Faculty Research Edition of The Savannah State College Bulletin

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Collection:: Archives of Savannah State University
Title:: Faculty Research Edition of The Savannah State College Bulletin
Creator:: Savannah State College (Ga.)
Publisher:: Faculty Research Edition of The Savannah State College Bulletin, Vol. 26, No. 2 December 1972
Date of Original:: 1972
Subject:: Savannah State College (Ga.)--Faculty
Savannah State College (Ga.)--Faculty--Research
Universities and colleges--Georgia--Faculty--Research
Location:: United States, Georgia, Chatham County, Savannah, 32.08354, -81.09983
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Description:: Note: The Savannah State College Bulletin is published in October, December, February, March, April and May by Savannah State College. Contributers-- Brown, Charles I.; Stein, Phyllis; Cochran, Dr. John Jr.; Eaton, Dr. James A.; Elmore, Norman Brokenshire; Krishnamurti, Dr. P. V.; Lillie, M. G.; Mohanty, S. B.; McCarthy, Joseph M.; McIver, Dr. Isiah; Milledge, Dr. Luetta; Simpson, Dr. John E.; Turner, Willie; Menon, Dr. Manchery P.; Walton, Dr. Hanes Jr.; Washington, Austin D.
Metadata URL:: http://www.archive.org/details/facultyresear2621972sava
Holding Institution:: Asa H. Gordon Library (Savannah, Ga.)
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FACULTY

RESEARCH

EDITION

The Savannah State
College bulletin

WANNAII STATE COLLEGE

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b FACULTY RESEARCH EDITION

The Savannah State College
Bulletin

Published by

The Savannah State College

Volume 26, No. 2 Savannah, Georgia December, 1972

Prince A. Jackson, Jr. President

Editorial Committee

Willie G. Tucker
S. M. Julie Maggioni Hanes Walton

A. J. McLEMORE, Chairman

Articles are presented on the authority of their writers, and neither
the Editorial Committee nor Savannah State College assumes respon-
sibility for the views expressed by contributors.

Contributors

Mr. Charles I. Brown, Associate Professor,
Fayetteville State University
Fayetteville, North Carolina

Mrs. Phyllis Stein, Research and Evaluation

Coordinator, Cumberland County Mental
Health Center, Fayetteville, North Carolina

Dr. John Cochran, Jr., Associate Professor,
Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia

Dr. James A. Eaton, Director and Associate Dean

for Graduate Studies, Savannah State College,

Savannah, Georgia

Mr. Norman Brokenshire Elmore,
Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia

Dr. P. V. Krishnamurti, Associate Professor,
Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia

M. G. Lillie and S. B. Mohanty, Department of Veterinary

Science, University of Maryland,

College Park, Maryland

Mr. Joseph M. McCarthy, Executive Assistant to

The Director, Institute of Human Sciences,

Boston College, Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts

Dr. Isiah Mclver, Associate Professor,
Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia

Dr. Luetta Milledge, Associate Professor,
Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia

Dr. John E. Simpson, Assistant Professor, Savannah
State College, Savannah, Georgia

Mr. Willie Turner, Chemistry Student, Savannah
State College, Savannah, Georgia

Dr. Manchery P. Menon, Chemistry Professor,
Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia

Dr. Hanes Walton, Jr., Calloway Professor,
Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia

Mr. Austin D. Washington, Graduate Student,
Pennsylvania State University,
University Park, Pennsylvania

TABLE OF CONTENTS

The White Student in Five Predominantly
Black Universities

Charles I. Brown and Phyllis R. Stein 5

Accountability: The Educator's Responsibility

John H. Cochran, Jr 24

REQUIESCAT: The Graduate Studies Program at
Savannah State College, 1968-1971

Dr. James A. Eaton 29

Determining the Role of Audio-Visual Equipment
in the Improvement of Reading Comprehension
among Pupils Enrolled in Grade Five at
Florance Street Elementary School in
Savannah, Georgia
Norman Brokenshire Elmore 38

Inhibitory Effect of Amantadine Hydrochloride on
Bovine Virus Diarrhea and SF-4 Viruses
P. V. Krishnamurti, M. G. Little, and
S. B. Mohanty 45

The Antinomies of Kant and Some Neo-Scholastic
Replies
Joseph M. McCarthy 48

The Testing Movement and Blacks

Dr. Isaiah Mclver 56

BLACKNESS IN OTHELLO: An Aspect of Thematic
Texture

Dr. Luetta Milledge 70

Onward to Cuba! Savannah and Slavery Expansion
Dr. John E. Simpson 83

Rate Constants for the Formation of Tetrafluoroboric
Acid in Water-ethanol Solvent

Willie Turner and M. P. Menon 88

The South West Africa Mandate
Dr. Hanes Walton, Jr 93

"The Dollys: An Antebellum Black Family of
Savannah, Georgia"

Austin D. Washington 101

"Some Aspects of Emancipation in Eighteenth Century
Savannah, Georgia"
Austin D. Washington 104

"The Savannah Education Association, 1865-1867"
Austin D. Washington 107

THE WHITE STUDENT IN FIVE PREDOMINANTLY
BLACK UNIVERSITIES

by
Charles I. Brown and Phyllis R. Stein

During the past decade, the attention of the nation has been
focused, as never before, on the growing enrollment of black
students in predominantly white and black institutions of higher
learning, 1 while something less than scant notice has been paid
by the most influential of the national media to a concurrent
increase of white students enrolled in predominatly black col-
leges and universities. 1 ' This assertion is further borne out by a
review of the current literature of higher education that bears
upon the racially mixed composition of today's college campus
programs. A review of this portion of the literature reveals a
reservoir of studies replete with titles of investigations of the
black student attending predominantly white institutions and
of black students enrolled in black institutions. 3 However, the
imbalance or omission of investigations of the white student en-
rolled in predominantly black institutions is glaringly obvious.

In partial rectification of this omission, this study focuses
on the white student enrolled in predominantly black institu-
tions in an attempt to substitute factual information for con-
jecture and speculation about this little studied group of white
students. The primary concerns of this turnabout study were
to learn about the expectations and experiences of white stu-
dents as minority students on black campuses. A secondary
concern of this inquiry was to determine the need or relevancy
of special orientation programs to help speed the adjustment
process of white students who chose to attend predominantly
black institutions of higher learning.

PROCEDURES

To investigate these concerns, the original purpose of the
authors was to study the attitudes and opinions of a sample or
cross-section of white students (wherever they might be found)
in attendance at the 86 predominantly black senior colleges and
universities located in 18 states and the District of Columbia. 4
But as is often the case, the principal deterrant to this ambitious
goal was a lack of financing. However, rather than permit the
entire project to die aborning, it was decided to limit the student
survey to a pilot study of the white students attending the five
public supported predominantly black universities of North
Carolina. Over and above the limited scope of the study imposed
by the financial crunch, a further rationale for restricting the
student survey is that North Carolina's five predominantly black
universities constitute a faithful microcosm of all the predomi-
nantly black senior institutions in the United States. One proof
of this assertion is that 90-plus percent of all the undergraduate,
graduate and professional school curricular programs at all the
other black institutions scattered throughout the several 18
southern and border states and the District of Columbia may

also be found at North Carolina's five predominantly black
universities. 5

To implement the pilot study, a 44-item questionnaire for
students was designed. The instrument sought to gather data
on white students attending predominantly black colleges in the
following areas of concern: (1) personal background, (2) occu-
pational goals, (3) circumstances pertaining to enrollment, (4)
prior contact with blacks, (5) participation in non-academic
activities, (6) candidness of expressions in classroom situations,
(7) guidance needs and preferences, and (8) need for special
orientation program or activities.

For the most part, items included in the questionnaire were
highly structured: however, the respondees were provided with
some additional leeway in eleven instances with an "other"
category, while three questions were completely open-ended.
Each questionnaire was also accompained by an introductory
statement of purpose explaining the objectives of the study to
the student and assuring the anonymity and confidentiality of
his responses.

In order to facilitate the distribution and collection of the
questionnaires high level administrators at North Carolina's
five black institutions, Elizabeth City State University, North
Carolina Central University, Fayetteville State University,
North Carolina A. & T. State University, and Winston-Salem
State University, were sent copies of the questionnaire and a
covering letter which explained the study, solicited their co-
operation, and lastly requested them to designate an institution-
al representative who would coordinate the administration of
the questionnaire to a cross-section of white students enrolled
on each campus. In response to this request, campus coordina-
tors were selected or appointed on each campus and they in turn
mailed back 69 or 53 percent of the 125 questionnaires that com-
prised the original distribution. A judgment of the returned
questionnaires indicates that the interviewed group constitutes
a significant miniature (23%) of the total white population
attending the five public black institutions in North Carolina
with respect to age, sex, classification, and occupational goals,
etc. in 1970.*

SUMMARY OF FINDINGS

A total of 69 usable questionnaires, or 53% of the distri-
bution, were received by the authors. The responses, after being
tallied, were summarized and made into a profile or multi-
sectioned table that is not only reflective of the study's several
basic areas of concern but is also a reporting technique that will

*In 1970, the following enrollment figures were reported to the
North Carolina Board of Higher Education: ECSU, 13 white students
or 1.3% of a student body of 970; FSU. 33 white students or 2.6% of
1241; NCA&T reported 50 or 1.4% of 3535: NCCU reported 135 or 4.1%
of 3340; and WSSU reported 35 or 2.8% of 1241. Totals: 256 white stu-
dents or 2.4% of 10,327 students attended the five public supported pre-
dominantly black universities of North Carolina.

facilitate an easier reading and understanding of the data. The
principal findings made by this poll of 23 % of the White stu-
dents who attend North Carolina's five publicly supported pre-
dominantly black universities are reported immediately below;
the profile which yielded these findings has been placed at the
end of this essay.

Personal Characteristics

1. Six of every ten v\hito students attending N. C.'s fixe tax-supported
predominantly black universities in 1970 were women.

2. All the ages reported by both men and women students ranged
from 18 years to 59 years. The white male student is younger by
six years than his female counterpart whose mean ages are 25.0
years to 31.4 years respectively.

3-4. Seventy percent of all students were married and 459c of the
sample had 1-3 children. More males, 30%, were single than fe-
males, 22%.

5-6. The students came from all over, but the largest segment, thirty-
two percent, had lived the longer portion of their lives in the south-
eastern region of the United States and perhaps in partial reflec-
tion of this fact 89% resided off-campus. (See profile Section A).

Classification and Occupational Goals

7. Fifty-seven percent of the students taking part in this study were
full-time undergraduates; 8% were graduate students; 17% were
special students; the remaining 18% was made up of exchange
students.

8. Elementary Education chosen by 22% of all students as their
major field of study far outdistanced the second most frequently
chosen majors of History, 4% and Sociology, 4%

9. In response to the query concerning the highest degree they hoped
to attain, the aspirations of the males and females form almost a
perfect inverse relationship; i.e., 30% of the males and 55% of
the females aspired for the bachelors degree, 33% of both males
and females intended to pursue a masters degree, but while 22%
of the males aim for a doctorate degree, only 10% for the women
plan to take a doctorate.

10. Thirty-seven percent of the males chose teaching or an education
related profession as their occupational goal. Thirty percent indi-
cated law related goals. Typical of the female occupational choices
were teaching, 55%, and nursing. 23%.

11. As academicians, the white students in these predominantly black
institutions are apparently doing quite well. From the cumulative
academic averages reported only four and eight percents respec-
tively had averages of 1.50-1.99 and 2.00-2.49; sixteen percent
had averages in the 2.50-2.99 range; twenty-eight and twenty-
three percent had averages of 3.00-3.49 and 3.50-3.99 respectively.
(See profile, Section B.)

12. Working their way through colleges, 73% of the student's ex-
penses were earned by the students themselves in work-study or
work-aid programs or part-time and summer jobs off-campus.
Thirty-three percent of their expenses came from scholarships
and loans, while personal savings accounted for 25% of the
sources of expenses. (See profile, Section C.)

Circumstances Pertaining to Enrollment

13-19. Only 4% of the white students attending these five universities
enrolled immediately after graduation from high school; 81% had
not. The 15% who had not previously attended college had delayed
their enrollment to principally discharge military obligations (41%
males) or to fulfill marital and maternal obligations (47% fe-
male ) Of the 44% who were transfer students they had come
equally from predominantly white and predominantly black in-
stitutions. Fifty-nine percent of all students plan to graduate from
the institution presently attended. (See profile, Section D.)

Reasons Affecting Attendance and Reservations About Enrollment

20-22 In explaining their reasons for attending the predominantly black
institutions 60% of all students cited convenience, 57% felt the
courses and degrees offered were relevant to their goals and 45%
were influenced by the low financial cost of their institution. In-
terestingly enough 100% of all students felt reservations concern-
ing their enrollment. The greatest concern among men was of a
financial nature (15%). Seventeen percent of the females had
academic reservations. While 48% of the females reported social
reservations, none of the males indicated this concern.

23. When asked about their current opinion of the black university
in which they were enrolled, the opinions held by the white male
students of the predominantly biack institutions were highly favor-
able and indicated satisfaction with the quality of both their edu-
cation and their instiuctors as well as a high degree of social ac-
ceptance. Though not quite as laudatory in ther praise, the white
female student in general shared much of this same opinion and
added that both the academic and social education they were re-
ceiving was broadening and beneficial. Only a few females re-
mained concerned about accreditation problems and the relevance
of their education to their employment goals.

24. Prior to enrollment, among the males, only friends seemed to have
expiessed the most negative reservations or opinions. The reser-
vations of the friends of male students ranged from a "few jokes"
of a racial nature to "thunderous expressions of outraged horror
and mortification." Family, high school officials and church of-
ficials were in general either indifferent or supportive of the
choice they had made.

In marked contrast, all groups associated with the females openly
expressed many reservations of both social and academic nature.
Families of the females indicated a variety of social and academic
concerns, and some questioned the capabilities of the married fe-
male to care for family needs and attend school at the same time.
The response of the officials of the churches to which the females
belonged ranged from "genteel ostracism" to "joy". Friends also
appeared to have mixed reactions, including both apprehension
and encouragement. There was in general a more sombre voicing
of protective concern for the safety of the females which was not
evident in the male responses.

25. When asked to evaluate the "now" or current opinion held by the
various groups, all students noted that save for isolated incidents
there was in general a solidifying of a neutral stance or a lean
toward more positive reactions. Males felt for the most part that
little change had occurred, i.e., persons among the family, high
school and church officials, and friends who had originally taken
attitudes of indifference or support continued as before. On the
other hand, among the friends of male students overtly hostile to
their attending a black university a grudging approval of the step
they had taken had been wrung from one or two. One respondent
admitted to partially solving the problem by refusng to discuss
the question when in the company of his "hung-up" friends. Of
the several opinions offered by females the bulk may be described
as favorable although a few lecalcitrant family members clung
to their original objections. In one happy instance, the opinion
of a church official had radically atlered from ostracism to accep-
tance of the student a circumstance that, is now cordially ex-
tended to the new-found black friends of the student. (See pro-
file, Section E.)

Prior Contact with Blacks

26-28. In consonance with the fact that 76% of all students attended
high schools where the black enrollment was 10% or less, (only
11% attended schools that had ratios of black students ranging
from 16 to 99%.) Fifty percent described their prior contact with
blacks as either non-existent or limited. Forty-five percent de-

scribed their prior contact with blacks as being extensive; of this
number the principal areas of contact for males were school 30%;
military service wiih employment, athletics, and recreational ac-
tivities providing 58%. For females the principal areas of contact
beyond school (489c ) were employment, military experience (as
wives), and hospital work (26%); community organizations 12%
and religious organizations 14%.

Participation in Non-Academic and Classroom Activities

29-31. Forty-two percent of all students had not expected to participate
in school related non-academic activities and even though 31%
at the time of the query did not participate, a slightly larger 3G%
did in fact participate on either an occasional (30%) or regular
basis (6%).

32-38. When asked whether they sensed a problem in classroom recitation
and communication the group polled was fairly split in their re-
sponse. Ease of expression in the classroom posed no problem
for 49% of the students while 48% of the students indicated some
degree of discomfort. Fifty percent felt that their black classmates
experienced no problems in open and free communication in the
classroom while 48% did feel blacks may feel some hesitation.
Thirty- three percent of the white students indicated they would
feel more comfortable expressing their opinions if they were black.
Of those students asked to take Black Studies courses, 14% of the
white students felt no reason or resentment at this requirement
while 337c did. Forty-one percent felt no guilt in these courses
and 39% were not more hesitant about expressing their opinions
in these classrooms than in other classes. Only 25% of all the
students polled felt that black students used idiomatic or slang
expressions difficult to understand.

Academic and Social Guidance Preferences

39-40. Both male and female indicated that they would seek help from
anyone when troubled with an academic or social problem regard-
less of race. Professors, academic advisors and friends were the
chief sources of advice for academic problems, while friends (black
24% + white 21%) were preferred to help with social problems.
One male felt that in a social situation, it was easier to withdraw
if the problems were racial and one female stated that she did not
want to participate in any social activity in which she was not
wanted.

41-44. While 26% of ail students believed that their institution should
offer a special orientation program for white students, 66% were
opposed to this type of program. Male objections reflected con-
cern that such a program might tend to emphasize the differences
between blacks and whites as well as prevent meaningful inter-
actions from occurring within the natural context of the class-
room and extra-curricular activities. Females tended to share the
point of view that the adjustment of the white student was an
individual experience which should not be guided or structured
by the university. A group representing 23% of all students who
approved of an orientation program would be willing to help plan
and participate in activities such as racially mixed panels and
small discussion groups to hasten the adjustment of the white
student to the black university.

DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS

This study made possible by the responses of 23 percent of
the white students who attended the five publicly supported pre-
dominantly black universities of North Carolina in 1969-70, of-
fers several meaningful, generally descriptive conclusions that
should serve to sharpen if not enhance, the image and profile
of this heretofore little researched group of students.

Most significantly, the white student upon entry at these
five predominantly black universities is far more mature than
his white counterpart who chooses to attend a predominantly
white institution; or his black counterpart who chooses to at-
tend either a predominantly white or predominantly black in-
stitution. (See Bayer and Boruch). He or she (usually married
and often with dependents) tends to be older, more responsible
and less involved with campus and social extra-curricular ac-
tivities. The delayed nature of his enrollment results in general
from the typically maturing experiences of employment and mili-
tary or family involvement. Once enrolled, the specificity of
goals, the high academic averages, the high aspiration levels all
tend to indicate a notably purposeful view of the educational
experience. That the white students themselves earn approxi-
mately three-fourths of their college expenses demonstrates fur-
ther their initiative and independence.

Ultimately, their expectations about and reactions to their
experiences of a black campus reveal and reinforce their ma-
turity. For despite the universal nature of their own reservations
and sometimes overwhelming criticism of family, peer groups,
school and church officials, these students continue to pursue
their goals and feel themselves to be successful. And contrary
to depictions hazarded elsewhere, the data assembled by this
pilot study does not warrant that these students be seen as
"kooks", troublemakers, radicals, flaming liberals or academic
rejects. The essentials of a truer depiction is that they are more
to be characterized as highly motivated and hardworking indi-
viduals whose determination overcomes financial, personal, and
social circumstances.

Low cost and course offerings are the chief reasons they
pursue their education at black universities and while they ex-
perience some pressure from concerned groups and some hesita-
tion in expression of opinions, in general most conclude that
their academic and social education is worth dealing with these
problems. The females especially demonstrate their indepen-
dence by overcoming the traditionally southern protective con-
cerns surrounding the white female involved in interaction with
a predominantly black culture.

Finally, these are students who are willing to learn by ex-
periencing. Shunning the traditional structures of orientation
programs they prefer to confront their adjustment problems on a
personal, day to day basis within the natural context of the
classroom and campus, enlisting the aid of anyone who seems
relevant regardless of race. Such an attitude undoubtedly re-
flects the high degree of acceptance by blacks which they have
felt as well as the relatively tolerant atmosphere in which they
are able to function.

Thus it would appear that an almost circular pattern is
revealed in this study of expectations and experiences of white
students enrolled in black universities. Because their pre-en-
rollment experiences and age tend to contribute to their ma-
turity, these students are able to pursue their educational goals
and confront social and academic pressures with more determi-

nation, independence, self-confidence and perspective thereby
enabling them to overcome obstacles. The result is an academi-
cally and socially broadening experience that reinforces their
personal growth and development.

FURTHER STEPS

As is so often the case, the findings of this study have gen-
erated several fruitful areas of investigation worthy of pursuit.
These presently unanswered questions may in fact prove even
more relevant in view of the continuing rise of white enrollment
in black universities throughout the country.

Of immediate concern should be the effect of the white
enrollment on the traditional recruitment policies and operation
of the black campus. The following questions emerge as signifi-
cant portents for determining policy and restructuring:

(1) Should black universities go all out to actively recruit
white students in view of their demonstrated maturity
and success rates and also as a means of partially re-
lieving financial strains that are currently more intol-
erable on black campuses than white?

(2) How do black students, instructional and administra-
tive personnel feel about expanding white enrollment?

(3) Is there any effect on the performance and attitudes of
black students who come in contact with these white
cnrollees?

(4) Finally and perhaps of most crucial importance among
the several immediate concerns, will an increase in
white enrollment change the traditional role and mis-
sion of black institutions to the betterment or worsen-
ing of black people?

From a long range point of view, the white students' role as
alumni must also be studied in order to evaluate the impact of
their education. Follow-up research dealing with their actual
pursuits of further degrees, their final occupations and their
own assessment of the effect of their undergraduate education
on their lives cannot help but yield useful information. In much
the same vein, their contributions, financial and otherwise, to
the black campus would also seem important to investigate.*

In concluding this pilot study we have attempted to lessen
speculation by presenting a clearer and more meaningful profile
of the white student who attends black institutions out of the
belief that with time white students at black institutions will
increase in spread, number, and significance. It is our hope

*The readiest source known to the authors for answers to these
and other long-range questions is Dr. Charles A. Stokes, Director, Bi-
JRacial Study, Institute of Services to Education, Inc., Washington, D. C.
Dr. Stokes is currently in the midst of a 5-year bi-racial study at five
traditionally public supported black institutions that have large white
student ernollments. The institutions being studied are Bowie State
College, Bowie, Md.; Central State University, Wilberforce, Ohio; Dela-
ware State College, Dover, Del.; Kentucky State College, Frankfort,
Ky.; and Lincoln University, Jefferson City, Mo.

that the rather detailed descriptions entered here will prove
a useful discussion for persons who have a general interest in
the problems of higher education and for all those of a par-
ticular interest who have had or will have had contact with this
very interesting segment of the college population.

A PROFILE OF 69 WHITE STUDENTS ATTENDING FIVE
PUBLIC SUPPORTED PREDOMINANTLY BLACK UNI-
VERSITIES IN NORTH CAROLINA

SECTION A: PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS

ITEM MALE :;: FEMALE :

TOTAL*

Sex

Male

Female

Age

17-19

20-24

25-29

30-34

35-39

40-44

45-49

50-54

55-59

Marital Status

Single

Married

Divorced

Widowed

Separated

Number of Children**

JyJ^***

Place of Longest Residence

Northeast

Southeast

Midwest

Plain States

Southwest

Do You Live on Campus

Yes

*A11 figures are reported in percents. In the totals column the per-
centages (averaged) reported for some items may exceed 100 due to
rounding off upward and the selection of more than one choice in some
of the questionnaire items by the student participants.

**No respondent had 5, 7, etc., children so these figures have been
omitted from the profile.

***NA No Answer.

PROFILE (Continued)

SECTION B: CLASSIFICATION AND OCCUPATIONAL
GOALS

ITEM

MALE* FEMALE* TOTAL*

7. Classification

Freshmen

Sophomores

Juniors

Seniors

Graduate

Special

Exchange

8. What is your Major Field?

History

Sociology

Mathematics

Business Education

Elementary Education

Other

NA**

9. What Degree is your Ultimate Goal?

Bachelors

Masters

Doctorate

NA**

10. What is your Occupational Goal?

Teaching

Non-Teaching

NA**

11. What is your Cumulative Academic Average?

1.50-1.99

2.00-2.49

2.50-2.99

3.00-3.49

3.50-3.99

NA**

*A11 figures are reported in percents. In the totals column the per-
centages (averaged) reported for some items may exceed 100 due to
rounding off upward and the selection of more than one response in
some of the questionnaire items by the student participants.

**NA No Answer

PROFILE (Continued)

SECTION C: SOURCES OF INCOME

ITEM MALE :

: FEMALE*

TOTAL*

12. What are the Principle Sources of

your Income?

Parental Income 7

Personal Savings 26

Summer Jobs 19

Scholarship 7

Loan. (Bank /Government) 7

Work-Study 26

Work- Aid 11

Other 44

SECTION D: CIRCUMSTANCES PERTAINING TO EN-
ROLLMENT

13. Did you Enroll in this Institution Immediately
After Graduation from High School?

Yes 7

No 100 62

NA** 31

14. If you did not, are you Simply a Delayed
Enrolled High School Graduate?

Yes 19 10

No 70 71

NA** 11 19

4
81
16

15
71
15

15. If you were Delayed in Commencing your College
Education, Please Indicate the Reason (s) that
Caused the Delay:

Uninterested at time 19 7

Needed to support family 11 2
Discharge military

obligations 41

Got married 11 24

Maternal 23

Other 30 26

NA** 2

16. Are you a Transfer Student?

Yes 30 57

No 63 40

NA** 7 3

17. If you are a Transfer Student, did you Transfer
to this Institution:

Directly from predominantly white

institution 30 14

As delayed transfer from predom-
inantly black institution 8 40

NA** 62 46

17
17
28

24
54

*A11 figures are reported in percents. In the totals column the per-
centages (averaged) reported for some items may exceed 100 due to
rounding upward and the selection of more than one response in some
of the questionnaire items by the student participants.

**NA No Answer.

PROFILE (SECTION D) (Continued)

ITEM MALE* FEMALE* TOTAL*

18.

If you are a Delayed Transfer Student,

Please Indicate Reason (s):

Uninterested at time

Needed to support family

Discharging military

obligations

Got married

Maternal

Other

NA**

19.

Having Enrolled in this Institution,
Now Plan to Graduate From Here?

you

Yes

NA**

SECTION E: REASONS AFFECTING ATTENDANCE AND
RESERVATIONS

20. Why did you Decide to Attend this Institution?

Financial cost suited

budget 48 43 46

Location of institution

convenient 67 57 62

Courses and degree program

offered relevant to my

goals 63 52 58

Institution only school that

accepted me
Other 26

2
29

21.

Did you feel any Reservations Concerning
your Enrollment in this Institution?

Yes 100 100

100

22.

If so, were your Concerns:

Of an academic nature 4
Of a financial nature 7
Of a social nature
NA** 81

23.

What is your Opinion Now?***

*A11 figures are reported in pereents. In the totals column the per-
centages (averaged) reported for some items may exceed 100 due to
rounding upward and the selection of more than one response in some
of the questionnaire item:^ by the student participants.

**NA No Answer

***This open-ended question required a written response.

PROFILE (SECTION E) (Continued)

ITEM MALE- FEMALE*

TOTAL*

24. Using the Reasons Suggested in
Question 22, Briefly Explain
What, if any, Reservations
were Expressed by:

Family 12
High School Official
Church Official

26
2
3

16
1

Friends 3

NA** 85

25. Briefly Explain What Opinion is
held by:

Family 5
High School Officials 1
Church Officials

now

19
5

12
3

Friends 2

NA** 92

SECTION F: PRIOR CONTACT WITH BLACKS

26.

27.

What was the Approximate Percentage of
Black Students Enrolled in the School
you Attended Prior to Enrolling into
this Institution?***

1-5 22

6-10 15

16-25 7

26-30 4

91-99

NA** 15

How would you Describe your Contact
With Black People Prior to Enroll-
ing in this Institution?

28.

Non-existent

Limited 37

Extensive 52

NA** 11

What was the Principle Area of Contact

With Blacks Prior to your Enrolling

in this Institution?

School 30

Community Organizations 5

Religious Organizations 5

Other 58

*A11 figures are reported in percent. In the totals column the per-
centages (averaged) reported for some items may exceed 100 due to
rounding off upward and the selection of more than one response in
some of the questionnaire items by the student participants.

**NA No Answer

***Intervals not checked by the respondents were omitted from the
profile.

PROFILE (Continued)

SECTION G: NON-ACADEMIC PARTICIPATION

ITEM MALE :!: FEMALE- TOTAL' 1

29. To What Extent did you Expect to Participate
in Non- Academic Campus Activities Prior to
Enrollment in this Institution?

Not at all 33 50 42

Occasionally 37 45 41

Regularly

NA** 30 2 16

30. Do you Now Participate in Non-Academic
Campus Activities?

Not at all 6 55 31

Occasionally 19 38 30

Regularly 7 5 6

NA** 58 29

31. If you do not Participate, is it because:

You have no free time 41 50 46

Inconvenient for vou to

attend 33

Have other interests 30

Do not want to participate 1 1
Have not been asked to

participate 22

Other 4

32. In the Classroom, are you able to
Express your Opinions Freely and
Comfortably?

Never

Sometimes 48 48 48

Always 49 48 49

NA** 32

33. Do you feel that your Black Classmates
Express Their Opinions Freely in front
of you?

Sometimes 48 48 48

Always 52 48 50

34. Would you feel more at ease Expressing
your Opinions if you were Black?

Yes 37 29 33

No 23 13

NA** 63 48 56

*A11 figures are reported in percents. In the totals column the per-
centages (averaged) reported for some of the items may exceed 100 due
to rounding off upward and the selection of more than one response in
some of the questionnaire items by the student participants.

**NA No Answer.

PROFILE (Continued)

SECTION H: NON-ACADEMIC PARTICIPATION

ITEM MALE- F

35. Do you Resent Being Asked to Take
Black Studies Courses?

Yes 37

No 4

NA** 59

36. In vour Black Studies Courses, do you
Feel Guilty?

Yes 22

No 39

NA** 39

37. Are you More Hesitant to Express Your-
self in your Black Studies Courses
than in your Other Courses?

Yes 12

No 19 38

NA** 81 50

38. Do Black Students Use Any Idiomatic
or Slang Expressions that are Difficult
for you to Understand?

vlALE

* TOTAL*

6
29
66

Yes

NA**

SECTION I: ACADEMIC AND SOCIAL

GUIDANCE PREF-

ERENCES

39. If you are having Problems

of an

Academic

Nature, do you seek help from:

Black Professor

White Professor

Black Counselor

White Counselor

Black Administrator

White Administrator

Black Friend

White Friend

Academic Advisor

Other

40. If you are having Problems of a Social

Nature, do you seek help from:

Black Professor

White Professor

Black Counselor

White Counselor

**NA No Answer.

PROFILE (SECTION I) (Continued)
ITEM MALE*

FEMALE* TOTAL^

40. (Continued)

Black Administrator

White Administrator

Black Friend

White Friend

Academic Advisor

Other

SECTION J: ORIENTATION PROGRAMS

41. Do you feel that this Institution should
have some kind of Special Orientation
Program or Activity that would Facilitate

the Adjustment of the White Student in the
Predominantly Black Institution?
Yes 33 19

No 67 64

NA** 17

42. If not, what are your Objections to
Such a Program?

It is unnecessary 23

Would only create more
anxiety and tension 19

Do more harm than good 24
Would be difficult to plan 15
Would not be meaningful at

the beginning of the year
Other 19

NA**

43. If you Approve of such a Program,
what Kind of Orientation Activities
would you Include?

Lectures on the black experience
by black professors, counselors,

and administrators 22

Lectures on the black

experiences by white

professors, counselors,

and administrators 11

Panel discussions led by

white and block students 19

Small group discussions led

by black and

white students 22

Panel discussions led by

white students who

have attended predominantly

black institutions 3

*A11 figures are reported in percents. In the totals column the per-
centages (averaged) reported for some of the items may exceed 100
due to rounding off upward and the selection of more than one response
va some of the questionnaire items by the student participants.

**NA No Answer.

PROFILE (SECTION J) (Continued)

ITEM MALE- FEMALE- TOTAL*

43. (Continued)

Small group discussions led

by white students who

have attended predominantly

black institutions 11 7 9

Co-Curricular social

activities 10 5

Other 12 19 16

44. Would you be Interested

in Helping to Plan and

Participate in such an

Orientation Program?

Yes

NA**

*A11 figures are reported in percents. In the totals column the per-
centages (averaged) reported for some of the items may exceed 100
due to rounding off upward and the selection of more than one response
in some of the questionnaire items by the student participants.

**NA No Answer.

REFERENCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Enrollment Increase of Black Students in Institutions of Higher Edu-
cation

a. "ECU Publishes 'Forthright' Brochure to Attract Blacks," The
News and Observer (Raleigh), March 22, 1971, p. 3.

b. "Graduate- School Enrollments of Negroes, Other Minorities,"
The Chronicle of Higher Education. April 12. 1971, p. 4.

c. "HEW Says Enrollment of Blacks was 6.6% at Colleges in 1970,"
Higher Education and National Affairs. 20:30, August 6, 1971, p. 3.

d. Jacobson, Robert L., "Black Enrollment Rising Sharply, U. S.
Data Show," The Chronicle of Higher Education. October 4, 1971,
p. 1.

e. "Negro and Other Minority Enrollments at 2,350 Colleges,"
The Chronicle of Higher Education, March 29, 1971, p. 3.

f. Rhodes, Barbara A., "Special College Entry Programs for Afro-
Americans," School and Society. October, 1970, p. 360-63.

g. Undergraduate Enrollment by Ethnic Groups in Federally Funded
Institutions of Higher Education. Fall 1968, Department of HEW,
Office of Civil Rights, OCR-201-69.

2. White Students in Black Institutions

a. Downes, Bob, "At Age 59, Rose Decides to Obtain College Degree,"
The Fayetteville Observer. February 12, 1971, p. IB

b. Ernst, H. W., and A. H. Calloway, "Reverse Integration," New
York Times Magazine, January 6, 1957, p. 20.

c. Marsh, Ralph, "Flip Sides of Coin White Minority in Nearly
All-Black Schools," The Fayetteville Observer, January 31, 1971,
p. 20D

d. Morris, Carl, "Whv 394 White Students Choose a Negro College,"
Color, October, 1955, p. 24.

e. "Senior Pursues Varied Interests, A Student in Profile," Cornell
Reports, 5:3, January, 1971, p. 3.

f. "White Students Save Negro School: West Virginia State Pros-
pers Under Integration," Ebony, April, 1955, p. 17.

3. Some Recent Investigations of Black Students in Pre-dominantly Black

and White Institutions

a. Backner, Burton L., "Counseling Black Students: Any Place for
Whitey?", The Journal of Higher Education. March 1970, p. 630.

b. Bayer, Alan E. and Robert F. Boruch, The Black Student in
American Colleges, American Council on Education Research
Report, 4:2, 1969.

c. Bayer, Alan E. and Robert F. Boruch, "Black and White Fresh-
men Entering Four-Year Colleges", Educational Record, Fall
1969, p. 371.

d. Borgen, Fred H. Able Black Americans in College: Entry and
Freshmen Experiences. NMSC Research Reports, Vol. 6, No. 2,
National Merit Scholarship Corporation, 1970, 21 pp.

e. Bradley, Nolen E., "The Negro Undergraduate Student: Factors
Relative to Performance in Predominantly White State Colleges
and Universities in Tennessee, "The Journal of Negro Education,
Winter 1967, p. 15.

f. Brazziel, William F. "Getting Black Kids into College," The Per-
sonnel and Guidance Journal, 1970, 48 (May) pp. 747-751.

g. Centra, John A., "Black Students at Predominantly White Col-
leges: A Research Description," Sociology of Education 1970, Vol.
43

h. Hartnett, Rodney T., "Differences in Selected Attitudes and Col-
lege Orientations Between Black Students Attending Traditionally
Negro and Traditionally White Institutions," Sociology of Educa-
tion 1970, Vol. 43.

i. The Higher Education of Negro Americans: Prospects and Pro-
grams," The Journal of Negro Education. Summer 1967, pp. 192-
314.

j. Kierman, Irene R. and Roy P. Daniels, "Signs of Social Changes
Through an Exploratory Study of 23 Negro Students in a Com-
munity College," The journal of Negro Education. Spring 1967,
p. 129.

k. Peek, V. Lonnie, Jr.. "The Black Student in a White University,"
The Counseling Psychologist, 2:1, 1970, p. 11.

1. Piedmont, Eugene B., "Changing Racial Attitudes at a Southern
University:'' 1947-1964, The Journal of Negro Education. Winter
1967, p. 32.

m. Research on the Disadvantaged: An Annotated List of Relevant
ETS Studies 1951-1969, Educational Testing Service, August 1969.

n. "Studies in the Higher Education of Negro Americans", The
Journal of Negro Education. Fall 1966, (Entire Issue).

o. Thorpe, Marion D. and Eun Sul Lee, "Desegregation of North
Carolina Colleges and Universities, Fall 1966," Higher Education
in North Carolina. Vol. 2:7, August 25, 1967.

4. Directory of Predominantly Black Colleges and Universities in the
United States of America. National Alliance of Businessmen, 1730 K
Street. N.W., Washington, D. C, 1970.

5. Curricular Programs at Black Institutions

a. North Carolina Board of Higher Education, State Supported Tra-
ditionally Negro Colleges in North Carolina, Special Report 3-67,
May 1967.

b , Statistical Abstract of

Higher Education in North Carolina. 1969-70, Research Report
1-70, February 1970, p. 76.

c. Office of Advancement of Public Negro Colleges, Advancement
Newlsetter, June 1970, p. 2, and December 1970, p. 3.

d , Public Negro

Colleges, A Fact Book. March 1971, 23p.

6. Some Recent Accounts of the Jeopardies Faced by Black Institutions

a. Brooks, Thomas R., "Black Colleges, Can They Survive?" Tues-
day, May 1971, p. 10.

b. Fancher, Betsy, "Black Colleges: The Struggle to Survive is Even
More Desperate Now." South Today. June 1971, p. 4.

c. Hechinger, Fred M., "The Negro Colleges: Victims of Progress,"
New York Times. October 6, 1969, p. 42.

d. "Higher Education in N. C. to Take New Role July 1," The Fay-
etteville Observer, November 1, 1971, p. Al.

e. Johnson, O. Clayton, "The Importance of Black Colleges," Edu-
cational Record, Spring 1971, p. 159.

f. Kennelly, Dennis, "Black Educators Optimistic on Education Re-
structuring," The News and Observer, (Raleigh), November 1,
1971, p. A5.

g. Mayhew, Lewis B.. "Black and White Colleges: A Study in
Waste," Educational Record, Spring 1971, p .159.

h. Monro, John U., "Black Studies, White Teachers, and Black

Colleges", Teaching Forum, 3:3-4, April 1970, p. 3.
i. Office of Advancement of Public Negro Colleges, Advancement

Newsletters, 2:6, July 1970, p. 6.
j. Pettigrew, Thomas F., The Role of Whites in the Black Colleges of

the Future in Stephen R. Granbard, (ed.), The Future of the

Black Colleges, Daedalus, Summer 1971, p. 813.
k. "Public Black Colleges Said Losing Identity", Higher Education

and National Affairs Vol. 10, No. 24, p. 6.
1. "To Be Black and Equal", Saturday Review, August 21, 1971, p. 49.

ACCOUNTABILITY: The Educator's
Responsibility

John H. Cochran, Jr.

Associate Professor,

Coordinator of Laboratory

Activities

Division of Education
Savannah State College

Evaluation, accountability, what have you? Within the last
decade educators have gone wild about "accountability" Ac-
countability to "whom?" "what?" "when?" "why?" are some of
the questions that have been answered rhetorically, but not spe-
cifically.

These questions have not been answered to the extent that
the classroom teacher knows what to do, pertaining to his being
accountable to those who demand proof. The classroom teacher
only knows that if "accountability" is required in his system he
may be fired, if he has not "oriented" his students to respond
properly to the instruments that are used to determine his ef-
fectiveness.

Recently, the writer had an opportunity to attend a board
meeting in a large school system in Georgia, the board of educa-
tion contacted personnel from the large state university to work
with some of the teachers in their system. The consultants were
to provide opportunties for teachers to learn some of the com-
petencies needed to strengthen classroom instruction. The plan
was excellent until one of the assistant superintendents felt the
need for an evaluation of the program. A haphazard method of
observation with some sort of rating was devised with little
planning.

The rating plan must have appealed to the group of read-
ing experts. One professor actually recommended the firing of
one teacher to the board. He did not call names, but the seed
was planted This professor visited teachers' rooms, for not
more than a hour, and had expected to see all of the techniques
of a reading specialist exemplified by the ordinary classroom
teacher. Though this was only a small part of the report made
by the reading committee, the use of expert techniques by class-
room teachers was the rating criteria of this group.

Are teachers going to be held accountable for the ideas and
methods of consultants who spend very little time with them
and know nothing about the unique individuals in the class-
rooms of these teachers? If we are going to recommend account-
ability in the public schools, then we must state specifically the
roles of those involved. Each person must know where he stands,
what is expected of him, his responsibilities, and his limita-
tions. Persons designated to determine how well teachers have
performed will also have to be accountable to those teachers,
to the extent of their accuracy in evaluating teacher perform-
ance.

This bandwagon of accountability as it is practiced is mis-
directed, as are most "new" educational ideas (Lopez, 1970).
Lessinger (1970) used as an example for his design for educa-
tional accountability the Texarkana Project. He would, also,
require educational systems to do what is seldom done by any
other public agency, industry, profession or public service. He
would require public school systems to prepare a public state-
ment that would balance monetary income with learning out-
comes. However, the results of the Texarkana Project have been
questioned because of possible ethical violations (Harmes, 1971,
Bhaerman, 1971). The theory involved in accountability does

not direct the practice. Accountability must begin with the top
echelon and filter down to the classroom teacher. It must be
well planned, tested and directed.

The classroom teacher cannot be unduly limited by ad-
ministrators concerning his methods and procedures of instruc-
tion. He must be allowed to do whatever is necessary to inspire
children to learn. By the same token, children cannot be lump-
ed into one group. There should be some allowances for them to
reach attainable goals within a certain period (Lopez, 1970, 234,
and Sullivan, 1969, 138). These goals should be tailored for
each individual student according to his needs and interests.
(We ire assuming that the curriculum of the institution em-
braces the needs and interests of all of its students.)

The idea of meeting the needs of all of the students may
be considered a plea for individualized instruction, but true
evaluation of the teacher's effectiveness would have to consider
the uniqu.? position of each individual student. The position
of each student at the beginning of a program would have to be
assessed before his progress could be evaluated during or at the
end of a program (Goodlad, 1966, 102; Millman, 1970). The
importance of the subject area to the individual must be ac-
counted for (Almy, 1964, 48). Besides, most evaluation is done
in terms of mastery, which primarily embraces the cognitive
domain. Granted that the cognitive domain is important, but
mastery could consist of memorization.

Once students have the idea that what is taught in schools
is of benefit to them, learning will be more pronounced. Edu-
cation should produce change. This change should be in be-
havior, rather than making students' minds archives of factual
fragments. Student performance should be measured by behav-
ioral changes (Goodlad, 1966). Educational programs and prac-
tices should be geared to involve the student in desirable change.
This change should be desired not only by the society the stu-
dent represents, but by the student (Tyler, 1967, 18). Once the
student accepts these changes as desirable, the process of teach-
ing becomes less complex. In contrast, the standard process is
that changes and goals are defined for the student and he is
forced to accept them. The student resists this forced change,
consequently he registers minus on the evaluating scale.

The point here is, evaluating for accountability is more
complex than it has been made to seem. Jf teachers are going to
be held accountable, then they should know for what they are
accountable, to whom, why. and how they are accountable. They
should know for what they are not accountable and how much
autonomy they have in the instructional program (Barro, 1970).

The classroom teacher is accountable to his students. He
may be responsible to the school system and the taxpayers, but
he is primarily responsible to his students. The student is the
most important element of any educational institution or sys-
tem, and he represents the only true product. It is the teacher's
duty to provide opportunities that will develop the mental and
intellectual capabilities of all of his students to the maximum.
Now, whether this development takes place or not when the op-

portunities are provided is another matter; because the student
is influenced by other factors in his environment.

The teacher is required to expose his student to infinite
activities, disciplines, and ideas. Their reaction to this exposure
should not be a standard one. The teacher does not indoctrinate,
he guides. The student's reaction is related to how he analyzes
that to which he is exposed. This is what the teacher is account-
able for provided he is allov/ed the freedom to plan and innovate,
and is provided the necessary materials.

The teacher is accountable to his students during the entire
year. His professional duty may not be limited to an academic
year, he may have to recommend or issue other statements re-
garding a student. The teacher does have the right to privacy
and personal rights just as any other citizen has. His profession-
al competence should not be judged by his personal involvement
as long as he keeps them separated from his instructional duties.

A system that does not permit teachers to instruct and
create to their potential, will reduce creativity and learning in
students. Accountability must begin in the State Department
of Education and extend to the systems and the schools. Each
component should be evaluated on its own merits according to
its responsibilities. The teachers and principals should not be
used as the scapegoat for uncooperative state legislatures, school
boards, and communities. Each must recognize and live up to
its responsibilities.

Today's call for accountablity does not apply to teachers,
it applies to educational practices as a whole. Changes will have
to be made to facilitate any evaluations embracing account-
ability. The State Department of Education down to the local
boards must institute curriculum changes and programs that will
allow teachers the freedom to teach children as they need to be
taught. Then, teachers will be able to acknowledge account-
ability as a creditable educational practice.

Professional educators should plan, govern, and test any
accountability measures and instruments involving teachers.
This is the only guarantee that evaluations for determining
teacher accountability will be conducted properly. It would be
a drastic mistake for the idea of accountability to result in re-
duced mental agility for students and a loss of creativity for
teachers. Teachers could show that they have met the specifica-
tions of accountability by teaching tests (Wildavsky, 1970,
212). This obsession for testing in America is probably one of
the major causes for the rebellion of young people. They pass
academic tests, but they are unable to cope with societal prob-
lems. We do not want the case for accountability to lead us
further down the path of irrelevancy of the instructional pro-
grams in our schools.

Accountability is important, but it should help those to be
judged to become more competent, rather than insecure, in the
teaching profession. True, dedicated teachers have been ac-
countable for centuries (Robinson, 1970, 193). The present day
concept of accountability should reinforce this dedication, or it
is not applicable to the field of education (Lopez, 1970, 234).

Until professional educators get together and formulate prac-
tices, and principles to govern the practitioner in the field of
education, we will remain beggars for wages, whipping boys, and
mud scrappers in the eyes of the American Pubilc.

REFERENCES

Almy, M. Child development and the curriculum. In D. Hubner (Ed.)
A reassessment of the curriculum. New York: Teachers College,
Columbia University, 1969.

Barro, S. M. An approach to developing accountabiity measures for the
public schools. Phi Delta Kappan. 1970, 52 (4), 196-205.

Bhaerman, R. D. Accountability: The great day of judgment. Education-
al Technology. 1971, 9 (1), 62-63.

Goodlad, J. I. The changing school curriculum. New York: Fund for the
Advancement of Education, 1966.

Harmes, H. M. Specifying objectives for performance contracts. Educa-
tional Technology. 1971, 9 (1), 52-56.

Lessinger, L. M. Every kid a winner: Accountability in education. New
York: Simon and Schuster, 1970.

Lopez, F. M. Accountability in education. Phi Delta Kappan. 1970. 52
(4), 231-235.

Millman, J. Reporting student progress: A case for a criterion-referenced
marking system. Phi Delta Kappan. 1970, 52 (4), 226-230.

Robinson, D. W. Accountability for whom? For what? Phi Delta Kappan.
1970,52 (4), 193.

Sullivan, H. J. Epilogue. In W. J. Popham, H. J. Sullivan and L. L.
Tyler, Insructional objectives. American Educational Research As-
sociation monograph series on curriculum evaluation No. 3. Chi-
cago: Rand McNally, 1969.

Tyler, R. W. Changing concepts of educational evaluation. In R. W. Tyler,
R. M. Gagne, and M. Scraven. Perspectives of curriculum evaluation.
American Educational Research Association monograph series on
curriculum evaluation. No. 1. Chicago: Rand McNally, 1967.

Wildavsky, A. A. Program of accountability for elementary schools.
Phi Delta Kappan. 1970, 52 (4), 212-216.

REQUIESCAT: The Graduate Studies Program at Savannah
State College, 1968-1971

James A. Eaton

FOREWORD

At the beginning of the summer quarter in 1968, a promis-
ing, new graduate studies program at Savannah State College,
duly approved by the Board of Regents of the University System
of Georgia, opened its doors to its first classes. At the end of
the summer quarter 1971, that same graduate studies program,
by action of the same Board of Regents, closed its doors as an
independent program upon its last classes. As of September 1,
1971, it was to become part of the then-called "Savannah Grad-
uate Center", sponsored jointly by Armstrong State College
and Savannah State College, both located in Savannah. Arm-
strong was originally created to be a "predominantly white" col-
lege; Savannah State was created to be a "black" college. The
lure of offering graduate courses had led to a marriage, which,
at least in the South, was so unusual as to be worthy of a few
raised eyebrows.

The thirteen quarters of operation through which the Savan-
nah State College program existed had been momentous ones
from any angle one wished to look. But if one wanted to be ob-
jective, there were statistics cold, hard numbers that indi-
cated soothing, warm thoughts of success and acceptance, even
social change brought about by the program. Three classes of
graduates had had the degrees of Master of Science in Elemen-
tary Education conferred upon them. Both the Southern Asso-
ciation of Colleges and the Georga State Department of Educa-
tion had approved the program. Although offered at a predomi-
nantly black college, the program had never been a totally black
program. Transient students had been able to take courses
through the program to transfer to other colleges and universi-
ties, not only in Georgia but in other states as well. Students
were satisfied, as shown by their responses to a survey, that they
were in an academically respectable program. Alumni from the
program looked back and said it was good to have been there.

Thirteen quarters of growth and freedom. And then it was
no more. Let this last study of the cold, objective facts about ad-
mission during the last four quarters stand as a memorial to a
thirteen quarter program that was perhaps too successful for
its own good.

REQUIESCAT: THE GRADUATE STUDIES PROGRAM AT
SAVANNAH STATE COLLEGE, 1968-1971

Careful attention has been given to the accepted applicants
for the graduate program at Savannah State College since its
commencement in the summer quarter of 1968, because it has
been felt that these admissions concealed a great wealth of in-
formation ( 1 ) about the present and the future of the graduate
program, (2) about the types of teachers and academic quality
of teachers in the local public schools (since the program has
been up to now geared to in-service teachers), and, finally, in
an indirect manner, (3) about some facets of social change in
the Savannah area. Data from the accepted applicants during
the 1970-71 school year the third full year of operation of the
graduate program seem to point out the value of this rather
careful attention and of its revelations relative to the above-
mentioned three points.

For purposes of this paper, the 1970-71 school year is de-
fined to include the fall quarter of 1970 and the winter, spring
and summer quarters of 1971.

Number of Admissions

During the four quarters of the 1970-71 school year, a total
of 165 persons were admitted to the graduate program in one
category or the other. The fall quarter saw 50 admissions; the
winter quarter, 29; the spring quarter, 71; and the summer
quarter, 69. These figures are closely related to those of the
1969-70 school year, but they take on additional significance
when compared to the admissions of the 1968-69 school year
when a total of 123 persons were admitted 13 in the fall, 12
in the winter, 17 in the spring, and 81 in the summer. (See Table
1 which fellows.)

Table 1
Comparison on Admissions 1968-1969 and 1970-71

Fall

Winter

Spring

Summer

Total

1968-69

123

1970-71

165

Sexual Distribution of Admitted Applicants

In addition to mere numbers, attention has been given to
the ratio of males to females entering the program. This is a
concern for several reasons, but the greatest is to see if the
program is making a substantial contribution to increasing the
number of men going into the elementary school classrooms.

Of the 165 admissions during 1970-71, 33, or 20%, were
men. The largest number were admitted during the spring quar-
ter. (See Table 2.)

Table 2
Admissions by Sex

MEN

Number Percent

WOMEN

Number Percent

Fall, 1970

Winter, 1971

10.3

89.7

Spring, 1971

41.1

58.8

Summer, 1971

23.1

76.9

Total for Year

132

While women continue to have a sizeable major of the grad-
uate admissions, the percentage (as well as the number) of men
students has been increasing. For example, the number of stu-
dents entering during the summer is always larger than any
other. Table 3 indicates that the percentage of men, included
in the summer admissions during the four summers from 1968
through 1971, has shown a significant increase.

Table 3
Male Admissions by Percentages (Summers)

50
45
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5

23.1
21.2

14
7.4

'68

'69

'70

'71

A comparison of male admissions during 1968-69 with
1970-71 makes an interesting chart when looked at percentage-
wise, yet it still indicates an increase in the number of men en-
tering the program. (See Table 4.) One is left wondering what
factors account for the differences in quarters of peak percent-
ages.

Table 4: Male Admissions 1968-69 Compared to 1970-71
Percentages '68-'69 '70-'71

46.1

Fall Winter Spring Summer

Racial Distribution

There is a saying that the graduate program at Savannah
State is the most truly integrated program in the public sup-
ported colleges of the State. Be that true or only partially true,
the program has from the beginning had a racial mixture of
both faculty members and students. Consider first of all that
Savannah State was a totally black school less than ten years
ago. Yet, for the three years the graduate program has been in
existence, never has the "graduate faculty" been less than 30
percent white. During some quarters, it has actually been 60
percent white (based upon the instructors actually teaching
courses during that quarter.)

The number of white students in the program has been
steadily increasing since the program began. During the 1970-
71 school year, 5.5 percent of the total admissions were white
men and 28.4 percent were white women, giving a 33.9 percent
total admissions to whites for the year. (What predominantly
white graduate program in Georgia can boast today of a 30 per-
cent black faculty and a 33.9 percent black student body? ::::: )
Table 5 indicates the percentage of whites admitted during each
quarter of the 1970-71 school year. The 55% admission in the
winter quarter indicates another trend that reached a new peak
that quarter: the growing tendency of students working for
masters degrees at other colleges to take courses at Savannah
State to be transferred elsewhere. Most of the transfer students
this quarter came from the University of Georgia and Georgia
Southern College, although a few black students transferred
courses to a number of other colleges including well-known uni-
versities both on the East coast and the West coast. (See Table

5.).

Percentages
55

Table 5
White Admissions 1970-71

Summer

Once again a look at the summer admissions gives an in-
teresting, graphic picture of how white admissions climbed from
8 percent in the summer of '68 to 27.6 percent in the summer
of '71. (See Table 6.) This is a significant indication that the
program offered both academically and socially something the
whites wanted and could accept. It is very seriously doubted
that any of them could honestly say they found a program that
compromised its academic integrity. A survey of graduate stu-
dent opinions made in 1969, including both black and white
students, indicated that most of them considered the atmos-
phere of the graduate program was of such a nature as to moti-
vate scholarly work. A total of 31.03 percent rated it "very
highly conducive"; 55.17 percent rated it ''highly conducive";
and 13.79 percent rated it "moderately conducive." No student
rated it as "weak" or "poor". White students participate in all
activities and one of the two student-elected student repre-
sentatives to the Graduate Council is white. (See Table 6.)

Table 6
Percentage Summer Admissions By Race (White)
70

65
60
55
50
45
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5

27.6

16.3

13.3

'68

'69

'70

'71

Cumulative Averages

The undergraduate cumulative average is one, but not the
sole, basis for admission to graduate study. Like most state
institutions in Georgia, a 2.50 (C+) minimum is expected, al-
though an occasional exception is made until the student has
completed fifteen hours, (the requirement being waived if a
3.0 average or better is made). These "exceptions" are classi-

fied as graduate students conditional rather than graduate
students regular. "Conditional" students also include secon-
dary majors, seeking to transfer to elementary education, who
must qualify for elementary certification.

Special students include transient students and people
studying for reasons other than seeking a degree. Table 7 shows
the number and percentage of admissions in each of those cate-
gories during '70-'71. (See Table 7.)

Table 7: Status of Admissions

No.

gular

Co
No.

nd.

Spe
No.

rial

Total

Fall, '70

34.0

38.0

28.0

Winter, '71

10.3

27.6

62.1

Spring, '71

17.7

47.0

35.3

Summer, '71

17.4

49.3

33.3

Total for Year

21.2

41.8

37.0

165

Cumulative averages are not computed for special students,
but a study of the cumulative averages for the regular and con-
ditional students show some interesting means. Over the entire
year, regular degree-seeking students had a mean of 2.93 and
conditionals, 2.49, indicating that the 2.50 norm is usually
rather close to the minimum for all students. However, this is
not always true with conditional students, as one might well
expect. Table 8 shows the variations during 1970-71.

Table 8
Mean Cumulative Averages

Fall

Winter

Spring

Summer

Year

Regular

2.90

3.17

2.90

2.75

2.93

Conditional

2.07

2.59

2.72

2.59

2.49

Mean

2.48

2.88

2.81

2.67

2.71

Throughout the program, the cumulative averages for reg-
ular and conditional students have been fairly consistent. Dur-
ing 1968-69, the overall mean for regular students was 2.97,
with a range from 2.84 to 3.21. Conditional students had a mean
of 2.65, ranging from 2.55 to 2.82. During 1969-70, the statistics
were pretty much in line with the summer '70 figures: a mean
of 2.86 for regulars and 2.54 for conditionals. (See Table 9.)

Table 9
Mean Cumulative Averages, '68-'69 to '70-'71

1968-69

1969-70

1970-71

Regular

2.97

2.86

2.93

Conditional

2.65

2.54

2.49

One is left to conclude that the academic quality of the
background of students who have been accepted into the grad-
uate program has been equal or better than that anticipated by
other state colleges in Georgia.

NTE Scores

Another factor which has been taken into consideration in
admitting students has been the NTE score on the Common
Examinations. A 450 minimum is required.

The group admitted during the 1968-69 school year had an
overall mean of 509 on the Commons. During 1970-71, the
overall mean was 506. The reason for this drop in mean score
between these two periods is pointed out more vividly when the
scores are compared, quarter by quarter.

Table 10
Mean NTE Scores, 1970-71

Classification

Fall

Winter

Spring

Summer

Total

Regular

509

539

497

505

512

Conditional

480

476

508

537

500

Total

494

507

501

521

506

As Table 10 indicates, during the fall and winter quarters
the mean scores for the conditionally admitted students drop-
ped to 480 and 476 respectively, bringing the mean for the year
slightly lower than during the first year. However, when one
considers that 450 is the minimum accepted for degree-seeking
status, these scores indicate no need for alarm, as indeed they
never have during the operation of the program.

Speaking of the controversial NTE score, a look at the
summer quarter NTE scores and cumulative averages of black
and white applicants shows an interesting trend and again raises
questions long ago raised in this program and still unanswered.
Both black men and women had a mean undergraduate cumu-
lative average on par with or above the white students, yet the
blacks. Please note that reference is made to mean scores, not
mean NTE scores of the whites out-distanced those of the
individual scores.

Negro men, regular students, had a mean cumulative aver-
age of 2.80 (there were no white men in this category) and a
mean NTE of 464. Negro women had a mean cumulative aver-
age of 2.74 and a mean NTE of 488, while white women had
a mean cumulative average of 2.72, and a mean NTE of 563.

Among the conditional students, black men had a mean
cumulative average of 2.60 and an mean NTE score of 493, while
white men had a mean cumulative average of 2.41 and a mean
NTE score of 558. Black women conditional students had a mean
cumulative average of 2.67 and a mean NTE score of 455. White
women, on the other hand, had a mean cumulative average of
2.71 and a mean NTE score of 642.

These figures above refer only to the summer quarter of
1971, but they are not entirely out of line with the findings of
several other quarters. Yet, through the end of the spring quar-
ter, only two white women and no white men had made the re-
quired 3.7 cumulative average during residency as a graduate
student to be invited into membership of the Kappa Delta Pi
Honor Society in Education. At least a dozen black women (and
one black man) had made the required average and were mem-
bers. (However, three white women were to be pledged during
the fall quarter.)

CONCLUSIONS

Statistics indicate that during the thirteen months of inde-
pendent operation, the Savannah State graduate program had
a tremendous growth in numbers that averaged out to over
100% increase in attendance each school year. This growth indi-
cated, among other things, that the students felt they were get-
ting what they should have been getting or they would not have
continued to attend.

The program made a great contribution to improving race
relations. In 1968 (and 1971) few black and white teachers in
Savannah had ever studied together and had the chance to ex-
plore each other's thoughts, not to mention to work together
or to work competitively in an academic situation. At first
there was fear on both sides. Both students and faculty worked
together to eliminate this. Racial friction never existed among
the graduate students and better understanding both of teachers
and students resulted.

Quality education was stressed and statistics on cumulative
averages and NTE scores indicate that these indices of admis-
sion criteria did not drop below accepted levels.

The experience and the success of the Savannah State Col-
lege graduate program should form a good basis for operating
the new Savannah Graduate Center.

But as for the program of thirteen quarters, it is to be re-
membered as another successful creation of a black, state sup-
ported college that has fallen a victim to "integration." Surely,
there must have been some other alternative! !

Determining the Role of Audio-Visual Equipment

in the Improvement of Reading Comprehension

among Pupils Enrolled in Grade Five at

Florance Street Elementary School

in Savannah, Georgia

AN INDEPENDENT STUDY

Submitted to Dr. Douglas Kingdon, Instructor
and Mrs. Abbie H. Jordan, Director

Norman Brokenshire Elmore

E.P.D.A. Reading Institute

SAVANNAH STATE COLLEGE

JUNE, 1972

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Grateful acknowledgement is made to Mrs. Abbie H. Jor-
dan, Dr. Douglas Kingdon, and Dr. Ira E. Aaron for the in-
valuable assistance they gave during the duration of this study.
I am also indebted to Mr. John B. Clemmons for his aid in de-
termining the statistical significance of the test results. Mes-
dames Alice G. Burke, Bessie S. Hannah, Velma G. Simmons,
and the boys and girls whom they teach, promoted the success
of this project. The typist, Mrs. Sandra E. Porter, also, has
my sincere thanks.

Determining the Role of Audio-Visual Equipment in the

Improvement of Reading Comprehension among Pupils

Enrolled in Grade Five at Florance Street

Elementary School in Savannah, Georgia

Statement of the Problem The emphasis of this study is
upon determining the effectiveness of audio-visual equipment
usages in fostering the improvement of reading comprehension
among pupils enrolled in grade five at Florance Street Elemen-
tary School in Savannah, Georgia.

Definition of the Problem Florance Street Elementary
School was reorganized in September, 1971 to serve only those
pupils enrolled in grades five and six. This reorganization was
an effort to conform to a legal directive to desegregate the public
schools by pairing specific schools.

The school for which this study was designed has had much
audio-visual equipment made available for its utilization. Much
of this equipment was not being used advantageously. This sit-
uation promoted a practical study of the feasibility of using this
equipment to improve the skill of reading comprehension.

Review of Related Literature Related literature was sur-
veyed to this study to determine the views of acknowledged ex-
perts in the field and to better understand the problem.

An exploration of some of the readings relative to the use
of audio-visual equipment in the teaching of reading revealed
that at least two studies of significance to this investigation
have been made. In 1971 Harold R. Strang published "An Auto-
mated Audio- Visual Approach to Remediate Reading Prob-
lems, Final Report." This publication disclosed the conclusions
reached after conducting experiments over a period of three
years.

Experiment 1 divulged that the group which received specific audio
visual training showed substantial gains in reading accuracy over the
groups receiving trial-and-error training in reading and in mathematics.
The total ponulation consisted of twenty-one students of equal reading
proficiency. These students were divided into three groups. Audio-visual
tutored students, also, displayed the highest gains on successive compre-
hension and untimed standardized tests.

Experiment 2 included nineteen students who were administered
audio-visual tutoring. Their gains, too, were significantly greater than
those of students who did not receive any machine instruction.

Students who participated in experiment 2 were the same
ones who took part in experiment 3. Intermittently, these stu-
dents received automated instruction on several everyday life
reading skills. Again, the audio-visually tutored students showed
improvement that was notably greater than those who had re-
ceived no tutoring of this nature.

A second study was a paper presented at the meeting of
the international Reading Association in April of 1971 in At-
lantic City, New Jersey. In his paper, "Machines in the Reading
Program What Are Their Roles?", Robert A. Palmatier con-
cluded that much good is found in the motivational and instruc-
tional aspects of machine instruction. However, too much re-
liance on machine may (1) reduce creativity, (2) limit the
amount of information and growth potential to a learner, and
(3) result in danger of dehumanizing learning and students.

Moreover, Palmatier suggested the following:

1. Schools carefully assess their needs and purchase the most
useful machines. There should be enough of these machines
that can be used in all classrooms.

2. Schools should utilize teacher training to emphasize the ap-
plication of technology in the classroom. This utilization
should encourage teachers to make wise use of the audio-
visual machines.

Purposes of the Study The general purposes of this study
are the following:

1. The teacher will be able to avail himself of the audio-visual
equipment in the school.

2. The teacher will be able to use audio-visual equipment to
develop skills in reading comprehension.

3. The teacher will be able to identify the growth in reading
comprehension as a result of the use of audio-visual equip-
ment.

Hypothesis Consistent, well-planned, creative use of
audio-visual equipment will significantly improve reading com-
prehension.

Procedure Initially, an in-depth survey of all available
audio-visual instructional equipment was made. A compilation
of all types of equipment and the location of the equipment was
distributed to each teacher.

Then, the fifth grade teachers were requested to participate
in either the experimental group or the control group. A coor-
dinator was selected for each group. The group met periodically
to make progress reports and to discuss any necessary modifica-
tions of the plans made. Participating teachers also visited the
reading institute to supplement their knowledge of the teach-
ing of reading.

The experimental group oririnally consisted of fifty-seven
pupils and three teachers; the control group consisted of forty
pupils and two teachers. Pupils who were members of the ex-
perimental group were consistently exposed to the equipment

chosen by their teachers at the beginning of the study. Control
group pupils were instructed by the usual methods and techni-
ques of the teachers concerned.

Each group was administered the dates MacOinitie Read-
ing Survey D, Form I at the beginning of this study. A post-
test, the Gates MacOinitie Reading Survey D - Form 2, was
administered at the end of the study. The test results were com-
pared to determine some of the statistical significances relative
to reading comprehension that exist among the groups.

In addition, beginning on Tuesday, January 4, 1971, each
teacher participating in this study kept a daily record which
included the progress made, the materials used, and the proce-
dure used. Initially, these daily records were to terminate on
Wednesday, March 22, 1972. However, the date of termination
was among the modifications necessitated by the following
changes:

1. One teacher of an experimental group was transferred to
another school.

2. The pupils enrolled in the experimental teacher's class were
assigned to a control teacher.

3. The former pupils enrolled in the control teacher's class were
dispensed among four other grade five classes.

All transferred teachers and pupils were eliminated from this
study to effectuate a satisfactory degree of validity. The study
was concluded on Tuesday, April 18, 1972.

To establish some uniformity in the length of time devoted
mainly to the strengthening of reading comprehension, the
scheduling of this time wa~ identical for the participating groups.
Moreover, a summary of the dai!y records was made to gain in-
sight into the results of this study.

Results and Conclusions A self-evaluation questionnaire
was designed by the teachers concerned with this study to ap-
praise their knowledgeability of the audio-visual equipments
they chose to use. The succeeding were evaluated:

1. Systematic use of audio-visual equipment to augment reading
comprehension.

2. Adequate planning prior to use of audio-visual equipment.

3. Familiarity with the operative techniques of the equipments
used.

4. Resourcefulness and imagination in determining methods of
utilizing audio-visual equipment.

5. Use of available audio-visual materials.

Responses to these items were selected from ratings of superior,
good, average, and below average. A 1 and A 2 will refer to the
classes systematically and periodically exposed to audio-visual
equipment to effectuate improved reading comprehension in the
learners. B will refer to the class that was not exposed to audio-
visual equipment during the period of this study.

The teacher of class A 1 , rated herself superior for item 3,
and good for items 1, 2, 4, and 5. Superior was the response the
teacher of A 2 gave for items 1, 2, 3, and 5; she evaluated herself
as good for item 4.

Moreover, the summaries of the daily logs revealed the re-
sults shown on table 1. This table includes the types of equip-
ment and materials to which the experimental classes were ex-
posed.

Table 1. -

- SUMMARY OF DAILY LOGS

Classes

Types of Equipment

Materials Used

No. of Days

per Week of

Exposure

A 1

Overhead Projector

Teacher Prepared
Transparencies

Filmstrip Projector
Accompanied by
Record Player

Commercially Pre-
pared Tapes and
Records

Cassette Tape
Recorder and
Listening Station

Commercially Pre-
pared Tapes; Pupil
and Teacher Pre-
pared Tapes

A 2

Record Player and
Listening Station

Commercially Pre-
pared Records

Filmstrip Projector

Commercially Pre-
pared Filmstrips

Cassette Tape
Recorder and
Listening Station

Commercially Pre-
pared Tapes

Class B's teacher was not included in this part of the conclu-
sions and results because she did not use audio-visual equipment
when instructing her pupils who were a part of this study's popu-
lation.

Table 2 contains the results of an analysis of the mean and
standard deviation as computed from the standard comprehen-
sion scores of the Gates-MacGinitie Reading Tests, Survey D -
Form 1 and 2. The population was administered Form 1 during
pre-testing and Form 2 for post-testing.

Table 2. RELATIONSHIP OF THE MEAN AND STAN-
DARD DEVIATION

Comprehension Sub-test of Gates MacGinitie Reading Test

Pre-Test Post-Test Gains

Standard Standard Standard

CLASSES Mean Deviation Mean Deviation Mean Deviation

A 1

35.6

16.9

39.8

19.7

4.2

2.8

41.3

6.36

42.4

7.61

1.1

1.25

A a

35.3

15.8

37.5

10.6

2.2

5.2

As can be seen in Table 2, some gain in the mean were
found in each class. However, greater gains were found in A 1
and A 2 . This indicates that the reading comprehension of more
children may have been met through the use of audio-visual
equipment. Apparently, the children with weaker reading com-
prehension skills made more gains than those with stronger read-
ing comprehension skills. These two conclusions suggest that the
use of audio-visual equipment to augment reading lessons can
significantly improve reading comprehension.

Further results included the experimental teachers' im-
proved ability to operate and effectively use the available equip-
ment. Moreover, all of the teachers in this school became more
knowledgeable about the kinds, locations, and some of the uses
of all of the equipment in the school.

Among the needs determined to assure a future, more valid
study are the following:

(1) There is a need for more audio-visual materials designed for
the average fifth and sixth grade pupils.

(2) There is a need for more experience among teachers in
operating, maintaining, and effectively utilizing audio-visual
equipment

To be sure, the meeting of these needs will measurably magnify
the benefits received from classroom usage of audio-visual equip-
ment.

3Y 20 SAVANNAH STATE

INHIBITORY EFFECT OF AMANTADINE HYDROCHLO-
RIDE ON BOVINE VIRUS DIARRHEA AND SF-4 VIRUSES

By P. V. Krishnamurti, M. G. Liliie and S. B. Mohanty

Department of Veterinary Science, University of Maryland,
College Park, Maryland 20742

Certain myxoviruss and several strains of human influenza
and parainfluenza viruses are inhibited by amantadine hydro-
chloride (1-adamantanamine hydrochloride) both in vitro and
in vivo. 1 , 2 , 5 The evaluation of amantadine in the prevention of
influenza in humans has been discussed. Other viruses, such as
rubella, pseudorabies, and fowl plague viruses are also sensitive
to this drug. 3 , 4 Recently, the drug was shown to inhibit murine
sarcoma viruses in cell cultures.

The effect of amantadine hydrocloride on the multiplica-
tion of bovine virus diarrhea (BVD) and SF-4 (bovine myxovi-
rus parainfluenza-3) viruses in primary bovine embryonic kid-
ney (BEK) cell culture are presented in this report.

MATERIALS AND METHODS

Viruses. Cytopathic strain of BVD virus (NADL) and a
strain of SF-4 virus had undergone many passages in BEK cell
cultures in our laboratory. The BVD virus had a 50% tissue
culture infective do:e (TCID,,,) titer of 10" /ml and the SF-4
virus had a TCID-,,, titer of 10' /ml.

Cell cultures and media. Routine maintenance medium
(MM) for primary BEK cell cultures was Eagle's basal medium
containing Earle's salts and 2% bovine fetal serum (free of
adventitious viruses) and the usual concentration of antibiotics.

Amantadine preparation. Amantadine hydrocloride ::::: (Sym-
metrel) stock solutions were prepared as 1 mg/ml in MM. Fur-
ther dilutions of the drug into different concentrations were
made using MM as diluent.

Infectivity titration. Virus titrations were made in BEK
cell cultures by two methods. In one method, the BEK cells
were washed with Hank's balanced salt solution (BSS) and 1
ml of MM containing various concentrations of amantadine was
added. The monolayers were infected with undiluted virus using
0.1 ml per tube. Five tubes were inoculated for each dilution of
the drug and cultures were then incubated at 37 C for 24 hours.
At the end of this incubation period, the drug treated and con-
trol cultures were frozen at-70 C. thawed once and pooled. After
low centrifugation, viral analysis was made on the supernatant

Approved as Scientific article No. A1806. Contribution No. 4601.
of the Maryland Agricultural Expt. Station, University of Maryland.
Dr. P. V. Krishnamurti is Assoc : ate Prof., Dept. of Biclo<rv, Savannah
State College. Savannah, Georgia 31404 and was a visiting National
Science Foundation fellow in ihe Department of Vet. Sci., University of
Maryand, in Summer, 1972.

fluid. Three to four BEK culture tubes were used for each virus
dilution using 0.1 ml inoculum per tube. After 7 day incubation
at 37 C, the cells were examined for cytopathic effects (CPE).

"Courtesy of Dr. J. H. Gillespie, Cornell Veterinary College, Ithaca,
N. Y.

**Courtesy of E. I. DuPont Co., Wilmington, Del.

Any evidence of CPE, even if a small focus, was considered as a
criterion of positive response. In addition, hemadsorption test
was used for SF-4 virus assay.

In the second method, the cells were washed with BSS,
and 1 ml of MM containing various concentrations of amanta-
dine was added to each tube. Ten-fold dilutions of virus was
made in BSS and three to four tubes were infected with each
dilution using 0.1 ml inoculum per tube. The cultures were in-
cubated and scored as above. The drug was present throughout
the incubation period.

Viricidal effect. The possibility of a viricidal effect by
amantadine was examined by mixing undiluted virus with vari-
ous concentrations of the drug in MM. The mixture was held at
37 C for 2 hours and then titrated in drug-free MM as described
above.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

The tests were repeated at least twice to ensure validity of
the results. The effect of amantadine hydrochloride on the mul-
tiplication of BVD and SF-4 viruses is summarized in Table 1.

At 50 and 100 jug ml amantadine inhibited the production
of BVD and SF-4 viruses being most effective at 100 ;ug/ml.
The drug was ineffective at 25/ig ml. Compared to nontreated
control cultures, the BVD virus was inhibited approximately 30
to 100 times in the presence of 100/ig ml of the drug and there
was onlv 3 to 10-fold loss in infectivity titer at 50 jag ml. The
SF-4 virus was inhibited 30-fold at lOOjLig and 10-fold at 50 pg
levels. Cultures with lOOjag ml exhibited slight cytotoxicity as
the treatment period lengthened. The drug was extremely cyto-
toxic at 200jug ml. No viricidal effect on BVD and SF-4 viruses
was demonstrated in direct contact for 2 hours with amantadine
at different concentrations. The infectivity titers of drug treat-
ed and untreated viruses were the same, indicating that the an-
tiviral activity is not due to direct inactivation of virus.

There is evidence to show that amantadine acts by blocking
the penetration of virus into the cells. :! However, antiviral ac-
tivity of amantadine due to inhibition of uncoating of virus in
the cells has also been demonstrated.' It has also been shown
that the drug is most effective when the compound is added to
cell cultures at the time of virus infection."-'"'

Our experiments indicate that amantadine inhibits the
production of BVD. a RNA helical virus and SF-4, a para-
myxovirus in BEK ceU culture?, Optimal conditions for this
inhibitory effect and the effect of this drug on these viruses
in vivo are under further investigation.

SUMMARY

Amantadine hydrochloride (1-adamantanamine hydrochlo-
ride) inhibited the production of BVD and SF-4 viruses in pri-
mary embryonic kidney cell cultures. The antiviral activity was
not due to direct inactivation of the virus.

REFERENCES

'Davis, W. I., R. R. Grimert, R. F. Haff, J. W. McGahen, E. M.
Neumayer, M. Paulshcck, J. C. Watts, T. R. Wood, E. C. Hermann, and
C. E. Hoffman. Studies on the antiviral activity of 1-adamantanamine
(amantadine). Science, 144, 862, 1964.

-Grunert, R. R., J. W. McGahen, and W. L. Davis. Antiviral activity
of amantadine in vivo. Virol., 26, 262, 1965.

'Hoffman, C. E., E. M. Neumayer, R. F. Haff and R. A. Goldsby.
Mode of action of the antiviral activity of amantadine in tissue culture.
J. Bact., 90, 623, 1965.

4 Kato, N., and H. J. Eggers. Inhibition of uncoating of fowl plague
virus by 1-adamantanamine hydrochloride. Virol., 37, 632, 1969.

"Neumayer, E. M., R. F. Haff, and C. E. Hoffman. Antiviral activity
of amantadine hydrochloride in tissue culture and in ovo. Proc. Soc. Expt.
Biol. Med., 119. 393, 1965.

'Rhim, J. S., W. T. Lane, and R. J. Huebner. Amantadine hydro-
chyoride: Inhibitory effect on murine sarcoma virus infection in cell
cultures. Proc. Soc. Expt. Biol. Med., 139, 1258, 1972.

TABLE I

Effect of Amantadine hydrochloride on bovine virus diar-
rhea virus and SF-4 virus production

Virus Amantadine HCl Virus vield* Virus yield**

Cug/ml) (TCID, u /ml) (TCID,/ml)

BVD

SF-4

^'Determined 24 hours after beginning of incubation in contact with
amantadine HCl.

^Determined in the presence of the drug throughout the incubation
period.

BVD^Bovine virus diarrhea virus.

SF-4=Bovine myxovirus parainfluenza-3 virus.

100

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THE ANTINOMIES OF KANT AND
SOME NEO-SCHOLASTIC REPLIES

Joseph M. McCarthy

Lecturer in History and Philosophy of Education

Boston College

Carrnion 317

Chestnut Hill, Mass. 02167

In his Transcendental Dialectic, Immanuel Kant put tran-
scendent metaphysics on trial. Part of this trial was an examina-
tion of the "antithetic of pure reason," the mathematical and
dynamical antinomies. To put them in their place, it is neces-
sary to trace the progress of the Transcendental Dialectic.

For Kant, the categories can be considered not only rela-
tively, i.e. as proportioned to sense content, but also absolutely,
i.e. as having a merely logical content. Since the latter omits
"reference to the empirical conditions required for the real
possibility of objects . . . the categories have a nonobjective
significance, pointing in a vertical or transempirical direction." 1
It is this "pointing in a . . . transempirical direction" which
lures reason into metaphysical speculation by providing a basis
for distinguishing noumena and phoenomena and thereby tempt-
ing the reason with the impossible possibility of a direct know-
ledge of noumena, "things in themselves." But Kant holds that
what we know for certain is confined to phoenomena, things-as-
they-seem-to-us, things organized and given form by us. To him,
noumenical concepts have quite a limited significance: indeterm-
inate in that they indicate what the "thing-in-itself" may really
be like; negative in that they limit phoenomena by indicating
that which is not phoenomena; and problematic in that they
cannot be verified.

It is the reason, not the understanding, which attempts to
follow the transempirical clue left by the pure categories. "If
the understanding is the faculty which by its rules introduces
unity into phoenomena ; the Reason is the faculty which by its
principles establishes unity among the rules of the understand-
ing." 2 Thus reason is regulative (transcendental), urging the
understanding to a more consistent and comprehensive synthe-
sis of phoenomena. When the understanding imposes classifica-
tion (categories) on sense impressions, this classification re-
quires further organization lest it float always in "a phoenomen-
al series which extends itself indefinitely in space and time." 3

Mames Collins, A History of Modern European Philohophy (Milwau-
kee, 1959), 491 f.

2 Friedrich Ueberweg, History of Modern Philosophy (New York,
18940, 173.

3 Carmin Mascia, A History of Philosophy (Patterson, N. J., 1957),
386.

Thus the reason urges on the understanding what Ksnt terms
the "ideas of reason," ooints of reference- the soul, unifying
principle of internal phoenomena; the world, unifying principle
of external phoenomen?.; God, the unifying principle of all phoe-
nomena from without.

Reason may also, improperly, he constitutive (transcen-
dent), seeking to sain positive knowledge through its ideas
rather than using them relatively. In so doing, the reason
applies the a priori forms of the understanding in a fransempiric
way. This is quite futile, for without experiential matter, form
is void of content. Thus, whenever the mind tries to apply a
priori forms to the idea "world," a contradiction, or antinomy,
results.

Kant saw the antinomies of pure reason not only as one
of the two great proofs of his system, but also as manifestly
destructive of traditional Natural Theology. The line of rea-
soning which produces them takes the search for God complete-
ly out of the realm of reason, while they expose the futility of
seeking "eternal verities" by reason.

Because the pure categories give some indication of nou-
menical reality, "the mind can ask questions about a first cause,
a necessary substance." 4 But any answer can never be more
than an hypostasized question, as content can come to the cate-
gories only experientially, through the forms of space and time,
and we cannot perceive a first cause or necessary substance in an
empiric sensuous intuition.

It follows that God resists all categorization. "Since God
is not an object apprehended in the a priori forms of sensibility,
space and time, he cannot be related to anything else by the
category of causality." 5 This may be extended also beyond caus-
ality to all the categories. God cannot be described by or sub-
sumed under any of the categories, for if he were, he would be
within the range of our empiric sensuous intuitions. With some
variations, this line of reasoning appears in the objections of
Barth and Tillich to Natural Theology.

The antinomies, product of reason's avid but vain quest of
noumena, challenge certain other ideas basic to religious be-
lief. Kant proudly noted: "That the world had a beginning, that
my thinking self is of simple and therefore indestructible na-
ture, that it is free in its voluntary actions and raised above the
compulsion of nature, and finally that all order in the things
constituting the world is due to a primordial being, from which
everything derives its unity and purposive connection these
are so many foundation stones of morals and religion. The an-
tithesis [of each antinomy] robs us of all these supports, or at
least appears to do so." 6

4 Maurice Holloway, An Introduction to Natural Theology (New
York, 1959) , 423.

E Etienne Gilson, God and Philosophy (New Haven, 1959), 111.

"Immanuel Kant, Critique of Pure Reason (N. K. Smith, trans;
New York, 1933) , 424.

Within the framework of his Transcendental Dialectic,
Kant was able to resolve the antinomies in such a way as to
provide a logical possibility for the thesis of each, which possi-
bility is realized by the practical possibility of the categoric im-
perative. Yet his resolution of the antinomies fulfilled them in
their character of proofs of his system, for the theis, representa-
tive of the stand of Rationalism, and the antithesis, representa-
tive of the stand of Empiricism, remain intact in each antinomy
before the onslaught of the two systems, and yield themselves to
resolution only by the Transcendental Idealist.

The four antinomies which Kant presented correspond
roughly to the four-fold classification of categories: quantity,
quality, relation, and modality. He divided them into mathe-
matical and dynamical antinomies, the former dealing with the
totality of appearances as world (i.e. as essentially quantitative
and homogeneous), the latter dealing with the totality of ap-
pearances as nature (i.e. as essentially qualitative, dynamic,
and causal).

The First Antinomy

"Thesis. The world has a beginning in time, and is also limited
as regards space.

Antithesis. The world has no beginning, and no limits in space;
it is infinite as regards both time and space." 7

In proof of the thesis, let us at once assume the contrary,
that there is no beginning in time for the world. Since time is
measured by the successive states of things, at each moment
there has elapsed an infinity of successive states of things. But
it is quite impossible that an infinity of states elapse. Thus the
world must have had a beginning in time. Again, let us assume
that the world is infinite as regards space. Since we are able
to determine one space only by relation to another, and that
to still another, "to think of it as infinite would require infinite
enumeration of parts which would require infinite time . . . ." 8
But this too is impossible, and therefore the world must be lim-
ited regarding space.

In proof of the antithesis, let us suppose that the world
had a beginning in time. To begin, a thing must be preceded
by a time in which it did not exist, and therefore there must
have been an "empty time" before the world began. But in
such a case there would be nothing in this "empty time" to
determine whether this world should exist or not. Let us fur-
ther suppose that the world is limited regarding space. In that
case, it must exist in an empty, unlimited space, and things
must be related not only in space, but also to space. But a rela-
tion to empty space would be a relation to nothing, and there-
fore the world cannot be limited as regards space.

"Ibid., 396.

8 Russell J. Collins, Unpublished Notes on the History of Modern
Philosophy for the Private Use of Students at St. John's Seminary.
Brighton, Mass., n.d.

The Second Antinomy

"Thesis. Every composite substance in the world is made up of
simple parts, and nothing anywhere exists save the simple or
what is composed of the simple.

Antithesis. No composite thing in the world is made up of simple
parts, and there nowhere exists in the world anything simple." 9

In proof of the thesis, suppose that composite substances
are not made up of simple parts. Then if we mentally remove
composition, nothing will remain. Therefore either we cannot
perform this mental removal of composition, or something un-
composed must remain after such a removal. It follows that
composite substances are made up of simple parts, and more-
over all things are simple and composition is but an external
state of these things.

In proof of the antithesis, suppose that a composite sub-
stance is made up of simple parts. Then the whole and its parts
must exist in space, and, since whatever exists in space must
be extended, each of the parts must be extended and hence
further divisible. Yet, ". . . however far you go in your process
of imaginary divisions, the ideal result of division at which you
stop must still be extended or it is no longer matter; and yet
if it is extended it must consist of parts, and the division must
begin again." 10 Therefore no composite can be made up of sim-
ple parts, nor can anything simple exist in the world.

The Third Antinomy

"Thesis. Causality in accordance with the laws of nature is not
the only causality from which the appearances of the world can
one and all be derived. To explain the appearances it is neces-
sary to assume that there is also another causality, that of free-
dom.

Antithesis. There is no freedom; everything in the world takes
place solely in accordance with laws of nature." 11

In proof of the thesis, we may note that if the sole causality
is a limited, natural causality, everything that takes place re-
quires a previous state which must have taken place in its turn.
But this supposes an infinite regress in which there is never
any absolutely first beginning, never a cause which is not also
an effect, and such a regress supplies no sufficient reason for
its events. Therefore there must be a first cause, and "... the
last unconditioned term must be metaempirical, causally inde-
pendent, endowed with absolute spontaneity, in brief must be a
free cause." 12

In proof of the antithesis, if we assume that there is a spon-
taneous causality in which a series of phoenomena has its abso-

B Kant, 402.

10 Henry Sidgwick, Lecutres on the Philosophy of Kant . . . (London,
1905), 154.

n Kant, 409.

12 Joseph Marechal, La Critique de Kant (3d ed., Paris, 1944), 236.

lute beginning and determination, the first cause must be pre-
ceded in its causal activity by a state to which it has no causal
connection, for to precede its causality with a state to which
it is causally connected merely extends the causal series. But
this is to act without determination, and to do so is to destroy
a law of causality.

The Fourth Antinomy

"Thesis. There belongs to the world, either as its part or as its
cause, a being that is absolutely necessary.

Antithesis. An absolutely necessary being nowhere exists in the
world, nor does it exist outside the world as its cause." 13

In proof of the thesis, we may note that in the sensible
world there exist changes, each of which has a prior change as
cause. Thus each cause is itself an effect, and we can trace a
series of causes which stand in cause-effect relationship to each
other. But such a series must terminate in the absolutely con-
ditioned, the absolutely necessary, because an infinite series
would render change unintelligible because we cannot "sum up
an infinite series of phoenomena, which are contingent in them-
selves, but necessary in relation to one another." 14 This abso-
lutely necessary being must belong to the sensible world, else
it could have no relation to its effects bv the category of causali-
ty.

In proof of the antithesis, if we assume that there is a
necessary being, such a being must be conceived of as existing
either in the world or outside of it. If the former be true, then
either the series of changes will have an undetermined first
cause, which is unintelligible, or the series, although contingent,
will have no first cause, which is self-contradictory. Yet if the
latter be true, that necessary being will still be the first cause
of a phoenomenal series of changes in time, and the causality it
exercises must therefore be cloaked in time. But if its causality
be exercised in time, the cause itself must be in time, for if it
were infinite in time, its effect must also be infinite in time. But
this contradicts the hypothesis. Therefore an absolutely neces-
sary being does not exist, either within or outside of the world,
as its cause.

Kant's solution of the antinomies of pure reason is com-
pletely consistent with his philosophy and is testimony to its
logical coherence. Reason, he says, when using its idea "world"
improperly, follows this argument: "If the conditioned is given*
the entire series of all its conditions is likewise given; objects of
sense are given as conditioned; therefore, etc." 1 " Non-critical
philosophers arrive at the antinomies because they consider the
major "either as an expression of absolute reality, or at least
as a reality which abstracts from the particular circumstances of

13 Kant, 415.

"Edward Caird, A Critical Account of the Philosophy oj Kant (Glas-
gow, 1877), 564.
,E Kant. 443.

the phoenomenal order," while at the same time they think
that the minor "treats the phoenomenon as a thing in itself,
or at least as a reality released from certain restrictions essen-
tial to the phoenomenal order." 10 Thus they obtain a valid
syllogism because they fail to admit the distinction of noumena
and phoenomena. When they then attempt to follow that syllo-
gism in their reasoning, the Rationalists arrive at the thesis
by applying the major to appearances, while the Empiricists
arrive at the antithesis by regarding appearances as "things in
themselves."

When this syllogism is approached from the Kantian view-
point, however, it is seen to be fallacious. The major presents
the conditioned as pure category with no reference to space or
time. The minor, on the other hand, presents the conditioned as
a category applied to appearances, inextricably bound up with
space and time. The syllogism thus has four terms.

Kant sees as given in the major a completed synthesis of
the conditioned and all its conditions. If the same is to be given
in the minor, because of the limitations of the understanding it
must be carried out in a successive regress before it can be
regarded as complete, for the understanding can determine ob-
jects only in relation to other objects. But to complete such a
synthesis in experience is impossible. Thus, Kant concludes, we
must abandon the pretensions of Reason to knowledge and con-
fine it to its regulative office.

Kant's key to the individual solution of the antinomies
is his division of them into mathematical (the former two)
and dynamical (the latter two). Because the succession de-
scribed in the mathematical antinomies moves from temporal
event to temporal event and from spatial part to spatial part,
the conditioned and its empiric conditions are always consid-
ered homogeneous, so that the unconditioned must be sought in
experience. 17 Thus the thing-in-itself is considered simultane-
ously as independent of space and time and as subject to them,
with the result that both thesis and antithesis in the mathe-
matical antinomies must be considered false.

Since completed measurement of the totality of appear-
ances is impossible in experience, reason cannot prove the world
in space and time to be either finitely or infinitely extended.
It can be proven only to be potentially infinitely extensible.
For the same reason, space and the matter in it of th second
antinomy cannot be proven to be either finitely or infinitely
divided, but only potentially infinitely divisible.

In the dynamical antinomies, the succession described em-
braces cause and effect, necessity and contingency. But since
these are categories, the elements they relate need not be homo-
geneous, but may be heterogeneous. No similarity is required
between the conditioned and its conditions, so that the uncon-
ditioned need not be sought in experience. "Hence there is no
necessary, intrinsic conflict between the assertions made in

"Marechal, 240.
"Caird, 586.

thesis and antithesis .... The thesis may refer to the intelli-
gible order of things-in-themselves, whereas the antithesis cer-
tainly considers only the requirements within the order of ap-
pearances." 18 Thus both thesis and antithesis will be true if
the former be affirmed in the noumenal order, the latter in the
phoenomenal order, while both will be false if they are both
affirmed in the phoenomenal order.

Since no empirical regress can give us a cause which is not
also an effect or a necessity which is not merely problematic,
the antithesis of the dynamical antinomies must be true when
affirmed from a phoenomenal viewpoint. Yet at the same time
the theses of these antinomies will be no less true if affirmed
from the noumenical viewpoint, for the phoenomenal world may
easily result from a free causal activity in the noumenical
order, while the contingence of the world of appearances may
be grounded in a necessity in the world of "things-in-them-
selves." Kant does not intend his solution as proof either of
the existence of a free cause or necessary bein?. He intends to
leave the question open, that affirmation may come by the
categoric imperative.

It is obvious that any solution of Kant's antinomies under-
taken from the neo-Scholastic viewpoint must differ radically
from his own solution. This is so because neo-S<iiolastics deny
his principle of transcendental ideality, that true knowledge
must be restricted to the phoenomenal. For them, all objects
preserve a transcendental relation to the Absolute in that they
are its created participations. Thus there is a bridge of being
between that which is sensibly experienced and that which is
not. By reason of this homogeneity, neo-Scholastics hold, they
are able to derive some knowledge of "noumenal" reality by
abstraction from the phoenomenal. Thus any neo-Scholastic
solution must differ from Kant's solution.

The neo-Scholastic approach to the first antinomy notes
that if the major is to make any sense at all, the conditioned
and its conditions must be admitted as somewhat similar in
being. As regards the minor, the conditioned is given as phoe-
nomenal but capable by abstraction of approximating the nou-
menal conceptually. Finally, in the conclusion, the whole series
of conditions is given along with the conditioned as noumena,
but as phoenomena the whole series is given only with the re-
strictions imposed by experience. The syllogism is now valid and
capable of solving the antinomies. 19

The fact that the world, if it is the created participation
of the Absolute, must therefore be finite and limited, does not
tell us whether it is in fact limited in space and time. Nor does
the positing of a temporal succession and concrete extent in
sensible objects tell us anything about an infinity of spatial
and temporal series. Kant's concepts provide a solution of the
first two antinomies in that his space and time are organizing

"Joseph Marechal, Le Thomisme devant la Philosopfiie Critique
(2d ed., Paris, 1949). 574f.
18 James Collins, 499.

concepts akin to the neo-Scholastic's "imaginary space and
time." In this sense they are only formal laws presiding over
the operation of mental constructs. As such, they are infinitely
extensible; yet even if they tended toward a limit, they would
tell nothing about the universe as a "thing-in-itself" in absolute
space and time.

Thomas Aquinas admitted the dogma of the world's be-
ginning, but he did not feel that reason could prove whether
or not the world began in time. Likewise, he rejected the actual
infinity of an extent while admitting the potential infinity of
the law of that extent. Similarly, neo-Scholastics may suspend
rational assent to either thesis or antithesis. Unlike Kant, they
do not argue that the limitation of the experiential series de-
stroys the infinity of the absolute series.

A parallel approach illumines the second antinomy. Space,
considered as a low of thought, can neither affirm nor deny the
indefinite divisibility of real objects; ". . . it doesn't assign any
necessary limit of division, which depends on other conditions
than simple continuity. . . ." 2 " Again, neo-Scholastics are able
to leave both conclusions of the antinomy open for possible
affirmation.

Since the third antinomy consists not so much in the op-
position of ontological determinism and free will as in the op-
position of empiric determinism and metaempiric causality,
the neo-Scholastic solution is again similar to Kant's. He rele-
gates causality to the noumenal order, determinism to the
phoenomenal; each can be affirmed in its order. In like man-
ner, neo-Scholastics may admit that metaempiric causality
works in the world within the framework of empiric determin-
ism (the irreversible series of definite phoenomna). Because this
causality is not sensible, it need not be denied. Indeed, rational
thought demands it. Yet by virtue of their non-admission of
the principle of transcendental ideality, neo-Scholastics are
able to reject the total absence of homogeneity in those elements
which are related as cause and effect.

The fourth antinomy is founded on the notion that rea-
son demands an absolutely necessary being to render intelligible
the series of contingent beings. Yet such a being cannot be af-
firmed in the order of sense experience, and Kant admitted its
noumenal existence only as problematic. Thus Marechal notes:
"Our solution is similar to Kant's only in the sense that we ad-
mit, as he does, the possibility of the thesis in the purely nou-
menal order. We differ from him in that we show not only the
negative possibility but the objective necessity of an absolute
Being. . . ." 21

With these general approaches, neo-Scholastics attempt to
pull the teeth which Kant through the antinomies sank in the
throat of man's quest for God through reason. What is presented
here is little more than a sketch of position and refutation, but
the lines of battle should be evident.

"Ibid., 579.
Ibid., 582.

THE TESTING MOVEMENT AND BLACKS

When Blacks first entered America, it was necessary for
the "good" men of America to justify their retention of slavery,
to invent reasons where none existed. Initially religion was em-
ployed to subjugate Blacks. At this historical juncture racism
was explained primarily on religious grounds. Blacks were brand-
ed as heathens, barbarians, savages, descendant^ of Ham, cursed
by God and doomed to be servants forever as the price of some
ancient sin. With the passing of time and the conversion and
evangelization of Blacks, traditional rationalizations no longer
served as a satisfactory buttress to justify the institution of hu-
man bondage. It was a religious age, and the reasons put forward
for Black enslavement and for their incapacitv were religious.
Gradually the biological, physiological or "scientific" argument
came into prominence. During the nineteenth century the scien-
tific era emerged. Beginning in the nineteenth century and con-
tinuing into the twentieth century, the reasons put forth for the
limitation of the educational opportunity of Blacks became
"scientific." Actually, modern apologists for discrimination
against Blacks are simply using the old arguments, couching
them in modern terminology. 1

Educators and politicians during the nineteenth century
argued against the education of Blacks on the basis of their in-
feriority and enforced their arguments by quoting pseudo-
theological and pseudo-scientific data. Contemporary racists
who advocate the limitation of educational opportunities of
Blacks on the basis of alleged mental inferiority and quote test
results as the foundation for their opinion are spiritual and
genetic descendants of these seventeenth, eighteenth, and nine-
teenth century pseudo-theologians and pseudo-scientists. The
major difference is that they couch their racism in twentieth
century disguises.

With the development in 1905 of the first tests to quanti-
tatively measure intelligence by Alfred Binet, the noted French
psychologist, seemingly a scientific instrument was at hand to
substantiate white intellectual superiority. Authorities alleged
that the Binet was a true test of inborn intelligence, relatively
free of the disturbing influences of environment. But investi-
gations based upon the Binet and related tests revealed that
racial and ethnic groups differed markedly in the "innate" in-
telligence the Binet proposed to measure. Only immigrants from
Britain, Holland, Germany, and the Scandinavian countries
made high scores on the Binet Tests. Despite evidence to the
contrary, Robert M. Yerkes, Chairman of the committee of
psychologists that designed intelligence and aptitude tests for
the United States Army during the first World War declared:

Horace M. Bond, The Education of the Negro in the American
Social Order (New York: Octagon Books, Incorporated, 1966), pp. 306-
307.

Intelligence tests brought into clean relief . . . the intellectual in-
feriority of the Negro. Quite apart from educational status, which
is utterly unsatisfactory, the Negro soldier is of relatively low
grade intelligence ... it suggests that education alone will not
place the Negro race on par with its Caucasian competitors. 2

In contradiction to Yerkes' statement, Southern White
soldiers made the lowest scores of any registered by white sol-
diers in America. The South had the highest percentage of white
people of Scotch, Irish, and English ancestry in the country.
But states like Massachusetts and Connecticut with the heaviest
percentage of foreign-born residents scored much higher than
states like Georgia, Kentucky, and South Carolina, where the
white population was almost 100 percent "Nordic" in origin. 3
According to theories of racial superiority and if Alpha test re-
sults were valid, Southern White soldiers should have the high-
est scores among white Americans. Actually they made the low-
est scores. Black soldiers from certain Northern states made
scores higher than the White soldiers from Southern states.
Such performances on the part of Black soldiers during the first
World War on the Alpha Test might compel some to suggest
that Northern Blacks are biologically superior to Southern
Whites or to conclude that superior environmental influences
and conditions accounted for the superior performance. The
Alpha Test, considered by some to be an excellent test of "na-
tive intelligence," in reality was simply an excellent guage of
the educational and environmental advantages enjoj^ed by dif-
ferent social and racial groups. To assume that the Army Alpha
Test is an excellent test of native intelligence is to assume that
Northern Blacks were biologically and racially superior to
Southern Whites with their almost pure Anglo-Saxon heritage. 4

Even though some writers willingly grant superiority to
those blacks from Ohio, Pennsylvania, New York, and Illinois
who scored higher on the Alpha Test than whites from Missis-
sippi, Kentucky, Arkansas, and Georgia, the conclusion cannot
be escaped that the Army intelligence tests were merely instru-
ments which measured environmental and educational experi-
ences. 5 In 1929, 1930, and 1931 Fisk University freshmen made
gross median scores superior to those shown by freshmen at such
white colleges as the Universities of Alabama, South Carolina,
and Georgia. 6

During the 1930's authorities began to seriously question
intelligence tests in terms of their ability to measure innate,
native intelligence. Investigators discovered that social and
cultural factors influenced test results. 7 Studies indicated that

2 Robert M. Yerkes, "Psychological Examining in the United States
Army", National Academy of Sciences, Memoir, 15 (1921), p. 870.

3 Bond, op. cit., pp. 318-320.

"The median scores for White Mississippians was 41.25; Kentuckians
41.50; Arkansas 41 55; Georgians 42.12 and for Blacks from Ohio 49.50;
Pennsylvania 42.00; New York 42.02; Illinois 47.35.

6 Bond, op. cit., p. 319.

'Ibid., p. 320.

Ubid., p. 324.

membership in a particular culture influences what one is likely
to learn or fail to learn. Cultural or environmental influences
are reflected in the following illustration taken from a widely
used National Intelligence Test consisting of a series of incom-
plete sentences in which the testee is asked to supply the missing
word. One such sentence reads:

" , , , should prevail in churches and libraries."

The correct answer is "silence", but in Southern Blacks
churches, silence is neither the rule nor the ideal. Worshippers
are expected to respond, to participate actively and audibly; in
fact, a church service characterized by silence might well be
considered a failure. Accordingly, many Black children might
be expected to answer this question incorrectly. 8

As early as 1934 R. F. Benedict 9 reminded educators and
others that it is not a respectable procedure to measure and
judge mentality and aptitude by arbitrarily selected normality.
Since relative measures are used rather prominently in the
sciences, the same should apply to psychometrics. Until there
is a radical change in the social and economic condition of
Blacks, their test scores will reflect differences when compared
to whites. Before there can be comparable performances, there
must be comparable opportunities. Special significance must be
given to the effects of several centuries of slavery, minority
status, racism, illiteracy and low occupational and economic
status. 10

Since the seventeenth century Whites defined Blacks as in-
ferior and they have historically utilized their power to accom-
plish Black inferiority. In defining Blacks as inferior, Whites
created a self-fulfilling prophecy. After having accepted the
prophecy, the stereotype and the definition were accepted and
institutionalized as gospel. Through the control of power re-
sources. Whites allocate to Blacks a lesser share of the privi-
leges. Thus it becomes apparent to Whites that Blacks are in
fact inferior because they are disadvantaged. 11 The prophecy
and definition created in the seventeenth century is continually
fulfilled because those who created the stereotype allocate power
and privilege to those they have stereotyped. When Blacks make
lower scores on tests, the multitude of social, economic, and cul-
tural factors influencing this behavior are not considered. The
white power structure does not acknowledge its role in causing
the low scores. The Black individual is merely seen as inferior.
Hence the scars of discrimination feed and justify continued dis-
crimination. Once established, the vicious circle goes on and on
of its own momentum. The color bar is self -perpetuating. White
racism and the Black predicament mutually support each other.
Black impoverishment intensifies racism. Through time there
occurs a progressive, cumulative intensification of racism.

s Otto Klineberg, Race and Psychology (Paris: UNESCO. 1951), p. 11.

B R. F. Benedict, Patterns of Culture (Boston: Houghton Mifflin
Company, 1934).

10 Roger C. Wilcox, The Psychological Consequences of Being a Black
American (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1971), p. 68.

u James V. Zanden, American Minority Relations (New York: The
Ronald Press, 1972), pp. 111-115.

Due to the inequities experienced by Blacks historically
and contemporaneously, identical norms and psychometric in-
dices cannot be utilized to successfully predict both Black and
White future academic potential. Many freshman Caucasians at
Southern state-supported institutions do not achieve SAT-
verbal medians of 500. Most achieve medians under 430 and
fewer than 20 percent of those in Junior or Community colleges
have SAT- verbal median scores over 500. x - Historical stereotypes
that have been institutionalized and modernized prevent whites
from admitting or agreeing that Blacks have a right to be at
least as mediocre as the majority of Caucasians. Unfortunately
for Black students, far too many Black Americans are still vic-
timized by the stereotype that Blacks are sons of Ham. But
today psychometrics are employed to suggest inferiority rather
than the traditional pseudo-theological rationalization of the
seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries.

Higher education is inextricably linked to the transmission
of inequality from generation to generation. The system of high-
er education distributes privilege and magnifies class, racial,
and ability differences. Status is transmitted intergenerationally
not through the mechanism of inheritance but through
achievement in a supposedly neutral educational system. There
is a universal need to justify gross inequities. By failing to dis-
tinguish between admissions standards and graduation stan-
dards, colleges deny many students access to college in the name
of high standards. The rhetoric surrounding high admissions
standards parallels the argument posed by anti-busing advo-
cates. In both instances there is a hidden agenda and the de-
sire to distribute privileges inequitably.

Predictive Value of SAT for Blacks

Even though most achievement tests have questionable
validity, the academic destiny of millions of students is affected
and will be affected by these tests in the future. The most in-
fluential tests employed for admission to college have been in-
adequately investigated and evaluated. Available research data
strongly suggest that the College Board examinations do not
meet the minimum test standards commonly accepted by psycho-
metricians. They generally fail to include measures of personality
and interest factors which are important in the academic set-
ting. Achievement tests are not good measures of what they pur-
port to measure and should only be used with caution and ex-
treme sensitivity for admission purposes. 13

A search through Buros (i.e., The Mental Measurements
Yearbook) fails to turn up any college entrance test that will
pass muster on most of the customary criteria, such as adequate
validity, reliability, and standardization. Students who score
well on tests but do badly in school are called "underachievers."
If they score badly on tests and well in school, they are consid-

l2 Haruard Educational Review, Vol. 37, No. 3, Summer, 1967.
"Oscar K. Buros (ed.), Mental Measurements Yearbooks. Sixth Edi-
tion (Highland Park, New Jersey: The Gryphon Press, 1965), p. 760

ered "overachievers." Such terms as "underachievers" and "over-
achievers" should startle one with self-contradictory implica-
tions that one can somehow achieve more than his capacities
permit. The vice of the terms "underachievers" and "overachiev-
ers" is that educators all too often treat tests as the standards.
Educators have not thought of calling the academic "under-
achiever" an "overscorer" on tests and the "overachiever" an
"underscorer" on tests. 14

A test that is a good predictor of academic success should
have a correlation or about 60. The Scholastic Aptitude Tests
of the College Entrance Examination Board have a correlation
with freshmen grades in college of barely 50. One should be ever
mindful that there is an infallibility in even "quite good tests".
Seldom is there perfect prediction on unity. A correlation of .60
has a forecasting or prediction efficiency of only 20 percent; a
correlation of .50 (SAT) corresponds to a 13 percent prediction
efficiency. Even a correlation of .70 yields only 29 percent im-
provement. It is a rare test indeed that has as high a validity cor-
relation as .60 or .70 15 Since SAT barely achieves a correlation
of .50 with white middle class freshman grades, it can hardly be
regarded as a trustworthy guide for predicting the academic suc-
cess or failure of Black students. College Board officials urge
college administrators and others not to place too great a re-
liance on test scores and certainly not to use them as the scale, or
even the principal criterion for deciding who shall be excluded
from college. 16

The predictive value of SAT and other achievement tests
is not high for Black students. Similarly, scholastic aptitude
test scores are not clearly associated with college grades. This
is probably due to the fact that aptitude tests are only partially
predictive, assess present attainment, are not concurrently valid,
and are inadequate for judging how much an individual will
profit by training before the training is undertaken. Of the 1,519
Black students studied by Clark and Plotkin, only 18.9 percent
dropped out compared to a national rate of about 60 percent.
Dropouts from college reflect a pattern of unsolved problems
in admission, predictive criteria, personal adjustment, and mo-
tivation. The dropout rate for these Black students represented
less than one-quarter of the national average dropout rate. The
gross freshmen dropout rates for Big Ten colleges are reported
as 56 percent and 32 percent in the South and East. 17

On scholastic aptitude tests and in socio-economic status,
Black students tend not to score as highly as their white counter-
parts who drop out of college more frequently. The low rate of

"Banesh Hoffman, The Tyranny of Testing (New York: Collier -
Macmillan, Limited, 1962).

^Correlations measure how much relationship exists between one
set of data and another. The values run from -1 to 1 with corresponding
to complete lack of relationship between two sets of data. Both -1 and
1 correspond to rigorous relationship admitting no exceptions.

16 Hoffman, op. cit., pp. 138-140.

17 Kenneth B. Clark and Lawrence Plotkin, The Negro Student at the
Integrated Colleges (New York: National Scholarship Service and Fund
for Negro Students, 1963), pp. 9-11.

dropout by blacks cannot be accounted for by the level or status
of college attended. More than 50 percent of the Black students
who participated in the Clark-Plotkin study attended prestige
colleges. 1S Almost 25 percent of the Black students who par-
ticipated in the Clark-Plotkin study attended graduate school
and 20 percent received advanced degrees.

Aptitude tests and the socio-economic status of students
are commonly used as predictors of college success. But it is
precisely in these indices that Black students are much lower
than their white counterparts who drop out more frequently
than Black students. Even among selective samples of Black
college students there are reflected a lower socio-economic
status and poorer aptitude test scores than the average white
population of college students. The 1,519 Black students studied
by Clark and Plotkin yielded a median under 500 on the Schol-
astic Aptitude Test of the College Entrance Examination Board.
According to CEEB reports, moderately selective colleges yield
a median score that is over 500 and that highly selective col-
leges yield median scores over 650. By these standards, it was
expected that the Black students participating in the study
would have a higher dropout rate than whites, rather than the
reverse. The high success of Black students participating in the
study cannot be explained away by the hypothesis that they
entered less selective colleges. 19 Fifty percent of the students
attended such prestige colleges as the municipal colleges of
New York, Big Ten Colleges, Ivy League colleges, and such no-
table independents as Oberlin, Amherst, Antioch, Lafayette,
Temple, and Berea. The gross dropout rate for the Black stu-
dents attending these prestige schools was 16 percent. 20

The academic performance of Black students is not in ac-
cord with such predictive indices as College Board scores, fam-
ily income, and educational background. Not only did the Clark-
Plotkin study indicate that Blacks of lower socio-economic and
academic achievement had greater "survival power" in pres-
tige colleges than whites of higher status, but the study also
indicated that 46.5 percent of the best academic group were
born in the South.

The predictive efficiency of achievement and intelligence
tests administered by high schools for academic success in col-
lege is not good. In the Clark-Plotkin study the least successful
academically scored the highest on the mathematical part of
the CEEB examination (537.5) the best academic group scored
the lowest (477.5), and the intermediate academic s^roup scored
481. There is a lack of predictive success of SAT pre-college
tests for Blacks. This test only partially reflects the academic
potential of Black students. More important, however, Black
college students score below the total college population on the
SAT and yet complete college successfully at a greater rate.
Scholastic Aptitude Test scores, and those from similar exami-

*Ibid.

*Ibid., p. 17.
"Ibid., p. 23.

nations, cannot be used as a basis for predicting the academic
success of Black students in the same way that they are used to
predict success for more privileged white students. 21 This fact
presents a major challenge for admissions officers in weighing
the many intangibles including motivational factors which
influence academic persistence and success of Blark students.
To rely on the alleged predictiveness of test scores in evaluating
Black students is to ignore the major findings of many studies
in this area and exclude many capable students from college.

J. L. Holland 2 - reported that the California Personality
Inventory (CPI) yielded predictive validities significantly su-
perior to SAT scores for grade point averages of National Merit
Scholarship winners. The Gough et al., study indicates that CPI
scores proved to be a more valid predictor of performance in
medical school than traditional pre-medical scholastic achieve-
ment tests or scores from the Medical College Admission Test.
Bermo Ficke 23 has developed an Opinion Attitude and Interest
Survey (OAIS) which is reported to greatly improve the pre-
dictive validity of scholastic aptitude measures for Black Col-
lege students.

Even though The Scholastic Aptitude Test is not a good
predictor of the later performance of Blacks who attend college,
SAT and other similar tests are employed unfairly to keep out
of college many potentially successful students. Numerous stud-
ies indicate that Blacks of a given score level make higher grades
in college than whites of the same score level in the same edu-
cational program. 24 The error in prediction is larger for Blacks
than for whites. This is especially true when predictions of fu-
ture grades in college from SAT scores are based upon predic-
tion equations derived from experiences with white students.
When the White prediction equation is employed, a lower pre-
dicted grade average for Blacks is obtained. When SAT or
tests like it are used with Blacks in the selective admissions pro-
cess, it is essential to determine their validity for Black students
separately if fairness to all applicants and the selection of the
most promising students is to be assured. 25

The Clark-Plotkin 20 study indicates that out of a 1,519
Black students the dropout rate for Black students with signifi-
cantly lower SAT scores and lower socio-economic status had an
overall dropout rate of 33.4 percent whereas the dropout rate for
white students with higher socio-economic status and signifi-

"Ibid., p. 19.

22 J. L. Holland, "The Prediction of College Grades from CPI and
SAT," Journal of Educational Psychology, (1950), pp. 135-142: These
school systems no longer administer SAT or other college entrance exam-
ination as a requirement.

^Bermo Fricke, The OAIS Handbook (Ann Arbor, Michigan: OAS
Testing Program, 1965), pp. 279-280.

"Howard K. Cameron, "Nonintellectual Correlates of Academic
Achievement Journal", Journal of Negro Education, 1968, 37, 3, pp. 352-
357.

"'George Temp and Junius A. Davis, "Is the SAT Biased Against
Black Students?" College Board Review, No. 81, Fall, 1971, pp. 4-6.

20 Clark-Plotkin, op. cit.

cantly higher SAT scores had a dropout rate of 40 percent. This
finding gains significance when one observes that the group of
black students had significantly lower SAT scores and lower
socio-economic status than their white counterparts. These in-
vestigators reasoned that Black students felt that they had to
complete college; to drop out would have relegated them back
to the nonspecialized labor force where Blacks were usually in-
sured the permanence of low status, low pay, greater unemploy-
ment, and underutilization of their skills and abilities. 27

There is increasing concern on the part of many educators
about the questionable validity of intelligence and aptitude tests
in predicting the scholastic performance of culturally disadvan-
taged students. This concern is revealed in the form of harsh
criticisms and rejection of scholastic aptitude tests as accept-
able measuring instruments for determining educational place-
ment of disadvantaged children. Recent actions by the Board
of Education in New York City and the United States Appeals
Court Judge, J. Kelley Wright in Washington, D. C, are exem-
plary cases. 2S In 1970 only 30 percent of the 5000 high school
seniors in Orange County, Florida took SAT. Most Florida
junior colleges do not require SAT scores from entering stu-
dents. In instances where the test is taken, scores are used for
placement purposes only to remedy a student's weakness.
They are not used to prevent a student from enrolling in col-
lege. - 9 These tests do not account for or evaluate the different
cultural and communication styles, expressed attitudes, socio-
economic factors, motivation, test wiseness, or test blindness.
The Scholastic Aptitude Test is not an appropriate measure of
the outcomes of a college education and area tests which are de-
signed to measure mastery of subject areas are not good pre-
dictors of outcomes of a college education. A study conducted
at Indiana University indicated that the SAT- Verbal test may
be a better predictor of subsequent mathematics achievement
than the SAT-Math. 30 Thus achievement tests do not adequate-
ly assess changes in student values or the deeper learning ac-
quired in a major field of study.

According to the Coleman Report, 31 such nonintellectual
measures as interests, self-concept, and sense of environmental
control have a higher relationship to the future academic per-
formance of Black students than all other school factors com-
bined. Coleman maintained, however, that such attitudinal
variables are probably more a consequence than a cause of
scholastic achievement. The Green-Farquhar 32 study involving
motivational forces which initiate, direct, and sustain behavior

"Ibid.

e8 Howard K. Cameron, "Nonintellectual Correlates of Academic
Achievement," Journal of Negro Education, 1968, 37, 3, pp. 352-357.

^Benjamin Fine, "How Valid Are College Tests Governing the Fate
of Students?" Orlando Evening Star, November 29-30, 1970.

30 Buros, op. eit., p. 670.

31 James S. Coleman, Equality in Educational Opportunity (Washing-
ton, D. C; Government Printing Office, 1966), pp. 319-320."

32 R. L. Green and W. Farquhar, "Negro Academic Motivation and
Scholastic Achievement," Journal of Educational Psychology, LVI, 1965,
pp. 241-243.

toward scholarly goals indicate that the Michigan M-Scales
more validly predicted academic performance for Black students
than other achievement tests.

In a 1968 survey Edgerton 33 discovered that universities
that inaugurated programs for high-risk students demonstrated
that those students who did not meet traditional admissions cri-
teria high SAT scores or graduation from high academic pro-
grams can excel and survive in college if proper tutorial and
other supportive services are provided. Southern Illinois Uni-
versity's "Support Program" indicates that proper tutorial and
counseling services will assist disadvantaged students in over-
coming educational deficits. Officials at SIU predicted, on the
basis of achievement test scores, that of the 100 high-risk stu-
dents admitted, only one would achieve a grade of "C" or better.
But of the 74 students who remained in the program, 65 had
"C" averages or better at the end of four quarters. Ten aver-
aged "C+" or better, two had "B" averages or higher, and only
five had averages below "C". R. L. Plant 34 reported that the
University of California at Los Angeles, New York University,
and Hofstra Universities admitted students with weak academic
credentials, provided them with essential supportive services,
and gave them longer periods in which to graduate. The study
found that 90 percent of Blacks from the very deprived groups
received their degrees, whereas less than 60 percent of students
at these schools who fulfill all admission requirements earned
their degrees.

At the University of California at Berkely 424 high-risk
students were admitted and only 8 percent left for academic rea-
sons. Of the 350 who remained, almost 70 percent remained in
good academic standing with grades of "C" or better. Among
the 39' "high-risk" students at UCLA, only 13 were dismissed
for academic reasons. At least 25 other prestige institutions of
higher learning have experienced success with programs for
"high-risk" students. These recent successful experiences with
high-risk students with low SAT scores suggest that students
who lack traditional university dressings can succeed in major
four-year colleges. These experiences with "high-risk" students
also indicate that support programs may be morely highly re-
lated to college success than was previously thought. 35

If SAT and other college tests had a positive correlation
with later academic performance of Black students, then high-
risk Black students attending prestige colleges would not be
realizing the success they are now experiencine, in prestige col-
leges. The two key variables are SAT scores and grade point
average of Black students who attend college. The SAT sug-
gests that poor achievement scores mean later poor academic
performance. SAT, however, does not yield a high position corre-
lation between its test scores and grade-point averages or the

33 R. L. Plant, "Plans for Assisting Negro Students to Enter and Re-
main in College," Journal of Negro Education. 1968, 35, 4. pp. 393-399.

34 J. Edgerton, "Higher Education for High-Risk Students", Atlanta,
Georgia: Southern Education Foundation, 1968.

35 Ibid.

survival ability of Black college students. It can be safely con-
cluded from available studies that SAT and other similar tests
are not valid predictors of the future academic success of Blacks
when middle class white criteria are the sole indices. The Scho-
lastic Achievement Test is designed to measure aptitude to per-
form in college. Yet there are numerous documented instances
where Blacks who score lower than whites on entrance examina-
tions, but succeed in achieving college degrees at a greater rate
than do whites who score higher on SAT and come from higher
socio-economic backgrounds. There is a tendency for more whites
who score higher than Blacks on entrance examinations to be
unsuccessful academically. Based on SAT test scores and the
academic performance of Blacks, there is a tendency for Blacks
with lower test scores and lower socio-economic status to suc-
ceed at a greater rate than whites with higher scores. If SAT
was a valid instrument, then the opposite would be true.

Alternatives to SAT

During the last several years professional attention has
been increasingly focused upon assessing the validity of non-
intellectual traits (measures of interests, self-concept, achieve-
ment motivation, and personal adjustment) as predictors of
school success. There is a lack of correlation between the apti-
tude test scores of Black students and their later achievement.
This is especially true for Black males (-.01). This is notewor-
thy in light of the correlation between aptitude test scores and
grade-point average for white males is .64. H(i Psychologists and
psychometricians are suggesting that there be employed self-
concept scales as predictors of the Black students achievement
potential. The goal has been to find predictors more valid than
aptitude scores alone, or variables which, when combined with
aptitude scores, will result in a better multiple predictor of
classroom performance. There is increasing evidence that per-
sonality tests, such as the California Personality Inventory
(CPI) have predictive validity for academic performance in
mathematics, creative writing, architectural designing, and sig-
nificantly predicts those students who later become dropouts. 37
A 1962 study by Payne and Farquhar indicated that there was
a strong relation between Black students' perception of self,
school achievement, and they contended that self-concept scales
are more valid predictors of achievement than tests of verbal
aptitude. 3S The implication here is that other forms of standard
achievement tests are needed to isolate the pertinent factors
which determine school achievement of Blacks.

The Clark-Plotkin study indicates that motivational factors
are probably more important than test scores in demonstrated
superiority of Black students in completing college. Some psy-

30 Green-Farquhar, op. cit.

37 Harrison Gough and Wallace Hall, "Prediction of Performance in
Medical School from CPI", Journal of Applied Psychology, XLVIII
(1964), pp. 218-226.

38 Green-Farquhar, op. cit.

chologists have advanced a motivational hypothesis to explain
the very low dropout rate of Blacks at prestige colleges. Evi-
dently these students felt they had to complete college: to drop
out meant to fall back into the ranks of the nonspecialized labor
force where racism assures the permanence of low status. Thus,
Black students who possess a positive self-concept and are high-
ly motivated, overwhelmingly succeed in graduating despite the
fact that they are less well prepared academically and financial-
ly. The alternatives to graduation are years of lower pay and
status, greater unemployment, and underutilization of their
skills. 39

White students in general can find fairly satisfactory iden-
tities without college degrees, Blacks cannot. Black students per-
sist more because of their racial role in society. If there is any
room at the top for Blacks, they must be college trained. Para-
doxically, the very fact of occupational limitations on Black
college graduates operates to reduce the dropout rate. Black
students are motivated by economic, academic, and status con-
siderations to earn college degrees. But even though SAT tends
to be more valid when used to predict the college performance
of whites, its prediction accuracy for whites is less than 30 per-
cent accurate.

SAT and the Commission on Tests

Many studies reported in scientific journals have suggested
that SAT and similar tests possessed questionable validity when
they were utilized to predict the future college performance of
students. In consonance with the conclusions reached in these
studies was the two-volume well-documented report issued by
the 21-member commission, of prominent educators and lay-
men, entitled "Righting the Balance."' One of the first serious
challenges confronted by the College Entrance Examination
Board since its inception under the influence of such notable
educators as Nicholas Murray Butler of Columbia and Charles
W. Eliot of Harvard in 1900. After three years of investigation,
hearings, and studies, the commission on tests concluded:

1. That the Board's current tests and services are in need of con-
siderable modification and improvement if they are to support
equitable and efficient access to post-secondary education.

2. That today's tests are designed to determine how fast the stu-
dent can answer questions usually 60 questions per hour (some
bright students do not work that fast under pressure).

3. That SAT measures two areas verbal reasoning and mathe-
matical concepts (but there are other aspects to education such
as art, music, social concepts, vocational skills, creativity, and
nonverbal abilities not touched upon by SAT).

4. That many students can be "college material'' and yet not be
the top persons in their class in math or word analogies.

5. That vocational-technical studies are not touched upon by SAT
even though it should receive the level of respect and prestige
that the liberal arts now have since this area should be catering
to about 50 percent of the student population.

39 Clark-Plotkin, op. cit.
40 Fine, op. cit.

6. That SAT tends to foreclose from systematic recognition those
students whose talents lie in other directions.

7. That the College Board should broaden the spectrum of com-
petencies tested to include personal qualities of career readiness
not now included in SAT.

8. That the unintended frocking imposed by SAT be stopped.

9. That some form of testing is essential in the academic world,
but the results of a three-hour test, taken frequently under ex-
treme pressure and tension, should not determine the profes-
sional life of millions of high school students.

10. That a revision of SAT would be a good forward step in making
admission to college less hazardous and more sensible.

11. That no one knows whether the questions finally seiected are
a reliable index of the student's ability to do college work.

12. That SAT penalizes a student doubly for guessing cr making a
wrong response and this serves as a tension-builder among stu-
dents.

13. That since SAT considers only verbal and mathematical con-
cepts, those students who are weak in math and word analogies,
but strong in art, music, science, or a foreign language, will be
sharply penalized when his total SAT score is collated.

14. That SAT attempts to measure a student's factual knowledge of
a subject (math and word analogies) and his ability to use facts
in solving problems.

15. That SAT and similar tests constrict the introduction of inno-
vative courses, discourages schools from deviating from rigid
curriculum requirements, and compel students to avoid non-
traditional courses since they fear making low scores on the
College Boards.

16. That the nature of forced-response multiple choice test items
penalizes creative or imaginative students.

17. That test scores should be utilized as a guide to assist counselors
in helping students to select their courses of study.

18. That test scores should not be the Alpha and Omega of collgee
admissions.

19. That SAT and similar tests eliminate too many bright and crea-
tive students because they may be poor test-makers or under-
scores or becau : ? the tests acutally do not measure intelligence,
and are not good predictors of future achievement. 41

Conclusions

Even the results of scientific studies may actually reflect
no more than deep-seated racism. 42 According to Pintner, tests
may serve as patent rationalization for convictions already firm-
ly grounded and impervious to reason. 43 According to Wood-
worth:

There are race prejudices standing in the way of a fair view of
the facts. And the facts themselves are often misleading. There
are so many factors besides sheer mental ability that enter into
the racial question. Even the personal equation, the difference
between one individual and another of the same race and cul-
ture, is beset with curious influences that lower an individual's
record below the level where it should; and where we endeavor
to compare races, the question is still more difficult to make out.
Language differences, habits of thought and action, group ideals
and attitudes, are likely to distort the facts or to make the facts

a Ibid.

42 Bond, op. cit., p. 306.

"R. Pintner, Educational Psychology (New York: Henry Holt and
Company, 1929) .

as they are actually found at the present time misleading to any-
one who is not on his guard. 44

SAT predictive data are only mimimally useful for predict-
ing and differentiating among ability levels of Black students.
A substantial amount of error occurs in predicting the grades
of Black freshmen from aptitude test scores. Many Blacks ad-
mitted to selective colleges, though failing to meet the existing
admission standards, succeeded in meeting the academic require-
ments of these institutions. Some studies have indicated that
students with comparable and lower ability levels are less likely
to drop out when enrolled in less selective ones. It can be safely
predicted that many blacks who fall well below national averages
on aptitude tests will graduate from college, subsequently make
contributions to society comparable in quality to those of their
peers who entered college where admission criteria included ap-
titude test scores at or above national averages, and in the in-
terim, obtain advanced degrees from universities to which they
would not have been admitted as undergraduates.

Many behaviors of students thought to be unalterable can
be manipulated toward desired ends. Much of the criticism cen-
tering around performance on standardized tests arises mainly
from the unprofessional and erroneous use of test data in an at-
tempt to appraise the potential educational development of
Black and White students. 45 When employed in this manner,
aptitude test results generally depict Black students as possess-
ing questionable potentiality for future academic success. But
data from studies by Jensen et al., 40 clearly indicate that many
Black students with low test scores perform at a normal and
exceptional rate in college. The employment of measurement in-
struments standardized on middle class white students to predict
the academic success of Black students tend to yield unreliable
data. Many major universities have found SAT scores unreliable
for predicting grade-point averages for their students. Psycholo-
gists at the University of Indiana discovered that SAT-Verbal
may be a better predictor of Mathematics achievement than
SAT-Mathematics. 47

Many educators dislike admitting that they do not really
know who learns best under what conditions. They do. however,
admit that motivation and emotional maturity are better yard
sticks by which to predict a person's future productivity than

44 Thomas R. Garth, Race Psychology (New York: McGraw-Hill
Book Company, 1931), p. xiii.

"'Note the comparison of test scores of Fort Valley State College by
the Chancellor of the Georgia Board of Regents which was cairied in the
Savannah Morning News and Atlanta Constitution on July 21, 1972.
Fort Valley is a school with a minimally selective admissions policy but
was compared with the Georgia Institute of Technology, a school with a
highly selective admissions policy. Then too, college entrance test scores
are intended to serve as a guide to counselors and teachers, not to keep
students out of college. They were not intended to serve as the Alpha
and Omega of college standards or admissions.

4 "A. R. Jensen, C. C. Collins and R. W. Vreeland, "A Multiple S-R
Apparatus for Human Learning," American Journal of Psychology,
LXXV (1962), pp. 470-476.

47 Buros, op. cit., p. 760.

present measurements of judgment. Actually, the best way of de-
termining whether a potential student is capable of college work
is to admit him to college work and evaluate his performance
there. The College Entrance Examination Board has circulated
a resolution urging caution and sensitivity in the use of its tests
with minorities and has secured a Ford Foundation Grant to
develop a test which will be used as a more accurate predictor
of academic success for minority students.

Often educators and politicians forget that academic stan-
dards aie not determined by admissions standards. If academic
standards were determined by admissions standards, examina-
tions and the awarding of grades would not be essential in uni-
versities. Often abstract mental tests do not measure the factors
of personality and motivation that largely determine success
in life. In using test results to forecast academic performance,
one should realize that the most that test results can do is in-
dicate a probability. Tests are only substitute* for judgment,
they do not represent judgment.^ Statistics for all of their
scientific aura, can be highly misleading. Tests favor conformity,
and in general, penalize innovation. The people rated highest
according to statistically based norms may also be brilliant
representatives of mediocrity at its pinnacle.

Claims regarding innate intellectual or academic differ-
ences between Blacks and Whites regarding intelligence cannot
be substantiated unless the following conditions are met:

1. Adequate te^ts of native intelligence, uncontaminated by en-
vironmental influences and with proved reliability and validity
will have to be developed.

2. The environment the social and cultural backgrounds of Blacks
and Whites being tested must be fully equal.

3. The distinctive genetic homogeneity of the Black group being
tested, as well as that of the White group, must be demonstrated,
not assumed.

To date, none of these conditions have been met.

Southern white recruits during the First World War, and
Southern college students of the white race today, make inferior
showings on intelligence and aptitude tests as compared to sol-
diers and students of the same race from the North. Until more
proof is presented to the contrary, it must be assumed that these
differences between members of the same race, and also be-
tween different races, is due to patterns of social environment.
These data indicate an imperative necessity, not for the limi-
tation of educational opportunities and the closing of colleges,
but that immediate provisions be made for all to benefit from
equal educational opportunities.

For both Black and White students alike, a substitute form
of torture, somewhat less devastating, should be utilized to
determine whether they should enter college. High quality edu-
cation can be maintained without making SAT or some other
equivalent college entrance examination the Alpha and Omega
of college admissions. One three-hour test should not be more
important to college admissions officers than a student's four-
year high school record.

48 Ibid.

BLACKNESS IN OTHELLO:

An Aspect of Thematic Texture
L. C. Milledge

The disquieting interrogations of the Sein-Schein dichotomy
inform part of the thematic texture 1 of Othello, one of Shakes-
peare's more Sophoclean tragedies. This study will examine the
use and nature of "blackness" in character, language, setting,
and idea in the tragedy in an attempt to show that an analysis
of even a limited aspect of thematic texture reveals Othello's
poetic "openness," one of the distinctive features of universal
art.

Some of the contrarieties and paradoxes inherent in the
thematic texture of Othello arise from Shakespeare's appropria-
tion and use of the color black, 2 the etymology of which reveals
semantic complexity. The New English Dictionary cites the OE
forms blaec, blac, and the forms blace and blacan, the latter
often confused with OE bla'c, which meant shining or white. 3
In Middle English, the forms blac, blak, and blake often meant
"pale, colourless, wan, livid" as well as "black, dark." 1 It is not
surprising, then, that the foremost dramatist of linguistically
conscious Elizabethan England made literary capital of the rich
associations of the word black.

That the physical blackness of Othello is a source of critical
speculation is evident in the apologia and acrimony in Othello
scholarship on this point. Critics whose proclivities prohibit their
acknowledgement of Othello's blackness but whose acumen
impels their acknowledgment of Othello's power present pallia-
tions ranging from Coleridge's convoluted assurances that Othel-
lo is not a "veritable negro" to Given's anxious assertion that
the marriage of Othello and Desdemona remains unconsum-

ir The critical approach of this study is an adaptation of that used
by Edgar A. Dryden in his Melville's Thematics of Form (Baltimore,
1968). Professor Dryden explores fictional point of view as a controlling
motive in Melville's art. My provenance is the examination of the reality-
appearance motif as it is elaborated and projected by four textural ele-
ments in Othello (character, language, setting, and idea). Cf. Heilman's
treatment of the love-motif in "Wit and Witchcraft: Thematic Form in
Othello," Arizona Quarterly, XII (Spring, 1956), 5-16.

"Shakespeare's appropriation and use of the multiple associations
of black are evident in the sonnets and in the plays, especially Titus An-
dronicus and The Merchant of Venice. Such works rs The Masque of
Blackness and The White Devil evince the interest of other dramatists
in "the mystery of black." Some insight into the sem?ntic extensions of
black (and other colors) is available in A. E. Swaen, "The Palette Set,"
Englishche Studien LXXIV (1940-41).

S NED (Oxford, 1888) .

Hoc. cit.

mated, like that of Joseph and Mary in the Mystery plays. 5
Aligned with this type of critical response to Othello's blackness
is Lamb's rationalization of Othello's representation as "a coal-
black Moor" as being the result of "the imperfect state of know-
ledge respecting foreign countries in those days, compared with
our own." Critics of Rymer's orientation who view the play
as farcical or melodramatic largely because of the black protag-
onist differ in the magnitude, but not in the quality, of their
aversion to the notion that love between ethnic and cultural
opposites is possible. Blanche Cole, Simon De Moor, and an
anonymous woman critic cited in the Arden Othello reflect this
attitude. De Moor, perhaps, the mildest of the three on this is-
sue; he states: "Black Othello? No! Othello is as white as Ham-
let. Blackness is his mask, a black skin and black psychological
whiskers. The sooner the actors understand it, the sooner shall
we get rid on the stage of a melodrama." 7 For some critics, then,
the blackness of the Moor is neither socially nor dramatically
tenable; thus, a trend toward the gilding of the Moor is dis-
cernible in the stage history of the play.

On the other hand, critics who pay fealty to the textual
and the textural ontology of Othello are likely to hold with
Heilman, who maintains that "Othello's blackness ... is always
before us as a theatrical fact; yet the fact is not ignored (nor
its possible meaningfulness left to chance), but is constantly
given special dramatic life by the language." 8 Textual references
to Othello's obvious blackness of complexion are integral; they
range thematically from the bawdy allusions to miscegenation
to the ambivalent implications of societal chaos accompanying
alterations in the calibrated scheme of order. lago's use of
"black ram," Brabantio's note of Othello's sooty bosom," the

E Samuel Taylor Coleridge, Shakespearean Criticism ed. Thomas Mid-
dleton Raysor, I, (New York, 1960), p. 42, and Welker Given, A Fur-
ther Study of the Othello (London, 1899), especially Chapter III, "Pallia-
tion for the Marriage and the Moor,'' 41-66. On the question of Othello's
color, Ridley says, in his introduction to the Arden Shakespeare: "I
feel . . . that Othello should be imagined in reading and presented on
the stage, as coal-black, a negro [sic], though not at all necessarily of
the particular negroid [sic] type which Coleridge had in mind when he
spoke of a 'veritable' negro," p. iiii.

Othello's racial identity is not central to this study; whether Moor
or Negro, is he black? This is the dramatic question, it seems to me.

"Charles Lamb, "On the Tragedies of Shakespeare," in F. E. Halli-
day, Shakespeare and His Critics (New York, 1963, p. 246.)

In his Othello's Countrymen and "The Physical Representation of
African Characters on the English Stage during the 16th and 17th Cen-
turies," Theatre Notebook. XVII, Elder Jones offers evidence that the
Elizabethans had opportunity to know African people and countries
both through actual experience and through the published accounts of
the English voyaqers. The interweaving of fact and myth in Pliny, Roger
Bacon, Mandeville's Travels. Hakluyt's Principal Navigations. John Leo's
The History and Description of Africa (translated in England in 1600),
and similar accounts forged an image-cluster of the African from which
Shakespeare drew and to which he contributed, Jones feels. See also
William E. Miller, "Negroes in Elizabethan London." NO, 8 (1961).

7 Simon De Moor, All Length Is Torture: Shakespeare's Tragedies
(Amsterdam, 1960), p. 30.

"Robert B. Heilman, "Light and Dark in Othello," Essavs in Criti-
cism (October 1951), 321.

Duke's assumption that the Moor may be more fair than black,"
and Othello's own "Haply I am black" present evidence of Othel-
lo's complexion and prefigure Othello's ambivalence.

Asserting that he believes Shakespeare "imagined Othello
as a black man, and not as a light brown one," Bradley avers
that the color question is integral to the character of Desde-
mona." 9 1 hold that it is, in addition, integral to the Sein-Schein
theme. Although, perhaps, we cannot accept, without qualifica-
tion, G. M. Matthews' contention that "The mcst important
feature of Othello is the colour of the hero's skin," 1 " we might
acknowledge that Shakespeare's use of a black protagonist en-
riches the thematic texture of the tragedy; in fact, a microcosmic
reflection of the Sein-Schein motif inheres in the very title of
the play, with its almost oxymoronic implications. Something of
the thematic suggestiveness of the immemorial drama of black
as it appears in Othello's color emerges in the paradoxes of the
seamaids' "Song" from Jonson's Masque of Blackness: 11

Sound, sound aloud

The welcome of the orient flood,

Into the west;
Fair Niger, son to great Oceanus,

Now honour'd this,

with all his beauteous race:
Who, though but black in face,

Yet are they bright,

And full of life and light.

To prove that beauty best,
Which, not the colour, but the feature

Assures unto the creature.

An Othello of any other color than black could not intensify the
dichotomy between reality and appearance, one of the salient
themes of Othello. The confusion of the inner and the outer,
the dangers and limitations of sensory perception, the mysteries
of human nature, and the mystique of cosmic purpose these
are but a few of the concepts which Othello's bright blackness
intimates.

To move from the Sein-Schein of physiognomy in Othello to
that of language is not to make a discrete movement in the
analysis of this tragedy, which exhibits that ineluctable com-
mingling of textural element Coleridge terms organic unity.
Verbal density in the play also has that duality of effect dis-
cernible in Othello's color; for, as used in the play, language
conceals and reveals, just as skin hue does. Man's noblest
achievement, language, can mask the charnel house beneath
the place, the rose en the harlot's cheek, the iniquity of a demi-
devil. In Othello, linguistic masquerade is socially mandatory,
even salutary; for "if men should" give [their] worst of thoughts
the worst of words," then chaos comes. For in the supersubtle

9 A. C. Bradley, Shakespearean Tragech* (New York. 1968), p. 168.

10 G. M. Matthews, "Othello and the Dignity of Man," in Arnold
Kettle, ed., Shakespeare in a Changing World (London. 1964), p. 123.

n 77ze Works of Ben Johnson, With a Biographical Memoir by William
Gifford. (London, 1873), p. 545.

structure of society, language can be a civilizing force as well
as a corrosive agent. If language can be used to fascinate and
win the fair Venetian, it can also be made to plant a doubt, to
command a proof, to attempt to wrench a confession. Linguistic
felix culpa produces verbal ambivalence; possible alike are tran-
scendence and degeneration via language.

The witchery of words is one of the darker aspects of the
reality-appearance theme in Othello; treachery in the use of
language renders innocence guilty and baseness pristine.
Through language, the tragedy seems to imply, man can sur-
mount his bestial nature; yet, with language, he can deceive
people and pervert truth. Hamlet's ironic iteration of "Words"
in response to Polonius' query about his reading matter reflects
a part of the linguistic cosmos of Othello, in which "words"
fraught with humorous, minatory, and horrifying implications
comprise part of the thematic texture. Puns on words, such as
"lie," "honesty." and "black" are integral to the Sein-Schein
dichotomy; the levels of humor, danger, and horror are multiple.
Brabantio encapsulates one aspect of the ambivalence in lan-
guage in Othello when he says:

So let the Turk of Cyprus us beguile,
We lose it not so long as we can smile.
He bears the sentence well that nothing bears
But the free comfort which from thence he hears.
But he bears both the sentence and the sorrow
That, to pay grief, must of poor patience borrow.
These sentences, to sugar or to gall,
Being strong on both sides, are equivocal.
But words are words. I never yet did hear
That the bruised heart was pierced through
the ear. 12

However, throughout the tragedy, "the bruised heart" is
"pierced through the ear"; 13 just as the squat toad injected the
verbal venom into Eve's ear, so language purveys some of the
thematic darkness in Othello. The power of the lie protean, the
play suggests; what Kenneth Burke labels the "summarizing
word," or the "Say the Word" device, is productive of much of
the exquisite agony of the Sein-Schein motif in the tragedy,
Othello's depreciation of the more physical aspects of his love for
Desdemona in his defense before the Signiory represents a kind
of semantic camouflage; later he reminds Desdemona, "That
profit's yet to come 'tween me and you." Transcending the ocu-
lar proof which Othello exacts of Iago is the verbal mystery
that shrouds the apparent reality. Revealed in the following

"I, iii, 210-219, G. B. Harrison, Shakespeare: The Complete Works
(New York, 1968), p. 1065. Further textual references are from the
Pelican Shakespeare: Gerald E. Bentley, ed., Othello. The Harrison text
was used for this passage because the Pelican has pieced, evidently a mis-
print, for pierced in the last line cited.

"Harold C. Goddard sees the motif of "pouring pestilence in the ear"
as one of the psychological links between Hamlet and Othello. See The
Meaning of Shakespeare. Vol. 2, (Chicago, 1951), p. 69.

*See "Othello: An Essay to Illustrate a Method," Hudson Review
IV (1951), 193. Also M. N. Proser, The Heroic Image in Five Shakespear-
ean Tragedies (Princeton, 1965), pp. 111-133.

passage are the mystery and the terror of the adamant vow,
the "word" becoming an emblem of Satanic implacability of
will and Ahab-like avoidance of multiple-choice:

Like to the Pontiac sea,
Whose icy current and compulsive course
Ne'er feels retiring ebb, but keeps due on . . .
Even so my bloody thoughts, with violent pace,
Shall ne'er look back, ne'er ebb to humble love,
Till that a capable and wide revenge
Swallow them up. (Ill, hi, 453-459)

The discrepancy between verbal reality and appearance also
causes some anguish in Desdemona. Her primordial fear of the
word as thing-in-itself emerges in the lines: "I cannot say
'whore.' It doth abhor me now I speak the word." But "speak
the word" man must; just as physical blackness can lead to
perceptual imprecision, so language use can cause conceptual
confusion. Just as men can put "an enemy in their mouths to
steal away their brains" by physical means, so also they can
fashion words to their own uses, as the Chorus of Antigone
comments. Wit, that "depends on dilatory time," has to confront
the complexity and the deceptive potential inherent in language.
As Iago puts it: "Dangerous conceits are in their natures poi-
sons, which at the first are scarce found to distaste, But with
a little act upon the blood Burn like the mines of sulphur" (III,
iii, 326-329). The "old fond paradoxes" not only "make fools
laugh i' th' alehouse"; they also embody the dualism between
reality and appearance. For "when devils will the blackest sins
put on, They do suggest at first with heavenly shows" (II, iii,
334-335).

Hoffman gives us some insight into the nature of the lin-
guistic duplicity apparent in Othello when he writes:

The relation of language to

motive is a very subtle one; one might

say that there is a war going on constantly

between the two. While language gives

motive a form of finality and order, every
, verbal expression is a compromise, and
'5 ^incomplete. . . . Language both gives

order to man's wishes and leaves a margin

of interpretation in which that order might

be circumvented or abused. 14

Contrarieties in color and language are contrapuntal to and
synchronous with the physical and psychic milieu of Othello.
Night envelops most of the action of the play, imbuing it now
with minatory, now with insulating aura. For example, night
obscures Desdemona's defiance of Venetian mores; Roderigo's
crude arousal of Brabantio occurs "At this odd-even and dull
watch o' th' night." In the brooding night, the Venetian council
convenes, its puny tapers emitting a feeble flicker against the

""The Rhetoric of Evasion," The Sewanee Review LVIII (Spring,
1949), 227.

Turkish threat. The isolating night shrouds Iago's intrigues. As
Heilman asserts: "Iago picks the nighttime for all of his main
operations; indeed, at least half of the action of the play takes
place during the hours of darkness that give the most scope to
Iago and are powerful symbols of the darkness of life represent-
ed: "Iago's planned evil and the groping ignorance and misunder-
standing of the others." 15

The insulating night surrounds the cunnubial revelry, but
nocturnal clarity and charity are short-lived, and "the fruits
[that] are to ensue" disintegrate into the lees of outrage and
chaos. The sensate night is changed into a transcendent aura.
"Night is not passive but active," Heilman states; "its reality is
ever pressed upon us; it means not merely physical darkness but
spiritual darkness." 10 This symbolic darkness is the milieu of
the execution scene. Prepared for by Desdemona's premonitory
request for her wedding linen and by her poignant recollection
and singing of the "song of Willow," this night scene is preceded
by scenes which comprise a miasma of instructiveness, of acci-
dent, of mystery. The deeds which Desdemona would never do
"by this heavenly light," Emilia might do "as well i' the dark."
The violence committed in the "heavy night" is unrestrained;
human concern and communion are withheld, for "These
[groans] may be counterfeits." The anonymity encouraged by
night allows bestial man to capitalize on accident and confusion.
The mystery of night reverberates to the nadir of despair and
the apogee of universal enigma resounding in Othello's judicial
questing over the sleeping Desdemona:

Put out the light, and then put out the light.

If I quench thee, thou flaming minister,

I can again thy former light restore,

Should I repent me; but once put out thy light,

Thou cunning'st pattern of excelling nature,

I know not where is that Promethean heat

That can thy light relume. (V, ii, 7-13)

The puny "flaming minister," subject to man's will for its kind-
ling, can disclose the terror and mystery of primeval darkness,
but it cannot illuminate that darkness. Light should sharpen
visual perception; it can obfuscate human communion. It, too,
can be illusory, and can become a disquietening reminder of the
terrible perplexities of human existence and essence. In the
gloaming created out of the merging of night and man's flicker-
ing assault upon it in Othello, man, nihilist and aspirant, judge
and maker, Achilles and Ulysses, moves in impotency and ig-
norance, in power and majesty.

On the other hand, he may move in malice and iniquity. The
character to whom "Hell and Night" are most felicitous is, of
course, Iago. The diabolical machinations latent in the unscru-
pulous human intellect inform the acts which Iago perpetrates

15 Heilman, Magic in the Web: Action and Language in Othello
(Lexington, 1956), p. 69

""Light and Dark," op. cit., 328.

under the concealment of night. Transcending the Spivackian
formula of the Elizabethan Vice. Iago seems to be devil or a
demon, but his diabolism is, at base, human. He himself em-
phasizes his mortality when he says:

How poor are they that have not patience!
What wound did ever heal but be degrees?
Thou know'st we work by wit, and not by

witchcraft;
And wit depends on dilatory time. (II, iii, 352-355)

In his discussion of the nature of Iago's iniquity. West describes
Iago as follows: "He is Shakespeare's furthermost reach toward
the delineation of a human being glowing with the cold heart of
evil's fire, with an iniquity needing no overt juncture with the
superhuman to achieve advantageously its effect of cosmic
mystery. He is a known abomination seen in an icy extreme
that makes it unfamiliar and so throws the mystery of iniquity
into high relief." 17

The dramatic dichotomy in Iago's diabolic humanity con-
tributes to his being an archetype of the Psychomachia and or
the Machiavellian, and places him in that galaxy of repulsive-
fascinating characters in world letters, to which Ahab, Mephis-
topheles, and Satan belong. Perhaps what is most archetypal
about Iago's blackness is its protean quality. Paradoxically, his
evil character seems honest to all the dramatis personae except
Roderigq From the ironies and accidents of his speech and
e-MosiaV^ action g g B iMtf fec v an effect which both conceals and reveals his
villiany. As Joseph maintains, in the asides, the scenes with
Roderigo, and the soliloquies juxtaposed with the scenes with
other characters, Shakespeare "discloses consummate (jzjffianp at i/>
work and yet preserves the intellectual calibre of the other char-
acters by showing how credible Iago appears to them and how
inevitably they were deceived by this smoothest master of in-
sinuation and intrigue." 18

Contrapuntal to the darkness of Iago's duplicity are the
richer associations of blackness in Othello's character. The com-
plex entanglements of physical Sein-Schein have their moral
counterparts in the dramatic pattern of Othello's action, which
Hibbard describes as "that of a whirlpool, with its center in the
poisoned mind of the hero which reshapes, distorts, and degrades
objective reality. At the heart of Othello there is a kind of dark-
ness." 19 This darkness is a composite of Othello's innate de-
pravity and of Iago's extrinsic urgings. The much-cited lines
"Then must you speak of one that loved not wisely but too
well" epitomizes the complexity of Othello's nature. In his ex-
treme, Othello images the concept of man revealed in Goethe's

17 Robert H. West, Shakespeare and the Outer Mystery (Lexington,
1968), p. 103. Cf. Bernard Spivack, Shakespeare and the Allegorv of Evil
(New York, 1958).

ls Sister Miriam Joseph, Shakespeare's Use of the Arts of Language
(New York, 1947), p. 283.

19 See 'Othello' and the Pattern of Shakespearian Tragedy," Shakes-
peare Survey, 21.

Faust when the Lord acknowledges that "Man is doomed to err
as long as he is striving" and when he admits that "A good man,
struggling in his darkness, Will always be aware of the true
course." 20 As Seaman says: "Othello's nature is a universal para-
dox which Shakespeare's classical-Christian tradition recognizes
as Everyman; he has a noble and rational spirit capable of win-
ning Desdemona in the first place, and an animal nature which
makes it possible for him to become jealous of her and to de-
stroy what he has gained." 21

Thus, the Moor's "constant, loving, noble nature" is but
one facet of his nature. What some critics call "the darker side
of the Moor" comes out in Warnken's contention that "Othello
is, in fact, the source of Iago's diabolical inspiration," for he
contains within himself a potential for evil in his predisposition
to mistrust. 22 Certainly, the ambivalence in the textural elab-
orations of Othello's character aids in preventing it from being
mere stereotype. As Kirschbaum states: "It is not the hero's
nobility in Shakespeare's tragedies, but the flaw, the sin or error
that all flesh is heir to, that destroys him. It is the close inter-
weaving of great man, mere man and base man that makes of
Othello the peculiarly powerful and mysterious figure he is. In
him Shakespeare shows the possible greatness, the possible base-
ness, not only closely allied in what is after all mere man but
also so casually connected that one must perforce wonder and
weep." 23

The wonder and the woe commingled in Othello conjure
up the immemorial question of man's Sein-Schein a supernal
interrogation posed by Zeus in Odyssey, by David in song, by
Hamlet in his mercurial agon, by Pascal in paradoxical pensee,
by Zhivago in the frozen Urals. Now "all in all sufficient." now
"blacker devil," Othello epitomizes the contrary elements war-
ring in every mortal.

Some quantum of Othello's moral blackness resides in Des-
demona's whiteness, for her purity and innocence foster a kind
of darkness, both in herself and in others. This "maid so tender,
fair, and happy" did manage, as her father phrases it, "To fall
in love with what she feared to look on!" The "practices of cun-
ning hell" may not explain her attraction to Othello, but she
acknowledges her fascination by the exotic in his word and
deed. Having seen "Othello's visage in his mind," she, neverthe-
less, fails to enter that mind through the communicative poten-
tial of language. Without focus and responsibility in worldly
context, Desdemona's purity fades into pallidness, her innocence
degenerates into vacuity.

=0 Faust, Part I, tr. C. F. Maclntvre in George K. Anderson and
Robert Warnock, ed. The World in Literature, Vol. 2, Rev. Ed., (Glen-
view, 111.: 1967), p. 473.

^"Othello's Pearl," Shakespeare Quarterly XIX (Winter 1968), 84.

""Iago as a Projection of Othello," in Anne Paolucci, ed., Shakes-
peare Encomium (New York, 1964), p. 1. Cf. Kirschbaum, Character
and Characterization in Shakespeare, and F. R. Leavis, "Othello," from
The Common Pursuit, in F. E. Halliday, Shakespeare and His Critics,
op. cit., for further explorations of the view that Othello's nature is com-
pounded of mixed elements.

^See Character and Characterization in Shakespeare (Detroit, 1962),
p. 158

That she is aware of the more complex linguistic (and, by
extension, societal) posturings is evident in the quay scene when
she tells Iago: "I am not merry; but I do beguile the thing I am
by seeming otherwise." While it is impossible to view Desdemona
in the profane manner in which Iago sometimes sees her, one
must admit that "The wine she drinks is made of grapes, but
she does not savor their earthy genesis." Her linguistic dubiety
in Act III, when she fails to admit to Othello the loss of the
handkerchief is mirror image of her linguistic dexterity in the
banter with Iago in the quay scene. The "magic in the web" of
the napkin suggests the linguistic sorcery which suffuses the tex-
ture of Othello. As Prager says: "The moral chaos which engulfs
Othello is largely effected through lying." 24 In socially accepted
forms, linguistic deception may be constructive, but when it
creates a barrier between two people to whom communication is
crucial, it becomes malignant. The "horrifying ambiguity about
Desdemona's judgment of Othello" 25 emanates, in part, from
verbal chicanery.

What Desdemona seems to be varies according to the imag-
ings of the perceiver. To Cassio, she is minion of heaven, for the
very tempests are stilled so that "the divine Desdemona can go
safely by." When she arrives at Cyprus, the marialotry of his
conception of her is evident; he salutes her thus: "Hail to thee,
lady! and the grace of heaven, Before, behind thee, and on every
hand, Enwheel thee round!" Iago's view of woman, encom-
passing Emilia and Desdemona, is frankly realistic and worldly;
but it is not conducive to social harmony, as these lines suggest:

You are pictures out of doors,

Bells in your parlors, wildcats in your
kitchens,

Saints in your injuries, devils being
offended,

Players in your housewifery, and house-
wives in your beds.
(II, i, 109-112)

The tensions of Othello's ambivalent conception of Desdemona
emerge in the following passage:

Othello. ... A fine woman! a

fair woman! a sweet woman!
Iago. Nay, you must forget that.
Othello. Ay, let her rot, and perish, and

be damned tonight; for she shall not

live. No, my heart is turned to stone;

I strike it, and it hurts my hand. O,

the world hath not a sweeter creature!

She might lie by an emperor's side and

command him tasks.

24 "The Clown in Othello," Shakespeare Quarterly XI (Winter 1960),
96.

25 See Honor Matthews, Character and Symbol in Shakespeare's
Plays (Cambridge, 1963), p. 135.

Othello's juxtaposition of a cataloguing of Desdemona's higher
capacities with what he conceives to be her iniquity reveals his
contradictory imagings of her.

These imagings are not merely the results of the Moor's
changeable will; they, as well as Cassio's and Iago's conceptions,
help to project Desdemona's character in an almost cubist per-
spective. Iago's "most lame and impotent conclusion" to his
encomium of "a deserving woman" seems felicitously descriptive
of one facet of Desdemona's prismatic character, the one which
reveals the tangled skeins of reality-appearance in her relation-
ship with the Moor. The "fair warrior" longs for increase of love
and comforts, but when domestic war rages, she is not militant.
What Iago pictures to Cassio as her goodness becomes, in effect,
vicious; for, to her doom, she does "more that she is requested"
in regard to Cassio's plight. The faith she asserts in Othello's
lack of jealousy is not unalloyed. Speaking of the loss of the
handkerchief, she tells Emilia:

Believe me, I had rather have lost

my purse
Full of crusadoes; and but my noble Moor
Is true of mind, and made of no such

baseness
As jealous creatures are, it were enough
To put him to ill thinking. (Ill, iv, 25-29)

A Desdemona who perceives the potential danger in such a sit-
uation and one who can advise Emilia, though lightly, "Do not
learn of him . . ., though he be thy husband," may not be a
supersubtle Venetian, but she is not an unsophisticated one.
Desdemona's complex humanity is texturally evident; like
Iago's, her ultramundane qualities are intrinsically enmeshed in
the substantial coils of mortality.

The contradictions in human nature reflected in the Des-
demona-Othello nexus intensify the Sein-Schein motif of the
tragedy most critically in the infamous brothel scene. When
Othello dispatches Emilia with "Your mystery, your mystery,"
and confronts his perplexed wife, Desdemona asks: "Upon my
knees, what doth your speech import? I understand a fury in
your words, [But not the words]." The difficulties inherent in
verbal communication even between persons apparently united
in the closest of human relationships manifest themselves in
Desdemon's anguished query. For words have a Schein; their
signification and their intonation are not always conjoined. The
"fair warrior" coalesces into the "fair devil" and "Chaos is come
again." A "child to chiding," Desdemona is unable to utilize her
linguistic acumen to discover the reasons for Othello's abuse of
her. When Othello calls her "a weed, Who art so lovely fair, and
smelTst so sweet," Desdemona naively asks: "Alas, what igno-
rant sin have I committed." Her supernal innocence becomes
temporally minatory, such as that in Melville's Billy Budd, for
it ignores, allows, or encourages evil. Her predicament is reminis-
cent of that expressed in the choric comment of Oedipus Rex:
"We cannot believe, we cannot deny; all's dark. We fear, but

we cannot see, what is before us." 2fl The perilous nature of the
impotency of celestial virtue in the real world emerges in Desde-
mona's plight; she is aware of some of the more debased human
actions, such as those set forth in the Willow song, but she per-
ceives them through the insulated vision of innocence and is
unable to see the assault of evil upon her own life. Acknowledg-
ing her temporal blindness in her reply to Emilia's ineluctable
question, Desdemona says: "Nobody I myself." I do not see
this as a divine lie, but as a human truth, for, in large measure,
Desdemona's virtue is a secular failure, albeit a spiritually re-
demptive power. Too much whiteness, as Ishmael muses in
Moby-Dick, may terrify man just as too much blackness does.
So Desdemona's crystalline purity informs her selfknow-
ledge and the conceptions of her which other dramatis personae
form, and thus aids in moving this stark tragedy to its inexorable
end. Salt tears cannot really soften stones; caritas does not al-
ways transform the human heart. So in the terrible blackness
of whiteness, in the horror at the heart of innocence, in "the
heavy hour" when man faces the awesome spectacle of his soul
is the vortex of textural Sein-Schein in Desdemona's goodness.
Only a few can "die in music"; most must face the stark Sopho-
clean inquiry: "Who can control his fate?" The doleful asso-
nances of Othello's penultimate monologue embody the terrible
ambivalences of innocence in a fallen world:

Cold, cold, my girl?
Even like thy chastity.

O cursed, cursed slave! Whip me, ye devils,
Blow me about in winds! roast me in sulphur!
Wash me in steep-down gulfs of liquid fire!
O Desdemona, Desdemona! dead!
OIO! O!

This monologue and the suicide monologue embody some
of the more complex ironies of the Sein-Schein motif in the dra-
ma. When Othello realizes the horrors to which suspicion and
suggestion have impelled him, he pleads:

. . . When you shall these unlucky deeds
relate,
Speak of me as I am. Nothing extenuate,
Nor set down aught in malice. Then must

you speak
Of one that loved not wisely, but too well;
Of one not easily jealous, but being wrought,
Perplexed in the extreme; of one whose hand,
Like the base Judean, threw a pearl away
Richer than all his tribe; of one whose

subduced eyes,
Albeit unused to the melting mood,
Drop tears as fast as the Arabian trees
Their med'cinable gum.

20 Sophocles, King Oedipus, tr. by E. F. Watling, The Theban Plays
(New York, 1947), in Carl Benson and Taylor Littleton, The Idea of
Tragedy (Glenview, 111., 1966) , p. 83

On those who remain, the painful, Horatian task of telling the
truth in this harsh world redounds; we will not know, nor do we
need to know, how Lodovico will express "this heavy act," for
we have plumbed the depths and explored the heights of lin-
guistic felicity and realize that truth is amorphous and multi-
faceted, that it cannot be frozen into thought nor fossilized into
language. ~P* a *"/

The rich |fegj>of Desdemona's love gleams from the death-
bed to light OtHello to recognition which, as Schackford main-
tains, "implies a re-awakening, a renaissance of spirit; it is the
result of memory and takes one into the realm where reflection
reigns over past experience."- 7 The catalytic power of Desde-
mona's love, in mortality an agent provocateur of malignity, in
death transforms that evil into self -awareness and -analysis;
the brightness of the blackness shines forth.

Eliot's strictures against the "bovarysme" 2S of Othello's
final speech are not the complete proportions of the monologue.
Othello is doing more than just "cheering himself up." 20 He has
reached his journey's end"; he has ranged the emotional gamut
in his quest for the profundities. From the depths of tragic de-
spair, he rises to tragic glory and does "die upon a kiss." Hollo-
way asserts that the speech "is no mere self-indulgent reenact-
ment of a supreme or any other moment in Othello's past," but
is a metaphorically microcosmic clarification of his life. 30

Othello's kaleidoscopic view of himself in the final mono-
logues displays itself in vibrant and far-ranging poetry; on the
other hand, Iago maintains a stony silence at the end of the
tragedy. This silence, a type of verbal nihilism, is ineluctable.
Stempel views it as "the logical fulfillment of Iago's boast to
Roderigo in the opening scene." 31 Iago says:

For when my outward action doth demonstrate
The native act and figure of my heart
In compliment extern, 'tis not long after
But I will wear my heart upon my sleeve
For daws to peck at; I am not what I am.

The "Spartan dog" no longer needs words; though his feet be
uncloven, his tongue has not been. His nemesis is in his genesis;
to abjure the gift which he has abused satanically is dramati-
cally felicitous. Iago has served what Heilman calls the "verbal
drama" of Othello; that is, he has turned virtue into baseness,
light into darkness "a principle of corruption to which hu-
manity is always susceptible." 32

The dichotomy between reality and appearance is mystify-
ing and terrifying. One stalks truth, only to stare into the eyeless
skull of error. Tranquility erupts into suspicion and introspec-

27 Martha Hale Shackford, Shakespeare, Sophocles; Dramatic Themes
and Modes (New York, 1960), p. 58.

^"Shakespeare and the Stoicism of Seneca," Selected Essays, 1917-
1932 (New York, 1932), p. 111.

^loc. cit

ao The Story of the Night (London, 1961), p. 56.

31 See "The Silence of Iago," PMLA LXXIV (March 1969), 252.

S2 Magic in the Web, p. 67.

tion disintegrates into inspection when one attempts to pierce
the veil of reality. In spite of temporal accomplishment and
worldly status, one sees only through a glass darkly and knows
only in part. The Sein-Schein motif is one facet of the power
and the terror of Othello; life, as Ishmael conceives it, is an
"ungraspable phantom." Probability is at the core of what West
terms "the inner mystery, the mystery of the human heart." 33
This is the terror from which Ethan Brand and Marlowe
shrink. This is the spectral self which Othello himself, even at
his journey's end, cannot confront, the archetypal inversion of
that more resplendent self. Can man really be what he seems?
How can we know the dancer from the dance, asks Yeats. How
can we know the reality, Othello inquires. Gratiano "keep [s]
the house, And seize [s] upon the fortunes of the Moor." But
Desdemona is dead. Or is she? Are Christ and Judas equally
confounded? One aspect of the Weltanshauung presented in
Othello suggests some paradoxical answers to the timeless ques-
tion of reality and appearance.

^Shakespeare and the Outer Mystery, p. 4.

ONWARD TO CUBA!
SAVANNAH AND SLAVERY EXPANSION

Dr. John E. Simpson

In the last decade before the Civil War citizens of Savan-
nah held a set of ambivalent, seemingly contradictory attitudes
on the issue of slavery expansion. They represented in microcosm
a larger sentiment pervading plantation society which openly
questioned the need to expand the geographic area of the South's
"peculiar institution." Intent on demonstrating the slaveocracy's
aggressive nature (predicated to an academic effort to lay
"blame" for the war of secession) historians have generally
overlooked this incongruous, if not inconvenient, phenomenon.
Savannah in 1850-1851 was a case in point.

Chattel slavery, existant in North America since coloniza-
tion, drew its strength from a vast, ever-expanding network of
economic, social, political and legal rationales. A highly refined
system of human exploitation, it supported during the 1850's
an increasingly apprehensive master class. With a hostile free-
soil North rapidly growing in population and political power,
Dixie's rulers feared eventual submersion and ruin. 1

Most white Southerners believed slavery had to expand
continually in order to remain viable. Its wasteful use of land
which entailed constant migration to virgin regions, and its need
for vigilant protection on the political level against anti-slavery
Northerners, encouraged those wedded to the status quo to seek
fresh areas for the institution. 2 Unfortunately, for men of this
persuasion, by mid-century little suitable land was left within
the United States. By virtue of the Missouri Compromise of
1820, the old Louisiana Territory, purchased by President
Thomas Jefferson years before, had been divided into free-soil
and slave. Three decades later the South's minuscule portion
(with the exception of Indian Territory or Oklahoma) had
achieved statehood. In 1850 Congress enacted the famous Clay
Omnibus Bill permitting human bondage in most of the vast
western hinterland recently wrested from Mexico. Slaveowners
well realized those arid plains and rugged mountains stretching
to California offered little opportunity for expansion. Geography
seemed to ally cruelly with their northern opponents. Since slav-
ery could not grow it must die, and with it would go their cher-
ished civilization. Only one hope remained. In desperation they
gazed southward across the Gulf of Mexico to Cuba. 3

Kenneth Stampp, The Peculiar Institution: Slavery in the Ante-
Bellum South (New York, 1956), 3-33, 419-430.

: Eugene D. Genovese, The Political Economy of Slavery: Studies in
the Economy and Society of the Slave South (New York, 1966), 243-270.

3 Charles S. Sydnor, The Development of Southern Nationalism,
1819-1848 (Baton Rouge, 1948), 315-317, 337-339; Averv O. Craven, The
Growth of Southern Nationalism. 1848-1861 (Baton Rousre, 1953), 2;
John Hope Franklin, The Militant South, 1800-1861 (Cambridge, 1956),
99-100.

The "Pearl of the Antilles," one of the few remaining New
World gems in imperial Spain's tarnished crown, was a slave-
holder's dream. Dotted with lush plantations and verdant, un-
topped forests, she was home for thousands of African bondsmen
who lived under a seigniorial system not unlike that of the gen-
teel South. If Cuba could be snatched from her decrepit master
by the United States, she might easily settle into the southern
orbit to be partitioned and enter the Union as several slave
states. 4 But how to accomplish this goal that was the prob-
lem. Surely, Northerners, given their mounting anti-slavery
proclivities, would not condone it. The nation would not wage
war on Spain for Cuba. Moreover, southern leaders were them-
selves divided. While most owned slaves and adhered to the
theory that expansion was a necessity, many, in reality, had
strong countervailing commitments to the Union, sectional mod-
eration, and truly national political entities namely the Demo-
cratic and Whig parties. Such marked divergence of loyalty nat-
urally militated against expansion. As a result, even a concerted,
all-southern drive to acquire Cuba for sectional advantage
proved impossible.

Georgia's port city, like the rest of the South during the
period, was in a state of political flux. Intense intra-party feud-
ing over Clay's Omnibus Bill had temporarily disrupted both
national political organizations in Dixie, giving rise to new en-
tities : the Constitutional Union party and the smaller Southern
Rights party. The former was middle-of-the-road, pro-Union,
and committed to national, coalition-style politics. 5 Realizing
the danger to these Jacksonian ideals slavery expansion pre-
sented, its partisans generally discouraged efforts to take Cuba.
Sectional radicals rallied to the opposing standard. Their Sou-
thern Rights party rejected all the moderates stood for; they
demanded acquisition as the price for continued southern coop-
eration in the Union. 6

The proximate agent of southern lust for Cuba was a former
Spanish general-turned-traitor, Narcio Lopez. Personifying the
bustling spirit of Cuban nationalism, this flamboyant freedom
fighter dedicated himself to lifting the imperial yoke from the
island. Sadly, repeated efforts to provoke a domestic insurrec-
tion failed, and Lopez turned to the United States for succor. 7
Since political moderates controlled Washington (and the South
as well), he approached slaveryrite extremists, holding out the
promise of Cuban acquisition. If Southern Rights supporters
helped fnance and organize a private military expedition to end
Spanish rule, the South could expect a territorial reward. 8

Lopez fled to the United States in late 1848 in the wake of
an unsuccessful rebellion. The year saw him traversing the cot-

'DeBow's Review. X (May-June, 1848), 470-478.

D Horaee Montgomery, Cracker Parties (Baton Rouge, 1950), 17-55.

"Savannah Republican, April 26, 29, 30, 1851; Vicksburg Sentinel,
February 4, 1851.

7 Robert Granville Caldwell, The Lopez Expeditions to Cuba, 1848-
1851 (Princeton, 1915), 28-57.

8 J.F.H. Claiborne (ed.), The Life and Correspondence of John A.
Quitman (New York, 1860) , 56.

ton states in search of support. In the spring of 1850 he led a
filibuster force, largely comprised of Southerners, against Cuba.
The so-called Cardenas expedition, launched from New Orleans
with some six hundred men, was a failure. Dozens lost their lives
in futile combat with the Spaniards. Lopez and most of the ad-
venturers managed a narrow escape to safety in Key West,
Florida. From there the defeated general and his principal aides
journeyed to Savannah, determined to raise a larger army and
again assault the island. 9

A jubilant public demonstration marked his arrival. After
a hero's welcome Lopez was dismayed to learn the Spanish con-
sul had secured a warrant for his apprehension. He was charged
with violation of the Neutrality Act of 1818. 10 Subsequent arrest
on May 26, 1850, fired city radicals. Several prominent Southern
Rights lawyers offered their services without a fee. But a rau-
cous preliminary hearing the following day made it unnecessary.
The charge was dropped for lack of evidence, and Lopez, mag-
nificantly bedecked in plumage and gold braid, strutted trium-
phantly from the courtroom to the cheers of idolizing specta-
tors. 11

"The very best of our Mexican War volunteers" partici-
pated in the Cardenas foray, one Savannahian exulted 12 . In
reality, sentiment vis-a-vis the general and his cause was sharp-
ly divided. Constitutional Unionists (most ex- Whigs and a size-
able minority of former Democrats), who comprised the city
power structure, prudently remained silent on the emotional
issue, while covertly conniving to undercut Lopez and the po-
litical opposition. A sigh of relief echoed through Unionist ranks
when the cocky Cuban departed shortly for New Orleans. Pledg-
ing to enlist men for yet another try at liberation, he momen-
tarily declined to carry along almost one thousand young Savan-
nahians who volunteered. 13

Lopez spent the ensuing months in Louisiana structuring a
second invasion force. Thousands of ardent slavery expansionists
there and throughout the South expressed interest. Savannah
again provided a rallying point for potential Georgia filibuster-
ed. Scores of adventure-hungry, back country lads began to
trickle into the city where they joined their less provincial,
though no less egaer, urban counterparts. Recruiting and drill-
ing of the men was apparently handled by a local Lopez agent,
General Emilio Gonzales. Yet, because of determination on the
federal government's part to prevent another expedition, these,

"John E. Simpson, "Narcio Lopez and the South, 1850-1851," unpub-
lished M. A. thesis, North Texas State University, 1968, 14-34.

10 It forbid the organization of private military expeditions on Ameri-
can soil for the purpose of invading another nation.

"Savannah Georgian, May 27, 1850.

^Savannah Republican, May 25, 1850.

"Savannah Georgian, May 27, 1850.

"Claiborne (ed.), Quitman, 70; New Orleans Daily Delta, November

activities at first remained largely secret. 14

Constitutional Unionists, represented by the influential
Savannah Republican and to a lesser extent by the Savannah
Morning News, rose to the challenge. Illegal military maneuvers
were closely monitored; the filibusterers every move was reported
to federal authorities. Publicly, these enemies of expansion al-
ternately discounted the strength of Lopez's organization and
praised governmental efforts to quash filibusterism. 1 " "Cuba is
now a young giantess, slumbering in chains," the Republican's
editor intoned; but it was not the right of militant Georgians to
loosen these bonds. Islanders must free themselves. 10

From this perspective events reached a crisis in mid-April
1851. Reliable intelligence had it that some five hundred armed
filibusterers were waiting in Savannah to join a second, two-
pronged assault on Cuba. One group under Lopez's command
was to leave New Orleans. Another contingent planned to de-
part New York City, reinforce itself with Savannah and Jack-
sonville, Florida units and sail to a rendezvous point off the
Cuban coast. All told, over two thousand men were involved. 17
Responding to this grave threat to sectional harmony, President
Millard Fillmore issued a ringing denunciation of filibusterism.
He wisely skirted the sensitive slavery issue. Citizens were in-
stead urged not to support those who endangered American neu-
trality. 18

On April 24th federal authorities in New York seized the
filibuster steamer Cleopatra before she sailed for Savannah. 19
A few days later a United States marshal armed with arrest
warrants arrived in the Georgia city. The local press lauded
these moves to destroy the martial undertaking, giving the of-
ficer assistance in efforts to ferret out ringleaders. A young man
was even enlisted by the Morning News to infiltrate filibus-
terer ranks so as to discover their plans. What better way to
discredit the opposition, Constitutional Unionists reasoned. 20

News of the Cleopatra's capture left the Savannah volun-
teers undaunted. Before officials could close in, they took pas-
sage on the Central of Georgia Rail Road for Macon. From there
the men struck out on an arduous overland march to Jackson-
ville. After days of hardship and foraging off the sparsely-
populated countryside, they finally reached the Satilla River

13, 1850; Savannah Morning News, April 28, 1851; Daniel Webster to
Marshals, District Attorneys and Collectors of Customs of the United
States, September 3, 1850, in William R. Manning (ed.). Diplomatic
Correspondence of the United States, 1831-1860 (Concord, N.H., 1939),
XI, 91.

15 Savannah Republican, April 14, 29, May 5, 1851; Savannah Morn-
ing News, April 28, May 1, 1851; P. Reneas to Millard Fillmore, April 10,
1851, in Manning (ed.), Diplomatic Correspondence, XI, 103.

v 'Savannah Republican. April 26, 1851.

"Savannah Morning News. May 1, 1851; "The Late Cuba State
Trials," Democratic Review, XXX (April, 1852), 307-319.

"President Millard Fillmore's Proclamation to the People of the
United States, April 25, 1851, in Senate Executive Document, No. 1, 32nd
Cong., 1st sess., 27.

19 "Cuba State Trials," 314.

20 Savannah Morning News, April 30, May 1, 5, 1851.

near Florida's northern boundary. Disappointment awaited on
the stream's opposite bank. A member of the Jacksonville ex-
pedition returning to his South Georgia farm greeted the sol-
diers with a doleful tale. On learning of the Cleopatra 's fate, he
related, the Jacksonville contingent had disbanded. Moreover,
government vigilance had prevented all attempts to secure trans-
portation to Cuba. Disillusioned and disheartened, the weary
Georgians straggled homeward. 21

Thus ended Savannah's bid to expand the peculiar institu-
tion. Deep division within the southern slaveocracy, as exem-
plified in the city, in large part determined the inglorious out-
come. President Fillmore's policy, reflecting the moderate, non-
sectional sentiments of Whigs and Democrats of the free states
and their powerful Constitutional Union allies below the Ma-
son-Dixon Line, doomed slavery expansion. Ironically, those
who, according to ante-bellum economic and social theory, stood
to gain the most from Cuban acquisition, were in the vanguard
of the crusade to prevent it. In short, ideological disagreement
within the slaveowning elite, growing out of political convictions
and rivalries of long duration, destroyed any hope of southern
unity dedicated to adding "the Queen of the Antilles ... to the
coronet of the South. . . , 22 A frequent visitor to Savannah, die-
hard slaveryite John B. Lamar, painfully perceived what stu-
dents of ante-bellum America have all too often failed to dis-
cern: "It has been thought always that when our interest in
slaves has been touched that party lines would disappear like
frostwork before the sun . . . but party feeling seems stronger
than interest. " 2a Events in Georgia's Coastal Empire metropolis
revealed as much. How could these temporarily vanquished ex-
tremists, ultimately victorious a decade later with the Confed-
eracy's creation, realistically hope to surmount Dixie's tradi-
tional disunity and ensure permanency for the embrionic slave
republic?

JOHN E. SIMPSON, PH.D. SAVANNAH STATE COLLEGE

^Ibid.; Savannah Republican, May 6, 1851.

22 "Cuba and the South," DeBow's Review, XVIII (November, 1854),
521.

^John B. Lamar to Howell Cobb, February 7, 1848, in Howell Cobb
Papers, University of Georgia Library.

RATE CONSTANTS FOR THE FORMATION OF TETRA-
FLUOROBORIC ACID IN WATER-ETHANOL SOLVENT

Willie Turner and M. P. Menon

Department of Chemistry, Savannah State College,
Savannah, Ga.

The reaction between boric acid and hydrofluoric acid yield-
ing tetraflouroboric acid is the basis for the development of
several spectrophotometric methods of analysis of trace quanti-
ties of boron (1-3). Menon (4) has recently demonstrated that
the same reaction may be employed to develop a sensitive
radioreagent method of boron analysis using HF labeled with
1.8 h 1S F as a radioreagent. However, the sensitivity depends
not only on the specific activity of the radioreagent but also the
HF-to-H.iBO.i mole ratio in the reaction mixture and the time
for the completion of the reaction. Wamser (5) has reported that
the above reaction takes place in two steps as represented by
the following equations:

H 3 B0 3 + 3HF HBF 3 OH + 2H 2 (fast) .... (1)
HBF ;! OH + HF^zi^HBFt + H 2 (slow) .... (2)

The rate constants for the slow reaction have been measured by
Wamser at 25 C using water solutions of boric acid and hydro-
fluoric acid in stoichiometric amounts down to a cone, of 0.013 M
of boric acid. It has also been reported that 0.001 M solution of
boric acid requires about two months to come to equilibrium.
However, Ducret (1) and others (2-3) have used a very large
excess of HF to drive the reaction to equilibrium in a shorter
time when only trace amount of boric acid is present in the
sample. Since the success of the radioreagent method of analysis
of boron depends on the HF-to-H.tBO.i mole ratio in the reaction
mixture as well as the reaction time better conditions for car-
rying out this reaction are desired. In this work the effect of
ethanol on the rate of formation of HBF ( at different tempera-
tures and solvent composition was investigated.

Experimental

Reagents: Reagent grade boric acid, HF(40 r < ), and ethanol
(95%) were used. Stock solutions of boric acid ( r ^ / 0.1M) and
hydrofluoric acid ( ^ .6 M) were prepared by mixing appro-
priate amounts of these reagents with deionized water and di-
luting to 500 ml. of the solution with more water. Both of these
acids were standardized with standard sodium hydroxide using
phenolpthalein as the indicator. In the case of boric acid about
0.5 g of mannitol was added towards the end of titration to de-
tect the correct end point. From the standardized stock solu-
tions working solutions of different concentrations were made.
Only polypropylene wares were used to store the solutions and
also to perform the experiments. Procedure: In a typical experi-

ment 50 ml of the boric acid solution was mixed with appro-
priate amount of 95 r '> ethanol in a polypropylene bottle and
kept in a thermostat at the desired temperature. The desired
volume of hydrofluoric acid was mixed with enough water in
a similar bottle so as to make the total volume 200 ml when the
solutions are mixed. This was also kept in the same water bath.
When the solutions reached thermal equilibrium, they were
mixed and 5 ml of the reaction mixture was withdrawn at regu-
lar intervals and titrated immediately with standard sodium
hydroxide using phenolpthalein as the indicator. About 0.5 g of
mannitol was added to the titrating solution near the end of
titration. From the volume of the titrant used for neutraliza-
tion of the sample the cone, of HBF t formed at the time of
withdrawal was computed. Treatment of the Data: Wamser (5)
has shown that the reaction between HBF ;; OH and HF is a
second order reaction which determines the rate of overall reac-
tion. The rate equation for a second order reaction when the
initial concentrations of the reactants are identical is the fol-
lowing:

= k . t . + _!_ (3)

Co x Co

where Co is the initial cone, of H-iBO- = initial cone, of HBF :! OH
which is also the same as the initial cone, of HF, x is the cone,
of HBF 4 at i t and k the rate constant. It is obvious from this
equation that the slope of a plot of 1/Co x versus t gives
the value for the rate constant k.

Although the initial cone. Co, of HBF : ,OH and HF, in each
reaction mixture, was known the cone, x, of HBF 4 formed at
different times was computed indirectly. Since reaction (1) is
fast, immediately after mixing H :i BOn and HF in the ratio 1:4
one would expect only two equivalents of the base for the com-
plete neutralization of every equivalent of HBF.OH and the
remaining HF. However, Wamser (5) has shown that due to
the rapid hydrolysis of NaBF^OH five equivalents of alkali are
required for the titration of the total acidity in an aliquot of
the reaction mixture. The acid-base titration, in this case, may
be represented by the following reaction:

HBFsOH + HF + 5 NaOH + 4 NaF + NaBO, + 4 H 2 (4)

It can be shown that the cone, x, of HBF 4 formed at any
time is related to the titer values and the initial cone, of the
reactants by the following equation:

= c ( 5Ti ~ T A

V 4T, /

(5)
4Ti

where 5Ti is the titer value at t=0 and T 2 is the titer value at
any other time t = t.

Results and Discussion

Table I lists the data from a typical experiment together
with the computed values for x and 1/Co x. Figure 1 is a plot
of 1/Co x versus time and the graph looks like a curve rather
than a straight line. Nevertheless, the early part of the graph is
linear and the slope of this portion of the graph is a measure of
the rate constant. The curvature of the latter part of the graph
results from the fact that the reverse reaction (hydrolysis of
HBF 4 ) becomes significant as the time passes by and thus af-
fects the rate of formation of HBF 4 . The rate constants and the
equilibrium yield for the formation of HBF 4 in water-ethanol
mixture of two different compositions and at various tempera-
tures have been measured. These results are summarized in
Table II.

It can be seen from Table II that at any given temperature
the rate constant for the formation of HBF 4 is much higher in
water-ethanol solvent than in aqueous solution. Furthermore
the rate constant can also be increased by raising the tempera-
ture. The equilibrium yield of HBF 4 formed using a water-
ethanol mixture is significantly higher than that obtained using
an aqueous solution, but the yield drops off with an increase in
temperature. It appears, from this work, that the optimum con-
ditions for the reaction to be carried out reasonably fast with
the maximum yield of HBF, are the following: (1) the reaction
mixture should contain about 64 r '<- ethanol. (2) the reaction
be carried out at 40 C. The surprisingly better yield for the
formation of HBF 4 in water-ethanol mixture indicates that the
hydrolysis of HBF 4 is suppressed, to certain extent, by the
presence of ethanol in the system.

Acknowledgement

The work reported here is a part of the research supported
by Frederic Gardner Cottrell grant awarded by the Research
Corporation to one of the authors.

Literature Cited

1. L. Ducret, Anal. Chim. Acta., 17. 213 (1957)

2. L. Paszter and J. D. Bode, Anal. Chem., 32, 1531 (1960)

3. S. Utsumi, S. Ito and A. Isozaki, J. Chem. Soc Japan, 86. 921 (1965)

4. M. P. Menon, IBM Research Report, RC 2788 (#13083), February,
1970

5. C. A. Wamser, J. Am. Chem. Soc, 70, 1209 (1948)

Table I

Typical Experimental Data and the
Cone, of HBF 4 formed at any time t

Computed Values of the

Time (t)

Volume of
NaOH (ml)

5T T 2 *

x Co

4T,

(min)

Cx, X

0.0

6.85 (5T0

0.0

75.0

7.25

6.00

0.0022

85.5

13.25

5.55

0.0033

94.3

19.00

5.10

0.0044

105.3

26.8

4.85

0.0051

113.6

34.9

4.45

0.0061

128.2

44.8

4.15

0.0068

140.8

55.4

4.00

0.0072

149.3

65.8

3.85

0.0076

158.7

77.0

3.70

0.0080

169.5

87.8

3.60

0.0082

175.4

103.7

3.45

0.0086

188.7

120.3

3.35

0.0089

200.0

infinite

2.90

0.010

256.4

infinite
(equil.)

2.90

0.010

256.4

Table II

Rate Constants and Yield for the Formation of HBF 4 in
Water-ethanol Mixture

Temp.

Solvent
Composition
(% alcohol)

H q BO,

(mole/1)

Rate Constant
k(min-! (m/1- 1 )

Yield of HB
(Percent)

0.0

0.0134

0.0536

1.00

50.8

47.5

0.0134

0.0536

4.75

58.5

64.3

0.0134

0.0536

4.95

62.2

47.5

0.0134

0.0536

1.50

72.1

64.3

0.0134

0.0536

3.30

74.3

47.5

0.0134

0.0536

0.566

65.8

* Co = 0.0134 M

200-

"i r

1 1 1 1 T

-j i i i_

J I I | L

20 40 60 80 100

110 120

Time (minutes)

Figure 1. Plot of the reciprocal of the cone, of H 3 B0 3
as a function of time

Rate constant, k = slope = 1.50 (M/l). - 1

min - 1

THE SOUTH WEST AFRICA MANDATE

Dr. H. Walton, Jr.
Savannah State College

INTRODUCTION

Both past and present litigation over South West Africa,
especially the recent decision handed down on July 18, 1966
by the International Court of Justice, has attracted much
public attention from lawyers and laymen alike. This recent
judgment will be of great significance to scholars in the areas
of international law and international politics for some time
to come.

The South West Africa Case, however, is mostly important
for what it symbolizes to the outside world. "To the outside
world it symbolizes the struggle between black and white in
South Africa." 1 Essentially, to many observers, both those in
the outside world, and to those in the new independent African
States, the struggle is between human dignity and equality on
the one hand, and subordination, inequality and discrimination
on the other. The critical issue, then, revolves around the South
African policy of Apartheid, i.e., total segregation and separation
of the races, with special privileges going to the white race. 2
In other words, the rule of white supremacy and the ideology
of white superiority.

To South Africans, apartheid is a good humane policy. 3
It is because of this policy, they argue, that the native Africans
have made so much improvement. However, to other African
nations, such as Ethiopia and Liberia, apartheid is not a bene-
ficial policy. They feel that it cannot contribute to the advance-
ment of the native African people. 4

Therefore, in the recent South West African Case, Liberia
and Ethiopia based their case on two major grounds. First, that
the United Nations is the legal successor to the League of Na-
tions. And secondly, that apartheid is morally wrong. Thus,

^aul Fordham, The Geography of African Affairs (Baltimore: Pen-
guin Books, 1965), p. 224.

-Charles A. W. Manning, "In Defense of Apartheid," Foreign Affairs,
Vol. 43 (October, 1964), pp. 135-136.

3 Ibid.

4 John Stevenson, "Judicial Decisions," The American Journal of
International Law (January, 1967), pp. 116-118.

South Africa by virtue of this policy, they claim, "has failed to
promote to the utmost the material and moral well-being and
social progress of the inhabitants of the . . . ." mandated terri-
tory. 5 Hence, for this reason the mandate should be terminated.

In short, then, Ethiopia and Liberia, former members of
the League, argue both the morality of apartheid and South
Africa's right to the mandate in view of the fact that this policy
has been judged by them to be in violation of its obligations as
stated in Article 2 of the Mandate and Article 22 of the Cove-
nant of the League. 6

To the contrary, South Africa (hereafter referred to as the
Union) rested its case on one major principle, i.e., the United
Nations is not the legal successor to the League and therefore
cannot terminate the mandate. 7 They did not argue the good-
ness or badness of apartheid. For the Union, the morality of
apartheid was not the key issue. The overriding problem as they
saw it, was whether or not the United Nations had a right to
terminate a mandate, to which they didn't have a clear title. 8
In other words, as far as the Union was concerned, the U. N.
right to South West Africa was questionable and this right had
not been established in international law. Apartheid was played
down.

What did the International Court of Justice do? How did
they resolve the issue? What did they say about apartheid?
What is the present status of South West Africa? These are
some of the key questions which this paper attempts to answer.
In addition, the paper surveys briefly the historical background
of the mandated territory, past judicial decisions and the pros-
pects for the future. However, this study does not claim to
be comprehensive in nature, but covers only the most impor-
tant aspects of the case, with heavy emphasis upon recent United
Nations' action in the area.

Although the conclusion of this study will speak for itself,
it is hoped that this type of presentation will be both enlighten-
ing and useful.

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF SOUTH WEST
AFRICA

At the Paris Peace Conference following World War I, it
was felt that if the world was to remain free of war, then, among
other things, the victor states should not be permitted to annex
former German colonial territories. ,J This idea was embodied in
Articles 118 and 119 of the Treaty of Versailles, 1 " which provid-

ed, p. 118.
'Ibid.

"Ibid., pp. 118-119.
*Ibid.

"Ernest Gross, "The South West Africa Case: What Happened?"
Foreign Affairs, Vol. 45 (October, 1966), pp. 36-37.

"Treaty of Peace Between the Allied and Associated Powers and
Germany Signed at Versailles June 28, 1919, 3 Malloy's Treaties 3329
(1910-1923).

ed that German colonial territories in Africa were to be ceded
to the Principal Allied and Associated Powers. The Covenant
of the League of Nations, which was made a part of the Treaty
of Versailles, specifically stated how and under what principles
these territories were to be administered. 11 Finally, on December
17, 1920 the Principal Allied and Associated Powers conferred
on the Union of South Africa a mandate to administer South
West Africa on their behalf until such time as it became ready
for independence.

The peoples in this former German colony were "not yet
able to stand by themselves under the strenuous conditions of
the modern world," therefore, they "were to be governed for
their own well-being and development and as a sacred trust
for civilization." 12

"South West Africa was classified as a 'C Group Mandate
that is to say, one which was regarded as appropriate to be
administered as an integral portion of the Mandatory's terri-
tory; and it was allotted to His Britannic Majesty "to be exer-
cised on his behalf by the Union of South Africa. " i:; Under Ar-
ticle 2 of this mandate, the Union was required to promote the
material, moral well-being and social progress of the inhabitants.
Under Article 6, the Union agreed to submit reports annually to
the League Council.

The basic framework for the Mandate operation might well
be likened to the concept of separation of powers. The Mandatory
was ultimately responsible to the Council of the League of Na-
tions, which included all of the Principal Allied Powers except
the United States. 14 There could be no alteration in the status
of the Mandate without the permission of the Council. To act as
a "watchdog" the League created a Permanent Mandates' Com-
mission to ". . . receive and examine the Annual Reports of the
Mandatories and to advise the Council on all matters relating to
the observance of the Mandates." 15 It is important to note, how-
ever, that should it find that the Mandatory had violated its
obligations under the Covenant and the Mandate, the Commis-
sion had no enforcement powers. Finally, Article 7 of the Man-
date provided that disputes "between the Mandatory and an-
other member of the League of Naticns" over the interpretation
of the Mandate should be submitted to the Permanent Court
of International Justice. Thus, under this general framework,
the Mandate was administered throughout the life of the
League.

"League of Nations Covenant, Art. 22, paras. 2, 3, 6, 7, 8, 9.

"Rosalyn Higgins, "The International Court and South West Africa,"
International Affairs (October, 1966) , p. 573.

lz Ibid. See also Gross, op. cit., p. 37.

"The United States did not sign the Treaty of Versailles and conse-
quently was not a member of the League of Nations. See Rayford Logan,
The Senate and the Versailles Mandate System (Washington, D. C,
Minorities Publishers, 1945). This book is an analysis of the attitude of
the Senate toward the World War I mandates. See also Quincy/ Wright,
Mandates Under the League of Nations (Chicago: University of Chi-
cago Press, 1930). This book is a comprehensive account of the League's
mandate system.

"League of Nations Covenant, Art. 22, para. 9.

However, "as early as 1922, South Africa adopted the view
that 'C Mandates were in the words of the South African lead-
er, General Jan Christian Smuts 'in effect not far removed from
annexation.' " lfi And by 1927, another observer had "showed
that the Union of South Africa was desirous of annexing South
West Africa to the Union." 17 She stated:

No councils of native notables had been appointed and little
seems to have been done in way of furthering the principle of
native self-government. No village councils existed in Ovambo-
land and only in the region of Okavango River did chiefs and
headmen control to any extent the natives through tribal law . . .
No natives occupy administrative posts in the public service. 18

In addition to these observations, "the Permanent Mandate
Commission, until it ceased to function in 1939, frequently re-
corded its disagreements with South African assertions of sov-
ereignty over the Territory, as well as of the right to incorporate
it as a fifth province." 11 ' The Union, nevertheless, submitted re-
ports to the Commission and recognized the legal existence of
the Mandate.

At the conclusion of World War II the Union became one
of the nations ratifying the U. N. Charter. Subsequently, the
League of Nations by its own resolution, ceased to exist. "When
the League died, the United Nations established a system, which
was comparable in many respects to the mandate system, i.e.,
the trusteeship system." 20

"South Africa was the only Mandatory not to place her ter-
ritory under trusteeship, and after 1949 ceased to send any re-
ports to the U. N. She denied any legal obligation to submit to
the supervision of the U. N., declaring that the Mandate, and
all the duties incurred thereunder, had lapsed with the dissolu-
tion of the League." 21 Therefore, in addition to the political mea-
sures which the U. N. took to break out of this impasse, the
General Assembly posed several questions concerning the Man-
date and asked the Court for advisory opinions. In other words,
what has been the previous Court decisions regarding South West
Africa?

PAST JUDICIAL DECISIONS RELATING TO SOUTH
WEST AFRICA

It was precisely the question of what obligation the Union
has as Mandatory to the United Nations which was submitted

"Gross, op. cit., p. 37.

17 Rayford Logan, The Operation of the Mandate System in Africa
1919-1927 (Washington, D. C: Foundation Publishers, 1942), p. 2.

"Frances E. Johnson, "Operation of the Mandate System in South-
west Africa for 1927,'' (Unpublished Master's Thesis, Atlanta University,
1928), p. 2.

"Gross, op. cit., p. 37.
20 Higgins, op. cit., pp. 573-574.
"'Ibid., p. 574.

by the General Assembly to the International Court of Justice
in 1950. Specifically, did South Africa continue to have inter-
national obligations under the Mandate? The Court in the first
Advisory Opinion held:

These obligations represent the very essence of the sacred trust
of civilization. Their raison d'etre and original object remain.
Since their fulfillment did not depend on the existence of the
League of Nations, they could not be brought to an end merely
because the supervisory organ ceased to exist. Nor could the
right of the population to have the Territory administered in
accordance with the rules depend thereon. 22

The effect of this judgment was to continue the Mandate under
the U. N. with the same obligations as were present under the
League.

Subsequently, however, the Union contended that it was
impossible to continue the Mandate "under the same obligation"
as was present during the time of the League, since under League
procedure a change in the Mandate required a unanimous vote,
while in the U. N. there was no unanimity rule. The Court
held in a Second Advisory Opinion in 1955, that the General
Assembly, in voting on questions relating to reports and peti-
tions on South Africa, should follow its own procedure. The
South African contention was dismissed by the Court.

A year later, in a Third Advisory Opinion, it was held that
the Assembly's subcommittee on South West Africa (establish-
ed in 1953) was entitled to grant oral hearings instead of writ-
ten to petitioners. Again South African contention of only
written hearings was denied.

From 1956 to 1960 the question of the Mandate was dealt
with largely in the General Assembly of the United Nations,
but, in spite of a plethora of committees assigned to examine
the question, little progress was made.- a By the end of that
decade, with many new African states now members of the
U. N., a new idea took root namely, to explore the possibilities
which contentious litigation offered in respect to South West
Africa.

The roots of this new idea sprang mainly from South
Africa's refusal to obey the three judgments of the Court, and
the added fact that an advisory opinion cannot be enforced by
the Security Council. 24 Thus, Ethiopia and Liberia instituted
a representative suit on behalf of the U. N. against South Africa
in 1960. The Court rendered a decision in 1962.

The applicants had asked the Court to confirm that South
West Africa is a territory under the Mandate, and to find that
the Mandate is a treaty within the meaning of Article 37 ot
the Court's statute; that the Union retain the obligations under

22 Nolan Atkinson, Jr., and A. I. Neuman, "International Law and
the South West Africa Cases," Howard Law Journal (Winter, 1967), p.
132.

^Higgins, op. cit., p. 575.

24 Atkinson and Neuman, op. cit., p. 133.

the Mandate and under Article 22 of the League; and that the
U. N. was entitled to exercise the supervisory function of the
League in relation to the mandated territory. 25 In addition,
the Court was invited to go beyond its Advisory Opinions, and
to find that the Union had violated its obligations under the
Mandate through, introducing apartheid, establishing military
bases in South West Africa and refusing to submit reports and
transmit petitions. 26

The Union Government denied that the Court had juris-
diction to examine these claims. She argued that the Mandate
was not a treaty, that neither Ethiopia nor Liberia had any in-
terest in the territory and that the dispute could not be settled
by negotiation.

Given these objections, the Court decided that a prelimi-
nary judgment concerning its jurisdiction was needed, to see if
it had the authority to examine the substantive claims made by
the applicants. On December 21, 1962, the Court found by
the narrowest possible majority, 8 to 7 that it had jurisdiction
to proceed to an examination of the merits of the case. All of
the applicants' contentions were upheld and the Union Gov-
ernment's arguments were rejected.

Having rejected all of the Union's objections to its juris-
diction, the Court proceeded to examine the case. A decision
came in 1966.

THE 1966 DECISION

The judgment which the Court eventually handed down on
July 18, 1966 came as a great surprise to the waiting world, be-
cause it did not in fact provide any answers to the substantive
issues raised by the parties. Instead, the Court declared (by the
President's casting vote, seven votes to seven) that it had first
decided to deal with an "antecedent" question; namely, whether
Ethiopia and Liberia had any "legal interest" in the subject
matter of their claim. L ' T The Court said that unless this could be
answered in the affirmative, Ethiopia and Liberia would not be
entitled to a judgment from the Court. 28 The Court then pro-
ceeded to find that those clauses of the Mandate which referred
to the "conduct" or carrying out of the Mandatory, did not give
a right to all League Members to have recourse to the Court;
that in respect of these "conduct" provisions they first had to
show special, national interest before they were entitled to get
a pronouncment from the Court. L ' !t And the Court found that
neither Ethiopia nor Liberia had such "special interests." The
Court, then declined to adjudicate, one way or the other, on
the merits of the case.

Many problems were presented by the judgment. Among
the most important is the disparity between the 1962 ruling

-'Higgins, op. cit., p. 575.

"Ibid., p. 576.

" 7 Stevenson, op. cit.. pp. 119-120.

"Ibid., pp. 120-121.

"Ibid., pp. 121-150.

and the 1966 ruling. However, the Court attempted to answer
this question by distinguishing between the two phases of the
case. To support this distinction the Court stated that there
was a difference between "standing before the Court" and the
"legal right or interest regarding the subject matter of the
claim." 30 In other words, the Court in the 1962 decision had
given the Applicants rights to institute the Case, but this did
not mean that they had the legal interest which would entitle
them to a judgment on the merits. The 1966 decision, then
found that the Applicants did not have the legal interest which
would entitle them to a judgment on the merits.

In a dissenting opinion, Judge Philip Jessup of the United
States commented that: "No authority is produced in support of
this assertion, which suggests a procedure of utter futility." 31
In short, this distinction was overly technical and specious. In
addition, it put the applicants in a peculiar and frustrating po-
sition: even though the Court had the competence to hear and
determine the dispute, an adjudication on the merits could not
be obtained. What, then, is the future of South West Africa?

PROSPECTS FOR THE FUTURE

The future of South West Africa is mainly political. De-
spite the fact that the Court declined to pronounce on the Man-
date, the Advisory Opinions of 1950, 1955, and 1956 seem to
have remained authoritative. Legally, the Mandate continues
to existence, and South Africa and the United Nations retain
their respective rights and obligations there under. But the law
on the compatibility of apartheid with the Mandate, and with
general international law, remain uncharted.

Thus, with these facts in mind, it is quite possible that the
Mandate can be revoked. However, whether the U. N. General
Assembly has the legal authority to revoke the Mandate uni-
laterally is questionable. 1 - But it has the pov/er to do so and
this is where the political problem arises. What stand will the
General Assembly members take?

After the Court's 1966 decision, "the General Assembly
terminated South Africa's one-time League of Nations mandate
as a protest against her apartheid policies.""" Subsequently, on
March 8, 1967 four African countries (Egypt, Ethiopia, Ni-
geria and Senegal) suggested a U. N. Program for bringing
South West Africa to I ndependence by June, 1968. 34

30 Atkinson and Neuman, op. cit., p. 148.

31 Stevenson, op. cit.. p. 180. Jessup continued with these observations
"Why should any State institute any proceeding if it lacked standing to
have judgment rendered in its favor if it succeeded in establishing its
legal or factual contentions on the merits? Why would the Court tolerate
a situation in which the parties would be put to great trouble and expense
to explore all the details of the merits, and only thereafter be told that
the Court would pay no heed to all their arguments and evidence because
the case was dismissed on a preliminary ground which precluded any
investigation of the merits?

3:: Higgins, op. cit.. pp. 594-595.

33 "4 U. N. Members Present Program for S-W Africa," The Wash-
ington Post (March 9, 1967), p. A-30.

31 Ibid.

Their proposal "recommends that the Security Council
take enforcement action against the Republic of South Africa
if she should obstruct the creation of a new U. N. Council to
administer and maintain order in the former mandate terri-
tory." 35

However, since none of the big powers are eager for a con-
frontation with South Africa involving the Security Council,
the proposal of these fcur African nations stands almost no
chance of being accepted in its present form. In addition, the
United States Delegate William P. Rogers, has hinted that
the U. S. may unveil a proposal of its own soon.

Nevertheless, the plan is to be one basis for discussion in
the Ad Hoc Committee on South West Africa, which is to report
to a special session of the General Assembly on April 21. 30

Recently, there have been hints that the proposed session
on South West Africa, by the U. N, might be postponed. 37 Sig-
nificantly, these "hints come from Eastern European diplo-
mats." 38

Only five countries are said to be really insistent on holding
the session as planned and they are: Algeria, Guinea, Mali,
Tanzania, and Zambia. Among others, Western, Communist,
and non-aligned alike, there are varying degrees of non-enthu-
siasm. "Latin American members lean toward the African ap-
proach but without the reference to enforcement action or a
specific deadline for indpendence. 39

"Canada, Italy, and the United States, however, advocate
a much more gradual approach to independence by nurturing
self-government.'' ,4l, On the other hand, South Africa has de-
cided to create a separate tribal state of Ovamboland in South
West Africa.

The Soviet Union has been on all sides of the question.
It has appeared to support the African proposal and has de-
nounced the United States and other Western powers but has
also opposed any U. N. presence or enforcement action. 41

Therefore, in 1968, the Vietnam conflict ushered the South
West African Mandate to a back seat position and nothing was
accomplished. By 1969, the U. N. had to focus its attention on
Biafra and the devastating effects of that war on the Nigerian
population. The situation didn't change in 1970. New crises
such as the Middle East crisis, Laos, Cambodia, and Interna-
tional hijacking of airlines focus the U. N.'s attention away
from the South West Africa mandate and the situation has
continued unchanged.

3B Ibid.
"Ibid.

37 Robert Estabrook, "U. N. Hints at Postponing Session on S-W
Africa," The Washington Post (March 27, 1967), p. A-27.
38 Ibid.
3 Ibid.
i0 Ibid.
"Ibid.

100

"THE DOLLYS:

AN ANTEBELLUM BLACK FAMILY

OF SAVANNAH, GEORGIA"

by
Austin D. Washington

The American Revolution defines a historical era. It also,
to a lesser degree, marks the emergence of a black antebellum
family of Savannah, Georgia the Dollys. This extended family
consisted of Quamino Dolly, a Revolutionary "hero", his two
wives, at various times, Juno and Phillis, his daughter Eve and
close relatives Qua Dolly and his sons Quash and London. 1 This
black family was motivated by a strong desire to be free and
economically independent as manifested in the public records
of Chatham County, Georgia.

As a Revolutionary War "hero", Quamino Dolly's 2 impor-
tant role in the English occupation of Savannah was perhaps due
to chance and choice. In the British drive to capture Savannah
in 1778, they were confronted by the Americans commanded by
Major General Robert Howe at a well defended position on the
swampy outskirts of Savannah. Rather than attack the Ameri-
cans frontally, Lieutenant Colonel Archibald Campbell attempt-
ed to find a different route. It was during his reconnaisances
that he found and paid Quiamino Dolly who showed him "a pri-
vate path through the wooded swamps upon the Enemy
right . . . ." 3 The English was thus able to successfully attack
the Americans unperceived from the rear. This defeat of the
Americans resulted in a three year occupation of Savannah by

a The exact relationship of the older members Quamino and Qua is
not known, but the legal records indicate that it was a close kinship.
For a discussion of the extended family see Andrew Billingsley, Black
Families in White America, paperback edition, (Englewood Cliffs, 1968),
p. 9-20.

2 He was sometimes known as Quamino Lawrance Taylor, or Quash.
See Deed Book, 1-6, 64; F. D. Lee and J. L. Agnew, The Historical Rec-
'ord of Savannah (Savannah, 1869), 47; Benjamin Quarles, The Negro in
The American Revolution (Chapel Hill, 1961), 144; C. C. Jones, The His-
tory of Georgia II, (Boston, 1883), 320; William Harden, A History of
Georgia and South Georgia, (Chicago, 1913), 205.

3 Lieutenant Colonel Archibald Campbell to Lord George Germain
January 16, 1779, Facsimiles of Manuscripts in European Archives Re-
lating to America 1773-1783, editor Benjamin F. Stevens, (London, 1889-
98), XII, No. 1247. F. D. Lee and J. L. Agnew, The Historical Record
of Savannah, 45-48. Alexander Lawrence relates Quash's path to present
day Savannah stating that "it crossed the swamps in a wide semicircle
and emerged to the bridge southeast of the town [Savannah] somewhere
in the neighborhood of what is now Gwinnett and East Broad Streets."
See "General Robert Howe and the British Capture of Savannah in 1778''
The Georgia Historical Quarterly (1952), Vol. XXXVI, 317. See also his
Storm Over Savannah (Athens, 1951).

*For a discussion of the American command in Georgia see Kenneth
Coleman, The American Revolution in Georgia (1763-1789), (Athens,
1958), 120; for a discussion of the court martial of General Howe see The
Collections of the New York Historical Society for the Year 1879, New
York, 1879), 213-311.

101

the English. 4

It was perhaps with this reward of parts thereof that en-
abled Quamino to buy his freedom and that of some of his fam-
ily and relatives after the War. The owners of various members
of the Dolly family were the John Hart Richards Family of
Savannah from 1786 to 1788, three members of the Dolly fam-
ily purchased their freedom from this family. London, the son
of Qua Dolly, bought his freedom from Mrs. Martha Richards
in 1786 for five shilling sterlings."' He, in turn, purchased his
relative Eve, the daughter of Quamino and Juno" from the same
family on December 15, 1788 for 45 pounds sterling. Eve gave
London on June 17, 1790 five shilling specie and was, at this
time, considered quasi-free by him. 7 Apparently with a change
of heart, London granted her full freedom on August 10, 1793
and placed in the public records the following statement indica-
tive of her changed status and future support: "To all it may
concern know ye that I agree with Sanders Motto to let him
have his wife Eve to live with him from any molestations and
disturbances from me and the said Sander Motto is to pay me
five dollars per month and is to finus [sic] his said wife Eve
with clothes and provisions . . ." 8

Qua, "formerly the property of John H. Richards but lately
owned by Peter S. Laffitte" was sold his freedom for 30 pounds
sterlings on December 18, 1788. 9 On the same date, Quamino
sometimes "called Quamino Laurance Taylor" bought his free-
dom for 30 pounds species from the Richards family. 10

In addition to buying their freedom, there was the parallel
expansion of the family into other activities. London Dolly on
June 17, 1790 bought Statira and her son Tom for 5 shillings. 11
He found it necessary in 1794 to nominate John Carson as his
guardian "to be the true and lawful guardian of me ... of all
my estate and property of what nature or kind soever which I
am present or shall or may at any time . . . giving unto my said
guardian all such power of authority for this protection of my
person and as usually customarily given ... by guardian of
Free Negroes . . ," 12

Quash also owned property. Richard M. Stilis acting as his
guardian in 1809 purchased James (ca. 42 years old) for $400
from George McKinzie. 13 One year later it was recorded that
Abraham Gray and Sheftall Sheftall acting as guardian for Qua
purchased a plot of land in the Trustee garden near the city of
Savannah for $300.00. 14

Although additional details of this family are lacking, there

''Deed Book, 1-D, 164. All of these volumes are found in the court-
house in Savannah, Georgia.
"Deed Book, 1-G, 396-97.
"Deed Book, 1-H, 181.
e Deed Book, 1-L, 471.
"Deed Book, 1-G, 4.
w Ibid., 64

"Deed Book, 1-H, 180.
Deed Book, 1-M, 244.
13 Deed Book, 2-C, 565.
"Ibid., 273.

102

are some data concerning the wealth and death of its most prom-
inent member, Quamino. Even though the exact date of his death
is not known, it occurred prior to April 5, 1810 for it was on this
date an indenture was made between "Phillis Dolly of Savan-
nah, widow and relict of Quamino Dolly of Savannah deceased,
a free woman of color with the consent and concurrence of Rich-
ard M. Stilis of Savannah attorney-at-law" . . . (guardian.)

According to this will a parcel of land was sold and the re-
maining estate was placed in trust for his wife. Thomas Bourke
bought ''for the consideration of the sum of $5.00 a lot No. G,
No. 9 Washington Ward." The remaining estate as specified
consisted of "all those certain Negro Slaves, male and female
to wit Dinah and her three children Nancy, Sarah, Judy, Isaac,
Patty and future issue and increase . . . cows and their future
increases" was to be placed in trust for Phillis Dolly for life.

The will also made provision for the administration of the
estate during her lifetime which was not to be subjected to the
"control, management direction, or debt of any husband or hus-
bands she may thereafter marry."

At her death the estate was to be divided equally between
London and Quash and the "other half thereof to Eve Motto,
wife of Sanders Motto, not subject to debt, management or
control of the said Sanders, but vested in her guardians for her
sole use and behoof and that of her children . . ." 15

During the Revolutionary era the Dollys partook of the
revolutionary fervor from one member actively aiding the Eng-
lish defeat of the Americans at the seige of Savannah in 1778
to him and other members of the family buying their freedom
and becoming economically secure. From 1786 to 1810, as indi-
cated in the public archives, four members bought their free-
dom, three members bought a total of 12 slaves, and two mem-
bers owned two parcels of land. Such were the activities of the
Dollys of Savannah a forgotten black family of antebellum
Georgia.

Ibid., 470. It is in this will that London and Quash are identified
as the children of Qua Dolly.
*This study was aided by a grant from the Southern Fellowship Fund.

103

"SOME ASPECTS OF EMANCIPATION IN EIGHTEENTH
CENTURY SAVANNAH, GEORGIA"

by
Austin D. Washington

Forty-one years after the official entry of the Negro in
Georgia, the community of free blacks in Georgia numbered 398
in 1790. 1 A large number of this group resided in Savannah and
the environs of Chatham County. The genesis and the growth
of this class in Savannah, like its counterparts throughout Geor-
gia, were due, in part, to the absence of regulatory laws concern-
ing manumission prior to 1800, and also to the different methods
used by blacks to escape from servitude. Among the methods
used were the following: buying one's freedom, gaining it as a
result of blood relations, receiving it as a reward for important
services rendered and running away to freedom.

For a Negro to buy his freedom there must be present,
according to Herbert Apetheker, four conditions:

"the owners had to express a willingness to permit the slave to
buy himself, it had to be possible for the slave to earn and to
retain the money required." Then the owner must "accept in
good faith from his slave the money involved and in return
present him with papers of manumission." 2

During this period, there were many whites and blacks who
were willing to join together in a mutual business transaction of
buying freedom. Among many of the scores of blacks buying
their freedom were the following: Jack Gibbons bought his wife
in 1799 for $400 and in 1801 paid $275 for his two children. 3
Ann Houston, acting for Rachel Moodie in England sold Nanny
her freedom for $428.50 in 1797. 4 In 1794, Tom, a slave, was
sold to James Numes for 55 pieces of sterling, a large part of
which was given by Tom. In return, he was to be given his free-
dom within three years by paying $10 each month until the sum
was paid in full. 5 Fanny, "of the Hybian nation" was granted
her freedom in 1795 for five shillings and other considerations. 6

But in spite of a mutual arrangement between grantor and
grantee, there were sometimes problems resulting from inter-

a Edward F. Sweat, The Free Negro in Antebellum. Georgia, (unpub-
lished Ph.D. dissertation. Department of History, Indiana University,
1957) p. 13. For an account of the methods used by various groups to
legitimize slavery in Georgia see Burnett Vanstory, Georgia's Land of the
Golden Isle (Athens: 1956), p. 5, Merton Coulter, Georgia: A Short His-
tory (Charlotte, 1960), p. 53.

'To Be Free: Essays in American Negro History (New York: 1968)
p. 31.

*Book l-V. p. 427. All of these volumes are located in the Court
House in Savannah, Georgia.

'Ibid., p. 393.

"Book l-R, p. 104.

"Book IS, pp. 211-212.

104

vening variables. For example, Mrs. Elizabeth Whitfield, prior
to her death on June 7, 1790, willed that at her death Adam,
her slave, was to be given six months to pay Dr. Love 7 $250.00.
On August 28, 1797, Adam attempted to pay Dr. Love $250.00
in various species, but Dr. Love refused to accept the money.
Despite this, in 1798, 8 Adam was declared free "agreeable to
the direction and in conformity ... of the last will and testament
of the will of Elizabeth Whitfield." 9

Unlike those blacks who were able to buy their freedom,
emancipation as a reward for faithful service was usually un-
conditional except in those cases in which the grantee paid a
nominal fee of $1.00 or less, or in which there was an age stipu-
lation in the case of the young providing time for prepation for
a vocation. Fartmore, a Negro or Indian slave, was granted his
freedom in 1789 in consideration for his faithful services. 10
Patra, who was an excellent nurse during her owner's sickness
and who possessed exemplary character, was granted her free-
dom in 1797. n In the same year John Brukell willed that at his
death his slave, Ruth, was to be freed and was to be protected
by his heirs and executors. 12

In addition to being emancipated for faithful services, many
blacks were freed due to blood relationships to their owners.
Francis H. Harris of the Parish of Christ Church, ordered and di-
rected that a mulatto boy named Jack, son of his slave Betty,
be supported after his death. He was to be apprenticed until
twenty-one and then set free. 13 Daniel Ross, an overseer near
Savannah, willed in 1770, that the mulatto girl named Sally,
"daughter to my Negro woman Phyllis, her freedom but she
shall live with my friend Mr. Thomas Ross of Christ Church
Parish . . . until she is fifteen" to be educated. 14

In a like manner, Andrew Elliott, a Savannah mariner, gave
the remainder of his estate, real and personal to Isabella, the
daughter of Sylvia Elliott, a free Negro woman living in Gambia,
on the Guinea coast and "the reputed daughter of me" when
she is twenty-one years old and married. 15 David Seion directed
in his will that Hannah, age 23, was "to have and forever enjoy
... all the rights, privileges, emoluments, or advantages as if
she had been free born and whereby she may be entitled to
trade, traffich (sic) in her said name [Hannah Seion] live,
travel and dwell, how where she may judge proper . . , 16

Apparently Adam was sold earlier, prior to Mrs. Whitfield's death.

*Book l-R, pp. 164-166; book 1-S, p. 303.

'Book 1-S, p. 303.

10 Book 1-G, p. 260.

"Book l-R, p. 161.

*-Book 1-T, p. 192. In many wills of this type there was a provision
stating that manumission was to be effective after the death of the
grantor, thus providing the services of the grantor during his lifetime.

,3 Book IB, p. 117.

"Abstracts of the Colonial Wills of the State of Georgia 1733-1777
by Atlanta Town Committee of the National Society Colonial Dames of
America in the State of Georgia for the Department of Archives and
History in the Office of the Secretary of State of Georgia (Atlanta:
1962), p. 119.

1B Ibid., p. 44.

105

But there were many blacks who were not able to gain their
freedom by exemplary services, by self-purchase, or by congenial
circumstances; they simply ran away. And, in doing so they
left to us a portrait of their physical attributes and dress habits,
as gathered from advertisements in local newspapers.

An examination of some Savannah newspapers reveals
that the Negro during the period varied in both physical traits
and dress habits. For example, Dick was a stout heavy male,
yellow-skinned man with dull eyes, who wore ear rings and
"plaits his hair remarkably tight". 17 Adam, a slim country-
born fugutive was noted for "having low and narrow feet." 18
He is very artful and "commonly has his hair tied". 19 Dan
Dewit, an 18 year old runaway, was described as being "stout
limbed, somewhat bowlegged, has small unpleasant, guilty eyes,
never raising them when spoken to, speaks rather thick and
quick". 20 There was also a $30.00 reward offered for three run-
away men "of the Guinea country". These men were Ben, "a
tall stout yellow man" who wore large lead ear rings in his ears;
Joe, "a tall black fellow about six feet tall, has smallpox marks
on his face"; Jack, "about five feet ten inches tall, has large
rings in his ears". None of these men "had any country marck
(sic) or can speak any English." 21

These advertisements also described the various methods
used by blacks to gain emancipation as fugutives. Diana was
described as having "country marks" and spake with an African
accent. She was considered to be artful and "passes self as
free". 22 George, a nativeborn African, was described as being
six feet, 35 years old, dark or "with a very black skin" and was
reported to be very artful and tricky and may pretend sickness
in order to escape. 23 Jack and Ben, a pair of runaway slaves,
were captured on July 15, but they managed to escape again on
the 25th of July because they wanted to get back to Guinea in
Africa. 24 Also, there was Rose (alias Jenny) who ran away with
her husband George, who was able to read and write. It was
believed by the owner, that George will probably furnish her
with a ticket so that she can pass "as a free girl". 25

This is, in part, the history of a number of blacks who by
various methods, attempted to gain freedom and equality in
Georgia.

"Book \-K. pp. 269-270.

"The Georgia Gazette, March 27, 1800.

18 The term "country born" means African born.

""The Georgia Gazette, July 2, 1800.

""Columbia Museum and Savannah Advertiser, April 12, 1803.

21 Ibid., July 23, 1803.

-The Georgia Gazette, March 27, 1800.

106

"THE SAVANNAH EDUCATION ASSOCIATION

1865-1867"

by
Austin D. Washington

"They commence a school for freedom here tomorrow on a
plan similar to that at Hilton Head, I believe I will learn more
of its plan if we stay. It is to be in the Old "Slave Mart." Thus
wrote Rufus Mead, Jr., a member of the Fifth Regiment, Con-
necticut Volunteer Company, who witnessed the prominence
of education in the affairs of the freedmen in Savannah, Georgia
in the wake of the federal occupation in 1864. r It was in January
of 1865 that local blacks formed the Savannah Education As-
sociation 2 "to establish schools for their improvements." 3 The
two years existence of the Savannah Education Association was
a chronicle of the attempts of a group of blacks and their allies
to maintain their schools in the midst of economic collapse and
social unrest.

During the early months of 1865, the Savannah Education
Association was concerned with, among others issues, the selec-
tion of teachers and principals, the establishing, and financing
of its schools. The secretary of the Association was James Por-
ter 4 and the Chairman was Reverend John Cox. 3

In January, 1865, about 15 blacks of Savannah were se-
lected as teachers after being examined by Reverend James
Lynch of the African Methodist Episcopal Church and Reverend
J. W. Alvord, Secretary of the American Tract Society of Bos-
ton. The teachers were paid $15 per month and the two prin-
cipals, Mr. James Porter and Mr. L. B. Toomer 7 were paid $35
per month. 8

\/ Among the school established by the Association were the
Bryan school located in the old Bryan "Slave Mart" and the
Oglethorpe school located in the old confederate hospital. Both
of these buildings were obtained from the quarter-master of
the United States Army. 9 These schools from 1865 to 1867 had,
at various times, from 350 to 700 students. 10

^ufus Mead, Jr. to Dear Folks at Home, Savannah, Georgia Janu-
ary 9, 1865, "With Sherman Through Georgia and Carolina: Letters of
a Federal Soldier" Part II, Georgia Historical Quarterly XXXIII (March,
1949) p. 64.

2 Sometimes referred to as the Colored Educational Association.

3 Freedman , s Record (March, 1866) II, p. 91

"James Porter was born free in 1826 in Charleston, S. C. He was lay
reader and president of the board of wardens and vestry of Saint Ste-
phens Protestant Episcopal Colored Church in Savannah.

5 John Cox was born in 1807 in Savannah. He bought his freedom
in 1849 for $1,100. He was a preacher for some fifteen years and was for
a period pastor of the Second African Baptist Church of Savannah.

e W.E.B. Dubois, Black Reconstruction (New York, 1935) p. 645.

7 L. M. Toomer was a native of South Carolina.

a The Freedmen's Records I (June, 1865) p. 92.

"The Freedmen's Record I (June, 1865) , p. 91

107

The Bryan school was under the supervision of Mr. James
Porter "who had much training [as a teacher] in spite of the
penalties threatened under the old regime." 11 On July 12, 1865,
there was an examination of the students at this school "in
grammar, ancient and modern history, orthography, geography,
arithmetic elucution, singing and declamation." 12 John T. Tow-
bridge, a visitor to the school, noted the irony of a school in
a former slave mart in which "the large auction and behind
barred windows of the jail over it, the children of slaves were
now enjoying one of the first inestimable advantages of free-
dom." 13

The Oglethorpe School was supervised by Mr. L. B. Toom-
er. It was considered by The Loyal Georgian to be "the best
organized of any we visited in Savannah. It is true that the
building which he occupies is the best arranged for schools . . . ."
Mr. Toomer was considered to have "much ability in the man-
agement of the schools." 14

And like the Bryan school it too held examination of its
scholars. The school gave prizes for the "most efficient scholars."
Each of the "competitors for the prizes acquitted themselves
most admirably and too much credit cannot be given to the
able corp of teachers for the skill and proficiency as well as ap-
titude they have displayed in training up these people and by
discipling their reasoning power . . . ." 15

These schools received support from local blacks, the United
States Army, and Northern freedmen's aid societies. During the
organizational period of January, 1865, blacks contributed over
$1,000 to mantain their schools. 16 Using a survey made by
the Freedmen Bureau in which the "place of residence, occu-
pation, and amount of property of all colored persons in Savan-
nah were recorded", the blacks agreed on a plan to make the
colored schools and the Freedmen's hospital self-supporting. 17

Aid was given in a variety of forms. For example, an adver-
tisement in Savannah Daily Herald noted that Reverend James
M. Sims 18 "will deliver a lecture for the benefit of the Educa-
tional Society of Savannah ... on the subject "The Dealing of
God vs. The Dealing of the Nation Upon the Negro Question." 19

10 The number of students varied see The Savannah Daily Republi-
can, March 25, 1865; Ibid October 10, 1865; J. W. Alvord, Letters From
South (Washington, 1870) 12; Savannah Daily Herald April 19, 1865.

"The Freedmen's Record I (June, 1865) p. 91.

^Savannah Daily Republican

"The Desolated South (1865-1866) A Picture of the Battlefield and
Devastated Confederacy (New York; nd) pp. 271-272.

11 (Augusta) March 17, 1866.

^-'Savannah Daily Republican. March 25, 1865.

ie The Freedmen's Record I (February, 1865) p. 34; J. W. Alvord,
Letters From the South Relating to the Conditions of the Freedmen,
Addressed to Major O. O. Howard (Washington, D. C, 1870) p. 12.

"Reports of Assistant Commissions Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen
and Abandoned Lands. Senate Executive Documents 39th Congress 1st.
Session, Number 27 (Serial 1238) 1865 p. 124.

18 James M. Sims was born in Savannah and bought his freedom in
1857 for $740.00. He was, prior to the Civil War, a carpenter, preacher,
fiTifi f oi c\\ or

"Ibid., p. 92; The Savannah Daily Herald, April 26, 1865.

108

The Belton Minstrels offered a public invitation to Mr. James
Porter to give a complimentary benefit to aid the Association
"which has done and is still doing so much to enlighten and ele-
vate our people. Should this proposition meet with your ap-
proval, you will please answer properly name the night and
oblige." Mr. Porter answered the same day stating on "behalf
of the Association and the humble beneficiaries you will please
allow me to accept the same and return many thanks." 20

In addition to these financial attempts by blacks the Sa-
vannah Education Association was given support by the United
States Army and the Northern freedmen's aid societies. In
January, 1865, the United States Army gave rations and per-
mitted the Savannah Education Association use of confiscated
buildings as school houses. 21 In the summer of that year the
Army began to give more direct aid. Referring to an order issued
by Post Commander General Woodford the Savannah Daily
Herald noted that prior to this order the education of colored
children "have been left entirely to the charities of private in-
dividuals. The present order is intended to give the colored
children the same education in the public schools as now enjoy-
ed by whites." 22

In a like manner, on July 12, 1865, the Savannah Daily
Republican congratulated General Woodford for exerting his
influence to secure a fair appropriation [from the Post Fund]
for the establishment of these free schools. We earnestly hope
that the government will continue to sustain these schools now
that they have proved so complete a success. 23

But this military and local support was not enough. In
March, 1866, it was noted by The Loyal Georgian that the Sa-
vannah Education Association "have failed to pay the teachers
for several months and that without pay, they have continued
to labor for welfare of their people." 24

It was the Northern freedmen aid societies which increas-
ingly came to the aid of the Savannah Education Association.
In the first months of the existence of the Savannah Education
Association, the New England Freedmen's Aid Society "without
interfering with the management of a work so well begun . . .
offered them assistance whenever they should need it." 25 The
American Missionary Association in 1865 brought "a great need
supply of books with which they furnished the other
schools . . . ," 26

It was this latter group which became intricately woven
with the history of the Savannah Education Association. In
1865, General Saxton, commander of the region appointed Rev-
erend S. W. McGill of the American Missionary Association

20 The Savannah Daily Republican, August 4, 1865.

261 Bell Irvin Wiley, The Southern Negro (1861-1865) (New Haven,
Conn., 1965) p. 279. The Freedmen's Record I (June, 1865) p. 91.
22 July 17, 1865.

23 July 12, 1865; The Savannah Daily Herald; Ibid June 17, 1865.
24 March 17, 1866.

25 Freedman's Record II (March, 1866) p. 91.
The Freedmen's Record I (June, 1865) p. 91.

109

superintendent of schools for the Freedmen in Eastern Georgia
embracing of Savannah and vicinity. 27 Under his supervision by
April, 1865, there were new schools established with an enroll-
ment of one-thousand students and an evening session "for men
at which between three and four-hundred students attend." 28
By 1867, the American Missionary Association had merged with
the Savannah Education Association. In January 1, 1868, this
new group occupied a new eight-room school house built by the
Freedmen's Bureau at a cost of $15,000 29 and dedicated as The
Beach Institute?

The Savannah Education Association was a local "freedom"
organization born in the turmoil of the Civil War as an effort of
Savannah blacks to manifest their freedom. Using their meager
financal resources and native educated blacks as teachers and
principals, the Savannah Education Association established sev-
eral schools among which were the Bryan and the Oglethorpe
schools. At various times, the Savannah Education Association
was unable to maintain these schools and the United States
Army and Northern freedman aid societies came to their aid.
One of these Northern groups, the American Missionary Asso-
ciation, merged in 1867 with the Savannah Education Associa-
tion establishing a consolidated and better equipped school
The Beach Institute. The hopes and dreams of a former genera-
tions of slaves lived on.

"Savannah Daily Herald; April 19, 1865.

" s Freedtnen's Record I (June, 1865) p. 91.

"Savannah Daily Herald; October 3, 1867; Ibid August 1, 1867.

=0 J. W. Alford, Letters From The South, p. 12. The school was named
in honor of Alfred E. Beach editor of the Scientific America who pur-
chased and donated the ground upon which the building stands. See
Richard B. Drake, "The American Missionary Association and the Sou-
tern Negro 1861-1888" (unpublished Ph d. dissertation. Emorv Univer-
sity, 1959) p. 298, The National Saving Bank (Washington, D. C.) June
1, 1868; The Savannah Daily Republican, March 25, 1865.

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