Faculty Research Edition of The Savannah State College Bulletin

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FACULTY

RESEARCH

EDITION

of

The Savaimah State
College Bulletin

Volume 24, No. 2 December, 1970

Published by

SAVANNAH STATE COLLEGE

STATE COLLEGE BRANCH
SAVANNAH, GEORGLi

Editorial Policies Which Govern The
Savannah State College Research Bulletin

1. The Bulletin should contain pure research, as well as creative
writing, e.g., essays, poetry, drama, fiction, etc.

2. Manuscripts that have already been published or accepted
for publication in other journals will not be included in the
Bulletin.

3. While it is recommended that the Chicago Manual of Style
he followed, contributors are given freedom to employ other
accepted documentation rules.

4. Although the Bulletin is primarily a medium for the faculty
of Savannah State College, scholarly papers from other
faculties are invited.

IxJ

FACULTY RESEARCH EDITION

of
The Savannah State College Bulletm

Published by

The Savannah State College

Volume 24, No. 2 Savannah, Georgia December, 1970

Howard Jordan, Jr., President

Editorial Committee

Joan L. Gordon Willie G. Tucker

S. M. Julie Maggioni Hanes Walton

A. J. McLemore, Chairman

Articles are presented on the authority of their writers, and neither
the Editorial Committee nor Savannah State College assumes respon-
sibility for the views expressed by contributors.

Contributors

Dr. Charles A. Asbury, Chairman, Department of Education

and Psychology, Fayetteville State

University, Fayetteville, North Carolina

Dr. Kailash Chandra, Associate Professor
Savannah State College, Savannah^ Georgia

Mr. Joseph L. Knuckles, Department of Biological and Physical

Sciences, Fayetteville State College

Fayetteville, North Carolina

Mr. Joseph M. McCarthy, Executive Assistant to the Director

Institute of Human Sciences, Boston College,

Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts

Dr. Manchery P. Menon, Professor Chemistry
Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia

Dr. Kamalakar B. Raut, Professor Chemistry,
Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia

Mrs. Jacqueline Stephens, Instructor English
Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia

Dr. Hanes Walton, Jr., Associate Professor Social Sciences,
Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia

TABLE OF CONTENTS

The Structure of Psychology As A Scientific Discipline

Charles A. Asbury .'5

3100 A Band System of Water

Kailash Chandra .11

On the Threshold and Residual Number of

Salmonella schottmuelleri in Phormia regina^

Joseph L. Knuckles 17

The Boston's Pilot's Editorial Stance on Slavery
and Secession: A Study in Decision

Joseph M. McCarthy 25

Spectrophotometric Determination of Boron in the
Submicrogram Range*

Manchery P. Menon 43

Studies in the Reactivity of Certain Aliphatic
Polyhalogen Compounds, Part 1*
Reactions of Heptachloroethane

Kamalakar B. Raut 49

Dimensions of Interest Inventories and Their
Implications for Reading Classes

Jacquelyn W. Stephens 51

Toward a Theory of Proving One-Party Systems
In Africa As Democratic: The Case of Tanii

Hanes Walton, Jr 55

THE STRUCTURE OF PSYCHOLOGY AS A
SCIENTIFIC DISCIPLINE

Charies A. Asbury*

Psychology is an empirical science concerned with the behavior of
conscious, living organisms. The subject matter of psychology is behaviour:
its causes, its manifestations, and its consequences. In its strictest sense the
behavior of focal concern is that which can be observed, although
inferences may often be made concerning processes which may not be
directly observable in the physical sense.

The assumptions made by psychology are by and large empirical ones.
That is, they are assumptions about facts. These are statements about
observable events which can be verified or contradicted by suitable
observations (Cronbach, 1963).

As stated above, the subject matter of psychology is behavior. To the
psychologist behavior is always relevant, purposeful, and caused. Thus, a
prime goal of psychology is the valid determination of what the causes are
and the interrelationship among causes. Another necessary assumption is
that behavior is regular and lawful. Thus, psychology seeks to discover the
laws of events, based on the assumptions that behavior can be studied
through careful observation and interpretation (Combs and Snygg, 1959).

Observations about behavior have been organized in a multitude of
ways, depending upon the problems the psychologists were trying to
understand. These attempts at understanding range from two broad
general approaches, called frames of reference, to a great number of
smaller theories developed for dealing with more limited aspects of
behavior.

The two broad frames of reference are the "external" or "objective"
approach and the "perceptual" or "phenomenological" approach (Combs
and Snygg, 1959). In the former view the behavior is examined from an
outside observer's point of view. This has been called S-r psychology
because it attempts to explain behavior, or the response (r) of the subject,
in terms of the stimulus (s) to which he appears to be reacting. The latter
approach seeks to understand the behavior of the individual from his
ownpoint of view. In this view people behave as a consequence of how
they perceive and interpret stimuli rather than solely because of external
forces acting upon them. The two general frames of reference approach
problems using apparently different sets of basic postulates. To the
perceptual psychologist all behavior, without exception, is completely
determined by, and pertinent to, the perceptual field of the behaving
organism (Combs and Syngg, 1959). To the S-r psychologists, all forms of
complex behavior may be reduced to more discrete elemental units
consisting of associations and connections occurring in the nervous system

Dr. Charles A. Asbury is Chairman, Department of Education and
Psychology at Fayetteville State University, Fayetteville, North
Carolina.

between stimuli and responses. The goals of both frames of reference are
the same; that is, they seek to understand and explain behavior. They
differ, however, in their tenninology, and especially their explanation of
the operation and function of basic processes.

Psychologists are interested in discovering what variables are related to
behavior. This idea may be summarized by saying that behavior is the
dependent variable in psychology. The dependent variable in scientific
work is the event the scientist seeks to understand. This is also referred to
as the response variable (Kendler, 1963). The factors responsible for the
occurence of responses are called independent variables. Independent
variables are investigated to discover their effect on the dependent
variable. The independent variables in psychology can be divided
conveniently into three groups: (1) stimulus variables, (2) organismic
variables, and (3) response variables (Kendler, 1963). A stimulus is any
property of the environment. Organismic variables denote characteristics
of the subject. That is, the differences among the subjects themselves may
become the focal point of the experimenter's attention. Organismic
variables may be further subdivided into those which are characteristic of
the species and individual. Such characteristics are important to the
psychologist because they may be related to behavior. The response variable
may also be an independent variable in the sense that one set of responses
may be related to another set of responses (Kendler, 1963). Essentially, this
is a matter of predicting future behavior from knowledge of present
behavior.

Independent variables are related to behavior either historically or
concurrently. A historical relationship exists when an organism's response
can be traced to a past event. A concurrent relationship exists when the
response can be traced to an event occurring at the same time (Kendler,
1963). A response can be a function of a stimulus, organismic, or response
variable which occurs coincidentally with the dependent response variable
itself (concurrent relationship), or a response can be a function of a
stimulus, organismic, or response variable which precedes the occurrence
of the dependent response variable (historical relationship). These
constitute the possible relationships between the basic variables in
psychology.

Analysis of the stucture of psychology must also include some
consideration of the development of theories as an adjunct to analyzing
relationships. Theories aid in understanding facts already discovered and in
the prediction of new facts. The basis of this formulation is the theoretical
construct. Theoretical constructs are abstract terms representing
relationships between directly observable variables, such as a stimulus
situation and a response. For example, the concept of habit is one of a
large number of contructs used by psychologists (Kendler, 1963). It is
inferred from observable events.

Theoretical constructs can be summarily applied to an immense
variety of situations and behaviors, and thus, assist in establishing
uniformity among very different psychological phenomena. By and large
the theoretical constucts are stated as concepts which are quite numerous
and refer to wide ranges of behavior. There are some problems cormected

with this. In the first place the same notion or idea as a construct may be
called by different names by different psychologists. Also, different
constructs may be called by the same name. Further, different
psychologists with different frames of reference are likely to disagree
concerning the existence of a construct or its usefulness as an explanation.
These are formidable problems which are inherent in the nature of theory
construction and which reflect in no small way, the relative immaturity of
the science. Nontheless, an attempt will now be made to discuss some of
the more generic and mutually agreed upon concepts which are either
stated or implied in a review of the literature.

The major processes affecting behavior may be summarized under six
basic concepts. These are: (1) perception, (2) motivation, (3) learning, (4)
cognition, (5) emotion, and (6) intelligence. Other terms, and lesser
concepts may be subsumed under these basic ones. Further, when
considered collectively, they serve as the basic content of areas in
psychology such as personality. That is, the interplay of relations which
these concepts represent, is (or at least, should be) the fulcrum for the
study of personality in total and behavior in general. Although this list
could be extended and/or modified, it is felt that the above mentioned
represents inclusions sufficiently basic and comprehensive for focusing on
the concerns of psychology as a discipline. Their content as entities and
their use as labels for relationships between variables are viewed as targets
for study in the attempt to theorize and understand most, if not all
behavior. Each concept will now briefly be discussed as it fits into the
foregoing rationale and relates to the variables discussed earlier.

Perception as awareness and interpretation, is the essential ingredient
of experience. Motivation includes the nonstimulus and internal variables
affecting behavior (English, 1958). Learning is viewed as the inferred
construct stating the relationship between the situation and response which
results in a change in said behavior. Cognition is a generic term for any
process whereby an organism becomes aware or obtains knowledge
(English, 1958). Although related to motivation, emotion is included as a
complex feeling state accompanied by motor and glandular activities.
Intelligence is included as a construct representing the complex
constellation of all types of abilities of the organism to perform at varying
levels of appropriateness. As stated earlier, the subject matter of
psychology is behavior. The foregoing concepts constitute the basic
substantive structure which must be considered in attempts to understand
and explain it.

THE NATURE OF PSYCHOLOGICAL INQUIRY

Broadly defined, psychological inquiry is about something that can be
repeatedly observed ~ a concept and a relationship among concepts
(Hyman, 1964). Thus, like all scientific inquiry, it is about concepts and
their relationships. Conceptual systems serve as guides to inquiry within
the context of the discipline as a whole, indicating a reciprocal relationship
between content and method. At its present stage of maturity, however.

the methods have been more enduring than the conceptual systems.
Fortunately, the methods used by psychologists have been sufficiently
stalwart to make the necessary transitions.

Consisting of a set of interrelated concepts, the discipline explores and
tests its concepts by (1) the accumulation of data through observation,
and (2) the organization of data into frames of reference, theories, or
systems which make understanding useful and meaningful. The standard
for psychological knowledge is that it must be empirical. This means that
repeated observations by different observers must be in agreement. This
further means that psychological inquiry must be undertaken in such
manner as to eliminate or substantially reduce the errors of observation
which contaminate statements of empirical facts. The psychologist's quest
for knowledge is a continuing effort to achieve accuracy and reduce error
in propositions setting forth the facts (Ray, 1964).

The psychologist's observations of people and the ways in which they
behave, have been made with every degree of control, ranging from
informal observations of a group of children in a playground to precise
measurements of the conditioned eye blink. The major portion of such
behavioral data is of normative or objective character. That is, observations
are made from the point of view of an outsider: someone other than the
behaver himself (Combs and Snygg, 1959).

Underwood (1966) includes three types of research approaches as
follows: (1) maturalistic observation, (2) the correlational or psychometric
approach, and (3) the experimental method. The application of each
results in somewhat different levels of understanding of behavior.
Naturalistic observation involves the recording of behavior as it occurs in a
more or less natural setting with no attempt to intervene. Correlational
research is most closely identified with use of standardized tests.
Essestially, it involves studying relationships between variables directly.
The experimental method is by far the most sophisticated and allows for
control of irrelevant variables which may contaminate the one whose
effect we are interested in studying. An essential set of tools used to
analyze data resulting from either method is found in statistics.

SUMMARY

There is now a sufficient body of related knowledge to begin the
rudiments of a more comprehensive conceptual system in psychology. This
conceptual system, if possible to achieve, would serve as a frame of
reference for future research and the generating of fruitful hypothesis.
Psychologists from different schools of thought are not nearly as far apart
as they were a few generations ago. In fact, they agree on more points than
they differ. All in all, psychology as a discipline is still relatively immature
in comparison with some other fields, but it's nature and scope are rigidly
defined by it's logic and method. Along with loftiness of goals it also has
high standards for truth in common with more mature sciences. These
would seem to indicate a healthy and optimistic projection for the future
of psychology as a scientific discipline.

8

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Combs, Arthur W. and Snygg, Donald, Individual Behavior. New York: Harper &

Row, Inc., 1959.
Cronbach, Lee J., Educational Psychology. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World Inc.,

1963.
English, Horace B. and English, AvaC, A Comprehensive Dictionary of Psychological

and Psychoanalytical Terms. New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1958.
Hyman, Ray, The Nature of Psychological Inquiry. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey:

Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1964.
Kendler, Howard H., Basic Psychology. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1963.
Ray, William S., The Science of Psychology. New York: The MacmiUan Co., 1964.
Stagner, Ross, Psychology. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., Inc., 1952.
Underwood, Benton J., Experimental Psychology. New York:

Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1966.

10

3100 A BAND SYSTEM OF WATER
+KAILASH CHANDRA,

Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia

INTRODUCTION

Although an exact calculation of the energy of the lowest triplet state
of H2O is lacking, previous theoretical approximations by Niira (1) and
Laidler (2) predicted the lowest state ofHOto lie below the first singlet
state. A semiempirical estimate (3) of the smglet-triplet transition energy
can be inferred from the work of La Paglia (4) to be 'v 3.8 ev. The
importance of this triplet state in the radiation chemistry of water was
discussed at the National Research Council's conference (5) on Basic
Mechanisms in Radiobiology. Since that time at least three researchers in
electron Physics, (Schulz (6), Raff (7), and Compton (3, 8) ) have reported
a broad inelastic loss process for electron in water vapour with an onset
between 3.5 and 4.4 e.v. Larzul (9) and co-workers utilized a new
differential absorption technique and detected a broad absorption in water
between 2600 and 3000A. Henriksen (10) reported a few emission bands
in the region 3090-3022A for a mixture of CO and Argon gas which
proved to be elusive and did not appear following every filling of the
discharge tube under identical conditions each time. It was suspected that
these bands were due to an impurity of water vapour. Stickler and
Arakawa (1 1) observed similar bands from Argon, at pressures of the order
of 1 atm, excited by a particles and associated them with the presence of
water vapor. Brocklehurst (12) also found two band heads in an emission
of Argon excited by X-rays at 3078 and 3088 *5A but he identified them
as the Q-heads of the 3064 band (the 0,0 band of 2G^27r transition) of
OH molecule. We have observed (13) about fifteen bands in the region
3090-3020A from an excitation of a mixture of H2O, CeFg and Xenon.
These bands, which were observed each time following every filling of the
discharge tube, are analysed and the results are reported in this paper.

EXPERIMENTAL METHOD AND RESULTS*

Spectrograms of the 3100A system of the mixture ofH20,C6F6 and
Xenon were photographed on a Baush and Lomb Quartz spectrograph
having a reciprocal dispersion of 4A/mm in the region 3000A. The mixture
was excited in an ozonise type discharge tube using a four mega cycle
exciter and the spectra were recorded on Kodak 103-0 plates using
exposure times of three to four hours. Metal valves were used in the
vacuum system which was baked at 400C and evacuated to 10"^ Torr.
each time before filling the quartz ozoniser tube. Reagent grade xenon was
obtained in break seal flasks from Air Reduction Company; the

*Work done at the University of Georgia

11

hexafluorobenzene was quoted by Pierce Chemical Company to exceed
98% purity. High purity water was obtained from the Southeastern water
Laboratory.

Excitation of the mixture of Xenon (at pressure of 50-75 cm of
mercury) at CgFg (at pressures just to allow the discharge at room
temperature) resulted in an appearance of a band system around 3400A,
which has been assigned to XeF molecule by krishnamachari, Narasimham
and Singh (14), along with weak SiF and C2 Bands. When a very small
amount of water vapor was added to the mixture of Xenon and
hexaflouorobenzene and the mixture was excited, a new band system
around 3100A, along with 3043 AC-H band and above mentioned bands,
appeared which could not be assigned to any known molecules like
0H,C2, CHO and H2CO. The vibrational structure of this band system,
which consists of Violet degraded bands extending from 3090-3020A,
suggested that it should be assigned to H2O molecule. On exciting the
mixture of H2O and xenon, the 3064 band oflExln transition of OH
appeared suggesting that HgO molecules were completely dissociated in H
and OH radicals. The presence ofC Fg vapour was found necessary to check
the complete dissociation of HO molecules and to obtain this band system.

Measurements are made using iron arc emission lines as wavelength
standards. The measured wavelenths and frequencies of the bands with
visually estimated intensities are given in Table 1. The band at 3022.7 A
and the vibrational bands associated with it are called the a system
(^Bi -> 'Ai transition) while the band at 3086.3 A and other bands
associated with it are reported as /3 system (^ Aj-^* Aj transition).

DISCUSSION

The lowest electron configuration of water molecule is reported (15)
to be (iai)2 (2aj)2 (ib2)2 (3a^)2 (ibj)2 , and the ground state of the
molecule belongs to ^A^ symmetry. ^B^, ^Bj energy levels arise when an
electron is excited from the bi orbital to the Rydberg orbitals (3sai) or
(3pai). The excitation of an electron from 3ai orbital to Rydberg orbital
3sai and from Ibi orbital to Rydberg orbital 3pbi give rise to ^Ai ,^Ai states.
The singlet - singlet transitions of H2O molecules have been reported by
Watson (16) and Wilkinson and Johnston (17) and Bell (18) respectively.
These singlet - singlet (S-^S) transitions are both spin and symmetry
allowed transitions. The triplet->-singlet (T^S) transitions, ^B^^^A^ and
^Ai^ ^Ai,are symmetry allowed but spin forbidden. They should also
appear as weak transitions due to spin orbit coupling X^Bi and ^ Ai states
with ^Ai and *Bi states respectively (19). In these transitions, the 0,0
band should be present and the totally symmetric vibrations would be
directly superposed over the 0,0 transition.

The band spectra lying between 3090A - 3020A, which is attributed
to T-^S transitions, is weak. It is according to the expectations because the
energy gap between singlet states *Ai and^Bj and triplet states ^Bj and-'Ai
is great enough ('VS ev) which will allow a weak interaction only. The
band at 3022. 7A and the vibrational bands associated with it (a system)

12

form a sequence aV = with 1595 cm-^ as ground state (V) and 1405
cm-i as excited state (v') fundamental. The bands at 3086.3, 3081.5,
3076.5, 3072.3 and 3068.3A are mentioned as system. These are (0,0)^,
(1,1), (2,2), (3,3) and (4,4) transitions of a fundamental which has the
value of 1595 cm-^ in the ground state and 1647 cm^^ in the excited state.
Bell (18) has reported 1407 cm-^ as the value of (V2) totally symmetric
bending vibration of HjO molecule in ^Bi and ^Ai states respectively
while the ground state value for this fundamental is 1595 cm*^ . The values
of the ground and excited state bending vibration in the a- and i3- system
reported here are nearly the same as given by Bell (18) in the singlet-singlet
(*Ai->iAi and ^Ai->^Bi) transitions (Table II).

The appearance of av = sequence only in both a and ^ system
suggests that the potential functions in ground and excited states are
nearly alike. Similar to the spectra (20, 21) of CF2 and Si Fj, no evidence
for an excitation of the symmetrical stretching vibration of triplet states of
water molecule is found. This absence further suggests that the Vj" = Vj'
and that the bond-lengths are closely similar in the ground and excited
states of both T->S transitions. These observations are in conformity with
John's analysis (22) of the 0,0 band of the first member of np ai ^Bj
series of HjO and the conclusion (15) derived from the observation of
simple Rydberg series with little vibrational structure that in the Rydberg
states the X-H distance and H-X-H angle are not very different from the
values in the ground states, and that the symmetry is the same, i.e., Cgv-
This type of intensity distribution is found (15) in many Rydberg
transitions of pdyatomic molecules, e.g. CHj, CH3 .... indicating that the
ion has a potential function that is very similar to that of a neutral
molecule. Taking all these facts into consideration, the a system (3079.0A
- 3022.7A) and ^ system (3088.6A - 3068.3A) are assigned to ^Bi->i A 1
and^Ai--*Ai transitions of H2O molecule respectively.

Every band of a and |3 system is accompanied with a band head
towards longer wavelength at a separation of about 25 cm-^ . Bell (18) has
also observed two strong peaks in the bands of a systems of S^S
transitions, which are separated by 19 and 13 cm-^ in H2O and D2O
respectively. The appearance of these band heads seems to be due to the
rotational structure. These bands appear so weak that every attempt to
resolve their rotational structure with an Ebert spectrograph (Plate factor -
0.49 A/mm in third order of grating) has failed so far.

REFERENCES

1. K. Niira, J. Phys. Soc. of Japan, 7, 193 (1952).

2. K. J. Laider, J. Chem. Phys. 22, 1740 (1954).

3. R. N. Compton, R.H. Huebner, P.W. Reinhardt and L.G.
Christophorou, J. Chem. Phys., 48, 901 (1968).

4. S. R. LaPaglia, J. Chem. Phys., 41, 1427 (1964).

5. Basic Mechanisms in Radiobiology-1 1. Physical and Chemical Aspects
(National Research Council, Washington, D.C. 1953) pp67-68, 95-97.

13

6. G. J. Schulz,J.Chem,Phys.,33,1661(1960).

7. L. M. Raff, dissertation, University of Illinois, (1962).

8. R. N. Compton and L.G. Christophorou, Bull. Am. Phys. Soc, Ser. II,
11,817(1966).

9. H. Larzul, F. Gelebart and A. Johannin-GiUes, Compte. Rend. Paris,
261,4701(1965).

10. P. N. Henriksen, BuU. Am. Phys. Soc, 8,555 (1963).

11. T. D. Strickler and E.T. Arakawa, J. Chem. Phys., 41, 1783 (1964).

12. B. Brocklehurst, J. Chem. Phys., 42, 1852 (1965).

13. K. Chandra and CD. Cooper, Bull. Am. Phys. Soc, 15, 164 (1970).

14. S.L.N.G. Krichnamachari, N.A. Narasimham and M. Singh, Current
Science, 3, 75 (1965).

15. G. Herzberg, Molecular Spectra and Molecular Structure, Vol. Ill, (D.
Van Nostrand Company Inc. Princeton, New Jersey 1967), pp 149,
341,489-490.

16. J.K.G. Watson, Can. J. Phys., 43, 1996 (1965).

17. P.G. Wilkinson and H.L. Johnston, J. Chem. Phys., 18 190 (1950).

18. S. Bell, J. Mol. Spectry, 16, 205 (1965).

19. Molecular Spectroscopy of the Triplet States, (Princton Hall Inc.,
Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1969) pp. 203.

20. B.A. Thrush and J.J. Zwolenik, Trans. Faraday. Soc, 59, 582 (1963).

21. V.M. Khanna, G. Besenbruch and J.L. Margrave, J. Chem. Phys., 46,
2310(1967).

22. J.W.C. Johns, Can. J. Phys., 41, 209 (1963).

14

TABLE I
Assignments of H2 Band

Wave-Number OBi-iAi) (^Aj-iAi)

Band Head Wave-Length Wave-Number & System* B System*

Designation (Angstrom) (cm-i) Assignment* (v'2'v"2) Assignment* iy\y"2)

A
B

3088.6
3086.3

32368
32392

^1

(0,0)

C
D

3083.8
3081.5

32418
32442

'

^2

(1,1)

E
F

3079.0
3076.5

32469
32495

4

(3,3)

^3

(2,2)

G
H

3075.3
3072.3

32518
32539

/34

(3,3)

I
J

3070.3
3068.3

32561
32582

135

(4,4)

K
L

3060.8
3058.2

32661
32689

3

(2,2)

^5

(4,4)

M
N

3042.7
3040.2

32857
32883

2

(1,1)

3022.7

33073

1

(0,0)

* The excited state and ground state vibrational quantum numbers of V2
fundamental of Hj are given.

15

TABLE II
Fundamental Frequencies of H^

Excited State

Ground State

(a)

1240 A Band System

(b)

3088 A Band System

^A,

^Bi

^A,

^B,

'A,

Vl

Cm-

1 3657

3179

3268

V2

Cm-

1 1595

1407

1636

1405

1647

V3

Cm-

1 3756

(a) W. S. Benedict, N. Gailar and E. K. Plyler, J. Chem. Phys., 24, 1139
(1956).

(b) S. Bell, J. Mol. Spectry, 16, 205 (1965)

16

On The Threshold and Residual Numbers of
Salmonella schottmuelleri In Phormia regina ^

Joseph L. Knuckles
Department of Biological and

Physical Sciences
Fayetteville State University
Fay etteville, North Carolina

Since 1940, the role of nonbiting flies as potential vectors of enteric
pathogens has been reconsidered. Much of the extant literature has been
cited in (1, 2) and other papers. Therefore, the findings of only a few
pertinent studies will be mentioned.

Survival of enteric pathogens in axe nic ally and nonaxenically reared
immature stages (3) and in adult Musca domestica (1) and in pupal and
adult Phormia regina (2) has been demonstrated. Decided multiplication of
Shigella and Salmonella in house flies fed bacteria (1) was questioned by
Lindsay and Scudder (4) who felt that the technique used in handling fly
excreta permitted significant multiplication in the receiving saline prior to
platin. Knuckles (2) showed that Salmonella typhimurium and Salmonella
schottmuelleri multipHed extensively in Phormia regina fed these species.
The point in question relative to (1) was void in (2) because a more
restricted fecal collection period was observed and non-nutrient agar was
the collecting medium. The existence of infectivity thresholds for
pathogens in houseflies (1), the transmission o{ Salmonella sp. from fly to
fly via infectious feces (5), and the estabHshed correlation between fly
population and shigellosis (6, 7) suggest a need for more basic studies on
fly-bacteria relationships. Original bacterial threshold and residual studies
are presented in this paper.

METHODS AND MATERIAL

Eggs oviposited on stale fish by 6 day-old or older stock flies were
transferred to a vial and washed in 1.5 ml. of saline solution for from 3-5
min. The saline solution was decanted and the ova were then washed from
3-5 min. in 70% ethanol. Subsequently, the disinfectant was replaced with
a second volume of itself and the eggs remained in it for from 5-10 min.
They were then thoroughly washed in saline solution. The saline was
discarded and the ova were then transferred to a larval medium (8) in the
feeding flask of an apparatus for rearing larvae and paupae, aseptically (9).
This apparatus consisted of a 1000 ml. (feeding) and a 250 ml. (pupation)
Erlenmeyer flask. An inverted L-shaped piece of glass tube was affixed
near the junction of the body and neck of the large flask and its distal end
inserted into the mouth of the smaller flask which contained an inch layer

^ A portion of a dissertation in the Department of Zoology and Entomology, and
Bacteriology, University of Connecticut, Storrs, Connecticut.

17

of sawdust. Each flask was plugged with cotton and the apparatus was
then incubated at 26 C.

Aseptically reared pupae were transferred from a pupation flask to
vials which were then plugged with cotton. Emerging adult flies were lightly
anaesthetized, individually mounted on paraffin blocks, and suspended
over individual excrement collecting dishes on a rotable rack (10).

Mounted flies were fed measured numbers of Salmonella
schottmuelleri with a potometer (1) graduated in thousandths of a
milliliter, 24 hours after being restrained. Each insect was then fed ad lib.
on 0.5 m sucrose solution twice daily as a maintenance diet. A tube of the
maintenance solution was used for only a single feeding to prevent
contamination. Stock flies were sustained on 0.5 mucrose and a 2% beef
extract solution.

In one threshold experiment (Table 1), a small dish of 2%
non-nutrient agar was placed under each fly on each of 9 days immediately
after their morning meal and fecal collections were made for 20 min.
thereafter. Separate fecal samples were made daily for each insect by
transferring excrement to 2 ml. of distilled water. Similiarly , individual gut
samples were made on the tenth day or day of fly deaths with the teased
gut of each fly. Gut and fecal samples were used in the study of residual
bacteria (Table 3), but a 7 hour fecal collection period was observed.

Bacteria were enumerated by the dilution method. One tenth milliliter
of a well agitated fecal or gut sample was serially diluted out in 9 tubes,
each of which contained 1.5 ml. of distilled water. One milliliter from each
dilution was then transferred to separate tubes of selenite-F -broth (SFB).
All inoculated media were incubated at 37 C for 24 hours.

Streaks were made on SS agar from the two highest dilutions showing
growth in SFB. Growth from colonies typical of Salmonella schottmuelleri
was fished to triple sugar iron agar (TSIA) slants, phenol red tartrate agar
(PRTA) shakes, and urea (UB) broth. The identity of Salmonellaa
schottmuelleri was based on negative PRTA and UB tests, and positive
TSIA and macroscopic slide agglutionation tests.

Bacterial suspensions were prepared by washing growth from a
24-hour old slant culture with 0.5 m sucrose solution and adjusting a
quantity of it turbidometrically to match a McFarland nephelometer
stanard No. 0.5 (= 15x10 7 cells/ml). This suspension was diluted further
with distilled water to regulate the number of bacteria to be ingested by the
flies. A reasonable approximation of the numbers of sc/zof/miie/Zen ingested
by the flies was determined by recording the volume of suspension fed each
fly.

All bacteriological media were sterilized as prescribed on their original
containers. Flies were disinfected in a 1% aerosol - 1% sodium hydroxide -
5% formaldehyde solution (v:v:v:) for 15-20 min. The intact larval rearing
apparatus and the various solutions were sterilized at 15 pounds of steam
pressure for 15-20 min. Forceps, swab sticks, pipettes and glassware were,
sterilized in a hot air oven.

18

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Sixty determinations performed on the excreta and gut of 6 flies fed
from 8,000 - 13,000 Salmonella schottmuelleri showed an average of less
than a single bacterium per fly per day (Table 1). Only one of these flies
was positive for the test microbe during a 10 day period. Four hundred
bacteria were found in this specimen. Seventy determinations made on the
feces and gut of 7 flies fed from 15,000 - 18,000 schottmuelleri showed an
average of 2.8 bUIion bacteria per fly per day (Table 1). These flies were
positive for schottmuelleri throughout the 10 day period. In a seond
experiment (Table 2), determinations made on gut samples during a 10
day period from specimens fed from 5,000 - 13,000 bacteria gave similiar
results as obtained in the first experiment. Three and two-tenth million
bacteria were detected on the seventh day in a single insect fed 14,000
bacteria. ^ _

These data show that Salmonella schottmuelleri not only survives in
but undergoes extensive multiplication in the gut of aseptically reared
Phormia regina when they are fed a single meal of 14,000 or more
bacteria. Salmonella schottmuelleri when fed to blowflies in smaller
numbers than 14,000 undergoes a rapid decrement during their attempt to
adjust to an in vivo envirormient and is destroyed, possibly by an enzyme
mechanism or another chemical complex, therein. This bacterium may
survive and multiply indefinitely not only in aseptically reared flies but
also in nonasep tic ally reared specimens (2) once a microflora is
established, therein. Results of the only other experiment of a similiar
nature (1) support the existence of a bacterial threshold for infectivity in
nonbiting flies. These authors found that 12,000 Esc hericha coli, 12,000
Shigella dysenteriae, and 18,000 Salmonella schottmuelleri were required
for the establishement of the respective species in the housefly.

Individual gut samples made during a 13 day period from 39 flies fed a
single bacterial meal of 1.4 million Salmonella schottmuelleri and
subsequent to a post-meal defecation period of 20 min. showed an average
of 1.5 bilHon bacteria (Table 3). A defecation period of 20 min. following
the morning meal was allowed prior to a fly dissection because most
bacteria passed by Phormia regina are eliminated during this period. Like
the threshold number, no difference was found in the number of residual
Salmonella schottmuelleri in male and female insects. The residual bacteria
alone show that Salmonella schottmuelleri underwent extensive
multiplication in these flies and that they remain numerically sufficient to
sustain infectivity and multiplication indefinitely, therein.

19

TABLE 1

On the threshold number of Salmonella schottmuelleri required for its
estabhshment and multiplication in aseptically reared blowflies.

Fly No.

Calc. No.

No. Bacteria

No. Bacteria

Total Bacteria

and Sex

Bacteria

Detected in

Detected in

Detected

Ingested

Feces

Gut

IM

6x 10^

2M

8x 10^

3F

8x103

4M

8x103

5M

8x103

4x

102

4x102

6F

13x 103

7F

15x103

32x10^

64 X

106

67x106

8M

27x103

67x106

26 X

109

27x109

9M

15x 103

31 X 109

26 X

109

57x109

lOM

15x103

33x109

26 X

109

59x109

IIF

15x103

40x109

26 X

109

30x109

12F

15x103

39 X 109

26 X

109

69x109

13M

18 X 103

80x108

26 X

109

12x109

20

TABLE 2

On the threshold number of Salmonella schottmuelleri required for its
establishment and multiplication in aseptically reared blowflies.

Fly No.

Calc. No.

Day of

No. of Bacteria

Sex

of Bacteria

Examination

Detected in Fly

IM

13x

103

1

2F

9x

103

2

3M

9x

103

3

4x 102

4F

13x

103

4

5M

13x

103

5

6F

9x

103

6

7M

13x

103

7

8F

11 X

103

8

9M

llx

103

9

lOF

9x

103

10

IIM

13x

103

1

8x 103

12F

13x

103

2

20

13M

5x

103

3

14F

13x

103

4

15F

lOx

103

5

16M

9x

103

6

17F

14x

103

7

32 x 10^

ISM

13x

103

8

4x 102

19F

13x

103

9

20F

13x

103

10

21

TABLE 3

Residual Salmonella schottmuelleri in aseptically reared blowflies fed the
test microorganism.

Fly No. Calc.

No.

Day of

No. of Bacteria

and Sex of Bacteria

Examination

Detected in Fly

IF ]

4x ]

05

1

16x 1

0^

2F ]

4x ]

05

1

32x1

05

3M ]

4x ]

05

1

8x 1

03

4F ]
5F ]

4x ]
4x ]

05
05

2
2

8x ]

03

6M ]

4x ]

05

2

16x ]

104

7F ]

4x ]

05

3

13x1

[08

8F ]

4x

05

3

8x ]

03

9F

4x

05

3

8x

[0^

lOM ]

4x ]

[05

4

16x]

[0^

IIF ]

[4x

105

4

16x

[04

12M
13F

[4x
[4x

105
[05

4

5

8x

[04

I4F ]

4x

[05

5

16x

[04

15M ]

4x

[05

5

8x

[04

16F ]

4x

05

6

8x

104

17F

I4x

05

6

64 X

10^

18M

I4x

[05

6

16x

ro5

19F

I4x

[05

7

4x

102

20F

I4x

[05

7

26 X

109

21M

[4x

[05

7

16x

104

22F

I4x

[05

8

8x

104

23F

I4x

[05

8

4x

102

24M

4x

[05

8

32 x

105

25F

I4x

[05

9

64 X

107

26F

I4x

105

9

8x

103

27M

I4x

105

9

16x-

104

28F

I4x

105

10

13 X

108

29 F

I4x

[05

10

32 x

105

30M

I4x

105

10

26 X

109

31F

14x

105

11

8x

103

32F

I4x

105

11

13x

108

33M

I4x

105

11

64 x

106

34F

I4x

105

12

4x

102

35F

I4x

[05

12

8x

103

36M

I4x

105

12

8x

103

37F

I4x

105

12

13x

102

38F

I4x

105

13

16x

104

39M

I4x

105

13

64 X

[0^

22

SUMMARY

1. A threshold of from 13,750 - 15,000 Salmonella schottmuelleri was
found necessary for its establishment and survival in the digestive tract
of the black blov^fly.

2. Salmonella schottmuelleri underwent a several-fold multiplication in
the gut of aseptically reared blowflies which had ingested a threshold
quantity of more of this species.

3. Salmonella schottmuelleri when ingested by blowflies in subminimal
quantities underwent a rapid decrement and disappearance from their
digestive tract and/or associated tissues.

4. Once an infection was established in Phormia regina, the number of
residual Salmonella schottmuelleri therein, following the most
proliferate period of defecation was found to be considerably above the
infectivity threshold.

AC KNO WLEDGMENTS

The author wishes to express his appreciation to Dr. L. R. Penner,
Professor of Zoology; Dr. R. M. DeCourse, former Professor of Zoology
and Chairman, Department of Zoology and Entomology; and to Dr. S. E.
Wedberg, former Chairman, Department of Bacteriology, all of the
University of Connecticut for their encouragement, advice and continuing
interests throughout this study.

LITERATURE CITED

1. Hawley, J.E., Penner, L.R., Wedberg, S.E., and Kulp,W.L., 1951, The
role of the housefly Musca domestica, in the multiplication of certain
enteric bacteria. Am. J. Trop. Med., 3 1 : 572-582.

2. Knuckles, J.L., 1959, Studies on the role oi Phormia regina QAt'igen)
as a vector of certain enteric bacteria. Doctoral dissertation.
University of Connecticut, Storrs, Connecticut.

3. Greenberg, B., 1959, Persistence of bacteria in the developmental
stages of the housefly. I. Survival of enteric pathogens in the normal
and aseptically reared host. Am. J. Trop. Med. and Hyg., 8: 405-41 1.

4. Lindsay, D.R., and Scudder, H. I., 1956, Nonbiting flies and disease.
Ann. Rev. Entomol., 1: 323-346.

5. Knuckles, J.L., 1967, Experimental transmission of enteric pathogens
from fly to fly by aseptically reared Phormia regina (Meigen).
Savannah State College Faculty Research Bulletin, 21 : 192.

6. Lindsay, D.R., Stewart, W.H., and Watt, J., 1953, Effect of fly control
on diarrheal disease in an area of moderate morbidity. Pub. Health
Reports, U.S. Health Serv., 68: 361-367.

7. Watt, J. and Lindsay, D.R., 1948, Effect of fly control in a high
morbidity area. Pub. Health Rep., U.S. Health Serv., 63: 1319-1334.

8. Hill, D.L., Bell, V.A., and Chadwick, L.E., 1947, Rearing the blowfly,
Phormia regina Meigen, on a sterile synthetic diet. Ann. Entomol. Soc.
America, 40: 213-216.

9. Knuckles, J.L., 1967, An apparatus for rearing bacteria-free blowfly
larvae and pupae. Turtox News, 42: 82-84.

10 , 1964, A fly rack assembly useful in fecal

collection studies. Turtox News, 42: 82-84.

23

24

THE BOSTON PILOT\S EDITORIAL STANCE
ON SLAVERY AND SECESSION: A STUDY IN DECISION

Joseph M. McCarthy

Executive Assistant to the Director

Institute of Human Sciences

Boston College

Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts 02167

25

The oldest continuous Catholic newspaper in the United States
commenced publication on September 5, 1829, under the title The Jesuit,
or Catholic Sentinel. Hn 1834 a young Irish immigrant, Patrick Donahoe,^
became its co-owner, and it was he who in 1836 changed its name to The
Boston Pilot, a title admittedly borrowed from O'Connell's The Dublin
Pilot.^ Apart from a brief and bitter squabble bewteen editor Thomas
D'Arcy McGee and Massachusetts' Whigs in the election of 1844, during
which squabble Bishop Fenwick pointedly cancelled his subscription, The
Pilot pursued a course characterized by placidity and prudence until 1848
when Donah oe, who had resumed his editorial tasks, raised eyebrows in
ecclesiastical circles by supporting Europe's revolutions in that year. In
1850, Father John R, Roddan, a disciple of Brownson, was made editor
and set the paper on a markedly conservative course. .4

The exact mechanism of his appointment to the editorial post is
disputed. According to Oscar Handlin. Patrick Donahoe "ignominiously
capitulated" to Bishop John Bernard Fitzpatrick in installing Roddan, 5
while Edward T. Harrington contends that Roddan took the post "without
any objection from the Bishop"^ thus casting Fitzpatrick in a more
passive role. Father Roddan's comment three years later, "We have every
reason to suppose . . . that our connection with the paper is sanctioned by
(the Bishop)" ^ , could be adduced in support of either of these
contentions. We may note, however, that both assertions imply that
Fitzpatrick exercised some influence on The Pilot. In any event, a priest
now stood at the helm, and that his position was not merely honorary is
attested to by his own comment in 1851 : "I do most of the writing for The
Pilot."8

Whatever Bishop Fitzpatrick's role in Roddan's appointment, at least
one student of the period has held that

from this point on it would be fair to say that the editorial
policies gave the official thinking of Bishop Fitzpatrick on
issues of the day or, at least. A^ere not in direct opposition to
his wishes and desires.^

*The best sketch of the early history of The Pilot is to be found in Robert H.
Lord, John E. Sexton, and Edward T, Harrington, History of the Archdiocese of
Boston in the Various Stages of its Development, J 604-1 943 (3v., Boston, 1945), 11,
332-342, 743-748, on which I have drawn heavily. Facts not otherwise specifically
cited may be found in this account

^The most complete source for information on Donahoe is Mary A. Frawley,
Patrick Donahoe (Washington, 1946), See also The Pilot, Mar. 23, Mar. 30, 1901.

^Editorial, Literary and Catholic Sentinel, Jan. 2, 1836,

'^ Arthur J, Riley, "Early history of The Pilot. " The Pilot , Mar. 8, 1930, Section
C, 22.

^Oscar Handlin, Boston's immigrants: A Study in Acculturation (rev. ed.,
Cambridge, 1959), 140.

^Lord, Sexton, and Harrington, 11, 745.

''Editorial, The Pilot, Nov. 18, 1854.

SRiley, 22.

^Richard Grozier, The Life a nd Times of John Bernard Fitzpatrick: Th ird
Roman Catholic Bishop of Boston. Unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, Boston College,
1966,366^

26

This is plausible enough in view of the fact tliat Bishop Fitzpatrick. a
perceptive enougli person, realizing that people would conclude from
Roddan's position that The Pilot was the episcopal mouthpiece, would
have necessarily to take a keen interest in TJie Pilot's editorial stance.
Father Roddan later denied in an editorial that the paper was the official
organ of the Diocese, but took pains to explain that the designation
"Official" pertained simply to the printing of official notices from the
Ordinary, and concluded:

In the present temper of the Protestant mind it is not fair to
place [the Bishop] in the attitude of a writer of articles which
he never saw until pubUshed, and perhaps not even then, or of
an approver of articles which he may in part of wholly
disapprove. 10
In view of the logic of the situation and in view of the hesitant tone
and equivocal language of Roddan's disclaimer, it seems possible to hold
that, at least during the time Roddan was editor, 77?^ Pilot reflected
Fitzpatrick's thinking to a great extent.

Exactly what direction Bishop Fitzpatrick's thinking took on the
slavery question has never been clarified. Despite one historian's lingering
suspicion that Negro blook flowed in the Bishop's veins, Hand despite
Fitzpatrick's warm personal regard for Father James Healy, a Negro, 12
the fact remains that

when the Pilot was not under diocesan supervision from 1846
to 1849 its editorials had a distinctly anti-slavery hue. As soon
as Father Roddan became editor of The Pilot, this policy was
reversed. As editor, Roddan was directly responsible to his
Bishop for the material appearing in the editorial columns of
the paper. . . 13
And it may be argued, in view of the fact that Bishop Fitzpatrick
generally pursued a conciliatory course, that his views must have been
quite pro-slavery for him to have permitted The Pilot's editorial stand to
continue to enrage the Church's foremost enemies while he had any degree
of control over the paper. 1^

In 1858, Father Roddan died, the victim of a lingering illness, and
Father Joseph M. Finotti, who had been part of The Pilot's staff since
1852, assumed his title, but because of poor health and pastoral duties
functioned only as Hterary editor. 15 In the absence of contrary evidence,

^^The Pilot, Nov. 18, 1954.

1 ^Grozier, 11, contains in a footnote a report of a conversation with Edward T.
Harrington, author of the section on Fitzpatrick in the History of the Archdiocese of
Boston (cited above, n. 1), in which Msgr. Harrington stated grounds for suspicion
that Fitzpatrick had a Negro ancestor on his mother's side.

^ 2 Lord, Sexton, and Harrington, 11, 709 concludes from Fitzpatrick's friendship
with Healy that his views were essentially anti-slavery.

i^Grozier, 387-388. See also 357-358.

''^An anti-Know-Nothing, later Republican paper stated that the stance of the
Catholic press on slavery was responsible for Know-Nothingism. Editorial The Spv
(Worcester), July 29, 1854.

^^Lord, Sexton and Harrington, 11, 746.

27

at least one author has made the assumption that Patrick Donah oe
resumed his editorial duties at this time. 16

Since Donahoe was an ardent Democrat, 17 j^iq Pilot's switch from
aloofness from parties to ardent support of the Democrats in 1860 lends
some plausibility to this assumption.

During the 1840's and 50's the paper prospered. Since Boston had
become the terminus of the first transatlantic steamship line, The Pilot was
in a position to scoop the country's Catholic press on Irish and continental
news, and hence Catholics throughout the nation, and especially Irish
Catholics, subscribed to it. By 1850 The Pilot could claim 1700 copies
circulating weekly in New York. 18 Some years later its pages were
studded with letters from subscribers as far away as Virginia, Arkansas,
and Iowa. 19 There is, in Leaves from the Annals of the Sisters of Mercy,
an interesting anecdote dealing with San Francisco in 1854:

Steamers came once a month; later twice a month. No matter
what hour of the night the steamer arrived, the newsboys
went their rounds, shouting out in full capitals: "Arrival of
the Northern Star (or any other steamer)!" "Here's your
Boston Pilot! New Orleans Picayune! New York Herald!" ^

In 1844, TTiei'zVo? claimed seven thousand subscribers and further
asserted that each copy was read by at least four people. 21 By 1848 it
had 10,500 subscribers. 22 in 1855 it averred that 1,550,000 copies had
been printed and circulated in the previous year, an average of 29,807
copies per issue. 23 When the editor referred to "our hundred thousand
readers" six years later, he was no doubt still assuming that several persons
read each copy. 24 , Arthur J. Riley wrote in 1930 that The Pilot's weekly
circulation in the 1850's was fifty thousand copies, a figure accepted
uncritically by Francis J. Lally in his recent article on Patrick Donahoe in
The New Catholic Encyclopedia. 25 The figure remains undocumented.
No other estimates are given of the number of its readers, but it may be
assumed that the greatest concentration of them was in greater Boston,
where there were 68,100 Irish in 1855 and 105,331 in 1860.

The Pilot presented its readers with "improving" hterature, instructed
them on their civic duties, and urged the Irish to become complete
Americans. More important for our purposes, it took, from Father
Roddan's time on, a markedly conservative stand on public issues of the
day. It is quite natural that a paper which was the organ of largely
immigrant groups should do so, for many reasons. There was the tendency

' ^See Frawley, Patrick Donahoe, 168 passim.
'"^Grozier, John Fitzpatrick, 448; Frawley, 22.
18 Editorial, The Pilot, Sept, 14, 1850.

i9See The Pilot, Nov. 15, 1856, Jan. 19, Feb. 2, Feb. 23, 1861.
^ ^Recounted in Frawley, 34.
2 ' Editorial, The Pilot, Dec. 21, 1844.
2 2Fditorial, The Pilot, Jan. 8, 1848.
^^The Pilot, ian. 6, IS55.
2 4 Editorial, The Pilot, Feb. 2, 1861.

25Riley, "Early History of The Pilot," 22; Francis J, Lally, "Patrick Donahoe,
'The New Catholic luwyclopedia (I5v., N.Y., 1967), IV, 998.

28

of a paper speaking to and for a group stigmatized as "foreigners" to be
two hundred percent nationalist.27 There was also the understandable
tendency to resist all measures proposed by enemy groups, which in the
Boston content included many reform groups by reason of their nativist
membership. There was a keen fear of competition in the labor market
from free Negroes. Finally, there was the traditional Catholic emphasis on
legal forms. All of these were of significance for the pro-slavery stance
taken by Vie Pilot. Yet that stance, desirable though it may have been,
would not have been possible had the Church absolutely condemned
slavery as an unmitigated evil.

The Church's position on slavery at the time was a clearly defined
ambiguity. In the first pronouncement ever made on slavery by the Holy
See, Pope Pius III had declared an excommunication "latae sententiae"
(automatic in application, wiht absolution reserved to Pope himself) on
anyone who would enslave American Indians.28i Yet his concern seems to
have beem more for the Indians' spiritual welfare than for their temporal
welfare, so that CathoHcs could interpret the pronouncement as permitting
slavery when the spiritual well-being of the slave was safeguarded.

In the United States, Catholics, and even Jesuit priests, owned slaves.
^^ In sum,

official Catholic doctrine held that slavery was not necessarily
evil; it taught that slavery, thought of theoretically and apart
from specific abuses to human dignity, was not opposed to
the divine or natural law. Manumission was encouraged
wherever circumstances would permit the slave to better his
condition, and strong emphasis was always placed on the
obligation of Catholic slaveholders to treat their subjects with
justice and charity and to see that they received religious
instruction. 30
As the slavery agitation mounted in the United States, so did the need
for a clear statement of the Church's view, especially in the wake of Pope
Gregory XVI's renewed condemnation of the slave trade in 1839.31
Bishop John England of Charleston found it necessary to explain, in
response to an assertion made by Secretary of State John Forsyth, that the
papal pronouncement confined itself to the slave trade, and treated the
institution itself as no more than an accidental evil. 32; Although England

^^Handlin, Boston's Immigrants, 244-245.

27Editorial, The Pilot, Feb. 18, 1860.

'^^Pastorale officium. May 29, 1837.

2 ^Madeleine Hooke Kicq, American Catholic Opinion in the Slavery Controversy
(N.Y., 1944), 27 passim.

3 John Tracy E\\i%, American Catholicism (Chicago, 1956), 87.

3 ^In Supremo Apostolatus.

'^"Slavery then, sir, is regarded by that Church of which the Pope is the
presiding officer, not to be incompatible with natural law, to have been established
by human legislation, and, when, the dominion of the slave is justly acquired by the
master to be lawful, not only in the sight of the human tribunal, but also in the eye
of heaven." John England, The Works of Right Reverend John Iingland (Ed.
Sebastien Messmer, 5v., Cleveland, 1908), V. 185.

29

maintained this opinion as a matter of policy, his private estimation of
slavery was quite different, for he referred to it in an 1833 letter to the
Congregation Propaganda Fide in Rome as " a system which is perphaps
the greatest moral evil that can desolate any part of the civilized world. 33
A far more influential, albeit similar, opinion on the subject was that of
Francis Patrick Kenrick, set forth in his manual of moral theology, which
came into general use as a seminary textbook. 34 After contending that
slavery was an accidental evil,35 he stated:

. . . since such is the state of things, nothing should be
attempted against the laws . . . nor anything be done or said
that would make them bear their yoke unwillingly. 36

This opinion enabled the hierarchy to dodge the issue with a clear
conscience, while providing laymen North and South with a theological
reason for decrying abolitionist reformers. Later, as Archbishop of
Baltimore, Kenrick presided over the Ninth Provincial Council in 1858.
Following his reasoning, this gathering treated the slavery question as a
political problem upon which laymen were free to make up their own
minds. 37

Patrick Donahoe may well have welcomed Kenrick's theological
condemnation of aboHtionism as bolstering his own position. A year prior
to the publication of Kenrick's text, he had editorialized on anti-slavery
groups, praising their aim, but insisting that Catholics shun them because
of their generally anit-Catholic composition. 38 Dislike slavery though he
may, he disliked abolitionists more. In fairness to him, it must be pointed
out that Catholic newspapers generally took a stand against aboHtionist
reformers because of the frequent involvement of such persons in nativist
movements. 39

Father Roddan's first major editorial on slavery sternly condemned it,
but in the following year he did an about-face, having decided that
retention of slavery was vital for the preservation of the nation's unity. '^.^-
For this reason he pursued a pro-slavery course from that time, supporting
the rendition of Anthony Burns, 42 condemning the Kansas agitation, 43

^^Cited in Peter Guilday, Life and Times of John England (2v., N.Y., 1927), 1,
439. The italics are England's.

3^The text was first published in three volumes in Philadelphia between 1849
and 1843. A two volume edition, published in Baltimore in 1860 and 1861,
contained slight revisions on slavery. Joseph D. Brokhage, Francis Patrick Kenrick's
Opinion on Slavery (Washington, 1955), 43.

^^He defined slavery in an ideal sense, not in terms of the reality of the slave
system in America. See Brokhage, Kenrick, 54-99.

^^...caeterum quum ea sit rerum conditio, nihil contra leges tentandum est, . . .
vel quo jugam aegre ferant faciendum vel dicendum." Francis Patrick Kenrick,
Theologia Moralis (3v., PhUadelphia, 1840-1843), 1, 257.

^''Ellis, American Catholicism, 92; Theodore Maynard, The Story of American
Catholicism (2v., Garden City, 1960), 1, 315.

38Editorial, The PUot, Sept, 23, 1839.

^^Cuthbert E. Allen, "The Slavery Question in Catholic Newspapers,
ISSO-lSeS" Historical Records and Studies. XXVI (1936), 129 passim.

^^Frawley, Patrick Donahoe, 22.

'^'Editorials, The Pilot, Jan. 22, 1853, July 22, 1854.

'*2 Editorial The Pilot, June 3, 1854.

^^Editonaljhe Pilot, Dec. 26, 1857.

30

defending the Dred Scott decision,'* 4. ^^d deploring John Brown's raid.'^^
The theme of most of his editorials dealing with these matters was that law
must be served, the Union preserved. This rationale of Unionism must have
been present as well in Bishop Fitzpatrick's tliinking, for, as has been
noted, it is more than probable that Roddan's editorial stance reflected the
episcopal mind. But it would be naive to assign the maintenance of the
Union as the sole cause of this pro-slavery stance, when support of slavery
was desirable by reason of hatred of reformers and economic necessity.
Were this not so. The Pilot would have had much less difficulty in
choosing between North and South when secession came. A concise, if
somewhat charitable, summary of the Pilot's stand on slavery in the 1850's
has been given by Edward T Harrington:

The Pilot did recognize that slavery was an evil; but the
question of what to do about it was generally answered by stating that
nothing could be done. This was based on a fear that the Union would
be disrupted, that the economic consequence would be disastrous, and,
finally, that the negro problem was one that never could be solved by
political means. If the negro was to be freed, then the Catholic Church
alone could carry out the transition from bondsman to freeman. ^6

In the campaign of 1860 The Pilot, in contrast to its cool endorsement
of Buchanan four years previously, threw itself wholeheartedly into the
task of electing Douglas, for "Douglas, by declaring himself against
Nativism and abolitionism, had made himself the poUtical hero of a strong
Catholic element." Indeed, Douglas' campaign headquarters at the
Charleston convention had been in Hibernian Hall, and The Raihplitter, a
RepubUcan campaign paper, su^ested that Douglas was a secret Catholic
and had visited the Pope. ^^ With Lincoln's victory , Tlw Pilot was faced
with unpalatable alternatives; supporting a course charted by a "Black
Republican" president, or risking the stigma of disloyalty by continuing
on its pro-Southern course. The paper avoided commitment. ^^ It
grudgingly conceded to Lincoln such support as was due a constitutionally
elected officer, but only by the round-about means of reprinting a
paragraph to that effect from New York's Freeman 's Journal, while in its
own editorial it noted the South's grievance, stressed that secession would
not mend that grievance, expressed the pious hope that Lincoln would
take a conservative course, and asserted that in any case the opposition
majority in Congress would ensure that "his power for mischief will be
very effectually hemmed in." ^^ It was an adroit piece of fencesitting.

'^'^ Editorials The Pilot. Mar. 21, Mar. 28, Apr. 4, Apr. 11, Apr. 25, May 30,
1857.

'*5Editorials, The Pilot, Oct 29, Nov. 5, Nov. 19, Dec, 10, 1859.

^^Lord, Sexton, and Harrington, ///s/orv of the Archdiocese, 11, 704.

^''Vrd^Nley, Donahue, 168.

"^^BruceCatton, The Coming Fury {Gdx&&r\ City , 1961-1965), 6, 91.

^^Lord, Sexton, and Harrington, Ach of Boston, 11, 706 refers to "whoever
handled this policy for the paper," and it seems we shall have to be content with this.

soEditorial, The Pilot, Nov. 17, 1860.

31

That the South was aggrieved but must not for that reason disrupt the
Union rapidly became a major theme in The Pilot's editorials. By the
following issue, someone on the staff, perhaps Donahoe himself, saw to it
that the paper reprinted an extract from Andrew Jackson's 1832
"Proclamation to Nullifiers" containing the famed phrase," . . . disunion
by armed force, is TREASON." ^^ The same issue editorialized on the
disruption of the Democratic Party:

Mr. Yancy instigated the secession at the Baltimore
Convention for the purpose of breaking down the party, as a
preliminary step to the dismembering of the Union, by the
secession of the cotton states. ^ ^
The anti-secessionist stand is quite understandable, for if secession
were to be avoided, The Pilot would not have to choose between the slave
system and the Union (and it may here be emphasized that if The Pilot's
real reason for supporting slavery were simply the maintenance of the
Union, it would not in this period have been veering and tacking).

Yet The Pilot was still less ready to lay strictures on the behavior of
Southern firebrands than she was to indict the actions of Northern
reformers, attributing to them sole causality of the crisis:

... it cannot be denied that all the tumult about disunion,
and all the actual threatening dangers thereof, must be laid to
the charge of Northern abolitionism. There is one remedy: the
cessation of rabid abolitionism. ,5 3
Similar contemporary quotations could be read in Cincinnati's
Catholic Telegraph, New York's Freeman's Journal, and Baltimore's
Catholic Mirror. ^^

It is obvious, at any rate, that the previous week's accusation of Mr.
Yancey was not the beginning of a systematic anti-Southern stance in The
Pilot's editorials.

One very practical reason why The Pilot was loath to abandon , the
South was enunciated in the same issue; i.e., the fear that four million
Negroes would suddenly be found in competition with immigrant
Catholics in the labor market. ^^ Negro laborers constituted only 20% of
Boston's laborers in 1850, as compared to 48% of Irish, but they were the
second largest group of laborers and so constituted the chief competition
for the Irish, ^^ a situation calculated to keep the immigrant Catholic in
the Southern camp until the last possible second. While The Pilot's
Unionist stand and insistence on legal forms may have appealed to the
thinking man, this was a "gut issue" and goes a long way toward
accounting for The Pilot's editorial vacillation at this time. Coupled with
the paper's understandable dislike of abolitionist reformers, it ensured that
The Pilot would steer clear of condemnation of the South while it could.

^^The Pilot, Nov. 24, 1860.

5 3 Editorial, The Pilot, Dec. 1, 1860.

S'^Editorial, The Pilot, Jan. 12, 1861; Allen, "Slavery Question in Catholic
Newspapers," 159 passim.

5 5 Editorial, The Pilot, Dec. \, 1860.
^^WdindMn, Boston's Immigrants, 253.

I

32

In early December, The Pilot suggested its panacea: equal
representation for the total black and white population of the South in
Congress on the same basis at the North, a guarantee of equal rights for the
South in the territories, and stronger fugitive slave laws. ^^ The proposal
accords with the Southern sympathies of The Pilot, while maintaining its
Unionism. ^^ Whether the proposal was workable is quite another
question.

Within a week, the editor felt compelled to set forth once again the
paper's position on the slave system:

Slavery is an evil--we grant this: but the distraction of the
nation, consequent on its agitation, is a greater evil; and,
neither in itself, nor in the manner in which it exists here, is
there any repugnance to the Divine Law. There are, to be sure,
abuses in slavery; but such abuses are not sufficient to
imperatively demand its extinction. ^ ^
This can be read as a plea for the status quo ante, and it certainly
indicates not only a lack of progress but also an unwillingness to progress
in The Pilot's thought. It seems as though the editor is wishing nothing so
much as that the crisis would evaporate without the necessity of an
unpleasant decision. He is willing to wait for events to compel a decision
or, preferably, to eliminate the need for one.

One begins to note at this point the introduction of a minor theme:
the necessity of the acceptance of the principles of the Catholic Church
for a true and lasting solution to the slavery question. The Pilot contended
that only Catholicism could heal the breach between North and South,
and this for two reasons: first, that the Catholic Church, and especially its
insistence on the indissolubility of matrimony, was solely responsible for
the eventual abandonment of slavery in Europe, and second, that only the
Catholic Church had retained its unity and cohesion in the domestic
slavery crisis and constituted the only solidly conservative national group.^
The point that agreeing to disagree, as the American Church had done to
sidestep the question was increasingly impossible politically, and it failed to
take into account the manifold social and economic factors contributing to
the passing of slavery in Europe.^ ^ The viewpoint is shallow and provincial,
but it does reveal a deep concern on the part of the immigrant, defensive
Catholic minority that it in no way be blamed for the crisis or faulted for its

s^Editorial, The Pilot, Dec. 8, 1860.

^^See Editorials, The Pilot, May 31, 1856, Jan. 7, 1860. The announcement of
the Pilot's 1861 subscruption drive bore the headline: 'THE UNION - IT MUST BE
PRESERVED; THE PILOT KNOWS NO NORTH, NO SOUTH," Dec, 8, 1860.

59Editorial, The Pilot, Dec, 15, 1860.

^OEditorial, The Pilot, May 5, 1860, Jan. 5, Jan. 12, 1861, The Pilot even
contended that it was "some Catholic impulse" that led Buchanan to proclaim the
national fast for a Friday! Editorial, Jan. 19, 1861. See also Freeman's Journal (Hq^^
York), Feb. 9, 1856.

^ ^ Rice, A merican Catholic Opinion, 153.

33

outcome. Even more revealing is the reprinting three weeks later of a
comment made by Archbishop Purcell of Cincinnati:

if it should so be, that our Union is to be severed, every
Catholic in the land may come, and extending his hand over
the bier, say "I am guiltless of its death." ^ ^
This concern is the outgrow^th of an immigrant's natural concern for
acceptance and fear that he will be branded as disloyal, a fear so recently
fostered by Nativism, a fear responsible in large measure for The Pilot's
stauch Unionism. It is a concern we shall see repeated in the pages of The
Pilot at the outbreak of war, and it seems to be of vital significane in the
decision The Pilot made for the North.

In the last days of 1 860, one begins to note in The Pilot 's editorials
further disenchantment with the South, seemingly reflecting a growing
awareness of Southern irreconcilabiliy. That this disenchantment does not
reflect a complete loss of sympathy with the South is obvious from the
fact that conciliation and redress of Southern grievances were still urged
through the first months of 1861. As long as hostilities had not
commenced. The Pilot was loath to-fix blame definitely on either party. In
any case, we see in late December of 1860 a tendency, adumbrated in The
Pilot's editorial strictures on Yancey's conduct at the Baltimore
convention, to lay some of the blame for secession on "a set of fire-eating
leaders, whose only hope of preeminence in public hfe depends upon the
establishment of a separate Confederacy." ^^ The Pilot seems to have
come to the point of no return, especially when, two weeks later, it
enunciates its Unionist stand in dramatic terms:

We Catholics have only one course to adopt, only one line to
follow. Stand by the Union; flight for the Union; die for the
Union. 64
But The Pilot soon blew as cool as it had blown hot, and perhaps the
only significance to be attached to the statement is its reflection of the
immigrant's pledge of loyalty, which now deserves to be called a theme of
The Pilot's crisis editorials.

There is a wistful quality to the reprinting of a certain letter in The
Pilot at this time. It is dated Fort Smith, Arkansas, January second, 1861,
is signed by one "J. D.," and its burden is the readiness of the inhabitants
of the area to resist Northern coercion. At one point it states:

Of real Southern plantation life I have seen hardly any, but I
have talked to many Irishmen who have seen it, and they
describe the negroes as being on the whole pretty well treated.^ ^
Even weJl into the war, this organ of the Irish laborer would try to
justify the slave system, hoping against hope to forestall the economic
consequences of emancipation. 66

^'^ The Pilot, Feb. 2, 1861.

63Editorial, The Pilot, Dec. 29, 1860.

64Editorial, The Pilot, Jan. 12, 1861.

^^The Pilot, San. 19, 1861.

66Editorials, The Pilot, July 20, 1861, Feb. 15, 1862. The welfare of the Negro
was often cited as an argument against emancipation. See Editorials, Mar. 15 Mar
22, 1862.

34

By late January of 1861, Tlie Pilot was showing the South less
sympathy than before, but was not yet ready to gloss over the North's
contribution to the crisis, and in an editorial notable for its rhetorical
abandon, lashed out impartially at both sides:

... let it be well understood, that while we deprecate from
the inmost (sic) of our hearts the unliappy state of our
beloved country, and blame with unqualified displeasure the
attitude of the South, because we believe that she might have
adopted more lawful, more noble, more American means of
redress, - we are fully aware that all this great amount of
sorrow and shame has been evoked by the malign, brutal
conceit of such ignorant parvenues of the North, who,
without principle of morality, or knowledge of God, aim at
naught but notoriety, and in their narrow-minded, bigotted
nature, any position that lifts them above the rest will flatter
them into any kind of iniquity. ^^
The editorial bears witness to the editor's frustration at the progress of
events and at the inability of either side to make concessions, the more so
because in the same number he freely criticizes Seward and mentions
Crittenden's solution favorably.

Coercion was now a matter for discussion in the North. One would
have expected, from The Pilot's recent emotionally Unionist
pronouncement, that it would now plump for coercion, but the reverse is
true. Apparently there was still sympathy for the South at The Pilot's
editorial offices, or at least a lack of sympathy for the North, for The Pilot
argued strenuously against coercion. It urged the people of the North to
stack their rifles rather than enter on a fratricidal war, and, reviewing
Massachusetts' earlier secession sentiments, pointed out that "measures of
coercion come with ill grace from a State which is so far below in her
claims on the Union. . .68 j^^ ^Iso asserted, in contradistinction to the
claims of Charleston's United States Catholic Miscellany, that The Pilot
did "dare to impugn the conduct of the South in the present emergency."
but maintained that the South had been driven to secede and that many
Southerners, having been swept along by frenzy, now found themselves
past the point of no return. ^9 jhe ultimate point of the editorial clearly
was that the onus of conciliation lay with the North, even if the South
must bear the immediate responsibility of secession. And yet, unwilling to
commit itself too deeply to a "no-coercion" policy, TJie Pilot took note in
another column on the same page that "under certain circumstances the
government may be constrained to resort to arms, or the idea of
republican government, as established by the United States Constitution,
will forever be despised by civilized nations throughout the world."'^^
Perhaps the most consistent single position of Tlie Pilot throughout the

^'^Editorial, The Pilot, Jan. 26, 1861.

^** Editorial, "Massachusetts vs. The Union, '" The Pilot, Feb. 2, 1861.

^^Ibid.

'^ '^Editorial, The Secession Movement," The Pilot, Feb. 2, 1861.

7 1 Editorial, The Pilot, Feb. 9, 1861.

35

crisis was its unwillingness to take any irrevocable stand. It seems at this
stage to have moved from its pro-Southern attitude to a more impartial
position; it is not surprising that the paper should eventually come around
to a pro-Northern position. But for the moment The Pilot was content to
explore the ethics of coercion as well as some of its practical repercussions
while avoiding a strong commitment to either side.

Having urged humility on Massachusetts by reason of her past
secessionist tendencies, the editor proceeded, in the next number, to urge
a program of conciliation for another reason. He theorized that the West,
rather than face the economic constriction consequent on the closing of
the Mississippi River by the Confederacy, might well throw in its lot with
the South. In such a case, New York, relying on the West for much of its
commerce by means of its rail links with Chicago, might bow to economic
pressure and follow the West into the Confederacy. Thus the nation would
continue on its course with the comparatively minor exception of New
England, which would be left in an untenable position. ^ ^ The point is not
without its merits, and there were others iii the nation who considered it a
real possibility. Whether this was a major consideration in the editor's own
thought is not apparent.

The Pilot explored the ethical grounds for coercion in an editorial
entitled, "George Washington on Coercion" which, after suitably evoking
Washington's prestige, concluded:

If, after having given genuine, true, adequate redress, and such
a one as will preclude any probability, as far as human policy
can foresee, of the return of such grievances, they should still
persist in felonious purposes, then you may begin to talk
about . . . coercion. 72 .
This statement is obvious in intent without being inflexible : the North
is faulted, the South warned, and the closing words cannot be construed as
absolutely determining the paper's future course.

Perhaps encouraged by the election of more moderate men than Rhett
or Yancey to the highest posts in the Confederacy, The Pilot toward the
end of February tacked momentarily back into its pro-Southern course.

It is instructive to compare its remarks on the Southern leaders with
its evaluation of Lincoln in the same issue. Of Jefferson Davis, it wrote:
. . .he is one in every way fitted for the distinguished post to
whicfi he has been called.
About Stephens it rhapsodized:

Possessing hosts of warm friends who are proud of his regard,
an enlightened Christian virtue, and inflexible integrity, such
is Alexander H. Stephens. . .
But Lincoln it said:

The speeches he has already made prove conclusively that he
is not adequate to the emergency in which he finds himself
placed. ^^

72Editorial, The Pilot, Feb. 16, 1861.
^^Editorial, The Pilot, Feb. 23, 1861.

36

Yet when the rumored assassination attempt in Baltimore a few weeks
later raised the spectre of violence and anarchy, the paper reversed itself,
asking:

. . . what riglit have we to judge the man before he has
rendered himself amenable to our judgment? '^^
And soon The Pilot veered back to blame of Southern intransigence
when it suggested that the South could long since have had redress of its
grievances had it sent better men to Congress. ^^ This is significant in view
of the conditions laid down previously in the editorial, "George
Washington on Coercion." The Pilot seemed to be moving into the
Northern camp, but evidence as to the momentum of this movement is
lacking, for the editor declined to comment on the crisis after mid-March.
The Pilot of April tliirteenth was, of course, unable to comment on
the firing on Fort Sumter, as it was probably put to bed before the cannon
roared. The following week's issue saw columns of war news, but no
editorial. But the direction of TJie Pilot's concern is apparent from an item
quoting New York's Archbishop Hughes on the loyalties of the Irish. ^^
Only two weeks after its outbreak did the war really come to The Pilot.
War news occupied the front page, the first time in years that the literary
serial had been moved to an inside page. There were two editorials on the
war. The first, entitled "The Irish and the Republic," asserted that "the
Irish adopted citizens are true, to a man, to the Constitution." ^^ The
companion editorial, "The Civil War," gave the justification of the decision
Tlie Pilot had been slowly making since Lincoln's election:

The South has suffered much at the hands of northern
fanatics and pharisees, and northern legislatures, representing
those blind or wicked disturbers of the national peace; but,
the South has not only received no very serious injury to her
real interests, nor has she attempted in any wise manner to
obtain her rights, within the Union. By seceding and
commencing war, she has put herself in the wrong, so far as
the government is concerned, no matter by whom
administered. Therefore, the government must be sustained by
all the military strength at its command. We have hoisted the
American Stars and Stripes over the THE PILOT
Establishment, and there they shall wave till the "star of
peace" returns. ^^
The Pilot under Father Roddan and his unknown successor pursued
from 1850 onward a course so favorable to the South that one Boston
newspaper concluded in disgust: "Catholicism and slavery are twin
sisters." ^^ Yet when the secession crisis came, The Pilot, although it
spelled out the South's grievances against Northern abolitionist aggression,
carefully avoided any deep commitment to either camp and, indeed,

''^Editorial, The Pilot, Mar. 9, 1861.

''SEditorial, The Pilot, Mar. 16, 1861.

76ThePilot, April 20, 1861.

''^Editorial, "The Irish and the RepubUc," The Pilot, Apr. 27, 1861.

''SEditorial, "The Civil War," The Pilot, Apr. 27, 1861.

''^Editorial, The Bee (Boston), Jan. 19, 1859.

37

seemed to be casting itself in the role of loyal opposition. Its pro-Southern
statements did not cease until February 23rd, after which it discussed the
ethics of coercion until mid-March, when it fell silent. Even the editorial
which finally proclaimed its allegiance to the North made its concessions
to the Southern viewpoint. And it had strong reason for wishing to see the
slave system perpetuated. Why then did it at length choose for the section
which harbored the abolitionist reformers?

On the level of logic, the turning point is The Pilot's reluctant
admission that the South would not accept redress and was bent on
disruption of the Union. And yet, were The Pilot a Southern paper, it
could probably have defended a choice of the South on the ground that
proper redress was never properly offered. We are led closer to the truth
when we examine those items which began to appear in The Pilot's pages
as of January and culminated in the editorial 'The Irish and the Republic"
on April 27th. They show a constant concern at The Pilot's editorial
offices to explain the position of the Irish Catholic, a concern which was
well-founded. For years the Irish Catholics had been stigmatized as
un-American, a stigma which was galling to them. Now their patriotism
was on the line.

It is in view of this problem that we can interpret the course of the
decision The Pilot made. At the height of Nativism, The Pilot had found
the slavery issue a stick which made to beat anti-Catholics. Beyond the
fact that the Irish community had an economic stake in the preservation
of the slave system, they were doubly fortunate in being able to argue this
interest on the basis of their patriotic concern for the Union. They could
do their part to keep the free Negro off the labor market while pointing
out that they were more patriotic than their nativist enemies, many of
whom were involved in abolitionist agitation. When the secession crisis
came, it seemed that they must surrender either their support of slavery of
their Americanism. Catholics in the South were not really faced with this
choice: they could demonstrate their community loyalty by supporting
the slave system. And the key phrase here is "community loyalty." For
what was really at stake was the loyalty of the immirgrant Catholic to the
section in which he lived, to the people immediately surrounding him. Not
to choose for them would be to admit that he was an outsider. To The
Pilot community loyalty and support of slavery seemed mutually
exclusive. From the beginning, community loyalty seems to have had the
edge, as witness the strong Unionist pronouncements in the second issue
after Lincoln's election. Yet, Tlie Pilot was loath to abandon the South.
Only when it became apparent from the South's actions that The Pilot
could justify a choice of the North on a basis other than that of
condemnation of the slave system did it begin to gravitate into the
Northern camp. Herein lies the importance of the paper's investigation
into the ethics of coercion: it was essentially a search for justification,
whether of a choice for the South by virtue of the reasoning of George
Washington (which would lend a cloak of patriotism to the proceedings) or
of a choice for the North on some basis that would bypass the slavery
issue. The attack on Fort Sumter provided the latter type of justification,
and so the Stars and Stripes were unfurled over The Pilot.

38

NOTES

^The best sketch of the early history of The Pilot is to be found in Robert H.
Lord, John E. Sexton, and Edward T. Harrington, History of the Archdiocese of
Boston in the Various Stages of its Development, 1604-1943 (3v., Boston, 1945), 11,
332-342, 743-748, on which I have drawn heavily. Facts not otherwise specifically
cited may be found in this account.

^The most complete source for information on Donahoe is Mary A. Frawley,
Patrick Donahoe (Washington, 1946). See also The Pilot, Mai. 23, Mar. 30, 1901.

^E^toiiai, Literary and Catholic Sentinel, Jan. 2, 1836.

^Arthur J. Riley, "Early history of The Pilot," The Pilot,M3i. 8, 1930, Section
C, 22.

^Oscar Handlin, Boston's Immigrants: A Study in Acculturationitev. ed.,
Cambridge, 1959), 140.

Lord, Sexton, and Harrington, 11, 745.

^Editorial, The Pilot, Nov. 18, 1854.

^Riley, 22.

^Richard Grozier, The Life and Times of John Bernard Fitzpatrick: Third
Roman Catholic Bishop of Boston. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Boston College,
1966, 366.

^^The Pilot, Nov. 18, 1954.

^ '^Grozier, 11, contains in a footnote a report of a conversation with Edward T.
Harrington, author of the section on Fitzpatrick in the History of the Archdiocese of
Boston (cited above, n.l), in which Msgr. Harrington stated grounds for suspicion that
Fitzpatrick had a Negro ancestor on his mother's side.

^^Lord, Sexton, and Harrington, 1 1, 709 concludes from Fitzpatrick's friendship
with Healy that his views were essentially anti-slavery.

i^Grozier, 387-388. See also 357-358.

'^^An anti-Know-Nothing, later Republican paper stated that the stance of the
Catholic press on slavery was responsible for Know-Nothingism. Editorial The
Spy (Worcester), July 29, 1854.

^^Lord, Sexton and Harrington, 1 1, 746.

^^ See Frawley, Patrick Donahoe, 168 passim.

^^Grozier, John Bernard Fitzpatrick, 448; Frawley, 22.

i^Editorial, The Pilot, Sept 14, 1850.

i^See The Pilot, Nov. 15, 1856, Jan. 19, Feb. 23, 1861.

^^^Recounted in Frawley, 34.

2lEditorial, The Pilot, Dec. 21, 1844.

^^Editorial, The Pilot, Jan. 8, 1848.

^^The Pilot, Jan. 6, 1855.

24Editorial, The Pilot, Feb. 2, 1 86 1.

^^Riley, "Early History of the Pilot," 22; Francis J. LaUy, "Patrick Donahoe,"
The New Catholic Encyclopedia (15 v., N.Y., 1967), IV, 998.

^^Wandlm, Boston's Immigrants, 244-245.
^^Editorial, The Pilot, Feb. 18, 1860.
^^Pastorale officium. May 29, 1837.

^^Madeleine Hooke Rice, American Catholic Opinion in the Slavery Controversy
(N.Y., 1944), 27 passim.

^John Tracy Ellis, American Catholicism (Chicago, 1956), 87

39

^^In Supremo Apostolatus.

^^"Slavery then, sir, is regarded by that Church of which the Pope is the
presiding officer, not to be incompatible with natural law, to have been established
by human legislation, and, when the dominion of the slave is justly acquired by the
master to be lawful, not only in the sight of the human tribunal, but also in the eye
of heaven." John England, The Works of Right Reverend John England (Ed.
Sebastien Messmer, 5v., Cleveland, 1908), V. 185.

^^Cited in Peter Guilday, Life and Times of John England (2v., N.Y., 1927), 1,
439. The italics are England's.

^^The text was first published in three volumes in Philadelphia between 1840
and 1843. A two volume edition, published in Baltimore in 1860 and 1861,
contained slight revisions on slavery. Joseph D. Brokhage, Francis Patrick Kenrick's
Opinion on S/averv (Washington, 1955), 43,

^^He defined slavery in an ideal sense, not in terms of the reality of the slave
system in America. See Brokhage, Kenrick, 54-99.

^ " . . . caeterum quum sit rerum conditio, nihil contra leges tentandum est, . . .
vel quo jugam aegre ferant faciendum vel dicendum." Francis Patrick Kenrick,
Theologia Moralis (3v., Philadelphia, 1840 - 1843), 1, 257.

37

Ellis, American Catholicism, 92; Theodore Maynard, The Story of American
Catholicism (2., Garden City, 1960), 1, 315,

^^Editorial, The PUot, Sept. 23, 1839.

39cuthbert E, Allen, "The Slavery Question in Catholic Newspapers,
1850-1865;' Historical Records and Studies, XXVI (1936), 129 passim.

Frawley, Patrick Donahoe, 22.

"^^Editorials, 77ze ft/or, Jan. 22, 1853, July 22, 1854.

^^Editorial, The Pilot, June 3, 1854.

^^Editorial, The Pilot,.Dec. 26, 1857.

"^^Editorials, The Pilot, Mai. 21, Mar. 28, Apr. 4, Apr. 11, Apr. 25, May 30,
1857.

"^^ Editorials, The Pilot, Oct. 29, Nov. 5, Nov. 19, Dec. 10, 1859.
"^^Lord, Sexton, and Harrington, History of the Archdiocese, 11, 704.
'*^Frawley, Donahue, 168.

'^^ Bruce Catton, The Coming Fury (Garden City, 1961-1965), 6, 91.
'*^Lord, Sexton, and Harrington, Ach of Boston, 11, 706 refers to "whoever
handled this policy for the paper," and it seems we shall have to be content with this.

^Editorial, The Pilot, Nov. 17, 1860.

^^The Pilot, Nov. 24, I860.

52ibid.

^^EditOTial, The Pilot, Dec. 1,1860.

^''Editorial, The Pilot, Jan. 12, 1861; Allen, "Slavery Question in Catholic
Newspapers," 159 passim.

^^Editorial, The Pilot, Dec. 1, 1860.

^^Handlin, Boston's Immigrants, 253.

^^Editorial, The Pilot, Dec. 8, 1860.

^^See Editorial, The Pilot, May 31, 1856, Jan. 7, 1860. The announcement of
The Pilot's 1861 subscription drive bore the headline: "THE UNION - IT MUST BE
PRESERVED; THE PILOT KNOWS NO NORTH, NO SOUTH," Dec. 8, 1860.

40

^^Editohal, The Pilot, Dec. 15, 1860.

^Editorials,r/;e Pilot May 5, 1860, Jan. 5, Jan. 12, 1861. The Pilot even
contended that it was "some Catholic impulse" that led Buchanan to proclaim the
national fast for a Friday! Editorial, Jan. 19, 1861. See also Freeman's Journal (New
York), Feb. 9, 1856.

^ ^ Rice, A merican Catholic Opinion, 153.
62 The Pilot, Feb. 2, 1861

^^Editorial, The Pilot, Dec. 29, 1860.

^'^Editorial, The Pilot, Jan. 12, 1861

^^ The Pilot, Jan. 19, 1861.

^^Editorials, The Pilot, July 20, 1861, Feb. 15, 1 86 2. The welfare of the Negro
was often cited as an argument against emancipation. See Editorials, Mar. 15, Mar.
22, 1862.

^^Editorials, The Pilot, Jan. 26, 1861.

^^Editorial, "Massachusetts vs. The Union," The Pilot, Feb. 2, 1861.

^^Ibid.

^Editorial, "The Secession Movement," The Pilot, Feb. 2, 1861.

^^Editorial, The Pilot, Feb. 9, 1861.

^^Editorial, Vie Pilot, Feb. 16, 1861.

^^Editorial, The Pilot, Feb. 23, 1861.

^"^Editorial, The Pilot, Mar. 9, 1861.

^^Editorial, The Pilot, Mar. 16, 1861.

^^The Pilot, Apr. 20, 1861.

^^Editorial, "The Irish and the Republic," The Pilot, Apr. 27, 1861.

^^Editorial, "The CivU War," The Pilot, Apr. 27, 1 86 1.

^^Editorial, The Bee (Boston), Jan. 19, 1859.

41

42

SPECTROPHOTOMETRIC DETERMINATION OF BORON
IN THE SUBMICROGRAM RANGE*

M. P. Menon

Department of Chemistry, Savamiah State College, Savamiah, Georgia

INTRODUCTION

The use of boron as dopant in silicon semiconductors has generated
considerable interest in the analytical methods for the quantitative
determination of boron in the submicrogram range. Vick and Whittle (1)
have shown that the surface concentration of boron in silicon wafers
increases with temperature and reaches a plateau of about 2.5x10^
atoms/cm^ at 1200C. The shape of the concentration profile depends on
the temperature and other conditions of doping technique. Although the
differential sheet conductance technique has been used for profiling boron
in silicon wafers, it has been suggested (2) that these profiles may be
different from the actual distribution due to the presence of electrically
inactive boron in the form of precipitates. A chemical profiling technique
would, therefore, be required for the determination of the total boron
profile.

Of the various chemical analytical techniques reported in the literature
the spectrophotometric method developed by Ducret (3) appears most
attractive in regard to speed and sensitivity. This method has been
improved by Pasztor and Bode (4) and also by Utsumi and others (5). The
sensitivity for this method as reported by the former is 0.2/;ug while the
latter claims a detection limit of 0.05 4= 0.02/ ^g. To run a satisfactory
profile down to 10* *atoms/cm^ of boron in silicon wafers a sensitivity of
about 10"^ g of B is required.

The spectrophotometric method is based on the conversion of boron
into tetrafluoroboric acid and the extraction of the BF4 -methylene blue
complex into 1 ,2-dichloroethane. By measuring the absorbance of the
colored complex in the organic solvent at 6600 A, traces of boron can be
determined. The reaction between boric acid and hydrofluoric acid is
known to take place in two steps (6):

H3BO3 + 3HF -^HBFaOH + 2H2O (very fast)
HBF3 OH + HF - HBF4 + H2 (slow)

The time required to reach equilibrium is approximately 218 minutes
at a boron concentration of 0.11 M/1, but it increases with decreasing
boron concentration. Ducret (1) and others (4) have accelerated the
reaction by taking a very large excess of HF while Utsumi et al (5)
reducted the time further to thirty minutes by adding dilute
HgSO^. The sensitivity of the above method will undoubtedly depend,
among others,, on (1) the amount of the colored complex extracted into

* This work was performed by the author at IBM Thomas Watson
Research center, Yorktown Heights, N.Y., as a summer faculty
employee. (1969).

43

the organic layer, (2) the absorbance of the blank and (3) the path length
of the cell used for absorbance measurements. It was found that the
conditions chosen for the analysis in the previous work could be modified
to increase the sensitivity.

In this work attempts were made to enhance the sensitivity of the
spectrophotometric method by changing the various parameters involved
in the analysis. Although various procedures were tried only the most
promising one is reported here. A new radiogreagent method which was
also investigated for the analysis of boron has been reported elsewhere(7).

EXPERIMENTAL

Reagents:

Boric acid, 1-2-dichloroe thane (certified-Fisher Scientific Co.),
HF(Ultra pure, 40%) (E. Merk AG Darmstadt, Germany), methylene blue
bromide (Alfa Inorganic, Ventron) were used in this work. Boric acid
solution was standarized potentiometrically using mannitol and its
molarity was found to be 9.28xlO'^M/l.. From this stock solution,
working solutions containing 10~*g/ml, 10"^g/ml and 10 ^g/ml were
prepared by dilution.
Equipment used:

Gary Model 14 Recording Spectrophotometer.
Procedure:

One milliliter of the solution containing various amounts of boron, in
the form of boric acid, is treated with one milliliter of 0.5M/1 HF and
allowed to stand for 8 hours or more. The mixture is then diluted to 9 ml
with water and mixed with 1 ml of lO'^M/1 methylene blue solution. This
is shaken with 20 ml of 1 ,2-dichloroethane for one minute. After the
separation of the two layers, about 18 ml of the organic layer is tranferred
to another separatory funnel and washed with 5 ml of water. The extract
is dried with a small amount of anhydrous Na2S04 and the absorbance
measurements are made in a 5cm cuvette. The time dependance of the
formation of HBF4 under these conditions was determined by measuring
the absorbance of a 0.5 jig boron solution as a function of time. The curve
given in Fig. 1 shows that it takes at least 8 hours for the reactants to
come to equilibrium under the above conditions.

The net absorbance may be further increased by extracting with 30 ml
of 1,2-dichJoroethane, wasliing the extract with 10 ml of water and
measuring the absorbance in a 10 cm cell.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS

The results of the analysis of boron standards using 20 ml of the
extractant and 5 cm path length are presented in Table I. The net
absorbance is based on the average of the blanks determined on the same
day of the analysis. It is interesting to note that a higher absorbance and
better reproducibility than in the previous work was obtained in the entire
concentration range. The higher absorbance obtained in this procedure,
when compared to that in reference (5), is believed to result from a higher
extration of BF4 -methylene blue complex under the proposed conditions.

44

Ducret(3)has reported that 80-85% of BF4 -methylene blue complex is
extracted into 1 ,2-dichlo roe thane if the phase volumes are in the ratio 1:1.
The extraction efficiency E, in percent of the complex extracted, is given
by the relation:

E =

V /v
D + aq/ org

where D is the distribution coefficient and is equal to four in this system,
Vaq and Vorg are the volumes of the aqueous phase and organic phase,
respectively. E will therefore, increase with decreasing Vaq/Vorg ratio. The
volume ratio used in previous work was above one whUe in the present
work it is 0.5.

The concentration of boron in an unknown sample can be measured
by analysing the sample in the same manner and using a calibration curve
based on the measurements of boron standards. Following the above
procedure, 3xlO'^g of boron can be determined with a relative standard
deviation of 30%, provided samples and standards are processed on the
same day.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

The author is grateful to IBM for making this work possible and
thanks Dr. W. Reuter and his group at IBM for their advice and assistance
for the work.

REFERENCES

1. Vick, G. L. and Whittle, K.M., J. Electrochem. Soc: Solid State
Science, 116,1142(1969).

2. Makris, IBM Report (Private Communication).

3. Ducret, L., Anal. Chim. Acta., 17, 213 (1957).

4. Pasztor, L. and Bode, J. D., Anal. Chem., 32, 277 (1960).

5. Utsumi, S. Ito, S. and Isozaki, A., J. Chem. Soc. Japan, 86, 921 (1965).

6. Wamser, C.A., J. Am. Chem. Soc., 70, 1209 (1948).

7. Menon, M. P., Paper submitted to Radioanalytical Chemistry.

45

TABLE I

Results of the Absorbance Measurements for the Analysis of Boron

Cone, of B

Gross

Blank

(gram)

Absorbance

Used

Net Absorbance

5x1 0"7

1.429

0.177 -.017

1.465

0.177 \017

1.270 -.025

3x1 0"7

0.996

0.177:. 017

0.955

0.177 :.017

0.799 : .027

2x1 0'7

0.665

0.177 !.017

0.690

0.177^017

0.500 :. 021

1x1 0~7

0.399

0.152 !.018

0.401

0.152 ".018

0.395

0.152:. 01 8

0.421

0.175 ^015

0.246 -.018

8x1 0"8

0.345

0.152 *.018

0.312

0.152^018

0.350

0.175 ^015

0.182 ^025

5x1 0"8

0.252

0.152 ^018

0.260

0.152 ^018

0.248

0.152^.018

0.260

0.175 -\015

0.097!. 020

3x1 0"8

0.183

0.152 :.oi8

0.199

0.152^018

0.190

0.152 ^018

0.202

0.175^.015

0.036 - .020

Effect of Washing on the Absorbance of the Blank

Blanks

Wash Steps

no wash

Absorbance

1

1.055

1st wash

0.245

2nd wash

0.130

2

no wash

1.015

1st wash

0.230

2nd wash

0.108

46

1.4

I I 1 1 1

1 1

|

1.2

1 L_l

f

$

^ i -i

1.0

- //

-

<u
o

a

-e

o

CO

<

0.8

- /

-

0.6

/

/

0.4

/
/

-

0.2

/
/

/
/
/
/ 1 1 1 1 1

1 1

1

Time in hours

Fig. 1 Time dependence of the formation of HBF4 using the
spectrophotometric method. (Each Reaction Mixture: 4.65xlO"^M
H3BO3 +0.25MHF).

47

48

STUDIES EM THE REACTIVITY OF

CERTAIN ALIPHATIC POLYHALOGEN

COMPOUNDS, PART !

Reactions of Heptachloroethane
Kamalakar B. Raut

In the course of our studies of the reactivity of polyhalogen
compounds, we condensed heptachloropropane with various primary
aromatic amines in the presence of copper powder. Most of these amines
will condense with heptachloropropane at room temperature. In the case
of o-Chloroaniline, the reaction seemed to go too far and as a result a
tar-like substance is obtained. This usually happens with compounds with
a substituent in the ortho position. When these compounds were dissolved
in concentrated sulfuric acid, very brilliant colored solutions were
orbrained.

Experimental

Heptachloropropane (0. 01 mole) was condensed with 0.7 moles of
various primary aromatic amines in the presence of copper powder. The
same substances were also condensed without copper powder.

The condensation products were washed with 7% sulfuric acid and
crystallized from absolute alcohol. The following table gives the sunmiary
of results:

49

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50

Dimensions of Interest Inventories and Their Implications for Reading
Classes:

By Jacquelyn W. Stephens

"Knowing of the child's habitual hosts of thinking and acting
as well as his own evaluation of himself are essential to the full
understanding of the child and his problems."

Gertrude HUdreth (1934)

The term disadvantaged has held various connotations for people of
diversified professions over the last century, however, the term remains too
ambiguous to have any valuative meaning. All of us suffer some aspect of
deprivation, whether it be cognitive, psychomotor, or affective.
Unfortunately, in our "McWaspian" society the term disadvantaged refers to
the lower socio-economic echelon. At the same time the only instrument
employed to measure the degree of the disadvantage "ism" has been the
amount of financial aid offered various programs for the betterment of the
lower socio-economic class. Such programs are Head Start, social welfare,
and the like. Consideration of the disadvantage syndrome, however, should
not imply that a lack of family cohesion exists. Although a lack of family
cohesion may affect some disadvantaged homes, it may also affect other
classes of our society; therefore, it may be assumed that a disadvantaged
home is not merely one suffering from economic liability but one suffering
from emotional or psychological decadence.

Many educators pay lip service to the fact that we must respect the
disadvantaged child, in that this respect might be the key to his education.
However, to respect someone you must know not only his academic assets
and liabilities, but also his behavorial strengths and weaknesses.
Unfortunately, too many people who talk of respecting this type child see
nothing to respect.

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of of this study was to determine the direction of reading
interests of a group of third and fourth grade pupils in order to determine
how their reading abilities could be improved. These children resided in a
southeastern inner-city school area. Out of three elementary schools fifty
disadvantaged youth who were to be assigned to special reading classes were
selected as subjects.

Procedure

In addition to the Metropolitan Reading Tests and the California Short
Form Test of Mental Maturity, an interest inventory was given to detect the
variables that may influence one's interest in reading. The interest inventory
was divided into three main parts. In part one the main emphasis was family
life which included: sibling relationships, attitudes toward parents, and
homes in which they lived. The topics in part two were concerned with
special interests and hobbies; such as reading, swimming, and painting. Part
three dealt primarily with the educational system which referred to their

51

positive or negative attitudes toward the teacher or school and their plans for
higher education.

Smith and Dechant (1961) found that when reading ability and
scholastic aptitude were low, the advantage of listening over reading was
greater. Therefore, the items on the inventory were reading by a reading
specialist, and the students were required to respond verbally. These
responses were then recorded on the inventory form.

Results

The findings revealed that the children from a disadvantaged
environment generally expressed favorable attitudes toward important
authority figures, such as teachers and parents. Despite economic and
cultural handicaps the "so called disadvantaged children" had virtually the
same attitudes toward occupations, parents, and school as other children.
Similar evidence has also been reported by Riessman (1962), Sears, et al.
(1965), who investigated the attitudes of children from a disadvantaged
environment towards achievement-related concepts and found no significant
variation in attitudes toward school as possessed by the disadvantaged youth.

Results of the interest inventories used in this study showed that 97% of
the students planned to go to college, and 80% liked school; however, the
literature generally implied that these children lacked the necessary
experiential background for success in school. Adler (1968, p. 16), states
that, "culturally disadvantaged children are characterized by narrow
experiences outside the home". Gordon et al. (1966) allude to the fact that
disadvantaged children's culture has not adequately provided them with the
experiences that are "normal" to the kinds of children the schools are
teaching.

Eighty-three percent of the sample have been to a fair, on a picnic, or to a
museum. Fifty-five percent went on a trip the previous summer, and 83%
played m their spare time. These students certainly have had experiences
valuable toward the launching of future learning; that is, learning through
experiential background. Children can tell, record, and write many
interesting stories about their adventures at the fair, on a picnic, at the
museum, or on a trip. However, these reactions cannot effectively take place
without meaningful individualization in the classroom. These experiences
contributed to their apperceptive mass, which is one of the primary
components of effective reading. On the other hand, we should never try to
force all children to become interested in the same reading material.

At this point it might be interesting to look at the data collected
concerning family life in relation to reading interest. Seventy-two percent
have over five siblings. Sixty-four percent liked to participate in activities
with their mother (including helping her at home) and 48% enjoyed activities
with their father (including helping him work). On the other hand, 33% of
the sample would like to change their homes by planting flowers or by
painting it.

In the main, the data repudiate tlie fact that because large numbers of
disadvantaged children come from matriarchial homes they have negative
parental attitudes (Ohlson 1970). Even though it is apparent by the
percentages that some negative attitudes do exist, they do not to the extent
implied by much of the literature.

52

A low socio-economic status was a common element with the majority
of these children. According to the standards of the larger American culture,
these students were economically disadvantaged. Only 17% of the sample
belonged to a club (Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts), and only 2% took special
lessons (piano and dancing, etc.).

Conclusions

We must form an awareness of the backgrounds of children from
depressed areas realizing that all disadvantaged children do not have negative
attitudes toward school and authority figures. Many disadvantaged children
have had some meaningful experiences that the school should build and
enlarge upon. The present study did reveal, however, that many
disadvantaged children do not take special lessons or belong to clubs.
Consequently, since a significantly high number of students indicated that
they plan to go to college, communicative skills must play a vital role in their
education. In reading classes an experience approach should be implemented
to foster greater gains in reading.

Limitations to the Study

Although it is apparent, that the findings of this study are significant,
there are certain rather obvious limitations in the design of the study. It was
based on a small non-random sample. Because the reading consultant was not
in the capacity of a classroom teacher, students should have been candid in
their answers; but some students may have wanted to be impressive and
therefore, did not reveal their iimer feelings. The interviewer did not report
all of the items found on the interest inventory, but only those revelant to
the study. Those that were extraneous were recorded but were not reported
in this study.

Recommendations and Implications for Future Research

Teachers must learn to respect the child's cultural heritage, in order to
prevent the teacher from viewing the students ethnocentrically. Teachers
should also aviod accepting "myths" concerning the disadvantaged child and
his family structure, being cognizant of the fact that all children may be
disadvantaged in some aspect; whether it be psychomotorly, affectively, or
psychologically. It is also apparent that greaterconsideration could be given
to the effect that the lack of proper nutrition has on intellect, or some
other aspect of deprivation and learning.

References
Adler, Sol. The Health and Education of the Economically Deprived
Child. St. Louis: Warren H. Green, Inc., 1968 p. 16.
Apple, Joe A. Readings in Educating the Disadvantaged. New York:
Division of Associated Educational Services Corporation, 1965.
Gordon, Edmund W., Wilkerson, Doxley A. Compensatory Education
for the Disadvantaged. New York: College Entrance Examination
Board, 1966.

53

4. Glasser. William. Schools Without Failure. New York: Harper Row,
1969.

5. Greenberg, Judith W. (et al) "Attitudes of Children From a Deprived
Environment Toward Achievement - Related Concepts". Journal of
Educational Research (vol. 59), 1965 p. 27.

6. Hildreth, Gertrude. "An Interest Inventory For High School Personal
\^oxk''\ Journal of Educational Research (vol. 27) 1934 p. 18.

7. Miller, Harry L. Education For the Disadvantaged. New York: 1967.

8. Ohlson, E. Lamonte. "The Effects of the Female Based Family and
Birth Order of the Abihty to Self-Disclose" unpublished Ph. D.
dissertation, The University of Oklahorha, 1970.

9. Riesman, Frank. TJie Culturally Deprived Child. New York: Harper
Row, 196 !

10. Sears, Robert R., Maccoby, Eleanor E., and Levin, Harry . Patterns of
Child Rearing. Evanston: Row, Peterson and Company, 1957.

11. Smith, Henry P. and Dechant Emerald Y. Psychology in Teaching
Reading. New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc. 1961 p. 144.

12. Vairo, Phillips, and Ornstein, Allan (ed) How to Teach Disadvantaged
Youth

13. Association for Curriculum Development. "Educating the Children of
thePoor". N.E.A. 1968.

54

TOWARD A THEORY OF PROVING ONE-PARTY SYSTEMS
IN AFRICA AS DEMOCRATIC: THE CASE OF TANU

Hanes Walton, Jr.

INTRODUCTION

One of the major questions posed about the political structure of the
new African States today is: "How can you have democracy with a
One-Party system?" The answers are many and varied, but they follow two
major patterns. The two major patterns are: (1) African defenders (i.e.,
those who say that it is possible), and (2) the Western and non-Western
critics (i.e., those who say it is not possible). Let's look briefly at these
arguments.

The arguments used by African leaders to support the single-party
system are based on both theoretical, pragmatic, and historical grounds.^
Theoretically, it is claimed, that the single party represents the will of all
the people. It encourages the development of a sense of personal
responsibility in goverrmient by permitting mass participating in decision
making. And futhermore, it is claimed that since it doesn't represent only
the interest of a particular group of economic strata in the populace, it is
basically more democratic than the two-party system. Madeira Keita
makes the point well in his article, when he states that:

In the present historical situation in Africa there is no need to
multiply parties nor to indulge in the luxury of a sterile and
fratricidal opposition. Since we were agreed on the essentials
and were pursuing the same objectives, was there any reason
to remain divided and split into parties that rought one
another? 2
However, pragmatically a justification for the one-party system is
derived from the view that in the crisis following independence a strong
government is needed to weld the nation together.^ The needs of
economic development are imperative and evident; there can be no
argument about goals, the African leaders claim, therefore parties
representing different points of view are superfluous.'* And finally,
historically, it is claimed that in traditional African society politics
reflected the interests of the community as a whole, that most African
tribal political systems provided methods for limited popular participation in
political decision-making. Few, if any African rulers, it is claimed govemed

^Rupert Emerson & Martin Kilson (ed.),77ze Political Awakening of
Africa. (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-HaU, Inc., 1965), pp. 105-106.
^Paul Sigmund ied.),The Ideologies of the Developing Nations (New York: Praeger,
1963), pp. 170-82.

^Emerson, op. cit., p. 105.

^Julius K. Nyerere.Z)emoc/-flc>' and the Party System(Dai es Salaam: Tanganyika

Standard, Ltd., n.d.), 25-26.

5

M. Fortes & E. Evans-Pritchard,/l/r/cfl Political Systems (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1963), pp. 8-9.

55

as autocrats; usually they were surrounded by councils of some type without
whose consent no important decisions could be made. In many instances,
formal provisions were made for an expression of popular opinion
concerning the replacement of a chief, or members of his council, who
transgressed tribal mores seriously. Put differently, the proponents of the
single party system state that in African culture and traditions, the people sit
and talk until they agree. ^ One anthropologist commented that:

I have never found it recorded... that the Council of Elders, or
clan leaders, settled important issues by formal vote, with the
will of the majority prevailing. Evidently, the idea of basing a
group decision on a vote is not as self- evident as we usually
assume, or else it is incompatible with other values in African
cultures which are more deeply entrenched.^
Thus, the Western two, or multi-party and ParUamentary structure is,
then, as argued by the African poHtical leaders, an essentially Western
phenomenon, conforming to Western culture and traditions with no roots
in African society.^ Taking this point further, President Nyerere stated
that it was of vital importance that in a new state the institutions of
government be understood by the people, if it is to encourage national
unity. ^.

However, be that as it may, the Western critics of the one-party
system in Africa have argued that instead of promoting democracy it has
given rise to dictatorships which refuse to permit the formation of an
opposition party. ^^ The Western critics contend that it is impossible to
have democracy without a two or multi-party system.^ ^ Moreover, the
critics argue that in those few cases where an opposition party exists in
Africa, it has been denied the opportunity to play its rightful role as the
continuing critic of government policy. Therefore, some of the Western
critics have been prompt to blame the growing political disorder in Africa
on the single party system. They contend that the main party fails to
satisfy all sectors of the populace, and that the dissatisfied, so frustrated,

^ Ibid.

^ Nyerere, op. cit, p. 1-2

^ Robert Grey, "Political Parties in New African Nations: Anthropological
View," Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol IV, No. 4 (July 19, 1963),
pp. 451-2.

" Julius Nyerere, "Democracy and the Party System," in Emerson, op. cit., pp.
122-123.

1 Nyerere, Africa Report (July, 1962), p. 5.

^^ Martin KUson, "Authoritarian and Single Party Tendencies in African
Politics," World Politics (January, 1963), pp. 263-294. This paper isolates and
analyzes five causes of single party rule in Africa.

^^ Ibid. See also Pendleton Herring, TTie Politics of Democracy (New York: W.
W. Norton & Company, 1940.) He makes the point that democracy cannot survive
without two parties.

56

can only vent their grievances by overthrow^ing the government by
force. 1^ In other words, underlying the Western critics argument is the
implicit assumption that only Western-modeled systems are applicable to
all societies regardless of their cultural heritage.

Hence, it can be readily seen that both observations, those of the
African defenders and the Western critics, suffer from problems of
objectivity, validity, weak methodology, coherent and systematic logic.
Each approach is essentially normative, value orientated, and superficial.
Both approaches lack a concrete methodology and some type of general
theory. However, a general theory is necessary if any fundamental
understanding of comparative poHtics is to be had. And obviously, the
present justifications are not much of a step in this direction. These
approaches of the African defenders and the Western critics leave the
problem unsolved. This problem of the single-party system and democracy
must still be investigated and approached with sound methodology, which
will evolve some type of general theory to give a better understanding of
the phenomenon.

The focus of this paper is on the problem of the single-party system
and democracy in Africa. In this paper, I intend to construct a model
which vvdll postulate a theory to help prove that one party systems can be
democratic. The paper will start with the idea of factionalism ^^ and
attempt to evolve certain criteria whereby factions can be considered
democratic. From this criteria it is hoped that a general theory embracing
the concept of bifactionalism^^ in single-party systems may be
democratic. After the estabUshment of the criteria, then, I will examine
and investigate the behavior of the one-party system in Tanzania (TANU)
to see the relevance or the application of the criteria. ^^

The method used is both analytical, descriptive and theoretical.
Although the conclusion of this study will speak for itself, it is hoped that
this type of presentation will be both enUghtening and useful.

TOWARD A THEORY OF PROVING - ONE-PARTY
.SYSTEMS ARE DEMOCRATIC

This theory starts with the assumption that a one-party system does
not mean the absence of all party rivalry. Thus, if intra-party competition

^^ Emerson,' op cit., pp. 142-147.

^^ In the chapters that follow the term faction is used to mean any combination,
clique, or grouping of voters and political leaders who unite at a particular time in
support of a candidate." Factions differ here from political parties in that parties
seek all the public officies, and factions only one. See V. O. Key, Jr., Southern
Politics: In State and Nation (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1949), for a complete
discussion. Chapter 14.

'^ Bifactionalism is used here to designate a system in which only two
candidates appear for one office, within a single-party system.

^^ For insight into an earlier study of a similar nature see, AUan P. Sindler,
"Bifactional Rivalry as an Alternative to Two-Party Competition in Louisiana,"
American Political Science Review (September, 1955), pp. 641-662.

57

takes the form of factions and these factions conform to certain general
criteria, then, they may be considered democratic.^ ^ In other words,
single-party systems are not necessarily undemocratic. They can be
democratic in nature. However, factionalism by itself will not necessarily
create democracy but there must also exist certain preconditions for
democracy to evolve in the society.

However, before we discuss the general nature and makeup of faction
or what they should be composed of, it is necessary to look first at the nature
of the society in general.

The nature of society is very crucial, in terms of ideology, political
institutions and individual rights. In other words, the society must be
considered as an open society, with a certain amount of respect for
individual rights and freedoms.!^ For without a number of specific
conditions, including a free press, free speech, and free assembly then the
system of that society is not of the nature or kind which will permit
democracy.^ ^ Therefore, the first criterion or condition is that society
provide some form of safeguard for individual rights, liberties and
freedoms. It also should provide some means whereby people can redress
their grievances.

Next, certain conditions are necessary for a stable and effective
democratic system. For if we adhere to our definitions of factions, it is
possible that a single party system characterized by factionalism would be
only a "congeries of transient squabbling, which fail to meet standards of
permanence, cohensiveness, and responsibility" that lead to stable and
effective democracy. ^0

Therefore, one of the factors that would help in proving that
single-party systems are democratic, is that factions should attempt to
acquire a degree of continuity, both in name as well as in make-up of their
inner core of professional leaders.^ ^ It is possible that by achieving some

^^ Democracy is defined here as primarily a system of government, where the
people choose their representatives, directly or indirectly, how they will govern and
broadly to what ends. David Spitz, The Patterns of Anti-Democratic Thought (New
York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1949), p. 29.

^ Harry Eckstein & David Apter (ed.). Comparative Politics (Glencoe: Free
Press, 1963), pp. 116-119.

^^S. M. Upset, Political Man (New York: Doubleday and Company, 1960), p. 32.

^^Key, op. cit., p. 16.

21 Ibid., p. 304. See also A. Heard, /I Two-Party 5oMf/i(Chapel Hill: University of
North Carolina Press, 1952), pp. 3-19.

58

type of continuity, the voters' support would be stabilized, and the
electorate would have some way to identify the factions' general
orientation and policies. For without acquiring some semblance of
permanence and continuity, the electorate would become confused, there
would be no record to judge it by and no continuing program. Key states
that:

Discontinuity of faction both confuses the electorate and
reflects a failure to organize the voters into groups of more or
less like-minded citizens with somewhat similar attitudes
toward public policy. Under a system of fluid factions, ...the
voter's task is not simplified by the existence of continuing
competing parties with fairly well recognized, general policy
orientations... Factions that form and reform cannot become
identified in the mind of the electorate. ..2 2
This lack of continuity could lead to irresponsibility in the party, for
without continuity no social mechanism would exist to bring the member
of the faction into line behind an integrated program. And furthermore,
"factional fluidity and discontinuity... can make a government susceptible
to individual pressures and especially disposed toward favoritism (i.e.,
getting while the getting is good attitude). ^ 3

Factions, after estabHshing some degree of continuity, should base
their appeal on issues, rather than on personalities.^^ By basing their
appeals on personalities -- this could lead to demagogues -- issues and
problems would be clouded. Then by basing their appeal on issues, there
would be much less shifting from one pohtical alliance to another. This
stability would help the voter in ascertaining the programs and issues.

Factions, then, by achieving permanence, continuity, and
cohesiveness, could instill more responsibility. ^5 Simply because in the
absence of the organized political force that factions would represent,
freer play is given to pressures on government officials. Legislators, for
instance, when subject to rigorous discipline, are less susceptible to the
inducements of lobbyists than if every legislator is out for himself.
Individual pressures are likely to be more effective, however, on both^
legislative and administrative officials in a weak fluid factional than in
a strong, permanemt factional system. ^6

Another important factor in aiding factions to become more
democratic is its geographical distribution. In other words, factions should
try to spread their influence over a wide geographical area and avoid
localism. 2^ This would aid the faction's strength and limit its attachment

22

Key, op. cit., p. 303. See also Robert DahlJ'oliticd Oppositions in Western
Democracies (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1966), pp. 332-386.

2^ Key ,op. cit., p. 305,

24/6/d., p. 306.

^^Ibid. p. 302.

27 ihid. 59

to a particular sectional interest, which relies solely upon friends and
neighbors to gain popularity. By gaining wide popularity through a wide
geographical appeal, this would serve to stabilize the faction's strength and
increase its pulling power.

Now that we have established the general criteria whereby factions can
be considered as providing an opportunity for stable and effective
democracy, what then should the nature of the party be which
encompasses these factions?

As stated earlier, certain preconditions must exist in society and this is
also true of the political parties. Since there are different types of political
parties in the single-party system in Africa,^^ which one is closer to our
definition of democracy? In Africa, most scholars adhere to the following
topology of poHtical parties (i.e., Mass political parties and Elite or Patron
political parties).^^ Mass political parties are defined generally as those
who seek the adherence of every single individual. ^^ Whereas, on the
other hand, Elite or Patron usually seek the influential notables or patrons
in the society.'^ ^ Examples of the former is TANU and of the latter is the
Union Nigerienne des Independants et Sympathisants (UNIS). However, in
terms of their democratic nature, Professor Schachter stated that:

Some of the mass parties encourage the growth of forces and
institutions which may ultimately make possible the
machinery of democratic systems familiar to us; for instance,
competition for every citizen's vote by more than one
organized team of candidates.^ ^
Continuing in her remarks. Professor Schachter has given four reasons
why mass parties contribute to democracy.^ ^ First of all, they represent
the "general will." Secondly, the prospect of democracy can be enhanced
by mass parties because of their organization and procedure. In other words,
"Mass parties, at their best, have developed the organization which can
publicize and encourage the mass discussion of important issues."^ ^

^^Ruth Schachter, "Single-Party Systems in West Afiica "American Political
Science Review (June, 1961), pp. 294-301. See also Thomas Hodgkin, A Mean Political
Par^/es (Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1961).

^^Eckstein, op. cit., p. 694.

31 Ibid.

^^Schachtei, op. cit., p. 294.

^^Ibid., pp. 299-302.

60

Thirdly, mass parties help democracy by encouraging social equality. And
the fourth contribution is that they foster conditions where opposition is
possible. Therefore, with these factors in mind, it can readily be seen that
mass parties more so than eUte parties would be one of the general
preconditions for a stable and effective democracy. However, not for these
reasons alone, but in addition, some other factors must prevail. Thus, in
conjunction with the need for a mass party, there is also need for universal
suffrage, sustained programs of action, and a institutionalized mechanism
for the expression of the viewpoints from the lower levels of society."^ ^

However, this theory postulates that the party should not over
encourage an urmecessary multipUcation of factions. This would tend to
lead to multifactionalism, or to a semblance of a multiparty system .^^ Or,
on the other hand, it could destroy some of the stability of the system,
which one is seeking to improve. This, the political leaders of the mass
party must keep in mind.

^-Summarizing, therefore, this theory postulates the following criteria
whereby a single-party system can be considered democratic in nature: (a)
an open society, with respect for individual rights, liberties and freedoms;
(b) within this open society, there should exist a mass party, with universal
suffrage, a sustained program of action, and (c) limited factional grouping
each characterized by some degree of permanence, continuity,
cohesiveness, and responsibility.

Therefore, if these general criteria are adhered to, the theory states
that the one-party system can be considered as democratic. However,
flexibility is a feature of this theury in that the deviation of a given single
party system from a particular aspect of the criteria is not too important,
as long as the general characteristics of the theory cover the majority of
the system in question. And furthermore, the dividing line between "more
democratic" and "less democratic" is also not basic, since presumably
democracy is not a unitary quality of a social system, but a complex of
characteristics which may be ranked in many different ways.

^^By institutionalized mechanism for the expression of the lower-level of society
viewpoints, it is meant that the government should make it possible whereby the
poor man as well as the rich one could have the same chances and advantages in
running for the particular office.

^^Key,op.cit., p. 301.

61

Now that we have the general theory, let's turn to a study of TANU in
the 1965 election.

TANU: AND THE 1965 ELECTIONS

On October 7, 1965, the Tanzania Parliament was dissolved and the
electorate of Tanzania was given the opportunity of choosing their
representatives within the context of a siiigle national political movement.
The principles of this new form of democracy had been fully discussed
and carefully chosen by the Commission set up by President Nyerere to
report on "The Establishment of a Democratic One-Party State. "^^ With
one or two exceptions the findings of the Commission were included in
the new Interim Constitution of 1965.

Their recommendations concerning the electoral system were:

that TANU should remain a mass party open to all citizens
who accept its principles, (these were couched in extremely
broad terms); that all aspiring candidates must submit
themselves to a TANU District conference (TDC) who would
record a preference vote; that the TANU National Executive
Committee (NEC) would choose, two candidates for each
constituency, from the preference Hst drawn up by the TDC's;
(the party executives agreed on two candidates in order to
avoid any member being elected on a minority vote); that
candidates would share a common platform of campaign
meetings and electoral activities organized by the TANU
District Executive; that each constituency election would be
supervised by an ad hoc committee composed by members
from outside the constituency; finally, that the Presidential
election would be by a direct affirmative vote for a single
candidate. If a majority were cast against the candidate, then
an alternative means must be put forward...
The election results gave rise to both a great deal of satisfaction and
many shocks. The words of the President, that "those forming the
Government will, of course, be placed from time to time, this is what
elections are for..." turn out to be prophetic. However, it was the quick
acceptance of the results, coupled with the high degree of participation by
the people in the election process, which illustrated that the spirit behind
the experiment had been vindicated.

Let us take a brief look at the organization and structure of TANU.
TANU is divided into districts, areas and regions.^ ^ On the national level,

^^ Report of the Presidential Commission on the Establishment of a Democratic
One-Party State{Dai es Salaam: Government Printer, 1956), p. 1.

^^The Interim Constitution of Tanzania (Dai es Salaam: Dar es Salaam: Government
Printer, 1965), pp. 5-7.

^^Presidential Commission, op. cit.. pp. 34-35.
'^^Presidential Commission, op. cit., pp. 30-31

62

there is a National Executive Committee (NEC) which is the poHcy making
organ of the party. Its decisions must at all times be coordinated with
those of the government. In addition, the function of the NEC is to
appoint the Secretary -General, Deputy Secretary -General and the National
Treasurer of the party. The Vice-President is elected by the Annual
Conference of TANU. 41

At the Annual Conference of TANU, the delegates that are elected to
attend are chosen by Annual District Conferences. At this Annual
Conference of TANU, various party positions are filled including the NEC.
Area Commissioners, in common with other members of TANU in the
district, are eligible for election as delegates.*^

Also, Area Commissioners who are Area Secretaries of TANU are
eligible to stand for election as Regional Chairmen of the party. The
Regional Secretary of the party is also the Regional Commissioner.'*^

In other words, TANU is organized from the top to the bottom in the
following way: National Executive Committee (NEC) to Regional
Secretary ~ to - Area Secretary - to ~ District Secretary, with each man at
the same time holding both a political post as well as a party post (i.e., the
Regional Secretary is also the Regional Commissioner, etc.).

Now let's take a brief look at the Party (TANU) in the 1965 elections.
This particular election was chosen because there had been only one other
election.'*^ The other election, the 1960 election, was held prior to
independence, less than 100,000 people voted and it was held on a
restricted franchise basis.'* ^

Voting Districts

During 1962-5, boundaries were drawn throughout the country.
One-hundred and seven (107) constituencies were created for the National
Assembly. During this time the District became the chief electoral unit,
run by district councils. In many cases, the district boundaries were drawn
to avoid purely tribal division.

Registration

The first stage in the 1965 election process was registration which is
not an automatic process in Tanzania. During May it was aimounced that
registration would begin on June 1st and close on July 31st, and only
citizens who received a registration card during this period would be
eligible to vote.'*^ A total of 7,417 polling and registration stations were

'^'^Ibid.

"^5 Ibid.

46 Belle Harris, "The Tanzanian Elections," Afi/o/, Vol. II, No. 5, (special election
edition). See also R. S. Morgenthau, African Elections, Tanzania's
Contribution, y4^/cfl Reports (December, 1965), pp. 12-16.

63

set up. On the average, this is about one station per 400 registered voters.

It was hoped that the registration figure would reach the four million
mark. All citizens (those born in Tanzania, or having at least one
Tanzanian parent) over twenty -one were eligible to register and vote.

However, the actual registration of 3,175,617 fell short of
expectations. This was, however, good. According to Harris, the response
throughout the country was patchy and in some constituencies, poor.

Procedure for Selection of the Candidates

The selection procedure outlined in the interim constitution is a
candidate must be a member of TANU, and a citizen.* He must submit his
name to a special TANU District Conference (hereafter TDC) in the district
where he wishes to stand. Then he must obtain not less than twenty-five
nominations from among persons registered in the constituency.*^

Where there are more than two nominees, a meeting of the TANU
Special Conference must be convened and each delegate may indicate a
preference, by secret ballot, for one of the nominees. All the names together
with the list of voters must be submitted to the NEC which selects two names
to contest each seat. The NEC need not be bound by the preference votes of
the District conferences.

ELECTORAL ADMINISTRATION

Symbols

The party allowed each candidate to associate himself with a
particular symbol. The National Assembly Elections Amendment Act of
1965 states:

For the purpose of enabling a candidate to assist voters to
identify him when voting, a candidate shall... associate
himself... with an approved symbol allotted to him by the
National Executive of the Party. ..^^
This requirement, according to Harris, proved to be the most
controversial of the new electoral proceedings, arising not out of the
function but the choice of the symbols.

"The task of choosing fell upon the central committee of the Party. It
took them over five hours to select two symbols, the Jembe (hoe) and
Nyumba (house), which were felt to be of equal value, neither giving an
unfair advantage to the holder.^ ^

However, according to Harris, it soon became obvious that the use of
the symbols was not being confined to identification. Much of the time of
the campaign meetings was taken up with a discussion of the relative

'*^ Harris, op. cit. This article in M6/oaj/ (the monthly newsletter of Kivukoni College

covers the 1965 Tanzania elections in detail with various charts, diagrams, election

results, names of candidates by districts, and no page numbers) was acquired from

the Tanzanian Embassy by the writer and will serve as the main source for this

chapter.

^^Interim Constitution, op. cit.. p. 6

*^ Harris, op. cit.

^^Ibid.

^^Ibid.

64

utility of one's symbol -- the Jembe on the offensive and the Nyumba on
the defensive.^ ^

Again and again, these phrases were used throughout the campaign:
"All wealth comes from the Jembe. "Should we as a nation sleep or wake
up and dig?"^-^ For cultural reasons, the Jembe had the advantage over the
Nyumba. In terms of the election results, "of the thirteen defeated...
TANU District Chairmen, ten had the House as their symbol."^ '^

It has been agreed upon that in the next elections, different abstract
designs v^ll be used as symbols, so as to rid the campaigns from all
religious and cultural connotations.

Supervisory Committee

A supervisory committee of three men was set up to supervise
elections in each constituency to ensure that both candidates were treated
fairly and that religion or tribal issues stayed out of the campaign. Caution
was taken to see that no member of the supervisory committee remained
in his district.

Printed Material

With the start of the campaign, TANU and the electoral commission
printed over two and a half miUion election manifestos, with a photograph
and bibliographical details of each candidate. This was not enough and
some manifestos, according to Harris, were of poor quality.
Distribution

"Some of the material arrived too late for the early meetings, and ran
out before the last meetings. Since the NEC didn't complete its fmal
selection of candidates until August 9th and the campaigns began on
August 15th, more time was needed for adequate distributions."^^

Election Campaign

According to the National Assembly Election Amendment Act, "the
District Executive Committee of the Party... shall organize the election
campaign on behalf of both candidates... shall draw up a program of
meetings. .."^^ This Committee "shall specify in such programs the time
and place of each meeting, the person who shall take the chair and order
of speaking (alternating at successive meetings)... and shall accord a fair
and equal opportunity to each of the candidates."^ ^

Campaign Speeches

In the pre-campaign period it was not clear what the candidates would
find to speak about, since one effect of elections in a One-Party System is

^''Ibid.

65

to do away with open conflict over National Policy statements. Both
candidates are members of TANU; both theoretically accept the agreed
TANU policy; both will presumably work through the TANU hierarchy if
they disagree with that policy.^ ^

Thus, for the most part, the candidates spent their time placing great
emphasis on their symbols, local issues and personal humor .^ ^ Things, like
accessible water supply, roads and schools were promised.

RESULTS

Main Determinants of Voting Behavior

The main results conveyed in Harris' study were: (1) that issues were
locally and not nationally based ("one looked in vain for any evidence of a
national platform"),^ ^ (2) that "the electors have in the main been
consistent in choosing a candidate who, they think, will be the most
effective representative to obtain local benefits or to remove local
grievances;"^ 1 and (3) "that the elections were absent of a religious vote
;^unlike some multi-religious countries the campaign was free from religious
controversy").^ 2

"The evidence therefore suggests that the three factors of education,
local performance and campaign performance provided the most common
determinants of voting behavior."^ ^ This in part counts for the fact that
over half of the incumbents were defeated at the polls.^^

Presidential Results

In voting for the Party's choice for president, 2,303,678 electors cast
'yes' ballots for Nyerere, while 90,885 cast 'no' votes.^^ In other words,
about 96% of the people voted for the president and about 4% against
him.

Therefore, with these facts in mind, we can arrive at certain
conclusions about the party in the 1965 election. The conclusions, based
upon the Harris report, that can be drawn from this account of the 1965
Tanzanian elections are:

1. that the symbols, were treated as policy statements rather than
distinguishing characteristics, with advantage going to the Jembe
(hoe);

2. that the time gap between the acceptance of the new Constitution
and its implementation was insufficient to give the electorate a
good understanding of the new election procedure and time
enough to launch a uniformly efficient campaign;

^^Presidential Commission, op. cit., pp. 5-7.

^^Harris, op. cit.

^Olbid.

^^Ibid.

^^Ibid.

^^Ibid.

^"^Ibid.

^^Ibid.

^^Ibid.

66

3. That there existed some weaknesses in the counting and voting
arrangements;

4. that the election procedure at time encouraged factors of a tribal
and parochial nature which hampered cohesion;

5. that national office holders, including Ministers, whose work and
reputation relied upon Ministries in the City, campaigned at a
disadvantage in their localities.^ ^

Apart from these distinct conclusions, one can readily say that

Tanzania resembles an open society, both in its outer and constitutional

form.

Morgenthau also made these concluding remarks about the elections

and its democratic features:

Based on universal suffrage, the elections were honestly run
and offered the voters genuine choices between two rival
candidates in more than a hundred single-member
constituencies. Although the top dozen leaders of the party
and government remained almost the same, there was a
dramatic turnover in the national assembly as a whole -- a
charge far more sweeping than the parHamentary shifts usually
encountered in multi-party systems. Barely a quarter of the
incumbent members were re-elected as a result of decisions
not imposed from above, but freely taken by the voters.^ ^
For the most part, the people in the 1965 elections seemed to have

had some degree of choice in selecting their government. They also had a

chance to participate, because for the most part it was based on universal

suffrage.

Now let's look at the election results and the criteria for proving that

one-party systems can be democratic.

THE ELECTION AND THE CRITERIA

In terms of the criteria and the 1965 elections, certain similarities and
incongruities can immediately be seen. First, let's focus our attention upon
the similarities.

The similarities stem from consistencies in terms of harmony with the
first principle, that of an open society. The criteria postulates a need for
an open society with certain respect for individual rights, and freedoms.
Tanzania seems to comply in all forms, including the basic provisions
inherent both in the Country's Constitution and that of the party. Each
Constitution makes amends for individual rights. However, practice
sometimes denies theory, in that student riots occurred in October, 1967.
But by and large, there were available channels to quickly redress their
grievances. The focus here, however, is not so much the conditions in
society, but the conduct of the party in the elections, as well as whether or
not this political behavior can be considered democratic in nature.

Secondly, the criteria postulates the need for a mass party, universal
suffrage, and a sustained program of action. Again, Tanzania seems to

s 7 Moregenthau , op. cit. , p . 1 2 .

67

conform, in that TANU is a mass party with membership open to all who
will apply. During the 1965 elections, "all persons twenty-one and over
could participate," without much trouble. ^^ In other words, in principle
the concept of universal suffrage seems to stand. However, in terms of a
sustained program of action, some questions can be raised. In terms of this
concept, there seems to be more inconsistency than consistency. However,
we shall discuss this point later.

Thirdly, the criteria ascribe great weight to the fact that there should
be limited factional grouping, each characterized by some degree of
permanence, continuity, cohesiveness, and responsibility. Similarities exist
here between the criteria and TANU in that bifactionalism is a policy of
the party .^^ This is more than the criteria asked for, but in terms of the
general outlines of the criteria, bifactionalism is a laudable feature of
TANU. By making it a policy that two candidates avail themselves for each
office, these two chosen from the total number seeking the office, TANU
has sought to inject a degree of permanency and stability into their
factional grouping. This is further enhanced to some extent by the use of
separate symbols for each candidate. For the most part, the similarities
end with these features and the inconsistencies begin to appear.

The inconsistencies stem from the fact that the criteria asked for a
sustained action program. This was missing in Tanzania. TANU had no
national platform, no national issues enter into the realm of the 1965
elections. In fact, as stated previously, only local issues prevailed in this
election. There were no policy statements as to the national goals and
national issues. However, the reason for this might be that this was the first
national election in Tanzania and not enough time had elapsed to formulate
such things. Secondly, it could be said that in connection with the temporal
elements, that the political leadership has not properly determined what is
needed and what should be done.

Another item that might be characterized as missing rather than as
being inconsistent is that of the cohesiveness and responsibility of the
factions. Here again, time is an important factor. Also there is no way of
determining, just from one election, how cohesive a faction might be or
how responsible it is to its constituency. This takes time and many
elections. The party must be developed to a greater extent, symbols must
take time to develop in people's minds and they must be able to associate
their progress with the continual election of that symbol to office. In
other words, due to the small length of time that has elapsed, and the
small number of elections that have been held in the country, it is
impossible to tell at this time whether the model is relevant to the
situation.

In terms of continuity, which the criteria postulated as necessary in a
single-party system characterized by factionalism, there is simply no way
of telling, simply because of the small number of elections and the

See pages 16 and 17 of this paper and Harris, op. cit.

^^See pages 10 and 1 1 of this paper.

68

agreement to discontinue the present symbols because of the disadvantages
of one of them. There is no clear means of association.

Another striking feature is that of the Goverrmient assuming all
financial responsibility for each candidate's campaign but failing to fully
supervise them, thus permitting the more affluent candidate to campaign
privately is not good. However, here again the temporal element enters;
this was the first national election, and the way to run it was not clear in
the minds of the officials.

Several other factors appeared during the elections, that were neither
consistent or inconsistent with the criteria, but nevertheless important.
They were the uniformity of the demands made, the lack of divergent
interests, and the right to vote for or against the President. If more votes
are cast against the President than for him, then the Party will put up
another choice. Also, the demands that arose during the election arose out
of the local economic and social conditions and reflected the prevailing
aspirations of the electorate.

Thus, there were some things in the 1965 elections which appeared
less democratic; the selection of candidates by the NEC, the picking of
candidates who in the view of the district offices that would be most
qualified could lead to corruption and nepotism, but no system is without its
weaknesses.

Summarizing, then, the present system is an experiment; its aim was
to democratize a de-facto One-Party System, where intra-party rivalry was
given a chance to disagree but it had to work within the party structure
and organization. Under this system the electorate found that they were
not forfeiting their right to vote because they were not presented with a
single list of pre-chosen party candidates. An alternative did exist, the
candidates were of their choice to some extent, and the issues were of a
local nature.

All the evidence collected suggests that this new political experiment
was a success in achieving its aims. The next stage is to see if the One-Party
System adapts itself to change as the society moves from a more
homogeneous one to a less homogeneous one.

Concluding; therefore, similarities between TANU and the criteria do
exist. But on the other hand, certain inconsistencies also exist between
TANU and the criteria. Moreover, other factors, not postulated by the
criteria, also exist ~ some acting to bolster the criteria, others to detract
from it. Thus, in general, what conclusion can be drawn?

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

Summarizing, therefore, about the criteria and reality, certain things
can clearly be seen. The criteria attempt to postulate a theory for proving
that single-party systems can be democratic. This theory was put forth
with certain criteria. Then, a study was made of the Tanzanian Elections
of 1965. Next, a comparison was made between the criteria and the
Tanzanian Elections, in which TANU was the main party with two major
and permanent factions. At several junctures, the model and TANU, were
similar. At other points, they varied and at other points, there were no
connections.

69

In cases where disagreement arises, time, the number of elections and
the lack of information play major parts. In areas, where both the criteria
and TANU make no meaningful connection, those broad and general
aspects which seem to readily add to the stability and effectiveness of the
government, are implied by the criteria. In the other realms, it was thought
that these elements were not important enough to be included in the
assumptions. Thus, the criteria by its very nature emphasized certain
things and played down others in order to make a point and stress other
essential ones. But inherent in its general nature was fexibility.

Therefore, from the basic and tentative information at hand, TANU,
in terms of the criteria, can be considered for the time being as a
democratic party, during the 1965 elections. Now, whether the democratic
nature of the party changes or the criteria requires continual structural
changes itself remains only a problem for time and the improvement of
methodology in the social sciences in general.

70

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