, B. 29, asking for agents to reside among the Creeks to counter the French influence and giving an account of monies spent out of the contingency account.

About a fortnight ago I received the following authentick account from the Creek Nation, who are a very Warlike People consisting of near 4000 Gun men, and inhabit all that Country that lies between the Settlements of this Colony and the French. A few Months ago Malatchy, their Emperor, died; and his Successor Tukulkey has actually been prevailed upon by some of the French Agents then upon the Spot, to accept of a French Commission, and, as he is a Minor, to put himself under the Guardianship of a Person nominated by them. Which is an Event that may be expected very soon to have the worst consequences to this Colony. Yesterday I received an account from Fredrica that some of the Creek Indians have appeared there in a very Surly and Discontented Humour; and to day by a Letter from the Oakfuskees in the upper Creek Nation I am informed that The French are daily putting all the bad Notions they can into the heads of the Indians so that they are all over the Nation in great Confusion & if proper Care be not taken very soon it will be too late & prove the Ruin of the Whole Country. Those Indians will know the weakness of this Colony, & that there are no more Soldiers in the Province than 50, at Frederica, & 20, at Augusta. It is therefore to be expected that, in conjunction with the French, they will very soon attempt to get possession of this Province, which being full of good Harbours, would be an acquisition of vast Importance to the French from whence they might easily supply their Magazines upon the Mississippy. I have wrote this account to Lord Loudoun, but I trouble Your Lordships with it because I beg leave at the same time to offer my opinion that it would be highly for His Majestys Service, if Agents were to be appointed to reside constantly in each of the Indian Nations in our friendship, thereby to Counteract the French. They should by no means be allowed to have any concern in Trade, & therefore must have such a Salary as would make it worth their while to live constantly in the Nation.

In my Letter of the eighth of October last I acquainted Your Lordships, that having no Instructions concerning the Money that is allowed from England both for the Silk Culture and for Contingencies, I had 'till then applied those Monies by the Advice and consent of the Council, whom I had also joined with myself in the Draughts for the same upon the Agent. But now I find that the Majority of the Council are in such a Temper of Mind, that, that Methode will be impracticable, without great prejudice to His Majestys Service in this Colony, which will suffer continual delays through the Spirit of Contradiction which at present possesses them; and therefore as the Council have the day before yesterday, refused to examine the Contingent Account, and the Account of the Silk Culture of the last Season, under pretence of their not having been consulted upon every article of the same; I have carefully examined the said accounts myself, and finding them to be right, have this day drawn upon the Agent the necessary Bills for the discharge thereof, and shall by this conveyance transmit to Your Lordships the accounts and vouchers for the same. Wherein Your Lordships will please to observe that the expence of holding the Courts of Oyer & Terminer this year, are charged on the contingent account, by reason of their being no money at all raised by the Colony for that purpose, or any other, and the necessity of defraying expences of that Sort.

By this conveyance Your Lordships will please to receive several Publick Papers whereof I have inclosed a List.38

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An abstract of Grants of Lands Registered in Georgia from Jan. 27 to July 27, 1756, Georgia, received Dec. 20, read Dec. 21, 1756, C. O. 5/645, B. 30, together with copies of grants to David Fox, Joseph Ottolenghe, and William Grant, enclosed with John Reynolds July 12, 1756, letter to the Board of Trade.

Grant Dated 16th Janry. 1756

To Alexander Kellet Esqr. for a Lot Letter F in the Town of Savannah Registred 27th Janry. 1756.

Grant Dated 16th Janry. 1756

To Alexander Kellett Esqr. for a Lot No. 182 in the Town of Hardwicke Registred 27th Janry. 1756.

Grant Dated 16th Janry. 1756

To Nathaniel Day for 250 Acres of Land in the District of Great Ogechee Registred 27th Janry. 1756.

Grant Dated 16th Janry. 1756

To Nathaniel Day for a Lot No. 194 in the Town of Hardwicke Registred 27th Janry. 1756.

Grant Dated 16th Janry. 1756

To William Russell Esqr. for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No. 6 in Jekyl Tything and Darby Ward and 450 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward Registred 28th Janry. 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants and Purchased by him from the Grantees.

Grant Dated 7th Novemr. 1755

To Alexander Kellett Esqr. for 919 Acres of Land on the South side of Great Ogechee River Registred 2d. Febry. 1756.

Grant Dated 7th Novembr. 1755

To His Excellency John Reynolds Esqr. for 2000 Acres of Land on the south side of Great Ogechee River Registred 9th Febry. 1756.

Grant Dated 31st Octr. 1755

To His Excellency John Reynolds Esqr. for 1300 Acres of Land on Hutchinsons Island Registred 9th Febr. 1756.

Grant Dated 31st. Octr. 1755

To His Excellency John Reynolds Esqr. for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Great Ogechee Registred 9th Febry. 1756.

Grant Dated 7th November 1755

To Jams. Edwd. Powell Esqr. for 500 Acres of Land between Great Ogechee & Midway Rivers Registred 13th Febr. 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 7th Novemr. 1755

To Sr. Patrick Houstoun Bart, for 500 Acres of Land between Vernon River and Little Ogechee River Registred 17th Febry. 1756.

Granted to sd. Sr. Patrick by the Late Honble. The Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia by their Grant under the Seal of the said Corporation dated the first day of August 1733.

Grant Dated 16th Janry. 1756

To Henry Hamilton for 100 Acres of Land on the South side of Midway river Registred 17th Febry. 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 16th Janry. 1756

To Henry Hamilton for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No. 3 in the third Tything and Reynolds Ward and 50 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward Registred 17th Febry. 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 7th Novemr. 1755

To James Houstoun for 500 Acres of Land between Vernon and Little Ogechee Rivers Registred 17th Febry. 1756.

Granted to said James Houstoun by the late Honble. The Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia by their Grant under the Seal of the said Corporation dated the fourteenth Day of Novemr. 1733.

Grant Dated 31st October 1755.

To James Habersham Esqr. for 900 Acres of Land on Little Ogechee River Registred 19th Febry. 1756.

Grant Dated 7th Novemr. 1755

To David Fox for 400 Acres of Land in the District of Little Ogechee Registred 19th Febry. 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 7th Novemr. 1755

To James Miller for 100 Acres of Land in the District of Little Ogechee Registred 19th Febry. 1756.Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 7th Novemr. 1755

To The Revd John Martin Bolzius for 500 Acres of Land on the Savannah River Registred 19th Febry. 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 7th Novemr. 1755

To the Revd. Harman Lempke for 500 Acres of Land on Savannah River Registred 19th Febry. 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 16th Janry. 1756.

To William Baker for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Medway Registred 20th Febry. 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 31st October 1755

To Richard Baker for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Midway Registred 20th Febry. 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 16th Janry. 1756

To Stephen Adye and Anthony Fahie for 500 Acres of Land on Savannah River Registred 27th Febry. 1756.

Alotted by the Late President and Assistants Purchased from the Grantee by them.

Grant Dated 16th Janry. 1756.

To Stephen Adye and Anthony Fahie for 400 Acres of Land on Savannah River Registred 27th Febry. 1756

Alotted by the Late President and Assistants Purchased from the Grantee by them.

Grant Dated 16th Janry. 1756

To Stephen Adye and Anthony Fahie for 100 Acres of land on Savannah River Registred 27th Febry. 1756.

Alotted to them by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 16th Janry. 1756

To His Excellency John Reynolds Esqr. for 10 Acres of Land in the District of Savannah Registred 9th March 1756.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To His Excellency John Reynolds Esqr. for a Lot Lr. Z in the Town of Savannah Registred 9th March 1756.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To His Excellency John Reynolds Esqr. for Two Lots No. 51 and 58

in the Town of Hardwicke Registred 9th March 1756.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To Joseph Ottolenghe for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No. 2 in Sloper Tything and Percival Ward and 50 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward Registred 9th March 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To Joseph Ottolenghe for 350 Acres of Land in the District of Savannah Registred 9th March 1756

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To Peter Papot for 400 Acres of Land in the District of Little Ogechee Registred 10th March 1756

Alotted by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To Peter Papot for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No. 10 in Sloper Tything and Percival Ward and 95 Acre of Land in said Tything and Ward Registred 10th March 1756.

Alotted by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To James Papot for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No. 4 in the first Tything Reynolds Ward and 50 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward Registred 10th March 1756.

Alotted to him by the late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To Benjamin Weddal for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No. 10 in

Third Tything and Anson Ward and 50 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward Registred 10th March 1756.

Alotted by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To David Brown for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No. 2 in More Tything and Percival Ward and 50 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward Registred 11th March 1756

Alotted by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To Richard Dormer for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No. 4 in Wilmington Tything Darby Ward and 50 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward Registred 11th March 1756.

Alotted by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To John Debell for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No. 10 in More Tything and Percival Ward and 50 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward Registred 11th March 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To William Grant for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No. 8 in the first Tything and Reynolds Ward and 50 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward Registred 11th March 1756

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To Joseph and Anna Hunter for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No. 1 in Tyrconnel Tything and Darby Ward and 50 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward Registred 11th March 1756.

Alotted by the Late President and Assistants to their father.

Grant Dated 7th Novemr. 1755

To Francis Young for 500 Acres of Land on the South side of Great Ogechee River Registred 12th March 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 16th Janry. 1756

To Francis Young for a Lot No. 3 in the Town of Hardwicke Registred 12th March 1756.

Grant Dated 31st October 1755

To Henry Yonge Esqr. for 463 Acres of Land on Skidoway Island Registred 12th March 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 31st October 1755

To Henry Yonge Esqr. for 37 Acres of Land on an Island in Warsaw River Registred 12th March 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 16th Janry. 1756

To Henry Yonge Esqr. for a Lot Letter X in the Town of Savannah Registred 12th March 1756.

Grant Dated 16th Janry. 1756

To Henry Yonge Esqr. for a Lot No. 140 in the Town of Hardwicke Registred 12th March 1756.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To James Habersham Esqr. for 500 Acres of Land at Little Ogechee Registred 12th March 1756

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To James Habersham Esqr. for a Lot No. 32 in the Town of Hardwicke Registred 12th March 1756.

Alotted to him by the late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To Joseph Habersham for a Lot No. 33 in the Town of Hardwicke Registred 12th March 1756

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 7th Novemr. 1755

To Alexander Wylly for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Savannah Registred 18th March 1756

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To William Handley for a Lot No. 61 in the Town of Hardwicke Registred 23d March 1756.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To James Dixie for 200 Acres of Land in the District of Little Ogechee Registred 26th March 1756

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 16th Janry. 1756

To William Martin Johnson for 500 Acres of Land on the River Midway Registred 31st March 1756

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 16th Janry. 1756

To Lewis Johnson Esqr. for 500 Acres of Land on the River of Midway Registred 31st March 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 16th Janry 1756

To Lewis Johnson Esqr. for 100 Acres of Land on the River of Midway Registred 31st March 1756

Alotted by the Late President and Assistants Purchased by him from the Grantee.

Grant Dated 16th Janry. 1756

To George Cuthbert Esqr. for 150 Acres of Land on Great Ogechee River Registred 7th April 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 16th Janry 1756

To George Cuthbert Esqr. for 500 Acres of Land on Great Ogechee River Registred 7th April 1756.

Grant Dated 16th Janry. 1756

To George Cuthbert Esqr. for a Lot No. 35 in the Town of Hardwicke Registred 7th April 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 16th Janry. 1756

To Lewis Johnson Esqr. for a Lot No. 98 in the Town of Hardwicke Registred 7th April 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 16th Janry. 1756

To Andrew Johnson for a Lot No. 125 in the Town of Hardwicke Registred 7th April 1756.

Grant Dated 31st October 1755

To Revd. John Osgood for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Newport Registred 7th April 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 31st October 1755

To Revd. John Osgood for 500 Acres of Land of the District of Midway Registred 7th April 1756.

Grant Dated 31st October 1755

To Benjamin Andrews for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Newport Registred 7th April 1756.

Grant Dated 31st October 1755

To John Quarterman Junr. for 300 Acres of Land in the District of Newport Registred 7th April 1756

Grant Dated 31st October 1755

To Benjamin Baker for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Midway Registred 10th April 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To Josiah Osgood for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Newport Registred 10th April 1756

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To John Elliott Esqr. for 600 Acres of Land in the District of Newport Registred 10th April 1756.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To John Elliott Esqr. for 300 Acres of Land in the District of Newport Registred 10th April 1756.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To John Elliott Esqr. for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Midway Registred 10th April 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To John Elliott Esqr. for a Lot No. 82 in the Town of Hardwicke Registred 10th April 1756.

Grant Dated 16th Janr. 1756

To John Lupton for 800 Acres of Land in the District of Midway Registred 10th April 1756.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To John Stewart Junr. for 500 Acres of Land at Newport Registred 10th April 1756.

Grant Dated 31st October 1755

To Jonathan Bryan Esqr. for 500 Acres of Land on Savannah River Registred 10th April 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 31st October 1755

To Jonathan Bryan Esqr. for 1000 Acres of Land in the District of Little Ogechee Registred 14th April 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants for two of his Sons.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To Revd. Bartholomew Zouberbuhler for 500 Acres of Land in Argyle Island Registred 23d April 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To Revd. Bartholomew Zouberbuhler for a Lot Letter Y in the Town of Savannah Registred 23d April 1756.

Grant Dated 31st October 1755

To Parmenus Way for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Midway Registred 30th April 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 31st October 1755

To Thomas Peacock for 250 Acres of Land in the District of Newport Registred 30th April 1756.

Grant Dated 16th Janry. 1756

To John Stevens for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Midway Registred 30th April 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 7th November 1755

To William Dews for 300 Acres of Land in Argyle Island Registred 4th May 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 7th Novemr. 1755

To William Peacock for 100 Acres of Land in the District of Newport Registred 4th May 1756.

Grant Dated 16th Janry. 1756

To Joseph Gibbons Senr. for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Savannah Registred 8th May 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 16th Janry. 1756

To Joseph Gibbons Junr. for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Savannah Registred 8th May 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To Clement Martin Senr. Esqr. for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Newport Registred 15th May 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To Clement Martin Junr. Esqr. for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Newport Registred 15th May 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To Clement Martin Esqr. for 500 Acres of Land on Little Ogechee River Registred 15th May 1756.

Alotted by the Late President and Assistants. Purchased by him from the Grantee.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To Clement Martin Esqr. for a Lot No. 63 in the Town of Hardwicke Registred 15th May 1756.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To Clement Martin Esqr. for a Lot Letter O in the Town of Savannah Registred 15th May 1756.

Grant Dated 16th Janry. 1756

To Jonathan Bryan and James Edwd. Powell Esqrs. Robert Bolton James Miller Joseph Gibbons William Gibbons Benj. Farley William Wright David Fox Junr. and John Fox in Trust for a Lot Letter K in the Town of Savannah for a Meeting House Registred 17th May 1756.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To Henry Yonge Esqr. for 300 Acres of Land on the Island of Wilmington Registred 17th May 1756.

Grant Dated 16th Janry. 1756

To Charles West for 400 Acres of Land in the District of Newport Registred 19th May 1756.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To Charles West for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Great Ogechee Registred 19th May 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To Lieutt. John Gray for 500 Acres of Land at Sapola River Registred 20th May 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To Capt. Patrick Southerland for 500 Acres of Land at Sapola River Registred 20th May 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To David Stephens for 500 Acres of Land at Midway River Registred 20th May 1756.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756.

To James Mackay Esqr. for 100 Acres of Land between Great Ogechee and Midway Rivers Registered 20th May 1756.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To Francis Harris Esqr. for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Little Ogechee Registred 20th May 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To Francis Harris Esqr. for a Lot No. 45 in the Town of Hardwicke Registred 20th May 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To Francis Harris Esqr. for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No. 1 in Frederick Tything Darby Ward and 50 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward Registred 20th May 1756.

Alotted by the Late President and Assistants Purchased by him from the Grantee.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To Thomas Harris for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Little Ogechee Registred 20th May 1756

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To John Winn for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Midway Registred 21st May 1756.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To John Winn for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Midway Registred 21st May 1756.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To John Winn for a Lot No. 112 in the Town of Hardwicke Registred 21st May 1756.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To John Shave for 200 Acres of Land in the District of Midway Registred 21st May 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To Joseph Way for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Newport Registred 21st May 1756.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To Samuel Burnley for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Midway Registred 21st May 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756.

To James Habersham Senr. Esqr. for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No. [6] in Wilmington Tything Darby Ward and 50 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward Registred 24th May 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To James Habersham Junr. for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Little Ogechee Registred 24th May 1756

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To John Smith for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Savannah Registred 24th May 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To John Smith for 62 Acres of Land in the District of Savannah Registred 24th May 1756.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To Daniel Demetre for 500 Acres of Land at Newport River Registred 24th May 1756.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To Daniel Demetre for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Sapola Registred 24th May 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To Daniel Demetre for 400 Acres of Land on an Island in Sapola River Registred 24th May 1756.

Alotted by the Late President and Assistants Purchased by him from the Grantee.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To Daniel Demetre for a Lot No. 66 in the Town of Hardwicke Registred 24 May 1756.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To David Cutler Bradock for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Little Ogechee Registred 24th May 1756

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To David Cutler Bradock for 400 Acres of Land in the District of Little Ogechee Registred 24th May 1756

Alotted by the Late President and Assistants Purchased by him from the Grantee.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To Lachlan MacGillivray for 500 Acres of Land on the Head of the Branches of Little Ogechee River Registred 24th May 1756 Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To Lachlan MacGillivray for a Lot No. 26 in the Town of Hardwicke Registred 24th May 1756.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To Peter Nephew for 100 Acres of Land in the District of Little Ogechee Registred 24th May 1756.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To James Read for 637 Acres of Land at Newport River Registred 25th May 1756.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To James Read for a Lot No. 77 in the Town of Hardwicke Registred 25th May 1756.

Grant Dated 15 May 1756

To Joseph Alther for 117 Acres of Land in the District of the Sea Islands. Registred 25th May 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 16th Janry. 1756

To John Green for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Midway Registred 25th May 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 16th Janry. 1756

To Nathaniel Watson for 100 Acres of Land in the District of Midway Registred 25th May 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To John Chapman for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Little Ogechee Registred 29th May 1756.

Exchanged for a Tract with Patrick Telfair Grantee from the Late The Honble. Trustees.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To William Butler Senr. for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Great Ogechee Registred 31st May 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To William Butler Senr. for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Great Ogechee Registred 31st May 1756.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To William Butler Senr. for 500 Acres of Land on the North side of Great Ogechee River Registred 31st May 1756.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To William Butler Senr. for 300 Acres of Land on Great Ogechee River Registred 31st May 1756.

Alotted by the Late President and Assistants Purchased by him from the Grantee.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To William Butler Senr. for a Lot No. 23 in the Town of Hardwicke Registred 31st May 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To William Butler Senr. for a Lot No. 21 in the Town of Hardwicke Registred 31st May 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To James Butler for 500 Acres of Land on the River of Midway Registred 31st May 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To Thomas Butler for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Great Ogechee Registred 31st May 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To John Parker for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Midway Registred 31st May 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To William Johnson for 300 Acres of Land on the Island of Skidoway Registred 1st June 1756.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To James Houstoun for a Lot No. 78 in the Town of Hardwicke Registred 2d June 1756.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To Andrew Walker for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No. 6 in the second Tything Anson Ward and 50 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward Registred 2d June 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To Hugh Bryan for a Lot No. 6 in the Town of Hardwicke Registred 4th June 1756.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To Jonathan Bryan Esqr. for a Lot No. 47 in the Town of Hardwicke Registred 4th June 1756.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To James New for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Great Ogechee Registred 4th June 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To Samuel New for 160 Acres of Land on the Great Ogechee River Registred 4th June 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To Samuel New for a Lot No. 117 in the Town of Hardwicke Registred 8th June 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To Samuel New for 340 Acres of Land in the District of Great Ogechee Registred 8th June 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To Richard Cox Junr. for 500 Acres of Land on Great Ogechee River Registred 8th June 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To Richard Cox Senr. Esqr. for 500 Acres of Land on Great Ogechee River Registred 8th June 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To Richard Cox Senr. Esqr. for a Lot No. 16 in the Town of Hardwicke Registred 8th June 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To Richard Cox Junr. for a Lot. No. 17 in the Town of Hardwicke Registred 8th June 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To William Gibbons for 365 Acres of Land in the District of Savannah Registred 10th June 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To William Gibbons for 250 Acres of Land in the District of Little Ogechee Registred 10th June 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756.

To John Gordon for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Great Ogechee Registred 10th June 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To Elisha Butler for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Great Ogechee Registred 14th June 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To Elisha Butler for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Great Ogechee Registred 14th June 1756.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To William Butler Junr. for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Great Ogechee Registred 14th June 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To Maurice Dullea for a Lot No. 92 in the Town of Hardwicke Registred 14th June 1756.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To Edward Carlton for 300 Acres of Land in the District of Great Ogechee Registred 16th June 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To Edward Carlton for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No. 7 in Heathcott Tything and Deckers Ward and 50 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward Registred 16th June 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To Thomas Goldsmith for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Great Ogechee Registred 1st July 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To Benjamin Sheftal for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No. 4 in Heathcott Tything and Deckers Ward and 50 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward Registred 5th July 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To John Quarterman Senr. for 50 Acres of Land in the District of Midway Registred 6th July 1756.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To John Quarterman Senr. for 300 Acres of Land in the District of Newport Registred 6th July 1756.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To John Quarterman Senr. for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Midway Registred 7th July 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To Thomas Bailey for 90 Acres of Land in the Township of Savannah Registred 8th July 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To Thomas Bailey for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No. 8 in Laroche Tything and Heathcote Ward and 50 Acres of Land in said Tything and Ward Registred 8th July 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To Thomas Bailey for a Lot in the Town of Savannah No. 1 in More Tything and 50 Acres of Land in said Tything Registred 8th July 1756.

Alotted to him by the Late President and Assistants.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To Joseph Mary and Sarah Oswald for 500 Acres of Land in the North Branch of Newport River Registred 15th July 1756.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To John Stevens for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Midway Registred 10th July 1756.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To John Stevens for 500 Acres of Land in the District of Midway Registred 10th July 1756.

Grant Dated 15th May 1756

To John Stevens for 200 Acres of Land in the District of Midway Registred 10th July 1756.

Grant Dated 5th March 1756

To Thomas Peacock for 100 Acres of Land on Newport River Registred 12th July 1756.

An Abstract of all the Grants Registred in the Province of Georgia from 27th January to the 27th July 1756 Examined and Compared with the Originall Register at Savannah this 3d Day of August 1756 by

Pat. Houstoun Register

___________________

Copy of Grant to David Fox

George the second by the Grace of God of Great Britain France and Ireland King Defender of the faith and so forth. To all to whom these Presents shall come Greeting; Know ye That We of our Special Grace certain Knowledge and meer Motion have given and Granted and by these Presents for us our Heirs and Successors do give and grant unto David Fox His Heirs and Assigns All that Plantation or Tract of Land called Red Oak Hill containing four Hundred Acres situate in the District of Little Ogechee in the Province of Georgia bounding North East on Henry Bourquins Land North West on James Dixie on all other sides on vacant Lands having such shape Form and Marks as appears by a Plat thereof hereunto annexed together with all Woods Under woods Timber and Timber Trees Lakes Ponds fishings Waters Water Courses Profits Commodities Hereditaments and Appurtenances whatsoever thereunto belonging or in any wise appertaining together also with Privilege of hunting hawking and fowling in and upon the same and all Mines and Minerals whatsoever saving and reserving nevertheless to us our Heirs and Successors All White pine Trees if any should be found growing thereon And also saving and reserving to us Our Heirs and Successors One Tenth part of Mines of Silver and Gold only. To have and to hold the said Plantation or Tract of four Hundred Acres of Land and all and singular other the Primisses hereby granted with the Appurtenances unto the said David Fox his Heirs and Assigns forever in free and common Soccage He the said David Fox his Heirs or Assigns Yielding and paying therefore unto us our Heirs and Successors or to our Receiver General for the time being or to his Deputy or Deputies for the time being Yearly and every Year on the Twenty fifth day of March at the rate of Two Shillings Sterling for every hundred Acres and so in Proportion according to the Quantity of Acres contained herein the same to Commence at the end and Expiration of Two years from the date hereof. Provided always and this Present Grant is upon Condition nevertheless that he the said David Fox his Heirs or Assigns shall and do yearly Clear and Cultivate at the rate of five Acres for every Hundred Acres of Land and so in Proportion according to the Quantity of Acres herein contained. And also that if the said rent hereby reserved shall happen to be in arrear and unpaid for the Space of one year from the time it shall become Due and no Distress can be found on the said Lands Tenements and Hereditaments hereby granted that then and in such case the said Lands Tenements and Hereditaments hereby granted and every part and parcel thereof shall revert to us our Heirs and Successors as fully and absolutely as if the same had never been granted. Provided also if this Grant shall not be duly Registered in the Registers Office of our said Province within six Months from the date hereof and a Docquet thereof also entered in the Auditors Office of the same (in case such Establishment shall hereafter take place), That then this Grant shall be void, anything herein contained to the contrary notwithstanding. Given under the Broad Seal of our Province of Georgia. Witness His Excellency John Reynolds Esquire our Captain General and Governor in Chief in and over our said Province the Seventh Day of November in the Year of our Lord 1755 and in the Twenty ninth year of our Reign.

J. Reynolds

Signed by His Excellency the Governor in Council

Wm. Spencer D.C.C. 1755

Georgia

By an Additional Instruction from their Excellencys The Lords of the Regency to The Governor bearing Date at Whitehall the 12th August 1755 instead of yearly clearing and cultivating five Acres for every Hundred as within Specified, every Grantee shall within Three years after the Date of this Grant for every fifty Acres of Plantable Land therein clear and work three Acres at Least in that Part thereof as he shall Judge most convenient and advantageous or else clear and drain three Acres of Swamp or sunken Grounds or drain three Acres of Marsh if any such and shall within the Time aforesaid put and keep upon every fifty Acres thereof accounted barren three Neat Cattle or six Sheep or Goats and continue the same thereon untill three Acres for every fifty Acres be fully cleared and improved or otherwise if any part thereof shall be stony or Rocky Ground and not fit for Planting or Pasture shall within three years as aforesaid begin to employ thereon and so continue to work for three years then next ensuing in digging any Ston Quarry or Coal or other Mine one good and able hand for every hundred Acres. It shall be accounted a Sufficient Cultivation and Improvement and every three Acres which shall be cleared and drained as aforesaid shall be accounted a Sufficient Seating Planting Cultivation and Improvement to save forever from forfeiture fifty Acres of Land in any part of the Tract contained within the same Grant, and the Grantee shall be at Liberty to withdraw his Stock or to forbear working in any Quarry or Mine in Proportion to Such Cultivation and Improvements as shall be made upon the plantable Lands Swamps sunken Grounds or Marshes therein contained. Indorsed by Order of His Excellency the Governor in Council at Savannah in the Province aforesaid the fourteenth Day of November 1755.

Thos. Vincent D. C. C.

A True Copy of Grants for Lands by His Majestys Instructions to His Excellency The Governor. Examined at Savannah this 3d Day of August 1756 by

Pat Houstoun Register

_________

Copy of Grant to Joseph Ottolenghe

George the second by the Grace of God of Great Britain France and Ireland King Defender of the faith and so forth. To all to whom these Presents shall come Greeting Know ye that We of our Special Grace certain Knowledge and meer Motion have given and granted and by these Presents for us our Heirs and Successors Do give and Grant unto Joseph Ottolenghe Esqr. his Heirs and Assigns All that Tract of Land containing Three Hundred and fifty Acres situate and being near the Township of Newington in the District of Savannah in our Province of Georgia Bounded on the Eastward by Lands of Mathew Mauve and on all other sides by vacant Land and is now called and known by the Name of Simpson having such shape Form and Marks as appears by a Plat thereof hereunto annexed together with all Woods Underwoods Timber and Timber Trees Lakes Ponds fishings Waters Watercourses Profits Commodities Heriditaments and Appurtenances whatsoever thereunto belonging or in any wise appertaining together also with Privilege of hunting hawking and fowling in and upon the same and all Mines and Minerals whatsoever saving and reserving nevertheless to us our Heirs and Successors all White Pine Trees if any should be found growing thereon and also saving and reserving to us our Heirs and Successors One Tenth part of Mines of Silver and Gold only To have and to hold the said Tract of Three Hundred and fifty Acres of Land and all and Singular other the Premisses hereby granted with the Appurtenances unto the said Joseph Ottolenghe his Heirs and Assigns forever in free and common Soccage. He the said Joseph Ottolenghe his Heirs or Assigns Yielding and paying therefore unto us our Heirs and Successors or to our Receiver General for the time being or to his Deputy or Deputies for the time being Yearly and every year on the Twenty fifth day of March at the rate of two Shillings Sterling for every hundred Acres and so in Proportion according to the Quantity of Acres contained herein the same to commence at the end and Expiration of Two years from the date hereof. Provided always and this Present Grant is upon Condition nevertheless that he the said Joseph Ottolenghe his Heirs or Assigns shall and do within three years after the date hereof for every fifty Acres of Plantable Land hereby granted clear and work three Acres at least in that part thereof as he or they shall Judge most Convenient and Advantageous or else do Clear and Drain three Acres of Swamp or sunken grounds or drain three Acres of Marsh if any such contained herein and shall and do within the time aforesaid put and keep upon every fifty Acres thereof accounted barren three Neat Cattle or Six Sheep or Goats and Continue the same thereon untill three Acres for every fifty Acres be fully cleared and improved or otherwise. If any Part of the said Tract shall be Stony or Rocky Ground and not fit for Planting or Pasture shall and do within three years as aforesaid begin to employ thereon and so continue to work for three years then next ensuing in digging any Stone Quarry or Coal or other Mine one good and able hand for every hundred Acres it shall be accounted a Sufficient Cultivation and Improvement Provided also that every three Acres which shall be cleared and worked or cleared and drained as aforesaid shall be accounted a Sufficient Seating Planting Cultivation and improvement to save forever from forfeiture fifty Acres of Land in any part of the Tract hereby granted. And the said Joseph Ottolenghe his Heirs and Assigns shall be at Liberty to withdraw his or their Stock or to forbear working in any Quarry or Mine in Proportion to such Cultivation and Improvements as shall be made upon the Plantable Lands Swamps Sunken grounds or Marshes herein contained. And if the said rent hereby reserved shall happen to be in arrear and unpaid for the space of one year from the time it shall become due and no Distress can be found on the said Lands Tenements and Hereditaments hereby Granted that then and in such Case the said Lands Tenements and Hereditaments hereby granted and every part and parcel thereof shall revert to us our Heirs and Successors as fully and absolutely as if the same had never been granted. Provided also if this Grant shall not be duly Registred in the Registers Office of our said Province within Six Months from the Date hereof and a Docquet thereof also entered in the Auditors Office of the same (in case such Establishment shall hereafter take place) That then this Grant shall be void anything herein contained to the Contrary notwithstanding. Given under the Broad Seal of our Province of Georgia Witness our Trusty and Well beloved John Reynolds Esquire ourCaptain General and Governor in Chief in and Over our said Province the fifth day of March in the year of our Lord 1756 and in the Twenty ninth year of our Reign.

J. Reynolds

Signed by His Excellency The Governor in Council

Thomas Vincent D. C. C.

A True Copy of Grants of Lands by Their Excellences The Lords of The Regency Instructions to His Excellency The Governor Examined at Savannah this 3d Day of August 1756 by

Pat Houstoun Register

_________

Copy of a Grant to William Grant

George the second by the Grace of God of Great Britain France and Ireland King Defender of the Faith and so forth. To all to whom these Presents shall come Greeting Know ye That We of our Special Grace certain Knowledge and Meer Motion have given and granted and by these Presents for us our Heirs and Successors Do give and Grant unto William Grant his Heirs and Assigns All that Town Lot known by the Number Eight in the first Tything Reynolds Ward in the Town of Savannah in our Province of Georgia and all that Garden Lot No. 93 containing five Acres Lying West from the said Town of Savannah and also all that Farm Lot to the said Town Lot and Garden Lot laid out and belonging containing forty five Acres situate in the first Tything Reynolds Ward and known by the Number Seven as represented by a Plat thereof hereunto annexed together with all Woods Under woods Timber and Timber Trees Lakes Ponds Fishings Waters Water courses Profits Commodities Hereditaments and Appurtenances whatsoever thereunto belonging or in any wise Appertaining together also with Privilege of hunting hawking and Fowling in and upon the same and all Mines and Minerals whatsoever saving and reserving nevertheless to us our Heirs and Successors all White Pine Trees if any should be found growing thereon and also saving and reserving to us our Heirs and Successors One Tenth part of Mines of Silver and Gold only To have and to hold the said Town Lot Garden Lot and Farm Lot and all and Singular other the Premisses hereby granted with the Appurtenances unto the said William Grant his Heirs and Assigns forever in free and common Soccage he the said William Grant his Heirs or Assigns Yielding and Paying therefore unto us our Heirs and Successors or to our Receiver General for the time being or to his Deputy or Deputies for the time being Yearly and every year on the Twenty fifth Day of March at the rate of Two Shillings Sterling for One Hundred Acres and so in Proportion according to the Quantity of Acres contained herein the same to commence at the end and Expiration of Two years from the Date hereof. Provided always and this Present Grant is upon Condition nevertheless That he the said William Grant his Heirs or Assigns shall and do within three years after the Date of these Presents erect and build or cause to be erected and built on the said Town Lot hereby granted one good Dwelling House after the usual Manner of building in our said Province containing at least Twenty feet in Length and sixteen feet in Breadth and also shall and do put and keep upon the Land hereby granted three Neat Cattle or six Sheep or Goats or otherwise clear and work three Acres in that Part thereof as he or they shall Judge most Convenient and Advantageous. And if the said Rent hereby reserved shall happen to be in Arrear and unpaid for the space of one Year from the time it shall become due and no Distress can be found on the said Lands Tenements and Hereditaments hereby granted that then and in such case the said Lands Tenements and Hereditaments hereby granted and every part and parcel thereof shall revert to us our Heirs and Successors as fully and Absolutely as if the Same had never been granted. Provided also if this Grant shall not be duly Registered in the Registers Office of our said Province within six Months from the Date hereof and a Docquet thereof also entered in the Auditors Office of the same (in case such Establishment shall hereafter take place) That then this Grant shall be void any thing herein contained to the Contrary notwithstanding. Given under the Broad Seal of our Province of Georgia Witness our Trusty and Wellbeloved John Reynolds Esqr. our Captain General and Governor in Chief in and Over our said Province the fifth day of March in the Year of our Lord 1756 and in the Twenty ninth Year of our Reign.

J. Reynolds

Signed by His Excellency the Governor in Council.

Thos. Vincent D. C. C.

A True Copy of Grants for the Township of Savannah Examined this 3d Day of August 1756 by

Pat Houstoun Register

_________

Copy of a Grant to William Handley

George the second by the Grace of God of Great Britain France and Ireland King Defender of the faith and so forth To all to whom these Presents shall come Greeting Know ye that We of our Special Grace certain Knowledge and meer Motion have given and Granted and by these Presents for us our Heirs and Successors do give and grant unto William Handley his Heirs and Assigns all that Town Lot in the Town of Hardwicke in our Province of Georgia known by the Number Sixty One which said Lot is bounded as in and by the Certificate hereunto annexed under the Hands of our Surveyors General of Lands in our said Province may more fully appear and contains in width Seventy six feet and an half and one Hundred thirteen feet and an half in Depth To have and to hold the said Town Lot hereby granted with the Appurtenances together with all Timber and Trees thereon growing or being Ways Waters Paths Passages Privileges and Appurtenances whatsoever to the said Lot belonging or in any wise Appertaining unto the said William Handley his Heirs and Assigns for ever in free and common Soccage He the said William Handley his Heirs or Assigns Yielding and paying for the said Town Lot unto us our Heirs and Successors Yearly and every Year One Pepper Corn if Demanded. Provided always and this Present Grant is upon Condition nevertheless that the said William Handley his Heirs or Assigns shall within two years next after the Date of these Presents erect and build upon the said Lot hereby Granted one good and Sufficient tenantable House with one Brick Chimney at Least and if it shall happen that the said William Handley his Heirs or Assigns shall neglect to build a House as aforesaid on the Lot hereby granted that then & in that case the said William Handley his Heirs and Assigns shall forfeit and pay to us our Heirs and Successors the Sum of One Pound Sterling Money Yearly and every Year for not building upon the said Lot as aforesaid until such house shall be completely finished and also if the said William Handley his heirs or Assigns shall not within the space of Ten Years from the Date hereof erect and build an House upon the said Lot as aforesaid that then the said Lot hereby granted (not being built upon as aforesaid) shall revert to us our Heirs and Successors as fully and Absolutely to all Intents and Purposes as if the same had never been granted. Provided also if this Grant shall not be duly Registered in the Registers Office of our said Province within six Months from the date hereof and a Docquet thereof also entered in the Auditors Office of the same (in case such Establishment shall hereafter take Place) That then these Presents shall be void anything herein contained to the contrary notwithstanding. Given under the broad Seal of our Province of Georgia Witness our Trusty and well beloved John Reynolds Esquire our Captain General and Governor in Chief in and over our said Province the fifth day of March in the Year of our Lord 1756 and in the Twenty ninth Year of our Reign.

J. Reynolds

Signed by His Excellency the Governor in Council.

Thos. Vincent D. C. C.

A True Copy of Grants for the Town of Hardwicke Examined this 3d. Day of August 1756 by

Pat. Houstoun Register

___________________

John Reynolds to the Board of Trade, Sept. 25, 1756, Savannah, received and read Dec. 21, 1756, C.O. 5/645, B. 31, relating to the inquiries desired by the Board relating to the Bosomworth affair and transmitting a narrative of the entire incident.

Pursuant to Your Lordships directions of the 21st of January 1755, I have caused Mr. Thomas Bosomworth to deliver to the only surviving Members of the late Court of President and Assistants Copies of such Depositions or Affidavits, as have been made on his and his Wifes part relative to the Injuries and Injustice which they complained to Your Lordships that they had sustained in the time of the Administration of the aforesaid Court, and I have also called upon the Members of the said Court to deliver unto the said Complainants or their Agents copies of their Answers, and of such Affidavits or Depositions as should be made on their part, within the time prescribed by Your Lordships, who have been pleased to order me to transmit the Whole matter under the Seal of the Province within Twelve Months from my receipt of the same with my Report and Opinion upon the Whole. Accordingly I have the Honour herewith to transmit the Complainants Narrative and Appendix; his answer to two Letters of the President and Assistants dated the 25th of July, and 8th of September 1749 with an Appendix. The Examination of John Kennard Indian trader, Examination of several other Indian Traders. Mr. Bosomworths farther answer to the President and Assistants Journals & Letter of the 8th of March 1750/1 and his Letter to me dated the 24th of August last: which contains the Whole matter on his part. And the Whole of that on the part of the surviving Members of the late Court of President and Assistants is contained in one Letter from each of them adressed to me; Copies of which I also transmit to Your Lordships.

I Summoned both Parties to appear before me, and enquired if either had anything farther to advance; and being answered in the Negative by each, I have taken the matter under serious consideration, and beg leave to Report thereupon to Your Lordships, that as the aforesaid Members of the late Court of President and Assistants do not pretend to bring the least proof in contradiction to the Bosomworths Allegations, and their pretence of not being able to charge their Memories with the recollection of Transactions that happened so long ago, and that as they had not then taken the precaution of supporting their Proceedings in this case, by taking proper Affidavits, they cannot now undertake to do it, because most of the Evidences are either Dead or Absent, appears to me, to be only a Subterfuge, and it is therefore my opinion that Mr. Bosomworth and his Wife have been very Ill used by that Court of President and Assistants, who I think acted in a very Injudicious Unwarrantable, and Arbitrary manner.

___________________

A Narrative of the Bosomworth affair by Thomas Bosomworth together with supporting papers, in response to the Board of Trades inquiries, Apr. 10, 1756, Georgia, received Dec., 1756, C.O. 5/645, B. 32, enclosed with John Reynolds Sept. 25, 1756, letter to the Board of Trade.

Editorial Note

The Narrative and its enclosures are divided into six parts as follows:

1. The actual narrative, pp. 153-193 below.

2. Appendices to the narrative, numbered 1 through 49, pp. 193-237 below.

3. The answer of the Reverend Thomas Bosomworth to two letters of the President and Assistants of Georgia, dated July 25 and Sept. 8, 1759 (Note. Parts 3 and 4 are filed in reverse order in the original manuscript.), pp. 237-256 below.

4. Appendices to Mr. Bosomworths answers to the President and Assistants two letters, numbered 1 through 27, 6 through 10, and 17 through 19, pp. 256-271 below.

5. Thomas Bosomworth to Governor John Reynolds, Sept. 6, 1756, with appendices 1 and 2, pp. 271-275 below.

6. Examination of John Kenard, Indian trader, by three justices of the peace, July 15, 1756, with various miscellaneous documents, pp. 275-290 below.

Part I.

Georgia

A Narrative39

In Answer to the Charges and Alegations of the late President and Court of Assistants in the Colony of Georgia against the Revd. Thomas Bosomworth his Wife and Family, Containing the true course of the Danger that Government was under from an Indian War in the Year 1749.

The Whole clearly demonstrated from Original Papers, Letters and Affidavits ready to be Produced.

Humbly inscribed to his Excellcy. John Reynolds Esq. Capt. General and Governr in Chief of His Majestys Province of Georgia and Vice Admiral of the same.

Narrative

Amongst other invaluable Blessings enjoyed under the british Constitution, that of being lyable to no kind of Punishment without a Proper charge exhibited; the Party heard in Defense, and tryed by his Country; is the inalienable Birth-Right of the meanest Briton, and greatly worthy our Particular regard; its Beneficial Influences reaching the most distant Parts of His Majestys Dominions and every undue method made use of to destroy or undermine the Subjects Priviledge therein, is always looked upon as a high Infringment on the Laws of the Realm, and an insult on common Justice. How far the Author of the Following Sheets has been deprived of this Benefit, by an Exorbitant Extention of Oppressive Power in Georgia, is Humbly submited to your Excellencys Consideration; from whose Justice he hoped to meet with that fair and impartial Inquiry, which he has, hitherto, in Vain sought for from those Presiding in Authority under the last Trustees. Determined, Sir to be as little Troublesome or Prolix as the nature of the Subject will Permit, Yet at the Present dispute is no doubt of the greatest Consequence to me; Your Excellency I Presume will extend Your Indulgence to my unravilling the Plot; in the course of this detail, by striping the mask from the Dramatiss Personae, as Necessary to the Vindication of my Innocence.

The Charges against me are of the most atrocious Naturewill admitt of no Aggravationexhibited by the Court of President and Assistants (the then Rulers in the Province) to the Trustees of the same Province, whome one would think they durst not abuse with the least untruth. Thus the Authority of the Complainants obtained weight and Sanction to their Accusations, and the Countenance of their Constituents; quite willing to believe, and too hastely Judging, from hearing only one side of the Question. Hence it is not to be wondered at that the Infection so easily spread itself amongst the lower Class of Mankind, whose opportunities of Examining the merits of a Cause but seldom Occur, and who for the most Part are to be looked upon no otherwise than as the Ecchoes of their Superiours exclamatory Speeches.

Thus much being Premised, I shall Proceed to the Subject matter as follows;

In November 1748, being there at my Settlement at the Forks on the Alatamaha River, I received Letters from England, that Affidavits had been Transmitted, by the President and Assistants of Georgia to the Trustees, tending to Prove me guilty of Treason. This was also told me by my Friends in Frederica; nay the Indians themselves said that a Report Prevailed, amongst the white People, that my Wife and Self were shortly to be sent to England in Irons. On this Advice, I forthwith came to Savannah, and Applyed to the President and Assistants in Council, both by Letter, Memorial, and Petitions, to know the ground of this heavy Accusation, but Could obtain only a Verbal answer from the President in Council in these general words (vizt.) That I had been Guilty of Treason, as Proved by Affidavits sent from hence to the Trustees, upon which by Petition of the 31st December 1748 (Apendix No. 1) I Prayd Copies of these Affidavits and was denied. Common Report indeed informed me more Particularly That my Crime was Purchasing Lands of The Indians to which Act I was ready to Plead Guilty and Put the matter in Issue, as appears by my Letter to the President and Assistants of the 2nd January 1748 (Apendix No. 2) but neither to that Letter, nor the many Papers, Relative to the Affair, which I had then laid before them (too Numerous here to insert but ready to be Produced if required) was any Manner of answer given or Pretended to be given tho frequently applyed for by me.

Being since assured that the Affidavits above mentioned are those Mentioned or referred to in the minutes of the President and Assistants of the 9th January 1747/8; and as it has always been Insinuated that the same Contain matter of heavy Accusation I have in (Apendix No. 3) incerted the most Material of them (vizt.) that of Noble Jones, on which I shall only remark, That Either through Ignorance, or design, the deponent most grossly mistook the Meaning and Purport of the Treaty Subsisting between the English and the Creek Indians. But as this is a subject that has been under the Consideration of Far Wiser Judges, than himself, without fixing the least Impeachment or Censure on my Loyalty to my Sovereign, or my Duty as a British Subject, it would be only Loss of Time to Point Out his Errors. Yet must it be Alowed an alarming Consideration when a mans reputation and Fortune are Wrecked by the Supposition of Crimes Merely Ideal, and which could never have Existed but in weak Heads, or wicked Hearts.

On the reduction of the Regiment in Georgia Commanded by Genl Oglethorpe in the month of May 1749, there being Considerable Sums of Money due from the Government for Supplies issued by Mrs. Bosomworth to the Indians for his Majestys Service, as well as for her own Personal Service since the first Settlement of the Colony (except a small Sum Received from Genl Oglethorpe in the year 1743) of which there was no Prospect of Payment in America; and willing to Efface any undue Impressions might have been made in our Disfavour, by the Artfull Schemes of the President and Assistants who continued officiously to insinuate that I had Committed an Act of Treason by Purchasing Lands from the Indians. These reasons determined me to Take the Opportunity of a Voyage to England, in the Transport Vessell sent By his Majesty to Carry home the Reduced Officers and Soldiers, (I being intitled to a Passage, Gratis, having officiated as Chaplin to the Regiment.)

My intention herein, I communicated to Mrs. Bosomworth on the last day of June 1749; who said, that as the Indians had heard she was soon to be sent Home in Irons, her going from hence without Acquainting them (being A People Naturally jealous) they might look on it as a Confirmation of such Report whereby Suspicions and Uneasinesses being Created Amongst her friends might be of dangerous Consequence to the wellfare of the Colony.

Being Informed that the Vessell would Sail in about three weeks I Desired Mrs. Bosomworth to Prepare for her Voyage, and go to Savannah were the Vessel Lay; and I would next day being 1st July 1749 Proceed (which I accordingly did) to our Store at the Forks of the Alatamaha where I might meet with some Indians by whom a Message could be sent to the Nation of Mrs. Bosomworths intended Voyage, for the Satisfaction of her friend.

Accordingly with no other view than to quiet the Minds of the Indians, I set off for our Store, accompanyd Only by an Interpreter; on my Arrival there I found all the Indians were out Hunting; and as Mrs. Bosomworths reasons Appeared to me Cogent, and of A Publick Nature, I determined to Proceed with all Expedition to the Nations hoping that I might Yet be Early enough in my return to Save our Passage for England in the Vessel, but it happened otherwise.

However on the 21st July 1749 I returned from the Nation to Savannah Accompanied by Malatchi and Two more Head Men of the Cussetaws who came down to see Mrs. Bosomworth before She went for England.

The President and Assistants in their Minutes of 24 July 1749 say40 That Mr. Bosomworth had likewise engaged all the Chiefs of the Creeks to follow him down and Expected them here in seven or eight days; which Alarmed the Board; especially that a Private Man should Take upon him, Contrary to express Tenour of the Act, without any Previous orders or Authority, to bring down a Body of Indians at a time when no Provision was made for them; and from thence, and other Corroberating Circumstances, they had reason to Suspect that the Bosomworths were Carrying on some Secret and dangerous Designs.

In Answer to this Charge I averr that there was not an Indian then in Savannah who Came down by Invitation, or in Consequence of my Journey to the Nation, except Malatchi and the Two Head Men Afore mentioned; and to Prove the Falsity of the same Charge I appeal to the Affidavit of the Interpreter, (Appendix No. 4) who alone can be the Proper Evidence of my Transactions in the Nation, and what I said to the Indians.

But to Prevent all Cavil, or Slander that they may Attempt, in hopes to invalidate the Authenticity of this Testimony, and to Silence them for Ever on the Subject, I shall also Produce the Report of the Committee of Conference of the Province of So. Carolina on the [blank] Day May 1749: whereby it incontestibly appears that the Coming down of the Indians to Savannah was solely in Consequence of Notice being given them, by order of the Trustees, some time before I proceeded for the Nation, that Presents were arrived from his Majesty to be distributed Among them at Savannah, which Report, as touching this Particular, is as follows.

The Report of the Committee of Conference of the Province of So. Carolina appointed to take into Consideration Several Letters from his Grace the Duke of Bedford his Majestys Principal Secretary of State, and other Papers, Relating to distributing the Presents granted by his Majesty to the Indians contiguous to, and in Alliance with, this Province, and the Colony of Georgia.

Your Committee have also considered a Letter of the said William Stephens to his Excellency dated the fifth of this Month (May 1749), Whereby he Acquaints him, That Mr. Patrick Graham (who appears from their Instructions is Appointed to Act for him) Comes hither from Georgia to have a Short Conference about the distribution of the Presents, and to be well Advised in their future Course of Proceedings thereon, and desires his Excellency to impart his Sentiments to that Gentleman Presuming that, on his Return to Savannah, the Method will be found Easy and fit to be entered upon in your Conjunction intended of the two Persons for distributing the said Presents.

That the said Mr. Graham Attended, and informed Your Committee that Conformable to directions received from the Trustees for Georgia Above six months agoe Notice had been Already sent to the Creek Indians of the Presents Arrived for them.

Your Committee, with much Concern, Considering the Intelligence that some of the Indians (the Creeks) have now got Of these Presents, which must soon spread through all the Nations and the ill effects of not making an Imediate Distribution, and at the same time duely reflecting how Positive his Majestys Orders are to distribute those Presents; Your Committee therfore can think of no other method to obviate those ill Effects (which are very alarming) and at the same time to Put in Execution the Present Orders Signified by his Grace the Duke of Bedford, As well as to Cooperate with Instructions sent by the Trustees for Georgia to their Agent (so far as they Corrispond with those Orders, and are Consistant with his Majestys Service) than the following (to wit) That as it appears, by the Instructions Sent by the Trustees to Mr. Stephens, that it is their Sense the Whole of the said Presents were to be divided on their Arrival in Carolina into Equal Parts one Half thereof they Expected Should be Lodged in Georgia and the other half to Remain in Charles Town to be distributed from hence. It is the Opinion of this Committee That for this time and to Prevent any Censure upon the Government, And any ill Consequences that may Attend the Coming down of The Indians to Savannah in Expectation of Presents from the People of Georgia of which they have already had notice.

That a Moiety of every Species of the said Goods be delivered to Mr. Graham to be Carried to Savannah in Georgia and there Distributed.

As their Charge of my bringing down the Indians seems to be the grand Pillar of their mighty Babel, to which I think I have given sufficient Answer Nevertheless the following Remarks I judge may be acceptable. That the Affidavit of the Interpreter is in point No. 4. That the Report of the Committee of Carolina was in the beginning of May 1749 and my Journey to the Nation was not until first of July following. That the Report is founded on the Declaration of Mr. Graham himself who represented the President of Georgia. That the Alarm the Committee were under of the bad Consiquences that might have Attended the imprudent Step the Gentlemen of Georgia had taken in acquainting the Indians of the Presents being come, and the Expectation of them in Savannah was the most Prevalent Inducement for the Committees Recommending a Moiety of them to be delivered Mr. Graham for Distribution at Savannah. In short it may Justly be Supposed that the President and Assistants, too late, found the Notice they had given the Indians was quite Premature and Injuidicuous, and therefore, to exculpate themselves fixd on taking the Advantage of my Journey to the Nation in July following as a Salvo for their Political blunder, (and who can blame) the Gentleman, already encouraged by a too Implicite Credence of the many Stigmas they had before fixt on my Person and Character, well acquainted with Mrs. Bosomworth Connections with, and Influence over, the Indians; and moreover wrapping themselves up in Security from Public Detections. But as the Da[y] is happily Arrived wherein I have the Opportunity of answering for myself it will reflect Some Small Satisfaction to see in what manner they Vindicate so Palpable a Falsehood.

The President and Assistants, in their Minutes, of the same day, relative to my Brother Abraham Bosomworth, Say That he was appointed Agent by the Indians to Transact their Affairs in England.

To Answer this, Carries me back to May 1747 the Time when Lieutenant Colonel Alexander Heron Arrived In Georgia to take the Command of his Majestys Forces here. At that time there were great Jealousies and Uneasinesses Amoungst the Indians, and a Rupture, with the English, was by most People thought Unavoidable (See Col. Herons Letter to Mrs. Bosomworth of the 8th July 1747 Apendix No. 5). In Consequence of which Mrs. Bosomworth advised that an Agent Should be sent to the Creek Nation; and my Brother Abraham received a Commission for that Purpose which he so faithfully and successfully executed that he brought down most of the Head Men of the Nation to a Conference with the Commanding Officer at Frederica; the Subject Matter whereof was thought of so much Importance that my Brother was also Employed as a Special Messenger to Carry the Dispatches to England (see Col. Herons Letters to Andrew Stone Esqr. Deputy Secretary of State (Apendix No. 6) and as Col. Heron in his answer to Malatchis Speech of the 7th December 1747 (Apendix No. 7) Promised the Indians to Transmit Their Complaints to his Majesty, by my Brother, how reasonable was it for them to expect some answer from him on his return.

Thus stands the Affair in regard to my Brother Abra. Bosomworth. Another recent Instance of the Gentlemens Attachment to truth, and no less of their deep Penetration in Exhibiting A Publick act of the Commanding Officer of his Majestys Forces (Aproved of by the Ministry at home) as a matter of Private Charge against me, Seemingly Singled Out the Victim of their Malice.

It is necessary that I here make a Short Digression to point out the true Cause of the uneasiness Subsisted at that Time Amongst the Creek Indians. In the Year 1745 as well as the preceeding Year the Inhabitants of Savannah had made a Practice of Cutting Timber of the Indian Land near the Town which the Indians made frequent Complaints of To Mrs. Bosomworth; in regard to the white People though to her own Prejudice, she took Little or no Notice of it; but in March 1746 they became Very Clamorous and threatned to take Satisfaction themselves unless Mrs. Bosomworth would write a letter to the Magistrates and make their Complaint. Accordingly She did, And the Answer that the Indians say the Magistrates gave them to it was That the Land was not the Indians for they had given it all to the Great King when in England. This very much exasperated the Indians as some of them then Present had been in England and who denied the Fact.

This Assertion of the Magistrates was Cause of great Jealousies and uneassinesses among them, and gave Rise and Progress to some designs of the French, as well as to the Speech of old Chigilli, (who was then Guardian to Malatchi) of the 4th Deer. 1746, to Major Horton then Commanding his Majestys Forces In this Province (Apendix No. 8) and tho the Magistrates have since Denied that they told the Indians the Lands belonged to the Great King, Yet this is most certain that they refused any Redress without the Indians could Produce Christian Evidence as appears by the Presidents Letter (Apendix No. 9) tho themselves were Eye Witnesses of Part of the Injuries Complained of.

I the rather mention this as it Proves Mrs. Bosomworths Assertion in her memorial to the Board of Trade (Vizt.) That the Indians Authorized her to Complain of the Encrochments of his Majestys Subjects in Settling the Lands belonging to the Creek Indians Contrary to the Solemn Treaties intered into with them in behalf of his Majesty; frequent Complaints of which had been made to those Presiding in Authority in Georgia, Particularly in Year 1746. And as further Proof of this Assertion I appeal to Malatehis Speech of the 7th December 1747, to Lieut. Col. Alexr. Heron to be seen in the Secretary of States Office in England.

But to Proceed with the Journal: The President and Assistants in the Same Minutes of 24th July further add this occasioned an immediate Inquiry of those who were Supposed to know something of the Affair, of whom Sufficient was learned to put us upon our Guard, Particularly in deciveing us in the number whome they reported to be about fifty, but we are now all Assured that their Numbers are Upwards of one hundred.

In Answer to this I have already fully Proved that the Indians came down on notice Sent them from the President and Assistants, and that neither Mrs. Bosomworth, nor myself, was any way concerned in the Matter. Suppose then their Number had been one Thousand must, on that Account, the Panic of the Rulers, or the Expense of the Indians, be laid at my Door?

But so futile was their boasted All-Assurance, and so treacherous their Memories, that, in their minutes of the 17th August 1749, they themselves acknowledge the Number to be but Seventy Men. And I dare affirm that not more than fifty of these came immediately from the Nation, the rest Joining them in their Journey through the Settlements.

The Journal goes on They (the Informants) further add that their Business was that if Abraham Bosomworth did not bring them a Satisfactory Answer from England, to what they had intrusted him with, they were determined in a Publick Manner to forbid any of the Kings Subjects settling any where above the flowing of the Tide, Reserving the three Islands Ossabaw, St. Catherines and Sapala, which they Intended Publickly to Possess the Bosomworths of, together with the Lands between the Town and Pipe-makers Creek; being Now resolved to have the affair finally ended. From whence our Informants were pleased to say that, if we did not Act with the utmost Regard and Caution, great Confusion and Destractions might follow.

What relates in this Paragraph to my Brother Abraham and the Occasion of his being sent to England is already answered. As to Mrs. Bosomworth and myself we have since been in England where an Hearing has been had in regard to the Lands they seem so much disturbed About. And as to Any Confusion they were so sollicitous to Guard against, or which afterwards followed, the true Cause of it shall be shown in its Proper Place.

Me thinks it would afford me great Pleasure in knowing the Names and Quality of those Informants so often Mentioned and so well Acquainted with the designs of the Indians, and the Bosomworths. The President and Assistants in secrecting it are surely Guilty of Injustice to their Memory. This Over Caution gives Room for Suspition that the Pompous word Informant is no more than a Ghost of ther own raising. But its worth Observation that the President and Assistants have (perhaps unawares) given it under their hands, that the Design of the Indians then was to Possess the Bosomworths of the Islands &c.

Minutes of the Board of President and Assistants Tuesday 25th July 1749.

That former Experience had convinced the President and Assistants no Trust could be given to Mrs. Bosomworth as Interpreter in an Affair that so nearly concerned herself and Family.

In Answer to this I affirm that its a fact notoriously known that in all Conferences of Consequence with the Creek Indians Since the first Settling of the Colony Mrs. Bosomworth has always been Advised with and confided in not only as an Interpreter but as a Person whose Opinion was always Decisive in Indian Affairs, and I Challenge her Accusers to Produce One Single Instance of her breach of Trust or Infidelity in Execution of the Various Businesses She has continually, hitherto, Generously undertaken Purely from her Steady attachment to the English.

Minutes of the President and Assistants Wednesday 26th July 1749.

The board being met it was thought Prudent to write a Letter to Acquaint the Trustees with our Dangerous Situation.

Since many undue methods have been used in Order to secreet this remarkable letter from me and its not long ago since I could Obtain a Copy of it (after repeated Application) I shall give a Particular answer to it and their other Letter in its Proper Place and Proceed with their Journal.

Minutes of the President and Assistants Thursday 27th July 1749.

In Regard to the Letter of Mrs. Bosomworth entered in the Minutes of this day and wrote at the Request of Malachi which the President &c. say appeared to be calculated for dangerous Purposes; its necessary previously to observe that on my Arrival from the Nation (21st July) with Malachi and two more head men Notice was imediately given to Mr. Stephens, the President, of their desire to pay their Compliments to him; in Answer to which a Message was sent from the President, by the Clerk, that he could not see them till two Days afterwards; which gave some Umbrage to Malachi, who sent word back that he did not come to ask anything, but only wanted to Pay his Respects to him, and the Gentlemen, and to Smoak a friendly Pipe with them.

Three days afterwards the President and Mr. Graham an Assistant, came to my house and seemed to hint the great Inconvenience they Should be put to to provide necessary Provisions &c. for the Indians that were coming down. Mrs. Bosomworth told them that she should take care to Provide for the three Head Men that came down on her Account, but as the Rest came on Notice from the President and Assistants to Receive Presents they would have time, Posibly, to Prepare before their Arrival for their Reception.

Six days Malachi and the other Head Men remained at our House, without the least Notice being taken of them by the President and Assistants. And as the Indians are very observant of Punctilios of this kind, (it being a Behavior they had not been used to) they thought themselves very much slighted, and at the earnest Request, and on behalf of Malachi it was, that Mrs. Bosomworth wrote that Letter to the President. So that Whatever Consequences the President and Assistants may draw from it, or whatever Orders Malachi might have given his People is a Matter no way relative to Mrs. Bosomworth or my Self.

As to the Boards advising the President to invite Malachi and the other Chiefs to dine with him, in order to efface the bad Impressions they had received and to Penetrate in to the Designs of Mr. Bosomworth in bringing them down unsent for What Proof, or what Shadow of Proof do they bring of the Indians having received any bad Impressions from me or my Family? And as for the latter Part of the Charge I have already Proved the Falsity of the Indians coming by my Invitation. And as to Malachi and the other two, it as Plainly appears that they came on a Visit to Mrs. Bosomworth.

Monday 7th August 1749.

The Board was of Opinion that as those Indians came with different designs from any other Body of Indians that ever came here and were highly spirited up by the Bosomworths; Necessity would oblige them to treat them with all Civility and Candour that could be used in order to circumvent them in their Malicious and Wicked Designs.

This requires no farther answer than is given to the foregoing Paragraph.

Tuesday 8th August 1749

The Board Advised Colonel Stephens as Commander to have the Militia of the Town and Places adjacent in readiness in Case of Danter approaching and to Postpone all other Business in Order to have a more watchfull Eye over the Conduct of the Bosomworths.

In Answer to this Puff, the Board must have had very little Experience in Indian Affairs, or base designs to answer, in Supposing any Danger could be Apprehended from a few Indians who from the first Settlement of the Colony had always Manifested themselves faithfull Allies; and were now come down with their Women and Children by Invitation of the President and Assistants to receive Presents without Arms or Ammunition Excepting what were only necessary to hunt with on the Path for Subsistance.

If those Gentlemen by any Peculiar Gift of Penetration knew of any ill Designs the Bosomworths had, the Proof lays at their Door, and which as Guardians of the Colony, to secreet they could no wise Answer, as Facts alone can constitute a Crime.

The Truth is there was not the least appearance of Danger but what they themselves were the cause of. To answer their darke Purposes, display their own Significance, and Stigmatize me and my Family with the Odious Name of Enemy and Traytor &c. they Spread Artifical Mists before the Eyes of Credulous Simplicity, Industruously insinuating that the Lives and Properties of his Majestys Subjects were in Danger; and the Indians (altho their own Invited Guests) by the Instigation of the Bosomworths were come to cut off the Placea Tale too naked to bear a Common Disquisition.

Thursday 10 August 1749

The Board being met they could not help taking notice of the extraordinary Behavior of the last Party of Indians who came down the River in the middle of the Night firing their Guns all the way in a Menacing and insulting Manner which was Occasioned by Bosomworths sending up his Boat last Night even against Tide, as soon as he heard the Interpreter was going with Provisions to detain them there till Friday Morning.

This is also a false Representation of Facts, for when the Indians arrived at the Grange on the River Savannah about five miles from Town, a Runner was sent to Malachi Informing him that the Women and Children were destitute of Provisions and therefore wanted to Come to Town as soon as possible, upon which Malachi Applyed to the President for Boats to bring them down, and was answered that they had not then Boats ready; but would Provide them in two days; Malachi Knowing the necessitys of the Women and Children was not Satisfyed with this delay, therefore borrowed a Boat of Mrs. Bosomworth for the Purpose and the Tide answering to come in the Night Time, it was Natural for the Indians, circumstanced as they were, to embrace the first opportunity of coming down, and early in the morning when they approached the Town they fired their Guns as Customary by way of Salute (see the Answer of the Indian Traders to my Interrogatories).41 This is what the President and Assistants are Pleased to call Menace and Insult.

In Answer to the pretended Charge (in the Minutes also of this day) of my sending orders by my Servant to the Men imployed by the President and Assistants not to cut and clear over my Line, I acknowledge it and know of no Power they had to give such orders as I could then Prove as indubitable a Title to that Land as any Man in the Province could to what he enjoyed in it. That they should be at the Expence and trouble of cuting a Path for the better accomodation of and a mark of Esteem to the Indians, when the Indians themselves had already declared their dislike; is an Inconsistency I leave those Gentlemen to reconcile at their Leisure.

The Lands there called Indian Lands had been Solemnly reservd by the Indians in Treaty with Mr. Oglethorpe on the first Settlement of the Province;42 and the Property thereof, so long ago as the Year 1738, Conveyed by them, in Open Court, to Mrs. Bosomworth in the presence and by the Approval of Mr. Oglethorpe who then represented the Body of the Trustees.43 So that the Indians looked on the Proceedings of the President and Assistants, in cutting a Path, as an Attack on Indian Property, and a designed Foundation for a future claim to those Lands; they well remembering the Assertion of the President and Assistants in the year 1746 That the Indians had no Property in any Lands but had given them all to his Majesty it possibly will appear in some future Page of this Narrative that the Motive for this step was really to disgust the Indians.

Tuesday 11th August 1749

As to the Speech that they in the Minutes of this day put into the Mouth of Malachi I dare venture to affirm it is absolutely false but as it is not my Business to Prove a Negative I call upon them to Prove it Authentic. As to the Sinister Views of the Bosomworths, the Designs of their Advisers, and the uncommon Difficulties they had to strugle with, these I shall pass over in Silence as insignificant Sound till the President and Assistants Prove the Facts; which alone as I before observed, can constitute a Crime.

They say that the Captain of the Militia was ordered to receive the Indians with the Horse on the Limits of their own Land (The President and Assistants very honestly allow the Land to be the Indians but cant bear the thoughts of its being Bosomworths) and to acquaint them that they should not be Suffered to march into Town Armed. The Indians had their Guns loaded with Powder and fired them by way of Salute (a Constant well known Custom See the Answers of the Indian Trader to Interrogatories Appendix No. 21) after which they laid them down. The Armament the President and Assistants speak of was on the part of the White People who had fifteen Balls apiece given them Out of the Public Store and were told they should have more when they wanted. This is a Fact notoriously known and which they dare not Contradict. Tho it will Puzzle the wisest of them to find a better Reason for this Martial Spirit, than affected on Purpose to Insult Affront, and intimidate, a few naked Indians, at a Time when the Strictest Friendship ought to have Subsisted. The supposition of Danger from the Indians at that Time was so Opposite to Common Sense, Constant Experience, and the nature and Custom of Indians in general, for reasons herein before given, that it confutes itself.

They (the Militia) then marched and at the Head of the Indians Appeared Mr. Thomas Bosomworth in his Cannonical Habit (no Coat of Mail) with his Brother Adam.

In Answer to this I must observe that the President and Assistants having used every Art and Strategem to depretiate Mrs. Bosomworths Character and mine with the Indians, amongst other Calumnies, they ordered their Interpreter Kenard, to tell the Indians that I was no Clergyman. Being acquainted of this by the Indians I attacked Kenard with it, who Acknowledged the Fact, and Pleaded in Excuse that he told the Indians nothing but what he was ordered by the Gentlemen. Therefore as my Character (in this Particular Respect) was struck at, to justify myself, at the Publick meeting of the Indians, I did put on my Cannonical Habit as I had a Right to do, when ever I Pleased.

As to heading the Indians, in the Sense they would wickedly and falsely insinuate, is an Absolute Misrepresentation. Thus stands the Truth, after the Salute upon the Line of the Town Common, the Horse Marched first to the Presidents House, the White Peoples Drums beating and the Indians Singing by way of Compliment. My Younger Brother (then lately come from England) having never seen a Ceremony of the kind I walked with him in the rear of the Militia (indiscriminately with almost every other Inhabitant of the Place who were not under Arms) as being the most convenient Place to hear the Indians Sing, and when they came before Mr. Stephenss door and the Horse and foot opened to the Right and Left for the Indians to March through Brother and Self, marched on one side the Door. At the Request of the Indians, Mrs. Bosomworth walked with them to the Presidents House where an Entertainment was Provided and every Gentleman in the Place invited Except my Brother and Self. Mrs. Bosomworth being convinced that this was done with a design to cast an Odium upon us, and render us contemptable in the Eyes of the Indians. After some Conversation had Past, She paid her Compliments to the Gentlemen and Excused herself from Staying Dinner, as her Husband and Brother were at home by themselves. Upon which Malachi and Several of the Head Men rose up and followed her. Thus the disappointment of the good Endeavours of the President and Assistants, which they so Pathetically complain of, was rather owing to the Gratification of their own Private Malice, and their Prejudices against us than to any Pride or Ambition in our Family. And I defy them to prove that ever a dangerous Unallowable Sovereignty, or a Right to far the greatest Part of the Lands in the Colony, was ever pretended to. And as to a Moiety of these goods his Majesty was Pleased to send as Presents to the Indians in Friendship with this and the Neighbouring Colony, I shall before I conclude, Prove by the most Authentic Testimony that it was his Majestys gracious Intention Mrs. Bosomworth should receive a Moiety of these Presents and that she had a Right to Expect the same.

But as the Schemes of the managers in Georgia were calculated to oppress and persecute Mrs. Bosomworth rather than reward her for her past Service, She never yet received any Part of his Majestys intended Bounty.

Saturday 12th August 1749

As the Minutes of this day contains a heap of Inconsistances, Willfull Misrepresentations and notorious Falsehood, I shall beg leave to represent this Affair in a Different and, Permit me to add, in a true Light; to correct the mistaken Notions of many that may have been deceived; and shall Illustrate the whole with such Proofs as may Serve as a Clue to Lead through the Labyrinth of all their Transactions.

And first, agreeable to my former Intimation, that the Intention of the President and Assistants, in their Extraordinary Treatment of the Indians, at that Time was designedly to disgust them, and thereby make the Danger of an Indian War an argument to the Ministry at home for the Reestablishment of a Troop of Rangers, or some other Force in the Colony; which if obtained, as they Rightly observed, would be some relief in its sinking Condition, by the Circulation of so much Money in it. Our Most inveterate and Declared Enemy, and the most Zealous Stickler in this affair (see Affidavit Appendix No. 10) Acknowledges the Same.

When any Man or Number of Men, be their Stations ever so high, Take upon them to Stigmatize the Reputation of others, and in the Prosecution of that design relate for Facts such things as, by obtaining Credit, Must affect the Interest and Welfare of the Parties concerned; such Relators ought to reflect that all impartial Enquirers will be just enough to Expect that they Produce Satisfactory Proofs of what they advance, Particularly in all doubtful or disputable Points.

I might here largely Expatiate upon the wicked Artifices, and malignant Purposes, of our Accusers in so basely murdering Our Reputation; and the Injuries we have thereby sustained. But as Artless Truth is Powerfull to convince, I shall present Your Excellency with a Plain, but faithfull, Detail of this Affair and of the Transactions of the 11th August 1749, in the Declaration of the Interpreter upon Oath (Appendix No. 4) and fearless of the Severest Scrutiny I defy the combined Power of Malice and Falsehood to Prove the Contrary.

The President and Assistants are pleased to Say that Mrs. Bosomworth, seeing the resolution that was taken to resent her Insolence, became more Submissive and desired to go into the Presidents House.

This is absolutely false. It was at the Earnest Request of the late President Patrick Graham Esqr. that She did go unto Mr. Stephenss House, who took her by the Hand and entreated her, by every thing near and dear, to Endeavour to Pacify the Indians, and convince them that the Whole Disturbance was owing to a Mistake of the White People in misconstruing the Indians Intentions, which they were now assured were only Marks of Respect and Esteem.

During this Confusion at Colonel Stephenss House Mr. Watson, as a Friend, (Not by orders of the Board) came to my House and desired me to go to Mr. Stephenss and endeavour to quiet the Indians and bring Matters to a Right understanding. At his Request, I went along with him where some warm Disputes immediately ensued upon the Cause of my Brothers Confinement. The President and Assistants charging him with Heading the Indians in an Hostile Manner (tho intirely Naked and defenseless) against his Majestys Subjects, when only intended by them, as all Circumstances Prove, the highest Mark of Esteem and Friendship.

How incompatible with common Sense that a set of Men, unarmed, should intend, much less commit, Hostilities I Appeal to the World, and now call upon the President and Assistants Champion to step forth, if any they can find hardy enough to undertake the Defense of so desperate a Cause.

As to the Submissions they say I made and, with Tears, condemned my Wifes and Brothers Conduct, beging for Favour; this also is absolutely false. It is impossible, from what is before relatted, that any Crime could have been committed either by my Brother or Wife. And therefore their Imprisonment was to the last degree illegall.

Mrs. Bosomworth might Probably use some warm Expressions touching the Proceedings of the Magistrates, which I then thought, and Yet think, were of such a Nature as might justify the most irritating Terms. But as to her incensing the Indians, that was a Matter particularly guarded against and I Expect they will Prove the Assertion.

As to my requesting that my Brother Should be released for that Night, and entering into any Engagement for the Indians, is Equally false. For after all their Endeavours to reconcile the Indians Malachi declared, as what my Brother had done was at his request, who intended no more than a Compliment to the Gentlemen, and Suffering on his Account, that he would not eat or drink till my Brother was released from Prison. The President and Assistants then thought Proper to send for my Brother to Colonel Stephenss house, but as I did not look upon that as a Proper Release, being well aware that the Magistrates would urge it was at the Instigation of the Indians he was set at Liberty. I told the Magistrates that if they did not Choose to send him back to Prison that Night, I would engage for his Appearence the next Morning (which was accepted) to Answer any Charge they had against him and this was all the Engagement I entered into. The Magistrates, indeed, Proposed that we should engage for the Behavour of the Indians that Night but I told them that we having been no ways instrumental in creating uneasiness amongst them, I would not enter into any Such Engagement, well knowing that, such is the Nature of Indians in general, when they are once warmed with Liquor nothing will Satisfy them till they are quite intoxicated. And they had been so plyed at the Presidents House (to bring them into good Humour) that they were then most of them Drunk. I said that when the Indians were Sober it would be a Proper time to talk with them, and Mrs. Bosomworth and I would come and endeavour to bring matters to a Right understanding.

Thus the very Crime of making the Indians drunk, which the Magistrates had been guilty of, they very modestly charge to my account and as to our seducing the Indians to Our House, keeping them drinking till day light, and using all Methods to make them assist in our wicked designs; To their perpectual Confusion let them hear the Truth.

That there was not an Indian, as I knew of, at our House but the Head Men that lodged there from their first Arrival; who went home with us from the Presidents House, they were then in Liquor and Malachi when at Home desired to have a Bowl of Punch made, and promised to go to Sleep; which was granted upon that Condition. And Mrs. Bosomworth and I immediately went to bed; but the Indians, not Satisfied with that Bowl, had recourse to the Remains of the Cagg of Rum, or Wine, which was that day given them by the President, whereby they got quite intoxicated. Therefore let the Crime if any be charged to its Proper Authors.

As to their pitifull mean low lifed Sarcasm that they well knew I was in the same Condition with my Companions the Indians I shall only reply that the chief Magistates Example was no way alluring; whose Drunkenness, Stupidity, or something worse, was at that time of main use to help forward the President and Assistants premeditated Design of raising disturbance amongst the Indians which, in its Consequence, nearly endangered the general Welfare of the Colony.

That Mr. Parker was in Liquor when he stopt the un-armed Indians, on their way to pay their Compliments to Mr. Stephens; ordered my Brother and Servant to the Guard house; and threatened the Lives of the Indians; I know his best Friends cannot deny. That he was drunk that Night the Disturbance happened at Col. Stephens s, I appeal to every Man Present. The foolish Questions he put to me, which a Man in his Senses would have been ashamed of, I Attribute To the Same Cause Whether Mrs. Bosomworth had been baptized? Whether she had received the Sacrament? Whether she had not stood Godmother for Children? being answered in the Affirmative, He from thence, wisely, concluded that her enjoying those Spiritual. Advantages had deprived her of her Natural Right.

He then orders the Interpreter to Ask the Indians Whether Mrs. Bosomworth was an Indian or a White Person? They having all Declared that they looked upon her as an Indian and one of Themselves, He then Asked Mrs. Bosomworth the same Question who declared that She always acknowledge herself to be an Indian. To which he replied Madam if I had told you so, you would have spit in my face. Such like Conversation as this Concluded the Evening.

Upon a Message sent me next Morning that if I, my Wife and Brother did not appear with the Indian Chiefs that we Should be forthwith Confined; I sent for Answer that the Indian Chiefs were drunk with Liquor the President and Assistants had given them; That as to myself I knew of no Crime I had been guilty of, therefore should not appear; as to my Confinement, they might act therein as they thought Proper; I was ready to Answer for my self in a Legal Manner; but as I had engaged for my Brothers Appearance, To Answer any Charges they had against him, by my advice, he went, and Mrs. Bosomworth accompanyed him.

As to the pretended Submission of my Wife and Brother, And an Acknowledgement of their Crimes, with promise of Amendment; I believe this, with most of the rest, to be equally False. And I call on the President and Assistants first to prove my Wife and Brother Guilty of a Crime; which is, I hope, previously necessary to an Acknowledgement; And had they been kind enough to Name the Persons who (they Say) had such Influence and been so conversant with the Creek Indians as to be able to open their Eyes regarding the pernicious Designs of the Bosomworths (Equally if not more hurtfull to them than to us. See the Journal) I should then have been enabled to Answer more to the Point both as to such Persons Capacity and Influence. But I fear their Existence on Inquiry, will be found in Nubibus.44

As to the President and assistants threatning to send me my Wife and Brother to Prison if Malachi did not joyn their Company which he had declared against; I have already Proved by Affidavits (Appendix No. 10) that there was a premeditated Design to imprison and Destroy Us, could but a Popular Pretext be found to colour over the Scheme which the President and Assistants hoped to find in Malachis Denying them his Company [?]. For whatever might have been his motive it would have been by them, asscribed to the Influence of Mrs. Bosomworth, and thus, alarming the People by Artfull Insinuations of Danger, would they have availed themselves of a pretence for Confining Us, the grand End they had in View? But Malachi Attending, by Mrs. Bosomworths Persuasion, the President and Assistants were for this time happily disappointed. Their Malicious Designs against me and my Family not Stopping here (by them indeed dignified with the Specious Name of Zeal for the publick Welfare) the next Attempt of these Rulers was, by all the Engines of their Policy, to Exasperate the Indians against Us; for which Purpose they were told that Mrs. Bosomworth had no Right or Pretention to any Share of his Majestys Bounty, That her desiring a Part was as injurious and unjust to the Indians, as her Claim to the Lands, That they would Protect the Indians in their Rights, as well to the Presents as Lands &c. This Artifice, calculated to depreciate Mrs. Bosomworths Character, had no other Effect with the Indians than exasperating those of her own Family and Blood, who are well known to be the most Ancient, Numerous Powerfull, leading Men of that Nation. Thus once more did their Wisdom become Foolishness. For altho the President and Assistants pretended Sollicitude to Protect the Rights and Properties of the Indians to their Lands &c. carried with it an appearance of Justice and Equity, yet, I venture to Affirm that there was an Indian at that Conference Endued with as much Penetration as these Statemen; which may Appear from the Natural Reflections he made that very Night (altho the President and Assistants boast of having made him Sensible that the Bosomworths Deceived him and that he Promised he would go [to] them no more).

That He could not understand what the Gentlemen Meant by troubling themselves so much about the Indian Lands, they knew very well the Lands were the Indians and reserved by Treaty with General Oglethorpe, and surely they could do what they would with them, without being Directed by the White People, who knew that the Indians had given those Lands to Mrs. Bosomworth and her Husband (and the President and Assistants acknowledge the same themselves both in their Journals and Letters.)

That should the White People pretend to take them away they might with Equal Justice deprive them of their Plantations in the Nation.

This solid Remark is Supported by the Civil Law as well as the Law of Nature. What is our Property cannot be taken away without our consent; and if we have not a Right to dispose of it, as we Please, it is not our Property. So that all the President and Assistants had to boast of from this latter Effort was their having created further Jealousies in the minds of the most judicious of the Indians that the White People Designed to Attack their Properties; and the Indians Opinion on this matter sufficiently Appears in the Declaration made to the Governor and Council of So. Carolina at a Conference held in the Council Chamber in July 1753, a Copy of which was sent by the Governour of South Carolina to the President of this Colony And is to be met with in the Journals of South Carolina or at the Board of Trade.45

As to the Assertion of the President and Assistants that Malachi would go no more to Us it is most notorious that Nither he or the other two Chiefs from the day of their Arrival to the day of their departure from Savannah ever Lodged or eat out of our house except upon particular Invitations to dine or Sup with the Gentlemen.

As to the Questions they say they Asked Malachi touching Mrs. Bosomworth being the Head of their Nation, I shall give a Particular and full Answer to in another Place.

That I ever acquainted my Creditors (as Wickedly Insinuated In this Minute) that they should receive Payment from Mrs. Bosomworths Share of the Presents, I Absolutely deny and expect they will Prove it. Tho, I Believe my Creditors, and every Body, (not in the designs of the President and Assistants) did Expect that Mrs. Bosomworth would have had a Share for her Services; and I Appeal to the world Whether the Duke of Bedfords Letters to Governor Glen and Col. Heron of 26 April 1748, the report of the Committee of South Carolina, and Governour Glens Instructions to the Agent for that Province, be not Sufficient Vouchers for such Expectations, without incurring the Censure of an over Credulity. (Abstracts of all which are to be seen in Appendix No. 11).

Minutes of the President and Assistants Monday August 14th 1749.

As to the Assertion in the minutes of this day That Malachi had not been so familiar at Bosomworths since the Conference Enough has been said relative [to] that Matter, in answer to a bare Assertion.

That the Indians were made to expect any Presents By the Bosomworths in the Nation will appear false from the Testimony of my Interpreter (No. 4). Doctor Grahams Declaration to the Committee of Conference of South Carolina Sufficiently Proves that the President and Assistants had sent Notice to the Indians of the Presents being Arrived for them (for they could surely have no Interest in belying themselves), A Proceeding highly and Justly condemned by that Committee. Therefore the President and Assistants, to Preserve their own Reputations, Modestly Load me with the Fact, but thank God, such Injustice can now no longer Remain Secret.

Without Diminution to the President and Assistants Influence I dare Venture to assert the Bosomworths were more Instrumental in Obtaining these Presents than Themselves were. For, by Instructions from Colonel Heron, Several Memorials were Presentd to the Ministry by my Brother backed by Col. Herons friends in England for Obtaining those Presents; which were favourably received by the Duke of Bedford. But by whose Interest the same were Obtained I do not pretend to Say.

And tho I defy the President and Assistants to prove that even I said the Presents were at my Brothers Disposal, Yet do I aver that they could not be distributed, agreeable to his Majestys Directions, without his Concurrence and Cooperation (as agent of South Carolina) with the Agent appointed for Georgia. This I prove from the Duke of Bedfords Letters to Governour Glen and Colonel Heron 28th May 1748 And Abstract of the Report of the Committee of Conference (No. 11). And the only reason that the President and Assistants assign for the Distribution of the Presents Directly contrary to his Majestys Intentions, and Instructions from the Trustees (No. 12) was because they thought it the most likely means to lessen Mrs. Bosomworths bad influence (they are Pleased to call it) Amongst the Indians.

I hope, to Support their Unwarrantable Abuse of Public Instructions, the President and Assistants are prepared to give some proof of Mrs. Bosomworths bad Influence. Otherwise it may surely be justly inferred that they were predetermined to Pay no Respect to Orders, however Sacred, that tended to thwart their Wicked self-interest Purposes. Unawed, or Unabashed, regardless either of the Instructions of his Majestys principal Secretary of State, (which Pertake of the Royal Sanction) Or of those of the Trustees, their Patrons, whose Bread they Eat, the President and Assistants proceed, through the whole, in one constant iniquitors Course; and Vainly hope to Qualify the Insolence of their proceedings by Lame Excuses. It, from hence, can be no wonder that they refused to cooperate with or even give an Answer to the Agents Letter of Carolina in the Affair of Mrs. Bosomworth (see No. 13).

The most prevalent motive for his Grace of Bedfords so Strongly recommending my Brother (See his Letter No. 11) and the Abstract of the Committee of Conference (Same Number) was from a Conviction of the great Services Mrs. Bosomworth had been, and was capable of being, to this Colony. And, as his Grace told my Brother, there was no fund at present out of which her services could so well be rewarded as by the Indian Presents, and my Brothers being appointed Agent, with such Directions as should be given for the Distribution of those Presents. The two Agents, cooperating, would have a Discretionary Power to reward Mrs. Bosomworth according to the Merit of her Services. And if Mrs. Bosomworth could have Satisfied the Indians as well or better with a part than the President and Assistants could with the whole, which they know to be Fact, would not his Majestys Intentions on granting those Presents be fully Answered? Would not Mrs. Bosomworth have just Claim to a Moiety for her Self, as a Reward for employing in the Service of his Majesty, and the Welfare of the Colony, that great Influence and Interest the President and Assistants Allow She has with the Indians? Instead thereof what other Boon has She received? Or how have her past faithfull Service (known and acknowledged by every unbiassed Man in the Province) been gratified; but by loads of Reproach, and Infamy, reiterated Acts of Injustice and cruelty?

Tuesday 15th August 1749

Untill the President and Assistants prove that Malachi kept from my house, I having averred the Contrary. The Bosomworths again Seducing him thither is arrant nonsense. As their Spiriting Him into an Uneasy and Jealous Frame of Mind is untrue. Had the President and Assistants placed Malachis Chagrin to the Account of the Conference had on the 12th Instant, I conceive they had been truer Prophets; for they must know that neither Malachi nor the rest of the Chiefs were convinced or Satisfied with that days Conference; except their great Friend Ellick,46 an Out Law, and runnagardo [renegade]; but falshood and Contridiction seem Constitutional to these Gentlemen.

They Next Attack Malachis Character, And make some of their Chieftans say that his heart is like the Wind, Or rather that he had no Heart at all. A Man remarkable for his good Sense and inflexibilitywho so well knewand pursued the Interest of his People, that there was much less Probability of his being an Enimy to the English than of those whom the President and Assistants, for their own Ends, have Dignified with the Title of Chieftans.47

And I appeal to everyone, who haveing been in the Nation may have known Malachis Power and Interest there, that not a Chieftan in it durst have told him so.

Thursday 17th August 1749

In the minutes of this Day the President and Assistants acknowledge that at their grand Conference there were only upwards of Seventy Indians; Now in the Minutes of the 24th July the Gentlemen make it a heavy Charge against Me, and a Weighty Argument for puting themselves on their Guard, that I (who knew nothing of the Matter) had Deceived them in the Number of Indians expected from the Nation. Indeed Malachi, upon the Question being Asked, told them that there might be about fifty. Now I dare safely appeal, to the President and Assistants themselves, As to the Truth that upwards of Twenty of that Number were not from the Nation, but Runagadoes [renegade] about the Settlement, Particularly their favourite Capt. Ellick and his gang. So that the Account Malachi gave was much more exact than that of the President and Assistants, and adds another to the Number of their Inconsistencies.

The President and Assistants say that Malachi rose up and with a frowning Countenance delivered a long Talk fraught with dangerous illnatured Insinuations. This Behavour of Malachis was the Natural Consequence of their many Falsehoods.

Malachis Countenance might be frowning, and his discourse Dangerous, for ought I know, I was not present, but that it was Dictated by the Bosomworths demands Proof and is not to be taken for granted; for, surely, I am no way Answerable for Malachis Words or Actions.

It is also expected that the Gentlemen Prove Malachis saying that all the Lands the English possessed should be held under Mrs. Bosomworth as it is more than Improbable, and an high Impeachment of his good Sense. That he might declare her Queen or Head of the Nations may be true, because he cannot Deny it. But here the Gentlemen, by comparing this with the Minutes of the 12th August, will be found to have involved themselves in another Contridiction. For in that Minute they make Malachi (with Warmth and Emphasis) say that he did not before Understand he was ranked with an Old Woman.

As to the paper delivered and read in Court (Appendix No. 14) Instead of abhorrence and Astonishment it must produce contrary Emotions in the Mind of every good and discerning Subject.

That paper (in Spite of the Gentlemens Want of Penetration) was Calculated for the Public Emolument; as thereby Mrs. Bosomworth would have been impowered to make further Concessions to the Crown; and Might have been of More Service, in extending the Limits already fixed by the last Treaty, and the Settlement of the Colony than those Statesmen are aware of.

This Office was Undertaken by Mrs. Bosomworth at the earnest request of the Indians who looked on her as the most Proper Person (She having been consulted upon the making [of] every Treaty and being one of their own Nation) with a view to remove the Uneasiness the Indians had retained from the Year 1746, Occasioned by the President and Assistants telling them they had resigned all their Lands to his Majesty. As to that wicked Assertion That None of the Indians whose Names were Mentioned, in the Preamble of the Paper were present Except Malachi and another, and that the Indians should declare they did not know the Contents &c., I appeal to the Affidavits Annexed to the said Original Paper (No. 14) and can prove that the Indians insisted On its being Executed and recorded in Court; which being absolutely refused, Malachi returned the Paper to Mrs. Bosomworth.

As to the Calumnies and Detractions the President and Assistants unjustly make use of to render Mrs. Bosomworth contemptable in the Eyes of the Indians, I Answer she was so far from being in low or Mean Circumstances At Mr. Oglethopes first Arrival that it was well known she carried on a very considerable and profitable Trade with the Indians, had a good Stock of Cattle &c. and her well known and Charitable Disposition, as well as good Inclination to promote the Settlement of the Colony, were such that she advanced to the Distressed Settlers in Time of Scarcity and want so generously that She lost upwards of 800 Sterling in bad Debts, as I am ready, if required, to make appear from the State of her Books. So far were Mr. Oglethorpe and the White People from mending her Circumstances.

The Sense Mr. Oglethorpe had of the Importance of Mrs. Bosomworths Services to the Colony will evidently Appear from his Letters (Appendix No. 15, 16, 17) where in he tells her that he had it not in his Power at that Time to Pay her for her Services, but promises to recommend them to the Government when he thought his Interest would be of Service to her.

That low-lifed Peace of Malice W[h]ereby the President and Assistants Endeavour to fix an Odium on my Character by saying Mrs. Bosomworth had been disregarded on Account of having been found a Lyar, since she Married me, I shall no otherwise Answer than by calling Upon, and Defying, those Gentlemen to Support their Assertion even by one Single Instance. Tho their Design therin is easily seen thro for after they found that the calumniating Mrs. Bosomworth was not so well relished by the Indians as wished for, the Gentlemen honestly concluded to Soften the Expression at my Expence.

The President and Assistants were certainly strangly Bewildered to pretend to Set Mrs. Bosomworths own Relations Right in Regard to her Pedigree Since every Indian Present and Every Indian in the Nation, knew of what Family she was, much better than the Gentlemen did. So that an Attempt to depretiate her, And dispute her Birth Right, could Answer no purpose further than disgusting the Indians, and rendering themselves contemptable. Self Convinced that what the President and Assistants advanced relative to Mrs. Bosomworth was absolutely false, the Indians thereby had Room for Suspecting the Gentlemen in everything else, that did not come immediately within the Verge of their own knowledge, and thus with the Indians Truth itself become Falsehood, or at best Suspected.

What End the President and Assistants aimed at by asserting.

That Mr. Oglethorpe had Liberty to Settle the White People when and where he pleased I dont pretend to Say. But that it was a falsehood, these Indians well knew, and [this] is Sufficiently apparent by the Treaties in 1733 and 1739. Interpreted and explained to the Indians by General Oglethorpe himself on behalf of the Crown and Trustees, in the Cussitaw and Coweta Squares in the Creek Nation in August 1739 (see Appendix No. 18).

Notwithstanding the idle Insinuation of the President and Assistants of ill Humours being infused into the Indians by Mrs. Bosomworth thro my Instigation, I think sufficient has been advanced to prove that the Indians Discontent was owing to the many Falsehoods the President and Assistants had wickedly, as well as Impoliticaly, Asserted to the Indians, of which the Indians themselves were competent Judges.

As to what the President and Assistants say touching the Indians Presents, I have already answered; but beg leave to add that it was natural for the Indians to express an Unwillingness of Mrs. Bosomworths having a Share of the Goods, as the Gentlemen had Used all their Industry to Persuade them She could have no Pretentions but to the Indians Prejudice. I confess I expected, from his Majestys directions, that Mrs. Bosomworth would have had an handsom Present made her, but that I was angry at the Disappointment, and endeavoured to break the old Friendship between the Creeks and the English is another of their bare assertions, beneath my Notice, Unless authenticated. For, as soon as I discovered those Gentlemens Political Schemes, I gave over all expectations I might justly have indulged respecting the Presents, and thought Myself happy in being able to guard against the various Sinister Arts made use of by them (as Manifested in these Sheets) to deprive me of my Liberty.

As to Malachis retracting what he had proposed, appears False from an Instrument of Writing afterwards Executed by him and the Kings of the lower Creeks in September 1750 (Appendix No. 19) Impowering Mrs. Bosomworth to Negotiate for them in England, From the Indians Declaration to the Governour and Council of South Carolina in July 1753, And from their Declaration at Augusta in regard to the Lands in December 1755 when Malachi was not Present (Appendix 1st No. 20) also the affidavits of the Interpreters 2d. and 3d. No. 20.

No dispassionate Enquirer can throw any Censure on Malachis Conduct, whose Friendship for the England, before, and since, that Period, has been remarkably consistant. And as to the dangerous Designs of the Bosomworths (the Burthen of their Journals Tale) nothing, in Support, haveing yet been proved, I hope no particular Answer is expected from Me. And the President and Assistants Asserting that those Indians then in Savannah were all that Mrs. Bosomworth could influence, or Malachi head, is what I am conscious they will never Attempt to Prove; and only, with the rest, Serves to convince that those Gentlemen, to Perpetuate their Memories in the Annals of Georgia, Wrote wonderfully at Random, in Defiance of Truth.

To shew the Dangerous Situation the Colony was in through the Instigation of the Bosomworths, the President and Assistants, in their great Prudence, would not trust the Indians with their Ammuniton &c. This was to answer a two Fold Purpose Vizt. Be an Argument to Obtain Forces, and an heavy charge against me. But those Nugatory Pretences are Sufficiently Exposed by my Interrogatories and the Indian Traders Answers upon Oath at Augusta in December 1755. (Appendix No. 21).

Mrs. Bosomworths going to the Tavern was on being sent for by the Indians. The rediculous Story of linking hands, Free-Masons &c. in order to shew the good Disposition of the Indians (particularly Malachi) before Mrs. Bosomworth came; In Answer I affirm that the Indians in general (and Malachi especially) were highly Disgusted with what these Gentlemen had told them at this days Conference, which they well knew to be false and on that Account sent for Mrs. Bosomworth, On her entering the Public Room Mr. Parker who sat as President at that Meeting, in an outragious Manner Demanded who sent for Mrs. Bosomworth to which Malachi replied (by their Interpreter Kenard) that the Indians had. Mr. Parker then asked the Indians whether She was their Head? As they Affirmed in Court, being answered in the Affirmative He asked the imprudent and impolitical Question, Would they be Governed by an Old Woman? Being again Answered in the Affirmative He so contemptuously treated a Woman from whom, in his adverse Fortune, he had received Kindnesses, that, Stung with the Provocation, Mrs. Bosomworth replyed they were all Old Women; and as an Instance told them that whilst she was Employing her Purse Interest & Influence with the Indians against the common Enemy when the Spaniards invaded the Province in the Year 1742 as will appear by General Oglethorpres Letters (Appendix No. 22, 23, 24) They had So great a Regard to their own Safeties that they Kept their Horses in Readiness to run away (See Wm. Ewens Letter to Thos Stephens August 21st 1742 No. 25).

The President and Assistants say that Mrs. Bosomworth spoke to Malachi in the Creek Tongue with the greatest Heat, and it was observed that he was much irritated. Was not their own Interpreter Kenard Present? I appeal to his Evidence who can be the only Proper Judge of what She said. I call on the President and Assistants to prove that Malachi ever threatned to release her, but Suppose he had, can or ought that to be imputed as a Crime to me or Mrs. Bosomworth.

I hope they will name the Chiefs who said they were ashamed of Malachis Behaviour and that it was like the Man. Also what Indian ordered his followers to Arm themselves; and prove that the Indians were under Arms.

When I saw my Wife Unjustly dragged along by the Officers I was so far from abuseing them that I took Mrs. Bosomworth by the Hand and led her to the Guard House, to prevent uproar. What I said in Regard to Lands [I] can justify. When Mrs. Bosomworth was locked up and the Gentry ordered not to allow either myself Servants or any of the Indians to Speak to her the Indians did then come to a Resolution to take up Arms, having Agreed amongst Themselves to carry their Women and Children a Day or twos March towards the Nation, then return and fall upon the Town in the Night; but this was utterly unknown either to my self or Mrs. Bosomworth till after her Release.

Such was the popular Fury against Us that the Night Mrs. Bosomworth was in Prison, the Officer of the Patrole threatened to Shoot me as I stood on the Step of my own Door, nay the General Cry was D... n them shoot them all; that I was really afraid of being Murthered by the Mob, which was the principal reason of my going soon afterwards to Carolina where I resided upwards of four months 'till these dangerous Prejudices were somewhat abated. Altha the President and Assistants Pretend that I desired several Times to speak with the Board they must know that the Magistrates sent for me to give Security for my Appearance to four Suits they, or their associates, (I have Reason to believe) had Prevailed on my creditors to arrest me in.

As I knew nothing either Mrs. Bosomworth or my Self had done that was justly blameable, so I neither censured her, or made any concessions; and, as to Mrs. Bosomworth, She was so far from begging that no Notice might be taken of what past that she ever refused to come out of Prison altho Noble Jones went more than once to prevail on her; and when She did come out it was on my Disiring to See her, at the Presidents House, by the particular request of the Gentlemen.

As to Mrs. Bosomworths acknowledging that she induced Malachi (and those Indians who withdrew with him) to leave the Presidents House where a Handsom Dinner had been Provided for them on Friday last, and excusing herself by saying she was in a Passion &c., To Use their own polite term is a Most abominable Lye.

It is Probable I might burst into a Flood of tears; not from any Consciousness of Guilt, but from a quick Sense of the Injuries, Injustice, and Tyranny I Suffered; (scarce to be Parallelled under a british Government) and the absolute Necessity I saw my self in to Submit to the will and pleasure of these Oppressors; which was the only Law I then, or since have had to expect or hope for (see No. 26 & No. 27). Nay that their illegal Proceedings against Us might receive a kind of Sanction, the President and Assistants insisted that I should in the Court House and Prescence of the Indians acknowledge mine and my Wifes Error.

What could I do, knowing as I did their Designs and my self totally in their Power? See Affidavit No. 10 and 26. Thus beset I did in some Measure Comply with the unjust Demand. Moreover I reconciled myself the better to it to quiet the Minds of the Indians who were now discovered to be so enraged that they had determined to send forward their Women and Children and fall on the Town; the S[h]ocking Consequences of which I very much dreaded, but the acknowledgement So made was in Terms and Substance very unlike those in their Journal, and, from my Precarious Situation, could obtain no more Weight or Validity than Promises extorted by an High Way Man with his Pistol at the Travellers Breast.

That the President and Assistants, by their unremitted Implacabillity, had brought Matters to this dangerous State with the Indians, I Prove by Galphins Declaration at Augusta (No. 28), Adam Bosomworths Affidavit (No. 29), Abstract of Memorial of the Southern Inhabitants (No. 30), and could I have got the affidavits of the Persons Mentioned in Mr. Copps Letter (No. 31) I should have been able to give further proof thereof.

As to Capt. Ellick as he is called by them, He never was a Friend to the English and tho the President and Assistants say he had a Commission I defy them to prove that ever he went to war against his Majestys Enemies. And as to the residue of his Character, I beg leave to refer back to a former Paragraph; some or all which Circumstances might, Possibly, induce Malachi to refuse him a Share of the presents, but how am I any way concerned in it? Touching the Information this Noble Captain had given them of the Designs of the Bosomworths, when the President and Assistants are at Leisure to be more particular on that Subject, I shall throw away Some Time in a more particular Answer. Suffice it at Present that an Information from such an Notorious Lying Scoundrel as Ellick could have had no Credit from any set of Men in the Province but themselves.

Had the President and Assistants been just enough to have incerted [inserted] the whole of my Letter in the Minutes of this Day my intent would have better Appeared, which was to make a Surrender of my Estate for the Benefit of my Creditors to Preserve my Liberty (see my Letter No. 32). As to my Concession in that Letter my Reasons for them are herein before Answered and Proved (Appendix No. 10 to 26) the whole being a Duress on me from a dread of their arbitrary Power; the will of this Juncto being all the Law then in Georgia.

In the Minutes of this day the President and Assistants Say That they cannot conceive wherein Mr. Bosomworth or his Wife have been oppressed or Injured being well convinced that they have received more than Satisfaction for all Pretences of Service during General Oglethorpes and the late Major Hortons Command of the Regiment and that their Services since (If irritating the Indians to justify their Unjust Claims of Lands &c. may be called so) rather deserve a Publick Censure Than Countinance; That the distresses they now complain of are the Natural Effects of their Wild Schems and Profuse Way of Living and that if the Government was to allow them 500 per Annum it would not be Sufficient to Support their pretended Sovereignty and Extravigancies.

In this those Gentlemen have Manifested a Superlative Degree of Ingratitude as well as Disregard to Truth. They well know that the Colony in general is under many and great Obligations to Mrs. Bosomworth as well in Respect of her Private Benvolence, as Public Services.

If gaining his Majestys Subjects a quiet and peaceable Possession in Georgia, on their first arrival, be a Service and Merits Gratefull Returns, that was obtained by Mrs. Bosomworths Interest and Influence with the Creek Indians, which general Oglethorpe has done her the Justice to Acknowledge in England.

If Preventing the Lives and Properties of the first Settlers from falling into the hands of the Indians, whereby much Blood might have been Shed and the Progress of the Colony retarded, Merit any reward; that She is likewise justly Intituled to, as no unprejudiced Person in the Colony I believe can deny. (See Abstract of memorial of the Southern Inhabitants No. 30 also Declaration of the Officers of Genl. Oglethorpes Regiment and other Principal Inhabitants of Frederica No. 33).

If, in Times of Want and Scarcity, the Supplying the Inhabitants, with what neccessaries they had Occasion for, and Compassionately relieving them in their greatest Necessities, thereby to enable them to Continue and Improve their New Settlements; be a proof of her earnest Desire to Promote his Majestys Service in the Establishment of the Colony; This Mrs. Bosomworth has also done to her Loss, in bad Debts, upwards of 800 Sterling As will evidently appear from the State of her Books.

If in the Infancy of the Colony, without any Military Protection, She so far preferred the Public Welfare to her private Interest that she Constantly Supported (greatly at her own Expence) Numbers of her Friends and Relations to be ready on every Occasion when his Majestys Service required their Assistance; whom she might have employed in hunting for Skins to Support her Self and Family, the Merit and Reward thereof is justly her due.

If having her Settlements and Improvements on Savannah River (the most considerable at that Time in the Colony) and, at the earnest Request of General Oglethorpe, going, in Person, and Makeing a Settlement on the South side of the alatamaha River; thereby to draw the Indians to the Southward as a Protection to the Frontiers from the Incursions of Spanish Indians, (see Genl Oglethorpes Letter No. 34) be a Proof of her Zeal for his Majestys Service and the Welfare of the Colony, this She likewise did, at the Hazzard of her Life, and Loss of her Effects and Improvements, (the Place being burnt and Destroyed by the Spanish Indians) for which she never received one Farthing Recompence; though her sole Inducement for Settling there was, as before mentioned, for his Majestys Service.

If, during the last War with France and Spain, her having constantly employed her Interest to bring down her Friends and Relations to fight against his Majestys Enemies be a Service done the Colony, the Reward thereof She can justly Claim.

If her having been Applied to, and advised with, by every Commanding Officer of his Majestys Forces in Georgia, in all Cases of Danger and Difficulty, of Alarms, or advices of an Intended Invasion, since its first Settlement; upon the want of Intelligence from the Enemy, upon the Want of Parties of Indians to go out to War; Retaking of Prisoners; or upon any Appearance of a Rupture with the Indians; be Proofs of the Consequence of her Interest to his Majestys Service and the Public Welfare; This I am ready to make appear by Letters under the Hands of the respective Commanding Officers.

And lastly Whether her Service in the Colony, upwards of twenty years of her past Life, at the frequent Hazzard thereof, to the entire Neglect of her own private Affairs, and the almost Ruin of herself and Family, do not Merit more gratefull Returns is Most humbly Submitted to Your Excellencys Consideration.

As to the other Part of the President & Assistants Assertion That they were convinced We had received more than Satisfaction &c. It could be calculated for no other Purpose than to prevent Mrs. Bosomworth from recovering any Reward for her past Services from the Government at Home; and to our great Injury, it has met with a reception only due to Truth, whereby Mrs. Bosomworths Demands for personal Service, since the first Settlement of the Colony, and for Issues and Supplies made the Indians for his Majestys Service, Yet lay before the Lords Commissioners of his Majestys Treasury untill this Point is cleared up (See Petition No. 35). As this is a Matter in which my Interest is essentially concerned I shall proceed to Shew the Falsehood of the President and Assistants Assertion Altha unsupported by any thing but their own Ipse dixit.48 And that the Affair may appear in its proper Light beg leave to observe That when Genl. Oglethorpe went for England in 1743 he paid Mrs. Bosomworth 200 Sterling in Part for her Personal Services which was all the Genl. could do at that Time, the Credit of his Bills Stopt. The General has since declared in England that he did not think the aforesaid Payment more than an adequate Reward for One Years Service considering the great Losses he was Sensible Mrs. Bosomworth had Sustained by the Neglect of her own private affairs on his Majestys Service.

A further Proof that General Oglethorpe never looked on Mrs. Bosomworths Services rewarded during his Administration is that Gentlemans Letters dated Whitehall 16th July 1746 (see Letter No. 17) in Answer to some Bills I had drawn on him on Account of Mrs. Bosomworths Services; from whence I presume it is Evident that Genl. Oglethorpe was Sensible Mrs. Bosomworth had a just Claim upon the Government for Services during his Command; And that Major Horton was also well convinced of the same appears by his Letter (No. 36) wherein he advises Mrs. Bosomworth to draw up a State of her Case and Demands for Services before the General left the Country which the Major himself transmitted to the General and strongly recommend. But it failed of Success as the General was at that Time out of Favour with the Ministry.

That Major Horton never Paid Mrs. Bosomworth Anything for her personal Services during his Command of the Regiment, I incontestably prove from an Authentic Stated Account from the Time the General Left the Colony to December 1746. Whereby It Plainly appears that the Money he paid her was only for what She had advanced by his orders out of her Pocket in Supplies and Issues to War Indians for his Majestys Service (See Abstract of Account 1st No. 37) also Abstract of the Majors Letter 31st May 1737 after this Account was Settled just before Lieut. Col. Herons Arrival 2d. No. 37). Thus much in regard to our more than Satisfaction during the Time of the General and Major. The President and Assistants then go on & Say, with the same Eye to Truth That since the late Major Hortons Command of the Regiment Mrs. Bosomworths Services and Mine (If irretating the Indians to justify their unjust Claim of Lands &c. may be called so) rather deserves Public Censure than Countenance. Though to So heavy a Charge I might expect the Gentlemen, for the sake of their own Characters, and the Satisfaction of their Masters, would have added some Kind of Proof. Yet, once for all to convince Your Excellency, and the World, that Veracity has not been a Picture the President and Assistants chose to adorn their Writings with, I shall, in Answer to this last part of their remarkable Paragraph, Prove a Negative upon them; by manifesting that our Services have, also since that Time, been very conspicuous.

First then that a Generall War with the Creeks Cherokees and Chickasaws against the English was Apprehended both by Major Horton and the Government of South Carolina, I prove by the Majors Letter to me of the 30th March 1746 (No. 38) which was upwards of Twelve Months before Colonel Herons arrival here to take the Command of his Majestys Forces. In May 1747 Major Horton received further Advices from the Nation, also from Augusta, of the danger we were in of A Rupture with the Indians which he immediately communicated to me desiring I would forthwith proceed up to the Forks of the Alatamaha, where Mrs. Bosomworth then was, at her Store, that She might exert her Interest with the Indians for his Majestys Service. This I prove from the Majors own letters and Abstract of Intelligence 19th May 1747 (No. 39). And Mrs. Bosomworth accordingly did, which, I hope, is another proof of the Majors Confidence in her and of her Consequence and Interest with the Indian Nation. And, it appears, that all the Letters of the Majors and Generals to Mrs. Bosomworth for her advice and Assistance; were Requests, not Commands, which they certainly had a Right to do, had She been under Salary to the Crown.

Major Hortons Letter of 6th July 1757 (No. 40) after Col. Herons Command of the Regiment is a further Confirmation of the Confidence he reposed in Mrs. Bosomworths Influence with the Indians; As he therein proposes to send up Presents to be by her distributed Amongst the Indians for his Majestys Service.

That upon the Arrival of Col. Heron to take Command of his Majestys Forces a general Rupture with the Indians was thought unavoidable I prove by affidavits (No. 41) and that Mrs. Bosomworth was thought the only proper Person to be advised with and consulted at that dangerous Crisis I have already proved by Col. Herons Letter to her the 8th July 1747 (No. 5).

That, on Abraham Bosomworths being sent agent to the Creek Nation, Col. Heron begged of Mrs. Bosomworth (who just before received a large Cargo of Indian Trading Goods) to Supply all Such Necessaries, as that Service should require not only in Presents, but Horses Men &c. which She accordingly did. And also, at the like Request, did Distribute Presents to A Party of upwards of forty Indians (whom She had Stopt at the Forks knowing there were no Presents in the Kings Store at Frederica) Untill she received the Cols. Direction therein. This I prove by the Colonels Letter (No. 42) and that he had it not in his Power to replace or repay those Issues and Supplies, I also prove by the Colonels Letter 31st August 1747 (No. 43).

I further prove by State of Account delivered 18 June 1748 And my Receipts given 25 October following both (No. 44) That the total Sum Charged to Mrs. Bosomworth during Col. Herons Command till that Time was 173.13.10 1/4, and that the same was only on Account of Sundries Issued and Supplied by Mrs. Bosomworth to Indians &c for his Majestys Service.

This is a Fact that the President and Assistants themselves could not Possibly be Strangers to, as they had the Examination of Colonel Herons Public Accounts and certified them, So that Mrs. Bosomworths being more than Paid for all pretence of Services, Or rather having done none since Colonel Herons Command; Is an Assertion these Gentlemen have flatly contradicted by the State of the Colonels Accts. under their own hands to be seen in the Auditors Office in England.

The greatest Part of what stands charged to Mrs. Bosomworth in the Public Books, during the Colonels Command, was Indian Goods Provisions &c that were Issued out of the Public Magazine and Sent up to her at the Forks to be Distributed to Indians for his Majestys Service without other Advantage Accruing than the Labour and Fatigue of Distribution.

And I also prove by a particular State of Mrs. Bosomworths Account from the Time Colonel Heron took Command of the Regiment to its Reduction in May 1749 (which Account now lies before the Lords Commissioners of his Majestys Treasury) That there remains at this day a Ballance due to her of 400 Sterling and Upwards for Goods &c Advanced out of her own Private Store for his Majestys Service. The advancing of which Goods and their not being replaced as promised by Colonel Heron in his Letter (No. 43) has been an inconceivable Loss to Mrs. Bosomworth and the Ruin of that Advantageous Trade she was then Carrying on; her Credit being Sunk with the Merchants in Charles Town through an Incapacity in her to make Remittances in Skins for the Goods She had taken up there; haveing Expended those Goods in his Majestys Service. So that She was oblidged to break up this Store And Settlement also, after having laid out Upwards of 200 in Buldings and other Improvements. Which Trade but for her Zeal towards the Welfare of the Colony and a too great Credulity in specious Promises, might have been very advantageous to herself, Agreeable to the Indians, And have contributed to the Public Service (See Major Hortons Opinion (No. 45).

Colonel Heron in his Letter 4th October 1747 requested that Mrs. Bosomworth and my self would come to Frederica and he would send a Swift rowing Boat up for us at the Forks as Our presence would be necessary at the Conference with the Indians.

And in another Letter of the 22d Novr. 1747 (No. 46) expresses his Satisfaction at our Compliance. And in what light he thought her Services ought to be represented in England. I appeal to Abstract of his Letters to the Deputy Secretary of State (1st And 2d No. 47).

Other more recent Testimonies might be here Produced of Mrs. Bosomworths singular Services rendered his Majesty, Particularly her haveing been Employed in an Agency to the Creek Nation in the Year 1752 and 1753 by the Government of Carolina; the Execution whereof was generally esteemed of so Much danger and Difficulty that not a Person in that Government would Undertake it. Though myself was nominal Agent, yet I declare that the main Business in charge was Accomplished by her Interest and Influence. That I faithfully discharged my Trust See Governor Glens Letters (1st and 2d No. 48) but that the Chief Merit thereof was owing to Mrs. Bosomworth. See Govr. Glens Letter to her (No. 49).

Having at length got to the End of my Answers to the President and Assistant Journals; and, I trust, with good Proof supported Our Innocence against the many unjust Charges herein contained; conscious I might have been much Shorter had I not conceived it Necessary to Answer Day by Day as they wrote, whereby the same Base Tale continually accruing throughout their whole Proceedings, I have been oblidged to Speak of it under all its various devilish Shapes. In apology I flatter myself your Excellency will admit for its Prolixity. I now have only to intreat your Excellencys further Indulgence while I make a few Observations naturally resulting from the whole. (Viz.)

How ungratefull and base is it in the President and Assistants to Attribute the Declension of our Private Fortunes, generously advanced for his Majestys Service, and the Welfare of the Colony, to the Effects of our wild Schemes and Profuse way of Living?

What Security can any Man have for Liberty, Property, or Life, where the Ministers of Justice have recourse to every illegal Method to Promote Ruin? Spurning at the Laws, They were appointed to Protect, How have the President and Assistants Persued me and my Family with unrelenting Fury, And an Imputation of Crimes, unsupported but by Picked up Affidavits without Meaning, and rediculous base assertions? How, by the Weight of. their then Authority, and the Credulity of the multitude, have we been hunted with the common Cry of Enemies and Traytors to the Country? Whilst, with equal Justice, these men, in spite of Intreaty, and Strangers to Compassion, have denied us the Privilidge of Answering for our Selves, A Boon never before withheld from the Greatest Criminal.

Though Falshood is folly, and Lyars, in the End, hurt none but themselves; Yet, unaided by Experience, these Sheets may sufficiently evince that Malice and Injustice have their Day; the dismal Effects of which I and my Family have for many Years severely Felt. And should the Accuracy and Honesty of the President and Assistants Journals (esteemed the Records of the Province) be judged of, in future, only as they Appear on the present Occasion, it would, I apprehend, afford the World a Reason for what has hitherto appeared Mystical That there have been more Complaints of Injustice sent home from this (till of late) thin-Peopled Province than from all the rest on the Continent. And plainly proves that this Establishment, undertaken with such Zeal, and Disinterestedness, generously designed an Asylum for the unfortunate, and Distressed; has, during the late Administration of the President and Assistants, been little less than a Scene of Arbitrary dictates, Oppression and Wrongs.

As an injured Man has a Right to complain, so have I, Sir, continued to protract this Narrative; but shall no longer Trespass than by imploring Your Excellency that, as the late President and Assistants, under Sanction of Authority, have, in their Journals, Recorded me as an Enemy and Traytor to my King and Countrey; and as Public Injuries have just Claim to publick Satisfaction; Your Excellency, in justice to my Character, as a loyal british Subject, and Clergyman, will be pleased to direct this my Answer to be Also made matter of Record, and Entred up as such. And accept, with Your usual Candor, this Address.

Thos. Bosomworth.


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Part II. Appendices to the Narrative.

Appendix No. 1.

Petition of Thomas Bosomworth to the President and Assistants, Dec. 31, 1748, Savannah.

That your Petitioner being informed by your Honours of Affidavits having been taken against him tending to prove him guilty of Treason, by Supposing his holding Lands in the Colony independant of the Crown of Great Brittain, or Authority from thence Legaly derived.

That your Petitioner Solicitous to remove such Odius Aspersions; (the fatal Effects of which he Sensibly feels) had laid a Memorial before your Honours and is now preparing another Memorial to be laid before the Honourable Trustees.

Therefore humbly prays (to render what he shall present to the Honourable Trustees more particularly certain and to the Point) that you will please to Order him Copies of the Several Affidavits that have been taken against him in this Behalf, which he hopes he is, and your Honours will think him, intituled to demand.

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Appendix No. 2.

Thomas Bosomworth to the President and Assistants, Jan. 2, 1748, Savannah.

As the Petitions and Memorial I have had the Honour to Lay before you are not only of the last Moment to me as a British Subject but also may have some Connections with the General Welfare and Establishment of the Colony; I make no doubt but the Merits have been well weighed and considerd by you, which Induce me to believe that (not only in common Justice to my self but to your own Characters and the Honour of the Trustees) I shall receive Suitable Answers.

I would willingly convince you, Gentlemen, that what I proceed upon is from a Result of reason, and the most mature Consideration, Aided by the best opinions that I could Obtain. If your Honours, from wiser Council, are convinced that I am in the wrong, or that what I have hitherto done invades the Right of any Subject, the Trustees, or the Crown, You, doubtless, from a sense of your duty, will acquaint me of it, and take such Methods therein as you shall think Necessary, to which I shall readily Subscribe 'till the Issue can be known. But that I am determined to prosecute the Affair to its due source, You may, if you think proper, be convinced from other Papers of consequence, to which (with Copies of those I have laid before you) I shall be Obligd to Apply for the Seal of the Colony.

I hope, Gentlemen, some regard will be paid to this, as I do not intend to Claim any farther Portion of your time upon the Subject, and altho I have, perhaps, already been thought too Prolix, must beg leave to say, That if from a warmth of Temper, stirred up by a quick Sense of what I feel from the illgrounded Aspersions on my Character, I may at any time have expressed myself in your Opinions, unbecoming, or derogating from, the respect due to Superiors; yet I can solemnly declare, and I beg youl do me the Justice to believe, no one can have an higher Veneration for the Characters of those whom the Laws of my Country have placed in Authority.

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Appendix No. 3.

Deposition of Noble Jones, Jan. 7, 1747, Savannah.

Before us Henry Parker and William Spencer two of the Bailiffs of Savannah Personally appeared Captain Noble Jones who being duly sworn Deposed that on Friday the first of this Instant He was in Company with Mr. Thomas Bosomworth when among other discourses the said Bosomworth acquainted this Deponent that he was designed soon to be his Neighbour, and upon Asking how or where He replyed that He was going forthwith to settle the Island Ussabaw in like manner that he has already done Saint Catherines. But being asked by this Deponent whether or not he intended to make it His Habitation He replyd he could not yet tell. This Deponent then acquainted him that he thought he had not a sufficient authority for so doing and might be liable to be called to an account by the Government.

Whereupon he produced a paper which he called a Grant of St. Catherines Island and all the Land upon the Savannah River Lying between Pipe makers Creek and the Town of Savannah to be equally held by the said Thomas Bosomworth, Mary Bosomworth his Wife, and Abraham Bosomworth his Brother, which Grant was Signed with several Marks said to be the Marks of Chicalee, Malatchie and about six or eight other Indians with Seals affixed against each respective Mark and said he had another for the Islands Ussabaw and Sapola but did not shew them upon which this Deponent shewing some Surprize, He then produced other Papers which he called Copies of Treaties with the Indians, One of which he said was made by General Oglethorpe and another by the Trustees, which appeared to be a Reserve of the Islands Ussabaw, Saint Catherines, and Sapola, and the aforementioned Tract between pipe makers Creek and the Town of Savannah to Themselves, wherein it was fully sett forth that no Brittish subject whatever should hereafter have any Right or Title to possess or hold the same. Upon Perusing of which this Deponent told the said Bosomworth that he was of opinion those papers were rather against him than for him, the plain meaning or purport of their being that no Brittish Subject could accept any Grant from the Indians; and that no Possession or claim of Lands under any Title whatsoever will be of any avail unless it is by a Grant under His Majestys Charter; And that it was this Deponents opinion that if he ever held those Lands it must be by the Indians first resigning them by a fresh Treaty into His Majestys Hands and He obtaining a Charter for the same; The Trustees themselves having not a Power of Granting more than five hundred Acres to any one person and those Lands containing many thousands.

But the said Thomas Bosomworth replyd that he had sufficient advice and having obtaind the above Grant would oblige the King to allow of the same they (the said Indians) being Sovereigns themselves, and not Subject to the King of Great Brittain but Allies, upon which this Deponent told him as a Subject he could not Treat with any foreign power without a Licence from his own Sovereign. He then and several times repeated during the conversation that he had no design to throw off his Allegiance but Looked on himself as a Brittish subject but was well advised that having (as above) obtained a Grant from the Indians He could by Law oblige the King to allow of the same. In further Discourse the said Thomas Bosomworth declared to this Deponent that no Lands above the flowing of tides nor the said three Islands nor the Tract between Pipe makers Creek and the Town of Savannah were ever resigned by the Indians to the Trustees and seemd to intimate that they were now his by the Indians Grant on Permission.

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Appendix No. 4.

Affidavit of Joseph Piercey, sworn before John Mackintosh, 27 Sept. 1751, [Frederica ?].49

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Appendix No. 5.

Lt. Col. Alexander Heron to Mary Bosomworth, July 8, 1747, Frederica.50

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Appendix No. 6.

Alexander Heron to Andrew Stone, Dec. 8, 1747, Frederica.

Since my last of the 8th Sept. Malatchie the Emperor of the upper and Lower Creeks arrived at this place with a very Grand retinue which will be a considerable expence, but as I have entirely reconciled matters at this Dangerous Crisis so Conducive to the Welfare and safety of this Colony and So. Carolina by promising that I would apply for redress for all the injuries complaind of and the continuance of presents as usual, I make no doubt but the Ministry will think it highly Necessary and allow a Fund to enable me to maintain His Majestys Peace and Authority with that Nation which hath (since my Arrival) been Defrayd out of the provision money of the Regiment and the interest and assistance of our good friend Mrs. Bosomworth.

I send you Sir the Speech made by the Emperor in Behalf of these two Nations before a numerous Audience of Officers and Gentlemen of this place with my answer thereto for his Graces perusual, and I look upon it of so great Importance to all His Majestys Colonys in this part of his Dominions particularly So. Carolina and Georgia that I employd a Special Messenger (whose fidelity to his King and country I have sufficiently experienced) to deliver it you.

The bearer Mr. Abraham Bosomworth who was the Gentleman that I employd as Agent to go to the General Assembly at the Coweta Town to conferr with the Chiefs of that Nation and who was very instrumental in bringing that Great Work about, I think the properest person to send to His Grace.

As it is not in my power to reward him for so Singular a piece of service to his King and Country I must beg this favour of your friendship in recommending him in the strongest manner to his Grace and as there are now two Vacant Lieutenancys in the Regiment, by the Death of Lieut. Alexander Stewart and Lieut. Anthony Morclon, I flatter myself his Grace will think him highly worthy of one of them and indeed if he is rewarded in this manner it will be saving ten times the value of the Commission to the Government as well as greatly obliging Malatchie the Emperor who is a near Relation of his Sister in Law.

It would be needless to trespass any Longer upon your time which I know to be precious, as you will be particularly informed of the Consequences of the Creek Indians and the Situation of the affairs of this Colony by him.

I have shewn the Emperor all imaginable respect and he seems exceeding well pleased with the appearance of our Regiment which went through their Exercise and Fireings before him as did two of our privateers who shewed him the manner of a Sea engagement.

I beg that no time may be lost in sending me Orders by the bearer what I am to do in relation to Indian Presents and the support of a few Boatmen which the Situation of the Country makes absolutely necessary as all out [our?] commands must cross sea inletts and Large Rivers before they can get to their port.

I hope the Ministry will enable me to give a satisfactory answer to the Emperor in relation to the acts of Injustice he complains of and as the bearer is not in circumstances to Defray his Expences while in England, I hope youl not see him Distressed for any small Expence he has been or may be at.

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Appendix No. 7.

Answer of Lt. Col. Alexander Heron to a speech made by Malatchie, chief of the Upper & Lower Creeks, Dec. 7, 1747, Frederica.

Brother, I have heard your speech in Behalf of the two Nations under your command. I am Sensible that the Creek Indians are brave Warriours, that this country belongd to your Forefathers and that they always maintained their Rights against all their enemies at the expence of their Blood. But as I was not present when you enterd into Treaties with any Persons in behalf of the Great King my master, nor know what portion of your Lands you have resigned or what considerations you have receivd for them, I cannot give you a positive answer in relation to the Acts of Injustice you complain of from the subjects of my master in encroaching upon your Rights, but in complyance with your request shall send your Speech to the Great King by the beloved man (Mr. Abra. Bosomworth) whome you have so deservedly recommended to me. And as the great King my master is a Wise and good Prince and has always shewn a tender regard for the welfare of the Creek Indians, I am convinced he will do you Justice.

I am sorry to find that the traders in your Nation or any other Person by their Imprudent Behaviour should create the least Jealousies amongst you that the English have any intentions to take away your beloved Lands or enslave your wives and Children. But there are bad people of all nations and you may be Assured that whoever gives out such talks are no friends of yours, but do it with a View to pave the way for the designs of the french to bring you under the same subjections and slavery as the rest of the Indians towards the sun setting that are in the interest of the French King. But as you are a wise man I Doubt not but you are now convinced that we have no intentions but to live in the strictest friendship with you as long as the sun shall shine or the waters shall flow in the rivers.

It gives me Joy to find that the war Actions of the Great Kings son51 has reachd your Ears. He is one of the greatest warriours in the world. I shall take care to send your presents to him as well as your Sister Mrs. Bosomworth who has been a good friend to us as well as you since we came into this country and I doubt not but the Great King my master will reward her for it, as he is always good to his faithful Servants.

I doubt not but your presents will be very acceptable to His Royal Highness from the Expressions of reward and esteem made use of by you in presenting of them, Gifts of this nature receiving their value from the Intention of the Giver, and not from the Quality of the thing given.

If any of the traders in your nation should do you any acts of injustice by cheating you of your skins or otherwise, I desire you would let me know of it and you will always find in me (as far as in my power) the utmost readiness to redress your grievances and punish the offenders, and I likewise expect from you that you will not suffer any of your People to take away the properties of any of our white people in your nation or be guilty of any outragous Insults or abuses to them, and by this means I hope we shall always Live Like Brothers Together.

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Appendix No. 8.

Talk of Chickilli Tuskeestonduah, Chief of the Warriors in the Creek Nation, to Maj. William Horton, Dec. 4, 1746, at the Forks of the Altamaha. Written down by Mary Bosomworth.

I desired you to acquaint Major Horton that when I talked with him at Augusta I thought his talk was very good and friendly. He desired I would pay him a Visit at Frederica. I talked likewise to him in a very friendly manner and told him that about September I would wait upon him if I could not come myself I would send (Opia Fixico)52 an Indian to acquaint him, upon which the Major told me that he himself would come by Land to meet me at any place I should appoint and would order all convenient necessarys and refreshments for self and People to be brought up by Water, not then perhaps thinking that his Business would be such as would make it so very inconvenient for him to meet me at the Forks which I appointed and acquainted him of, as I find by his letters, since it is, which I am sorry for, as I wanted to have had a good deal of talk with him.

This and other friendly talks was the Substance of what passed at Augusta and I then purposed to have waited upon him [Horton] at Frederica according to Promise. But the several reasons for not going down which I assigned in my talk sent by his two beloved men I thought would have been sufficient, particularly as Mr. Golphin (Indian trader) told me that he had received two letters from the Major to acquaint me that he would send up men and horses to attend me down in expectation of which I waited 'till the time I appointed to come down. But hearing nothing of them I looked upon their talk as wind and thought it was given on purpose that I should not goe down as I neither receivd an answer to this or any other thing I sent down in my talk by his two beloved men. I desire you to acquaint him that when I was at Augusta I likewise had a talk with Santachee who told me that he had been down at Savannah in his way to Frederica with a party of Cherokee Indians and at that time he came there Queen Senaukey53 and the other Indians at Pipe makers were very uneasie about the white people cutting off a great deal of timber off our Lands near Savannah which they had particularly reserved for themselves in their Treaty with James Oglethorpe Esqr. For the Indians themselves saw the White people carry a great deal of Timber away in Boats, upon which they made complaint to the Magistrates of Savannah to have satisfaction made as the General had promised them that no white Person should touch any of our Lands but that which we had given them.

He told me that Queen Senaukey and her people were very much vexed because they had before made Complaint to Coll. Stephens that they see the white People carry the timber of their Lands and he told them their evidences signified nothing unless some christian people was to appear as Evidence for them. He told me that he said, as he had heard the talk of the great King and the Generals talk about their Lands he would go with them to talk to the Magistrates when the Indians had made their complaint and told the Magistrates that they might see with their own eyes such a number of Wallnut trees and other timber at such a white mans door which came off their Lands and that they insisted upon satisfaction being made for the same. The Magistrates told them that the Indians that were over the Great water had given away their Lands to the King. Santachee54 told me that vexed him very much that he talkd very strong and told the Magistrates that they were Lyars for he was Over the great water and had the talk from the King and his talk was very good, and that neither he or any of the Indians that were over the Great Water gave away any Lands but what was given to General Oglethorpe here which was as far as the tide flowed up the River Savannah and all along the sea Coast particularly reserving to themselves the three Islands upon the sea coast known by the names of Ossabah St. Catherines & Sappala and Likewise the Lands from the Town of Savannah to Pipe makers Creek. But the English contrary to the Treaties entered into with them have settled several other Lands without our consent or Knowledge.

Upon which Santachee told me that he and Queen Senaukee insisted upon twelve cags of wine for the injury done them and as an Acknowledgement of their Rights. Three Cags he told me he had Orderd to be sent to the Cowetas, three to the Oakmulgies, and three to the Cusitaws, one he gave to Senaukee, and the other two he himself had with him to carry up to the Cherokees. He told me that he would come himself at the Busk55 to meet me to have a talk, but being taken very sick He did not come, and from this talk with Santachee proceeded Malatchis talk which was given in the square about our Lands concerning which so many lies have been told.

He then desired to know of me if I or any of my people had given all the Lands away. I told him no, I never gave any away but when I went home I would call all the head men together to know if they had given any away, being surprized to hear what Santachee told me that the Magistrates of Savannah should say that the Indians had given away their Lands to the King. I went home very uneasie in mind from Augusta tho I could say nothing of this to Major Horton till I had enquired of my People about it.

I waited 'till Malatchie came up and then gave him the talk upon which I carryd a paper to Mr. Golphin for him to Interpret which I thought had been all for the Good of the Indians and he told me that the talk that was in that Paper, that we had given away all our Lands. This Surprized both me and Malatchie and vexed us very much to think that the whate [white] people should give us papers and tell us they were all for the good of us our wives and children when at the same time they were to take away our Lands which we did not know anything of because we could not read them. Upon hearing this both I and Melatchie were very uneasie and he orderd me to come down to you (Mrs. Mary Bosomworth) to know if you had given any Lands away as you had a right to do it as well as we, because what you had done we should not think much of, or if you know any thing of the Papers which Mr. Golphin tells me Signifies that we have given our Lands away, or if you was the Interpreter of it. If you was not I want to know who was because all the Indians say they never talkd about any Lands. But when you was the Interpreter & as I have not brought any papers down, and you tell me you cannot give me any answer 'till you see them I desire you to acquaint Major Horton that I and Malatchie purpose to come down to Frederica early in the spring to know the truth.

To be sure both I and my people have receivd a great many Presents from the English since they first came here but I always thought they were for the services we had done them in Assisting them against their common enemy the Spaniards and which we were always ready to do as long as they had occasion. As I receivd no answer to my talk sent by his two beloved men but what I heard by Indians I shall rest satisfied 'till I hear his talk with my own Ears and he hear mine with his, and then I hope there will be no misunderstanding between us.

A true copy of the Originalattested by me

Archd. Sinclair

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Appendix No. 9.

William Stephens to Mary Bosomworth, Mar. 29, 1746, Savannah.

On my return home this evening from a Walk in the Garden I had the favour of your letter delivered to me by your servant Whanny informing me of your great damage and waste being committed by some rogueish fellows on the Indian Land near us and that there were Large Quanities of the best kind of Timber carryd off.

There is no body more desirous and ready to bring such people to Justice than I am, upon proof made which I am confident you know is what the Laws of England requires before punishment or any satisfaction can be obtained and should be heartily glad to see due recompence made for the injury you have sustained. In order to which if youl please to Order any christian person to be here on Monday and make Oath to the truth of the facts, the Magistrates have appointed to meet here at that time on other Business, and we shall all be glad to Detect such Thiefish practices and the Authors meet their desert.

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Appendix No. 10.

Affidavit of Abraham Bosomworth, Nov. 4, 1754.56

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Appendix No. 11, first part.

Abstract of letter from the Duke of Bedford, Secretary of State, to the commanding officer in Georgia, Apr. 26, 1748, Whitehall.

I have laid before the King your letters to Mr. Stone one of the 8th Septembr. and two of the 8th December last with the papers that came therein inclosed.

His Majesty approves of your care and attention to cultivate a good understanding with the Indians in your Neighbourhood whose friendship is of such Importance to the Peace and Welfare of the Colonys of South Carolina & Georgia. That His Majesty doubts not but you will use your best endeavours to secure and improve it.

I have likewise acquainted Mr. Glen by my letter to him with his Majestys pleasure, concerning this matter (The distribution of the Indian presents) as also the Trustees of Georgia that a proper person may be appointed to join in the distribution above directed of the presents to the Indians.

As to the Memorial of Mrs. Bosomworth transmitted by you, his Majesty leaves it to the consideration of the Agents who are to distribute the Presents to the Indians Whether it may not be for his Majestys Service that some part of those presents should be given to her.

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Appendix No. 11, second part.

Abstract of a report of a conference committee appointed by the province of South Carolina to consider several letters from the Duke of Bedford, His Majestys principal Secretary of State, and other papers in relation to the distribution of presents to the Indians contiguous to and in alliance with South Carolina and Georgia.

Your Committee then proceeded to take under consideration the severall Letters and Papers committed to them. In a letter dated 26th April 1748, His grace the Duke of Bedford one of His Majestys principal Secretarys of State, acquaints the Governor of Carolina:

That His Majesty had been pleased to direct that the sum of three Thousand pounds Sterling should be annually sent from England to be distributed in presents to the Indians contigious to and in Alliance with the Provinces of South Carolina and Georgia in such manner as the Governor Council and Assembly of So. Carolina in conjunction with such person as shall be appointed by the Trustees for Georgia, shall judge most for His Majestys Service and may best answer the intended purposes of securing the friendship of those Indians; and further that Lieut. Coll. Heron having transmitted a Petition of Mrs. Bosomworths of Indian Extraction and related to some of the Indians chiefs, his Majesty left it to the consideration of the Persons who are to distribute the Presents to the Indians, Whether it may not be for His Majestys Service that some part of the presents should be given to her.

That in order to prevent any misapprehension of the said Letter of the 26th April in a subsequent one of the 28th May to Governor Glen His Grace further signifies that it was His Majestys intention that the distribution of those Presents should be made by a Person to be appointed by the Governor Council and Assembly of So. Carolina and by such other person as shall be appointed by the Trustees of Georgia who are to act jointly for that purpose.

His Grace in another Letter of the 9th Day of June acquaints the Governor, That Mr. Abraham Bosomworth having been recommended to him as a very fit person to be agent on the part of the Governor, Council and Assembly of this Province for the Distribution of those Presents, he desired the Governor therefore to propose that Gentleman to the Council and Assembly as a person whom he should be glad they would appoint for that purpose.

That agreeable to His Majestys directions such Part of the Presents be given to Mrs. Bosomworth as those two persons who are to distribute them shall think proper out of the Moitey of Presents to be given in Georgia conformable to their respective Instructions.

Lastly that This Report be communicated immediately to Mr. Stephens by Mr. Graham.

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Appendix No. 11, third part.

Abstract of Instructions to Abraham Bosomworth, appointed by South Carolina as agent to act in conjunction with the person appointed by the Trustees of Georgia, to distribute the presents set aside for the Indians contiguous to and in alliance with both provinces, from Gov. James Glen, July 12, 1749.

As His Grace the Duke of Bedford one of His Majestys Principal Secretaries of State hath Signified, That a petition having been transmitted of Mrs. Bosomworth of Indian Extraction and related to some of the Indian Chiefs, His Majesty therefore leaves it to the consideration of the persons who are to distribute the said presents Whether it may not be for his Majestys Service that some part thereof should be given to her. You are therefore in the first place to take this matter under consideration with the Agent for the Trustees, and if you shall be both of Opinion that it may be for his Majestys Service you are to Join with him in delivering to her as a present from His Majesty such a Part of the said Presents as you and he shall agree upon having in proportion due regard to the whole service proposed to be effected by them.

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Appendix No. 12.

Instructions from the Georgia Trustees to William Stephens, appointed to act in conjunction with the person appointed by South Carolina, concerning the distribution of presents to the Indians, May 31, 1748.

That a store is to be kept at Charles Town in So. Carolina, and another at Savannah in Georgia, for the Reception of the Presents sent from England; by consignments of one Moiety in equal quantitys of each Species of Presents to each Store. That for Savannah to be under your care, and that for Charles Town under the care of the person who is to be appointed to Act with you on behalf of South Carolina.

That at the Giving these Presents, you are to Acquaint the Indians; they are sent from His Majesty as proofs of his Fatherly Affection to them; and are intended to be renewed annually to them, that is to the Indians in Georgia, under the Direction of the trustees. And to prevent giving the Indians any unnecessary Trouble in coming from the Nations for their Presents at a time when the stores may be exhausted They are to be acquainted, that due notice shall be sent them when Presents for them are ready to be distributed.

You are to give the person appointed to act for the Province of South Carolina, previous notice to attend the distribution of Presents which are to be given the Indians in the province of Georgia. And upon Notice being given to you by the Agent for South Carolina, you are to attend the distribution of the Presents to the Indians in South Carolina, and on every distribution in either Province, You are in Conjunction with him to sign particular accounts of the Quantities of each specie of Presents so distributed to what number of Indians of each Nation present, the names of each nation, and the numbers absent in each Nation for whose use they receive presents; besides those given them for themselves. And the accounts of those distributed in Georgia when signed, are to be laid by you before the President and Assistants for their inspection and approbation; to be by them transmitted to the Trustees for His Majestys Secretary of State.

As Mr. Patrick Graham has an Appointment to act for you when it shall be necessary in this Service, at such times and in such manner as you shall direct, upon his representing to you, that it may prove inconvenient to him (being a Physician) to attend the said service, you are hereby authorized to appoint under your Hand and Seal as occasion shall require, any other fit person in his Stead, who is to act conformably to the foregoing Instructions, and by the first opportunity you are to acquaint the Trustees who it is.

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Appendix No. 13.

Abstract of a letter from Abraham Bosomworth, agent for the distribution of Indian presents from South Carolina, to William Stephens, agent for Georgia, for the said purpose, Aug. 28, 1749, Savannah.

A Memorial of Mrs. Bosomworths having been laid before His Grace of Bedford, setting forth her services performd in Georgia, the great Losses Sustained in her own private affairs by the neglect thereof on his Majestys service and her Calamitous Circumstances consequent thereupon; In answer to which his Grace has been pleased (agreeable to his Majestys directions) to leave her case to the consideration of the two Agents that should be appointed for the distribution of his Majestys Bounty to the Indians to give her what part of those presents they should both agree upon and think conducive to his Majestys service.

As I think my self in Duty bound to represent to you Sir everything that has a tendency to the peace and tranquillity of this province, and So. Carolina and the answering the wise intentions of his Majesty in the distribution of those Presents; This lays me under Obligation to recommend to your consideration the case of Mrs. Bosomworth which I hope youl do me the Justice to believe, that neither any ties of Affection or views of Interest whatever could induce me to Do was it not from a Thorough Conviction that her case is so circumstanced as to have some Connection with the welfare of the colony.

I am highly sensible that all private affections and Interests ought to subside when they came in competition with the public Good but as a sincere friend to his Majestys Interest and the peace and prosperity of both the provinces I must beg leave to declare it as my opinion; That nothing could conduce more towards answering those ends, and the wise intentions of his Majesty in the distribution of those Presents, than that such a part thereof should be given To Mrs. Bosomworth as may enable her to carry on a trade at the forks for her future support, by which means thereby her Interest and influence with the Creek Indians could prevent great expences to the Publick and his Majestys Interest would be more effectually gained and his Authority Advanced, than by any other means I can propose. This Sir I submitt to your consideration.

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Appendix No. 14.

Deposition of Adam Bosomworth as to the validity of an instrument of writing by the several Creek chiefs acknowledging Mary Musgrove as a princess and representative of the Creek nation, made before John Mackintosh, Apr. 18, 1752.

To all people To whom these presents shall come be seen or be made known; We Malatchie Opiya Mico; by the paternal line; being the son of the old Emperor Rightfull and natural prince of the upper and Lower Creek Nations. Istapyheechah Tussika Mico of the Cussetaw Town, Stimalacouchee Ahulla Mico of the said Town, Asstuttee Mico of the Coweta Town; Nepkee Tusskistonica Mico of the Town of the Ousuchus, Whehannechee, beloved man of the Oakmulge Town, Ahtyheeche Tusskistonica of the Coweata Town, Cappachee Nealathlaco of the said Town, Simmahah Tusskistonica Huthlepoyah of the Cussetaws, Muntalee Hisphanematlo Chief men, Warriours, Captains and beloved men of the Creek nation for ourselves, for all and singular the communitie of people who are in Subjection and Obedience to us being the natural born and sole heirs and descendants of the ancient Inhabitants of the said Nations and sole owners and proprietors of all the Lands Territories, Islands, and Dominions, thereunto belonging and of Right Appertaining, Send Greeting.

Know yee that we being now Assembled and met together have and each of us hath for himself severally and respectively for our severall and respective heirs and Descendants as well for the naturall Love and Affection which we and every one of us do bear to our beloved Woman Cowsaponckesa alias Mary Bosomworth as the confidence we place in her as the Rightfull and Natural Princess of the said upper and lower creek nations fully authorized and Impowered and by these presents do Authorize and empower our said Rightfull and natural princess Cowsaponckesa to Say, do, Act, Transact determine Accomplish and finish all matters and things whatsoever, any manner of ways relating to or touching any Lands Territories dignities or Royalties to us our subjects or Vassals belonging in the said creek nations with His Majesty King George or his Great men and Councellors over the Great Water as fully amply and Effectually to all intents and purposes as we or the whole creek nations might or could do if Personally present. We the said constituants in behalf of all our subjects & Vassals of the said creek nations ratifying allowing and holding firm and Valid all and whatsoever the said Cowsaponckesa shall do or cause to be done in and about the premises by virtue of these presents, or if the matter should require more special Authority than is herein Compromised We therefore make this declaration to the Great King George and all his beloved men and Councillors, over the Great water as well as on this side that Cowsaponckesa (Alias Mary Bosomworth) has full power and Authority as our Rightfull and naturall Princess, by the laws of our nations to transact all affairs relateing thereto, as firmly and fully to all intents and purposes as we or the whole nations might or could do if Present. In Witness whereof we the said Micos, Chief men, Warriours, Captains, and beloved men have hereunto sett our hands and Seals respectively for the benefitt and in behalf of our selves as well as the People of the said nations, this 12 Day of the Month called August by the English In the year of our Lord One thousand seven hundred & fourty nine and in the twenty third year of the reign of George the Great King.

Before me John Mckintosh M. Esqr. conservator of the peace for the District of frederica and Darian personally appeared Adam Bosomworth of the Colony of Georgia Gent, who being duly sworn declareth that he was personally present in the Court of Savannah at a publick meeting held in the said Court House about the Middle of August 1749 between the Magistrates of the said Court and the several chiefs of the creek nation therein named and that the said Deponent did see Malatchie Opeya Mico in behalf of himself Subjects and Vassals of the whole creek nation deliver the above Instrument of writeing in open court to Henry Parker Esqr. the chief Magistrate which was read by Charles Watson Esqr. Recorder and the Indians seperately asked by the Interpreter as touching the truth of the facts therein containd and the consent of the nation thereunto Which the Indians all Declared without one Negative, and desired that they might sign and deliver the said Instrument of writeing in Publick court for the intent & purposes therein mentioned which was absolutely denyed the Indians by the chief Magistrate and the said paper threatened to be taken from them and burnt. And this Deponent further declare that this the very instrument of writeing the Indians then offered in publick Court to Execute.

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Appendix No. 15.

James Oglethorpe to Major William Horton, Nov. 13, 1745, Durham.57

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Appendix No. 16.

James Oglethorpe to Thomas Causton, Nov. 13, 1745, Durham.58

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Appendix No. 17.

James Oglethorpe to Mary Bosomworth, July 16, 1746, Whitehall.59

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Appendix No. 18.

Proceedings of the assembled estates of all the Lower Creek Nation, Aug. 11, 1739, together with Oglethorpes notice to them, Aug. 21, 1739.60

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Appendix No. 19.

Instrument from the general assembly of the Creek Nation at Coweta Square on Aug. 2, 1750, granting Cowsaponakeesa (Mary Musgrove), the power to act for the Creek Nation as a rightful heir and princess. Sworn to by Adam Bosomworth and Joseph Piercey, Sept. 29, 1750, Savannah.

We the General Assembled Estates composed of Micos, or Kings, Chieftains, Captains, Warriours, beloved Men and Deputies of the upper and Lower Creek nations having a rightfull and natural power according to the laws and customs of our Forefathers (to which we have always strictly adhered) finally to conclude all affairs regarding the said nations in behalf of ourselves Subjects & Vassals, being solemnly met Together in Council according to the ancient manner and form of our Nation, To all people to whom these presents shall come be seen or made known, send Greeting.

Whereas our Ancestors were a brave and free born people who never owed allegiance to, or Acknowledgd the Sovereignty of any Crownd Head whatever, and we their Successors and natural born heirs have to this day maintaind our own possessions and Independancy against all opposers by War at the expence of our blood; from whence we conclude that we are most justly entitled to all those Lands, (our natural right by conquest or ancient possession) which we have not by Compact, Cession, or otherwise yielded up or parted with.

And whereas our ancestors have enterd into several Treaties of Peace friendship and commerce with persons properly authorized and impowered by the Kings and Queens of England and we their Successors have made concessions of certain Portions of our Lands within the Limitts of His Majestys Charter granted to the Honourable the Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia and have ever since the first Establishment of the said Colony not only on our parts strictly and faithfully observed the Treaty of friendship and commerce entered into with the Great Kings beloved Man James Oglethorpe Esqr. but have both before and during the late Wars with France & Spain been ready upon all occasions to Defend our Brothers the English their wives and children by Fighting against their Enemies whom we have very much annoyed tho at the hazard and expence of our own Blood.

And Whereas we have observed for some time past with great concern that the hearts of our Brothers the English have not been straight towards us, that they have made great encroachments in settling upon our Lands without our consent; contrary to the Treaties entered into with his Excellency General Oglethorpe whose words and promises in regard to our said lands we very well Remember. We have made frequent complaints of these things to the Kings beloved men here particularly the last year in the Month of August to the Magistrates of Savannah who refused to hear our talk, called us a parcell of old Women; put our beloved Woman and sister Cowsapowakeesa (alias Mary Bosomworth) in prison; and had all their White people in Arms threatning to kill us, so that we our Wives and Children were glad to Escape with our lives.

Know ye therefore that for the causes aforesaid and in order amicably to determine all past differences; to prevent the like Dissentions and heart burnings for the future; and for the better and more lasting continuance of our ancient friendship and Alliance with our Brothers the English (Than which we have nothing more sincerely at heart) for the good of us our wives and children. We the said Assembled Estates severally and respectively for our several and respective Heirs and Descendants, Subjects and Vassals have voluntarily Ordained constituted and appointed and by this written paper for us our heirs Subjects, and Vassals, Do will ordain, constitute, declare & grant to our beloved Women Cowsaponakeesa, alias Mary Bosomworth, (as our Rightful and Natural Princess of the said upper and lower Creeks Nations) our full power and Authority to say, Do, act, Transact, determine, accomplish, and finish, all matters and things whatsoever any manner of ways relating to or touching any Lands Territories dignities or Royalties to us our Subjects or Vassals belonging or any other matter or cause with the great King George or his great men and Councillors over the Great Water as fully amply and Effectually to all intents & purposes as we or the whole nation might or could Do if personally present. We the said Assembled Estates in behalf of ourselves Subjects & Vassals Ratifying, allowing, and holding firm and Valid all and whatsoever the said Cowsaponakeesa shall do or cause to be done in and about the premises, or any further Treaties of Friendship and commerce she shall think proper to enter into for the future, by Virtue of these presents or if the matter should require more Special Authority than is herein compromised. Be it remembered that we the said Assembled Estates do make this Declaration to the Great King George and all his beloved men and Councillors over the Great Water as well as on this side that Cowsaponakeesa (alias Mary Bosomworth) has full power and authority as our Rightfull and natural Princess by the Laws of our Nation to transact all affairs relating thereto as firmly and fully to all intents and purposes as we or the whole nation might or could do if Present.

In Confirmation of these presents we hereby for us, our heirs, Subjects and Vassals Do declare that this paper shall be remembered by us as long as the sun shall shine or the waters run in the rivers; any ommissions or imperfections of any matter or cause or thing whatsoever (according to the laws of the White people) to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding.

In Witness whereof we the said Assembled Estates have hereunto set our hands and Seals of our General Council in the Coweta Square this 2d Day of the Month calld August by the English in the year of our Lord 1750 And in the Twenty fourth Year of the Reign of George the Great King.


Savannah in Georgia. By all people to whom these presents shall come, be seen, or be made known, Be it remembered that on the 29th Day of September 1750 Before me Samuel Marcer One of the Bayliffs for the Town and County of Savannah in the Colony of Georgia Personally appeared Adam Bosomworth and Joseph Piercey subscribing Witnesses to the within instrument of writeing who being severally duly Sworn on the holy Evangelists of Almighty God as declare that they were personally present when the within written Instrument was explained and interpreted at the General Assembly of the creek nations in the Coweta Square held the second day of Augt. 1750 and they saw the Micos or Kings of the several Towns within mentioned Sign seal and as their act and Deed deliver the within written paper in behalf of Themselves, Captains, Warriours, beloved men and deputies of the said Creek nations with the General consent and approbation of the whole Assembled Estates without one Negative unto the within named Cowsaponakeesa (alias Mary Bosomworth) for the uses and purposes within mentioned. And the said Adam Bosomworth and Joseph Piercey Do further declare that they, saw George Golphin and Wm. Lindin sign their names as subscribing Witnesses to the within instrument of writeing. And Lastly Joseph Piercey Doth for himself likewise further declare that he perfectly understands the creek Indian Language that he has at sundry times been Interpreter to the said Indians at Publick meetings both during the command of Major William Horton and Lieut. Coll. Alexander Heron and that the within written paper is the true intent & meaning of the declaration made when he was personally present by the General Assembled Estates of the Creek Nations in the Coweta Square the Day and Date above mentioned without one Negative.

Sworn the 29th Day of Sepr. 1750 Adam Bosomworth

Before me Samuel Mercer Joseph Piercey

The within Instrument of Writeing recorded in my Office -- Charles Watson Recorder

Secretarys OfficeRecorded in Book II fol. 516 Examined per Wm. Pinckney Depty Secty.

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Appendix No. 20, first part.

Abstract of the proceedings at a conference held at Augusta, Dec. 15-18, 1755, between Wm. Little, acting for John Reynolds, Governor of Georgia, and the head men and deputies of the Upper Creek Nation of Indians.

The Gun Merchant Speaker on behalf of the Indians Declared That he had seen General Oglethorpe who had enterd into Treaties with the Coweta Town, as being the most contiguous to the white people without Consulting them, (the upper Creeks) because they lived very remote from the white peoples settlements; but notwithstanding they were not consulted in regard to such Treaties yet they agreed to every Grant of lands made by them, because they looked upon the Coweta Town as the head and most ancient, and for them to pretend to countermand or invalidate any Grants of Lands made by them to their Friends would be Acting like Children.

Upon the Conveyance said to be made by them to Patrick Graham Esqr. on behalf of the Trustees being produced, and the Question asked if they allowed the Validity of that Deed.

Gun Merchant replyed:

That they did sign the said Deed, but before assent was given he called all the head men and Warriours together, and made the strictest enquiry if any of them knew anything about the said Islands therein mentioned; That they all declared that they knew nothing about them or that they were possessd or claimd by any Body, and as they were down upon the sea coast, where none of them had been and could not goe but in canoes, where perhaps they might be drowned. He did consent to give them, as being of no value to them, a Matter immaterial and what they knew nothing about.

Upon the Question begin asked:

If they had known that Malatchi & the lower Creeks had given a prior Grant of the lands and Islands whether or not they would have executed the said Deed.

Answer. That he supposed they had all an equal Right but blamed Mrs. Bosomworth and Malatchi for not informing them what was done which would have prevented all Disputes.

Upon the Question being asked:

Which of the Titles they looked upon as most valid.

Answer. That the head men of the upper and lower Creek Nation would consult Together and give their Answer.

Agreed by all Parties to rest the matter upon that issue.

At a further Conference the Day following, Vizt. Tuesday the 16th Decembr 1755. The Gun Merchant Speaker in behalf of the Indians declared To the following purport.

That the matter in debate concerning the validity of the two Titles had given them so much uneasiness that they had been consulting upon it all night, and had never slept and the resolution was, That as Malatchi and Mrs. Bosomworth had agreed Together about the Lands and as Malatchi was a very Great man they did not want to have any further disputes between the two nations, but allowed the validity of Malatchis Title in favour of Mrs. Bosomworth, but having made use of the Words, vizt. That Mrs. Bosomworth was an old woman and by the course of nature could not live long; without explaining his meaning upon these words; the interpreters concluded that his meaning was That Mrs. Bosomworth should enjoy these Lands only for her Life; But this being a Misconstruction.

At a further conference Wednesday 17th December 1755 The Head men were again called Together to make a more explicit declaration of their meaning in regard to Mrs. Bosomworths Title. Gun Merchant Speaker in behalf of the Indians declared.

That in regard to Mrs. Bosomworths Lands meaning the Islands of St. Cartherines, Sapala, and Ussabaw and the Lands from Pipe makers Creek to Savannah there was no occasion to make any long Talk about them as he had fully declared the resolutions of the Indians upon that Head, Vizt. That they allowd the Validity of Malatchis prior Title; That the Lands belonged to Mrs. Bosomworth and she might do what she pleasd with them.

The Question was then put by the Commissioner on behalf of the Crown:

Whether Mrs. Bosomworth could sell the said Land, & Islands.

Answer.

That the Lands were Mrs. Bosomworths that she might Cultivate them, Sell them, or do what she pleased with them.

The Question was then put.

What must become of the Grant they had Given to Patrick Graham Esqr.

Answer. That they lookd upon it as worth nothing as the Lands were before given away.

At a Conference held on Thursday the 18th Deer. 1755 between Wm. Little Esqr. as Commissioner on behalf of His Excellency John Reynolds Esquire Capt. General and Governor in Chief of His Majestys Colony of Georgia and Vice Admiral of the same and the Headmen and Deputies of the lower creek Nation of Indians.

After the usual Compliments the Question was put to the Indians Whether the Headmen then present looked upon themselves as fully authorized and impowered as the Deputies of their nation to transact all Business relating thereto as firmely and fully as if their whole nation was present.

Indians Answer. That they had full Power to act for the whole nation.

Question. I do not doubt of your Strict adherence to the Treaties entered into with you in the years 1733 and 1739. I observe in the last mentioned Treaty of 1739 That the Islands of St. Catherines, Sapala & Ussabaw, and the Lands from Pipe makers Bluff to Savannah are reserved to your nation. Mr. Bosomworth has produced Titles for these Lands. I desire to know if it is true, that you gave away or disposed of those Lands.

Indians Answer.

They all agreed acknowledgd and declared with one voice that the Lands were given to Mrs. Bosomworth and that there were severall of the head Men there present that were evidences to the said Deeds and that they had all heard Malatchi their King declare it to be True and they as the Deputies of the whole nation now ratified the same.

The Question being asked.

How that was consistant with the Promise they had made that none should possess those Lands without the Authority of the King.

Answer. That they gave the Lands to Mrs. Bosomworth as an Indian and one of themselves by whom they had often been kindly received when they came to Savannah.

At the Request of Mrs. Bosomworth the Question was then put: Whether they intended that Mrs. Bosomworth should have full power to alienate or dispose of the said Lands and Islands. Answer that Mrs. Bosomworth might give them, sell or dispose of them as she pleased.

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Appendix No. 20, second part.

Deposition of Joseph Wright of Augusta, Indian Trader to the Creeks, Dec. 22, 1755, Augusta, that at Tuckabatchee Square on Dec. 3, 1752, the head men of the Upper Creek nation said that they did not understand the conveyance signed for Patrick Graham and the lands contained in the said paper they understood to be the property of Mary Bosomworth.

This Deponent being duly sworn on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God deposeth and saith That He was present and sworn interpreter at a Conference held in the Tuckabatchee Square in the upper Creek nation on this 3d Day of September 1752 Between Thomas Bosomworth Agent on behalf of the Government of South Carolina and the head Men of the upper Creek nation. And that at the said Conference Ispocoge Mico, Henneah Mico the Wolf King, The Oakehoy Capt., Devals Landlord the Oakuskee Captain, The Talsee King, the Tuskatchee King, The Ottesee King, Afulotkee Tuckabatchee, The Tallapose King, the Nochee King, Opye Mico of Tuckobatchee, the Warriours King of the Tallasces, the long Lieutenant all declared with one Voice in the presence of this deponent & several other Witnesses that they never understood the Paper they signd at the request of Doctor Patk. Graham was a Conveyance for any Lands And that the Islands & Lands which they then understood were mentioned in the said Paper, They all declared to be the Property of Mrs. Mary Bosomworth.

(Signed) Jose Wright


Taken and sworn to this 22d Deer. 1755

before me Jonathan Copp.

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Appendix No. 20, third part.

Deposition of Lachlan McGillivray, Indian Trader, Dec. 22, 1755, Augusta, swearing that he was present in Charles Town in June & July of 1753 at meetings between the Governor and Council of S.C. and the heads of the Lower & Upper Creek Indians where Malatchi affirmed Mary Bosomworths ownership of the islands & repudiated the other treaty signed by the Upper Creeks with Patrick Graham.

The Deposition of Laughlin McGillivray of Augusta Indian Trader to the Creek Nation taken before me Jonathan Copp clerk one of his Majestys Justices of the Peace for the district aforesaid.

This Deponent being duly sworn on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God deposeth and saith, That he was present and Interpreter at a Conference held in the Council Chamber at Chas. Town South Carolina in the Months of June or July 1753 between his Excellency the Governor and Council of the said province and the Head Men of the upper and lower Creek Nation, And says that he then and there heard Malatchie declare that the Islands of St. Catherines, Sapala, and Ussabaw and the lands by the Town of Savannah belonged to his Sister (meaning Mary Bosomworth) and desired that the said Governor and Council would be aiding and Assisting in Confirming the said Mary Bosomworth in her Right to the said Lands which might be a means of preventing any further Disturbance or Disputes about the same. And the Deponent also saith That Malatchi further added that he had been informed, some of the head men present (meaning the upper Creeks) had given the Lands and Islands to Doctr. Patrick Graham and then desired to know which of them had given away these Lands upon which they were all silent.

Taken and sworn to this 22d day Lachlan McGillvrayof December 1755 before me

Jonathan Copp

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Appendix No. 21, first part.

Affidavits of Augusta Indian Traders touching upon the allegations against Thomas and Mary Bosomworth made by the late President and Assistants of the colony of Georgia, Dec. 20, 1755, Augusta.

By Virtue of an Order under the hand and Seal of His Excellency John Reynolds Esqr. Captain General and Governor In Chief of his Majestys Colony of Georgia and Vice Admiral of the same, bearing date the 4th day of Novr. 1755 and directed to the Justice of the Peace for the District of Augusta.

We David Douglass, John Rae, and Martin Campbell Esqrs. and Jonathan Copp Clerk, Justices of the Peace for the district aforesaid having Summoned the following persons; Vizt. George Golphin, Lochlan McGilvray, Daniel Clark, John Spencer, George Johnson, Lachlan Mackintosh, John Ross, John Brown, John Pettycrew, James Germany, Joseph Wright & Richd. Heughs, all of them Traders to the creek nation of Indians to appear before us the said Justices to make Affidavit of what they know touching the Allegations against the Revd Mr. Thos. Bosomworth and Mrs. Mary his Wife by the late President & Court of Assistants of the colony aforesaid and to be examined upon such Interrogatories as should be exhibited for that purpose, who accordingly appeared before us on the 20th Day of December 1755, and being all duly sworn upon the holy Evangelists of Almighty God made the following Answers to the Questions propounded to them by the said Mr. Bosomworth Vitz.:

Question 1st. Is it not the nature and Custom of Indians in General when they have any mischievous or hostile intent to seek revenge in the most private and secret manner. Answered by all the above persons upon Oath in the Affirmative.

Question 2d. Do you immagine or believe that any indian or number of Indians who have a premediated design of doing mischief or going in a hostile manner ever went publickly and carried his or their Women and Children to the intended place of hostility. Answerd by all the aforesaid Deponents in the Negative.

3d. Is it not customary for parties of Indians when they come in a friendly and visitary manner upon their approach to what they call the White peoples beloved Town to fire their Guns by way of salute. Answered by George Johnston that he had frequently seen the Indians when they came to Savannah fire their Guns by way of Salute, by John Brown that he had seen the same at Savannah once; Lachlin Macintosh declared that he had seen the indians fire their Guns by way of Salute as aforesaid both at Frederica, and at Charles Town in South Carolina. By Lachlan McGillvray, Geo. Golphin, Joseph Wright, and James Germany, and that it is a Custom tho not entirely invariable among the Indians to fire their Guns as above interrogated.

4th. Is it to be supposed that a small party of Indians would fire publickly and in a hostile manner when they had their Women and Children with them and before the White Peoples Town when they knew that a much superiour Number of inhabitants could quickly be in arms to Oppose them.

Answered Unanimously in the Negative.

5th. Can any of you declare upon your knowledge that Mr. Thomas Bosomworth in the Year 1749 or Mrs. Bosomworth in the Year 1750, or Mr. & Mrs. Bosomworth in the years 1752 or 53 publickly or privately gave out any Talks to the Indians in the Creek Nation prejudicial to his Majestys Service or the Welfare of the Colony.

Answered by all in the Negative.

6th. Can any of you prove any Disservices or ill offices that either Mr. or Mrs. Bosomworth have ever done to the Prejudice of the Colony or any Disorders or Disturbances amongst the Indians That they have been the Author of or that they have ever irritated or Spirited up the Indians against his Majestys Subjects.

Answered in the Negative.

7. Did not Mr. Bosomworth do great Service to the English in the year 1752 by obtaining Satisfaction for the Murther of one of our White men at the Breed Camp in a Chicke saw Town in the Creek Nation.

Answered by John Pettycrew, John Ross, & James Germany who were present when satisfaction was Demanded in the Affirmative.

8th. Is not Malatchi the reputed son of the old Emperor Brim61 and have you not heard him acknowledge and declare that Mrs. Bosomworth is his near relation and of the same Blood by the Maternal Line with many other leading men and Chiefs of that nation.

Answered by all that Malatchi is universally reputed to be the son of the late Emperor Brim. Mr. McGillvray declared that he heard Malatchi affirm in the Council chamber in Charles Town So Carolina before the Govern, and Council of that Province, That Mrs. Bosomworth was his Sister. George Golphine declared that he had also heard Malatchie declare the same.

9th. Have not you frequently heard the Indians complain of the White peoples making Encroachments upon their Lands Contrary to the Treaties entered into with Squire Oglethorpe.

Answered in the Affirmative by all the above deponents except two, who said they knew nothing of the matter.

10. Were not the head men of the Creek Nation highly disgusted with The Treatment they mett with at Savannah in 1749.

Answered by Lachlane McGillvray that he heard Malatchi Say in the Council Chamber in Charles town, that he the said Malatchi was used in Savannah more like an enemy than a Friend. George Golphin answered that there was great discontent amongst the Indians In the Lower Creek Towns on account of the ill Treatment (as they said they received at Savannah in this Colony). James Germany made answer to the same purpose.

Taken and Sworn to this 20th Day of December 1755 before us.

John RaeMartin Campbell

David Douglass Jonathan Copp

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Appendix No. 21, second part.

Deposition of Jonathan Copp, minister of Church of England at Augusta, June, 1753, Augusta, that the Bosomworths, on their way to Charles Town, fired their guns by way of salute when passing the fort even though it was on a Sunday.

I Do certify in the month of June 1753 it being Sunday, the Revd. Mr. Thomas Bosomworth and his wife arrived at Augusta in the Colony of Georgia with a large body of the Chieftains and Attendants of the Creek Nation of Indians on their way to Chas. Town in order to renew their friendship with that Government. That upon approaching and passing the Church and Fort at Augusta the Indians fired their Guns by way of Salute upon which the commanding officer of the Garrisson sent a very Genteel Message to me Tho in the time of Divine Service acquainting me, that it was his intention to return the Compliment or salute by firing the Guns of the Garrisson, and the Church being so very near to the Fort, I was Obligd to Stop divine Service 'till the Ceremony was over.

Certified by Jonathan Copp Minister of the Church of England and Missionary at Augusta.

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Appendix No. 22.

James Oglethorpe to Captain Jacob Mathew, June 4, 1742, Frederica.62

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Appendix No. 23.

James Oglethorpe to Mrs. Mary Mathews, June 20, 1742.63

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Appendix No. 24.

James Oglethorpe to Mrs. Mary Mathews, July 13, 1742.64

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Appendix No. 25.

Abstract of a letter from Wm. Ewen to Thomas Stephens, Aug. 21, 1742, at the Grange, Georgia.

I shall give you an account of the present deplorable State of Savannah. Everyone was in the utmost confusion for to carry his wife, family and goods out of the Town; some to Ebenezer, some to Abercorn, some to Purrysbourgh, and some to Captain Mackays Plantation. Our Council did not Talk of fighting, neither did they take one Step for the defence of the place; but on the Contrary had Concluded when they heard the Spaniards were coming, for to have tumbled the great Guns into the River and then to have gone away on horseback. They kept their Horses ready Bridled and Saddled all the time.

Mr. Boltrious65 offerd his People to come down with what arms they had there, and Join the English and Dutch [Germans] that were in Savannah. They would then have made about two hundred men, who under the conduct of a good Commander might have repelled six or seven hundred of the enemy, if any had come. They Were so far from defending the Town, That In the Midst of the Alarm there was no Guard kept for two Nights. What little Substance the People had is now Exhausted nor is there any business going on either publick or private so that the people Now are in a very low State, many of them are dead, and more I am apt to think will die for several people are now dangerous ill. To the Number of 35 Persons (English) besides several of the dutch have already left the Colony, many more are also intending to go very soon.

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Appendix No. 26.

Deposition of Adam Bosomworth, May 4, 1752, Midway, that the facts contained in the deposition of Thomas Bosomworth, dated Sept. 20, 1751, are just and true.

Before me John Mackintosh Esqr. Conservator to keep the Peace in the district of frederica and Darian in the said Colony, Personally appeared The Revd. Thomas Bosomworth of the Colony of Georgia in America who being duly sworn declareth upon Oath, That some time in the beginning of August 1749 he this Deponent receivd a letter from Charles Watson Esqr. Recorder of the Town of Savannah in the Colony aforesaid the purport of which was advising him as a friend that as he this Deponent regarded his own Interest or Liberty he would make all imaginable Submissions to the Magistrates of Savannah and try if that would not abate the Prejudices Conceived against him this Deponent; which was the only recourse left to preserve his liberty. And that the said Chas. Watson further informed this Deponent, that the said Magistrates were Predetermined to find some pretext to lay this Deponent and his wife in Custody and therefore the said Watson advised this Deponent to Comply with the request of the said Magistrates whatever, they were as the only means to preserve his Liberty which he the said Watson declared he knew to be in danger. And this Deponent further declareth that the said Watson desired this Deponent by way of Postscript that he would burn the letter as soon as perused as the said Watsons bread was at Stake, and in Complyance therewith this Deponent did Burn the said Watsons letter and should never have mentioned it had not his own Justification Rendered it Absolutely Necessary. And this Deponent further declareth that this letter was Writ to him some days before the Disturbance happened at Savannah with the Indians which the Magistrates made a pretext for sending this Deponents wife and Brother to the common Guard house under the pretence of making disturbance amongst the Indians which they themselves were the Cause of, as will Evidently appear from the following Deposition.

Thomas Bosomworth


Sworn before me the 20th Sept. 1751

John Mackintosh M.

Before me Audley Maxwell Esqr. Conservator of the Peace in the District of Medway and Ogeeche in the Colony of Georgia, Personally appeared Adam Bosomworth Gent of the said Colony who being duly Sworn maketh Oath that the facts contained in the above deposition are Just and true he this Deponent having seen the said Charles Watsons Letter.

Adam Bosomworth.


Sworn before me this 4th day of May 1752

Audley Maxwell J. P.

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Appendix No. 27.

Affidavit of Jacob Ford sworn before John MacKintosh, Sept. 20, 1751, Savannah, together with the further declaration of Thomas Bosomworth that no account of his property seized, as stated in the affidavit, have ever been received.66

I Thomas Bosomworth Do Further declare, and am ready to attest upon Oath; that no account has been rendred to this Day of the Effects which were my property sized as above mentioned.

Given under my hand at Savannah in Georgia this 20th Day of April 1756.

Thos. Bosomworth


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Appendix No. 28.

Statement by George Galphin, Dec. 20, 1755, Augusta, as to bad feelings of Creeks because of the treatment they met with in Savannah in 1749.

The question being put by the Revd. Thomas Bosomworth Vizt. Were not the head men of the Creek nation highly disgusted with the Treatment they mett with in Savannah in the year 1749.

George Golphin Indian trader in the said Nation made answer to the following purport to wit,

That an Indian (that is now here) known by the name of Will Rum was the first man that run away from Savannah and brought account to the nation that the white people were all in arms to kill the Indians, and that he run for Life and Expected that they were all killed.

In Consequence of which frequent Consultations were held whether they should kill all the White people in the nation directly, or waite a little 'till they heard further, and some of the most wise and discreet being of oppinion that it was not prudent to break out War with the English 'till they had more certain accounts was the only reason he believes why every white man in the nation was not cut off, which for some time they were in Terror of for he was informed by one of his people who was then in the nation that old Chiggilli, one of the Wisest, and Headmen of the Nation (as Malatchi was then down at Savannah) did publickly declare that he had seen the White peoples houses in flames before now, (Meaning I presume the time of the Indian War with Carolina) and that he then thought he see the Town of Savannah in flames, The said Golphin further declared that an Indian having heard of what Treatment they had met with at Savannah and from thence concluded that the White People would be all killed carried a Report from the upper Towns to a place called the Forks where one Forrester traded, Vizt. that all the white people in the upper Towns were killed.

In Consequence of which a Consultation was held whether they should kill the said Forrester but the result was that as he was a French man it would not be prudent to kill him, which was the only reason he believes they did not.

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Appendix No. 29.

Affidavit of Jacob Ford sworn before John Mackintosh, Sept. 21, 1751, Savannah, attested by Audley Maxwell on May 4, 1752.67

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Appendix No. 30.

Abstract of a memorial and representation of the southern parts of Georgia to the Trustees, 1752, signed by the freeholders thereof and delivered by Mary Bosomworth.68

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Appendix No. 31.

Jonathan Copp to the Rev. Thomas Bosomworth, Dec. 29, 1755, Augusta.

I have watched every opportunity of finding the persons you nominated to me to be Supoenad and examined on your behalf, but hitherto without Success. I find that Messrs. Golphin, Forrester and Lindin are still at Silver Bluff, and consequently out of the reach of my Summons. The rest Vizt. Ladson Mckay, & Kenard I find by enquiry will not be down here this Season; whereby I am frustrated in my Expectations & intentions of doing you some small Service. Besides I am to set out for Charles Town in 24 hours upon a Business of Importance, the which occasions this hasty Scribble. However shall leave with Mr. Douglass your instructions with an injuntion of seeing them duly Obeyd.

With me, my friend, there is not Want of a Will, but an Ability to Serve you in every thing within my power, which I hope you are Sensible of. This family unites in presenting you & Mrs. Bosomworth our best Compliments Together with those of the Season.

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Appendix No. 32.

Thomas Bosomworth to the President & Assistants, Aug. 21, 1749.

Your Honours kind compassion and Friendly Expostulations when I was last at your Board, encourage me to apply to you for advice how to act in the unhappy Situation of my affairs. I am indebted several considerable sums of money to diverse persons in this Colony & So. Carolina which it is not in my power at present to Satisfie.

I am now under arrest in four Actions at the suits of Messrs. Bryan Elliot and Macpherson, and prest for Bail which I cannot procure, so that I have no other resource left but going to Prison.

As a proof of the honesty of my intentions, and desire to do equal Justice to all my Creditors I am willing to resign every thing I have in the World on their Behalf, which is the utmost that is in my power to do. I therefore humbly beg that your Honours would be pleasd to take my case into consideration and favour me with your advice and Direction how to act and proceed in this affair; as I humbly presume from the preamble of his Majestys Charter to the Honourable Trustees the full intentions of the Law must be answered by delivering up every thing I have, as this Colony was chiefly intended as an Assylum for the Misfortune and Distressd part of his Majestys Subjects.

This is a Gloomy Prospect of affairs, but I assure you Honnours, as to myself it is the least part of my Sufferings, and tho I am too highly Sensible of my Duty as a Subject, and the respect due to Civil Authority to attempt to Justifie Mrs. Bosomworths late imprudent Behaviour, yet I have the satisfaction to hope her heavy afflictions and Distresses, the Merit of her past Services and irreproachable conduct from the first Settlement of the Colony (as a proof I appeal to the enclosed extracts of Letters from His Excellency General Oglethorpe and the Gentleman that succeeded to his command) will be strong Sollicitors in her Favour, and deface and blot out of remembrance the rash unguarded Expressions of an enraged woman labouring under every circumstance of Distress.

This is an ungratefull Subject to dwell upon. Let therefore the silent sorrow of my Heart as a husband to behold the Afflictions of Distresses of an Affectionate Wife, supply the place of Language and plead my Excuse with your Honnours for this trouble, 'till I can be admitted to a further Conferrence.

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Appendix No. 33.

Representation of the officers of Oglethorpes regiment and the principal inhabitants of the town and county of Frederica as to the character of Mary and Thomas Bosomworth, Sept. 17, 1747, Frederica.69

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Appendix No. 34.

Extract of a letter from General Oglethorpe to Jacob Matthews, Oct. 3, 1740, Frederica.70

N. B. ends thus, Destroyd by the Spanish Indians, and I challenge these Gentlemen to prove they ever received a sixpence consideration for the same.

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Appendix No. 35.

Petition of Thomas Bosomworth to the Lords of the Treasury, Feb. 24, 1755.

The humble petition of Thomas Bosomworth of the Colony of Georgia Clerk, In behalf of himself and Mary his Wife of Indian Extraction descended by the maternal line from the sister of the old Emperor of the Creek nations; of the same Blood with the present Micos or Chiefs now presideing there; over numbers of which by their Law and the voice of the said Nation she has a Rightfull and natural power to Command.

Sheweth

That upon the arrival of James Oglethorpe Esqr. with the first Embarkation for the Settlement of the Colony of Georgia in the Year 1732; the Wife of your Petitioner with her Indian friends and relations was then in possession of the Lands Adjacent to the Town now called Savannah and by her Interest and Authority with the said Indians was very Instrumental in Obtaining [for] the first Adventurers a quiet and peaceful Possession in that Country, and in bringing about a Treaty betwixt Mr. Oglethorpe in behalf of His Majesty, and the said Indians in behalf of the Creek Nation.

That Whereas the Wife of your Petitioners Alliance in Blood with the Chief Men and Warriours of the Creek Nation, who in the Infant and even present defenceless State of the Colony Then were and now are its Chief Defence and protection against the Designs of his Majestys Enemies, made her House the constant place of Rendevous for War Indians. She had a standing Order not only from His Excellency General Oglethorpe during his administration, but also from every Commander in Chief of his Majestys Forces in Georgia, to make such Issues and Supplys of Provisions, Ammunition &c. to Different parties of Warriours &c. from time to time as were thought necessary for his Majestys Service.

That all Issues and Supplys of Goods &c. made by the Wife of your Petitioner to War Indians on his Majestys Service during the Command of General Oglethorpe were settled and Satisfied when he came for England in the Year 1743 and a reward of 200 St. was then given her, in Consideration of her personal Services since the Death of her then late husband Capn. Mathews, which was about the space of twelve months, which sum was not deemed (by the only proper Judge of the merit of her Services) an Adequate Reward 'till that time, but being all that was in General Oglethorpes power then to pay her as the Credit of his Bills was then disputed in England.

That ever since General Oglethorpe left the Country in the year 1743 the Wife of your Petitioner has not only upon all occasions employed her Interest and Authority with the Creek Indians for his Majestys Service but in all Cases of danger and difficulty, upon the want of advice or Intelligence from the Enemy, upon the want of parties of Indians to go to War, and at all publick Conferences of Consequence with the Indians has been sent for to Frederica above an hundred miles distant from her own Settlement, by the Kings commanding Officers, and employed as Interpreter to the said Indians, Whereas Notwithstanding the many and great Losses sustained in her own private affairs by the Neglect thereof on his Majestys Service, and all her Personal Services, Influence & Authority in continuing those Nations in the Brittish Interest, she never has receivd any reward or Consideration whatsoever.

That during the command of Lieut. Coll. Alexander Heron, by his order and at his Earnest request at a Crittical Juncture when a General Rupture with the Indians was thought unavoidable, which might greatly have endangerd the General peace & Tranquillity of his Majestys Southern Frontiers, The Wife of your Petitioner advancd Sundry Goods out of her own private Store for his Majestys Service to the amount of 650 Sterling and upwards, In Assured Confidence of a speedy reimbursment and an Adequate Reward for her personal Services. Tho a Ballance of upwards of 400 Sterling at this day remains due, as will more fully appear by a particular Account herewith most hurridly presented to Your Lordship.

For the greater satisfaction to your Lordships, and more Authentic Testimony of the Merit of her past Services rendered the Colony and the Crown, the Consequences of her present Interest to her Majestys Service and how far the continuance of the friendship and Alliance of those important Nations with his Majestys Subjects at this Critical Juncture may depend upon it, Your Petitioner most humbly begs leave to refer your Lordships to her own Memorial and Vouchers under the hands of every Gentleman that had had the command of his Majestys forces in Georgia which can be further corrobarated by the Living Evidence of several persons of undoubted Credit and Veracity now in England, which are herewith also humbly presented to your Lordships.

Your Petitioner Therefore most humbly prays that your Lordships would be pleased to direct payment of the money Advancd by Order of the commanding Officer for his Majestys Service and that your Lordships would be further pleased to take the Merit of her personal Services, The great Losses she has Sustained in her own private affairs on his Majestys Service, and the Great expences She has been at on her Voyage to England and otherwise Into your Lordships Consideration and allow her such reward for the same, as to the Wisdom and Justice of your Lordships shall seem meet.

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Appendix No. 36.

Maj. Horton to Thomas Bosomworth, Feb. 23, 1746/7, Frederica.

I think it might be for your advantage if you were to draw up a State of Mrs. Bosomworths case with her demand for Services performed before the General left the Colony that I may Transmitt it to him before you and your Lady go for England. Those Memorandas which you left with me, digested into Form would I think Answer the purpose.

P. S. I will send your Case to the General without delay and will write everything I think will be of Service to you.

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Appendix No. 37, first part.

A statement of Mrs. Mary Bosomworths services to the province of Georgia, June 25, 1743, to Dec. 24, 1746.

Mrs. Mary Bosomworth to the Provincial Service in Georgia.



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Appendix No. 37, second part.

Abstract of a letter from Maj. Horton to Mrs. Bosomworth, May 31, 1747, Frederica.

It was the desire of both Chickelli, and Malatchi, that I would discourage parties of Young Men from Coming here from the Nation, and they desired I would give them no Presents unless they brought a Letter from the Nation to acquaint me that they came with their approbation. The fewer of these parties come, the less Expence will happen here, and it will be more in my power to Serve you which I assure you I am heartily Inclined to do.

When your Boat comes here I shall write further to you and order some Indian Presents up in her of which I have acquainted Mr.

Bosomworth.

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Appendix No. 38

Wm. Horton to the Rev. Thomas Bosomworth, Mar. 30, 1746, Frederica.71

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Appendix No. 39, first and second parts.

Wm. Horton to Rev. Thomas Bosomworth, May 19, 1747, Frederica, enclosing an extract of a journal from a person lately come from the Creek Nation, April 11, 1747, Augusta.72

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Appendix No. 39, third part.

Extract of a letter from Capt. Richard Kent.

Mr. Patrick Brown and Mr. Farmer is this day Arrived from the Creek Nation and brings the enclosed account.

Mr. Brown says that Malatchi declares if Carolina sends up any Forces to attack the French Fort, tho the Governor goes with them, he will meet him in the Woods and tell him to return if he will not he must take what follows.

And likewise Mr. Brown declares that on his (Malachis) Return from the Governour of Charles Town he imediately sent a Runner to the French. First, to acquaint them with the Governors Talk, likewise to the Spaniards. Mr. Brown is a Man may be Credited, and I believe may Mr. Farmer.

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Appendix No. 40.

Wm. Horton to the Rev. Thomas Bosomworth, July 6, 1747, Frederica.73

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Appendix No. 41.

Deposition of William Gray, June 28, 1747, Augusta sworn to before

Richard Kent, July 1, 1747, Augusta.74

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Appendix No. 42.

Alex. Heron to Mrs. Mary Bosomworth, July 20, 1747, Frederica.75

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Appendix No. 43.

Alex. Heron to Mrs. Mary Bosomworth, Aug.31, 1747, Frederica.76

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Appendix No. 44, first part.

An account of sundries issued out of the Magazine at Frederica to Mrs. Mary Bosomworth on account of Indian expenses between June 1747 and February following.



Errors Excepted Frederica Georgiathe 18th June 1748

Griffith Williams

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Appendix No. 44, second part.

Acknowledgement of Thomas Bosomworth for the receipt of sundries to the amount of 173. 13. 10 sterling for Mary Bosomworth on account of her services and supplies from June 25, to Feb. 24, 1747.

I do hereby Acknowledge to have received from the hands of Mr. Griffith Williams Keeper of the Kings Magazine at Frederica by order of Lieut. Colonel Alexander Heron Sundries to the Amount of One hundred Seventy three Pounds thirteen Shillings and Ten Pence Sterling being on Account of Sundries Issued and Supplied by Mary Bosomworth to different Parties of Warr Indians for his Majestys Service from the 25th June 1747 to the 24th of february following and have signed four Receipts of Same tenor and Date to serve as one this 25th Day of October 1748.

Thomas Bosomworth

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Appendix No. 45.

Wm. Horton to Mrs. Mary Bosomworth, Nov. 18, 1745, Frederica.78

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Appendix No. 46.

Abstract of a letter from Alex. Heron to the Rev. Tho. Bosomworth, Nov. 22, 1747, Frederica.79

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Appendix No. 47, first part.

Abstract of a letter from Col. Heron to Andrew Stone, Deputy

Secretary of State, Dec. 8, 1747, Frederica.80

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Appendix No. 47, second part.

Another letter of Alex. Heron to Andrew Stone, Dec. 8, 1747, Frederica.81

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Appendix No. 48, first part.

James Glen to the Rev. Thomas Bosomworth, Nov. 14, 1752.82

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Appendix No. 48, second part.

James Glen to the Rev. Thomas Bosomworth, May 8, 1753.83

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Appendix No. 49.

James Glen to Mrs. Bosomworth, Mar. 16, 1753, South Carolina.84

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Part III.

The Answer of the Revd. Thomas Bosomworth to two Letters of the President and Assistants of Georgia (Dated July 25, and September 8, 1749) May 12, 1756, Savannah.85

To his Excellency John Reynolds Esqr. Captain general and Governour in Chief of the Province of Georgia &c.

The Answer of the Revd. Thomas Bosomworth to a letter of the late President and Assistants of Georgia, dated the 25th July 1749, and directed to Benjamin Martyn Esqr. Secretary to the late Trustees for establishing the Colony aforesaid.

May it please your Excellency.

In order that the whole of his Letter, and my answer, may appear in the Plainest View, I propose to insert each Paragraph of the said Letter with my Answer to it: the first whereof is as follows,

Sir,

The State of this Province together with a List of its Inhabitants, being now compleat, was intended to be sent by this Opportunity; but as a most extraordinary affair has come to our Knowledge, within four days past, we have thought proper to postpone all other Business and give the closest application to prevent the ill Consequences that may ensue from some dangerous Attempts that, we are informed, are intended to sap the very Foundation of this Colony. And we should think our slaves inexcusable if we did not give the Trustees the most early notice of it.

By this first Paragraph we are given to expect the discovery of a most extraordinary affair, as the President and Assistants positively assert, upon Information that some Dangerous Attempts are intended to sap the Foundation of the Colony.

2d. Paragraph Mr. Thomas Bosomworth who has for years past acted very inconsistent with his Character, came four days ago from the Creek Nation, with Malachi, whom he calls the present and only reigning Emperor, and two other Chiefs, and, without any Orders from us, or even our Knowledge, acquaints Us that he has engaged the Chiefs of the Creek Nation to follow him, whom he expects here in ten or fourteen Days. We have inquired of him what the Intentions of the Indians are in coming down, not being sent for, and what Numbers he expected. His and his Wifes answers have been very trifling and dark, which, with some Current Reports of his Designs, has induced us to get the best Information we can from some who has been let into the Secret, and who thought it too nearly concerned the Well-Being of the Colony to conceal from Us.

It is worth while to compare this Paragraph with the last and view their Consistency. In the first, there is a positive assertion (Upon Information) of Dangerous Attempts &c. In this, the President and Assistants, unwarily, invalidate their Assertion, by saying, that his and his Wifes trifling and dark Answers, joyned with some Current Reports, induced Them to get the best Information they could &c. But however big the one may sound in the Ears of the unthinking Many, or however great the Inconsistency of the other when weighed by the Judicious Part of Mankind; be it noted, that neither the one, or the other, is proved; their Informants not Named; neither the Nature of their Informations set forth; tho the fate of the Colony (if the President and Assistants are to be believed) was depending. In short, nothing appearing to constitute a Crime, it Naturally follows, there is nothing to answer.

As to that Part of the Paragraph relative to my Character; I must acquaint these Gentlemen that I have two Characters; the one civil and Social, the other moral and Ecclesiastical; the former of which I am now Vindicating, and the latter, is not, nor ever was, under their Censure. Therefore their Attack in that Point is only Evidence of a Weak and Wicked Cause, carried on by Malicious and ingnorant Persons. Yet to Shew these Gentlemen that I can vindicate both, I appeal to the Testimony of all the Officers of General Oglethorpes Regiment No. l; The People of the Southern District No. 2; and a Letter of thanks from Capt. Mackintosh in behalf of the People of Darian No. 3; a Memorial from the Southern Inhabitants to the Society for Propagating the Gospel No. 4; Abstract of a Letter from Colonel Alexr. Heron to Doctor Burton No. 5.

3d. Paragraph. You may expect to hear every Particular of this Affair at a convenient Season. At present we shall only Acquaint you that near two hundred of the Creek Indians, including their Chiefs, are expected here in a few Days; that they, or rather Mrs. Bosomworth, says they appointed Mr. Abraham Bosomworth their agent to transact their affairs in England; that they design to meet him here, and if he does not bring them due Satisfaction they intend in a very absolute and open manner to forbid any of his Majestys british Subjects to settle in this Colony above the flowing of the Tide; that they will insist on Mrs. Bosomworths being possessd of three Islands, Ossabaw, St. Catherines, and Sapala together with the Lands fronting the River between this Town and Pipemakers Creek, that this talk shall be determinate and if not to their Satisfaction a Breach is threatned.

In Answer to the number of Indians, mentioned in this Paragraph, and as a Notorious Proof of the President and Assistants Prevarications and Inconsistencies I beg leave to refer to their Journals of the 24th July (the day before the date of this Letter) and 17th August 1749 in the former of which, they talk of upwards of one hundred, and in the Latter, declare only upwards of Seventy was at the Conference; Upwards of Twenty of which I can prove were Straglers about the Settlements. Surely the sudden great Increase of the Number of Indians could never have been owing to the Cowardice of the President and Assistants but must have been a designed Imposition on the Trustees. But let the World Pity, or blame them, as it likes, if the Numbers had been 2000 it could in no manner of [or?] Shape Affect me, as I have sufficiently Proved, in my Answer to the President and Assistants Journals, that, notwithstanding the Imputation injuriously thrown at my door, the Indians (except the three Chiefs) came to Savannah at the particular Invitation of the President and Assistants themselves. See Report of Committee of Conference South Carolina No. 6.

As to my Brother Abraham Bosomworths Transactions with the Indians, it was by Commission from his Majestys Commanding Officer of this Province; and he was sent to England by the same Authority; as appears by Lieut. Colonel Herons Letter to the Deputy Secretary of State No. 7 and his Letter to Abraham Bosomworth No. And as to the three Islands and Main Land which the President and Assistants say the Indians would insist on Mr. Bosomworths being Possessed of, It is well known that the main Land had been conveyed to Mrs. Bosomworth by the Indians ever since the Year 1737 and the Islands (together with a Ratification of the main Land) ever since the year 1747; notwithstanding the pretended Conveyance of those Lands to Doctor Graham, and the Many other wicked Artifices, before, and since, made Use of by the President and Assistants to invalidate the Title, in open violation of Solemn Treaties entered into With the Indians. Therefore whatever consequences happen (which cannot reasonably be expected to be good ones) Let them, as Justice requires, be Charged to those Notorious Infringers of Property, and not to an Innocent Person; One who had had no hand in either making, or breaking, those Treaties. And touching the Indians Threats to forbid his Majestys Subjects Settling above the Flowing of the Tide, it deserves no Answer without some better Testimony, which I call upon, and defy, them to Produce, the whole being hidden works of Darkness brought to Light to their own Confusion, as the next Paragraph and my answer may more fully Manifest.

4th. Paragraph. We have too much Reason to look upon Mr. Bosomworth as the Fomenter of this uneasiness among the Indians; and if Proper Evidence could be had some Particular Notice would doubtless be taken of him and, whatever pretences he may make we are perswaded his Intentions are to frighten us into a Compliance with his unreasonable Demands; haveing Artfully contrived to instill these Notions into the Indians at a Time when he knows we are left destitute of all Protection.

Here the President and Assistants say they have Reason to look on me to be fomenter &c. and if proper Evidence could be had, some Notice should be taken. In this same Letter they before tell you that they were Informed by some Person who was let into the Secret and thought it too nearly concerned the Colonys Welfare to conceal it. Why was he not produced? Was not this worthy Person a proper legal Evidence against Me? Is any such Yet Existing; let the President and Assistants produce him; or give me leave to insist my Accusers ought Publickly to acknowledge they have most grosely imposed on the World and barbarously injured me. They then go on and say that my Intention was only to frighten them &c. How far this Part quadrates with the first Paragraph, where it is said my designs are to Sap the very Foundation of the Colony, is intirely needless for me to Point out. My unreasonable demands they mention I can make nothing of, a meer dark saying, no Clue whereby to come at so much as the Intention of a Meaning. An Explanation therefore of my Demands, and the unreasonableness of them, lays Yet on the President and Assistants to produce; for no Answer I hope can be expected from me to so Vague an Expression.

5th Paragraph. The Consequence of these Demands, if allowed, not [to] be mentioned, Augusta, Ebenezer and some others of our last Settlements must fall a Sacrifice and every Inhabitant in the Colony made to live in fear and disquiet. The Trustees may be assured that Nothing in our Power will be wanting to promote the Continuance of that Friendship which has hitherto subsisted between Us, and the Indians. We shall likewise procure a good Interpreter to convince the Indians that they are grosely imposed upon by a Self interested and Disigning Man and if Necessity requires we shall not be Wanting to assert our Rights and protect our Properties with a becoming Resolution. In the mean time we beg leave to subscribe.

Sir Your Most Obedt. humble Servants."


(signed)


Wm. StephensHenry ParkerWm. SpencerSaml. MarcerPatrick GrahamJames Habersham

Having in the foregoing Paragraph hinted at Bosomworths unreasonable Demands, without explaining what those Demands are, the President and Assistants in this last Paragraph go on in the same strain, and say, that the Consequences of those Demands Need not be mentioned for that the best Settlements thereby must fall a Sacrifice, and every Inhabitant live in fear and disquiet. But, they neither insert my demands, nor the manner in which the Settlements and Inhabitants of the Province are affected by them. Now, to make this Part of their Epistle more intelligible, I will attempt to explain this by some other Part, and, if it has any meaning, suppose it may relate to the Words in the third Paragraph forbiding any of his Majestys Subjects to Settle above the flowing of the Tide whereby those Settlements of Ebenezer Augusta &c. must fall a Sacrifice. But admitting the Indians said so, what Connection has it with me or my Family? The Indians well knew what Treaties they had entered into, and those Treaties must determine the Point. They are a tenacious People, and, in point of Property, not to be Influenced. Suppose they had made an actual Demand of all the Lands above the flowing of the Tide am I, or mine therefore culpable?

Ought not Gentlemen entrusted with the Care of a Colony, and People, to Acquit themselves to their Constituents in the most explicit Term, supported by the Strongest, plainest, Reasonings and Proofs? Especially, as insinuated in this Paragraph, when the Fate of the Colony was depending. In short no one who sees the whole Letter but must look on its contents as Idle Insinuations, and Invectives calculated Only to instill Prejudices into the minds of the People against me and my Family, thereby to raise the popular Fury against Us; and give an air of Probability is their favorite Scheme of obtaining Forces by the pretended danger of an Indian War; and the Artfull measures they persue for that Purpose are by blending (when speaking of the Indians) Mrs. Bosomworths Name with them as in this Letter. They (Meaning the Indians) or rather Mrs. Bosomworth say &c. If the President and Assistants ever had or now have any such Proof as I and Mrs. Bosomworths claiming all Lands above the flowing of the Tide I expect they will, in justice to us, and their own Character produce it, or otherwise Acknowledge it an Invention of their own to answer the Ends above pointed out. And for their Encouragement I refer them to my Advertisement, relative to the Same Matter, published at Augusta in December 1755, wherein I offer a Reward for the Discovery of any Person propagating such Report No. 9, As a Proof of the Gentlemens Dispositon to preserve Friendship with the Indians; and of their Courage to protect their Properties; as hinted in this Paragraph. I beg leave to refer to my Answer to their Journals where I presume lively Instances of both are to be met with. See Ewens Letter to Thos. Stephens No. 10 and the Proceedings on the 12th August 1749.

May it please Your Excellency

The President and Assistants second Letter to Mr. Secretary Martyn concerning me and my Family is dated the Eighth Day of Septr. 1749 and begins as follows.

Sir

The 25th of last July we acquainted the Trustees by two Opportunitys in a Letter to you of what we could learn of the Dangerous Designs Mr. Thomas Bosomworth intended to execute, thro his Wifes Influence, with some Indians he had brought down here, and what had since happened (which our Minutes enclosed with this will make appear) has Sufficiently confirmed Us that we were not mistaken in what we then suspected.

In the Letter referred to in this Paragraph and which I have already answered it will be found that after all their Insinnuations and Pretended certain Informations, contained in that Letter, the President and Assistants at last honestly Declare that no sufficient Evidence could be procured or else particular Notice would be taken of Me. Yet either forgetting what they therein had said, or the Seeds of Truth being Sown on Stony Ground, They in this Letter immediately return to their Usual Calumnating. And that this Letter might not want support, They with it send their Minutes (which are the Journals I have had the Honour to Answer) to corroberate and fix those Dangerous Designs upon me of which the President and Assistants have Yet given no Manner of Proof, and but very darkly explained, and however confirmed they themselves may be in their suspicions, Mankind will claim a Right to Judge how far Such suspicions are grounded on Truth.

From the first Settlement of this Colony the greatest care has been taken to maintain a strict Friendship with all Neighbouring Nations of Indians and they have never had occasion, to our knowledge, for the least shew of Complaint. And it affords Us no small Satisfaction that Malachi and the Chiefs lately here did not Attempt to offer any accusations of this Nature, unless our endeavouring to prevent the Bosomworths from Accomplishing their pernicious and Self Interested Views (in their Consequences not less hurtfull to the Indians than to this Colony) may be called so; however their Insulting and Insolent Behaviour does not a little alarm Us and what may be the Issue Time must evince, But we hope it will appear that we have used our Utmost Endeavours to undeceive this misled People and to cultivate the Continuance of their Friendship, as well as to convince them that we were determined to defend our Persons and Properties as became British Subjects when necessity should require it.

To shew that the President and Assistants have no Title to the Compliment they Pay themselves for their great Care to Maintain Friendship with the Indians and of their Success so far as that the Indians to their Knowledge have not had the least shew of Complaint &c, I answer that the Indians have for Years made Complaints of Encroachments by the English contrary to Treaties particularly in March 1746. See Presidents Letter to Mrs. Bosomworth No. 11, also in October the same year See old Chikllis Speach in Appendix to my answer to their Journals No. 8 on behalf of the Nation to Major Horton; also in December 1747 Malachis Speach to Colo. Heron and his Answer No. 12; to be seen in the Secretary of States office in England; and further to confirm it see Colonel Heron Letter to the Deputy Secretary of State No. 7. I appeal also to the application of the Chiefs of the Creek Nation to the Governor and Council of So. Carolina in 1752 and the declaration upon oath of the Interpreter No. 13 Whence it will appear that They, Not only Complained of Breach of Treatyes but of the want of Redress in Georgia and the Treatment they met with at Savannah in 1749, and lastly to my Interrogatories & the Indian Traders Answers No. 14 & Mr. Copp. Certificate No. 2d 14.

Thus much in Regard to the first Part of the Paragraph. The President and Assistants go on and say it affords them Satisfaction that Malachi and the Chiefs lately here did not attempt to offer any Accusations of the Kind. The Indians Reasons for this were, First, the answers given by the Magistrates to their Complaint in 1746 Vizt. that all the lands were given to the Great King by the Indians that were in England &c. Next, that Col. Heron had Promised to Transmit their Complaint to England; and lastly, the Indians knew that Mrs. Bosomworth was intended for England, by whom they purposed to send their Complaints, and impower her to Sollicit Redress.

That the Treaties entered into with the lower Creek Indians for obtaining their Friendship and Alliance were intended to be Punctualy observed on the Part of the Trustees as absolutely necessary to the Preservation thereof, I believe will appear Sufficiently evident from an Abstract of a Letter to the Bailiffs and Recorder of Savannah by order of the Common Council of the Trustees 17 March 1734/5 No. 15, and by an order given by general Oglethorpe 15th Feb. 1735/6 to Captain Aeneas McKintosh Commanding the Garrisson at Pallachocolas on a Complaint of the Indians No. 16. That a strict Observance of Justice, Equity and moderation towards the Indians has ever been the Polity of other colonies, particularly to the northward, may be gathered from Sundry Clauses taken out of a Collection of Charters Printed at Philadelphia in 1740, No. 17. Such a conduct in Provinces become powerfull by Numbers of Settlers to which doubtless their inviolable Attachment to justice has greatly contributed. How worthy of Invitation in an Infant Frontier Colony, especially to Indians our only Barrier between us and his Majestys inveterate Enemys the French who have at all Times advantaged themselves by industriously Improveing every murmur of Discontent among them.

The Magistrates of Savannah had no concern in the Management of Indian affairs during the Administration of General Oglethorpe who was certainly a Judge of the Policy, Necessity, and Justice, strictly to adhere to the Treaties he had entered into with the Indians; and so consistently Pursued it, that, in his Time, there were no Infringements or Trespasses Suffered to be committed on the Indians reserved Lands without Reparation being made, As can be proved by many Instances, some of which are or ought to be upon Record. But after the departure of the General for England in 1743, by the Countenance of the Magistrates, or their Remissness in the Execution of their office, the Inhabitants of Savannah made it a Practice to cut Timber off the Indian Lands by the Town of Savannah which gave Umbrage to the Indians, and Rise to the Unsuccessfull Complaint herein before referred to made by the Indians to the Magistrates in the Year 1746. As to what the President and Assistants further say in this Paragraph of their Endeavours to Prevent the Bosomworths from accomplishing their pernicious self Interested Views &c. to Undeceive a Misled People, cultivate Friendship, and convince the Indians they were determined to defend Person & Property &c., I apprehend as to these Points I may rely on the Sufficiency of my answer to the Letter of 25th July.

We presume our Minutes of the Transactions of those Indians when here as well as the Copies of Several Letters from and Conversations with the Bosomworths evidently demonstrate that that Family are the Disturbers of our Peace and that the Ends they aim at, as well as the means they persue to Accomplish them, have both a direct Tendancy to subvert the Tranquility & Settlement of this Province. This Scheme is not of a late date. Mr. Thomas Bosomworth soon after he married Mrs. Bosomworth discovered his aspiring and restless Disposition to become a Great Man, not only endeavouring to Monopolize all the Lands reserved by Treatys for the Indians, but made great demands of the Deceased Major Horton (who then Commanded the Regiment at Frederica) as well as of Trustees for his Wifes Past Services. The Major who well knew that Mrs. Bosomworth had been more than Paid for all Pretences of Services by General Oglethorpe, often complained of her Husbands Unreasonable Demands, and troublesome behaviour; and while he had the Command of the Regiment allowed Mrs. Bosomworth an annual Salary tho for some Time before Colonel Heron came he did Employ her as an Interpreter but being a true Friend to the Colony did not give the least Countenance to any of their Unjust Pretences.

The Minutes of the President and Assistants (as my Answer to them I hope will Sufficiently Manifest) Serve only to prove Arbitrary Injustice and Predetermined inveterate Malice in the Authors to distroy Friends to the Country in me and my Family; and as to the Letters and Conversations referred to it is needless to Speak further on those Heads than whats contained in my Answers to Their Minutes. Our Judges must determine who is in the Right. Purchasing the Islands and the Lands near the Town is justifiable, and however, in the Opinion of some, it may discover an aspiring disposition to become great. Let it be remembered, That it is at our own Expence, neither obtained, nor aimed at, by Arbitrary Measures, or by a Monopoly in Trade, the laudable Pursuit of those in Power during the Administration of the late Trustees. Nor must the Presidents and Assistants own words be past over in this Place, who Say To monopolize all the Lands reserved by Treaties for the Indians. These Words are a Wilfull Mistake in the Gentlemen to impose on Mankind; and seem to indicate a Gift to the Indians, whereas it is well known, and clearly Expressed in the Treaty its self, that these Lands were reserved by the Indians, the Natural Proprietors, Out of the Lands granted, or ceded by them, to the English.

I am Surprized the Gentlemen should make use of Major Hortons Name to vouch a Falshood for them. Indeed he was then dead; but how basely they had abused his Memory I shall plainly make appear under his own Hand.

The President and Assistants say the Major well knew that Mrs. Bosomworth had been more than paid for all Pretences of Services &c. How far this is true will Sufficiently appear by the majors own Letter of 23d Feb. 1746/7 No. 18. And as to any demands ever made on the Trustees for Mrs. Bosomworths past Services, I dare renounce all claim to Truth if the Gentlemen can produce one Single Instance of it. Indeed I made a Demand on the Trustees for some Bounty Money due to Mrs. Bosomworth in the Year 1739, promised by them as an Encouragement for Planting, but not a Single Shilling of it has been paid to this day. What gave Rise to the Majors Letter was that upon Settling Accounts from the Year 1743 (when General Oglethorpe left the Colony) to December 1746 the Major not having in his power to Pay Mrs. Bosomworth anything more than the real Disbursements She had made for his Majestys Service as appears by Account No. 19 advised her to draw up a State of her Case with her Demands for Services performed before the General left the Country; That he would Enclose it to the General and Write every thing he thought might be of Service to her as appears by his Letter 10th March 1746/7 No. 18. In Consequence of the Majors advice and Promise of his Interest some bills were Drawn upon General Oglethorpe for Mrs. Bosomworths past Services which, altho returned Protested, the General Notwithstanding Acknowledges the Justice of Mrs. Bosomworths Demand and the Only reason assigned for protesting those Bills is because it was not in his Power to Pay them. See General Oglethorpes Letter 16 July 1746 No. 20. As by the Majors Letter (above referred to) he allowed Mrs. Bosomworths demands to be just, there can be but little Credit due to the President and Assistants Assertion that Major Horton often Complained of the unreasonableness of them; and in Answer to my troublesome Behaviour mentioned in this Paragraph of their Letter I shall prove by another Letter of Major Hortons of 19th May 1747 No. 21 that when an Indian Warr appeared unavoidable I was thought the only Person proper to be employed in the critical Conjuncture. That Major Horton never allowed Mrs. Bosomworth Six pence for her personal Service during his Command, is demonstrable from the State of the Account Settled in December 1746, herein before mentioned, whereby it appears that She was only reimbursed the bare Issues made by her for the Kings Service out of her own Pockett and that by Goods out of the Store at an Extravagant advance.

The President and Assistants would next insinuate that Mrs. Bosomworth had received Salary and done no Service for it for some time before Colonel Heron Came. In answer to this both the General and Major Horton kept a common Interpreter in the Kings Pay, That Mrs. Bosomworth was always looked upon as a Woman of greater Consequence than a Common Interpreter, and in all Cases of Danger and Difficulty was applied to and confided in by Major Horton Till the Time that Colonel Heron suceeded to his Command. I have proved by the Majors Letter of the 19th May 1747 No. 21 above quoted with Enclosed Extracts of Journals from the Nation of the Dangerous Situation of the province, See appendix to my answers to the Journals No. 39. And the Majors Letter of 6th July 1747 No. 22 (after Colonel Herons Arrival) is an Evidence so strong in my Favour that the President and Assistants can never attempt to controvert it.

As to unjust Pretences I have already Proved that Major Horton allowed the Justice of Mrs. Bosomworths Claim for Personal Services. If the Gentlemens Meaning extends to her Claim of Lands, that Major Horton therein, also, thought her Right, I Prove by his Letter of 13 November 1746, No. 23.

When Colonel Heron succeeded the Worthy deceased86 the Scheme was soon changed. Mr. Bosomworths idle Clamours against General Oglethorpe and the Deceased were countenanced and a Plan was concerted to accomplish their lucrative and ambitious Designs. Mr. Abraham Bosomworth was sent (his Brother Thomas says) As Agent to the Creek Indians with a Paper drawn importing that if it had not been through the Interest of that Family that the Indians would have made war with the English &c. desiring the Traders to Sign it which they refused except two or three of no note as the thing itself was false and they likewise Plainly Saw that it was Solely calculated to Serve Private Views by under valuing the Service of the late Commanders. Mr. Abraham Bosomworth after making a Parade in a few Towns returned with Malachee to Frederica where a Talk was designedly drawn up for him to deliver to Co. Heron (as we are well informed) in Substance the same as he gave here relating to Mrs. Bosomworths Royalty and the Lands before mentioned, of which Colonel Heron was promised a good Portion. The deceased Major Horton could not hear of this idle Farce (for see it he would not) but with the Utmost Abhorrence. However the Plan then required that Mr. Abraham Bosomworth should go to England. Accordingly he was immediately dispatched there by his Patron with great Recommendations of Services among the Indians in order to inveigle the Government out of large Sums of Money as well as to get Mr. Thomas Bosomworths Claim to the Indians Lands confirmed. And he now boasts that he succeeded so well as to get a Considerable sum from the Government and we should doubtless have heared if he had met with any Counternance about the Lands.

The President and Assistants usher in this Paragraph with Colonel Herons Succeeding the Worthy Deceased; whose Memory by Falshoods they in the foregoing Paragraph have so unworthily abused; That then my idle Clamours against General Oglethorpe and the Deceased Major were Countenanced. These words have no Certainty; Nor are they of Significance sufficient to demand or be intituled to an Answer; sorry I am to take up so much of Your Excellencys Time in invalidating such bare assertions, couched in Terms thought suficient to throw an Odium on me with Impunity to the Wretched Inventors, of what my idle Clamours, as they call them, consisted the President and Assistants are totally silent. The Term is indefinite; Nor can they ever fix it. That it is all base Fiction is demonstrable from General Oglethorpes having Countenanced and supported every Claim made on the Government and when Mrs. Bosomworth and self were in England declared that it was not in his Power to reward Mrs. Bosomworth for the Services she had done the Colony and the Crown, and therefore recommended the Payment of her Accounts to the Government. For the Truth of this I refer to General Oglethorpe himself. In regard to Major Hortons opinion in this Case I refer to his Letter 11th November 1746 No. 24. They then say that a Plan was concerted between the Col. and me to accomplish Our lucrative and Ambitious Designs. This assertion is also void of Truth for I was at my Settlement on the Alatamaha unknowing that Col. Heron was arrived in the Countrey untill the receipt of his Letter of the 8th July 1747 No. 25 enclosing a Deposition from Augusta that a Rupture with the Indians was expected in less than a Month (see Appendix in my Answer to this Journals No. 41); how impossible then that I could have an opportunity of concerting any Plan with him? That a War with the Indians was apprehended for above twelve Months then last past, as well by the Government of South Carolina as by Major Horton is testified by his Letter to me of 30th March 1746 No. 26. Notwithstanding the Hardiness of the President and Assistants in calling it False and a concerted Scheme of Col. Herons and Mine. Hence doubtless it appears that the Steps taken by Colonel Heron on his Arrival were, not through me, but, in Consequence of advice and Intelligence from Major Horton, who was the then only proper Person to inform him of the Dangerous Situation of the Colony.

The detractive Sentance on my Brothers Character serves only the more to Expose these Gentlemen since the Paper referred to by them signed by the Traders, the original in my Brothers Hands in England, and on Record in the Province of So. Carolina, will supply a flat Public Contradiction to all the Presidents and Assistants have or can Say upon the Subject. Col. Herons Motives for Sending him Home to England I have no Business with, but they were such as met with Approval and Reward (see Abstract, Secretary States Letter to the Commanding Officer in Georgia No. 27). As to any Application made at Home by my Brother in regard to the Indian Lands, I am Sure the President and Assistants can give no Proof of, any more than they can of the good Portion Col. Heron was to have of those Lands; if they can, now is their Time. I am bold to assert that Such a Collection of Falsehoods scarce ever appeared in so small a Compass. Would not any one think that these bold Expressions to inveigle the Government out of large Sums of Money boasting that he succeeded so well as to get a considerable Sum from the Government must be the Consequence of some evident Proof? How then must it Stagger Mankind when found to be Only mere Illusions to amuse, deceive, and defame.

The foregoing Circumstances may not appear unnecessary to relate as those Indians or rather Mrs. Bosomworth Acquainted Us, that their principal Reason for coming here, unsent for, was to meet their Agent Mr. Abraham Bosomworth, to know what answer he brought from the Great King, and it may likewise Serve to explain the real Purport of their late Attempts.

Mr. Abraham Bosomworth returned to Charles Town from England about four months ago and brought with him his Brother Adam, whom he immediately sent to Georgia. Mr. Thomas Bosomworth Could not therefore be unaccquainted with what his Brother Abram had done; but finding his Scheme of getting the Lands, with large Sums of Money for himself, (for what his Brother had got in England was Not Considered) had failed, He was now determined like a Man desperate to make a Push with these Indians to frighten us into Compliance with what ever he should put into Mrs. Bosomworths Head to Demand. Yea he was so confident of succeeding that the Indians Lands were in Imagination parcelled out amongst his Family, and his Brethren not only reported to some of Us that he expected near one half of the Presents sent for the Indians but he wrote to some of his Creditors to the same purpose at whose Suit he was then under an arrest.

As to the Indians coming down unsent for to meet their Agent (asserted in both their Letters) I have purposely omitted giving any Answer to, having fully cleared up the Point in my Answer to the Journals, and proved, I hope to Demonstrate, that the Coming down of the Indians was at the Particular Instance and express Invitation of the President and Assistants themselves. That I could not be unacquainted with my Scheme (of getting the Lands and large Sums) having failed in England and therefore desperately determined to make a Push with the Indians to frighten &c. Surely if my Brother had had any such Commission to transact for me in England the Truth of it could be easily known, those things are not done in a corner, and it might be expected that the President and Assistants would set forth some Circumstances to Corroberate their Expressions; but alas! this, like the rest, is totally nugatory and vague. The only Truth I have yet met with in the Letter is, that I was determined to make a Push but not to frighten &c.; it was out of the Colony I intended, from the Hands of Tyranny and Oppression, Home to England, where I was sure to meet with that Justice I had in vain sought for here. It is a meer Jest to talk of my making any demands of them. If I did the President and Assistants must, in the Nature of Things, have it in their Power, even at this day, to particularize those Demands, which I hope they will. That confident of Success I had in Imagination parcelled out the Indians Lands &c. a Mighty Wise expression, if duly attended to, for the Lands they, Conjuros like, assert I had Parcelled out in my Imagination, I was it Seems, to frighten the President and Assistants out of, altho they themselves acknowledge them to be the Indians. But in this Paragraph, as well as the foregoing, these Gentlemen dont Say Indian Lands but Indians Lands as if, as I have heretofore noticed, it was a Gift to them from the White People, and the President and assistants their Guardians. Whereas the whole Continent was, E Priori, Indian Lands untill the aborigines were Treated with for such Portions of it as they thought fit to grant. And such Parts as they have not given up, the Indians must have the same Right and Title to as they had to the whole. As to Mrs. Bosomworths Expectations of Part of the Indian Presents, it is needless to say further. I having in my answer to the Journals Particularly shewn how justly they were founded.

Upon the whole the trifling Excuses of the Indians coming here to meet their Agent and to see that Mrs. Bosomworth did not go to England in Irons as mentioned in her Letter of 27 July last (copied in our Minutes) are Fictions only Put into their Heads to cover the Wicked Mischievous and selfish Views of an Ambitious, Dissolute, and averitious Family whom the most extraordinary Favours will not Satisfy and who may thro their Influence with a Party of blood thirsty and ignorant Heathens, if countenanced bring This Colony into such distressing Circumstances as may not be retrieved in many Years. These Reasons joyned with their late Behaviour so inconsistent with their duty to his Majesty and the Peace of his Subjects Puts it out of our Power to Advise the Agent to give them any Share of the Presents, and though we cannot Say that Mr. Abraham Bosomworth has Attempted to justify his Brothers and Sisters late Conduct, Yet we humbly submit it to the Trustees Consideration whether he (as he has been an Acting Instrument in Carrying on their Banefull Views in England and before he went there) may be a proper Person to be joined with the Agent of this Colony in the Distribution of the Presents.

Although the President and Assistants so confidently assert in this Paragraph that the Reasons given for the Indians coming down are Fictions to cover the Views of me and my Family whom they have decorated with Epithets of mighty Import, but, like the Rest, wanting Weight, as lacking Proof; it must be incumbent on them, in Point of common Justice, soon to fix these Stigmas by some express Evidence. For however the late Trustees might be satisfied with the Veracity, or pleased with the Numerous Instances given them of the President and Assistants Ingenuity in stabbing Reputation, unless some better Proof appears, than any Part of their Journals or Letters are fraught with, I believe no one need envy the Character Such Waitings may obtain in the Estimation of Mankind. For my own Part, I declare my Intention is to seek all the Redress it may be in the Power of Law or Equity to afford me, in Retalliation of the Wrongs and Injuries I have suffered, by Methods so barbarously unjustifiable. Let them Speak if I ever demanded any Favours of them that the President and Assistants so positively assert the most extraordinary will not Satisfy me. The Gentlemen were extreemly weak in expressing their Fear that Mrs. Bosomworths Influence with a Party of blood thirsty Indians, as they are called, might greatly distress the Colony; since one of their main Drifts thro the Course of their Journals and Letters have been to represent her as a woman of no Influence, no Birth &c. They were not Sufficiently Sharp Sighted to see the Consequence naturally Resulting therefrom (Vizt.), That if such is her Interest and Influence to do hurt She must, by Parity of Reasons, have the same Power of doing Good. Therefore I appeal to Your Excellency whether the methods proposed by the President and Assistants to crush Mrs. Bosomworths bad Influence by denying her a Share of the Presents (which they call discountenancing (I distressing) of her) be in the least Rational; since, as Acts of Justice lay us under an indispensible Obligation to do good, so Injustice and Oppression may equally excite the Passions of Hatred and Revenge. And to Crown the whole the President and Assistants most humbly appeal to the Trustees whether Abraham Bosomworth was a fit Person to be joined with the Agent of Georgia? Notwithstanding he had no less than the Recommendation of his Majestys Principal Secretary of State and the Appointment of the Governor Council and Assembly of another Province in his Favour. There Sycaphants refer themselves to a Sett of Gentlemen (indeed their Pay Masters) Relative to a Circumstance that no way concerned them nor from the Nature of Mr. Abraham Bosomworths Case, can it be supposed the Trustees would any way interfere; since it was very unlikely they, at that Time, had been made Acquainted, from the proper Sorce, of the Merit of my Brothers Services, or the Importance of Mrs. Bosomworths Interest, on which were founded his Grace the Duke of Bedfords Recommendation and the Consequential Appointment. Yet did the President and Assistants by one Single Dash arrogantly set the whole at nought, in Spight of every Good Purpose the Government intended by it.

The Trustees may perhaps wonder that some particular Notice had not been taken of Mr. and Mrs. Bosomworth, but we presume when they are acquainted with the Concern they expressed (as will Appear by our Minutes) for their misbehaviour and the many Promises they made of, their future Amendment even in Public before the Indians and consider our present Circumstances they will justify us in not persuing the most rigorous Steps.

If, after all the Charges against me and my Family, only one fourth Part had been true, it might be real Matter of Astonishment to all the World, who shall see their Journals and Letters, as well as to the Trustees, that no further Notice was taken, and the President and Assistants will stand justly arraigned for a Notorious Neglect of their Duty; Notwithstanding the trifling Excuse of our having asked pardon in Public. But the true Reason for this is in their Letter of 25th July last (what wretched Memories these Gentlemen have!) where they honestly tell their Masters that the Omission arose neither from Lenity or Pity but that proper Evidence could not be had.

The four following Paragraphs containing nothing of moment to the matter in hand but what had been spoke to in other Places. I shall forbear to transcribe them and only in general observe, that the President &c. in the two last seem to have collected all their Eloquence to Shew the defenceless state of the Province, since the unhappy Incident of the Regiment being Disbanded; the Miseries of the Planters and Settlers, and their Families therein, in case of an Indian War; how far also the Inhabitants of the Neighbouring Province would be affected by such a Circumstance. Nor does it require any great Reach of thought to come at their Meaning, which, doubtless, was, that these Considerations might be Powerfull Sollicitors with the Trustees to unite their Interests at home for obtaining a more potent Defence. Yet these very Gentlemen, however willing to avail themselves of a Pretence of Danger, for their Own Ends, have in a former Part of this Letter declared that the Danger of an Indian War was a Falsity and Solely calculated to Serve private Views altho evidently Proved to have been thought at that time unavoidable.

We are now frequently and creditably informed from the Nation that the Bosomworths have for Some Time past been industriously propagating the most unaccountable and flagitious Lyes there, all tending to promote their Ambitious Views and dissatisfy the Indians. However we believe the Poison has only been swallowed by their Tool Malachi and another Chief and their followers who have reported in every Town in the upper and lower Creek Nation that Mrs. Bosomworth through her Interest with the great King had procured them Presents and that her Brother Abraham (whom she sent to him) had brought them over the great Water.

Is it not an Amazing Thing that the President and Assistants has never thought it Necessary, thro their whole story, to be somewhat circumstantial in Setting forth these frequent Creditable Informations? Equally neglectfull or designing is it, that, altho the Gentlemen make no Scruple to say these Informations prove the Bosomworths industriously Propagating the most unaccountable and flagitious Lyes there tending to dissatisfy the Indians &c. not so much as the remotist Trace appears of the Subject Matter on which these Lyes are founded. But that the polite Monosyllable may be placed where due, I beg Leave to refer to my Interrogatories and the Indian Traders Answers No. 14.

The next Paragraph of their Letter being very long and Containing but little new Matter, I shall in the best manner I can collect the Substance of without minutely transcribing it.

The President and Assistants begin with some Indian Evidence that had met Malachee and his People on the Path who they Say appeared cross (the Gentlemen afterwards say that they believe they offended Malachee) and would have persuaded them to return back. They would not, knowing it was only Marys (Meaning Mrs. Bosomworths) bold Talk. I wonder who Put this Expression in the Indians Mouth? the Gentlemen themselves, or the Interpreter by their order?

These Indians go on and tell the President and Assistants a terrible Story of Marys bad Talk against the white People &c. To corroberate this, only Shadow of Evidence that they have aimed at thro the whole Piece, the Gentlemen again haul in the frequent Complaints of the Traders on that Subject to which I have fully spoke in my answer to the last Paragraph.

They Proceed and say that what they did appeared to be their Duty nor could they have acted otherwise without making such Concessions to Mr. Bosomworth as neither their Power or Duty would permit (vizt.) Giving his Family a Right to all the Indians Lands. Had the Gentlemen been so condescending, or had it been consitant with their Duty, it would have been a Gift I well knew could convey no Property. But I assert that I never required it at their Hands nor that the President and Assistants should acknowledge Mrs. Bosomworth to be Empress or Queen. It was the Indians declared her to be the Head of their Nation to impower her to transact their Affairs in England.

What relates in this Paragraph to the Indian Presents had been Answered more than once. As to my Debts, or the Expence of my Family, no Gentlemen would have demeaned themselves in mentioning so remote a Business; and, in spite of the Ill Natured Inference they Attempted to draw from it, I answer, that had Mrs. Bosomworth been Paid her just Demands for Supplies to the Indians on his Majestys Services, for her own personal Services, and the Debts she compassionately suffered the first Necessitous adventurers to contract with her, since the first Settlement of the Colony. She would not only have been out of Debt but in far better Circumstances than any one in it.

The President and Assistants next Say that it is their, and the Opinion of those well acquainted with Indians, that the safest Expedient is to discountenance Mrs. Bosomworth, and the Indians will then Pay no Regard to her; and, to conclude the Paragraph, they furnish the Indians with a Falsehood, by making them say that it was the White People that made Mrs. Bosomworth what She is, who, before the Settlement of the Colony, was unknown to them. If to discountenance be to oppress and vilify, to the utmost Extent of Malice and Ill Nature, then has Mrs. Bosomworth been discountenanced indeed.

How absurd and rediculous is the meer Supposition that the Indians Should know so little of her, who was Born in the Nation, lived there till ten years of age, afterwards in Carolina, where her Friends and Relations frequently visited her; again went to the Nation, where she was delivered of her first child. And in short was as well known there before the Settlement of this Province as She is since. And as to the white People having made her what she is, She may justly retort that many of them are beholden to her Assistance for what they are in Defiance of the want of Gratitude in some of them to acknowledge it.

Here may it Please Your Excellency ends my Answer to the Presidents and Assistants Second Letter so far as it relates to me or my Family; wherein I have endeavoured to be as Succint as Consistent with the Nature of my Defence I could. And if after all that has been Advanced any doubts should Yet remain either in Respect of Mrs. Bosomworths Importance with the Indians, or of the Reality of her Signal Services in the Colony in times of the greatest Danger, to obviate the same I refer to the Sundry Letters following (vizt.); four Letters from General Oglethorpe to Mrs. Bosomworth No. 6, 7, 8,9 and dated 30th July 1742, 16th August 1742, 28th February 1742/3, and 22d March 1742/3. Also to four Letters from the late Major Horton No. 10,17,18,19 and dated 17th December 1743, 21st Setpember 1744 (two), and 8th October 1744. Wherein I doubt not sufficient will appear to confirm the most Wavering in the Truths herein, and in my Answer to the Journals, insisted upon. Of so much Consequence did these Commanders think her that as many of these Letters above referred to will Vouch; Captain Noble Jones who commanded a Boat and Men in his Majestys Service was frequently Ordered to attend, receive, and obey, Mrs. Bosomworths Commands.

Permit, me, Sir to observe, eer I conclude, that, where Power and Interest supports a lame and wicked cause, the Innocent and Unwary are too frequently entrapped by relying alone on the Justice of their Defence, regardless to arm themselves against Subdolous, Sinister Arts. How may I then congratulate myself on my Good Fortune on having it in my Power (as it were by Accident) to rescue from the Murdering Pen of the President and Assistants, A Character that from the Colonys first Settlement was ever held in distinguished Esteem.

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Part IV.

Appendix to Mr. Bosomworths Answers to the Presidents and Assistants two Letters of 25th July and Sept. 8, 1749.

Appendix No. 1.

Declaration of the officers of Gen. Oglethorpes regiment, Sept. 17, 1747, Frederica.87

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Appendix No. 2.

Testimonial of freeholders and inhabitants of the southern part of Georgia, Mar. 11, 1752, as to the character and reputation of Thomas Bosomworth.

Whereas the Revd. Thomas Bosomworth of the Colony of Georgia in America, who Officiated as Deputy Chaplain to his Excellency General James Oglethorpes Regiment in the said Colony, untill the time of its Reduction in May 1749, is now going home to England, hath desired us to grant unto him a Testimonial of his Services, and behaviour during his residence in the said Colony; In compliance with a Reasonable Request, and in Justice to the Character and Reputation of the said Thomas Bosomworth, (which we believe to be highly Injured by the false, groundless, and Malicious Representations of his Enemies) We the subscribing Freeholders and Inhabitants of the southern parts of this Province do hereby Testify:

That we for several Years last past have had Personal knowledge of the said Thomas Bosomworth, and that he hath behaved himself as becometh a Clergyman; and, since the Reduction of the said Regiment, hath been ready and willing upon all occasions to Perform all the Ecclesiastical Officers of this Sacred Function, to the Inhabitants of the Southern parts of this province; (where there is no other Clergman) without any allowance of Salary from home, or Fee or Reward from us the said Inhabitants; Tho he has often put himself to great Trouble and Expence in visiting the Frontier Settlements of the Colony, which lay widely distant from his own habitation, when the Exercise of his Sacred Function was required; which Signal Instance of his pious, and most Christian like behavouir, Justly claims this Testimony of our gratefull acknowledgements, as a peice of common Justice due to his Character. And we do further Certify That the said Thomas Bosomworth is well Affected to his Majestys Person and Government, Authentic Proofs of which he has given, in being as Ready upon all Occasions to venture his Life and Fortune when his Majestys Service required it, as to Preach the Established Doctrines of the Church of England and Perform the Sacred Offices of his Function.

In Testimony whereof We have hereunto set our hands this

11th Day of March in the year of Our Lord 1752. &c.

Before me John Mackintosh M Esquire Conservator of the Peace for the District of Frederica and Darian in the Colony of Georgia personally appeared Peter Grant Freeholder of the said Colony who being duly sworn Declareth, That he this said Deponent was present and did see the several Subscribing Freeholders (Excepting nine Marked thus A) Voluntarily sign and deliver this Instrument of writing to the Reverend Thomas Bosomworth for the intents and purpose there-in Mentioned. Peter Grant

Sworn before me this 18th of April 1752.

John Mackintosh


The within Instrument of Writing Recorded in my Office

Charles Watson Recorder

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Appendix No. 3.

John Mackintosh to the Rev. Thomas Bosomworth, Mar. 9, 1752, Darien.

As I am informed you are going for England. The Intimate acquaintance we had for several years, and the good Offices You have done by Virtue of Your Sacred Order, to the Southern parts of Georgia, with a great Deal of Trouble and Expence, without any reward, Obliges me to send you these few lines, as I cannot have the Opportunity of seeing You, in Name of the Poor People here, to thank you for what favours they had of you. And I wish you and Mrs. Bosomworth a safe Passage to England, and I assure You the People here will miss Your absence very Much, having no other Clergman to apply to; but I hope, Dear Sir, as you know the Necessity that a good many Souls here lay under for want of one to teach them the way of Salvation, I do not doubt but your goodness, and I think your Conscience, will oblige you to apply to the Society for Propagating Christian Knowledge to send us some good Man that fears God, for I Assure You, there is not a place in America wants it more; & then you do the Office of a Good Christian And may be the Instrument of Bringing a good many Souls from Perdition to Salvation. All the People here desire you may have a good Voyage, and I in Particular.

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Appendix No. 4.

The memorial of the inhabitants and freeholders of Darien to the Incorporated Society for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts, [probably spring of 1752].

That Whereas a hearty Zeal for the Glory of God, and Felicity of Mankind, are the sole Motives that Induced the Incorporation of this Society with a Sincere endeavour to extend the Limits of our Saviours Kingdom with those of our New Dominions, and to Implant Christian Religion in the Settlement of New Colonies; Encouraged by such Views of the Societys Wise and Pious Care for the Eternal Welfare of our better Parts, our Souls, Your Memorialists humbly Presume to Present to the Society that for about Ten Years last past there have no stated Minister of the Gospel been allowed to the Inhabitants of the Southern Parts of this Province either by the Honourable Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia or the Society; there being only One Minister whose Residence is fixed at Savannah and above one hundred Miles Distant from the Frontier Settlements. Excepting the Revd. Thos. Bosomworth who Officiated as Deputy Chaplain to his Excellency General Oglethorpe Regiment at Frederica till its Reduction in May 1749 and was kind enough Occasionally to officiate to the Inhabitants of the adjacent Settlements, in the frontiers Parts of the Colony, and hath to this Time Continued to Perform all the Offices of his Sacred Function without any allowance of Salary from Home or Fee or Reward from Us; tho often, at great Expence and trouble in Visiting the Southern Settlements, on Account of their great Distance from his Own habitation, which Justly Claims our Most Sincere and Hearty thanks.

And Whereas the said Thomas Bosomworth shortly purposes to go for England Your Memorialists Will be Utterly then Destitute of any Minister of the Gospel, amongst us and all aids and Assistance to promote Christian knowledge.

Your Memorialists therefore most humbly Pray that the Society would be pleased to allow a Salary and one of Our Countrey men (as great Numbers do not understand the English Tongue,)88 as Minister amongst us whose Residence might be fixed at Darian, or the Part adjacent; the Frontier parts of the Colony being Chiefly Settled by North Brittons.

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Appendix No. 5.

Alexander Heron to the Rev. Doctor John Burton,89 Oct. 26, 1748, Frederica.

I am to acquaint You that Mr. Bosomworth had for some time had my leave of Absence in order to Settle his Own private Affairs, But that he is the only Clergyman that has done Duty here since my Command & as Mr. Bosomworth may Justly be looked upon in a Double Capacity not only as a Clergyman but likewise as a Person capable of doing great Service to the Colony by his alliance with Mrs. Bosomworth and the Indians which has sometimes rendered his Absence absolutely necessary. When his Character is considered in this light I hope any Indulgencies that may have been granted him will be no objection to Your paying due Honour to his Bills of this date for his last Six Months Salary from the 25th March 1748 to the 25 of September following at 2/6 per Day which I assure You Sir is not a Sufficient Maintainance for a Person in the Character of a Gentleman in these parts of the World if Obliged to be a Constant Resident here & no other dependence.

I doubt not, good Sir, but with a Gentleman of your Humane Disposition but Mr. Bosomworths Misfortunes will be Strong Sollicitors in his favour; when I assure you that a continued series of adverse Fortune, the Many dificultys he had had to Strugle with since his Marriage, with the frowns and Contempt the world is apt to throw upon a Man in a Sinking condition; have been such great Discoragements to a Young Man, just Launced out into the world, and have thrown such a damp upon his Spirits that he is at present almost lost unto himself, and to the world, tho capable, if extricated out of these difficultys, and the obscurity in which hes buryed, of being a Service to both.

I cannot help acquainting of you that I think it a Real Pity that his Case is not Properly Represented to the Society for Propagating the Gospel in foreign parts; who, I doubt not, if they were truly Sensible what a favourable Opportunity is in his hands by Mrs. Bosomworths Interest & Influence with the Indians, to make some progress in the knowledge of Christianity amongst them, as well as Enlarging our new Dominions; But that the Society would be induced to Allow a handsom Salary to carry on so good a purpose. It would be needless, good Sir, to Mention how laudable the promotion of such a design would be in You, But must acquaint You that there is certainly nothing that could prove more to the Public good of this Colony, in particular, as it would be the most Effectual means to secure a lasting Friendship and Alliance with the Indians & Might in time Pave the way for Nobler Designs.

As to Mrs. Bosomworths Private Virtues, as well as Public Character, the Services she has done for this Colony and the Consequence of the present Interest to his Majestys Service, His Excellency General Oglethorpe can fully Inform You.

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Appendix No. 6.

Abstract of a report from a South Carolina committee of conference appointed to take into consideration several letters from the Duke of Bedford, His majestys principal Secretary of State, and other papers in relation to the distribution of Indian presents, May, 1749, Charles Town.

Your Committee have also Considered a letter of the said Mr. Stephens to his Excellency dated the 5th of this month (May) whereby he acquaints him that Mr. Patrick Graham (who as appears from these Instructions is appointed by the Trustees to act for him) comes hither from Georgia hopeing to have a Short Conference about the Distribution of the Presents and to be well advised in their future course of proceedings thereon and Desires his Excellency to impart his Sentiments to that Gentleman, presuming that on his return to Savannah the Method will be found easy and fit to be entered upon, in the conjunction intended of the two Persons for distributing the said Presents. The said Mr. Graham attended and informed your Committee that conformable to Directions received from the Trustees for Georgia above Six months ago Notice had been already sent to the Creek Indians of the Presents arrived for them.

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Appendix No. 7.

Copy of a letter from Col. Alexander Heron to Andrew Stone, Deputy Secretary of State, Dec. 8, 1747, Frederica.90

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Appendix No. 8.

Alexander Heron to Abraham Bosomworth, Oct. 4, 1747, Frederica.

I received Yours and am extreamly sorry that your Brothers Indisposition Continues but am much Pleased (on many Occasions) that You are recovered. The French Man is safe arrived but am sorry for the Expence; Especially at a Time we can so ill afford it. If your good Brother and Sister think it necessary I shall send a Swift rowing Boat to bring them Down but I apprehend their Presence will be Necessary when Malachi and Chickelly with the rest of our Friends arrive at the Forks, but shall be Intirely Directed by your Answer. If the Bearer dont find you at St. Sevila he has orders to go immediately to the Forks. I begg my most Sincere Wishes may be made acceptable to your Brother and Sister. I wish to God you was ready to set out for England having many things of Consequence to Charge You with.

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Appendix No. 9.

A public advertisement, signed by Thomas Bosomworth, denying certain reports directed against the Bosomworths, Dec. 4, 1755, published at Augusta.

Whereas a Malicious and false Report has been industriously spread abroad amongst the Inhabitants of this Province Vizt. That the Subscriber hereof and his Wife had laid Claim to all the Lands in the Colony above the flowing of the Tide and that they were now come up to Augusta in order to Justify such Claim by the Assistance of the Indians against his Majestys Subjects.

And whereas such wicked and dangerous Reports must have been calculated and propagated by Designing Men with a View not only to turn the Tide of popular Fury against Us, but has a Tendency to Disturb the general Peace and Welfare of the Colony by raising doubts and Jealousies in the minds of People. We therefore for the Satisfaction of the Public, as well as in Common Justice to our own Characters, think fit to declare in the most Solemn manner that we never did Pretend to claim One foot of Land in the Province above the flowing of the Tide upon any Title or Pretence whatsoever, And further that from a Sense of our Duty as well as in regard to our Own private Interest it never was our Intentions to be any ways Instrumental in disturbing his Majestys Subjects in their Possession of any Lands that may be claimed by Indian Allies but to use our Interest as far as in our Power lies to Promote the general Welfare of the Colony as we are highly Sensible that our Own, has an Inseperable connection with it. Therefore in order to bring the Author or Authors of the above Mentioned report to Justice I have thought it necessary to give this Public notice that I do hereby Promise a reward of Ten Pounds Sterling to any Person or Persons who shall discover the Same in any time within Six Months from the date hereof so as the same may be legally Proved against him or them that first propagated the said Villainous Report.

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Appendix No. 10.

Abstract of a letter from William Ewen to Thomas Stephens, Aug. 25, 1742, the Grange, Georgia.91

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Appendix No. 11.

William Stephens to Mary Bosomworth, Mar. 29, 1746, Savannah.92

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Appendix No. 12.

An abstract from Col. Alexander Herons answer to Malachis speech, n. d., Frederica.

I have heard Your Speech in behalf of the Two Nations under our Command. I am Sensible that the Creek Indians are brave Warriors; That this Country belonged to Your Forefathers and that they Always maintained their Rights against all their Enemies at the Expence of their Blood; but as I was not present when You entered into Treaties with any Persons in behalf of the great King my Master, now know [not knowing] what Portions of Your Lands You have Resigned nor what Considerations you have received for them I cannot give you a Positive answer in Relation to the Acts of Injustice You Complain of from the Subjects of my Master in encroaching upon your Rights. But in Complyance with your Request shall send your Speech to the great King by the Beloved Man (Mr. Abraham Bosomworth) whom you have so deservedly recommended to me. And as the Great King my Master is a Wise and Good Prince and has always Shewn a tender regard for the Welfare of the Creek Indians Im convinced he will do you Justice.

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Appendix No. 13.

Deposition of Lachlan McGillivray sworn on Dec. 22, 1755, before Jonathan Copp, Augusta.93

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Appendix No. 14.

Affidavit of George Galphin and ten others in the form of questions and answers sworn before David Douglass and three others, Dec. 20, 1755, Augusta.94

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Appendix No. 15.

Abstract of a letter to the bailiffs and recorder of Savannah from the Common Council of the Trustees, signed by Benjamin Martyn, Secretary, Mar. 17, 1734/5, London.

That the new Started Opinion that it is cruel to imprison on Account of an Indian is of itself very cruel and pernicious, for if Injustice is done to an Indian the Person who does it should be more severely punished for doing it to one who is helpless from his Ignorance of our Language and because it is a Breach of Treaty and an Act of Ingratitude to the first Possessors of the Land who have always been exceeding friendly and kind to the Colony in its first Weakness and Necessitys.

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Appendix No. 16,

James Oglethorpe to Capt. Aeneas Mackintosh, commander of the garrison at Pallachuchalas, Feb. 15, 1735/6, Tybee Road near Savannah.

Being informed by the Indians that several persons Contrary to the Treaties with them made have carried over Cattle and Negroes and Planted on the Georgia side of the River, You are hereby Authorised and Required to give notice to the same persons to withdraw their Horses, Cattle and Negroes out of Georgia and if within three days they do not withdraw their Negroes You are to Seise and bring the Negroes to the Town of Savannah and deliver them to the Magistrates there, and Proceedings shall be had if they leave their Cattle beyond the said Town.

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Appendix No. 17.

Abstract from a collection of charters printed at Philadelphia in 1740.

That no Man shall by any Ways or means in word or deed affront or wrong any Indian but he shall incur the same Penalty of the Law as if he had committed it against his fellow planter. And if any Indian shall abuse in word or deed any Planter of this Province that he shall not be his own Judge upon the Indian but shall make his complaint to the Governour of the Province or his Lieut. or Deputy or some Inferior Magistrate near him who shall to the Utmost of his Power take care with the King of the said Indians that all reasonable Satisfaction be made to the said Planter.

That all differences between the Planter and the Nations shall also be ended by Twelve Men; That is by Six Planters and Six Natives that so we may live Friendly together, as much as in us Lieth preventing all Occasion of Heart Burnnings and Mischief.

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Appendix No. 18.

Wm. Horton to Rev. Thomas Bosomworth, Feb. 23, 1746/7, Frederica.95

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Appendix No. 19.

An Abstract of Mary Bosomworths account to the provincial service to Dec. 24, 1746.96

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Appendix No. 20.

James Oglethorpe to Mrs. Bosomworth, July 16, 1746, Whitehall.97

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Appendix No. 21.

Wm. Horton to Thomas Bosomworth, May 19, 1747, Frederica.98

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Appendix No. 22.

Wm. Horton to the Rev. Thomas Bosomworth, July 6, 1747, Frederica.99

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Appendix No. 23.

Abstract of a letter from Maj. Wm. Horton to the Rev. Thomas Bosomworth, Nov. 13, 1746, Frederica.

Please to give my humble Service to Mrs. Bosomworth and assure her that if She would please to let me know wherein I can be Serviceable to her she will find the Utmost readiness in me to oblige her. I hope she does not think that I want to make any Settlement at Mount Venture; I always apprehended that Land belonged to her.

I never had any Objections to the Indians doing what they thought Proper with the Island of St. Catherines, because I always knew it belonged to them &c.

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Appendix No. 24.

Wm. Horton to Mrs. Mary Bosomworth, Nov. 11, 1746, Frederica.

As I find You so uneasy at the reports which were brought here and Carryed to Charles Town concerning Malachees Talk I send you an exact Copy of what I received. When I first read it I intended to have had Some relief of Horses Placed upon the path to your House and to have come up myself, but such is the State of this place that I cannot stirr further than I can hear a Signal fired for my return. We have had but two Vessels here of any kind for several Months past, one from Carolina which brought only a few Pieces of Blanketting tho I sent an Express for a large Quantity against Chickillis Coming. But it is absolutely out of my Power to get the Necessary Supplies for the Indians in Case any Number of them should come here. Both you and I well know that if any Parties of them come and I have it not in my Power to give them Presents, they will not only go away dissatisfied themselves but will make their Friends so in the Nation. I, ever Looked upon you as a Sincere friend to the Colony, and always thought that you had a real regard for the Genl.100 I shall not alter my Opinion from what any People from the Nation write or speak to your Disadvantage. It is possible Malatche might misapprehend something that you said to him but more probable that the Persons who say they heard his Talk Misunderstood him, be that as it will.

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Appendix No. 25.

Alex. Heron to Mrs. Bosomworth, July 8, 1747, Frederica.101

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Appendix No. 26.

Wm. Horton to Mary Bosomworth, received Mar. 30, 1746, at the Grange near Savannah.

By all Accounts I have from the Creek Nation Capt. Kent Barnard from Carolina the Cherokees Creeks and Chickasaws are resolved to declare War against the English and for that purpose many of the Cassitaws are now amongst the Chickasaws at Augusta where about 100 men keep under Arms and behave very odly to the Inhabitants.

I shall see you in a few days in my way to Augusta. Govr. Glen was going to the Cherokees but by a Letter which came to me this day I find some Volunteers who were to join him have declined going upon the arrival of an Express from Mr. Brown which I apprehend makes them think it too Dangerous an Undertaking. I find the People in Carolina are under the greatest consternation and indeed it is my real Opinion that Great Partys of all three Nations are Inclined to War with us as soon as they can join together, and I believe it is certain that they have perswaded the Catawbas to join them. The Senacas and other Northern Indians as my advices tell me are also so far fallen off that they are ready to join the French. If Mr. Bosomworth comes here before I leave this Place I will give him any Assistance I can. I only wait the Arrival of the Sea Flower from Charles Town with Presents for the Indians & then shall Sett off with 50 white Men and 50 Indians. The Chickasaws have the Impudence to tell Capt. Kent that the Cussitaws will only kill three or four Englishmen and then return to their Nation, but this Day I hear 100 Indians Demanded Powder and Shott from him and that he gave them for Answer that they Should have none but from the Mouths of his Cannon. I find they are encamped near Augusta.

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Appendix No. 27.

Abstract of a letter from the Duke of Bedford, His Majestys principal Secretary of State, to the Commanding Officer of Georgia, Apr. 26, 1748, Whitehall.

I have laid before the King Your Letters to Mr. Stone, One of the 8th September and two of the 8th December last with the Papers that came therein enclosed.

His Majesty approves of your care and Attention to cultivate a good understanding with the Indians in your Neighbourhood whose Friendship is of such Importance to the Peace and Welfare of the Colonies of So. Carolina & Georgia, that his Majesty Doubts not but you will use your best Endeavours to Secure & Improve it.

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Appendix No. 6.102

James Oglethorpe to Mrs. Mary Matthews, July 30, 1742, Frederica.

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Appendix No. 7.

James Oglethorpe to Mrs. Matthews, Aug. 16, 1742, Frederica.

I thank you for sending down the Indians. Occoothlas People were taken sick and are returned. The Chicksaws & Creeks are all gone home with large Presents and very well contented. I already Acquainted you that I would give you a Prisoner who is willing to Indent for Seven Year if it would be of Service to You as the Spaniards are repulsed. I believe it may be much for your Conveniency to come hither that you might acquaint me if I could be of Service to you in Mr. Mathewss affairs. If you have no Conveniency of your own Mr. Jones will send you his Boat & hands.

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Appendix No. 8.

James Oglethorpe to Mrs. Matthews, Feb. 28, 1742/3, Frederica.103

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Appendix No. 9.

James Oglethorpe to Mrs. Matthews, Mar. 22, 1742/3, the British Camp in Spanish Florida.104

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Appendix No. 10.

Wm. Horton to Mrs. Mary Matthews, Dec. 17, 1743.

By Lieut. Francis You will Receive the Money for Capt. Carrs Cattle and mine, and as soon as I Possibly can I will remit you the money due from the Public but at Present it is really out of my Power.

I am glad to find some Indians are coming down if they come hear I will receive them in the best manner I can; I wish about the middle of march we may have a Number of them here to Procure some Intelligence from the Enemy. I desire you will perswade some of them to be here about that Time.

As soon as I here of the Generals Arrival in England I shall send to Oboihixico to acquaint him of it according to his own desire and the Generals orders.

I wish you madam a happy Christmas and many happy new Years.

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Appendix No. 17.105

Wm. Horton to Mrs. Bosomworth, Sept. 21, 1744, Frederica.106

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Appendix No. 18.

Wm. Horton to the Rev. Thomas Bosomworth, Sept. 21, 1744.107

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Appendix No. 19.

Abstract of a letter from Major Wm. Horton to the Rev. Thomas Bosomworth, Oct. 8, 1744, Frederica.108

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Part V.

Thomas Bosomworth to John Reynolds, Sept. 6, 1756, Savannah.

Having, in Consequence of your second Order, obtained further Copies of the Journals and Proceedings of the late President and Court of Assistants, I find a Minute relative to me and my Conduct of the 9th January 1747/8; In which Minute the Particulars are promised to appear by several Affidavits made and intended to be sent to the Trustees by the first Conveyance.

In Answer to this Part of their Journal I beg Leave to remark that the Affidavits there hinted at are the Affidavits on which the pretended Charge against me of Treason is founded; and are referred to, and the principal (namely that of Noble Jones) is incerted in my other Answer to their Journals (Appendix No. 3)109, Copies of which, with the other charges against me and Family, were applied for by Memorial, Petition and Letter in December and January 1748; and the two latter are incerted in the same Appendix No. 1, 2. Nevertheless the President and Assistants not only refused me any Answer to my humble Application, but, least any Traces of my Suit for Relief might appear, no Entry is made in the Minutes of their Board any Way respecting it. How deplorable must my Situation be, absolutely necessitated to say something in my own defence to abate popular Clamour and Prejudice, and to have arbitrarily withheld from me the Material that composed my Charge.

There appears also another Minute of Friday 8th March 1750/1 wherein they say that Mr. Adam Bosomworth had been there two or three Days, and laid before the Board three Petitions, one signed Thomas Bosomworth; another Mary Bosomworth; and the third Adam Bosomworth; which Petitions are entred, and a Minute thereupon as follows.

This Morning the said Adam attended the Board for an Answer to the aforesaid Petitions which after they were duely considered he received agreeable to a Letter from the Board of this Date to Mr. Secretary Martyn which they thought proper to acquaint the Trustees immediately with, humbly craving their further Instructions by the first Opportunity.

Now I do positively assert, and Brother Adam is ready to prove upon Oath, that no Answer whatever was given to the said three Petitions, much less as they say, agreeable to the Letter mentioned; Of which Letter, having at length obtained a Copy and being of an extraordinary Nature, I shall make a few Remarks thereon as thereby may further appear a secret Combination in the President and Assistants not only against me and my Family, but also against the then Recorder and Mr. Marcer one of their Board.

The President and Assistants say in that Letter that The Commissioner by the Advice of the Board acquainted the latter (Brother Adam) that he does not think him a proper Person to be intrusted with a Licence.110

I have before said that no such Answer was given; nor could the President and Assistants have any Colour for such a pretended Answer, except founded on the Transaction mentioned in the Minutes of the Board of 12th August 1749; when my Brother was seised and dragged to the Guard House for walking with a few naked Indians. How far that was criminal is easily judged of, and is also more fully spoke to in my other Answer to their Journal. The Gentlemen never pretended any other Charge against him. Indeed I expected that they would have been very explicit and ingenuous in giving their Reasons to the Trustees, to whom in that Letter They so pressingly write for fresh Instructions to distress. No such Reasons appearing is another Instance of their Capability to stab Reputations in the Dark.

The Answer the Gentlemen, in the same Letter, say they gave to Brother Abraham 13th January 1749 as to Mrs. Bosomworths Demand regarding the Presents. That was also secreted, and, if intended, no such Answer was ever received.

The Prayer of my Petition was, as it had been for Years, to know what treasonable Practices myself or Family had been guilty of. In Answer to which the Gentlemen mention, that they thought it prudent only to say that the Assembly had represented my Proceedings illegal and treasonable, and they concurred with them. Here I must remark that what the President and Assistants call the Assembly were the Deputies of Georgia summoned by the Trustees only to represent the State of the Countrey; this was in January 1750/1 about the Time the Trustees were to deliver up the Colony to the King. The apparent Intent of convening those Deputies was in Order to obtain a Sanction to the past Administration, and strengthen the Interest of the Old Party against the People. The Power of the President and Assistants rendred it no Difficulty to obtain a Majority in their Favour, and carry every Point they had in View; which chiefly tended to amuse the World (and the Trustees in particular) with specious coverings in Justification of Proceedings however wantonly, arbitrary, or notoriously illegal. Moreover let it be remarked that those Deputies were sworn to Secrecy, so that it was out of my Power to come at their Proceedings, or know what Representations they had made against me. Nor did I know any Thing of the Assemblys Transactions at the Time those Petitions were given in, Hitherto disappointed in procuring from the President and Assistants the Charges exhibited against me, and so clandestinely made Use of to effect and perpetuate my Ruin. That I might omit no necessary Application for Justice, by my Letter of the 16th March 1752 (Appendix annexed No. 1) the second Assembly being then sitting, I applied to be heard before the House; to which Letter an Answer was sent, by Order of the House, signed by the Clerk (Same Appendix No. 2) that it was Resolved I should be heard. Notwithstanding my success in this Application such Arts were made Use of, that the Answer, dated the 24th March 1752, was injuriously secreted from me untill the 2d May following, being long after the House was broke up. Of this I am ready to make Oath, and prove the Person who had the Letter in Charge. Thus frustrated in every Attempt, prudentially concerted, and unweariedly pursued, for a Number of Years; (an Argument, I humbly presume, rather of Guilt in the Magistrates, than in me their Victim) I at length determined to proceed for England, and there at the Fountain of Justice supplicate Redress; which I accordingly did in about a Month afterwards.

It is further to be observed that the Representation of the Deputies touching my illegal and treasonable Proceedings, is intirely grounded (as appears by this extraordinary Letter) on the Affidavits of Kent, Jones and Young; which Affidavits the President and Assistants had officiously caused to be laid before them, merely to add Countenance to their illicit Proceedings in this Particular. So that it is a Point easily discussed, by Reference to those Affidavits and the Deputies Representation (all which are doubtless in the Possession of the Trustees or their Secretary Martyn) in what the Treason and Illegality consisted, of which I am so confidently accused; and will, I doubt not, sufficiently evince that the Deputies were, with the President and Assistants, equally bad Judges of what constituted the Crime Treason or otherwise had been actuated, by undue Influence, against their better Judgements.

Presuming, Sir, on your generous Indulgence, let me, eer I conclude, make a short Observation as to these Affidavits; which, when persued, will appear to have been officiously made, and composed of Materials artfully and insnaringly obtained. That the Truth of such covert Evidence is little to be depended on, as the Ties of Honour, or Checks of Conscience, may be supposed but faintly to exert themselves, where it is known the Party accused will, possibly, have no Opportunity to vindicate Himself. From hence, too, its observable that, Informants are generally more industrious to relate what may be gratefull, rather than what may be Truth; for there would be no Occasion for such industrious Folks, if they could not hear and see Things that answer the End of their Employers. Therefore, to show their own Consequence and Ability, they may be suspected to inflame every Word and Circumstance; to aggravate what is faulty; pervert what is good; and misrepresent what is indifferent. And I fear, too too frequently to such ignominious Tools work their private Passions and Prejudices into their clandestine Informations, and indulge their own particular Spite and Malice, against the Persons they are set to destroy.

I shall no longer intrude than by declaring that I glory in my Allegiance to my Sovereign King George.

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Appendix No. 1.

Thomas Bosomworth to the Speaker and Assembly of Georgia, Mar. 16, 1752.

Upon perusal of the Proceedings of the last Assembly (which lately came to my knowledge) amongst other Representations to the Honourable the Trustees, I find one concerning the Reserved Indian Lands where in my Character and my Wifes are most Ignominiously struck at, and Punishment loudly called for as a Point upon which the Welfare of the Colony very much depended.

As I would willingly suppose that the Gentlemen of the last Assembly must have been very much abused by a misrepresentation of my Conduct and Actions or a Misunderstanding of the true state of the Indian Affairs, for the justification of my own Character and in Order to shew how Far the last Assembly have been mistaken in this Essential Point, I Humbly beg that I may be called upon to lay my reasons before this House, which I flatter myself will be deemed a piece of Public as well as Private Justice, as my Punishment and the Publick Welfare were thought by the last Assembly to have so inseperable a Connection.

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Appendix No. 2.

Henry Yonge, clerk of the Assembly, to Thomas Bosomworth, Mar. 24, 1752, Savannah.

Your letter dated at St. Catherines the 16th March 1752 was laid before the House, and I am Ordered to inform You that you Will be heard on the Subject Matter contained therein if you think proper.

I must also inform you that the Assembly will certainly finish their Business this Week, therefor it behoves you to be Expeditious if you propose coming and I believe you l be protected till Your Return, however Youl no doubt repair to some Friend who will advise you how to Act.

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Part VI.

Examination of John Kenard, Indian Trader, by Justices of the Peace with the answers and deposition attached, Savannah, July 15, 1756.

Pursuant to an Order from His Excellency John Reynolds Esquire Captain-general and Governor in chief of his Majestys Colony of Georgia dated the fifteenth Day of July in the Year of Our Lord one thousand seven hundred and fifty six directed to James DeVeaux and Elisha Butler Esqrs. Justices of the general Court and to James Campbell and William Little Esqrs. Justices of the Peace for the District of Savannah or to any three of them, We the said James DeVeaux, James Campbell, and William Little on the twenty second Day of the same Month July at Savannah in the said Province did examine John Kenard Indian Trader in the lower Creek Nation on the Interrogatories following And did take on the Oath of the said John Kenard the several Depositions thereunto as herein after set forth. Given under our Hands the Day and Year last above mentioned.

James DeVeaux Jas. Campbell W. Little

Interrogatory

1st. Was you not sworn Interpreter to the creek Indians at their Conferences held at Savannah in the Colony aforesaid with the President and Court of Assistants in July and August 1749?

To the first Interrogatory this Deponent saith that he was sworn Interpreter at the Conferences in the said Interrogatory mentioned.

2d. (James DeVeaux) Do you believe that the Indians came Down at that Time with any dangerous or hostile Intent, or could have any whilst they were in Savannah, Especially as they brought their Women and Children with them?

To the second Interrogatory this Deponent saith that he do not believe the Indians came down with, or had any bad dangerous or hostile Intent whilst in Savannah, especially as their Women and Children were with them.

3d. (James Campbell) Do you know of any secret or bad Designs that Mr. or Mrs. Bosomworth were then carrying on with the Indians against his Majestys Subjects; or that it was by their Instigation that the Indians came from the Nation?

To the third Interogatory this Deponent saith that he knows of no secret or bad Designs Mr. Or Mrs Bosomworth were carrying on; That he heard the Indians in the Nation say that Thomas Bosomworth invited them down; That when Mr. Parker asked the Indians, at the Presidents House in Savannah, Who sent for them? the Indians answered that they came down to see Abraham Bosomworth whom they sent to England for Presents.

4th (W. Little) Can you prove any dangerous Talks that Mr or Mrs Bosomworth at that Time or before or since gave out to the Indians prejudicial to his Majestys Service or the Welfare of the Colony; Or that they spirited up the Indians to do Mischief; Or do you know of any ill offices or Disorders that Mr or Mrs Bosomworth have been the Authors of to the Prejudice of the Colony?

To the fourth Interrogatory this Deponent saith that he knows of no dangerous Talks given out by Mr or Mrs Bosomworth to the Indians; Nor that Mr. or Mrs. Bosomworth spirited up the Indians to Mischief. But this Deponent saith that the Indians have told him that Mrs. Bosomworth told them in the Coweta Square that She had an Order from the Governor of Carolina for them to steal the Horses of the Settlers on Ogeechee in Georgia, and to rob the Beaver Catchers who hunted on the Indian Grounds.

5th. (James DeVeaux) Do you believe that the Indians had any other Intent in firing their Guns when they approached the Town but Compliment or Salute; And is it not customary for them so to do?

To the fifth Interrogatory this Deponent saith that he believes the Indians had no other Intent in firing their Guns than Compliment, And that it is customary with them so to do.

6th. Had the Indians either Gun, Sword, Pistol, Tommahawk or any Weapon offensive or defensive when the white People, Horse and Foot, in Arms surrounded them in the Square?

To the sixth Interrogatory this Deponent saith that the Indians had no Arms that he saw.

7th. (James Campbell) Were not the Indians alarmed at these Proceedings?

To the seventh Interrogatory this Deponent saith that the Indians were alarmed, and got all together in an Heap.

8th. Do you believe the Indians had any other Intent than to pay a Compliment to the Gentlemen then met at Colonel Stephenss?

To the Eighth Interrogatory this Deponent saith that he believes the Indians had no other Intent than to pay a Compliment to the Gentlemen.

9th. Had not the Indians with them a Bottle of Wine and a Glass in Order to Drink the Gentlemens Health?

To the ninth Interrogatory this Deponent saith that he did not see the Indians have a Bottle of Wine and a Glass.

10th. (W. Little) Did you hear Malachi or any Indians of note tell the President that they had found Mrs. Bosomworth a Lyar since she Married Mr. Bosomworth and that They would go to the House no more?

To the Tenth Interrogatory this Deponent saith that he never heard Malachi or any Indians tell the President that they had found Mrs. Bosomworth a Lyar, Or that they would leave the House.

11th. Did not Malachi and the Cussetaw King constantly lodge at Mr. Bosomworths during their Stay in Savannah?

To the Eleventh Interrogatory this Deponent saith that Malachi and the Cussetaw King did constantly lodge there.

12th. (James DeVeaux) Was not you Interpreter when the Gentlemen, in Order to depretiate Mr. and Mrs. Bosomworths Character, directed you to inform the Indians that Mr. Bosomworth was no Clergyman, a Man of no Note among the white People, That all Mr. and Mrs. Bosomworth had would soon be taken away for their Debts, that they should be punished for cheating and deceiving the Indians with many other destracting Insinuations to lessen them in the Indians Esteem?

To the twelfth Interrogatory this Deponent saith that he was Interpreter at that Time, and that Mr. Parker directed this Deponent to inform the Indians that they should not mind Mr. Bosomworth for that he was a Boy used to fetch them Water and further saith not.

13th. Did you hear Mrs. Bosomworth threaten the Lives of the Magistrates and the Destruction of the Colony?

To the thirteenth Interrogatory this Deponent saith that he never heard Mrs. Bosomworth threaten the Magistrates or the Colony.

14th. (James Campbell) Have you not frequently heard Malachi declare that Mrs. Bosomworth was his near Relation?

To the fourteenth Interrogatory this Deponent saith that he has heard Malachi declare that Mrs. Bosomworth was his Sister.

15th. Was not Malachi the Son of the Old Emperor Brim, and a Man of the greatest Consequence and Interest of any in the whole upper and lower Creek Nation?

To the fifteenth Interrogatory this Deponent saith that Malachi was the Son of the Emperor Brim and a Man of the greatest Consequence and Interest in the Creek Nation.

16th. (W. Little) Do you believe that any Indian in the Nation durst tell Malachi to his Face that his Heart was like the Wind, or rather that he had no Heart at all?

To the sixteenth Interrogatory this Deponent saith that No Indian dare tell Malachi that his Heart was like the Wind, or that he had no Heart.

17th. Did you hear Malachi make use of any Dangerous or ill natured Insinuations tending to threaten the Lives or Properties of his Majestys Subjects?

To the seventeenth Interrogatory this Deponent saith that he never heard Malachi make Use of any such dangerous or illnatured Insinuations.

18th. (James DeVeaux) Did not Mr. and Mrs. Bosomworth in the Year 1752 use the utmost of their Interest and Authority to obtain from the Indians Restitution for the Goods and Horses they had taken from his Majestys Subjects; and were not great Numbers to your Knowledge given up by the Indians at their Instigation?

To the Eighteenth Interrogatory this Deponent saith that in the Year mentioned in the said Interrogatory Mr. and Mrs. Bosomworth by their Interest did obtain Restitution from the Indians for Horses by them taken from his Majestys Subjects And that to this Deponents Knowledge great Numbers of them were delivered up by the Indians at their Instigation.

19th. (James Campbell) Did you hear Malachi declare that he did not know the Contents of the Paper that was read in Court at Savannah in the Month of August 1749, And when it was interpreted to him that he declared the same to be a Bad Talk?

To the nineteenth Interrogatory this Deponent saith that he did not hear Malachi declare anything as therein set forth.

20th. Were not all the Indians present in Court when Malachi produced that Paper in the Presence of the white People?

To the twentieth Interrogatory this Deponent saith that he believes the Indians were all present at that Time.

21st. Did you see a Paper burnt in Court before Malachi to shew him that they looked on the Instrument of Writing he offered as of no more Consequence than that they burnt, And did Malachi make Answer that he looked upon it in the same Light?

To the twenty first Interrogatory this Deponent saith that he did see a Piece of Paper burnt in Court but for what Purpose he knows not, Nor did he hear Malachi say any Thing about it.

22d. (W Little) Did you hear Captain Noble Jones (who had the Care of the Militia) order a Party of Men to tell the Indians that if they did not lay down their Arms they would every Man be cut off; Or do you know of any Indian Chief who at that Time armed himself and ordered his Followers to Arms; Or did you see any Indian or Number of Indians in Arms?

To the twenty second Interrogatory this Deponent saith that he heard no such Orders given by Captain Jones; Nor did he know of any Indian Chief at that Time in Arms or that ordered his Followers to Arms; Nor did this Deponent see any Indian or Number of Indians in Arms.

23d. (James DeVeaux) Do you believe from your Knowledge of the Temper of the Indians that a few Indians would take up Arms against the white People when the Indians Women and Children were in Town?

To the twenty third Interrogatory this Deponent saith that from his Knowledge of Indians they would not have taken up Arms when their Women and Children were there.

24th. Had the Indians had an hostile Intent, Do you not believe that they would have conveyed their Women and Children out of Town, and have fallen on the White People in the most secret Manner?

To the twenty fourth Interrogatory this Deponent saith that the Indians would have conveyed their Women and Children from the Town and fallen on the white People very secretly had they had an hostile Intent.

25th. (James Campbell) Did you hear Malachi say that if any Body tied (that is confined or imprisoned) Mrs. Bosomworth that he would release her?

To the twenty fifth Interrogatory this Deponent saith that he did not hear Malachi say any such Thing.

26th. Did you hear Mrs. Bosomworth declare to any Indian whatever that none durst confine Her?

To the twenty sixth Interrogatory this Deponent saith that he did not hear Mrs. Bosomworth declare any Thing as therein set forth.

27th. (W. Little) Did you hear Mrs. Bosomworth acknowledge that it was her Fault that Malachi and the other Head Men withdrew from Colonel Stephenss; and excuse herself by saying she was in a Passion?

To the twenty seventh Interrogatory this Deponent saith that he did not hear Mrs. Bosomworth acknowledge anything in the said Interrogatory mentioned.

28th. Were not the Head Men of the Indians highly disgusted with the Treatment they at that Time met with at Savannah; And have you not heard the Indians declare in the Nation that the white People wanted to break out War with them; And were not the Traders for sometime afterwards very apprehensive of the dangerous Consequence?

To the twenty Eighth Interrogatory this Deponent saith that Malachi only was disgusted as he has heard; But this Deponent saith that the Indians declared in the Nation they had like to have been cut off in Savannah; And that the Traders in the Nation were under Apprehension of being cut off every Minute by the Indians until this Deponent returned to the Nation and informed them of the Circumstances of the Matter.

The Mark of ✗ John Kenard

Taken and sworn the 22d July 1756 before Us

James DeVeauxJames CampbellW. Little

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Affadavit of George Galphin and ten others in the form of ten questions and answers sworn before David Douglass and three others, Dec. 20, 1755, followed by a certificate by Jonathan Copp, Dec. 22, 1755, to the authenticity of the affidavit.111

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The letters of William Spencer, Aug. 31, 1756, Samuel Marcer, Sept. 6, 1756, James Habersham, Aug. 16, 1756, Noble Jones, Aug. 21, 1756, to Governor John Reynolds; and Thomas Bosomworths reply, Aug. 24, 1756, to their answers to his narrative, as directed by Governor Reynolds.

Savannah the 31st August 1756

Sir

Notwithstanding I acquainted your Excellency that I Could not at this Distance of time make a particular reply to Mr. Thomas Bosomworths Narrative, complaining of the late President and Assistants; especially as the three principal Members are dead, Yet as your Excellency thinks it Necessary, I should give what Answer I had to make in Writing, I beg leave to repeat that the principal Members being dead that Board dissolved and many of the Evidences dispersed and dead, it is impossible for me to make such a defence as Otherwise would have been done.

William Spencer.

Savannah 6th September 1756.

Sir

Your Letter directed to William Spencer, Samuel Marcer, James Habersham and Noble Jones Esqrs. having been Communicated to me with a Narrative of Mr. Thomas Bosomworths in Answer to the Charges and Alegations of the late President and Court of Assistants in Georgia against him and his family which your Excellency acquaints us in pursuant to the Directions of the Lords Commissioners for Trade and plantations that we might answer the same. In regard to myself whilst a Member of that Board and their proceedings in general, I have this to offer, That every thing there was carried by a Majority of Voices and my Particular Judgment Scarce ever influenced. As to the Minutes of the Board particularly relative to Mr. Bosomworth, it Cannot be supposed that I was any wise Concerned in planning of them or in furnishing any Materials that compose the Charge, Since it is well known that the most prevalent Reasons afterwards made use of by the Board to the Trustees for Suspending me was for Conniving with the Bosomworths and encouraging (as they are called) their Treasonable practices. This I apprehend fully appears in their Minutes as well as by Mr. Bosomworths Petition of the first of March 1750/1. I desire to notice further that the president and assistants in their Letter dated 8th March 1750/1 to Benjamin Martin the Trustees Secretary Accuse me of having Acquainted Mr. Bosomworth with what they had Wrote me and thereby betraying their Councils &c. In Answer to this, Admitting their Assertions true My Oath of Secresy as a Member of that Board could have no Connection with my acquainting Mr. Bosomworth with all or any of the Presidents and Assistants Reasons for Suspending me as my Suspension had then Commenced some weeks, and surely a Man injured has a right to Complain. But I defy the President and Assistants to prove the Truth of their Assertions altho the matter I am Sensible is of Little Consequence. On the whole according to what the President and Assistants themselves advance I am rather to be Looked upon as an Opponent to the Measures then pursued in regard to Mr. Bosomworth and his Family than by my Voice or Sentiments to have dictated Countenanced or assented thereto.

Samuel Marcer

Savannah the 16th August 1756

Sir

Sometime ago Mr. William Spencer delivered me a Letter from your Excellency directed to the said William Spencer, Samuel Marcer, myself and Noble Jones Esqrs. with a Narrative and Appendix of Mr. Thomas Bosomworth s, Intitled An Answer to the Charges and Allegations of the late President and Court of Assistants in the Colony of Georgia against the Revd. Mr. Thomas Bosomworth his Wife and Family, which your Excellency acquaints us, you have transmitted to us, pursuant to the Directions of the Lords Commissioners for Trade and plantations, that we might answer the same, in Order for your transmitting the whole Matter, with your Report and Opinion thereupon, to their Lordships.

Mr. Bosomworth in his Narrative complains of the Conduct of the late Board of President and Assistants to him, long before I was or thought of being a Member, which was not till the 24 day of July 1749, three days after Mr. Bosomworth says Mallatchi came to Savannah to see Mrs. Bosomworth before she went for England. The Board for some Years before that date, consisted of William Stephens Esqr, President, Messieurs Henry Parker, William Spencer, Samuel Marcer and Patrick Graham, Assistants, three of whom (William Stephens Esqr. and Messieurs Parker and Graham, who were successively Presidents of this province, Commissioners and Agents for, and especially appointed to Act in Indian Affairs, and consequently best Acquainted therewith) are dead, and if Messieurs Spencer & Marcer dont reply to the Narrative, I presume it cannot be expected from me, who was but a very short Time a Member of that Board during the Time of Mr. Bosomworths Complaints. However the following Paragraph in the Narrative, I Cannot pass over unnoticed, as it particularly concerns me. It is intimated, that the Intention of the President and Assistants in their extraordinary Treatment of the Indians at that Time was designedly to disgust them and thereby make the Danger of an Indian War an Argument to the Ministry at Home, for the Restablishment of a Troop of Rangers of some Other Force in the Colony, which if obtained, as they rightly Observed, woud be some relief in its sinking Condition, by the Circulation of so much Money in it, and to Confirm this, Mr. Abraham Bosomworths Affidavit is produced (Appendix No. 10) that I told him in Company with other Gentlemen, at the House of Mr. Abraham Minis, in a whispering Voice to that purpose, and his Brother Adam, in an Affidavit presented with Mr. Thomas Bosomworths Memorial to the Lords of Trade, has also sworn, that I publickly declared it in the presence of the said Abraham, who declared the same in his presence. This is an Instance how easily a Persons Words and Meaning may be misinterpreted. I do declare, and am ready to do it, in the most Solemn Manner, that to the best of my Knowledge, I never entertained such a thought, or knew of (as I beleive there was not) any Intentions or Design to disgust the Indians upon any Pretext whatsoever, and, I am perswaded, all that know or converse with me here will declare, that neither my Words or Actions at or since that Time, have given the least Room to countenance the Intimation. The Indians or most of them, left Savannah the 19th day of August 1749, to return to their Country, and Mr. Abraham Bosomworth did not arrive at Savannah (as appears by his Affidavit) 'till the 19th or 20th of the said Month; therefore he could not Otherwise know (but by Information) how they had behaved. I mention this Circumstance, because in his Affidavit, He says, the Indians seemed quiet, and all very peaceably inclined. Its probable, I might in Conversation observe, what was Obvious in our defenceless State that what had lately happened, might be an Argument for the Reestablishment of some Troops, and (I might also add) which woud be a Benefit to the Colony in her present low Condition. I never heard, before I lately saw Mr. Abraham Bosomworths Affidavit, that any such thing was affirmed, and its surprising this Material Circumstance was not made use of, when what might have passed, might have been particularly remembered. I must likewise remark, what I think will evidently shew, that Mr. Abraham Bosomworth must have misunderstood me, that it will appear incredible, that I should either in a whispering Voice divulge a Design (as insinuated) of such a Nature to him who was manifestly interested (at least) by the Ties of Consanguinity, and with whom, I had no particular Intimacy or much more, that I should be so very weak (as his Brother Adam appears to have sworn) publicly to declare it. I need not point out the apparent Contradiction of these two Affidavits and neither need I remark that no person could be so stupidly wicked, or so destitute of Self preservation, as designedly to disgust the Indians and thereby risque the Consequences of a runious and destructive War; meerly on the precarious Expectation of getting, what they had no Assurance of obtaining.

I shall only add that during the short Time, I was an Assistant, and consulted in this Affair I acted (as I have always done) agreeable to the Dictates of my Conscience, and the Informations I received.

James Habersham.

Savannah 21st August 1756.

Sir,

I have been acquainted by Mr. Spencer that some time since he received a Letter from your Excellency directed to him the said William Spencer, Samuel Marcer and James Habersham Esqrs. and myself, with a Bundle of Papers called a Narrative of Mr. Bosomworths Complaining of hardships he had received from the Board of President and Assistants and requiring their Answer.

I am greatly Surprised and at a Loss, even to guess at the reason for your Excellencys including my Name among the remaining Members of the then Board of President and Assistants for it is well known, and will appear by their Minutes, that I did not take my seat at that Board till the 5th Day of November 1750 which was more than a Year After the Transactions, the said Mr. Bosomworth complains of, happened.

Noble Jones.

N.B. Notwithstanding Mr. Joness assertion in the above Letter, it plainly appears in the Minutes he refers to, that he was really concerned as a Member of the Board of President and Assistants, in part of the Proceedings whereof Mr. Bosomworth complains, Vide, the Minutes of the Board of the 8th of March 1750/1, and the Letter to Mr. Benjamin Martin from the said Board which he Signed, & which is dated the same day.

J. Reynolds

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Henry Parker, James Habersham, and Noble Jones to Benjamin Martyn, Secretary to the Trustees, Mar. 5, 1750/1, Savannah, with a copy of Thomas Bosomworths petition of Mar. 1, 1750/1.

Three Days ago a Petition from Mr. Thos. Bosomworth, of which a Copy is enclosed, was laid before the Board, and likewise one from his Wife claiming a Right to some of the Indian Presents, and another from his Brother Adam for a Licence to trade with the Indians at the Forks of the Altamaha. The Commissioner by the Advice of the Board acquainted the latter that he does not think him a proper Person to be intrusted with a Licence And we told him that we had given his Brother Abraham an Answer to Mrs. Bosomworths Demand the 13th January 1749 as appears by our Proceedings of that Date. And as to the former we thought it prudent only to say that the Assembly had represented his Brothers Proceedings illegal and treasonable and we concur with them. We can see no End Mr. Bosomworth and his Advisers mean by this than to oblige Us to use Extremities and thereby give him an Opportunity of disturbing the Peace of the Colony. We humbly beg their Honours to take this Affair immediately under their Consideration and give such Instructions therein as they shall think meet for while they go on with Impunity it occasions weak and designing People to support their unjust Claims.

We must observe, Sir, that our Situation in Respect to this Affair is very disagreeable and we are certain Mr. Bosomworth could not be acquainted with what we had wrote to Mr. Marcer by any other but himself. And if our Councils have been betrayed it is no Wonder Mr. Bosomworth remains incorrigible, and we need not say that such a Person is unfit to be intrusted with a judicial Authority. Necessity likewise obliges Us to observe that we have too much Reason to believe the Recorder is in the same Interest having formerly publickly supported this Cause tho he has of late been more wary and has endeavoured to conceal his Sentiments. Here with you will receive a Copy of a Memorial dated the 29th December 1748 delivered by Mr. Bosomworth to the Board about that Time, the Original of which (now in our Hands) was drawn up and wrote by the Recorder which the President Mr. Stephens undertook to transmit to the Trustees but by some Means was forgot or mislaid and we thought it was sent till the Copy was lately found among other Papers. Capt. Kent, Capt Jones, and Mr. Isaac Youngs Affidavits were laid before the Assembly and are what they refer to in their Representation about the Lands claimed by Mr. Bosomworth which were transmitted to the Trustees by the Tryton Captain Campion in January 1747/8.

P. S. Mr. Graham would have signed this but his Business obliged him to go to his Plantation this Morning.

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The petition of Thomas Bosomworth to the President and Assistants in Council, Mar. 1, 1750/1, St. Catherines Island, enclosed with the foregoing letter to Benjamin Martyn, Mar. 5, 1750/1.

Humbly Sheweth,

That whereas your Petitioner has received credible Information that one of the Charges laid by your Honours against Samuel Marcer Esqr. late Magistrate of Savannah is in Words to this Effect Conniving with the Bosomworths and encouraging their Treasonable Practices by not informing the Council of their bad Intentions which he (the said Marcer) had Knowledge of in administring some Affidavits &c; from whence it evidently appears that your Honours previous to the Charge must presuppose some Treason contained in the said Papers, which your Petitioner is so little conscious of that he has already transmitted them Home to be laid before his Majesty in Council.

And whereas from the Tenor of the said Charge the World must conclude your Petitioner and Wife or Brother actually guilty of Treason which must give a vital Stab, to the Reputation of your Petitioner and the Family of which he had no Information from your Honours or knows of what he is accused.

Your Petitioner therefore most humbly prays that your Honours would be pleased to order him a Copy of your Charge against him and let him know what these Practices are your Honors are pleased to call Treasonable that he may be thereby enabled to justify himself and Family from those heavy Accusations Which your Petitioner humbly supposed is a Piece of common Justice due by the Laws of his Countrey even to the greatest Criminal.

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Thomas Bosomworth to John Reynolds, Aug. 24, 1756, Savannah, in answer to James Habershams Aug. 16, 1756, letter to Reynolds.

Mr. Habershams Letter to your Excellency of the 16th Instant relative to my Answer to the Journals of the Late President and Court of Assistants of this province, on Perusal, furnishes me with no fresh Subject for a Reply, not being, nor seemingly intended a Justification of his publick Character as a Member of that Board, which I humbly presume is the point in Question.

That I complained of the Conduct of the Board previous to Mr. Habershams being a Member thereof, was for the more fully illustrating the Injury and Oppression that, for a Number of Years, I had laboured under; That Mr. Habersham should be accountable for the Conduct of that Board, previous to his being a Member thereof, never was, nor could be expected; Nevertheless that he justifies his Conduct from the Time he Acknowledges himself to be a Member (24th July last) is what Common Justice requires.

The Sufficiency of Mr. Habershams Apology for not answering an account of the Delinquency of the rest of the Members (yet living) I submit to your Excellency. As to the solemn Asseveration of his Own Innocence, and his Appeal to the Publick; (chiefly I imagine calculated in Defense of his private Character) it is to be observed that self Affirmation is no Evidence, and where facts are asserted Proofs are expected.

His remark on Brother Abrahams Affidavit and the Contradiction he Attempts to point out. On Persual of the Affidavit it will appear that my Brother did not confine himself to one particular Day; and a Reference to the Journals of the president and Assistants of 22d and 23d August 1749, will evince that Malachi and the rest of the Indians were not yet gone. And by the Journals of 19th of the same Month it appears when my Brother Arrived, Who in discharge of his Duty as Agent for South Carolina was obliged to, and forthwith did, enquire into the Temper and Disposition of the Indians, what reception they met with, and Satisfaction they expressed in their Treatment and Presents. Mr. Habersham Afterwards in his Letter seems to admit some of the principal Facts contained in that Affidavit, particularly as to the Discourse there mentioned. For although he pretends that my Brothers Abrahams and Adams Affidavits, on that Head, are incongruous, the One Charging him to have spoke in a whispering Voice, and the other that he publicly declared it, I think the whole is sufficiently reconciled by remarking, that the principal Affidavit charges him with having spoke it in a Whispering Voice in publick Company. This Circumstance not having been before made use of I account for by the Avenues to Justice being, as to me, shut up, in Savannah the Magistrates even refusing to take the Deposition of a Witness in my Behalf (Appendix No. 29). No sooner had I the opportunity of removing out of the province than I pursued a very advisable Measure to do my Self Justice; whereby it is that I now have the fortunate Occasion of answering to your Excellency.

Mr. Habersham next attempts to invalidate these Affidavits by supposing that no one could be so stupedly wicked &c &c. on the precarious Expectation of getting what they had no Assurance of obtaining. This Rhapsody politically moral, brings to mind a Remark often made, That Many a Man has been too cunning for himself.

As to the Dictates of Conscience, I would humbly suppose that no particular Conscience, when apparently influencing to the Prejudice of Society, or any Individual of that Society, can or ought to, be admitted in Extenuation; but that the established Rule of judging in such Cases is from Testimony.

My humble request therefore is that, agreeable to the Directions of the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, your Excellency will be pleased to summon before you the Parties concerned or their Agents to deliver in their Reply to my Answer to the Charges and Allegations of the late President and Court of Assistants of this province against me and my Family, if any be intended; and if no reply shall be then produced, the Time being fully elapsed and my Distresses, by delay, becoming daily more intollerable, that your Excellency will proceed therein for my Relief, as to your Wisdom and Justice shall seem meet.

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John Reynolds to the Board of Trade, Sept. 29, 1756, Savannah, received and read Dec. 21, 1756, C.O. 5/645, B. 33, advising them that the colony seems on the verge of an Indian war and that 1756 was a bad year for the silk culture.

On the 29th Ultimate I received the Honour of your Lordships Letter of the 5th of May.

I shall not fail to use my utmost endeavours to establish a stated & regular correspondence with Charles Town, that Your Lordships may hear from me by every opportunity from hence according to your directions. I have been trying to do This ever since my arrival, and at length I believe I have found a proper person in Mr. Robert Raper the Naval Officer to whose care I desire Your Lordships will please to order all Your Commands for me, to be Addressed.

Your Lordships are pleased to desire that I will send Authentick Copies of all the Original Grants or Titles under which people hold their Lands here, in answer to which I am to acquaint Your Lordships that no person now in the Province is possessed of any Grant from the late Trustees or their Officers (except Sir Patrick Houstoun who has taken a fresh one in His Majestys name) nor is here any Record of anybodys Title to Lands before my arrival, except what may be found in the minutes of the late Board of President and Assistants.

This Colony is now upon the point of being involved in a War with the Indians, who will doubtless be joined by the French in their Attack upon us which has already been made by a party of the Creek Indians about three weeks ago, in firing upon some of our outsettlers, who, in returning their fire, have killed two or three of those Indians and it is hardly possible to pacify those people when once any of their Blood is spilled. The Inhabitants of this Province are surprisingly Allarmed at this affair, and many are fled to Carolina. A breach with the Southern Indians at this time, would not only greatly distress this Still Defenceless Province, but likewise Carolina, and have such effects with respect to the operations to the Northward, and the state of the War in General as Your Lordships Discernment will better point out to you than I can describe. I have sent Express to the Head Men of the Creek Nation, and the Governor of South Carolina has done the same, that the persons who did the Mischief shall be secured in order to make satisfaction to the relations of the Slain (all but one of them are in the Goal here), and Your Lordships may depend upon my doing my Utmost to Accommodate this unlucky matter. The Council have unanimously advised me on this occasion to raise a Troop of 70 Rangers, until I can hear from Lord Loudoun how he approves of my Representation and Proposals for the defense of this Colony, which I transmitted to him in July. Accordingly I have begun to raise the Men & have Drawn upon his Lordship for Money to defray the Expence.

The Thousand pounds which Your Lordships have been pleased to order Mr. Martin the Agent to transmit to me, is not yet come to hand; and therefore as it is impossible to apply it for this year in the manner Your Lordships are pleased to direct, I shall reserve it to be applied in that manner, whenever it arrives.

This has been a very bad year for the Silk Culture occasioned by the extraordinary sudden changes of the Weather, and therefore there has been no more than 268 pounds of Silk made, but the expence of the Silk Account amounts to 602. 7.10, of which 90 was for a new Cocoon-house that Mr. Ottolanghe thought necessary; and 10, of it, was the expence of a Specimen of Silk made at Ebenezer which I transmitted to Your Lordships by the three Brothers, James Boddie, who sailed hence for London on the 27th of May. Mr. Ottolanghes Silk was not ready at that time, and as there is no appearance of any opportunity of Shipping it from hence, it shall be sent by the first conveyance from Charles Town.

The Council have at length consented to the calling another Assembly which is to meet here on the first of November.

I have the most Grateful Sense of His Majestys Goodness in consenting to the increase of my Salary, & I humbly beg leave to return Thanks to Your Lordships for the favour You were pleased to show to my Application for the same.

P. S. I have inclosed a List of the Papers herewith transmitted to Your Lordships.

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John Reynolds to the Board of Trade, Oct. 17, 1756, Georgia, received Dec. 20, and read Dec. 21, 1756, C.O. 5/645, B. 34, asking that presents be sent to Georgia every year for the Indians.

My Letter of the 29th of last Month, and most of the public papers therein mentioned, were intended to have gone home a fortnight ago, but found no Ship at Charles-Town bound for England. And therefore have compleated the Copy of the Minutes of the Govr. in Council up to the 12th Instant. But, as I have yet received no answer to my Letter to the Creek Nation, I have no other matter worthy of communicating to Your Lordships, at present, except that I must beg leave Earnestly to recommend the sending hither Presents for the Indians every year, for the French will be glad to take the advantage of giving them handsome presents, this year, when they come to know that we have got none for them. I therefore hope Your Lordships will be pleased to order the Agent to Petition for the same (which he acquaints me is wanting) and to send them out as soon as possible.

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Copy of an Order in Council, Nov. 19, 1756, Court at St. James, received Dec. 21, 1756, read Mar. 17, 1757, C.O. 5/645, B. 38, directing Gov. Reynolds to take care that the small arms and ammunition be safeguarded and kept in good working order.

His Majesty having been this day pleased by His Order in Council to direct that the Small Arms and Ammunition contained in the annexed Estimate amounting to the Sum of 1,277.3 s. 7d should be forthwith sent to the Colony of Georgia, to be put into the hands of the Inhabitants for the Defence of the said Colony. His Majesty doth therefore hereby Order that the Governor or Commander in Chief of the said Colony for the time being do take care that the said Arms and Ammunition be kept in good Order and well preserved in some Storehouse or other place to be set apart for them. That none of them may be embezled, And that the said Governor do deliver them into the hands of the Inhabitants as Occasion shall require, But he is to Cause them to be returned to him again as soon as such Occasion shall cease.

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Copy of a Order in Council, Nov. 19, 1756, Court at St. James, received Dec. 21, 1756, read Mar. 17, 1757, C.O. 5/645, B. 39, directing five hundred stands of arms with a proportionate quantity of powder and ball, contained in the annexed estimate, be sent to Georgia.

Whereas Henry Ellis Esqr. Lieutenant Govr. of the Colony of Georgia did some time since represent to the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations his Apprehensions of the Dangers to which that Colony stands exposed by the very naked and Defenceless Condition and at the same time humbly prayed that five hundred Stands of Arms with a proportionable Quantity of Powder and Ball might be forthwith sent to the said Colony to be put into the Hands of the Inhabitants as the only immediate Means of Defence against the Attempts of any small Force; And Whereas the said Lord Commissioners have thereupon Reported to His Majesty at this Board That the said Colony tho of great Importance by its Situation as a Barrier against the Spaniards, French and Indians is destitute of every Means of Defence not having a Single Fort to secure its Frontiers nor are there any Troops, in the Colony except a Detachment of Forty Men from an Independant Company belonging to a Neighbouring Province; And that as the Inhabitants are unable to furnish themselves with Arms, The said Lord Commissioners have therefore humbly proposed that His Majesty would be graciously pleased to Order the aforesaid Quantity of Arms and Ammunition to be immediately sent to the said Colony. And Whereas the Master General of the Ordnance to whom His Majesty thought proper to referr the Consideration of this Matter hath this day laid before His Majesty at this Board an Estimate (prepared by the Board of Ordnance) of the Expence of Five hundred Small Arms of the Dutch Fabrick and Ammunition for them amounting to the Sum of 1277. 3s. 7d. His Majesty this day took the same into Consideration and was pleased with the Advice of His Privy Council to Approve thereof and to Order as it is hereby Ordered that the Small Arms and Ammunition contained in the annexed Estimate be forthwith sent to the said Colony of Georgia. And that the Expence thereof be made an Article in the next Estimate that shall be prepared by the Board of Ordnance to be laid before the Parliament. And His Grace the Duke of Marlborough Master General of the Ordnance is to cause the necessary Directions to be given herein accordingly.

As Estimate of the Expence of Small Arms and Ammunition requested by Henry Ellis Esqr. Lieutenant Governor of the Colony of Georgia for the Defence of the said Colony.



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N. Hardinge, Secretary to the Lords of the Treasury, to John Pownall, Secretary to the Board of Trade, Dec. 27, 1756, Whitehall, received Dec. 1756, read Jan. 11, 1757, C.O. 5/645, B. 35, desiring him to notify the Board of His Majestys command that the Board prepare and lay before the House of Commons an estimate of the expenses of the Colony of Georgia from June 24, 1756, to midsummer, 1757.

I desire You will acquaint the Lords Commissioners of Trade and plantations, that the Chancellor of the Exchequer hath received His Majestys Commands, that their Lordships should prepare and lay before the House of Commons an Estimate of the Expences attending the Colony of Georgia from the 24th day of June 1756 to Midsummer 1757.

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Notes

1. The memorial and the first three enclosures are printed in Lucian L. Knight, ed., The Colonial Records of Georgia, XXVI (Atlanta, 1916), 477-502.

2. The notation N. B. was added at the time copies were made for the memorial and was not a part of the original letter. The same is true of other occurrences of the notation throughout the enclosures of the memorial.

3. The Matthews trading post at Mount Venture was burnt during the War of Jenkins Ear. Afterwards the Matthewses went to Savannah because Jacob Matthews was seriously ill.

4. Here and throughout the enclosures of the memorial the explanatory items in parentheses were added when the copies were made.

5. Spanish reinforcements.

6. Matthews died in Savannah on June 6, 1742.

7. In June and July fighting between the Spanish and Oglethorpes forces had broken out on St. Simons Island. The Spanish defeat at Bloody Marsh took place on July 7. This letter was written about the time that the Spanish were planning to leave Frederica but before Oglethorpe was aware of their intentions.

8. In Savannah the false rumor spread that Frederica had fallen to the Spanish.

9. Moosa was a fort near St. Augustine where part of Oglethorpes forces were defeated on June 25, 1741.

10. This was Oglethorpes second attempt to capture St. Augustine in February and March, 1743.

11. Oglethorpe sailed for England on July 23, 1743.

12. Tooanahowe was Tomochichis nephew who accompanied the Yamacraw chieftain to England in 1734.

13. On July 8, 1744, Mary Matthews married the Reverend Thomas Bosomworth, Anglican Minister at Savannah. Evidently Major Horton did not discover this for two months, judging by his letter of Sept. 3. On the actual marriage, see E. Merton Coulter, ed., The Journal of William Stephens, 1743-1745 (Athens, 1959), 127.

14. Probably Daniel Demetre, a former sergeant of marines, now the master of a periagua used by the Trustees. He was Oglethorpes master boatman.

15. James Glen, Governor of South Carolina, 1743-1756.

16. The Youtchees, Yuchis, or Uchees, had established a town ten or twelve miles from Augusta, and the name was still in use in 1747. By this time the tribe itself had moved further west.

17. In June, 1747, Lt. Col. Alexander Heron returned to Georgia from England and assumed command of Oglethorpes regiment, replacing Major William Horton who had been in command since Oglethorpes departure in July, 1743.

18. A brother of Thomas Bosomworth.

19. The entire memorial is printed below, pp.47-52. The portion here given begins with That since the Reduction of the Regiment , p. 48, and continues to the end of the memorial.

20. A Creek celebration or feast at the beginning of the corn harvest.

21. Henceforth expect these accomplishments from this colony.

22. Seal of the Province of Georgia.

23. Joseph Ottolenghe came to England from the town of Casel in the Piedmont section of Italy at the age of twenty-one. A Jew, he settled at Exeter to learn the snuff trade from his uncle, Gabriel Treves. Converted to Anglicanism by his exposure to the New Testament, Ottolenghe was sent to Georgia in 1752 to oversee the filature and to teach Christianity to the Indians and slaves. When Georgia came under royal control in 1754, Ottolenghes position as superintendent of the silk culture was continued, thus this gratuitous letter to Benjamin Martyn, Georgias agent in London, who negotiated for him with the Board of Trade. See Jacob R. Marcus, Early American Jewry, 2 vols. (Philadelphia, 1951-1955), II, 301-16, 331, 333, 338; and Marcus, An Answer to Two Papers Lately Published by Gabriel Treves, A Jew of the City of Exeter, on the Case of Joseph S. Ottolenghe (London, 1735).

24. Strazza and Struzze, Italian terms, were inferior, low-grade silk windings, wastage from broken chrysalides or undeveloped cocoons. Sold at cut-rate prices, strazza and struzze were worked by small children, usually orphans, older women, and invalids.

25. A reference to Edmund Gray (Grey), a political adventurer and pretended Quaker who came to Augusta from Virginia in 1750. In the transition from the Trustee ship to royal government, Gray set himself up as interim administrator of the Augusta district, freely dispensing lands and favors to his friends. Purporting to represent the colonys small farmers and frontiersmen, Gray attempted to secure control of the first Georgia legislature, scheduled to meet early in 1755, by winning seats for himself and his followers. The race was hottest in Savannah, where four of the nineteen seats were at stake. Joseph Ottolenghe, a Gray opponent, was elected over one of Grays supporters. See Lilla M. Hawes, ed., Proceedings of the President and Assistants in Council of Georgia, 1749-1751, Georgia Historical Quarterly, XXXV (1957), 10-22, and W.W. Abbot, The Royal Governors of Georgia, 1754-1755 (Chapel Hill, 1959), 38-40.

26. The allusion was to Charles Watson, the leading supporter of Edmund Gray in Savannah. A former public official under the Trustees and a sometimes lawyer, Watson was the only Gray-backed candidate to win a seat in the assembly. Ottolenghes fury thus fell upon Watson whom he suspected of plotting to oust him from his seat in the upcoming legislature. See Abbot, Royal Governors, 40-43; CRG, XIII, 18-68, passim; VII, 94-96, 252.

27. As a Society for the Propagation of the Gospel missionary, one of Ottolenghes duties was to instruct Negro slaves. In this the Jewish convent was more conscientious than most S. P. G. ministers, and he regularly made the rounds of plantations to promote Christianity among the slaves.

28. Fords depositions of Oct. 2, 1750, Sept. 21, 1751, and Bosomworths of May 4, 1752, are printed above pp.18-20.

29. The list was not filed with this letter.

30. This address, along with the one to the King, is printed in CRG, XIII, 32-33.

31. Printed in CRG, XIII, 31-32.

32. The list was not filed with this letter.

33. This remonstrance, passed Feb. 27, 1755, is printed in CRG, XIII, 72-73.

34. This address, passed Feb. 27, 1755, is printed in CRG, XIII, 73-74.

35. This is evidently a corruption of haubitze, the German word for howitzer.

36. Fascines, bundles of sticks, wood, and other materials, frequently were used in eighteenth-century fortifications to fill ditches, strengthen the sides of ditches, and to reinforce or face an earthern breastwork. Torf is an obsolete spelling of turf.

37. Sinking this bill means that Little did not present it to Governor Reynolds for his signature after it had passed both houses of the assembly. For a more detailed account of the Little troubles, see Abbot, Royal Governors, 45-54.

38. Neither the list nor the papers were filed with this letter.

39. This Narrative was written by Thomas Bosomworth, the husband of Mary Musgrove, self-proclaimed Queen of the Creeks. Growing out of conflicting land claims and Mary Bosomworths claim for compensation for her earlier services to Georgia, the Bosomworth Affair was complicated by deteriorating relations between Oglethorpe and his fellow Trustees, by the presence of a de facto military government in Georgias southern district, by the jealousy between Savannah and Frederica over control of the distribution of Indian presents, and by the confusion created in the transition from Trustee to royal control.

Thomas Bosomworth originally came to Georgia in December, 1741, intended as a clerk for Secretary William Stephens. Bosomworth thought himself qualified for something better than a mere clerkship, had literary ambitions, and sought preferment by the Trustees. Stephens recommended him for several minor government offices and appointed him Secretary of Indian Affairs. In November, 1742, Bosomworth went to England, apparently as a courier for Oglethorpe and to seek Holy Orders. He was ordained and appointed minister to Georgia. Returning to the colony in December, 1743, he divided his time between Savannah and Frederica, where he officiated as chaplain of Oglethorpes regiment. On July 8, 1744, in Frederica, Bosomworth married Mary Musgrove Matthews and soon became a leading character in the Bosomworth Affair, which disrupted Georgia throughout the next decade.

Bosomworth had two brothers, Abraham and Adam, who were in Georgia during a part of this decade. Abraham was sent to London in 1745 by Colonel Alexander Heron, commander of Oglethorpes regiment, and by certain Creek chieftans to act as an agent in the interests of the Bosomworth land claims. Back in America in 1749, he was made South Carolinas agent in the distribution of Indian gifts, a matter in which the Bosomworths were vitally interested. Adam was present in Savannah with Thomas and Mary during the Indian troubles of July and August, 1749. In March, 1751, the President and Assistants refused him a license to engage in the Indian trade at the forks of the Altamaha.

The complete story of the Bosomworth affair has yet to be told. Coming upon the various memorials, representations, claims, and accounts of the affair of the Bosomworths in 1846, an exasperated William Bacon Stevens wrote, Scarcely any portion of this history had cost more labour in digesting, arranging and reconciling the various contradictory statements of the parties concerned. The truth has, I trust, rewarded my toil. William B. Stevens, A History of Georgia, 2 vols. (New York and Philadelphia, 1847-1859), I, 227. The Bosomworth affair is best explained in Stevens, I, 224-41; John P. Corry, Indian Affairs in Georgia, 1732-1756 (Philadelphia, 1936); John P. Corry, Some New Light on the Bosomworth Claims, Georgia Historical Quarterly, XXV (1941), 195-224; David H. Corkran, The Creek Frontier, 1540-1783 (Norman, Okla., 1967), 114-192; and E. Merton Coulter, Mary Musgrove, Queen of the Creeks, A Chapter of Early Georgia Troubles, Georgia Historical Quarterly, XI (1927), 1-30.

40. Throughout this narrative the quotations from the minutes of the President and Assistants are not always exactly as they are printed in CRG, VI, but they always agree with the sense, implying that Bosomworth had access to these minutes when he prepared his narrative.

41. See Appendix No. 21 below, pp. 218-222.

42. This treaty is printed in Oglethorpes Treaty with the Lower Creek Indians, Georgia Historical Quarterly, IV, (1920), 3-16.

43. This is evidently a reference to Torno-Chi-Chis grant of the Yamacraw Bluff, former Site of his village, to Mary Musgrove Matthews as described by William Stephens, on Dec. 13, 1737. See CRG, IV, 49-50.

44. Bosomworth probably meant that the charges would be proven to be hazy, obscure, or vague, thus reflecting his own thoughts about the guilt of the accusers.

45. At the July, 1753, Charleston conference, Malachi, with Mary as his interpreter, pressed the Creek land claims against Georgia, especially questioning the validity of Patrick Grahams deed from the Upper Towns. When Governor James Glen of South Carolina responded noncommittally, the Bosomworths interpreted his remarks as supporting their cause against Georgia. See William L. McDowell, ed., Documents Relating to Indian Affairs, May 21, 1750 - Aug. 7, 1754 (Columbia: S.C. Archives Dept., 1958), 389-407.

46. Ellick, a chieftain of Kasihta, a Lower Creek town on the Chattahoochee. The Lower Creeks were generally more favorable to the Bosomworths than the Upper Creeks.

47. A reference to the fact that the English influenced the creation of chieftains.

48. Ipse Dixit, statement made on the authority of the speaker only.

49. This affidavit is printed in CRG, XXVI, 490-499.

50. Printed above, pp. 12-15.

51. William Augustus, Duke of Cumberland.

52. Opia Fixico, a Creek name, may be translated Heartless Owl.

53. Senaukey, or Senauki, was the widow of Torno-Chi-Chi.

54. Santachee, or Sintouchi, was one of the Indians who went to England with Oglethorpe in 1734, the trip here referred to as over the great water.

55. A Busk was a Creek celebration or feast at the beginning of the corn harvest.

56. This affidavit is printed in CRG, XXVI, 500-502.

57. This letter is printed above, p. 9.

58. This letter is printed above, p, 9.

59. This letter is printed above, p. 10.

60. These proceedings are printed in CRG, XXVI, 485-490.

61. Old Emperor Brim, or Brims, an uncle of Mary Bosomworth and the father of Malatchi, was a main Creek chieftain who died a few years before Georgias founding.

62. This letter is printed above, p. 2.

63. This letter is printed above, pp. 2-3.

64. This letter is printed above, p. 3.

65. John Martin Bolzius, pastor at Ebenezer.

66. The affidavit of Jacob Ford is printed above, p. 20.

67. This affidavit is printed above, p. 20.

68. This memorial is printed above, pp. 47-52.

69. This representation is printed above, pp. 17-18, there dated Dec. 17, 1747.

70. This letter is printed above, pp. 1-2.

71. This letter is printed above, p. 10.

72. This letter and journal extract are printed above, pp. 10-12.

73. This letter is printed above, p. 12.

74. This deposition is printed above, pp. 13-14.

75. This letter is printed above, p. 15.

76. This letter is printed above, p. 15.

77. This price for rice is obviously not per pound, but is evidently per hundredweight.

78. This letter is printed above, pp. 9-10.

79. This letter is printed above, pp. 15-16.

80. This letter is printed above, p. 16.

81. This letter is printed above, pp. 16-17.

82. This letter is printed above, p. 21.

83. This letter is printed above, pp. 21-22.

84. This letter is printed above, p. 21.

85. The letters of July 25 and September 8, 1749 are found in CRG, XXV, 408-411, 412-423, and agree with the excerpts from them included in this letter.

86. Major Horton.

87. This declaration is printed above, pp. 17-18, dated Dec. 17, 1747.

88. Settled by Highland Scots who spoke chiefly Gaelic, the Darien area still had Highlanders as late as 1750.

89. The Rev. John Burton, D. D. (1696-1771), a theological and classical scholar, was one of the Georgia Trustees.

90. This letter is printed above, pp. 16-17, 196-197.

91. This letter is printed above, pp. 222-223, dated Aug. 21, 1742.

92. This letter is printed above, p. 202.

93. This deposition is printed above, pp. 217-218.

94. This affidavit is printed above, pp. 218-221.

95. This letter is printed above, pp. 230-231.

96. This abstract is printed above, pp. 231-232.

97. This letter is printed above, p. 10.

98. This letter is printed above, pp. 10-12.

99. This letter is printed above, p. 12.

100. General James Oglethorpe.

101. This letter is printed above, pp. 12-15.

102. Here, for no apparent reason, appendix numbering begins over at No. 6. A new page begins with Appendix No. 6, and it is possible that a part of the document has been lost, though there is nothing in the appearance of the original to substantiate this. The letter which constitutes this appendix is printed above, pp. 3-4.

103. This letter is printed above, p. 4.

104. This letter is printed above, pp. 4-5.

105. Here again the appendix numbering jumps. See footnote 102, above.

106. This letter is printed above, p. 8.

107. This letter is printed above, p. 8.

108. This letter is printed above, p. 8.

109. This is Appendix No. 3 to Bosomworths Narrative. Appendices 1 and 2 referred to below are to the same documents. All are printed above, pp. 194-196.

110. A license to engage in the Indian trade, for which Adam Bosomworth had applied.

111. This affidavit is printed above, pp. 218-221.

INDEX

Acadians, arrive in Georgia, 105

Adye, Stephen, grant, 94, 129

Aldridge, William, grant, 90

Allen, Matthew, grant, 85

Altamaha River, uncertain boundary, 5657

Alther, John, grant, 81

Alther, Joseph, grant, 140

Anderly, Henry, grant, 79

Anderson, James, grant, 78

Andrews, Benjamin, grant, 134

Applebee, George, grant, 90

Arms and ammunition, for Georgia, 292294

Arthur, Francis, grant, 95

Assembly, called by Gov. John Reynolds, 33

qualifications and elections, 71

troubles of Reynolds with, 112113

Assembly of Trustees, on Bosomworth affair, 274275

Atherton, John, grant, 80

Augusta, defenses at, 103, 106, 109

grant for inhabitants, 83

Indian presents distributed, 105

Backer, Balthasar, grant, 84

Backshell, William, grant, 94

Bacon, Jonathan, grant, 88

Bacon, Joseph, grant, 88

Bacon, Joseph, Jr., grant, 90

Bacon, Josiah, grant, 88

Bacon, Samuel, grant, 88

Bader, Matthias, grant, 93

Bailey, Thomas, grant, 90, 145

Baillie, Alexander, grant, 93

Baillie, Kenneth, grant, 82

Baillie, Robert, grant, 97

Baillou, James, grant, 96

Baillou, Peter, grant, 80

Baker, Benjamin, grant, 88, 134

Baker, Elizabeth, grant, 89

Baker, James, grant, 89

Baker, Joseph, grant, 90

Baker, Richard, grant, 89, 129

Baker, William, grant, 88, 129

Ballowe, John, grant, 82

Ballowe, William, grant, 82

Bantli, Jacob, grant, 98

Barbo, William, grant, 78

Barker, Joseph, grant, 81, 86, 97

Barker, Samuel, grant, 87

Barksdale, Isaac, grant, 80

Barnard, Edward, grant, 95

Barnard, John, grant, 79

Barr, Ambrose, grant, 80

Baxter, John, grant, 80

Bearfull, William, grant, 80

Becham, John, grant, 86

Becket, Thomas, grant, 94

Becket, William, grant, 81, 91

Beltz, Hans, grant, 78

Belzenhagen, Martin, grant, 92

Benison, Richard, grant, 94

Bennet, John, grant, 94

Benz, Mark, grant, 94

Berrier, Jacob, grant, 79

Berrier, John, grant, 95

Billinghurst, James, grant, 79

Bills of exchange, payment of Georgia ones, 25

Biltz, Sigismund, grant, 97

Birkholt, John George, grant, 85

Bishop, Henry, grant, 94

Black, David, grant, 82

Blessing, John, grant, 87

Bloody Marsh, battle of, 34

Bobby, James, grant, 85

Bollinger, George, grant, 93

Bolton, Robert, grant, 82, 94

Bolzenhard, Bartw., grant, 92

Bolzenhard, George, grant, 91

Bolzius, Rev. John Martin, grant, 80, 84, 129

thinks more Germans would come, 114

Boreman, Michael, grant, 82

Bornemann, John Christian, grant, 93

Bosomworth, Abraham, biographical note, 156

imprisoned in Savannah, 171172

Indian agent, 1415, 17, 3132, 162, 164, 204207, 252, 253

messenger to England, 197

recommended for lieutenancy in regiment, 197

Bosomworth, Adam, biographical note, 156

deposition about Creek-French relations, 1820

Mary Bosomworth princess and agent, 207213

refused license for Indian trade, 272, 286

Bosomworth, Mary, a Christian, 173

considers herself an Indian, 173174

arrested in Savannah, 184

claim compensation for services, 6670, 228231

given Indian reserved lands, 213218

importance at beginning of colony, 180181, 186187

Oglethorpes opinion of, 181

Indian presents may be given, 203207

interpreter and Indian advisor, 164165

kinship to Malatchi, 220221

Major William Horton on, 267

payment for services, 188191

princess and agent of the Creek nation, 207213

recommended by officers of regiment, 1718

services 1749-1753, 220221

services to Georgia, 186188

supplies issued to Indians, 231232, 234236

work with Indians, 122, 4950, 6869

see Matthews, Mary Bosomworth, Thomas, accusations against President and Assistants, 271274

accused of treason, 157158, 193194

apologizes for his wifes behavior, 227228

asks advice on his debts, 227

attacks the President and Assistants account of Indian troubles in 1749, 237256

biographical note, 155156

danger in 1749, 223224

expects to pay creditors, 176

granted Indian land reserve, 194196

marries Mary Matthew, 7

memorial about Marys helping to distribute Indian presents, 4453

memorial to Board of Trade, Nov. 26, 1754, 122

payment of creditors, 186

said to be no clergyman, 169

testimonials of character, 257261

Bosomworth, Thomas and Mary, deny they claim all Indian lands, 262263

in England, 89

Indian troubles of 1749, 275285

memorials, 75

narrative of their claims, 153290

property seized, 53

South Carolina Indian agents, 2122, 191

suit of Francis Harris & James Habersham against, 5253

threatened with imprisonment, 174175

Bosset, Nathl., grant, 86

Bosset, Thomas, Sr., grant, 83

Bostick, Valentine, grant, 94, 96

Bourquin, Abrm., grant, 85

Bourquin, Benedict, grant, 83, 87

Bourquin, Henry, grant, 83

Bourquin, John, Jr., grant, 85

Bourquin, John, Sr., grant, 85

Bowdle, Leonard, grant, 84

Bradock, David Cutler, grant, 80, 139

Bradwell, Isaac, grant, 89

Bradwell, Nathanl., grant, 89

Brady, John, grant, 96

Brims, Emperor, kinship to Malatchi and Mary Bosomworth, 220221

Brown, David, grant, 131

Brown, Patrick, grant, 82, 90

Bruckner, George, grant, 85

Bryan, Hugh, grant, 142

Bryan, Jonathan, appointed treasurer, 63

bad state of Georgia, 114115

grant, 84, 97, 135, 142

resigns as Treasurer, 114

Reynolds a poor governor, 114115

Bryan, Jonathan, Jr., grant, 87

Bryan, Joseph, grant, 88

Buchanan, William, grant, 81

Buckhart, Martin, grant, 87

Buntz, John George, grant, 97

Buntz, Urban, grant, 97

Burgermeis, Christopher, grant, 78

Burges, Thomas, grant, 79

Burghe, Rudolph, grant, 78

Burnley, Samuel, grant, 88, 138

Burtley, Richard; grant, 79

Butler, Elisha, grant, 90, 95, 97, 143

qualified for council, 77

Butler, James, grant, 90, 141

Butler, Joseph, grant, 17, 96

Butler, Joseph, Jr., grant, 97

Butler, Shem, grant, 96

Butler, Thomas, grant, 90, 141

Butler, William, grant, 97

Butler, William, Jr., grant, 90, 144

Butler, William, Sr., grant, 90, 95, 141

Butler, William, of Indian Land, grant, 90

Butler, William, son of Elisha, grant, 95

Cadogan, Capt. George, grant, 83

Calwell, Henry, grant, 96

Campbell, James, grant, 90

Camphire, Christopher, grant, 79

Camuse, Anthony, grant, 80

Cannon, Daniel, grant, 90

Carlton, Edward, grant, 91, 144

Carr, Capt. Mark, grant, 81, 87

Carr, Thomas, grant, 81

Carr, William, grant, 82, 87

Carter, Thomas, grant, 96

Catholics, from Nova Scotia to Georgia, 105

Catterton, Mark, grant, 83

Caulkins, Jonathan, grant, 82

Chapman, John, grant, 140

Chapman, William, grant, 89

Charles Town, Georgia correspondence through, 290

Chatwin, Joseph, grant, 85

Cherokee Indians, relations with, 10, 11

Chickilli Tuskeestonduah, talk of, 199202

Chief justice, should be sent from England, 59, 105

Christie, James, grant, 89

Churchwell, John, grant, 90

Clark, Angus, grant, 84

Clark, Ann, grant, 83

Clark, Hugh, grant, 84

Clark, Joshua, grant, 89

Clark, Patrick, grant, 90

Clark, William, grant, 84

Clarke, Donald, grant, 83

Clarke, Patrick, grant, 82

Clarke, William, grant, 81

Clee, Samuel, grant, 78

Clements, William, grant, 78, 82

Clergyman, needed in southern Georgia, 257261

Clifton, William, request for land grant, 7273

Coffee, John, grant, 94

Collins, Andrew, grant, 81, 86

Collins Thomas, grant, 83

Commons House, qualifications for members, 71

Contingency fund, inadequate, 104105

uses of, 126

Cook, William, grant, 81

Cooper, Richard, grant, 83, 91

Copp, Rev. Jonathan, friendship to Bosomworths, 226227

on Creek customs, 221222

Council, qualifications for membership, 77

troubles of Reynolds with, 113, 118119, 126

Cox, Richard, Jr., grant, 96, 98, 143

Cox, Richard, Sr., grant, 96, 98, 143

Creeks Indians, and southern part of Georgia, 49

dispute land ownership with whites, 163

English relations with, 1820

government and history as related by Mary Bosomworth, 6768

Mary Bosomworths services in connection with, 6870

presents for, 261

relations with, 125126

relations with French, 1012, 1314, 1820

Croft, Widow, grant, 78

Cronenberger, Michael, grant, 85

Cross, Thomas, grant, 83

Cubbedge, George, grant, 80, 81

Cubbedge, John, grant, 94

Cumberland, Duke of, sent gifts by Indians, 198

Curandi, Henrick, grant, 78

Curran, Samuel, grant, 85

Currency, none in Georgia, 7677

Cuthbert, George, grant, 90, 97, 133

not qualified for council, 77

Danner, Jacob, grant, 95

Dasher, Chrisn., grant, 79, 97

Dasher, Martin, grant, 93

Dauner, Michael, grant, 92

Davis, John, grant, 83, 88, 91

Davis, John, Jr., grant, 94

Davis, Thomas, grant, 85

Davis, William, grant, 84

Davison, Edward, grant, 79

Dawson, Thomas, grant, 78, 82

Day, Nathaniel, appointed Provost Marshal, 114

grant, 127

Day, Owen, grant, 86

DeBraham, William, defense plan for Georgia, 103104, 105, 106111

grant, 88

Defense, bad, 64

bad condition in 1756, 292293

DeBrahams plan, 103104, 105, 106111

inadequate, 121122

of southern Georgia, 4751

plan, 103104, 106111

Deigler, Daniel, grant, 78

Delegal, David, grant, 91

Delegal, Philip, Jr., grant, 81

Delegal, Philip, Sr., grant, 87

Demere, Lt. Paul., grant, 82

Demere, Capt. Raymond, grant, 82

Demetre, Daniel, grant, 84, 139

Oglethorpes boatman, 7

Denzler, Henry, grant, 98

Deppe, Valentine, grant, 85

Dereaux, James, qualified for council, 77

Derrick, George, grant, 79

Destemple, Peter, grant, 95

DeVaux, James, grant, 86

DeVaux, James, Jr., grant, 93

DeVaux, John, grant, 87

Dews, William, grant, 93, 135

Dice, Jacob, grant, 93

Dixie, James, grant, 132

Dixsee, James, grant, 90

Dobell, John, grant, 131

Dobill, John, grant, 80

Don, Lt. Archibald, grant, 82

Donnom, Daniel, grant, 89

Donnom, James, grant, 89

Dormer, Richard, grant, 131

Douglass, David, grant, 99

Dourozeaux, Daniel, grant, 79

Dourouzeaux, James, grant, 90

Dowse, Hugh, grant, 89

Dresler, George, grant, 93

Dullea, Maurice, grant, 144

Dunbar, Capt. George, grant, 83

Eads, James, grant, 82

Ebenezer, land grants, 85

silk production, 114116, 291

Eberhard, John, grant, 93

Eccles, Robert, grant, 89

Edmonds, James, grant, 86

Edwards, John, grant, 83, 88

Eigen, John, grant, 92

Eihard, Gabriel, grant, 92

Eihard, George, grant, 92

Eikart, Martin, grant, 93

Ellick, Lower Creek chieftain, 179, 185

Elliott, John, grant, 89, 134

Elliott, William, grant, 90, 97

Ellis, Henry, appointed Lieutenant Governor, 120121

Georgias defenses in bad condition, 121122

requests arms and ammunition, 292294

Ellis, Thomas, grant, 85

Ellison, James, grant, 83

Enst, Ludwig, grant, 85

Erinxman, John, grant, 78

Evans, Middleton, grant, 82

Ewen, William, grant, 81

Expenses, estimated, 1753-1754, 26

1754-1755, 29

1755-1756, 72

1756-1757, 294

Exports, manifests for London, 101102

Fahie, Anthony, grant, 94, 129

Farley, Benjamin, grant, 98

Farmur, John, grant, 82

Faulker, Josiah, grant, 79

Fees, for public office, 7071

Fenton, Martin, grant, 87

Filature, construction and repair, 3638

at Ebenezer, 115116

Finlay, James, grant, 83, 87

Fisher, George, grant, 92

Fisher, John David, grant, 85

Fisher, Michael, grant, 92

Fisher, Nicholas, grant, 92

Fitch, John, grant, 96

Flemming, Walter, grant, 94

Folbright, Chris., grant, 95

Ford, Jacob, vouches for Adam Bosomworth, 20

Forman, Thomas, grant, 87

Foulds, John, grant, 78

Fowle, George, grant, 97

Fox, David, grant, 94, 128, 146148

Fox, David, Jr., grant, 89

Fox, John, grant, 97

Fox, Robert, grant, 79

Frank, John Paul, grant, 85

Fraser, George, grant, 80

Fraser, James, grant, 85

Frasier, Thomas, grant, 80

Frederica, defenses at, 103104, 106, 107

fight against Spanish, 34

Government ended, 4748

in ruinous condition, 62

French, effect on southern Georgia, 49

influence with Indians, 1012, 1314, 1820, 125126, 290291, 292

officer (Antoine Waspy) arrested, 5354

Frey, Abram, grant, 92

Frisbe, Abraham, grant, 81

Gabell, Abram, grant, 94

Gabell, John, grant, 84

Galache, James, grant, 94

Galphin, George, grant, 84

Indian trader at Coweta Town, 1820

Gandy, Samuel, grant, 96

Gerber, Paul, grant, 91

Germans, good settlers, 114

more would come with help, 114

Germany, Alexander, grant, 97

Germany, Edward, grant, 96

Germany, John, grant, 96

Gibbons, Joseph, grant, 88

Gibbons, Joseph, Jr., grant, 88, 136

Gibbons, Joseph, Sr., grant, 136

Gibbons, William, grant, 97, 143

Gibbons, William, Jr., grant, 98

Gibbs, Isaac, Jr., grant, 93

Girardeau, Richard, grant, 88

Glaner, George, grant, 85

Glass, Robert, grant, 89

Glebe, land grant for, 89

Glen, Gov. James, used Bosomworths as Indian agents, 2122

Goldsmith, Thomas, grant, 82, 144

Goldwire, Benn, grant, 80

Goodall, Edward, grant, 94

Goodall, Thomas, grant, 80

Goodby, Joseph, grant, 97

Gordon, Alexander, grant, 81

Gordon, Cuthbert, grant, 94

Gordon, John, grant, 82, 143

Gorton, John, grant, 90

Goulding, Palmer, grant, 89

Goulding, Peter, grant, 89

Government, for southern Georgia, 4748

Governor, salary, 35, 74, 111112, 291

John Reynolds appointed, 24

instructions approved, 25

Graham, David, grant, 87, 90

Graham, Patrick, grant, 87, 97

Creeks deny deed to lands signed for him, 217218

Grant, James, grant, 79, 98

Grant, Peter, grant, 96, 98

Grant, William, grant, 131, 150152

Grave, John Henry, grant, 93

Graves, John, grant, 89

Graves, William, grant, 39

Gray, Edmund, creates political troubles, 56

grant, 85

settlement south of Altamaha River, 61

Gray, John, grant, 86, 137

Gray, Mayo, grant, 86

Gray, William, disruptive in politics, 4043

relations with Creek Indians, 1314

Green, Henry, grant, 78

Green, John, grant, 97, 140

Greiner, John Casper, Jr., grant, 92

Greiner, John Casper, Sr., grant, 92

Greiner, John Martin, grant, 92

Gremer, Andrew, grant, 92

Gremer, Jacob, grant, 92

Groobs, Anthony, grant, 80

Gros, Michael, grant, 92

Guan, Jacob, grant, 92

Guirard, Peter, grant, 94

Gun Merchant, says Indian reserve lands given to Mary Bosomworth, 213217

Guns, fired by Indians in salute, 167, 169

Gwynn, Rodorick, grant, 90

Habersham, James, answer to Bosomworth narrative, 283285, 288289

appointed secretary and register of the records, 24

grant, 84, 97, 128, 132, 138

Habersham, James, and Francis Harris, suit against Bosomworths, 5253

Habersham, James, Jr., grant, 87, 139

Habersham, Joseph, grant, 97, 132

Hagemyer, Juliana, grant, 92

Haisler, David, grant, 97

Hamilton, Henry, grant, 79, 94, 128

Hamm, John, grant, 98

Handley, William, grant, 132, 152153

Haner, John, grant, 98

Haner, Nicholas, grant, 78

Hanskin, Isaac, grant, 89

Hanver, Conrad, grant, 79

Harback, Caspar, grant, 78

Harback, Jacob, grant, 78

Hardwick, defenses at, 106, 107108

proposed to move capital to, 63

Reynolds would make a free port, 104

Hargrove, William, grant, 87

Harn, John, grant, 82

Harn, William, grant, 90

Harris, Francis, grant, 84, 97, 137138

Harris, Francis and James Habersham, suit against Bosomworths, 5253

Harris, Thomas, grant, 87, 138

Harris, William, grant, 94

Hazzard, Richard, grant, 81

Hazzard, Richard, Jr., grant, 88

Heckhell, Thomas, grant, 92

Helvenstine, Frederick, grant, 79

Helvenstine, Jacob, grant, 93

Helvenstine, Jeremiah, grant, 91

Hencock, John, grant, 81

Henseler, John Jacob, Jr., grant, 91

Henseler, John Jacob, Sr., grant, 91

Herle, Jacob, grant, 91

Heron, Lt. Col., Alexander, appoints Abraham Bosomworth Indian agent, 162

commands Oglethorpes regiment, 12

grant, 79, 81

opinion of Mary Bosomworth, 189191

recommends Mary Bosomworth to London authorities, 16

relations with Mary Bosomworth, 1217, 69

testimonial in favor of Thomas Bosomworth, 260261

Hersham, Caspar, grant, 91

Hester, William, grant, 81

Hill, Thomas, grant, 80

Hirbach, Caspar, grant, 95

Hirsham, John Caspar, Jr., grant, 91

Hirsham, John Caspar, Sr., grant, 91

Hirst, John Michael, grant, 96

Hirst, Michael, grant, 91

Roll, Solomon, grant, 92

Holsteter, Gasper, grant, 81

Hopkins, Christopher, grant, 84

Horton, Major William, grant, 81

and Mary Bosomworth, 510, 188190, 267

Houstoun, James, grant, 128, 142

Houstoun, Sir Patrick, grant, 128

Houstoun, Robert, grant, 98

Howarth, Lt. Robert, grant, 82

Hudson, John, grant, 96

Hudson, Samuel, grant, 95

Humbert, David, grant, 98

Hunter, Anna, grant, 131

Hunter, Joseph, grant, 131

Hunting, Nathanl., grant, 87

Hutchinson, John, grant, 81

Hyrne, Henry, Jr., grant, 90

Hyrne, Henry, Sr., grant, 90

Illy, Jacob, grant, 98

Indian customs, obvious in trouble of 1749, 276277, 280

Indian justice, 265266

Indian land reserve, conveyed to Mary Bosomworth, 168, 194196, 213218

whites cut timber from 200202, 211

Indian lands, claimed by whites, 175176

settlement by whites unauthorized, 265

Indian present, argument about distribution, 176178

arrive in Georgia, 74

Benjamin Martyn requests, 2931

distribution, 203207

distribution at Augusta, 105

expenses for distribution, 77

Mary Bosomworth helps distribute, 4453

needed, 122, 124, 292

none for Gov. Reynolds to distribute, 64

Indian relations, Col. Herons, 196199

described by Gov. Reynolds, 1754, 3334

French effect upon, 125126

Indian traders, abuses to be redressed, 199

Indian troubles, Savannah, 1749, 167185, 237256, 275282

and Bosomworths, 223224

endanger Indian traders, 225226

Indian traders questioned relative to Creek visit to Savannah in 1749, 218222

Indian war, feared, 1746, 10, 268

1747, 1112

1756, 290291

Indians, and Georgia defense, 104

disgusted by treatment in Savannah, 171

drunkeness described by Thomas Bosomworth, 172173

fight against Spaniards in 1742, 49

fire guns in salute, 167, 169

hospitality to in Savannah, 165166

James, Samuel, grant, 89

Jeansae, James, grant, 91

Johnson, Andrew, grant, 133

Johnson, Lewis, grant, 94, 133

not qualified for council, 77

Johnson, Robert, grant, 98

Johnson, William, grant, 86, 142

Johnson, William Martin, grant, 98, 133

Johnston, David, grant, 98

Johnston, Richard, grant, 80

Jon, Richard, grant, 94

Jones, Inigo, grant, 80

Jones, Noble, accuses Thomas Bosomworth of treason, 158

appointment as Assistant, 286

grant, 84, 97

Indian troubles of 1749, 280

records of Trustee land granting, 75

reply to Bosomworth narrative, 286

Jones, Noble Wimberly, grant, 86

Jones, Richard, grant, 82

Jones, Capt. Thomas, relations with Indians, 8

Jones, William, grant, 86

Kalbell, John George, grant, 92

Keeler, John, grant, 91

Keeper, John Theobald, grant, 86

Keiffer, Theobald, grant, 93

Keiser, Fredrick, grant, 79

Kellett, Alexander, goes to England, 115

grant, 7273, 127

objections to Governor Reynolds, 117120

Provost Marshal, 114, 119120

Kellson, John, grant, 83

Kenard, John, Indian interpreter, 169

interpreter at Savannah in 1749, 275282

Kenedy, John, grant, 81

Kennedy, Donald, grant, 95

Kennedy, Hugh, grant, 95

Kennedy, William, grant, 95

Kent, Richard, grant, 79

Knap, John George, grant, 91

Knap, Matthew, grant, 92

Kocher, George, grant, 84

Kohleison, Peter, grant, 84

Krafft, David, grant, 87

Krause, Thomas, grant, 93

Labon, Isaac, grant, 84

Lamb, Sir Mathew, reports on Georgia acts, 123

Lambrecht, George, grant, 87

Land grants, assembly asks terms to be altered, 5556

form, 146153

for officials, 7273

release from all former restrictions, 84

terms, 57, 6061, 6466

to fictitious people, 87

under the Trustees, 7576, 7779, 99101, 112, 290

Lange, George, grant, 91

Lange, Godhebe, grant, 91

Lange, John, Jr., grant, 91

Lange, John, Sr., grant, 91

Langley, George, grant, 82

Lanier, James, grant, 98

Lawrence, John, grant, 80

Lechner, Marn., Jr., grant, 85

Lechner, Martin, Sr., grant, 84

Lechner, Vit, grant, 84

Lee, Richard, grant, 80

Lee, Thomas, grant, 78, 94

Leimberger, Chris, grant, 84

Lembke, Rev. Herman, grant, 86, 129

Leon, Samuel, grant, 95

Le Sage, Anthony, grant, 84

Levenburger, Christopher, grant, 79

Lindsey, Abram, grant, 86

Lines, Isaac, grant, 83

Little, William, Alexander Kelletts objections to, 117119

distributes Indian presents, 105

Living expenses, in Georgia, 35

Low, Alexander, grant, 97

Luden, Robert, grant, 94

Lupton, John, grant, 88, 134

Lupton, William, grant, 89

Lyon, Samuel, grant, 78

MacIntosh, John, testimonial of Thomas Bosomworths character, 258259

Mackay, Daniel, Sr., grant, 96

Mackay, George, grant, 86

Mackay, Hugh, grant, 82

Mackay, James, appointed to council, 77

grant, 137

Mackay, John, grant, 95

Mackay, Lt. Samuel, grant, 82

Mackay, William, grant, 89

Mail to Georgia, delayed in Charles Town, 64

Malatchi, Creek chieftan, 1617

friendly to French and Spanish, 233

in Savannah troubles, 1749, 157191

kinship to Mary Bosomworth, 220221, 279

negotiates with Col. Heron, 196199

standing in Creek nation, 279

Marcer, Samuel, answer to Bosomworth narrative, 282283

considered pro-Bosomworth, 283, 287288

grant, 93

Marian, Charles, grant, 81

Marian, John, grant, 81

Marriot, Lt. Thomas, grant, 82

Martin, Clement, appointed to Governors Council, 2223, 29, 59

Gov. Reynolds objections to, 118

grant, 98, 136

suspended from Council, 7374

Martin, Clement, Jr., grant, 136

Martin, Daniel, grant, 83

Martin, William, grant, 98

Martyn, Benjamin, Georgia agent, 2531

Martyn, Daniel, grant, 87

Massey, Joseph, grant, 89

Mathews, James, grant, 97

Mathews, John, grant, 81, 93

Mathews, William, grant, 91

Matthews, Jacob, death of, 2

Matthews, Mary, Oglethorpe offers help, 269

trading post at Mount Venture, 12

see Bosomworth, Mary Mauts, John George, grant, 92

Mauve, Matthew, grant, 94

Maxwell, Audley, grant, 83

Maxwell, Audley, Jr., grant, 91

Maxwell, James, grant, 81, 88, 91

not qualified for council, 77

Maxwell, John, grant, 88

Maxwell, William, grant, 88

McBean, John, grant, 80, 95

McBean, Lachlin, grant, 80

McCloud, John, grant, 95

McDaniel, James, grant, 86

McDonald, Alexander, grant, 95

McDonald, George, grant, 96

McDonald, William, grant, 93

McGilivray, Lachlan, grant, 83, 97, 140

McHugh, Peter, grant, 81, 86

McKay, Donald, grant, 96

McKay, Hugh, grant, 87

McKay, James, grant, 97

McKay, Capt. James, grant, 82, 83

McKintosh, Angus, grant, 96

McKintosh, George, grant, 95

McKintosh, John, grant, 80, 81, 82

McKintosh, Lachlin, grant, 82

McKintosh, Roderick, grant, 82, 84, 95

McKintosh, William, grant, 96

McLaran, James, grant, 84

McLeod, Murdoch, grant, 96

McLoud, John, grant, 95

Meadows, Richard, grant, 86

Mercier, Peter, grant, 82

Metzcher, Philip, grant, 85

Meyer, George, grant, 85

Meyer, Jacob, grant, 85

Meyer, John, grant, 92, 93

Meyer, John Ludwig, grant, 86

Meyer, Paul, grant, 91

Miligen, Dr. John, grant, 83

Militia, 1756 strength and condition, 104

use against Indians, 166, 169

Milledge, John, grant, 84

Milledge, Richard, grant, 91

Miller, James, grant, 94, 96, 128129

Miller, John, grant, 92

Miller, John Philip, grant, 95

Miller, Nicholas, grant, 95

Minerva, cargo for London, 101102

Minis, Simon, grant, 79

Mitchell, Flower, grant, 85

Mitchell, John, grant, 88

Mitchell, Lewis, grant, 98

Mitchell, Sarah, grant, 88

Mohr, Jacob, grant, 86

Mohr, John, grant, 85

Montaigut, David, grant, 96

Morel, Peter, grant, 87

Morris, Thomas, grant, 78

Morrison, Hugh, grant, 96

Moser, Lucas, grant, 92

Mount Venture, Bosomworth property, 267

Matthews trading post, 12

Mouse, Lucy, grant, 91

Mullrine, John, grant, 81

Mullryne, John, grant, 96

not qualified for council, 77

Mutteair, Lewis, grant, 91

Myer, John Ludwig, grant, 83

Myers, Henry, grant, 91

Negroes, colony should buy, 110111

instructed by Joseph Ottolenghe, 4142

unauthorized in Georgia, 265

Neidlinger, John, grant 97

Neidlinger, Ulrick, grant, 98

Nephew, Peter, grant, 140

Neptune, cargo for London, 102

Nevie, James, grant, 82

New, James, grant, 96, 142

New, Samuel, grant, 96, 98, 142

Nies, John George, grant, 94

Nies, John Leonard, grant, 92

Nies, John Martin, grant, 92

Noble, George, grant, 99

Noble, Robert, grant, 99

Norman, Barak, grant, 88

Norman, John, grant, 88

Norman, Joseph, grant, 89

Norton, William, grant, 93

Nottoway (Notaweygo) Indians, raid Georgia, 59

Nova Scotia, inhabitants from to Georgia, 105

Oaks, Josh, grant, 80

Ogden, Solomon, grant, 83

Ogeechee River, described, 63

Oglethorpe, James, fights Spaniards, 1742, 35

Indian relations, 245

offers help to Mary Matthews, 269

opinion of Mary Bosomworth, 181, 188

relations with Mary Bosomworth, 15, 810

Oglethorpes regiment, disbanded soldiers grant, 83

officers recommend Mary Bosomworth, 1718

Ordner, Adam, grant, 95

Ore, Benjamin, grant, 85

Osgood, Rev. John, grant, 88, 133134

Osgood, Josiah, grant, 88, 134

Ossabaw bar, water on, 63

Oswald, Joseph, grant, 89, 145

Oswald, Mary, grant, 145

Oswald, Sarah, grant, 145

Ottolenghe, Joseph, background, 36

describes politics, 4043

describes silk culture, 3640

grant, 87, 95, 130, 148150

instructs Negroes, 4142

objects to filature at Ebenezer, 115116

100 given as reward, 27

Pachsle, Melchier, grant, 91

Pages, Anthony, grant, 84

Palmer, Richard, grant, 83

Palmer, Thomas, grant, 78

Papot, James, grant, 86

Papot, Peter, grant, 130

Paris, James, grant, 85, 94

Parker, Henry, drunk during Indian troubles, 173

grant, 84

Parker, Henry William, grant, 84

Parker, James, grant, 90

Parker, John, grant, 90, 141

Parker, Joseph, grant, 88

Parker, Thomas, grant, 95

Parker, William, grant, 79

Parliamentary grant, payment in Georgia, 7677

Parry, Francis Lewis, grant, 97

Partridge, Richard, Agent for Mary Bosomworth, 66

Paulas, John, Jr., grant, 92

Paulas, John, Sr., grant, 92

Payne, William, grant, 86

Peacock, Thomas, grant, 135, 145

Peacock, William, grant, 136

Penrose, John, grant, 80, 98

Perkins, John, grant, 90

Pflieger, John, grant, 93

Phillips, Joseph, grant, 86, 95

Piercey, Joseph, attests to Creek declaration that Mary Bosomworth is their princess and agent, 212213

Place, Seth, grant, 93

Political troubles, created by Edmund Gray, 56

Population, 1756 estimate, 104

Powell, James Edward, appointed to council, 77

appointed Treasurer, 114

grant, 95, 128

Presbyterian Meeting House, grant, 136

President and Assistants, accusations of Thomas Bosomworth against, 271274

Bosomworth affair, 153154, 157193, passim

blame Indian trouble of 1749

on Bosomworths, 237256

land granting by, 7576

on Bosomworths character, 237256

Preysing, Chrisn., Jr., grant, 92

Preysing, Chrisn., Sr., grant, 92

Pricket, Rowland, grant, 79

Provost Marshal, Alexander Kellett, 114, 119120

Public works, needed, 104105

Pury, John Rudolph, grant, 96

Pye, John, grant, 79, 95, 98

Quarterman, John, grant, 89, 144

Quarterman, John, Jr., grant, 134

Quarterman, Rebecca, grant, 89

Rabenhorst, Chrisn., grant, 96

Radick, John, grant, 98

Radick, Michael, grant, 98

Rae, John, grant, 94

Ragland, John, grant, 98

Rahn, Caspar, grant, 93

Rangers, desired by President and Assistants, 171

authorized in 1756, 291

Raper, Robert, Naval officer in Charles Town, 290

Rasherry, Thomas, grant, 91, 97

Ratliff, Charles, grant, 80

Rattoon, Richard, grant, 79

Rauve, Anna, grant, 92

Rauve, George, grant, 92

Raymond, Joseph, grant, 98

Read, James, grant, 140

qualified for council, 77

Ready, Thomas, grant, 94

Register of the Records, James Habersham appointed, 24

Reidlesperger, Christian, grant, 86, 98

Reigter, Leonard, grant, 78

Reuter, John, grant, 97

Reynolds, John, Alexander Kelletts objections to, 117120

appointed governor, 24

calls first assembly, 33

defense plans, 3435, 103104, 106111

grants, 127, 129130

Indian relations, 3334

initial description of Savannah, 3233

relations with Assembly, 112113

relations with Council, 113, 126

salary, 35, 74, 111112, 291

to England to defend conduct, 121

Rheinstetler, Adam, grant, 93

Rheinstetler, Matt., grant, 79

Rhynlander, John, grant, 85

River, William, grant, 82

Robe, John, grant, 78

Robinson, Pickering, grant, 87, 97

Robinson, Thomas, grant, 87

Robinson, William, grant, 87

Roche, Matthew, grant, 95

Rogerson, John, grant, 80

Rose, Alexander, grant, 83, 87

Ross, Hugh, grant, 98

Ross, John, grant, 79, 82

Ross, Thomas, grant, 80

Rottemberger, Chrisn., grant, 85

Russ, David, grant, 89

Russell, William, clerk of public accounts, 76

grant, 84, 89, 127

naval officer, commissary, and clerk of public accounts, 63

Sab, Morgan, grant, 81

Salaries, of Georgia officials, 116

Salffer, John Adam, grant, 91

Salffer, Leonard, grant, 91

Salffer, Matthew, grant, 91

Salffer, Matthias, grant, 91

Salter, Thomas, grant, 78, 80

Sargent, Henry, grant, 87

Savannah, bad location for capital, 63

defenses at, 104, 106, 108109

description by Gov. John Reynolds, 33

fear of Spanish invasion, 1742, 222223

Indian troubles, 1749, 275282

Schad, Hans, grant, 78

Schrimpt, Rupretch, grant, 85

Seal for Georgia, to be engraved, 23

Seckinger, Andrew, grant, 86

Seckinger, Matthew, grant, 87

Secretary of Georgia, James Habersham appointed, 24

Settlers, help for new, 114

how to entice to Georgia, 104

Seybold, George, grant, 92

Shave, John, grant, 90, 138

Shaw, Oliver, grant, 93, 96

Sheftal, Benjamin, grant, 144

Shepherd, John, grant, 81

Shepherd, Peter, grant, 80

Sheraus, John, grant, 84

Sherhauser, Magdalena, grant, 93

Sherif, John, grant, 97

Ships, entered and cleared Georgia ports, 5455, 62

Shrubsole, Ensign William, grant, 83

Silk, certificate of excellence, 4344

production at Ebenezer, 115116, 291

Silk culture, described by Ottolenghe, 3640

expenses for, 2728, 58, 76, 105, 124125, 126

production, 74

1756 bad year, 291

Simmons, Elizabeth, grant, 89

Slade, Daniel, grant, 88

Sliterman, Jerey, grant, 95

Slyterman, Jeremiah, grant, 86

Slyterman, Peter, grant, 82, 98

Small, William, grant, 98

Smith, Ann Skiddoway, grant, 85

Smith, John, grant, 139

Snook, John, grant, 95

Snyder, Andrew, grant, 93

Soldiers from Oglethorpes regiment, grant, 83

South Carolina, and Indian presents, 45

Thomas and Mary Bosomworth Indian agents, 2122

Southerland, Capt. Patrick, grant, 137

Southern boundary, needs to be defined, 5657

uncertainty, 6062

Spanish, effect on southern Georgia, 4849

fear of in Savannah, 1742, 222223

killed by Georgia Indians, 1744, 78

Sparnel, Thomas, grant, 79

Spencer, Richard, grant, 88

Spencer, William, grant, 79, 86, 97

reply to Bosomworth narrative, 282

Spieta, John, grant, 93

Spoods, William, grant, 80

Stailery, Godlive, grant, 90

Stanley, Joseph, grant, 95

Stephens, David, grant, 137

Stephens, John, grant, 83

Stephens, William, lack of hospitality to Indians, 165166

willing to punish trespassors on Indian land, 202

Stevens, John, grant, 135, 145

Stevens, John, Jr., grant, 89

Stevens, John, Sr., grant, 88

Stevens, Joseph, grant, 89

Stevens, Newdigate, grant, 81

Stevens, Samuel, grant, 88

Stevens, Thomas, grant, 90

Stevens, Thomas, Jr., grant, 89

Stevens, William Bacon, on Bosomworth affair, 156

Stewart, James, grant, 84

Stewart, John, Jr., grant, 135

Still, Thomas, grant, 85

St. Julian, Eliz. de, grant, 96

Stoll, Ezekiel, grant, 78

Streigell, George, grant, 93

St. Simons Island, water on bar, 6263

see Frederica Stuart, Ann, grant, 91

Stuart, John, grant, 89

Stutz, Hans, grant, 78

Summers, Joseph, grant, 87

Summers, Josh, grant, 80

Sumner, Edward, grant, 88

Sutherland, Capt. Patrick, grant, 82, 83

Swan, Jeremiah, grant, 98

Switzer, Michael, grant, 85

Tannatt, Edmund, grant, 94

not qualified for council, 77

Tanner, Jacob, grant, 78

Tarr, George, grant, 86

Taylor, Nathan, grant, 87

Tbear, David, grant, 95

Thebault, James, grant, 87

Thompson, John, grant, 96

Thomson, William, grant, 95

Timber, cut from Indian lands, 163

Todd, John, Jr., grant, 96

Todd, John, Sr., grant, 96

Tondee, Peter, grant, 93

Toomer, John, grant, 90

Toonahowi, death of 6

Treasurer, Jonathan Bryan resigns, 114

James Edward Powell appointed, 114

Tripp, Thomas, grant, 94

Troops, needed for defense, 3435, 104, 106111

Truan, David, grant, 95

Trustees charter, surrender published by proclamation, 91

Turtle, Joanne, grant, 78

Tybee bar, water on, 63

Tyffe, Gilbert, grant, 79

Uland, George, grant, 78, 96

Unold, John, grant, 91

Unseld, David, grant, 95

Vallston, Jeremiah, grant, 78

Van Beverhoupt, Adrian, grant, 98

Van Beverhoupt, John, grant, 98

Van Munch, Charles, grant, 93

Van Munch, Christian, Jr., grant, 93

Van Munch, Christian, Sr., grant, 93

Van Munch, Remigius, grant, 93

Van Munch, Thomas, grant, 93

Voters, qualifications for, 71

Wachter, Josiah, grant, 79

Waldbourger, Jacob, grant, 91

Walker, Andrew, grant, 142

Wall, Lt. James, grant, 82

Walliser, Michael, grant, 97

Walthouer, Jacob Casper, grant, 87

Walthour, John Caspar, grant, 87

Waspy, Antoine, French officer, arrested and sent to London, 5354

Waters, Josiah, grant, 79

Watson, Charles, political associate of William Gray, 4143

Watson, Edward, grant, 94

Watson, Nathaniel, grant, 86, 140

Way, Andrew, grant, 88

Way, Edward, grant, 88

Way, Joseph, grant, 89, 138

Way, Moses, grant, 90

Way, Nathanl., grant, 88

Way, Parmenus, grant, 88, 135

Way, Samuel, grant, 88

Way, Thomas, Jr., grant, 90

Webling, Bartholomew, grant, 94

Weddal, Benjamin, grant, 130

West, Charles, grant, 82, 97, 137

West, Samuel, grant, 90

West, Willoughby, grant, 89

Weston, Jacob, grant, 89

Wheler, John, grant, 90

Whitefield, Rev. George, grant, 83, 86

Williams, Griffith, grant, 82, 84

Williams, James, grant, 96

Williams, John, grant, 90

Williams, Stephen, grant, 80

Williams, Thomas, grant, 86

Wilson, Benjamin, grant, 81

Wilson, John, grant, 81, 87

Wilson, Thomas, grant, 87

Wilson, William, grant, 80

Winckler, George, grant, 98

Winn, John, grant, 88, 138

Winn, Joseph, grant, 90

Wisely, John, grant, 85

Wood, Josh, grant, 80

Woodcraft, Richard, grant, 88

Woolford, James, grant, 86

Wylly, Alexander, grant, 98, 132

Yonge, Henry, grant, 81, 95, 98, 131132, 137

Young, Francis, grants, 131

Young, Isaac, grant, 88

Young, John, grant, 98

Younge, John, grant, 86

Yuchi town, 11

Zeigler, Jacob, grant, 92

Zeigler, Lucy, grant, 92

Zeigler, Michael, grant, 92

Zetler, Matthew, grant, 85

Zetler, Matthias, grant, 86

Zouberbuhler, Rev. Bartholomew, grant, 84, 135