- Transcripts of the Earl of Egmont papers
- Letters from Georgia, v. 14201, 1735 June-1736 June
- Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia in America
- Date of Original:
- Causton, Thomas, 1692-ca. 1745--Correspondence
Christie, Thomas, fl. 1733-1742--Correspondence
Martryn, Benjamin, 1699-1763--Correspondence
Oglethorpe, James Edward, 1696-1785--Correspondence
Perceval, John, Earl, 1683-1748--Correspondence
Fort Frederica (Ga.)
Georgia--Politics and government--To 1775
Georgia--Social life and customs--To 1775
Indians of North America--Georgia
- United States, Georgia, Chatham County, Savannah, 32.08354, -81.09983
United States, Georgia, Glynn County, Saint Simons Island, 31.15051, -81.36954
papers (document genre)
- Metadata URL:
- Digital Object URL:
- Original Collection:
- Box 1, Volume 14201, Transcripts of Earl of Egmont papers, ms1786, Hargrett Rare Book and Manuscript Library, The University of Georgia Libraries.
- Holding Institution:
- Hargrett Library
[In order to make this account as readable as possible the names of Native Americans and Native American terms will have a [sic] after the word the first time the name or term appears. Subsequent mentions will not have a [sic] after it. Spellings vary from writer to writer. We will attempt to catch each variant. Further, we have ignored obvious abbreviations and words which end in "'d" such as "decid'd". This usage is so constant that noting it is unnecessary. For the most part words such as favor and color are spelled the "English" way as colour and favour. We have noted these because they do not always add the "U". Finally, the practice of capitalizing words in the middle of a sentence: ". . . out of the Mouth of Ground, and Settled thereby, but the Ground was . . ." is common and we have made no attempt to change this usage.]
11 June 1735
Talk taken in Writing this Eleventh day of June, One Thousand Seven
hundred and Thirty five at Savannah in Georgia from the mouths of
Chekelli Mico [sic] or King & Chief of the upper and lower Creeks & Antioche [sic] head Warriour [sic] from the Cowetaw [sic] town, Eliche Mico, [sic] or King Ousta [sic] head Warriour [sic] from the Cussitaws. [sic] Tomechaw [sic] War King; Wali [sic] War Captain
from the Pallachucolas.[sic] Poepicke Mico [sic] or King, Tomohuichi [sic] dog [sic] King from the Echitaws.[sic] Mittakawye [sic] head Warriour [sic] from the Okonees.[sic] Taweliche [sic] Mico or King Whoyanni [sic] head Warriour [sic] from the Chehaws, [sic] & are joyn'd by the Hokmulge [sic] people Shinelacowecke [sic] Mico or King from the Osoche. Opithli [sic] Mico or King from the Sawocolos,[sic] Ewenauki [sic] Mico or
King Tahmokmi [sic] War Captain from the Eupaulees [sic] and thirty nine other Warriours [sic] & young men.
In the Presence of Thomas Causton, and Henry Parker Bailiffs,
Thomas Christie Recorder, John Vat Comissary [sic] to the Saltzburgers, and
Sundry Gentlemen and Freeholders of the Said town and Province of
That towards the Sun setting the Ground opens, wch. is the
Mouth of the Ground, That he [sic] Ground open'd, and the Cussetaws (Cussetaws signifies Sun the Sun would have them call'd so.) came
out of the Mouth of Ground, and Settled thereby, but the Ground was
angry end eat up their Children, and they went further towards the
Setting of the Sun, nevertheless this part of the Cussetaws turn'd
back again end came to the same place (By Acct. of French Indians there is a great town there wth. black lips, if any go to kill them they turn mad.) leaving the greater Body behind) thinking it might be best so to do, and Settled again by the Mouth of the Ground; That their Children were Still eat up by the Earth, & then they went away in Anger towards the Sun rising. That they came to a thick Muddy River, where they Camp'd, rested, and slept one Night, That next Day they began again to travel, and came in one day to
a red bloody River, That they liv'd by that River, and eat of ye
Fish two Years, but it was a low Springy place and they did not like to
abide there. That they went to ye End of that Bloody River and heard a
Thundering noise, they went forward to see where the noise came from,
and they first Saw a red smoak, [sic] and soon after a Hill wch. thunder'd
and a Singing noise was upon the Hill, and they Sent to See what it
was, and it was a great Fire that burnt right upwards and made that
singing noise, they call'd ye Hill the King of Hills, it thunders to
this day, and they fear it much, That they met with ye People of three
different nations. They took of ye Fire from the Hill and saved it.
And at that place ye knowledge of Herbs and many other things came to
them That Fire came to them from the Sun rising wch. was white, and
they did not like to use it. Also from the South (or Walialle,
wch. Signifies going down or South.) was Blew, neither did they use that.
Also from the Sun Setting which was blank, neither did they use that, And also from ye North which was red & yellow, this they mix'd with ye Fire they took from the Hill wch. they use to this day, and it some times sings. That at the Hill there was a Stick wch. was very uneasy and made a noise, and they could not tell how to Pacifie [sic] it, that they took a motherlesse [sic] Child and push'd at it, the Stick kill'd the Child, therefore they took the Stock [sic] and carry it with them when they go to War, and the Stick was like the wooden Tomihawk [sic] which they use to this Day and of the Same Sort of Wood; Here they also found out four Sorts of Herbs or Roots wch. Sung and discover'd their virtues.
1st. Passaw [sic] i.e. Rattle Snake Root; 2d. Mico Weanechau, [sic] i.e. out does the king, commonly call'd Red Root; 3d. Sowatchko,[sic] grows like wild Fennel; 4th. Eschela [sic] Pootchke, [sic] i.e, small
Tobacco. They also use them at their Bask to purifie [sic] themselves, they
"being the Chief of their Pbysick [sic] especially the 1st and 3d Sorts.
That at the Bask, wch. is Yearly they fast and make offerings of their
first Fruits; That Since they knew the virtue of Herbs, the Women make
Fire by themselves and learned thereby to be seperate [sic] at certain times from the Men. Five. Six or Seven days for purification, for if they
were not to do so, it would Spoil the virtue of their Pbysick, [sic] and the women would not be healthy. That a dispute arose which was the
eldest, and who should have the Rule, and they agreed that being four
Sorts of people they should set up four Sticks and make them red with
Clay, (which was originally Yellow, but by burning it became red) and
all go to War to try which of them could first cover each his Stick
from the Root upwards with Scalps of Enemies and he that So did Should
be the Eldest. That they all endeavour'd so to do but the
Cussetaws cover'd the tope [sic] of their Stick first with Scalps, so
that it could not be seen. Therefore they were declared & are allow'd by the whole nation, to he the Eldest. The Chickasaws cover'd next; the
Alibamas [sic] next, but the Obekaws [sic] could not raise their heap of Scalps, higher than the Knee; That about this time there was a Bird of a very large Size, Blewish [sic] Colour'd, had a long tail end was Swifter than an Eagle, which came, kill'd & eat their people every day. They made the figure of a woman and set it in the way of the Bird, and the Bird took
it away with him and kept it a long time but brought it back again, when
it came back they let it alone expecting it would bring forth some
thing and in length of time it brought forth a Red Rat, & they beleived [sic] that the Bird was the Father of the red Rat; that they consulted with the Rat how they might destroy his Father, that the Bird had Bows &.
Arrows and the Rat eat his Bow Strings So that the Bird could not
defend himself, which the Rat told them of, & that they might go & kill
him, which they did. They call'd this Bird the King of Birds;
they allow the Eagle to be a great King, and always carry the Feathers
of his tail when they go to war or peace, being red for war & white for
peace, and if an Enemy comes with white Feathers & a white mouth &
makes a noise like an Eagle they cannot kill Him: That they then left
that place & travel'd further till they found a white Path, the grass &
all things they saw were white, that they found people had been there
before, that they cross'd the Path, and went to Sleep, after wch. they
consulted and returned to see what Path it was, and what people had
been there, beleiving [sic] it might be for their Good to follow it, & they
went that Path till they came to a Creek call'd Colossa butche [sic] (Coloosa butch or Coloosa Creek) because it was Smoaky [sic] & rocky that they went over it towards the Sun rising, & came to a People call'd Coosaws, [sic] that they staid with the Coosaws four Years, The Coosaws complain'd they had a Creature that eat them up which they call'd Man-eater or Lyon [sic] that liv'd in the Rock. The Cussetaws Said they would try if they could kill it for them, & they made a net, (made of the bark of Hickorey [sic] tree) dug a Trench & put ye Net over it, and made several Creeks & places to stop the Lyon from pursuing them, & went to ye place where the Lyon liv'd & throw'd a Rattle in where he lay, that the Lyon came out & follow'd them through all the Creeks & Places they had made with great fury, so they agreed 'twas better one should die than all, therefore when they came near the Trench they took a Motherlesse [sic] Child & throw'd it into the Lyon's way, the Lyon running eagerly to devour the Child tumbled into the Pit or Trench, and then they drew the net over him and kill'd him wth. burning Chungues, [sic] but preserv'd his Bones, wch. they keep to this day, and one Side of them is red & ye other Side of them is blew. [sic] That every Seven days he us'd [sic] to come & kill people, therefore having kill'd him they tarried Seven days there, and in Remembrance thereof they take Pbysick [sic] & fast Six days, & ye Seventh day they go out to War, and if they carry the bones of ye Lyon with them they are fortunate therein: That they left the Coosaws at the Expiration of four Years as above & went to a River they call'd Rowphawpe,[sic] now called Callasie [sic] butche [sic], there they Staid two Years & had no grain to plant, all this while they liv'd upon Roots & fish, & made Bows & pointed their Arrows, Beaver teeth & Flints, they also split Canes which they us'd [sic]instead of Knives. That they quitted that place & came to a Creek call'd Wattoolahawkaw [sic] butche [sic] from the hooping of Cranes, or Crane hooping Creek, on Account of the vast quantity of Cranes found there, they Slept there one night, that they came to a River where was a fall of Water, and they call'd it Owahenka [sic] River, That next day they came to another River which the call'd Aphoosapheeskaw,[sic] or Stripling String Creek.
That next day they went over and came near a high hill and found there
were some people there, and they hoped it was the people that had made
the white Path, therefore they made white Arrows & shot to see if they
were good people, but the people took the white off and made them red,
and shot them back again, they then took up the red Arrows and carried
them to their King, and the King told them it was not for good; If the
Arrows had returned white they should have gone and got provisions for
their Young ones, but being red they should not go, however some of
them went to See what people they were, and found they had all Quitted
their Houses They Saw a Trackt [sic] which lead into the River, and they
believed they went into the River, & did not get out for they went to ye
other side of the River & could find no Trackt, [sic] that there is a Hill
they call'd Moterel, [sic] which makes a noise like the heating of a drum, &
they fancy they live there; That whenever they go to war this noise is
heard, That they went along the River till they came to another fall of
water where they saw great Rocks and Boughs laid on the Rocks, and they
believed the people who made the white Path had been there, That in all
their Travels they have two Runners who go before the Body of the People,
That they Saw a High Hill, and the Runners went upon it & look'd about
and saw a Town, That they Shot two white Arrows into the town, but the
People of the town shot red Arrows back again, That the Cussetaws were
angry with the people & agreed to fal1 upon their town, and if they took
it, every one was to have a house, that they throw'd Stones into the
River, till it was So Shallow that they could walk over wch. they did,(the People were flat heeded) & they took the Town, when they had So done they kill'd all but two whose Trackt [sic] they follow'd, & overtook a white dog which they kill'd and pursued the two people till they came into the white Path again, and they Saw a Smoak [sic] where was a Town, & now again believed they had found the people they had So long travell'd to See. It is the place the present Pallachucolla [sic] people dwell in, & from whom Tomo Chachi [sic] is descended. That the Cussetaws were always bloody minded, but the Pallachucolla people made them back drink as a token of Friendship, and told them their Hearts were white, and they must have white Hearts, and lay down their bloody Tomihawks, and give their bodies in token that they should he white. That they Strove for the Tomihawk, but the Pallachucolla people by fair persuasions gain'd it from them and Carried it under their Cabin; The Pallachucolla people told them their Captin [sic] Should he all one with their people, and gave them white Feathers, That ever Since they have liv'd together and shall always live together, and hear it in remembrance. That some went on one Side of the River, and some on the other Side; the one Side all Call'd Cussetaws, and the other Cowetaws,[sic] but they are one people and allow'd to he the head towns of the upper & lower Creeks: Nevertheless because they first saw red smoak [sic] & red Fire & made bloody Towns they can not leave their red Hearts, which tho' they are white on the one Side, are Red on the other; That they still find the white
Path was for their good, for altho' Tomo Chachi has been as a Stranger,
and not lived in their tows, amongst them, yet they See that in his
old Age has done himself & them good because he went with Esqr.
Oglethorpe to See the great King and hear his great Talk, and has
brought it to them, and they have heard it, & believe it, for which
reason they look upon him as the father and Senauki [sic] the Mother of them all, and are all resolved that when he shall he dead to look upon
Tooanehawi his nephew as the Chief ruler of them all in his Stead, at which they gave a general shout of approbation, and hope he will he a great man, and do good for himself & them, that their Eyes had been Sbut, but were now more open, and they believe the coming of the English to this place is for good to them and their Children, and will always have Streight [sic] hearts towards them, and hope tho' they were naked & helplesse [sic] they shall have more good things done for them.
Chekilly [sic] said, I am of the Eldest town and was chosen to rule
after the death of the Emperor Bream, I have a strong mouth & will
declare this resolution to the rest of the nations, and make them
comply therewith; we are glad the Squire carried some of our people to
See the great King & his nation, that I am never tired of hearing what
Tomo Chachi tells me about it, that all my people return their great
Thanks to all the Trustees for so great favour, [sic] and will always do our
outmost Endeavour [sic] to Serve them and all the great King's people
whenever there shall he occasion. I am glad I have been down & seen
things as they are, we shall go home and tell the Children and all the
Nation the great Talk which Tomo Chachi has had with the great King,
and bear in remembrance the Place where they now have mot., and
call it Georgea [sic]: I am Sensible that there is one who has made us all
and tho' some have more knowledge than others, the great & strong must
become dirt alike.
Copy of a Letter from Col. Fenwicke to Capt. Mackey dated at Charles
Town 12th June 1735.
In the Governor's Absence from Town it is now represented to me
(by way of Complaint) that You have forced out of the Creek Nation
several Indian Traders (that were Licenced[sic] and had entered into
Bonds to this Government agreable to our Law) wth. Orders not to return there any more, alledging [sic] for Reason that some Traders had entered into Bonds obliging themselves to buy their Goods at & carry their Skins to Georgia without having any regard to the Government of this Province, and that as some of the Traders had already entered into such Bonds You was
resolved that none but such should trade in that Nation.
I should indeed be exceedingly Surprized [sic] at those Proceedings if
they were really proved to be true in fact as represented to me, but
there being as yet no regular Complaint made nor other Account I believe
come to Town than what is by Letter or at second Hand, I can't tell how
to give Credit to the Reasons assigned for your discharging some Traders
from the Nation; however as I expect this Letter will meet with Col.
Bull before he sets out from home, I take the opportunity to inform You
of this matter already so much talk'd of here, and is what I am well
persuaded will be so far regarded and enquired into by the Government
that there will be nothing wanting that lies in their Power to Support
the King's Subjects in this Province in a free Trade among their
Indians as usual; therefore as it is expected there will be a regular
Complaint made by the Merchants or Traders when they come down, I
should be glad to know from You if any Grounds for a Report of this
kind, or if You have any Objection to make against any of those
I should be very sorry if any Difference should arise on any
Account between the two Colonies not imagining it was possible that any
could happen so soon on this Head, by what Mr. Oglethorpe told me and
by what I apprehended he concluded upon, vizt. That no licenced [sic] Trader from this Government conforming to our Law for regulating the Indian
Trade should be interrupted by any officer belonging to Georgia, but at
the same time he thought it adviseable [sic] that we should not send a greater Number than we had done.
I am glad to hear of the Success You have had in getting the
Indians Consent to Erect a Fort.
A Line or Wo in answer to this will oblige
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Thos. Gapen to the Trustees dated at
Savannah 13th June 1735.
Rt. Honble. and Honble. Gentlemen
It being a Current Report that some worthy Gentleman from Your
Honours [sic] wou'd quickly arrive here made me wait with Patience from
complaining of the hard Usage I have laboured [sic] under since the Departure of the Honble. Mr. Oglethorpe. I most humbly beg to assure your Honours [sic] that I here lay before You my true Case, that Justice may take place and Liberty and Property be supported which are the valuable Enjoyments of an Englishman; And I was in hopes of being possessed of them here, which I do not in the least doubt when your Honours [sic] are truly informed of the Proceedings which the Bearer of this Mr. West has been an Eye Witness of.
At my Arrival here the 29th of August 1733 I landed in good
health and took my Orders with the rest of the People to go to Work
which I did very chearfully, [sic] after working as his Honour [sic] Mr. Oglethorpe
was pleased to employ me I went to Sawing being resolved to build me an
House as soon as possible. In the mean time there wanted a Butcher in
the Colony very much, his Honour [sic] was pleased to appoint me as such and
agreed with Capt. James Mackpherson to furnish the Colony with 50
Steers; and for giving Encouragement to me to go on in the Business,
made Articles of Agreement for each Party; And as I perform'd my part
faithfully & with Justice in killing the Steers, was in great hopes the
Articles on the other part would have been so too. This being the first
Occasion of my Complaint I humbly beg to relate it.
The first Drove of 25 Steers came the 21st of May last to Mr.
Musgrove's Cow pen and no farther which is upwards of 10 miles by Land
and 6 by Water and was there left; I being unprovided with a
Boat and People to go with me, insisted on the Beasts being brought
nearer the Town according to Agreement; and the hot Weather being great
the Meat would be delivered the fresher which I was desirous of doing,
and it would be a means of amending the Health of the Colony which at
that time was very sickly; And as the Capt, agreed to fence in two
thirds of my 45 Acre Lot for a Pasture I should have been ready two
months ago to have planted the whole Lot but I never yet have had the
Pleasure of knowing where it lies. I have compleatly [sic] fenced and
planted my 5 Acre Lot which Year Honours [sic] shall see in its place.
But Sirs no Argument could persuade Mr. Causton to order the Steers to he
brought as agreed for, but I was threaten'd and compell'd to hire a Boat
and Men at my own Charge and kill them at the Cowpen some Distance out
in the Woods and bring the Quarters on my Back to the Water Side; and
if any Misfortune had happen'd so as to lose my Tide, the Meat must
entirely have perished and Your Honours [sic] as well as my self would
have been great Sufferers, by reason his Honour [sic] Mr. Oglethorpe had advanced the Money so that the Cattle became entirely your Honours [sic]
at the Delivery; I never took the leaving of the Steers at Mr. Musgroves as
such, but Mr. Causton did. The Range at the Cowpen being so large that
it was impossible to keep the Steers together, some run back to
Carolina and we never could get them, 2 were kill'd by the Stragling
Indians and sometimes we had them missing for a month that the Town
suffered very much for the want of fresh Meat. In the mean time Mr.
Hugh Bryan drove 31 Steers into the Town and found it no great
Difficulty to bring them as was objected by Capt. Mackpherson, and two
other Planters have proposed doing the like. From the 24th of May to
the 10th of July I workd' in killing three or four Steers a Week as
ordered from the Store House but rec'd. no Money for my Labour;[sic]
When I came to desire Mr. Causton to Settle my Accot. he refused
doing of it,
nor no Money he would let me have to carry on my Business. I desired
Mr. Noble Jones and Mr. John Coates to go with me to see my Accot.
Settled and there was due to me by Balance L 48:16:6-3/4 Curcy. but I
got nothing but the Content of Balancing.
It was his Honour [sic] Mr. Oglethorpe's Pleasure to order me in my
Agreement the Price of 2 Steers Advance to buy small Stock for a Market
but I never could prevail on Mr. Causton to comply wth. his Honour's [sic]
Intention, and when I have had L 150 Curcy. due to me have lost the
providing my self with Hogs, Sheep and other Stock which have been
brought here to Sell for want of that Money which he would not part with
out of Ms hands. It is Gentlemen a Surprizing [sic] thing to See him
continually buying numbers of Servants & Cattle for his own Use with the
Money that Your Honours [sic] entrust him with to pay poor Workmen; he at
this time has 8 besides the Man Your Honours sent him and above Cows
and Calves which he claims for his own, whilst several that arrived
here as well as my self in Capt. Daubuz have not had one nor don't know
when we shall.
Your Honours [sic] were pleased to assure me at Your office that we
all should have equal Lots in drawing for Cattle and our Lands; Whilst
Mr. Oglethorpe was here we had it so, but since it all goes by favour;[sic]
and as we have been 2 Years without seeing our 45 Acres Lots we may be
as much more unless Your Honours [sic] please to order it otherwise. I
have made several Applications to Mr. Jones and Mr. Causton to have my
Lot run out, and abundance have done the same but to no purpose; so I
hope Your Honours [sic] will please to excuse me in applying to the
Honourable [sic] Board of Trustees.
Gentlemen, You may be assured that not a Town in America can
produce a more willing and stedfast People both to Serve the King and
Colony than here is among us, ready and willing to run upon all Alarms
for the Good end Safety of the Colony. Your Complainant ever since his
Arrival his always appeared one of the first and hopes if Occasion
should happen will behave as a Soldier in Defence [sic] of the Colony. I
carried the first Colours [sic] which belong to your Honours [sic] before
the Indians, & hope Gentlemen You will please to give me Leave to maintain
them; I humbly hope Your Honours [sic] will please to excuse me in mentioning it, but as a Difference has been wherein I may be represented to Your Honours [sic] in a different manner and my Conduct blasted by a false Representation of the Pact; The Town appearing under Arms on Sunday the 8th
of this Instant I was appointed by the Magistrates and Commanding
Officers some days before to bear the Colours [sic] and appeared that day with them in my place, the whole Battallion [sic] being drawn up in Johnson's Square to muster. The next day being Monday the 9th Instant the
Battallion [sic] being drawn up to receive the Creek Indians Mr. Fitzwalter
was likewise appointed that day to bear the other, and although he was
the younger Officer claim'd the Senior Post which I was resolved to
maintain, and to end the Dispute at that time we agreed to meet the next
morning and try it by Point of Sword; Mr. Fitzwalter did not think
proper to face me being willing to Sleep in a whole Skin, therefore
I posted him for a Coward at the Standard Post in the Square. This,
Gentlemen, is the whole Truth of the Affair as Capt. Thomson and Mr.
West were Eye Witness of, and I most humbly beg Pardon of the Honourable [sic] Trustees for breaking through any Law which they have appointed relating to Duels and hope they will please to forgive my Rashness, and Your Honours [sic] shall always hear of my great Duty and Regard to Your Orders for the Welfare and Security of the Colony. I humbly hope Sirs that I shall not Suffer in my private Affairs if I should be called any Distance
from the Town as I did in July last when we had an Alarm of some
Spaniards and Yamasee [sic] Indians being landed on the Island of Skidoway;[sic] Upon that News I and several other Freeholders of Savannah offered to go to assist Mr. Johnson Dalmar if Occasion should require, but not meeting with them there we went as fax as the Alatamaha my self taking
the Charge of 10 men in the Skidoway Boat; but notwithstanding all our
Endeavours [sic] to come up with them and learn the Occasion of their coming so near us, we never could come up with them being out 13 day's; a
Journal of our Voyage with an Account of several Journeys that I have
made through land and the Difference of the Soil and Trees growing
thereon I am preparing to send to Your Honours [sic] as soon as possible my
spare Hours from Working will permit me to finish.
At my Return from the Alatamaha, I had the misfortune to hear that
several Hogs that were in my Keeping belonging to the Trustees and 8 of
my own which I had left under the Care of my Servant had broke out of the
Pen and gone into the Swamps, and notwithstanding all my Endeavours [sic]
in hunting after them I never could recover them. Mr. Causton has made
a Debt of Charge to me for them which belonged to Your Honours [sic] and
has kept upwards of L 60 Curcy. in his hands to pay for them; I petitioned
the Court when Mr. Gordon was on the Bench but never yet have had any
Relief, so humbly hope that Your Honours [sic] will please to take my Case
into Consideration. The paying for them and Loss of my own has quite
ruined me. And I beg Leave to mention the Liberty given to Servants and
others who have no Lots to Trade in the Town is of great prejudice to us
that run the Hazard of Crediting and daily give our Attendance for the
Security of the Town.
Gentlemen, I was in hopes never to have troubled the Honourable [sic]
Board with any Complaint, my whole Study being to labour and work for
the forwarding of the Town and Colony; I am at present clearing all the
Town & Common of the thick Underwood and Shrubs which by their growing
might conceal some hundreds of Men and is a great Harbour [sic] for Snakes &
other Vermin. I have lately finished a large Cowpen 8 feet high and
sunk a Pond in it, the whole contains upwards of 60 Acres within half a
mile of the Town in Order to put in the Cattle when they are brought up
out of the Woods, and to mark the Cows and Calves belonging to your
Honours. [sic] I was promised the Benefit of the said Pasture by Mr. Causton
and hope he has mention'd it to the Honourable [sic] Board of Trustees; I am
at a very great loss for Pasture Ground near the Town to turn in fat
Cattle when they are brought from Carolina, to keep while they are
wanted to be kill'd for the Town; I most humbly beg of your Honours
to grant me a piece of Land in Lease or as the Honourable [sic] Board shall in
their great Wisdom think proper, the Pine Barren & large Swamps
adjoining being very unfit for the Purpose. On Argyle Island and the adjacent
Land the Cattle will dally improve both in Goodness and the Meat be
much the Sweeter, there being naturally fine Grass and a good Honey
Suckle Bottom, with Plenty of fresh Water in Ponds. If Your Honours [sic]
would please to fix a Cowpen there the Colony in 3 Years time might have
a continual Supply without the Assistance of Carolina, and Hogs might be
bred in great numbers and at a small Charge, the Land bearing mostly Oak
and Hickery [sic] (Trees with abundance of Chinkampen [sic] Trees whose Nuts are
the most delightfull [sic] Food that the Hogs will feed on in the woods, and
grow fat thereon. I shall always think my self in Duty bound to pray for
your Honours [sic] in establishing me here and could think my self a very
happy Man if my Wife would venture over to Geirgia. [sic] which Place I
think never to forsake, I enjoying a very good State of Health.
I humbly hope as I have been in the Place as Butcher to the Honourable [sic]
Trustees almost two Years, that by my meriting Your Honours[sic]
favour [sic] I may continue as such by order from the Honble. Board; And if
Your Honours [sic] would please to send me 2 Sturdy Men Servants and a Maid
Servant that can go through Country Business I will pay for them as
Your Honours [sic] please to Order, and my Improvement on my Land shall be
beyond Expectation in a short time. All which I most humbly Submit to
your Honours, [sic] and throwing my self on the Honble. Trustees Protection
beg Leave to Subscribe my self
Your Honours Most Obedient humble
Servant to Command
Copy of a Letter from Mrs. Elizabeth Bland to Mr. Oglethorpe dated
at Savannah 14th June 1735.
After a ten Weeks disagreable [sic] Voyage in a very bad Ship and rude
Commander wanting every thing in this Life we arrived at Charles Town,
from whence the Passengers that would go were conveyed in a Pettiaugua [sic] to Georgia but I and some others remained at Charles Town being very ill for meer [sic] want because we had not eat nor drank any thing but Biscuit and Water for 7 Weeks and 3 Days before I landed I not being able to lay in fresh Provisions and my Stomach could not hear the Ships provisions, and the little Liquor Mr. Spooner laid in we was robb'd of by the Sailors so that when we came out to Sea we had nothing but Water to
drink, & the barbarous Company and Capt. that was in the Cabbin [sic] took all
occasions to pick Quarrels with us & by that means to avoid assisting us,
which they thought they must do if we remain'd all friends. The little
Goods I brought as well as all the Passengers were quite Spoil'd by
reason of the badness of the Vessel which was but one Deck and indeed so
small that it seem'd Presumption to take such a Voyage in her; At
Carolina. I heard so terrible a Character of Georgia that I resolved
never to see it and had got a Passage for England in a very good Ship,
but hearing my Son was not well at Georgia I was resolved to go and see
him before I left the Country, the Ship I was to go in not being to Sail
under a fortnight or three weeks time. When I came to Georgia
Mr. Causton promised not to detain me against my Will, but to my great
Surprize [sic] I have lost my Liberty and must not return home to my Native
Land without Leave from the Trustees when Sir You are sensible I
had nothing from them either for my Passage or otherwise, neither would
I have sold my Freedom for L 10,000 Sterg.; And as I have done nothing
to forfeit my Liberty hope I am not to lose it. There can be no greater
Injury to the Success of the Colony than my Letters would be should I
acquaint the World of my Loss of Liberty, but I fear them not whilst I
have good Mr. Oglethorpe to apply to for Redress. Sir the Country is
so very hot I am not capable of any Industry in it, and it is so very
sickly that such Numbers of all Ages dye [sic] dayly [sic] which
terrifyes [sic] me so much I am not able to enjoy the least Thought
of Life here.
Oh! Sir had I thought of the least Restraint all the Land in America
should not have purchased my Freedom; I therefore beg your positive
Command to these People in Power to let me go and hope a Check into the
Bargain for detaining me who am a free Woman and no way confined by Lot
or otherwise. I have taken nothing from the Stores neither will I,
and Causton will not pay me the L 5. You was pleased to order me. I
pity my poor Son and wish him in the place of your meanest Servant for
they are in a Land of Health Liberty and Property, but did King George
use his People as they are used here he would soon lose his Crown; Such
Lying, such Scandal and false Searing as I never heard in my Life, in
short it is a very Hell upon Earth; and I beg and entreat your Orders
for my Deliverance as soon as possible. I could inform You of a great
many Affairs You would he both glad and very sorry to hear but dare not
write them, in short I tremble all the time I write this for should I be
catch'd writing this I should he made a close Prisoner & allowed nothing.
Oh! could dear Mr. Oglethorpe see and hear the Complaints of
People here it would grieve him to the very Soul. It is impossible my
Son should do any thing here without four or five Servants, he will not
he able to work himself in this Country if he lives he is now very ill
of the Bloody Flux but won't write to You of it. Oh! Sir send for us
Home or we shall certainly lose our Lives in this terrible place; There
is different Sort of People fit for it but God knows we are not, and
since I can be of no Service to the Colony I hope You will take such
Care to see we may not lose our Lives here. Provisions are very
indifferent but they say much mended, I cannot eat with any Satisfaction
my Stomach is very bad. You was pleased to order me to he very particular
therefore hope You will pardon this long Scrole [sic], which tho' I am very
ill my Liberty is so much at heart I cannot forbear Repetition; And
from this moment shall never enjoy Life till I hear from my only
Friend and Deliverer, and may God Almighty the Rewarder of all Good
send You long Life & every Blessing added to it is and shall be the
constant Prayers of
Your most Obliged and
Causton has put me into a House instead of a Lodging, I told him You
only mentioned a Lodging I thought but he says he shall have a great
many People coming and he must have Rooms for them so that I am to be
stuff'd in with all Sorts Sick & well when they come, the House is
without a Chimney and I see no Sign of any. For my Son they say he
cannot build without Money and indeed the best favour [sic] You can do
my poor Son is to Send for him when You send for me for we shall do no
Good here and I would serve my Betters in England rather than be a
Slave to such vile Wretches as govern here.
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Robert Millar to the Trustees dated at
Kingston in Jamaica 20th June 1735.
I did my self the honour [sic] to give You an Account of my Voyage to
Porto bello and Panama, in my last of Decr. 10th and now lay hold of this
opportunity to give You that of my late one to Carthagena.
We Sailed from hence on January 22d and arrived there the 1st of
Febry.; next day I waited on his Excellency the Governour [sic] and delivered him the Letter which my Lord Petre obtained in my favour [sic] from the Count Montejo, which moved him to grant me the Liberty of one month's Progress up the Country into any part I should think fit.
To employ this time to the best advantage I made a strict
Enquiry before I set out where I could find the Plant of the true
Ipecacuana, [sic] the Balsam Capivi [sic]and Tolu [sic] Trees, and accordingly I set out
for Mompos where I arrived in 8 days after my leaving Carthagena; when
I had made a fruitless Search of the Neighboring Fields for 5 days,
and finding nothing remarkable I proceeded down the River Magdalena in
a Canoe till we came to the mouth of the River Canca, and after 3 Days
Voyage on it we reached the mouth of a smaller River called St. George
and Setting our Canoe against its Current in 3 days more we arrived at
a small Village called Ayapel in the Province of Antiochias.
It was here I found the Balsam Capivi Tree and the true Ipecacuana
Plant, this grows wild in a Wood about 4 miles Distance from the Village
in a rich red Clay Ground and commonly to the height of a foot or foot
and a half, the Boot from 6 to 8 or 9 Inches long, and is propagated
both by Seed and Layers, it flowers in Septr. and Octor. So that I
missed the proper Season for that and the Seed, having only met with
one Grain of the latter which I have sent to Mr. Philip Millar. I
brought here with me above a hundred of the Plants in Boxes, a great
number of which are already dead and these that remain are in a bad
Condition they having Suffered very much by a long Journey by Land, in
which they met with several little Accidents to my great misfortune; and
since by a tedious bad Weather Voyage from Carthagena hitherto. But I
hope to Repair this Loss by a Correspondence I have Settled with a
Spanish Gentleman at the Place of their Growth, who will transmit the
Plants from time to time to the Doctor of the Factory in large Boxes
which will come down all the way by Water to Carthagena and be remitted
me by him as Opportunitys [sic] offer; By this method I hope to have a sufficient Stock that will take in this Climate so that I may from hence
transplant them to Georgia, where I don't in the least doubt of their
Succeeding very well, for the Natural Heat of the Place where they grow
seldom exceeds 45 Degrees. This I tryed [sic] by one of the same Sort of
Thermometers that Mr. Millar makes use of in his hot House.
As for the Balsam Capivi, the Tree yielding it when in
Perfection is from 50 to 60 feet high those I saw grew in much such a
Soil as the beforementioned about 10 miles from the Village; But where
they both grow in plenty is 5 Days Journey more up the Country along the
said River St. George. When they extract the Balsam they cut the Tree
into the Heart where there is a Cavity that extends itself almost the
whole Length of the Trunk which they call a Vein, from thence in an
hours time it yields all its Balsam, which in some Trees amount to 5 or
6 Gallons; and though it thrives again as to its Growth yet it never
produces any more Balsam. There are some Trees that have 2 or 3 of
these Veins but cutting one drains the whole; There are others that
have none at all. But those which yield the Balsam are distinguished from this latter Sort by a Ridge that appears upon the outward
part of the Trunk and generally the whole Length of the inward Vein. I
have sent Mr. Millar some of the Seeds of this, others I have sowed
here and thrive apace, the rest I keep for Georgia.
Having now spent 10 Days here and the time of Licence [sic] from
the Governour [sic] being already near elapsed, I returned down the River St.
George till we arrived at Gegua where I hired Horses to Coloso about 40
Leagues distance from it; Here I found the Tree which yields the Balsam
of Tolu which takes that Name from a small ancient Village about 3
Leagues Distance from it, though few Trees grow in its Neighbourhood,[sic]
They extract this Balsam by making large Dents in the Bark of the Tree
with a Cutlass or a large Knife, then leave it for the Space of 8 days;
On the 9th they return and fix Spoons made of Calibash under where they
made their Incisions, then leave them and return every 24 hours and
empty whatever the Tree has yielded into a larger "Vessel and fix it again.
They continue so to do till the Tree has yielded all its Balsam, I
have also sown, here some of these Seeds but can't as yet see that they
grow, others I have for the Use of the Colony and some I have sent Mr.
Millar. From this I went to Tolu by the Sea, here I hired a large Boat
and came to Carthagena by Sea. where I arrived on the 21st of April, and
in 2 days after I set out for this Island in one of the Company's
I intended to have gone to La Vera Cruz by an opportunity which
now offers, but Mr. Hayes a new Factor would not allow my going in the
Vessel with him, though I had the Consent of both the South Sea Agents
here; he said it was contrary to his Orders to take any Person
down with him but those who belonged to the Vessel; So that I now stay
for an Opportunity to go to Campecby which I expect will offer some time
in July and from thence I can go to La Vera Cruz in one of the Spanish
Coasting Vessels; This will be much the longest Voyage that I have yet
made in your Service, both by its Distance being so much to the Leeward
and that few Vessels are sent there, for the Ships that go to Campecby
and go directly from thence to England and there mayn't perhaps be another
opportunity after this these 6 or 7 mouths. However it shall be my
Sole Endeavour [sic] to employ all my time in Obedience to your Instructions,
in the mean time begging your favourable Acceptance of this I am
Your most humble and
most Obedient Servant
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Thomas Causton to the Trustees Dated at
Savannah June the 20th 1735.
May it Please your Honours [sic]
In my Letter dated in Aprill [sic] last I mentioned the Advices [sic] I
received from Captain Mackay and the Measures I had taken thereon,
since which I received advice by private hands from Charles Town that
the Governor of Augustine had wrote [sic] to the Governor of Carolina
remonstrating, That Whereas an English Captain in the Creek Nation had
ordered some Indians to Act in an Hostile Manner against the King of
Spains Subjects and had killed one Spaniard he had order'd That (if due
Satisfaction was not made) 40 Indians and some Spaniards to make
Reprisalls [sic] on the Indians and English whereever [sic] they could find
them. Another Advice from Tomo Chachi brought me word (with too much
truth, that near the River Alatamaha beyond Fort Argylle Some of his
People had teen Sett [sic] upon in their Camp and Seven were killed. this was at first reported to be the Euchees,[sic] But the Euchee Indian whom they said was among them, was at that time at home in the Town, and they are Convinct [sic] that it was the Yamassees [sic] having been traced that way. These advices compared with Mr. Mackays Letter, gave us just Reasons to beleive [sic] the Spaniards were in Execution of the Threats from Augustine And that those threats proceeded from what Mr. Mackay mentions to have Order'd in his former Advice.
I wrote again to the Several Settlements to he upon their Guard,
and sent the Constables to Warn them of the Danger. And I hope the
People will Continue their Watchfullness. At Ebenezer 6 men keep Guard
every Night with a Day Centinall.[sic] At Hampstead and Highgate 1 Centinell [sic] night and Day, at Skidoway 1 Centinell [sic] Night and Day. I also advised with Captain Machpherson, [sic] so soon as I received Mr. Mackays Letter and I dont [sic] doubt but proper Care is taken on that River by him and the Scotch [sic] Settlement.
The Enclosed likewise came to my hands from Captain Mackay and
in 3 days more arrived 54 Indians of the Lower Creek Nation, The
Express who brought the Letter brought also another for the Chief men of
the Lower Nation by which they were desired to tarry till the Upper
People came down which I delivered my self at Tomo Chachi's Town. Tomo
Chachi was again uneasy beleiving [sic] Mr. McKay had again disappointed his Intentions and indeed I found that tho Tomo Chachi had
Invited some of the Upper Nation he did not Intend to have so many of
them; the Lower Creeks refused to tarry and be much out of humour. [sic]
Saying, They had seen Mr. Mackay before, they did not want to See him
now. They came to See us, and if we did not want to see them they
would return hack for they had bussiness [sic] enough to mind and Tomo
Chachi said that That these Lower People were them he wanted; I thought
it necessary to make Tomo Chachi sensible That Mr. Mackay was a very
good man, and in great favour [sic] with your Honours,[sic] That as he had been sent into the Nations to do justice and preserve friendship between the Indians and the English, he Certainly had discovered that those people
whom he was bringing with him as well an those already come were
deserving of Notice and that as he and we were now one People, and lived
together, those who were friends to us were the best friends to him;
therefore wished he would perswade [sic] them to tarry some few days to see
if Mr. Mackay would Come, and in Conclusion I told him That if he did
not Approve of it my Orders were to Deliver the Goods to Such
people as he should direct, and I was ready to do it.
As it is my steadfast Resolution to keep to your Honours [sic]
Orders in all Cases as punctually as I can, I thought it absolutely
Necessary to do so now.
Those Indians agreed to tarry 5 Days and no longer. Tomo Chachi
Complain That one Lika [sic] an Indian, had been sent by Captain Mackay to kill the Spaniards by which means he had lost some of his People, It is true, that Lika did go to a Spanish Port, and kill a Centinell [sic] Committ [sic] some Outrages and when he Returned to his Town sent a Runner to bring out the English Colours [sic] That he might enter his own Town with Coulours [sic] flying. Some Indians in the Nation who were in the Spanish Interest had threatned [sic] the Captain.
But as the Talk upon this Affair will be better related when I am
to speak of the upper Nation, I beg leave to proceed with Regard to the
Lower Nation; The day was come which was appointed for their Publick [sic]
Reception and delivery of the Presents.
As there was likely to be near 15O Indians I thought it Necessary
to make the best Appearance we could I therefore Orderd Mr. Young to
Erect an Open Shed on the West Side of Johnson Square, with proper
Benches and Tables for their Reception and Sorting out of the Presents
and as many People as could he gott [sic] together, to be under Arms, we had on this Occasion near 200 men under Arms, who behaved very well the
Manners thus; A Pettisugua took them on Board at Tomo Chachi's house
an Hoisted an Union Flagg at the Main mast head, and Landed them at
Musgroves old House; the Master of the Pettiaugue then brought the Flagg
to Mr. Vanderplank, who hoisted it in the Middle of the Square, about 30
Gentlemen and others as Volunteers marched under arms, and
Command of Dr. Patrick Tailfier waited on the Indians to Salute them at
their Landing and to tell them, The Magistrates were ready to receive
The Body of the people by desire of Mr. Vanderplank (were upon
this Occasion) Marshalled and Commanded by Mr. Jones, followed the
Volunteers with 20 Greanadiers [sic] at the Head, two Ensigns flying and two Drums beating, to Attend the Indians in their Walk; The Grenadiers
preceeded [sic] the Indians; and the whole Body brought up the Rear; when
they came near to the Publick [sic] Landing, about one half of those in the
Rear fyled [sic] of to come through the other Streets into the Square directly, drew up into two Lines to make a Lane for the Indians to go up to the place of Reception when the Indians came to the publick [sic] Landing
47 Cannon were fired.
I beg leave to Referr you for the Particular Talk to Mr. Recorder's minittes, [sic] which I have Examined. I have reason to beleive [sic]
they were well pleased. As I was doubtfull, [sic] what Impression Talk to
Tomo Chachi had made on him, and what Proportion of the Goods, he
intended to give these, or whether, he would not resolve to give them all.
I did not suffer any to be brought out, but by His Order, and I askt him
the proper Questions on all the Particulars, and he Order'd One half to
be brought out and the other half to be Saved for the upper Ration
when they came, this gave me great satisfaction, they were delivered
accordingly, and the Indians were Reconveyed to Tomo Chachi's house in
the same order, that they came.
The two next days were Spent in taking down Talk which is a
Relation of the Rise and some Particular adventures of the Cussitaws,
which they desired might be written on a Buffeloe [sic] Skin and Presented to your Honours [sic] I have put it together in as Genuine a manner as I could, and hope it will be acceptable. I am promised a further Account
from Hakitaws [sic] and Palachocolas [sic] which they say will be an Improvement to this.
I had wrote [sic] to Collonel [sic] Bull to favour [sic] me with his Advice in the
present Juncture, upon the Receipt of my Letter he acquainted the
Council of Carolina of the matter, That he was willing to go. But it
being then Inconvenient for him. The Council order'd. That the
Treasurer should pay the Charge of his Boat and hands, and they desired
him to come to us. Colonel Bull arrived here on the 14th day of June,
Captain Mackay arrived on the l8th and the Indians on the 22d.
I had wrote to Mr. Jenys and Mr. Chardon to send me a. true
Account of whet the Governor of St. Augustine had wrote [sic] I received no
Answer from Mr. Chardon, and Mr. Jenys writes me word pr. Colonell [sic] Bull that a Copy of the Letter from Augustine with their Governors Answer was sent to me and that Colonell [sic] Bull would acquaint me of the whole
matter. I received no Copys of that kind but Collonell [sic] Bull told me in Substance what I have mentioned at the beginning of my Letter.
I now knew exactly what Tomo Chachi designed for these of the
upper Nation but we were under some pain, how these might be made
acceptable to so great a number of this Nation, who had never been here
before Mr. Mackay urged an Enlargement of the Presents which at first
mett [sic] with every Ones Approbation, as a matter absolutely necessary,
and within Captain Mackays Instructions; This being one of the necessary
Occasions wherein he was at any price to Secure the friendship of
the Indians. But they Changed their mind, when I told them, that the
coming of these Indians was no more than to receive Such Goods as Your
Honours [sic] had Enabled Tomo Chachi to give them. That in the Distribution of these, he had given One half to the Lower Nation and reserved the other Half for this. And if those should at this time receive any thing more than the other. It would be apt to Create a jealousy in the
first. I added further, that as the very man was among them who had
killed the Spaniards It might reasonably be published he was thereby
rewarded for it, and thereby Conclude it was by order of Captain Mackay
as has been reported.
Colonel Bull and the Magistrates joyned [sic] with me That we should
be as Cautious to prevent any Suspicion of our Rewarding a Man for such
an Act as we would be Carefull [sic] how we slighted him who would (in all
probability) be ready to serve us at any other time. And with humble
Submission, I think it would have been better, if the Captain had not
brought him at this time his coming has much aggravated Tomo Chachi's
uneasiness we thought it necessary to give them a a talk in form and
accordingly drew up one in Writing And when they were Seated I acquainted
them That the Magistrates of this Town had order'd Mr. Christie the
Recorder then present to Deliver the Talk to them by word of mouth.
These Indians were received in the same form as the other and. Tomo
Chachi delivered the Goods to three of the Micos to be by them
distributed According to their Direction.
As Mr. Christie will send your Honours [sic] the whole Talk I beg
leave to Inform you. That I have seen a Letter from Col. Broughton to
Mr. Mackay wherein he desires that an Enquiry be made who killed the
Spaniard and am going with the Magistrates to hear Tomo Chachie's
Complaint against Lika whereby we may be able to give him an answer, of
which I shall not fail to transmitt [sic] an Account in my next.
I received a Letter from Mr. Manigault the Treasurer wherein he
tells me that the Council had order'd him to pay Colli. Bull's Charges,
and they Expected I would repay it. I immediately advised that I would
repay it so soon as he would lett [sic] me know the Sum.
The Merchants in Carolina are highly disgusted, with Captain
Mackay for removing some of the Traders in the Creek Nation and give out
that a great many Traders and an Agent will be Spedily [sic] Sent into the
Indian Nation. But as this only The talk of some who Speaks as
Interest directs their Wishes I cannot Say we Creditt [sic] nor think of
opposing it, till the time comes.
The whether [sic] has been very hot and we have had very little Rain,
which will make a thin Harvest; This is a generell [sic] Complaint but
more in Carolina than here, some of our People have been ill chiefly with
Agues, Malignant Feavers, [sic] and some Fluxes; I Bless God, tho some have
dyed many were recover; with this Comes a Coppy [sic] of the Register, and my whole Cash Account to Midsummer; As I have now gott [sic] matters into pretty good order I shall be able to send a Cash Accot. and all Draughts
monthly. The Captn. waits for my Letter and I beg leave to Subscribe
Most Dutyfull [sic] Servant
The Captain tarrying longer then expected I beg leave to Acquaint
you that we have Examined into Tomo Chachi's Complaint and have sent it
exactly in writing As it was taken from the Mouths of him and Lika in
the Presence of the Magistrates and Captain Mackay; and hearing of all
the Chief men of the upper Nation and John Barton Mr. Mackays [sic]
Interpreter. your Honrs, will See by this Enquiry the whole matter of the
Spaniard is owing to Barton, we have taken Security of him to
answer for it in Such manner as your Honours [sic] Shall direct.
I suppose Mr. Mackay will Clear it up.
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Samuel Quincy to Mr. Verelst dated at
Savannah 28th June 1735.
I had the favour [sic] of a Letter from You dated 13th Decr. 1734 but
did not receive it till the latter End of May, and therefore could not
possibly answer it before now. I return a great many Thanks to the
Honble. Trustees for their Kindness to me in ordering the Glebe to be
fenced, and did according to their Command look out for fit Persons to
undertake it; but Mr. Jones our Surveyor has run out for the Glebe a
very different Parcel of Land from what Mr. Oglethorpe shew'd me, which
was some of the best Land near the Town taking in a small Quantity of
Pine Barren, and running into a Cane and Cypress Swamp which is the
richest and most profitable Land in this Country. Instead of this Mr.
Jones has run out the whole 300 Acres in Pine Barren lying in the Road
between this Town and Highgate, and he says that Mr. Oglethorpe ordered
it so; but I am very certain that it is not the Land Mr. Oglethorpe
shew'd me, and dare say Mr. Oglethorpe himself will readily recollect
that it is not the same. When he did me the favour [sic] to shew me the Land
he told me he intended for the Glebe, there went with us Mr. Holzindorf
a Gentn. from Purysburgh whom Mr. Oglethorpe was then about making an
Agreement with to get it fenced by People from Purysburgh. Mr.
Holzindorf still remembers the Land very perfectly, and I doubt not but
this Circumstance may renew it in the memory of Mr. Oglethorpe. The
Land that is now run out for the Glebe is the worst of Pine Barren
hereabouts and I have had the opportunity to consult Col. Bull a Planter
from Carolina whether it will be worth the fencing, and he assures
me it will not and that the Money so laid out will be thrown away. The
cheapest that a Worm Fence will cost to inclose the whole will be L 90
Sterl. and this to be entirely renewed once in 7 Years, for the best
fence will last no longer. I have therefore put a Stop to the Work
till the Honble. Trustees will he so good as to ascertain where the
Glebe shall be. The Land Mr. Oglethorpe shew'd me is already run out
into 5 Acre Lots for other People who are Settled upon it and have
improved part of it.
If the Glebe is to he Pine Barren it will never turn to any
Profit for the largest Scope of it unless in the Spring and beginning
of the Summer will afford no Pasturage, for in the height of Summer all
the Grass is burnt up except that which the Cattle cannot eat commonly
called (for its Resemblance thereto) Wire Grass, and it does not
recover again till the Spring; So that for 7 or 8 months no Cattle can
live upon Pine Barren but are forced to Seek their food in distant
Places amongst the Cane Swamps, the Tops of the Canes and other Herbage
affording them very good feed in low and moist Places.
This Sort of Lend is as little good for Planting as it is for
Pasturage; for Pine Barren unless it has a Clay Bottom a little below
the Surface, by which means it retains a Moisture in dry Seasons, will
not bear hardly any thing; but if it is thus mixd with Clay, which is
the Case of some Pine Barren, it will bear Indian Corn, Potatoes,
Caravansies [sic] and other American Grain and Fruits pretty well
especially in wet Seasons. But the Pine Barren hereabouts is a perfect
Sand for more than 20 feet deep, and therefore is not worth improving
at any Expence. [sic]
The poor Saltzburghers at Ebenezer have had sufficient Experience
of the Badness of this Sort of Land who have hitherto lost all their
Labour, [sic] tho' they have been very industrious. They have themselves
represented their unhappy Condition by Letters to the Society for
promoting Christian Knowledge, which I suppose will he represented by
them to the Honble. Trustees.
You inform me Sir that the Honble. Trustees desire I would Send
them the same Accots. of my Parish as I am obliged to send to the
Society for Propagating the Gospel. I should not so long have delayed
those Accots, but that I did not know till very lately my Duty in this
matter, for when I left England the Secretary Dr. Humphreys did not
Supply me with one of the Books wherein the proper Instructions for
Missionarys [sic] are contained, and therefore I was ignorant of many
necessary things to he known, till lately in Conversation with one of the
Missionarys [sic] from Carolina he informed me that I was obliged to write
twice a year. I am now ignorant of the Accounts expected any farther
than they appear by the Pieces of Letters published at the End of the
Anniversary Sermons, where I find that the chief things taken Notice of
are the Number of Christenings, the Number of Hearers and Communicants.
As to the Number of Hearers I reckon about 20 that are pretty constant
and other accidental Comers sometimes make up 40 and sometimes 50. The
Excuse of People for not coming to Church is the want of a convenient
place of Worship, and indeed if they were at all zealous to perform this
Duty the Place would not hold them; for it will not contain more than
100, and we might reasonably expect according to our present Numbers not
less than 3OO. As for Communicants I have had sometimes 5 or 6, and
last Easter Sunday there were 14, and on Whitsunday 12. The Number of
Christenings in the Colony since I arrived here to this present time
have been 34. The Number of Burials 156 and the Number of
Marriages 38, as appears by the Register. I return You, Sir, a great
many Thanks for your Kindness in forwarding several Letters to me from
my Mother, and particularly for your Writing to her, with Mr. Rogers to
whom pray present my humble Service. I heartily wish You all Happiness
and am Sir
Your most Obliged humble Servant
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Noble Jones to the Trustees dated at
Savannah 1st July 1735.
The Brigantine Capt. Thomson being ready to Sail from this place
with Mr. West I take this opportunity in Obedience to Your Honours [sic]
Commands of acquainting You with the State of Affairs here as far as
relate to me, which my Duty long before required but the Occasion of my
omitting was that I could by no means get my Platts [sic] finished which I
knew Your Honours [sic] would expect and which as soon as possible I will
send. Some being almost ready.
Before Mr. Oglethorpe went from hence amongst other Orders he
told me that Mr. Robert Parker Senr. had his Licence to erect a Saw
Mill on any of those Creeks that lay about Thunderbolt, Soon after this
he told me that Mr. Parker had fix'd upon the Creek that lays between
Thunderbolt and Savannah, that I should lay out a 45 Acre Farm Lot on
the Bluff adjoining for his Son Edwd. Parker, and that all the Remainder
of the said Bluff that was left after the lower New Ward was Supplyed [sic]
with Farm Lots should be admeasured [sic], that Mr. Parker Senr. should
petition your Honours [sic] and that I should set forth on the back of
the said Petition the Platt and Contents of such Complement of Land in
order toobtain a Grant from your Honours [sic] for the same.
Soon after Mr. Oglethorpe was gone Mr. Parker came to me as I was
going up Savannah River and desired a Passage with me to Purysburgh; In
the Passage we had some Discourse about his Mill, and as we came between
little Yamasee and Purysburgh there is a short Cutt [sic] of Creek; We at his
Desire Stop'd & view'd it well, he resolved he said to erect his Mill
there for it would save him the Trouble and Charge of Floats, for he
would fix it fast. I told him it was contrary to Mr. Oglethorpe's
Directions to me but that I was sure your Honours [sic] were ever willing to
promote any thing that was for the Good of any man, especially when it
was Supposed to be for publick [sic] Benefit; that if he petitioned he need
not doubt a Grant. He said he had private Instructions that would
protect him farther than that; I did not say much in Contradiction because
I thought it could hinder nothing, the Creek being at present stop'd
with Timber that lyes [sic] there, the Island it makes being very small and
that overflow'd with the Freshes [sic] therefore unfit for any Cultivation
at present. I heard no more of it for I believe 6 weeks or 2 months
when one day being in Town Mr. Causton ask'd me if I knew where Mr.
Parker had set his Mill, I told him I supposed in the above Creek, he
said he was informed otherwise for that it was in Abercorn River some
where above the Town; We met Mr. Robert Parker Junr. who we askd about
it, he said it was so and that his Father had Instructions from Mr.
Oglethorpe to Set it where he pleased, I desired to know if it were
possible to See those Instructions, he said they were verbal; I then
said Mr. Parker had acted ungenerously with me for so doing, for that he
well knew how angry Mr. Oglethorpe had been with me for believing his
Father (without a written Order or a regular Petition to the Trustees)
when he said he came immediately from him, and that I should now much
fear whether the Trustees would not be very angry with me if I should
not Stop it till I had rec'd. Orders about it; He in a Heat told us
that he was a Lieutenant and had Men under his Command, that he would
protect his Father and dispute his Title other where. Mr. Causton &
my self both told him that Passion nor his Command would avail but
little, that I was sure I could easily raise a stronger force to defend
and maintain the Law and lawfull Commands than I believed was in the
Power of any Man to oppose; but since his Father had unadvisedly
begun it would be his best way to petition your Honours [sic] for a Grant of some Land at that place with Lease for his Mill; that if he would, as
soon as such Petition was ready I would endorse it and describe the
Place in order to prevent its being disposed off to any other, and
advised him to be as expeditious as he could for fear some Person should
come over with such Grant. I afterwards went up to the Mill and advised
his father to the same, and at several other times did the same
but as yet could never perswade [sic] him to it. Though he was present when
Mr. Oglethorpe gave Orders that the way for any Person here to get a
Lease of any Trust or a Grant of any vacant Land was to be by a Petition
to your Honours [sic] which Petition I was to endorse and the Land to
describe in order to Set forth, to your Honours [sic] that the said
Petition was for Land yet vacant and not run out. I particularly did my
Endeavour [sic] to persuade him to write to Mr. Oglethorpe in Excuse for
has Rashness, his constant Reply was that his Interest was so good with the
Trustees that it was out of the Power of any Man to hinder any thing he
desired and that he had wrote and daily expected an Answer, in expectation
of which I staid till I an now afraid your Honours [sic] should want my
Account of the Affair.
While Mr. Oglethorpe was at Charles Town he sent me Directions
in writing for all those Gentlemen that had Grants and fix'd their Minds
towards Thunderbolt, to Set out their Lands according to the Priority of
such their Grants. Among the rest Mr. Sale was one, but soon after Mr.
Sale's Death Mr. Robert Parker Junr. came to me and told me he was
going to be married to the Widow Sale, and therefore desired to know
where Mr. Sale's land was to be, I told him, he replyed [sic] that would not
do for him for he would not live on the Salts, and that Mr. Sale's
Grant intitled [sic] him to 500 Acres of Land wherever he thought fit
and therefore he was resolved to go and settle at the place where his
Father had begun to Set his Mill. I told him I could not pretend to Say
what Right Mr. Sale might have at his first Landing, but I apprehended
Mr. Sale's making a Choice on a particular Place, during Mr. Oglethorpe's
Residence, took off all Pretensions from the Widow or any other to
Change without a Licence [sic] from Your Honours [sic] first had.
Presently after upon his Marriage he came and demanded such and in his own Name,
afterwards offered me as a Present 5 Guineas besides my Fees; my
constant Answer was, it was not in my Power, that if it had (tho' my Fees
were too small) yet I should have been as willing to have done it
without a Bribe as with; I withall told him that I could do no other than
give him the same Advice I had done his Father, to Petition Your Honours
[sic] for such his Desire but he at all times Seemed to me to he above such
a Condecension [sic]. About the beginning of December last he came to me and
said, that nov; he had a mind to go and live on the Salts provided the
Place pleased him; I acquainted him that in a Day or two I was going to
Skidoway that I would at the same time go and shew him the Place.
Accordingly we went, but when we came to Skidoway he told me in short
terms he would let no body choose for him, so he took one of the Scout
Boat Men to Pilot him and away he went (while I was finishing for the
People at Skidoway) and was gone 2 days, at his Return he told me he
liked no Land unless on Skidoway that if I would run it there I might
then do it before I went home; I assured him I was very ready to do it
was it not contrary to my Instructions but that it was as requisite to
obtain a Licence [sic] for that as it was for it at his Father's Mill; He
flew in a Passion, used much scurrilous Language concerning Mr. Oglethorpe
and the Settlement, said he would not have any Land in this
Province for he could buy a large Tract of better Land (under a better
Tenure) in Carolina for a smell matter which he was resolved to do,
and if I run any Land for him he would not take it; away he went in that
Passion to Town but as I was inform'd vented a little more of his Spleen
at Thunderbolt, I heard no more of him till after Capt. Dunbar arrived,
when going up with Mr. Causton and Capt. Dunbar to See his Father's
Mill I found he had taken Possession and said he was resolved to keep
it, I told him that he must not do that without such Licence [sic] as I had
before urged him so much to get from your Honours, [sic] That if he had wrote
when I first advised him to it he might have had Answers long before then,
but nevertheless since he had begun to do something, which was the first
Work he had done, I advised him to leave it as it was and go down to
Town where he had good Land both the Town and Garden Lots (which to this
day are no forwarder in any one thing than they were the Lay they were
granted to him) as also Mr. Sales Town Lot which is fenced in with a
good frame of a butt on it, Mr. Sales Garden Lot about two Acres of
which is cleared and fenced & a good butt quite built on it. Instead of
agreeing to such Advice he said he would keep that Possession and enquire
of the Trustees by what Authority any one had to turn him out; At
length Mr. Causton advised him not to be angry with me for I only did
my Duty, and that if I pull'd his Building down it was no more than a
Discharge of such Duty, and referred him to his father if he had not
heard Mr. Oglethorpe give me such Orders; and witha11 told him that he
apprehended it was the wrong way to expect the Trustees should grant
that which he had by force taken, and the Trustees put no Person into
any Office whatsoever but with Intent that they should obey their Orders,
and not to comply with the whims of every one that was like him who did
not know their own Minds twenty four hours together. After this
we seemed Friends, dined together, the next day he brought his Servants
down to Savannah and then continued without doing any thing till the
Servants urged him to Set them about some Sort of Work, which he at
last fix'd on Sewing tho' they chose to clear more Land and plant that
they had cleared for their late Master Sale.
Gentlemen, I have wrote [sic] more largely concerning these two
Gentlemen then I sho\ild otherwise have done, 'because by that Letter I
happened to Seize the 7th of March lest (a Copy of which I sent your
Honours [sic] inclosed in Mr. Causton's) I find he lays the whole fault
of his own Mismanagement on Mr. Causton and my self.
I assure your Honours [sic] the above is the true State of that Affair
as far as the same relates to me. I humbly beg your Honours [sic]
Instructions how to act in this, and all other Affairs of this Nature.
Mr. Causton desired me to give your Honours [sic] a Description of the
Mill and its Situation; First as to the Mill, there is nothing new in
the Design it is not on Floats as he pretended he would set it, but yet
if he had employed good Workmen or understood Work himself it might have
answered but he would take no Advice, so that in the opinion of me &
every one here that have any Knowledge of Workmanship there is no part
except the Water Wheel (which is well made) fit for such a Use, and that
if he should ever Set it to Work, the whole would tumble to Pieces before
it had cut half the Stuff as would pay for the Building.
As to the Situation it is on a fine Bluff (about 6 miles by
Water above Abercorn but I believe not above 2 in a strait Course by
Land) on the Creek mark'd B in the Plat of Abercorn, it is a fine bold
Creek, has many fine Bluffs fit for Towns particularly one about 7 miles
above the Mill 30 feet or upwards high (55) the Top all high Land for
miles together extending itself always. It runs with many Turnings
thro' into Savannah River about 8 miles above Purysburgh, about 2 miles
below is a fine Bluff called Hogs Crarol [sic] and about 4 Miles below the
entrance into Ebenezer River (at the Mouth of which is also a fine high
Bluff). I am of opinion that was the Creek clear it would be the easiest
if not the shortest way for the Trading Boats going up to the Nations as
well as to Ebenezer, the Creek is certainly convenient for Mills but
then they might be so set as not for one to hinder the whole Navigation;
I hope before long to Send Your Honours [sic] a Draught of the whole.
I have run the Land of most of the People who have any Title here
at present and hope e'er long to finish, which I had done before now had
I not had the Misfortune of being weak handed occasioned by the Sickness
and Death of Servants.
Mr. Causton acquainted me that it was your Honours [sic] Desire to
have an Account of my Proceedings as often as possible, which I shall
take all opportunitys [sic] to perform; And beg Leave to assure your
Honours [sic] that none shall be more ready to obey that, and all other
your Honours [sic] Commands as soon as possible after they come to my
Knowledge, than Your Honours [sic]
Most Obedient humble
Servant to Command
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Samuel Quincy to Mr. Newman dated at
Savannah 4th July 1735.
I recd. your favour by Capt. Lusk some time since, together with
a Box of small Tracts from the Honble. Society. I sent to Mr. Bolzius
according to Orders 100 Journals and some of the Tracts against Popery
which he desired, and shall be ready to deliver him as many more of them
as he thinks will be serviceable to his People,
Mr. Bolzius desires me to acquaint You that he humbly begs the
Assistance and Direction of the Honble. Society in an Affair that has
lately happened to him. Mr. Montagute having an Order to nay Mr. Bolzius
a Sum of Money and not being well acquainted with the Carolina Currency
had recd. Counterfeit Bills; which false Bills, not knowing them to be
such, he paid to Mr. Bolzius to the Number of 8 or 9 L 15 Bills which
amount to L 16 or L 18 Sterling money. This Loss is like to fell upon
Mr. Bolzius, for he having kept the Bills by him 3 months, not Suspecting
that they were bad, when he would have returned them Mr. Montagute
absolutely refused to take them because of the Distance of time;
Alledging [sic] that if he should do it, all the Counterfeit Bills in the
Province might be brought to him. Our Magistrates have given it as
their Opinion that Mr. Montagute ought to make the Bills good, but he
refuses to Stand to their Determination and they cannot oblige him
because he belongs to Purysburgh and is not under the Jurisdiction of
their Court. Mr. Bolzius begs Directions how to proceed in this
Affair; such a Loss would be heavy upon him in his present Circumstances.
I have endeavoured [sic] to inform my self as much as possible
concerning what You write, that I might acquaint the Honble. Society
therewith, vizt. whether we have any Romish Missionaries from home that
keep a Correspondence here, but I cannot find that there are any. We
have several Persons supposed to be Roman Catholicks, [sic] and some known to
be such; but if they carry on any Designs of proselyting others it is
extremely private, and I rather believe there is no such Design because
Religion seems to be the least minded of any thing in the place; and if
there was any such thing on foot I apprehend there would at least be
more of the face of it. Since I have rec'd. your Letter I have put my
Clerk who is a Sober young Man, upon getting a Society of other young
Men to meet every Sunday night, which they have done for about 6 Weeks
past to the Number of 7 or 8 of them, after the Example of some
Societies in London. Their method is to read the Epistles and Gospels
for the day with Comments upon them, to Say the Evening Service with a
Collect composed for the Occasion, and confer on what they have heard.
I look upon this, by the Blessing of God, to be one likely means to
preserve them from being tainted with Errors. And if there are any
designing Persons of the Romish Communion it may he a means of
discovering them, because as I have heard it observed, they frequently
mix themselves with such young Societies. I shall therefore narrowly
watch overthem and often visit them to give them Instructions and Directions.
You desire in one of your Letters to know whether the Jews amongst
us seem inclined to embrace Christianity. We have here two Sorts
of Jews, Portuguese and Germans; The first having professed Christianity
in Portugal or the Brazils are more lax in their way and dispense with a
great many of their Jewish Rites, and two young Men the Sons of a Jew
Doctor sometimes come to Church and for these Reasons are thought by
some People to be inclined to be Christians, but I cannot find that they
really are so; only their Education, in those Countries where they were
obliged to appear Christians, makes them less rigid and stiff in their
way. The German Jews who are thought the better Sort of them are a great
deal more strict in their way, and rigid Observers of their Law. Their
kindness shew'd to Mr. Bolzius & the Saltzburghers was owing to the good
Temper and Humanity of the People, and not to any Inclination to change
their Religion, and I can understand. They all in general behave them
selves very well and are industrious in their Business.
I have by this opportunity conveyed Letters from Mr. Bolzius and
Mr. Vat, which I believe are chiefly on the Subject of their Lands. I
mentioned in a Letter, which I hope you have long since rec'd., some
thing of the same matter. Their Dependance is very much on the Honble.
Society to use their Interest with the Trustees to get them removed to a
more fertile Soil, without which they have no Prospect of ever Subsisting
Your most Obedient humble Servant
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Samuel Eveleigh to Mr. William Jeffreys
dated at Savannah 4th July 1735.
I have "been at this place about two months in Expectation of some
Vessels, one of which the Oglethorpe arrived here two days since from
Jamaica with Rum, Lime Juice, Sugar, Molasses &c. to which place I again
design her with Lumber &c. I am in daily Expectation of the Vessel You
mentioned in your last, which Letter I can't at present answer.
I have here about 9 or 10,000 weight of Leather which I shall
begin to pack next week in order to load on your Vessel expected from
Bristol, and to fill her up with Lumber and send her back to You in
expectation that there is a Bounty thereon.
It has been my great fault that I have not wrote to You to know
what Lumber will do at your Place, but desire You'll make diligent
Enquiry and inform me p first opportunity and should be glad to under
stand that it will do.
I have loaded on board the Two Brothers Capt. Thomson the Bearer
hereof 33 Hogsheads of Skins, 29 whereof I have cut off the Pates and
Tails by which I find I lose 14 or 15 P Ct. I hope the Price will
answer it at home. The other 4 Hhds. I had not time my Negroes being run
away which I have consigned to Messrs. Samuel and William Baker, as also
about 70 Tons of Live Oak Timber which I have consigned to Messrs. Peter
Simond and Compa. which was cut by white People and has cost me a great
deal of money, but if I find it will do I shall for the future employ
Negroes which will come a great deal cheaper.
As soon an I came down here I went with Capt. Thomson, Colcock
and Miller the Pilot here to survey and sound the Outlet at Wassaw, the
inside we found capable of receiving any Quantity of Men of War with
Safety in all Weather. But when we came to try the Channel we found
but 16 1/2 feet at low dead Water; but I am informed that there is a much
better Channel close by little Tybee which I propose to Sound as soon as
I have a little Leisure, and from thence to go an Island called Useban [sic]
a little to the Southward thereof and view the same, where I am informed
is vast Quantitys of Live Oak Timber and other Sorts of Timber of great
Since my Arrival at this place the Lower and Upper Creek Indians
are arrived here to whom has been given the Presents from the Trust;
They have here been civilly entertained, and the former are gone away
very well satisfyed [sic] and I do Suppose the latter will do the same.
My Coming to this place has incensed the Gentlemen of Charles
Town to a very great degree, so far that I am threaten'd on all hands;
Especially by such that couLd have prevented it by not passing that
foolish Law, which when passing I strenuously argued against and told
them that I could make it appear as plain as any of Euclids Element that
it would drive away the Trade to this place. But they would not in the
least hearken to me nor to what Col. Fenwick and others could say
against it; They imagined that what I said was out of private Interest,
though God is my Witness I had no such View.
Mr. Mackay Agent appointed by our late Governor and Mr.
Oglethorpe is come down as Agent and has brought most of the Traders
down as well Creeks as Chickesaws [sic] and has given them his
Licences,[sic] and has turned out several Traders who are gone to
Charles Town where they are taking out their Licences, [sic] which
Mackay says he'll send down by force as soon as he gets up again;
He designs to build a Fort there, has already an Officer and some
Soldiers and is sending up more and is resolved to carry his Point.
On the other hand the Gentlemen in Town talk of taking away the Charges
of Licences, [sic] of taking off the Duty on Skins exported & of raising
40 Men and sending them to the Creek Nation to protect their Trade; After
the Horse is stole they are for shutting the Stable Door. What will be the
Result of these things I can't determine but this I can assure You, that
after all they can trade with the Creeks, Chickesaws and Cherokees from
this place 20 to 25 P Ct. cheaper than they can from Charles Town
notwithstending [sic] the Encouragement they talk of giving.
Some Gentlemen of Charles Town have sent down here pretty considerable
Cargoes of Indian Trading Goods which are sold to the Traders
at a very little advance from the Prime Cost, this I suppose is done to
prejudice me and is the Result of a Plot which I have heard they have
laid against me, and has had its Effect; For I have sold no Goods since
I came dovn for they have sold every thing 50 p Ct. cheaper than usual
and it will Spoil the Trade. But I have a Counterplot against them
which as soon as I hear from the Trustees or Mr. Oglethorpe I may put in
Execution and I shall then commumicate the same to You.
I very much desire to have the Trustees Resolution and shall not
be very easy in my Mind till I receive it. If Capt. Wathing should be
in England I desire You will convey the inclosed Letter to him. I am
Your most humble Servt.
I have some reason to believe that one Houstoun [sic] a Scotch Man
that sold these Goods to the Traders at so cheap a rate is
entring [sic] into a Partner ship with Mackay the Agent and William
Mackenzie in Charles Town, and that the former has by this opportunity
wrote to one Mackenzie, I do suppose the Brother of George for a large
parcel of Indian Trading Goods. If You understand that the Trustees has
granted me Liberty for the sole Trade of Alatamaha River, I would have
You give it out and thereby I should be able to engross the Trade
because 'twill save the travelling [sic] of 260 miles going and coming
for themselves & Pack Horses.
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Joseph Fitzwalter to Mr. Oglethorpe dated at
Savannah 4th July 1735.
Honoured [sic] Sir
After my Duty is presented to You and the rest of the Trustees
This is to acquaint your Honours [sic] that I am disappointed by Mr. Amatis
in carrying on the Business your Honours [sic] ordered. I wrote to your
Honours [sic] about the same by Capt. Yoakley & Capt. Dunbar but have had no
Instructions from your Honours.[sic] I always apprehended the Ground was for
carrying on Botany and Kitchen Pbysick [sic] as well as Nursery of Plants; As
for the Silk Business I know nothing of it, but I do assure Your Honours[sic]
that as for a Tree, Plant or any other Vegetable Mr. Amatis is a Stranger
as much as him that never knew any thing of the art of Gardening.
Mr. West who is Bearer hereof will inform your Honours [sic] of any
thing that You ask. I humbly beg Leave of your Honours [sic] that in January
next I may come to England to Settle my Affairs there and then to
return and spend the Residue of my time in Georgia, as long as God
shall think fit to spare my Life. I hope your Honours [sic] will not take it
amiss of my Marriage in this Province without first having your Honours [sic]
Consent; The 8th of April last I was married by Mr. Quincy, to Tuscanies
Eldest Daughter, Niece to Skee and Talofaleche;[sic] Tomo Chachi was the
Person who gave her in Marriage, present the Queen, Mr. Montagute and
Lady, Mr. Causton and Spouse, Mr. West and Spouse and several
others of this Province. The Indian Chiefs of the Upper and Lower
Creeks express themselves with a great deal of Satisfaction. It is
to be hoped that time will wear off her Savage Way of Living; It has
been no small Expence [sic] to me amongst the Indians, and I hope that your
Honours [sic] will be assisting to me, without which I cannot do any thing.
The Indians are very much for my going to the Nation to trade with them,
but I refer that to your letter Judgement, being unwilling to do any
thing without your Instructions.
I should have sent my Journal by Mr. West but the Business of
the Day being tiresome and Rest at night reviving for the next Day,
Employ is the only Reason I could not finish it time enough to come by
him; but hope that I shall bring it my self with a great deal of Satis-
faction to your Honours[sic].
The Ground produces beyond every one's Expectation, and every
body is very industrious upon their Lots both Town and Country in
general, Bread kind here will be raised this year more than the Inhabitants
can use; I have seen all in general and believe it to be so. We have bad
a very hot dry Spring but now the Weather is seasonable and cold. I
cannot find but People in England are subject to Fevers either Spring or
Fall as well as here, so that when the appointed time comes we must
Submit to him that made all things.
I assure your Honours [sic] that it is my Study Right and Day for the
well doing of the place, and whatever the Magistrates of the place order
me about I readily comply with. I hope your Honours [sic] don't forget the
Ordering of the Payment of my Salary.
I pray God bless your Honours, [sic] and I wish your Honours [sic] your
Healths to see the handy Works of Labour flourish, that You may see a
People You may call your own.
Most Obedient and Dutifull [sic] Servant
Copy of a Letter from Lieut. Govr. Broughton to Capt. Patrick Mackay
dated Council Chamber 4th July 1735.
It is no less Surprizing [sic] to me than it is to His Majesty's
Council, I have regular Complaints laid before this Board proved upon Oath,
as well by many of the Merchants in this Town as by several Indian
Traders who had given Security for their good Behaviour [sic] and were
licenced [sic] according to our Law to Trade among the Creek Indians,
that You have in an arbitrary and violent manner not only forced those Traders
and several others, not yet come to Town, out of the said Nation with all
their Goods and Effects to their great Loss & Damage; but have threaten'd
them in a peremptory manner that if they presume to return to trade in
that nation with a Licence [sic] from this Government that You will Seize
their Horses and Effects, for which You can have no Authority; And though You
have done those things under Pretence [sic] of regulating the Trade by
reducing the numbers of Traders, yet it appears to me and his Majesty's
Council that You have already showed your self partial therein, and that
only a certain small Number entering into Company at your Instigation
and taking a Licence [sic] from the Colony of Georgia is intended by You to
reap the Benefit of that Trade with the Creek or Chickesaw [sic] Indians.
These illegal Proceedings against His Majesty's Subjects of this
Colony, trading with a free People in Amit with the same &
conformable to the Laws of this Province and pursuant to an Order sent
this Government by her late Majesty Queen Ann in Council wherein all
Interruption was forbid to be given to any of her Majesty's Subjects to
trade with the Indians; require me immediately to interpose therein, not
only to protect the Trade of this Colony which is free to all His
Majesty's Liege Subjects, but also to defend their Persons from the
Violence of those who act without any Legal Authority and that are not
immediately within the Reach of the Laws of Great Britain and those of
this Province. And therefore to prevent the great Loss and Damage
that must soon ensue to the said Complaints in case they have not the
free Liberty to trade with those Nations of Indians as usual, and that
You may not plead Ignorance of the lawfull [sic] and just Right this Province
still hath and doth claim in sending Goods to trade with those Indians,
exclusive of the pretended Right You claim as belonging to Georgia. I
do now inform You with the Advice of His Majesty's Council that such of
His Majesty's Subjects in this Province, applying for Licence [sic] and
giving Security for their good behaviour [sic] among the said Indians
according to our Law, shall have free Liberty from this Government to go and
trade therewith and that I do expect You will give no Molestation nor
Interruption to them, as this Government on the contrary will be obliged
to take such measures as will effectually prevent the Traders fitted out
from hence meeting with any Disturbances.
I herewith send You a Copy of a Letter just now rec'd. from the
Commander at Mobile, by which You will see how your Actions and Talks
given those Indians have given Offence [sic] to the French Government there;
You know best how deserving You are of that Charge, as well as to that
laid to You by the Governor of St. Augustine, on Account of the late
Mischief done by the Spaniards; Both which I shall be sorry to find
through your Indiscretion and want of Experience You are deserving of,
lest in this time of Peace we should with the Colony of Georgia be
involved in having those Injurys [sic] revenged on our out Inhabitants.
I am told since I came to Town that His Majesty's Attorney
General is gone to Georgia to whom I enclose this Letter to he Delivered
to You, by whom I expect your Answer to this.
P:S: I must inform You that when this Governmt. agreed to give the
Trustees of Georgia 7 or 8,000 L in Consideration of Mr. Oglethorpe's
Undertaking to erect a Fort and Garrison in the Upper Creek Nation, it
was never intended by this Government that His Majesty's Subjects
therein should be excluded and debarred from trading among those
Indians as usual, nor that the Officer of that Garrison should be
cloathed [sic] with any such Power over the Traders as they now complain You have exerted against them.
Copy of Jeremiah Nott's Affidavit, 4th July 1735.
Before the Honble. Thos. Broughton Esqr. Lieutenant Governor.
Personally appeared Jeremiah Nott Indian Trader who being duly
sworn declares vizt.
That he has used and been a Trader under & in the Creek Nation
ever since the Year 1728 or thereabouts, and that in all things he has so
behaved as to give no Cause of Complaint against him.
That he sometime about the month of July last took out a Licence [sic]
from this Province of South Carolina, by which he was permitted to trade
in the Cahabawhatchee [sic] Town in the Upper Creeks; that he continued,
there so trading until the latter End of March last past, at which time
there came one Nicholas Fisher and in the name of Patrick Mackay Served
this Deponent with a Warrant under the Hand and Seal of the said Patrick
Mackay, commanding this Deponent immediately on sight thereof to move
himself his Goods and Horses from the Cahabawhatchee Town to the
Wehokees [sic] & there to remain until further Orders and thereof not to fail
at his Peril.
And accordingly with all convenient Speed he the said Jeremiah
Mott did remove all his Effects, not so much as trading for one Skin
after; And in crossing the Coosaw [sic] River with his Goods his Canoe was
overset and he lost in Goods to the Value of 200 wt. of Deer Skins, and
at last got to the Wehokees and there remained until the Beginning
of April, at which time he was showed a Letter directed to Archibald
McGilvery requiring him and all the Traders in the Upper Creeks to meet
the said Mackay at a place called the half Way House in order to conduct
the said Mackay into that Nation; And accordingly this Deponent went and
several others met him and accompany'd him to the Follooses [sic] in the
About two days after they were all Summoned to meet to the
Number of about 12 Men, accordingly they met and the said Patrick Mackay
gave them a Talk, the Purport of which was that he had heard some Men in
that Nation had received Letters from Carolina intimating to them that
he the said Patrick Mackay had nothing to do with the Trade of that
Nation, that he was sent there only to get a Fort built &c. He therefore
demanded to know which of all those then present would refuse to go down
to Georgia, on which there was a profound Silence for some time and then
this Deponent spoke Saying, he believed it did not Signify whether they
went to Georgia or Carolina, for it was all one Kings Government: Upon
which the said Mackay replied and said that there was several Gentlemen
then in Company pointing to one Thomas Goodall and others that had
heard the Honble. James Oglethorpe Esqr. say, and that they very well
knew that the Indian Trade did belong to Georgia and that it solely
belonged to them but Carolina had beg'd that they might have Liberty to
grant Licences [sic] for that year, but that they had no more to do there
now; On which Thomas Goodall said he had heard Mr. Oglethorpe say the
same and he knew it to be true.
Some time after being at the Ofuskees [sic] at another meeting, the
said Patrick Mackay being present and Thomas Goodall, Martin Kane, Thos.
Wiggin and several others, there was Discourse about those Gentlemen
that had entered into a Company, & some one that was then present said
they did Suppose that notwithstanding their being in Company yet
Carolina would grant Licences [sic] and sent out Traders, or Words to that
Effect; The said Mackay answered and said that if any Person or Persons
should come from Carolina with Licence [sic] from that Government to trade in
that Nation, he would Seize their Horses & Effects. And this Deponent
further declares that he has been several times, whilst he staid in the
Nation, spoke to by Thomas Wiggin Thomas Goodall & others belonging to
the Company in a threatening manner, assuring him that if ever he came
there into that Nation to trade any more, his Effects would certainly be
Seised; And this he apprehended was done with a Design to deter him from
This Deponent further declares that after having broke up his
Store and being in Company with the said Mackay, he told him that he
believed he had been misinformed about him that caused him to send a
Warrant, or Words to that Effect; And that he could undeceive him. The
said Mackay replye'd that he would argue this Cause with him another time,
but never spoke one word to him afterwards about it; but about the 14th
of May he sent him Word to depart the Nation with all his Effects.
This Deponent then having by reason of the aforesaid Orders
several of his Goods left unsold, he endeavoured [sic] to Sell the same;
which he at last did, but to the white People for less than the prime
Cost expecting never to go up again, by which means the lost above 3OO
wt. of Deer Skins besides further Damage.
Sworn before me in the Council
Chamber 4th July 1735.
Copy of a letter from Mr. Paul Amatis to the Trustees dated at
Savannah 5th July 1735.
During the months of July and August very little Expences [sic] are
required for your Garden, the Heat being so great as not to permit white
Men to work in the Fields or Gardens at that time; But after that, as I
have but two Servants and they are taken from me from time to time,
I shall be obliged to make more Expences [sic] and work hard to transplant
the Trees &c. in the best Order I can.
After the Garden is put in the best Order if Your Honours[sic] will
order an Examination of what has been done, and if it is found that un-
necessary Charges have been made I am willing that it should he on my
own Account, but in the mean time it is highly necessary that your
Honours [sic] give positive Orders that no Person whatsoever shall take from
the Garden any Trees, Plants, Greens, Roots or any thing whatsoever;
Also that none of the fruit be destroyed before it is ripe, or even
when it is ripe, as it has been done heretofore. It is a dismal Consideration
for me to think that I take so much Pains to cultivate such
vast Numbers of Trees and Plants, and that every body may do what they
please; Your Honours [sic] may perhaps think I deserve blame for Suffering it,
to which with humble Submission I answer.
I am told the Garden is for the Publick and free for every one,
though I must own I cannot conceive that You will readily consent that
all Persons whatsoever may take and strip the Garden of all its Produce.
Your Answer thereon is earnestly desired by me.
As from time to tine there arrives several Strangers here and not
knowing where to get their Bread they are generally sent to me to be
employed in your Garden till they can elsewhere find Employment; To
encourage People to come to this Colony I accept of their Services for
some time as Your Honours [sic] may See by my Accot.; I pay them but L 10
Currency p month with the Provisions from the Store. Mr. Fitzwalter has
hired several at 1/6d Sterl. p Diem, with Provisions.
I beg that I may have your Answer and know if You are any ways
displeased at me, that I may be able both to vindicate my self and take
such, measures as to give You the test and the greatest Satisfaction,
I shall he obliged next Fall to put Your Honours [sic] to some
additional Expences [sic] in relation to your Garden. The Soil at Top is
Sandy and not good enough for all Sorts of Plants without taking vast Pains,
What I design to do is to put some of the Swamp into the Holes where I
design to transplant the Trees; And I must acquaint your Honours [sic] that I
ought to have always Two men to water the Garden. I doubt not but
You know that to have such a large Garden as 10 Acres taken Care off [sic]
and improved, there must he an assiduous Care and necessary Persons; and
therefore it requires 4 Domestick [sic] Servants at least for two Years
longer, for there must be a great deal of work done there during that
tine. It will he a great work to clear the lower part which is a
If your Honours [sic] would please to Send me some young Trees and
Plants of the Growth of Europe, and above all Vines, I assure You I
shall take a special Care to transplant them. I shall not do as Mr.
Fitzwalter has done of those that have been sent him, which have been
made Presents to I know not who and the Remainder have perished. I
assure You upon the Word of an honest man, that there are but
three of those Plants in the Garden, except those that I have brought up
and cultivated, which are vastly numerous.
Please to consider the Pains I have taken & still continue to
take, but I am sorry that I am obliged to acquaint You that if Mr.
Fitzwalter still remains in the Garden, after the many Insults I have
received from him, I will leave off acting there after I have rec'd.
your Honours [sic] Orders.
Inclosed is the Memorandum that I was obliged to present to the
Court in relation to Mr. Fitzwalter, to let the Freeholders know how
much at heart I had your Interest and theirs also.
No Body knows the Expences [sic] I have been obliged to make at
Charles Town and here to cultivate and nurse young Trees for your
Garden, and all for the Interest and Advantage of this Colony.
If any of the Honble. Trustees come here I humbly offer my
House, which indeed is your own & which I am endeavouring [sic] to
put in the best Order I can, both for Conveniency and Neatness. It
will be a singular Pleasure to me to have the Honour [sic] of
entertaining so great and honourable [sic] Guests.
I hope with Patience and the Blessing of God I shall bring my
Undertaking to a happy Issue, to the Glory of your Honours [sic] in
particular and of all the whole British Nation in general.
This moment I was served with a Warrant from Mr. Causton who does
whatever he can to oblige me to leave the Colony against my Inclination;
If Your Honours [sic] suffer me to be daily insulted by such a Person as
be my Intent is to destroy all that I have hitherto done, though with so much
Labour, my Substance and the Prime of my youthfull [sic] Days. Although I
cannot have Satisfaction from him at present, I as a true Piedmontese
will not forget him in haste nor easily put up the Affront of a
Man whose Behaviour [sic] is such that he encreases [sic] daily the Number
of his Enemies here; And tho' he may as I am informed write You letters in his
own Praise, was You to make a strict Enquiry into all his Transactions
here I conceive he might not come off to your Satisfaction.
Inclosed is the Copy of the Warrant to Shew You in what manner he
uses Ms Authority in an Affair so uncertain and properly an Error.
If I owe Mr. Chardon that money I only desire he will shew his Accompt
and I will endeavour [sic] to Satisfy him, knowing full well that amongst
honest men Errors are no Payments.
I know very well the Occasion of this last Affront was that
Chardon and Causton were afraid I should depart hence for London in
Capt. Thomson to exhibit my Complaints in Person better then I can do in
the narrow Confine of a Letter. But I have considered that if I under
took that Voyage I could not be back in time and proper Season to do the
needfull [sic] Business to your Garden in transplanting and putting it in the
best Order I could, I therefore stay in this Colony thus.
Je rests pour le present danscette Colonie que comme L'Oisseau sur la
Branche pret a Senvoler dans L'Endroit ou il trouvera plus de Repos.
I am most respectfully
Your most Devoted humble Servant
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Noble Jones to Mr. Oglethorpe dated at
Savannah 6th July 1735.
Honoured [sic] Sir
I take this opportunity by Mr. West of shewing my Gratitude for
the past favours [sic] which I am incapable of marking any other Retaliation
for than by acknowledging, and beg Leave to acquaint your Honour [sic] with
some of my Proceedings since I had the misfortune to lose your Honours [sic]
I continue to go on (as near as I am capable) by the same Rules
as your Honour [sic] was pleased to prescribe, tho' I have met with some
I have had some Trouble with the two Mr. Parkers the particulars
of which I have sent to the Honble. Trustees, I have done my
Endeavour to Stick close to the Instructions I rec'd. from your
As Attorney and Agent to Tomo Chachi and his People I have at
all times assisted to my utmost to See Justice done, the Particulars
of which I don't doubt but Mr. Recorder has informed You in his Accot.
of the Court Proceedings, as my Suing every one whom I find any ways
offer to oppress them either by cutting down Trees on their Land,
Stealing their Canoes or any like Offences.[sic] I have brought several
Actions against Capt. Watson, Wiggan, Col. Priolove's Negroe [sic] and others;
I do any business for them that they desire. I sent by Capt. Dunbar a
Letter of Thanks (which I wrote from Tomo Chachi's Words) to the Honble
Trustees for the many favours [sic] they had bestowed upon him.
As Ranger I do my constant Endeavour [sic] to prevent any Depredations
being committed in any part of the Province, particularly the Cutting
down Cypress and Live Oak Trees; I have been twice to the most
Southern parts of the Province, the first time upon an Alarm with about
50 Men (all Volunteers except the Scout Boat) the particulars of which
Voyage, for fear a false Accot. should come to your Hands, I will Send
by the next; The second time was with Capt. Dunbar, who I don't doubt
has informed You thereof before now. We have an Account that some
Yamasee Indians, Supposed to be the same that killed Tomo Chachi's
People, are now Sculking [sic] about Port Argyle on that River, I therefore
Set out to Borrow with Mr. Spangenberg to run out Count Zinzendorff's
Land, he having cleared above 3 Acres of his own Garden Lot; At the
same time to See if we can come up with those Strollers who come to Spy
and disturb our Peace, as Ranger I always think it my particular Duty
to be the first out on those Occasions.
Mr. Jonathan Brian has been up and has made 3 or 4 Canoes for
which he says he has your Honours [sic] Orders to take as many as he
pleases, I knowing your Honour [sic] did give him 5 Trees formerly
and he being a Person that You respected I did not dispute it, but
forbad any one in his Name or by his Licence [sic] to do the same.
Mr. Augustine pretended to the same but I as yet have not had faith to
believe him; Capt. Ferguson says your Honour [sic] granted him one, I
let him have it but have charged him Dr. for it till I receive your
Orders; I have done the same with Mr. Lacy of Thunderbolt. I should be
glad if your Honour [sic] would favour [sic] me with an Account of as
many of those Orders as your Honour [sic] shall think fit to grant.
Mr. Augustine having your Honour's [sic] Letter concerning Sir Francis
Ixm Bathurst, I have run Sir Francis 200 Acres by his Direction & Sir
Francis has made large Improvement thereon considering he has lost
by Death two of his three Servants.
I have had bad Success with Servants, the old man continued sick
from the time I first had him till his Death, so that with him that
dyed [sic] before I have now left but two and those have been sick and as soon
as well are always in some Contrivance, they have rob'd me and others
and run away but I have them both now but am forced to keep one of them
with a Chain on his Leg; It has retarded me vastly in my business, I
employed Ford to assist me but what he did for me cost me above three
times what I had for it; If I could get a sufficient Number of Servants
I don't doubt doing well. I understand Mr. Cordon made a large Sum by
his Prospect of Savannah, I always thought him a Man of more Honour [sic]
than to enfringe [sic] so much on any Man's Right, L 100 it is said he got by
it. Which has set a certain Person who has the keeping the Register
Book to fall upon the same Practice here, which makes me cautious
how I put any Platts [sic] in it.
As I am resolved to write to your Honour [sic] and the Honble. Trustees
every Opportunity I shall refer your Honour [sic] to my next, in which I
intend to be more full; till which time and for ever that God will
bless and prosper your Honour [sic] and all the rest of the Honble.
Trustees is the constant Prayer of him that desires nothing so much
as to be counted amongst Tour Honours [sic] faithfull [sic] Servants.
Your Honours [sic] most humble
and most Dutifull[sic] Servt.
As all the Words I could speak were not sufficient for some People
I have set some Advertisements, the following are Copys [sic] of them
which I thought proper to send your Honour [sic] for Approbation. We have a
Rumour [sic] here that there is a bounty granted upon Live Oak, which has made
some Persons here to go about this Province in Quest of the best, for
which Reason I have caused the last of these Advertisements to be Stuck
in all the out Villages and have given one to each Tythingman.
This is to give Notice That if any Person whomsoever after the
Publication hereof shall cut down deface or destroy any of the Trees or
commit any Trespass on any of the Lands now most Immediately in
possession of Tomo Chachi King of Yamacraw or any of his people, which said
Lands are hounded by a blaz'd Line (distinguished by a red Cross) on
the East Side thereof abutting to the Common of the Town of Savannah,
by a Road or High way leading from the said Common to the Plantation of
Mrs. Musgrove (commonly called Musgrove's Cowpen) on the South, by a
Creek (commonly called the Indian Creek) on the West, and on the North
by the River Savannah; They will he prosecuted for the same with the
p Noble Jones Agent for the Indians.
3d July 1735.
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Thomas Christie to the Trustees dated at
Savannah 6th July 1735.
Most Honoured [sic] Sirs
We had the Honour [sic] of yours directed to the Bayliffs [sic] and Recorder
under the Seal of the Common Council dated 17th March. I conceived it
Our Duty that we should all Joyn [sic] in an Answer to your Honours,[sic]
but since that has been postponed I crave Leave with Submission to Inform
your Honours; [sic] That soon after your Letter was received it was read in
Court, that the inclosed Order was made thereupon; And no Proceedings
shall he had in that Affair till your Honour's [sic] special Commission
arrives. The Confinement of Watson within our own Province was owing
to ay Advice to Mr. Causton, and it is a great Satisfaction to us it
meets with your Honour's [sic] Approbation. I shall always endeavour to
prefer the Publick [sic] Good to any private Interest.
I take this opportunity likewise to send inclosed to your
Honours [sic] Copies of several publick [sic] Orders. The Copy of the
Lieut. Govrs. Letter of South Carolina to us, the Copy of Capt. Mackintosh's
Commission, the Speech of the Upper Creeks and the Speech of the
Lower Creeks are put into Mr. Causton's Box the Examination of Licha [sic]
the Indian & Jehu Barton the Interpreter who we have obliged to enter into
Recognizance, and several other Authentick [sic] Papers which Your
Honours [sic] may have Occasion for.
I have with Mr. Vanderplank Signed the Cash Accompts of Mr.
Causton from 26th May to 24th June Cr. L 41,848:19; 7. Dr
We doubt not but Your Honours [sic] will soon give Directions as to
the Indian Trade; I can assure your Honours [sic] the Magistrates of
themselves have taken no other Step therein than a Letter wrote to Brown and
Compa., the Copy of which I thought not amiss to Send inclosed. The
Colony is in Peace & Quietness, and we esteem our selves thrice happy to
be under so wise and prudent Government. I beg Leave to Subscribe
Your Honours [sic]
Most Obliged and very
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Paul Amatis to the Trustees dated at Savannah
30th June 1735 With Postscript 7 July
I am constrain'd against my Inclination to trouble Your Honours [sic]
with this Letter occasioned through the Spite and malicious Endeavours [sic]
of Mr. Causton to teaze [sic] and perplex me.
The Honble. Mr. Oglethorpe assured me when he was last at Charles
Town that You had Ten Servants here. Six of which were to be employed
according to Tour Orders and the four others under my Direction
to clear cultivate and put in a proper and handsome Order Your
Garden here. But since Capt. Dunbars Arrival Six of the Servants have
been taken from the Garden to Serve at the Crane, which Service if I am
not mistaken has been of little Use to your Interest for they have
chiefly been employed in making Pitch and Tarr [sic] for Causton & Compa.
As for the four which I was to keep in your Garden under my Direction Mr.
Causton and Mr. Fitzwalter have generally employed them for their
Pleasure, I have complained to both at Sundry times but have always
been abused with ill Words for having your Interest and my Duty at
Yesterday and the Day before having removed to another House to
be nearer to your Garden I took two of your Servants to help me in
moving my Goods, which Action of mine was so displeasing to Causton
that he was resolved to revenge himself; & not having Sufficient
Authority to do it on me he immediately fixes the same on the two
Servants on a Pretence [sic] of not Coming when he sent for them, and for
killing some Hogs in your Garden who had done a considerable Damage
there, for which I ordered the Servants whenever they came again to
kill them which accordingly they did in Obedience to the Order I gave
them which my and your Interest obliged me to do, those Hogs having
destroyed abundance of young Trees, Plants, Melons &c The Trees being
hard of very great Value and hard to raise I thought the Loss of the Hogs
was no proportion to the Value thereof, but still to make it less Notice
was immediately given as soon as killed that the Owners might take them
up and make the most they could of them; So that in short it was little
or no Loss to them, but to your Garden it was a very considerable one
and might still have been encreasing [sic] had I not prevented it in time.
Mr. Causton immediately (and I believe without any Tryal [sic]) ordered the
two Servants to be tyed [sic] to Trees, one of them was unmercifully whipt
with 101 Lashes which made him utter such Cries and Groans that I could
not bear to hear him, the other had 21 Lashes was a poor sickly Fellow
who was not yet recovered of a Fever and could hardly crawl. So much
Barbaric and Cruelty which I never was acquainted with, and with which
I did not think that an English man could be so tyrannical to inflict;
Together with the many Insults I have received and the many more I may
perhaps expect made me resolve to retire to Purysburgh, for I perceive
the Colony will greatly Suffer under the Administration of a Man who
seems to think no Pleasure so great as Punishing with the utmost
Severity, but shews no Delight in any kind Actions.
I wish that before a Trustee or some eminent Person arrives here
some Disorders may not happen, My Reason for retiring to Purysburgh is
partly that I may no ways have any hand, or be in the way to have any
Concern, or be wrapt up in the Dispute, Animosities and perhaps worse
that may happen here. 'Tis generally wished that Your Honours [sic] would
quickly send a Person of Worth, Weight and Prudence to govern this
Place according to Justice & the Laws of Great Britain.
To You therefore as Patrons and Fathers of this Colony We must
apply to redress our Grievances, and to provide for the Security and
Welfare of an Infant Colony who might he a rising one has the best
Prospect of it now, if not crushe'd thro' the Cruelty &c. of a Person
unqualified for Government.
Let the Consequence be what it will, when i leave this place, I
shall still study contrive and put in Execution all in my Power for the
Benefit of your Garden, and will still visit the same as often as I can
that I may have the Glory of being instrumental to the Good of so many
poor Families in particular & to the whole Kingdom of Great Britain in
I don't design to get any more Silk spun till I hear from your
Honours [sic] to whom I have wrote many Letters without having the
Pleasure of an Answer; or till another Person arrives here who may
be more civilized and hath a greater Desire to do Justice and get the
good Will of the People, as well as make his Fortune.
Please to enquire of my Character either at Purysburgh or here,
or both; I except none but Causton and Fitzwalter and I will stand or
Your Honours [sic] may depend the Silk Manufacture will do extreamly [sic]
well here if encouraged, but some small additional Charges is required
as the same goes forward, and without Money I can do nothing. I conceive
that You will never Suffer so beneficial an Undertaking, which has
so great a Prospect, to fail for want of your Countenance, Encouragement
or Supply of Money. I am not begging for my self but for the Benefit
and Advantage of all those who shall have a Share in the Success
and Blessing of this Undertaking.
I must beg Pardon if I take too great a Freedom in Expressing my
self thus, that it is highly necessary I should have a sufficient
Number of Servants under my Care, no ways at the Command of any other
whatsoever, and that I should be Supply'd sufficiently to pay the
Necessary Charges. Which two Articles if your Honours [sic] please to grant me,
I am big with Hopes of Seeing my Labour & Industry crown'd with Success;
With less Charges and Cost than Tybee Light House, on which has been laid
out of the Publick Money about L 1,500 Sterling and has not two foot
built above Ground, nor according to Human Appearance the Work will
never come to a Period till a Trustee or a Man of Prudence, Weight and
Judgement comes here. Whereas my Labour and Industry plainly appear to
all Mankind that will take the Trouble of looking into it.
If You fail in which I desire I plainly declare that to my very
great Sorrow and the Loss, vast as it will be to the Colony, I can't
expect any Good from this Undertaking.
'Tis about 6 months since Fitzwalter has done any Service in your
Garden, and I dare him to shew that he has done the Value of L 5 Sterlg.
Service there. I thought considering his Pay he might have endeavoured [sic]
to have done something for it.
Let me beg of Your Honours [sic] to let me hear from You that I may
know how to Steer my future Course end endeavour [sic] to give You the best
Satisfaction I can.
I have not sent You my Journal lest it might fall into the hands
of Mr. Causton and he should keep it back, it being hazardous and almost
not to be expected to have free Conveyance of Letters. The People
here look on this as a Grievance not to be born in England, and from
which they hope Your Honours [sic] will relieve them. I do not at present
enter into his other Affairs, tho as to his Accots. some will venture
to say, if a strict Enquiry is made, he will be found wanting. However
it is not my business, I am only carrying on the Work that I have began;
So long wished for in England, even the Establishing the Silk Manufacture
in this Infant Colony. I am with the greatest Respect
Your most Obedient &
Devoted humble Servant
July 7th. This moment I received a Letter from Charles Town that my
Bills on your Honours [sic] cannot be negotiated, which is a vast Disappointmt.
to me. Please to consider that it is a hard Case for me to lay out
Money out of my own Pocket to Serve the Colony without taking a Farthing
of Interest, and when I am in the utmost Want of it cannot get it in.
I beg You would remove this Difficulty otherwise it will be my Ruin,
and I must of Course abandon all that I have already done with so much
Pains and Cost.
In order to carry on the Silk Manufacture next Year I shall want
about 30,000 Bricks which may easily come in the Ships from London, it
is to build a Fabrique [sic] in the manner as is done in Italy.
Copy of Mr. Isaac Chardon's Receipt.
Rec'd. Febry, 13th 1734 of Mr. Paul Amatis his Note of Hand of
this Date payable the 25th. May 1735. for Three hundred and eighty one
Pounds Eight Shilings which when paid will be the Balance due to me
To Pay Mr. Chardon I have sent him my Accompt on your Honours [sic] for
L 399:8 Currency due to me the first of June last, for which he was to
draw on You, for my last Quarter. Which if he has done I am no ways
indebted to him but he is rather in my Debt L 18. Currency. I don't
see therefore wby a Warrant should be served on me (the Copy of which is
on the other Side) when I intended not to depart this Colony; but if I
am always used thus it will be the only way to Send me out of the Colony,
for I never will Stay here long if Causton uses me as he does others who
are not in a Capacity to help themselves. But I know that in Carolina I
shall always be respected and all due and proper Encouragement given to
Copy of the Warrant.
Province To John Vanderplank Constable
of Georgia and all others whom it may Concern.
You are hereby commanded to bring Paul Amatis So that he appears
personally before the Bayliffs [sic] and Recorder of this Town at the next
Court to be holden for this Township, then and there to answer the
Comlaint [sic] of Isaac Chardon in an Action of Accompt for One Hundred
Pounds Currency. And for your so doing this is your sufficient Warrant,
certifying what You shall do in the Premisses. Given under my Hand and
Seal the 17th Day of June 1735.
You are likewise not to Suffer
him to Depart this Town
without Order from some one
of the Magistrates.
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Thomas Causton to Mr. Oglethorpe dated
at Savannah July the 7th 1735.
Agreeable to your Honours [sic] Orders I bargained for a Frame of a
House completly [sic] fitt [sic] to be sett up any where for Mr.
Mountagute. [sic] But he Coming before the House was finished, upon
Arrival desired he might have leave to Sett it up in this Town.
In Regard that you was pleased to Order the House you lived in
for his Residence whilst here and benefits that might arrise [sic]
to this Town by his allways [sic] having a Supply of European Goods, I
gave leave for him to sett it up at the Corner of that Ground joyning [sic]
to the house. In this Case he made a new bargain with the Carpenter, I
beleive [sic] he finds the Benefit of being here, but I dont [sic] find him
Inclinable to Encourage Exportation from hence.
Mr. Bryan seemed to take a great deal of Pains in procuring Rice
for Mr. Symond's Ships, But there was many difficultys [sic] Started against
Loading in this River; A great deal of pretended pains to bargain with
an Officer to Stay on bor'd the Ship who was glad of a Perquisite because
the Ship must go to Lisbon, and he must therefore Endorse both Marks
and Numters on the Certificate. Had not a quarrel happened which was
like to he fatall, [sic] it had not been owned That there was any Orders to
Load for London I assure you they might as easily have Loaded two
Ships as one But tho Mr. Montagut [sic] dont [sic] seem Inclinable, either by
imploying [sic] the People or tying Skins and Goods for Exportation, some
others are beginning and I dont [sic] doubt but we shall daily Encrease [sic] in
Esports of the Growth of the Colony some stages has been Shiped [sic]
off in a Eew York Vessell [sic] by Mr. Vanderplank, and he has imported
Madera Wine in Returns some of which wines are now on board the two
I make it my business to oblige Mr. Mountagut and his Lady by
all the Methods I can devise.
The Boy you was pleased to mention as a Gift to me is bound by
Indenture to Mr. Mountagut and therefore denied me.
No One has left the Colony but Cundall and Peircy Hill to this
When Tommy Jones brought down the Indians he Insisted to have his
Town Lott which you had granted him and was Registered in his Name.
Collonell [sic] Bull being here, we endeavoured [sic] to persuade Robert
Parker Senior to give him Possession, And by that means merritt [sic] a
favour [sic] from the Trustees; I promised likewise to pay him for all
Charges of fencing it in; But persuasion would not do and Jones would
not hear of any assurances I offered. That the Trustees would do better
thingsfor him Saying that which you gave him he expected.
Parker before this had Verbally relinquished his Lott,[sic] because he
would not be liable to be fined for not Serving as a Jury man. So that
in Consideration of the whole an Action of Tresspass [sic] and Ejectment was
brought against Parker by Jones, to which Parker refused to appear and a
Verdict passed against him for the Possession.
Sir Francis Bathurst and his Lady and Son are very well his two
Daughters are married. He is very well pleased with the Country and
lives very Soberly and Contented he Cannot frame himself to Augustines
Directions but manages his own Affairs very prudently he has lost
all his Servants but one who is very ill therefore I am
obliged to help him in hoeing of his Corn.
I have drawn on you a Bill payable to Mr. Jenys and Baker for
forty pounds Sterling according to your Order and have applied it to the
uses you ordered In which case (with Regard to the People in Town) I
have allways [sic] Consulted the Magistrates.
I have endeavoured [sic] to keep the people together with Success And
By whole view has been to Encourage the Industrious and more especially
I fenced in a Large Calf Pasture to keep the Cattle that were
hunted up from Rambling again; very few were found last year this
year the woods were burnt and a great many Cattle discovered on Thunder
bolt pine, I ordered a broad drift away to be Cutt [sic] through the
thickwood from Colleton Bridge to the pine land and we have had great
Success in bringing home the Cattle.
We order'd that the people should pay the Pindar for a year
Hunting in hand besides a Shilling for branding. But I beleive [sic]
the Pindar does not like his Office for he never Stirs to fetch
in the Cattle many people here are much altered in their Manners and
The presents for the Indian Nation are all now delivered and Mrs.
Musgrove has Behaved very well. I have been much Obliged to her in that
matter. Poor Johnny is dead of a Fever; As he was a Constable we buried
him in a Military manner.
Tomo Chachi and all the Indians continue to behave extreamly [sic] well
and he is greatly Esteemed by all the Towns. I shall let
nothing be wanting to preserve the good Understanding between us.
Estinoleeche [sic] Accidently Shott [sic] himself when he was out,
and is Dead. Estiche [sic] is reconciled. Mrs. Musgrove is Satisfied
for the loss of her Slave, and Tallapholicha [sic] has Received the
presents, That the Trustees Ordered with great thanks.
Mr. West will be able to tell your Honours [sic] many particulars
especially that of Mr. Gordon and Mr. Watson he has promised to shew
you Mr. Gordons Letter to him a Coppy [sic] of which I have sent the Trustees
It is impossible to express the Malignity that has arisen from that
affair as well at Carolina as here.
I am senseable [sic] that Malitious [sic] People invent Reproachfull Tales of
me. But though I am very Cautious of exposing the Reputation of those
who come at the Trustees expence, [sic] I shall never be afraid of punishing
and threatening those Guilty of Crimes.
The Refreshments of the Store are justly distributed according
to the Peoples Rights. And beyond that nothing but their particular
merritt [sic] for Publick [sic] Service or Real Necessity Recommends them,
and I hope the Health of the People will in great Measure justifie [sic]
the care that have "been taken to have Sufficient of good Provisions.
Mr. Spangenberg had his Town Lott sett out immediately after his
arrivall. [sic] they are very industrious have planted three Acres of Corn
and Pease [sic] which thrives very well.
Mrs. Bland and her Son arrived at Charles Town she was so
frighted with idle Stories, that I thought she would not have come near
me, her Son delivered me your Letter. I took Care to have his
Lott [sic] immediately sett [sic] out and Mr. Everseen, Mr. Spangenberg, and he
joins together the young man had no Servant. But there was a German
Family came with them for Purrishurgh [sic] who desired to Settle here as we
had no power to grant Lotts.[sic] The man has agreed to serve Bland for Six
Months, and I am to provide him his wife and two Boys upon the Store on
Bland's account for Such Service till The Trustees pleasure be known
which if you approve off he hopes will he granted, as this was done for
Assistance to Bland I choose to Submitt [sic] it to your Honours [sic]
Judgement in what manner to Present it to the Trustees so that I may have
Particular Orders what to do. Mrs. Bland is since come with her goods.
I have taken a house for her and advanced her a little money But she is
very troublesome to the whole Place and every one beleives [sic] her to he
Poor Dalmar is Dead and I have been much troubled to keep those
People in Order, especially Headly who is now in Goal for his reapeated [sic]
disobedience to his Officer. He was ordered to make his Submission to
his Officer and give Security for his good Behaviour.[sic]
I am Sorry that I have Still occasion to complain of the Conduct
of too many of the Military Officers. As most of them are unskilled in
Military Exercise, they Ridicule those who would Enforce it But are
Ambitious Enough at the same time to sett [sic] up the Military Power in
Opposition to the Civil and will by no means think of living Conjunctively.
My My time is to Short to Relate one half of what I ought But
this Shall be immediately followed by the first Opportunity from Carolina, And hope for ever to be numbred [sic] amongst
Your most Obliged & most Obedt. Servant
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Elisha Dobree to the Trustees dated at
Savannah 7th July 1735.
Honoured [sic] Sirs
I find that all the Accots. of your Stores are not sent You, and
before they are or that You approve of them, I beg that You will hearken
to what I shall now say.
The Freeholders were to give Receipts for all the Provisions, but
finding they were resolved positively not to do it, on pretence [sic]
they had not their Due, the Matter dropt [sic] there.
From the Insight I have had of the Accots. in the Stores in
which I have taken abundance of Pains almost to no Purpose (and not
being a fit Tool to work with. I was discharged the Store) I find the
Accots. will be very imperfect and therefore not exact or true, which
two Articles are certainly required in all Accots. from the Experience
I have had for 25 Years in Exchanges, Sales, Publick [sic] Accompts &c. in
short the most difficult and perplexing.
If Your Honours [sic] will please to appoint Commissioners to examine
into the Transactions of your Stores and the Publick Money, & name me
for one and Mr. Robert Parker for another 4 or 5 New Comers and the
others few Free Masons, and I will undertake to find out matter enough
to acquaint Your Honours; [sic] For whom I shall think no Labour too heavy.
I am most respectfully, tho' in great haste
Your most Obliged and
Devoted humble Servant
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Elisha Dobree to Mr. Verelst dated at
Savannah 8th July 1735.
Although I have not the honour [sic] to be particularly acquainted with
You, I take the freedom to propose a close familiar and usefull [sic]
correspondence, your Acceptance of it will greatly oblige and be very
delightfull [sic] to me.
At this time this place is very sickly, there are dead of late
Mr. Joseph Cowper, Johnson Dalmass, Richard Cannon, Samuel Penseyre,
John Musgrove, DuGardin and his Wife, Kelloway, Francis Mugridge, John
Ambrose, Cadman; besides many others of less Note. Thomas Fawset and
John Greedy are very ill, so is Dr. Tailfer. I thank God I have my
Health as well as ever I had in England.
We have had l6 Indian Traders here to whom Licences [sic] have been
granted to trade in the Nations by Capt. Mackay; most of them are
returned again, few remain here.
Mr. Abercromby and Mr. Chardon arrived this day from Charles Town
and talk of returning back tomorrow.
This day the Guns were fired for Remembrance of opening the
Court as on this day.
I have little News at present worth acquainting You; There are
about 70 Tons of Timber vizt. Live Oak gone with Capt. Thomson. I wish
I was acquainted with the Value of it in England I could send great
Quantities to any friend You would name.
I wish You could Supply me with two good bricklayer's,[sic] Sawyer's,[sic]
Plaisterer's, [sic] or Cooper Servants, it is they we want most at
present. The Cost I would readily pay to the Captain, and I would
always acknowledge this as an exceeding great favour. [sic]
Pray if You know any News worth communicating I beg You will
please to favour [sic] me therewith, and in any thing I can Serve
You or any of your Friends please freely to command
Your most humble Servt.
I have now several 100d Orange
Plants of my own Growth, put in
the Ground last Winter.
I believe the Accompts You'll receive from the Trustees Store here will
be very imperfect according to my knowledge of them, having canvass'd
them over & indeed I do not know how they will be approved off at
One Article about Tybee Light House is an heavy one. Some say
1500 Sterling and hardly built above Ground; But this is no Business
of mine and therefore I stop short. I shall only add that a good
Accomptant [sic] in the Store would have been of Use both to Masters and
Capt. Mackay the Agent for the Indian Affairs is preparing to set
out for Alatamaha and beyond it as far as St. Juan near Augustine to pry
into the Motions of the Indians and Spaniards.
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Elisha Dobree to Mr. Martyn dated at
Savannah 9th July 1735.
As I am persuaded that the Honble. Trustees are desirous to know
how this Colony goes on and all Transactions here written to them
frequently; I take the Freedom to offer them my weak Services, and on
the Receipt of their Commands with Licence [sic] that my Letters may
have free Conveyance and not be intercepted or opened here, I will
endeavour [sic] that not the least shall escape my Notice that is
proper to write them, and if need be Copys [sic] shall be sent them.
My Intent is to write without any Regard to Parties.
I have often been told there was a Store of Indian Goods to be
opened here; I could wish, the Honble. Trustees would please to employ me
in it. I have Reason to think that I am as well qualifyed [sic] for it as any
in this Colony, having since my Infancy been brought up to Merchandize
and to the best Method of Bookkeeping.
I was the first Merchant Adventurer here but through the Knavery
and ill Management of Lynch who had my Concern in his hands I have been
reduced to Such a Degree that it had been well for me if I never had had
any Thoughts of this Colony, but since I am in it I would willingly stay
in hopes times may mend.
I am not strong enough for a Sawyer or any hard working Trade
which at this time are much preferable to a Penman. I beg You'll read
this Letter to the Board and withall acquaint them that no one Trader
here has so well observed their Orders in relation to the Prohibition
of Rum as I have done, and always will do.
Your Answer to this Letter and your Interest with the Honble.
Trustees in my favour [sic] will be ever acknowledge and shall
endeavour [sic] to make such suitable Returns as the same deserves.
I am most respectfully, tho' in great haste. Sir
Your most humble Servt.
If there be no Store here for Indian Goods I beg the Honble. Trustees
would favour me with an Employ in any of the following
Secretary of the Indian Trade
Accomptant [sic] for the Estate and Effects of Widows and Orphans & c.
Clerk of the Assembly
Overseer of the Publick Works
Or some Employ in either of these.
If none of these are to he obtained I humbly propose to the Trustees to
grant me the Licence [sic] of an Indian Store in the next Town to the
Southward in the same manner as was granted Mr. Musgrove here, also Lots
(mine here being taken from me).
Yesterday sailed hence Capt. Thomson and with him Mr. West and
I wrote lately for Capt. Mackay 16 Licences [sic] for the Indian
Traders who are (except three) return'd some in the Motion and others to
Charles Town. They took to the Value of about L 3000 Currency of Goods
from Mr. Houstoun here, little or none from Mr. Eveleigh.
The following Ffeeholders [sic] are lately dead here
DuGrardin & his Wife
Johnson Dalmass of Skidoway.
And Sundry others of less Note.
Thomas Fausset is dangerously ill.
I thank God I have my Health as well as ever I had in Great
Britain; I cbuse [sic] cool Liquors for my Drink which best agree
We greatly wish for more People coming over to Strengthen this
Capt. Mackay is preparing to go as far as St. Juan near Augustine
to Observe the Motions of the Spaniards.
We have here a Scooner lately arrived from Jamaica for Mr.
Mr. Abercromby and Mr. Chardon arrived here two days since, are
gone to Purysburgh and expected here back again in few days.
Copy of a Letter from the Govr. of St, Augustine to Lieut. Govr.
Broughton Dated 10th July 1735.
I received your Excellency's Letter of the 13th May with great
Pleasure, being thereby acquainted with the welcome News that His
Britannick [sic] Majesty had conferr'd on You the Government of your
Province in Consideration of your great Capacity and talents, of which
I have received an ample Account: I wish Your Excellency all manner
of Satisfaction and Success in Your Government.
As to the Contents of your Excellency's Letter I cannot give any
Answer to them by this opportunity having dispatch'd another Messenger
to the Provinces, to find out and be certain who the Persons are who
have committed the Outrages. As soon as I have a certain Account
thereof, I shall give You Notice of it.
I am desirous to find Opportunities to Serve your Excellency
Your Excellency's very humble Servant
Copy of George Cussins's Affidavit 19th. July 1735
Charles Town So. Carolina
George Cussins being duly sworn on the Holy Evangelist of Almighty God
declareth That on or about the 27th day of May last whilst he was
trading at the Chehaws and Oakmulgoes [sic] in the Lower Creek Nation pursuant to his Licence [sic] for that purpose on the behalf of the
Estate of Lanclane McGillvery declared being employed on that Account by Messrs. Andrew Allen John Fraser and James Payne Executors to the said Estate, Patrick Mackay as Agent for Georgia did then come to their House in the said Nation where the said Cussins was trading and forbid the said Cussins to trade any longer there And that he would not Suffer him any longer
to trade under his Licence [sic] from So. Carolina; And accordingly ordered
the said George Cussins to put aside what Goods he had under his Care
belonging to the said Estate, and to take into the said House what Goods
he the said Mackay should think fit. And accordingly the said Goods
belonging to the said Estate were then put aside, and Mackay's Goods &
them concerned with him were put into the said House, and from that time
the said Cussins according to the said Mr. Mackay's Order left off
Trading as aforesaid.
Sworn before me in Council
the 19th of July 1735.
Copy of a Letter from the Magistrates of Georgia to Lieut. Govr.
Broughton dated 21st July 1735.
Capt. Patrick Mackay, who is appointed by the Honble, Trustees
for establishing this Colony to he their Agent in the Indian Nation, as
also to commend their Independent Company residing there, has laid
before us Your Honour's [sic] Letters to him of the 29th of April last & of
the 4th instant; and has required out Advice with regard to the several
matters therein contained.
In sincere regard for the good Understanding that ought forever
to Subsist between two Colonys [sic] so nearly joined, and because
we would take all opportunity's in our power to preserve it, we hereby
offer ourSentimts. and acquaint You; That before the Arrival of your
Honour's [sic] Letter we were advised by Letters & other ways that some
Spaniards andIndians had set upon some of our Neighbour [sic] Indians in
one of theirhunting Camps and had killed them, and that this was Supposed
to be done in Revenge for that one Lika in the Indian Ration had killed a
Spanish Centinell [sic].
When we had the Honour [sic] of Col. Bulls Company here we desired him
to communicate to your Honour [sic] our Intention of enquiring into the
matter, which we judged more especially necessary at this time being
tinder an equal Uncertainty with You what Share Great Britain may have
in the Troubles now Subsisting in Europe. As to what Grounds the People
of Augustine have for Complaints the inclosed will shew You, that John
Barton who was Interpreter for Mr. Mackay stands charged with Crimes for
which he must answer; We have advised the Trustees of the Particulars of
this Affair & have Detained Barton in Expectation of their Orders
concerning a Crime of so high a Nature done in their Service.
As to Mr. Mackay's Conduct in the Indian Nation, and concerning
which You say You expect his Answer to certain Complaints laid against
him We have carefully perused his Orders which he received from Mr.
Oglethorpe, and with great Submission are of opinion that his Actions
have not been as they are mentioned to be Charged in the Affidavits, and
hope that your Honour [sic] will not very readily judge him culpable of what
some disappointed People are pleased through malicious Views to Suggest
or Swear; neither Suppose him to be answerable for Misconduct, but to
those from whom and in whose Name he is authorized.
As to the forbidding or denying that benefit which is due to all
His Majesty's Subjects trading with a free People in Amith [sic] with us,
we beg Leave to assure You that we have not found he has attended any such
As to the Removall [sic] of some of the Traders who like all the rest
were licenced [sic] by the Government of Carolina, we Suppose he has given
your Honour [sic] his Reasons for so doing; and your Honour [sic] no doubt is
sensible how far an additional Number of Traders was and will be agreable
[sic] to the Agreement You mention with Mr. Oglethorpe, and not think he has
cloathed [sic] himself with any Authority contrary thereto, which known
Justice of the Trustees famous for their Christian Generosity and
Observance of their Word will never Suffer.
And because we conceive that the Complaint which You mention is
grounded on such Witnesses who through Greedinews [sic] of Gain think them
selves wrong'd when they are not Suffered to break through those
just Regulations which might be proper for an Agent to make; So humbly
hope that You will prevent any Transactions that may tend to any Breach
of Friendship, and not Suffer private Interest whatsoever to give
the least Disturbance to that Publick [sic] Peace, which we on our parts
think is our Duty and Interest to preserve and maintain.
If your Honour [sic] thinks proper to transmit to us any Complaint for
Offences [sic] committed by any one residing in this Colony, either under
Colour [sic] of the Trustees Orders or otherwise; We beg Leave to assure You
that such Complaints shall always he especially enquired into and have
their just weight.
As we apprehend all Actions done by the Inhabitants of either of
the two Colonys [sic] to the Injury of the other may he attended with fatal
Consequences; And as such the Aggressors justly punished. We hereby
declare that on our parts we will as in Duty hound endeavour [sic] to prevent
any Trespasses on the just Power Priviledges [sic] and Possessions of the
Trustees or of any of His Majesty's Subjects residing here, and embrace
all opportunitys [sic] of punishing the Wrongs done by any one here to our
These Sir are the measures we humbly think will he the truest
Interest of both Colonies and therefore are persuaded that your Honour's [sic]
Commands will he agreable [sic] thereto; And beg Leave to assure You that the
Benefits this Colony has received from the favours [sic] of Carolina shall
ever he remember'd with the sincerest Gratitude of
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Elisha Dobree to the Trustees dated at
Savannah 24th July 1735.
I am favoured [sic] with Mr. Martyn's Letter of 12th May last. I
return You my hearty Thanks for your kind Promise relating to my family
and to the Roots and Plants I desired.
Whatever I may have wrote formerly it is no Inducement to continue so
to do; I know now your Honour's Pleasure, with which I was not
honoured [sic] before. And from so salutary Advice I will steer ay
Course soas to give full Proofs of my earnest Endeavours [sic] with Sincerity
and Truth to gain the Benefit of your Esteem and Protection, and am with the
Your most Obliged and
most Devoted Servant
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Paul Amatis to the Trustees dated at
Savannah 24th July 1735.
I rec'd. yesterday with a great deal of Pleasure your Letter of
12th May p Capt. Yoakley who arrived at Tybee the 2lst Instant. By that
Letter I see that your Honours [sic] have rec'd. the Box of Raw Silk which I
sent by him, and that Sir Thos. Lombe had begun to Organize the same; I
am glad this small sample proves so well to his Satisfaction. This may
induce You to believe that I have promised nothing but what I can perform.
I dare say and I have the strongest Season for my Assertion that
I am able to bring Silk of the Growth of these Parts to a more perfect
Beauty and Goodness than the Sample, whenever I shall he furnished wth.
all things necessary for that purpose; And I defy any of the Fabricators
of Piedmont to produce better than I am able to do.
The Satisfaction and Pleasure this Undertaking of mine meeting
thus with Success (thro' the Blessing of God) must be to You, I want
Words or Thoughts to conceive. It is one of the greatest Blessings in
Trade to he expected from this Infant Colony, and all the World may now
see that your Intent and Projecting this Affair was not chimerical but
certain, built and supported with the strongest Reasons, brought to pass
and attended with that Success that may Stop the Mouths of all Gainsayers;
And the Benefit the British Nation in general and this Colony in
particular may reap from this Undertaking is obvious to any one who
hath the least Notion of the Interest of both.
For my part my chief wish and Desire is that I may have the
happiness of that Satisfaction of having been the Instrument of
establishing so beneficial a Manufacture, from that Principle of
mine that there is no greater Satisfaction than in doing good to
Mankind, especially when whole Provinces and even Kingdoms are to
reap a general Benefit thereby.
I intend to Send You by first Opportunity my Journal and hope
You will be so good to read the same and give all due Attention and
Regard to the Contents thereof. I desire that Your Honours [sic] will espouse
my Interest, and with so much Zeal as may obtain for me some Satisfaction
90 from the British Parliament in Consideration of the Study and Pains I
have taken of so beneficial a Branch as I have now brought to some
Perfection, which in few Years may be attended with the greatest Benefit
to the Nation.
I shall in the mean time do all I can to transplant and put in the
best Order the Trees Plants &c, and your whole Garden in general; As I
was the Original Undertaker it would be no small Satisfaction for me to
See every thing there do well and prosper.
There are at present but two Servants employed in your Garden,
and with so few it is almost impossible to do any great matter; However
I will do all that I possibly can for the Support of my Character, and
perhaps in such Case I may be obliged to employ some hired Men to help
which will be some Cost to your Honours, [sic] but this I do that You may have a Garden pleasant, Beautifull [sic] as well as rich in its Productions for the Benefit in general of the Freeholders who may at the same time have the Pleasure to walk there on Sundays and Holy days and there see the
Plants and Trees they may aspect as soon as they have cleared a sufficient Quantity of Land.
I cannot help putting You in mind of the Bills I have drawn on
your Honours [sic]; If You don't order punctual Payment of them ! shall
entirely thereby lose my Credit, and this I shall reap for my warm Zeal
for your Interest the Colony and the British Nation.
You may See by my Accompts. sent your Honours [sic] that I charge
nothing but what is just & reasonable, and to let me be a Sufferer in
such Case would disable me from advancing any more of my Money (having
but little to spare) which common Prudence would never Suffer me to
Launch out any more to Serve a whole Nation, unless a Trustee was here
to answer whatever I should in reason (and no more will I ever lay out)
to Serve the Colony.
If your Honours [sic] are resolved to go on in improving Raw Silk and
to have the Silk drawn and prepared in the best manner it will cost some
Money, but in about two Years the Mulberry Trees will be in the greatest
Forwardness, and in that time may be seen the Labour of Industry shew it
self to some Purpose; Then most if not all the Families in this Province
may be supplyed [sic] with as many Trees as will be necessary for them; And
thus old and young, small and great will reap the innocent Pleasure of
gathering and improving the Raw Silk.
The Trees and Plants in your Garden encrease [sic] prodigiously, to
which my continual Care, Labour and Fatigue are not a little contributing.
I am therefore Sun Rising to Sun Setting, Meals excepted; I am no
Free Mason, nor Member of any Club. I frequent no Dancing,
neither do I encourage any Cabals. I live a Solitary Life, like a Monk;
let others live as they please. I think no greater Satisfaction in this
Colony than keeping up my Character and performing my Duty to your
Honours,[sic] my Employers; And if all Men here were like me, there
would not be so much Vanity and so great Poverty as there is.
I have communicated your Letter to Mr. Causton and Mr. Fitzwalter,
in relation to the Complaint against me touching Mr. Lacy; both deny to
have wrote [sic] about it. I stay till the Arrival of a Trustee to Sue in
Court those whom I can find wrote such falsity of me. I have more than
10 Credible Witnesses Men of Probity and Credit who will depose (if need
be) that in the time I was accused of the Fact I was so ill for 4 days as
to keep my Bed and 7 days unable to go to the Garden, nor did I see in
that time any of the Servants.
Was I to do as others do Your Honours [sic] might have Reason to
complain; I will still insist that I have been ill treated by Mr. Causton
& Mr. Fitzwalter and no other of this Colony, for no other Reason than
for my earnest Zeal for the Colony and in preventing the Servants from
being employed in pleasuring to the Prejudice of your Garden. I am with
the greatest Respect
Your most Obliged and
Most Devoted Servant
Pray don't forget to Send me a
good Humber of Cuttings of
Vines of all Sorts.
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Thomas Causton To the Trustees dated at
Savannah 25th of July 1735.
May it please your Honours[sic].
Captain Mackay having made up his Muster Roll for his Company a
Duplicate of which is enclosed As also his whole Account of Incidents to
the 1st of March last; I drew a Bill of Exchange on your Honours [sic] dated
the 11th Instant at 90 days after sight; payable to Paul Jenys Esqr. and
Company for 5OO L Sterling thereby to Enable them to pay Such Draughts as
I should have occasion to make on that head.
With this comes a Continuation of ay Cash Accot. with attested
Dupplicates [sic] or Copys [sic] of the Vouchers.
I also send a Copy of a Letter, the Original whereof was put into
my hands by Messrs. Sterling to whom it is directed.
The Deputy Governor of Carolina having Sent the Enclosed to
Captain Mackay; He was desireous, [sic] that some men should he raised to
assist him in the Execution of his orders in the Indian Nation. I
consulted with the Magistrates, and we agreed to write the Enclosed Letter,
which I hope will meet with your Honours [sic] Approbation.
I return you my humble thanks, for the Honour [sic] your have done me
in improving of my Conduct in Watsons affair.
I shall ever think it my Duty to prefer Publick [sic] Safety to any
private Interest. And if I am represented by any one to Act in any case
contrary to ay Duty, I must That Truth the Common Protectour [sic] of all
well intended Actions will be my Advocate.
The Government of Carolina having resolved to give up the Palachocola [sic]
Fort, discharge their Commander and men, and offer all the
Store to the Care of the magistrates for your Honours [sic] use; we thought
it necessary (being unexpected) to continue the same Commander and men
sett down in the Encosed [sic] till your Honours [sic] Pleasure be known.
By Repeated Advices from Carolina we were informed that Some of
their money Bills have been Counterfitted, [sic] and that William
Mellichamp and Lawrence his Son were guilty, being detected at Winyan and
were fled. We had information by People here; that Richard Turner and Thomas
Mellichanp (another Son) were likewise Guilty; And that Turner had made
a Rolling press for that Purpose, we took several Examinations on Oath
which Amounted to a Strong Suspicion, but no direct facts; therefore
admitted them both to Bail.
That as this Affair might occasion some Reflections on the
Colony we thought it necessary to persue [sic] the Guilty in the Strictest
manner. And as it concerned Carolina very particularly; we judged it
necessary to desire Mr. Abercrombys advice concerning the Prosecution.
He came to us and managed a Charge against Richd. Turner and Thomas
Mellichamp before the Grand jury, and then returned back The Grand jury
retun'd themselves (Ignorant) as to that Charge But presented William
Mellichamp the father and Richard Turner (1st) for Counterfieting Sundry
money Bills The Currency of South Carolina (2d) for uttering Sundry
Counterfiting Bills knowing them to be so (3d) for making a Rolling
Press and Utensils for Counterfeiting such Bills. William Mellichamp
(being fled) we tryed [sic] Turner and he was acquitted of the two first
Charges and found Guilty of the 3d which being Supposed to be a Mis-
demeanor he was fined 200 L Sterling and committed to Goal till Payment
was made; When this fine was laid and the Committment [sic] was Executed,
Turner found he was like to pay dear for his Enterprise, and his
Employers be acquitted. He and his Wife made a more full discovery. So
that a Grand jury being Summon'd they have Indicted William Mellichamp
and Thomas Mellichamp for forging the Names and writing of the Subscribing
Comissioners [sic] to Several money Bills Thomas Mellichamp
upon Intelligence of this also fled.
We have Issued a Warrant upon these Indictments to Seize
on the Lands and Effects of William Mellichamp and Thomas to your
Honours [sic] use in Case they should be found guilty of the Pact or out
Law'd. But shall not proceed to a Confiscation without your Honours [sic]
In Regard to this Discovery, and to prevent as much we could the
Ruin of a family, who we judged to be well recommended to your Honours
[sic] and (till now) had maintained a pretty Good Character We thought it
would not be disagreeable to your Honours [sic] to Enlarge his Confinement in
such a manner as he might he capable of Supporting himself and family by
We have accordingly given him the Liberty of the Town and
appointed Edward Jenkins and Joseph Fitzwalter to be his Keepers with
Power of Restraint if he Attempts to Escape or Act Contrary to his
I have paid Mrs. Musgrove for another Indian Servant she has
bought of a Trader in the stead of her Servant Justice.
Esteeche [sic] is reconciled to Mrs. Musgrove and his People I explained
to him your Honours [sic] Orders in the Presence of Tomochachi And he
shewed a proper concern for his Mishap, mixt with an agreeable pleasure
for a reconciliation.
Tallaphoheeche [sic] has accepted very gratefully of your Honours [sic]
favour to him and his Relations. But they of his family being the
Cheif [sic] Sufferers by the Danish People (as mentioned in my Letter, of
the 4th Instant) He is gone to Seek revenge. And has told Mrs. Musgrove
that he would not fetch the goods you gave him till he returned.
I have paid Mr. Jenkins Mr. Henry Parker and his Brother fifty
pounds Currency in equal Portions as a Reward for Retaking the Murderers
of Mr. Wise.
Your Commands of the 15th of May are arrived pr. Yoakley which I
will take care to Execute.
Mrs. Musgrove has removed all her Stores to the Cow Pen and has
promised an obedience to your Honours [sic] Orders about Rum.
The Caper Plants are Safe Arrived and are delivered to Mr. Fitzwalter
to be planted and managed according to the Directions of which
he has a Copy. The Madder Roots are dead. But if your Honours [sic]
could procure another Parcell [sic] I would take care of some my self,
having proper ground cleared for that Plant.
I return your Honours [sic] thanks for the Servants sent by this Ship
and all other your favours,[sic] and hope to manifest my Gratitude by my
Mr. Johnson Dalmas being Dead, I placed those Servts. under the
care of Hr. Fitzwalter to be employed in the Garden. I shall very
gladly answer the Complaints which Mr. Gordon and others have thought to
make against me; not Doubting of a just Determination; and in the mean
time will (as in Duty bound) pursue the necessary measures for preserving
the Publick [sic] peace and Execute the Office of your Store keeper with
as much justice Integrity and Humanity as I am Capable of.
The people are in a good State of health. The Illness mentioned
in my last is at an end and was occasioned by Colds taken in the
Excessive heats which was in the months of May and June. In July the heat
abated and this has been the Coolest month this year that ever was
The Harvest is likely to be much better than Expected having had
plenty of Rain, so that the Later Corn and Peas flourish very well many
people seem so desirous of improving Land, that now there is a real
Prospect of Supporting themselves.
Mr. John Thompson (who came pr. Yoakley) seems to like this
place but is resolved to live by the Law; therefore is gone to Charles
Town having first Sold his Servant.
There is one Adams by Profession a Butcher, he came pr. Yoakley
and is desirous of a Lott, and he Stays here in hopes of your Honours [sic]
grant which he says he has wrote [sic] to Mr, Heathcote for.
We have now received the Inclosed, which is a Copy of an Answer
to the Letter sent to the Deputy Governor of South Carolina from the
Magistrates here. The Jealousy's of Some in that Province about loosing
[sic] the Indian Trade is made use of to Raise and Publickly [sic] to
declare Animositys [sic] towards us from thence. The Inclosed Affidavits is
all (that can discover) they ground their Jealousys [sic] on.
We were talking of this Affair when Mr. Abercromby was here
askt [sic] me what Instructions the Magistrates had concerning The Indian
Trade. I told him none concerning the Trade therefore would not meddle
about it. But that if Mr. Mackay was Attacked in the Nation we had
Orders to raise 50 Men to Assist him (if needfull) That when those
Orders were given (I beleived [sic]) that none thought he would he disturbed
by any But such who were Enemys to all his Majesty's Subjects. But if
he was opposed in the Execution of his Instructions and thereby the
Publick [sic] Peace was broken In Duty to your Honours [sic], I would
Support him and maintain the Pease so far as I was able.
As to the pretended Authority of Locking up the Swords of our
Militia Officers who have Commissions from Mr. Oglethorpe We depend upon
your Honours [sic] Resentment in Such, manner as you shall think fitt[sic]. I
shall ever Endeavour [sic] to Demonstrate that I am.
May it please your Honours
Your most Dutifull [sic] Servant.
Copy of a Letter from Lieut. Govr. Broughton to the Magistrates
of Georgia dated Council Chamber Charles Town 29th July 1735.
I have rec'd. your Letter dated 21st Instant wherein You say that
Capt. Patrick Mackay has laid before You my Letters to him of the 29th
of April last and of the 4th Instant, and has required your Advice with
regard to the several matters therein contained; but I find both in
your Letter and that which I received from Mr. Mackay in Answer to those
of mine, that You are all very carefull [sic] not to let me know the Result of
your Councils in those matters I wrote to him upon, in relation to the
Injurys [sic] done and threaten'd to His Majesty's Subjects trading from this
Government; And that instead thereof, You seem to approve of his Conduct
without having any regard to the several Informations and Complaints
made to me upon Oath, except that You say You have carefully perused his
Orders from Mr. Oglethorpe, & therefore without giving any other Reason
are of opinion that his Actions have not been as are mentioned to be
charged in the Affidavits.
Whatever Instructions or Orders Captain Mackay may pretend to
have from the Trustees in general, or Mr. Oglethorpe in particular to
justify his Proceedings, yet I am well informed they only are in General
Terms as to the Trade, and no ways do nor can be presumed or construed
to extend to His Majesty's Subjects of this Province trading with a
free People in the manner he has done, and that only because they are
licenced [sic] and fitted out by this Government.
As I don't expect to have these Disputes Settled between
the two colonys [sic] by Men of your Authority, therefore have only further on
this Head to refer You to my letter of the 4th Instant to Mr. Mackay,
and to inform You that agreable [sic] to our Law I have with the Advice of His
Majesty's Council ordered the Commissioner impowered [sic] by that Law to go
into the Creek Nation to regulate the Traders licensed from this Government,
and to See that they are not injured in their Persons or Propertys[sic];
Yet to preserve an amicable Friendship with the Colony of Georgia, he is
no ways to obstruct those fitted out and sent from thence; but since
that Gentleman who appears among You as the Head Bayliff [sic] or Magistrate
has took [sic] the Liberty on this Occasion to say in a contemptuous manner
that he will reinforce Capt. Mackay with 50 or 70 Men to Suport [sic] his
Authority against any Person or Power that shall be sent by this Government
to trade among those Indians, without enquiring and considering the
matters laid to his Charge; I must observe to that Gentleman that he is
unacquainted with the Charter of Georgia, & that he takes upon him in a
presumptuous manner the Authority of the Militia of that Colony which is
altogether by the Charter under the Command and Direction of this Government,
and which I persuade my self the Trustees will never dispute;
Therefore to prevent any military Violence or Hostilities being committed
against any of His Majesty's Subjects by the Inadvertency of Men
acting without Law or Authority in these Particulars which the Enemies
of both Colonies will take Advantage of, I do peremptorily order and
command all and every the Officers now in the Province of Georgia, that
they do not presume to raise and march any of the Militia, of that
Province into the Indian Nations without my special Orders first had,
except such as shall he raised by the Officer appointed to Erect a Port
and Garrison in the Creek Nation, according to an Agreement Stipulated
by this Government, and they to be employed only in that Service or
against the Enemies of our Sovereign, and no ways to interfere in the
I cannot but take Notice to You how undeserving of such Usage
this Province is, from one which now lyes [sic] under such Obligations to it.
And though a Dispute possibly might have arose [sic] on some Privileges not
perhaps fully set forth and described in the said Charter; Yet for Men
of your Degree and Station to take upon You in this unwarrantable and
arbitrary manner to aid and countenance Capt. Mackay in his Attempts to
ingross [sic] a Trade to the Colony of Georgia, exclusive of all others,
which His Majesty of himself never thought fit to grant by any Deed or
Charter to any Single or Corporate Body of Men, and what I am well
persuaded the Trustees will never lay claim to. I say for You as well
as Capt, Mackay to attempt an Affair of this Consequence, which if in
dispute ought to he done in an amicable way by the chiefest Powers of
both Governmts., shows to me that You had no Design to preserve and
cultivate that good Understanding which You say ought for ever to
Subsist between two Colonys [sic] so nearly joined.
I send You Copy of an Affidavit Sworn to before me relating to
the Effects belonging to Lanclane McGilvery declared, a Trader among the
Creeks, wch. must convince You of the unjust and unwarrantable Conduct
of Mr. Mackay in that particular. I also send You Jeremiah Nott's
Affidavit corroborated by the Affidavits of several other Traders, which
will prove his violent and unjustifiable Proceedings in the Creek Nation.
There being as yet no Fort erected in the Creek Nation as concerted with
the Honble. Mr. Oglethorpe, I shall with the Advice of His
Majesty's Council order the Moneys raised in this Province for that
purpose to be detained in the Treasurer's Hands until further Directions.
I shall be obliged to do the same in regard to the Duly applyed [sic] for the
better establishing the Colony of Georgia, if I hear the Traders
licenced [sic] by this Province for the Creek Nation meet with any
Interruption from Capt. Mackay or any other Person from your Colony.
Mr. Mackay has never thought fit to Send me a Copy of the
Journals of his Proceedings, though he is enjoyned [sic] so to do by his
Instructions, which I require him to comply with forthwith.
I take Notice of the Talk or Complaint of Tomo Chachi upon a
Spaniards being killed by Lika a Creek Indian, and the Mischeifs [sic] that
afterwards accrued thereupon; And find that John Barton Linguister
to Capt. Mackay is accused by said Lika of giving him a Talk to make the
Path bloody between the English and Spaniards, and gave him a Gun out of
the Store for that purpose; Wherefore You say in your Letter that the
said Barton stands charged, and you have detained him in Expectation of
the Trustees Orders concerning that Crime; But as You have not thought
fit to let me know what the said Barton has to say in his Justification
or what other Proofs You may have against him, I cannot judge how far his
Detention or Committment [sic] Is warrantable; especially for so long a time
as You mention.
Your humble Servant
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Thomas Christie to Mr. Oglethorpe dated
at Savannah July the 31st 1735.
Honoured [sic] Sir
I had the Honour [sic] to receive yours by Captn. Yoakley as to the
Complaints of Watson and others against me for selling of Rum and
taking a Shilling for a warrant and a Shilling for the return your
Honours [sic] will be soon convinced that they are the Effects of Malice and
proceed rather from my adhering to the Laws punishing Offenders and
Strictly pursueing [sic] the Honourable [sic] Trustees directions.
The great Indulgence in regard to us as to the Servts. and the
continuing of Provisions is the more agreeable and surprising since it
is what they did not look for or Expect.
As to persevering in unanimity with Mr. Causton for the
Support of Order and Government I have at all times and on all Occasions
strictly pursued that Maxim and Indeed the Colony cod.[sic] not have Enjoyed
much Pease or Credit without it the many Surprizing [sic] Attempts made to
disturb the Peace of the Colony and the irregular life of many of its
Inhabitants has required our Utmost Efforts.
I could now heartily wish the Trustees would releive [sic] me in my
Office and permitt [sic] me to sell my Improvments here and Settle on some
part of the Frontiers where I might Signalize mer self by doing some
Extraordinary Service to the Colony.
I own I have been wanting in my constant Advices to the Trustees
but as that has been taken up by Mr. Causton and Executed so well and
indeed out of my Power in a great Measure.
I hope they will be so good as to Excuse it I have here Enclosed
our Proceedings against Mellichamp and Turner for Counterfieting [sic] the
Current Bills of this Province of South Carolina and an Mr. Montagut
has desired a Copy of our Judgmt. in relation to some Bills between him
Mr. Bolzius and Mr. Groneau of Purrisburgh, I have Sent the same
here; I referr [sic] to Mr. Caustons [sic] letter in relation to Our Letter
to the Governor of Charles Town his Answer and the Complaints levyed [sic]
against Captain Mackay.
The Indian Trade to this Colony seems to he of the utmost Consequence yet
as a Warr [sic] seems unavoidable the Cultivating a good understanding with
the people of Carolina is highly necessary especially in
the Indian Nation where the french [sic] and Spaniards will not fail to take
advantage of any difference there and to Influence the Indians against
The Colony seems to he very peaceable and quiet and likely to continue so.
One William Buley of Care Markett and Elizabeth Malpas born at
the Duke of Devonshere's Seat at Chatsworth who lived since with Captain
Lingham in Delahaye street near Story gate and came over with this
last Imbarkation [sic] as passengers in Captain Yoakley's Ship as Man and
Wife and she being convicted of lyeing [sic] between two fellows naked and
leadg. a dissolute life Ordred [sic] Sixty Lashes at the Carts tail and to be
carried throng Bull Street and hack again which was Executed accordingly
and The Man who Brot. her over as his wife is Order'd to give Security
and hound over to his good behaviour [sic] during his Stay in this Colony.
I Beg the Continuance of your Honours [sic] Protection & remain your
Most faithfull [sic] and Obedient
We hear that Thomas Mellichamp is taken in Carolina in one
Underwoods Barn together with One Morgan of Charles Town who was lately
up here with Cyder [sic] and Rum they were taken wth. several Counterfeit [sic]
Ordrs. and Bills on them together with all their utensils and Engraving
Tools and are now in Irons in Charles Town Goal in Order to he tryed [sic].
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Paul Amatis to the Trustees dated at
Savannah. 15th August 1735.
Yesterday I received the favour [sic] of yours of the 30th April,
having already answered that of the 12th May as may he seen by the
inclosed Copy of mine of the 24th July. My Brother Nicholas Amatis
having acted contrary to my Orders and against your Interest and mine
I have been constrained to discharge him of your Service. I beg as a
favour [sic] that You will have no Regerd to him nor to what he may say
against me; It is certain if I would Sue him it might entirely ruin him,
but I chuse [sic] that there be no manner of Notice taken of him unless he
spreads false Reports against my Person and Character; In such Case I
beg You'll please to have it wrote [sic] down that I may justify my self by
The Family of Camuse behave themselves very ill towards me, I am
obliged to make them come before the Magistrates to make them prove
what they have wrote against me and I hope the Magistrates will punish
them as they deserve. By the first Opportunity I shall communicate to
your Honours [sic] the Ground of our Difference, which was partly for having
stopd [sic] my Brother and the Family of Camuse at Port Royal by a Warrant,
having recd. an Express from my Correspondent there that my Brother
and that Family were on their Departure to return home. I hope You
will he so good to write to the Magistrates to take no manner of Notice
of that Family unless I do them wrong, or that I do not Supply
them with their usual Provisions. I beg You will he perswaded [sic] that I
shall take all the Care I possibly can for your Interest, and that with
the Blessing of God I shall bring about to some Perfection my Under
taking for my Glory and your Satisfaction.
I begin to take some Pleasure and to enjoy some Satisfaction since
I have received your two Letters, and I hope that hereafter You will
read no more Complaints in my Letters. Those that used to make me uneasy
seem to be reconciled, at least to outward Appearance; and in Return
for your Goodness I do my Duty in the Garden with a great deal of
Pleasure and Satisfaction for the Common Interest of your Colony.
As I have had but two of your Servants for a long time to work in
your Garden I have been obliged to hire four others at L 10 currency per
month together with the Provision from the Store.
This I do to put your Garden in the best Order I can before a Trustee
arrives here, that he may at his Arrival find something in Savannah that
may please him.
I hope to depart hence for London the latter End of January, I
shall then have the Honour [sic] to tell You my mind by word of mouth in
relation to the Raw Silk. There is no doubt of meeting with Success
and in the utmost Perfection as well as in any part of the Universe. I
always recommend my self to your Gracious favour [sic], whatever You please to
Order I shall always be ready to obey.
I expect in the Fall to give the Freeholders many thousand fine
Mulberry Trees to be transplanted; while they improve their Lands
for that purpose they shall want no Trees. Let them do their part and
I shall not be wanting on mine. I am most respectfully
Your most Obliged and
most Devoted humble Servt.
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Samuel Quincy to Mr. Verelst dated at
Savannah 20th August 1735.
I did my self the Honour [sic] of writing to the Board by Capt. Thomson
in Answer to one I received from You, which was about 6 months from the
Date of it before it came to hand; I should not otherwise have been
guilty of such unpardonable Rudeness as to have delayed Writing so long.
I am very sorry that my Account of Mr. Watsons Tryal [sic] should he
displeasing to the Gentlemen, it was not wrote [sic] out of any Prejudice
to the Person complained of, or Delict that I take in saying ill natured
things. I heartily wish that Mr. Causton had merited a good Character,
and should have given it him with the greatest Pleasure; but I have been
a close Observer in the Affair of Watson, and am very certain that when
Causton's Proceedings against him come to be strictly enquired into
they will he found far from commendable. But the Proof of things must
he left till we have the Happiness of some one over here to do Justice
amongst us; in Expectation of which the Colony is at present very
Mr. West, who I hope is long since arrived in Capt. Thomson,
will inform the Gentlemen fully of Affairs here, and therefore I need
not trouble them with a long Account; But I must hear this Testimony
to the Colony in general that the Freeholders have behaved themselves
very quietly and peaceably, and if they have been represented to have
done otherwise it will appear upon Examination to be a false and
malicious Representation. There has been no one mutinous Action in
the Colony besides that of Mugridges breaking the Prison when he was
assisted to it by Musgrove, which certainly was a Fault, though the Cause
for which he was committed, as I have heard it, was not just. But as
for Plots & Conspiracys [sic] to destroy the Colony or the like, I am very
certain no Freeholder has been concerned in them; & indeed Mr. Causton
has frequently to me and others declared that he believed the same. The
Conspiracy that alarmed us some time since was hatch'd by a few Irish
Transports and some Vagabonds of like Account, who were then under
Confinement and not in a Capacity to do any Hurt, though their wills
might be good. I mention these things because I very much Suspect, by a
Letter I have received from a Friend, that several honest People lye[sic]
under the Imputation of Conspirators or being Joyned [sic] with Conspirators
who would abhor any such thing. But these matters, I doubt not, will be
thoroughly brought to Light, and the Blame fall where it is due.
I desire the favour [sic] of You, Sir, to inform the Honble. Trustees,
that I find it will not Suit well with nor Affairs to Stay longer here
than next Spring; And therefore beg their Leave to return home in that
time. I have wrote several Letters to my Wife and Sollicited [sic] her to
come over with her Family, but find her very unwilling to it, and desirous
that I should return; It would be in vain to urge her too much against
her Inclination, because then She would probably be uneasy here. I do
not propose setting out till some time in March, which will allow sufficient
time for the Gentlemen to provide and send one over in my
Room. If while I am here I can be of any Service in sending the Honble.
Trustees such Information as they desire, I shall readily obey their
Commands; and am
Your most humble Servant
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Patrick Tailfer & others to the Trustees
without Date. Rec'd. 27th August 1735.
Honoured [sic] Sirs
We whose Names are underwritten beg Leave to lay the ensuing
Particulars before You.
We all having Land In your Colony of Georgla and having come here
chiefly with a Design to Settle upon and improve our Land, find that It
is next to an impossibility to do it without the Use of Negroes; For in
the first place, most part of our white Servants not Being used to so
hot a Climate can't Bear the Scorching Rays of the Sun in the Summer
when they are at Work in the Woods, without falling into Distempers
which render them useless for almost one half of the Year. Secondly,
There is a great Deal of Difference Betwixt the Expence of white Servants
& of Negroes, for Negroes can endure this Climate almost without
any Cloaths [sic] only a Cap, Jacket and pair of Trowsers [sic] made of
some coarse Woollen Stuff in the Winter & one pair of Shoes; whereas
white Men must be cloathed [sic] as Europeans and proportionable to the
Season all the Yearthroughout. And then as to their Diet, the Charge of
maintaining Negroes is much less than of white Men, for the first live in
good Plight and Health upon Salt, Indian Corn and Potatoes which they raise
themselves with no Expence [sic] to the Master but the Seed and have nothing
to drink but Water; whereas white Men must he fed with Flesh Meat,
Bread and other Victuals Suitable to the European Diet which they have
been used to and bred up with from their Infancy, and must likewise
have Beer or other strong Liquors in due Quantities for their Drink
otherwise they turn feeble and languid and are not capable to perform
their Work. Thirdly, There are a great many Disadvantages attend the
Use of white Servants here which do not Negroes, for we have
white Servants only for a short time being generally indented for four
or at most five Years one of which at least is lost by their frequent
Sickness, and so many hours Best from their Work which they must have
every Day especially in the Summer, & when their Indentures are expired
we must either go to Britain and engage others or be obliged to take a
Parcel of hardened abandoned Wretches perfectly Skill'd in all manner of
Villany[sic],and who have been transported their Country for committing
Crimes by which they have Been deemed too dangerous to be allowed to
Stay there: The first of these is not practicable upon Account of the
vast expence [sic] that would attend it, and the Consequences of the second
would he that we could put no manner of Trust in our Servants; nay let
us take all possible Care we could, they would he continually Stealing
and Imbezzling [sic] our Goods; and which is of a worse Consequence, forming
Plots and treasonable Designs against the Colony, of both which we have
had repeated Signal Instances lately in the few Transports who are
already here. Another great Disadvantage is their frequent running
away which they have much more opportunity of doing than Negroes, for
there is no Law as yet made to take up white People who are travelling [sic],
nor could it easily be distinguished whether they were Servants or not;
whereas Negroes would always be known and taken into Custody unless they
could produce a Certificate from their Master. Indeed we should be much
safer with our white Servants if our Neighbours [sic] in Carolina, instead of
encouraging and Skreening [sic] them when they make their Escape to their
Settlements as we have had several Instances of lately, would be so good
as to assist us in securing and bringing them back; but from what
reason it proceeds we don't know, the Major part of them have
hitherto shewn [sic] and do still shew a very strong Resentment against this
A great many other Inconveniences might be mentioned but we hope
these already expressed, will he sufficient, and. that your Honours [sic]
will be pleased, to take them into Consideration.
We do not propose to employ Negroes in any Mechanick [sic] Business
but only in cutting down Trees and Stumps, howing [sic], trenching and fencing
the Ground and all other ways of clearing the Land, making Turpentine
and Tar, heating of Rice &c. So that we should still use our white
Servants in all Handicraft Trades, making of Vineyards, raising of
Mulberry Trees, taking Care of the Silkworms and winding the Silk,
raising Flax and Hemp &c. whereby we should not only have our Land
speedily cleared, but likewise in the mean time he raising a Produce fit
for Exportation, which by encouraging Ships to come here would very much
conduce to the flourishing of the Colony. One of the chief Disadvantages
supposed to attend Negroes in other Colonies is their great Number but
this we are convinced Your Prudence would obviate by limiting the Number,
as so many for each white Servant or so many for such a Quantity of
Ground or any other way which You should think proper. An Objection
may he made, that having but little Money amongst Us and not as yet
raised a sufficient Produce we should not he capable to purchase Negroes;
but that is soon removed when we consider that the Negroe [sic] Merchants
always give Credit until the ensuing Crop, and if that does not answer
until the next again only paying so much Interest; So that in Effect
there is scarce any Expence [sic] in purchasing Negroes, but their Provision
till they raise it themselves; and if once they were allowed we should
very soon have them sent here to he disposed of; But whether or not it
would he more for the Good of the Colony if your Honours [sic] should
think proper to Send a Ship loaded with Negroes and take our Produce in
Return as the Merchants do, we don't know; However be that as it will we
are sure that as soon as Negroes are allowed every Person will be
encouraged to clear and plant their Land, and until that is done it
seems very improbable that this Colony should answer any End. We have
only one thing more to add which is that it seems impossible to raise any
Quantity of Produce with white Servants only, and even if it should be
done we could not dispose of it because our Neighbours [sic] in Carolina
would always undersell us, having their Work so very much cheaper than
We had almost forgot to mention one thing which very much
increases the Expence [sic] of white Servants, namely their Wages, for all
our British Money allowed them yearly besides their Meat, Drink and
Cloaths[sic] . What we have wrote we have Reason to believe is agreable [sic] to
the Sentiments of the People of this Colony in General, and we hope will
appear reasonable to Your Honours [sic]. We are with all due Respect
Honoured [sic] Sirs
Your obliged humble Servants.
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Bolzius and Mr. Gronau to Mr. Vernon
dated at Ebenezer 1st Septr. 1735.
Most Honoured [sic] Sir
By your reiterated favours [sic] You was [sic] pleased to shew us in your
Letter of the 13th of April last we are embolden'd once again to trouble
You with these humble Lines, though we know very well that your weighty
Affairs, You undergo to the Welfare of the Publick [sic] and Church, will
not give you much Leisure time to read over such Letters. The Contents of
your Letter were so gratefull [sic] and pleasant to us that we could not
forbear to make them know to all our Saltzburghers, that they might
share in the Pleasure and good Advices we have received by them. And
we beg the favour[sic] to assure You that the People were not a little
overjoyd [sic] on Account of your very great favour [sic] to them as well
as of the comfortable Expressions, which were very fit to encourage them
in suffering with Patience all the Incommodities true Christians and the
first Settlers of a Colony meet with commonly. Our great Benefactors
have made hitherto such Incommodities as easy as possible they could by
furnishing them all with what they wanted, vizt. their Victuals, Tools
and many more necessary things. And since we have Marks enough of the
Continuance of their favours [sic] to them it makes us rejoyce [sic] and
bring the Sacrifices of our humble Thanks and Intercession to Almighty
God for the Prosperity of those generous Benefactors. We find the People
very well contented with all what the Honble. Trustees please to resolve
about their Land, which happended [sic] indeed barren, firmly believing that
good God who provided his People in the Wilderness with the necessaries
of this Life, will bless their earnest Work insomuch that they may gain
their Victuals in Sweat of their face, though almost every body of English
People trouble and discourage them by their Talking of their unhappy
Settlement. We long very much for the safe Arrival of our deal beloved
Father Mr. Oglethorpe, who will and can bring things among us to such
an Order as will be profitable to us. And being informed by Mr.
Causton and other Gentlemen at Savannah that Mr. Oglethorpe is expected
next time in this Colony we could not shew our humble Respects in
Writing to him but hope to do it shortly in Person. The Saltzburghers
are all except some Persons in good Health, and work earnestly; however
they will he double diligent if they should know, whether they should
he removed to another Place or no. To perform their Calling in regard
both to Christianism and outward Business is their greatest Pleasure,
as our dear Benefactors will find it by Experience in time to come.
Their Cattle You was pleased to mention, make to the People a very great
Pleasue [sic] , being brought up to have Cattle and to make Use of them. All
the Cattle we received by Care of Mr. Causton, are in Life except 2
Heads that are dead and one is shot by the Indians. For the two Boys,
the Trustees were pleased to send to our Service, we return many Thanks;
They are not so well natured & obedient as Bishop, but we hope they will
be brought to good Order by the holy Word of God and other good
Means. We dare not presume to trouble You further, wherefore we leave
You and your weighty Affairs to the Protection of mercifull [sic] God, and us
with our Flock to your farther paternal Affection and favour[sic] ; and
remain with all humble Respects
Most Honoured [sic] Sir
Your most humble and
most obedient Servants.
Mr. Vat presents his humble
Service to You, and we
both to Capt. Coram.
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Thomas Causton to the Trustees dated at
Savannah 8th Septr. 1735.
May it please Your Honours [sic]
Capt. Mackay Being at Port Royal when I dispatch'd my last
Letters I had not the opportunity to get his Attestation to his Muster
Roll and Accounts in the Manner I intended, therefore was obliged to
1 have now sent that whole Accot. and the Vouchers; Also Mr.
Woodward's former and latter Accots. Which last Accot, is the particular
Advice and contains the Value of a Bill of Exchange drawn on your
Honours [sic] for the Sum of L 69:16:3 dated the 12th of August last.
Affairs of the Province are generally very quiet, and the People
very healthy. The particular Account of Improvements now sent will I
hope excuse my pointing out the most indolent, and your Honours may be
very certain that I have endeavoured [sic] to give Encouragement to the
industrious, tho' perhaps some times their other Behaviour [sic] has
obliged me to shew a necessary Authority; in both which Cases I have
endeavoured [sic] to avoid Partiality.
As I now dayly [sic] expect your Honour's special Commission will
arrive, I trust that I shall (at least) be vindicated with regard to my
publick [sic] Conduct, tho' I despair of having that Satisfaction from my
Accusers due to me in Reparation of the Damage They by their wicked
Reports have done me in my private Interest, both here and in England.
Hitherto I have been silent with Regard to Tybee and Skidoway
Settlements, They have both been repeatedly advised encouraged and
cautioned as Occasion Served by me, and some times by the Magistrates
As to Tyee, the first Settlers being mostly dead, I have given
Encouragement for such to work there as Blithman has desired from time
to time, some of whom have a Desire to become Settlers there, But because
I found that by Blithman's Managemt. the Work grew very expensive,
I discharged all the Men who did not intend to abide there; So that
there now remains only those who have a Desire to Settle. By doing so
I thought the Original Strength of that Settlement was Supported and the
Work continued; I have directed a Report to be made of that Work pursuant
to Your Honour's [sic] Orders, and shall send the particular Accounts
As to Skidoway, They have been in general so idle that I believe
some of them, after all your Honours [sic] favours [sic] and the
constant Assistance I have never failed to give them, will
endeavour [sic] to desert. Capt. Ferguson is now here and has intimated
this to me, as his Suspicion; The Magistrates have therefore given him
Authority to pursue and Seize any of them so deserting or attempting to
desert. But though the real Industry of these Settlements must soon be
unavoidably seen to their Discredit, I hope here will be found others
who by a late Behaviour [sic] will in some Degree avoid your Displeasure.
The Constables and Tythingmen have lately frequented a Military Exercise
and are more diligent in that Duty.
Thomas Millechamp whom I mentioned in my last to be Indicted for
Forgery and fled from hence is taken in the fact and all his Implements
with him. He was taken in Carolina and is in Charles Town Gaol.
Capt. Ferguson in his last Scout to the Southwd. had the Misfortune to
have one of his Men fall very/ill and is since dead; so that he
returned sooner than he intended, without making any Discovery.
Tomo Chachi, the Boy Tooanahowi, Hillispilli [sic], Tallahumi [sic],
Umpicki [sic] and Histanloppi [sic] returned the 18th of August and
brought the following Account, vizt.
"Tomo Chachi says that he and the Boy was beyond St. Simons and
saw an Indian Man, the Boy ran for fear of being killed; They let the
Man pass and believe he did not see them. That Histanloppi saw another
Indian man the same day; & Tallahumi was out late and they feared he was
killed, but he came home and then they all came away, believing a great
party might be there. That he suposes [sic] those Indians were on the Scout,
for if they had been hunting they should have heard Guns. That they saw
no Settlements or any Boats."
The Magistrates held a Town Court on the 23d of August which was
one of the Six weeks Courts, & there are no Courts held at other times,
but on particular Occasions. As many Actions are taken out and the
Debts which the People contract with each other must unavoidably throw
some of them into Goal; the Magistrates, to avoid so melancholly[sic] an
Appearance, questioned every one who owed Money and had Action against
them how far they were able to discharge their Debts; Some of them, not
being at present able, agreed to a method of Payment which is set forth
in the inclosed Order, which I now lay before Your Honours[sic] in hopes
that though we have not Power to deny Actions against any one (as is therein
mentioned) You will nevertheless approve of this method or direct some
other to answer the same Purpose; Since on the one hand, going to Goal
cannot pay Debts; So on the other hand, it can be no Damage to a future
Creditor who shall be so imprudent as to trust any Man whose
Circumstances are thus made publick [sic]. The Magistrates are of opinion
that something of this nature is necessary In regard that there is too
great an Inclination among the People to get Into Debt, which I fear
will prove fatal, to some.
The Prohibition of Rum is pursued by the Magistrates with all
possible Diligence, and that Your Honours[sic] Orders might have Effect
they lately ordered that the Constables on Guard should command all
Pettlauguas and Boats of Traffick [sic] to come to a Grapling and immediately
report their Loading and Consignments, and that nothing should be delivered
eover the Boats Side without his Permit. And He to make Report of
all such matters to the Magistrates when his Ward had finished their
Guard turns; notwithstanding this, I had Information that one Morgan
from Charles Town had publickly [sic] landed several Casks of Rum. I went
myself and Seized Six Barrels and placed a Centinell [sic]; The Magistrates met
in the Town House and order'd the Guard under Arms to Attend; and having
examined Morgan about the matter, it was very plain the Officer had
neglected his Duty, and having condemned the Liquor ordered Coats then
upon Duty to take Assistance and Stave It. He soon returned and said he
could get none to assist him and he was unable to do it himself. I
charged him and two or three others to follow me, and I and Mr. Recorder
went to the House, turned out the People who were gathered thither; And
without any Opposition I staved one my self, and Mr. Recorder staved
another. The Suffering Man begged hard and declared his Poverty, which
I had Reason to believe was true; Therefore the Magistrates agreed to
let him carry the Remainder back again.
The Harvest is now begun and many of the People have begun to
bring their Corn to the Magazine to be placed to their respective Accots.
and are in hopes of some Encouragement for what they can spare, in the
Price; in regard to the present Price of Labour and the badness of the
Roads. Mr. Lacey of Thunderbolt has just now informed me that he shall
raise a thousand Bushells [sic] of Corn, Pease [sic] or Potatoes.
The People of Ebenezer having received their Cattle take great
Care of them, and are exceedingly Satisfied with your Honours [sic] Care
express'd in your last Letter. They have now sent a large Pacquet [sic]
which Mr. Bolzius informs me is to declare a thorough Satisfaction, and
so invite some more of their Brethren to them. Mr. Bolzius was
lately married to one of his own Congregation, He communicated this to
me and invited me to be present, but being always engaged in Business I
excused my self and desired that he would order One of the Steers to be
killed at his Town & accept of an Hogshead of English Beer to entertain
his Congregation: I judged that as I had this opportunity to give
Encouragement to so industrious a people, the Gift would not be
disagreable [sic] to your Honours [sic].
I have now an opportunity to Send this with the inclosed, there
fore I Subscribe my self
Your Honours [sic]
Most Dutifull [sic] & Obedient
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Samuel Eveleigh to Mr. Martyn dated at So.
Carolina 1Oth Septr. 1735
About a fortnight since I came from Georgia where I had been
three months and an half waiting the Arrival of three Vessels; Two of
which arrived, & the third here where I stop'd her, but design She
shall go (when laden) within Tyhee and come to an Anchor off of Cock
Spur Island and take in some Skins that are ready, and so proceed for
A little before I came from Georgia I received your acceptable
favour [sic] of the first of May and am sorry I am obliged to acquaint You
that I did not find things answer there as I expected, for I found the
Lumber to cost me (being cut by white People) four times as much more
than if I had brought the Scooner [sic] into one of the Rivers of this
Province and have got her loaded here.
I take notice that the Trustees has pass'd an Act (which has the
Royal Approbation) against the Importation and Use of Negroes in their
Province, And that it was the general received Opinion that it was a
necessary and usefull [sic] Act. But I do assure You that here, where they
ought at least to be better acquainted in these Affairs than the Gentlemen
in England, they are of far different Sentiments, and they all unanimously
agree (at least Such as I have talk'd with) that without
Negroes Georgia can never be a Colony of any great Consequence. But
since the Trustees have thought fit to pass such a Law I shall say no
more, only make this one Remark. That I observed (whilst at Georgia)
great Quantitys [sic] of choice good Land for Rice and am positive that that
Commodity can't in any great Quantitys [sic] be produced by white
People, because the Work is too laborious, the heat very intent, and the
Whites cannot work in the wet at that Season of the Year as Negroes do
to weed the Rice.
I took a Trip from thence down to an Island called Ossehaw about
40 miles to the Southward of Savannah, where I saw a vast Quantity of
Live Oak Timber and very convenient Places for building of Ships. And
(if my Information is right) I presume there can't be less on that
Island or thereabout than what will build a thousand Sail of good
Vessels and very convenient. We went about 8 miles up into the Creek
very near the Heart of the Island where we came to an open Savannah as
Level as a Dice and not a Tree in it, except a few Sassafras and them no
bigger than ones Thigh. It is Supposed these were formerly Indian
Fields and that they will bear both Corn and Rice, and are also extra-
ordinary good for Cattle; There growing upon it small Canes, Grass and
other Weeds as high as one's Head, for which Reasons I look upon that
Island to be very valuable. What we saw of that Land was computed to
be 3,000 Acres, and I am informed that at the South West End there is a
great deal more of the same Sort, which Land if burnt in the Spring
plowed and planted for two or three Years will make extraordinary good
Meadow Land: And that would be easy to do, because there's neither
Stumps nor Stones. Besides all the Islands, both small and great, &
the Main Land next to the Sea are plentifully Stowed with Live Oak
The Reason that induced me to desire the two Tracts of Land was
upon the Account chiefly of Trade, for the Rent of the Houses in Georgia
are extravagantly dear such as is not to be born with; I pay
there for four little Rooms after the Rate of L 60. Sterling p Ann.,
when upon this Bay I can get as much Room for less than a Quarter of the
Money, & better Secured from the Weather.
Since I wrote that Letter I have seen Captain Pennefeather's
Grant for 3OO Acres of Land in Georgia. The Terms of which I esteem so
unreasonable I should not be willing to lay out any Sum of Money in
improving any Land there.
I can't tell how far they may be able in Georgia to erect Saw
Mills; That of Mr. Parker's I am sensible cannot do as it is. Mr.
Augustine was erecting one whilst I was there which carries some
Appearance of being brought to Perfection, though I don't rightly
understand it; he desired me to Send up some Saws which I shall do this
week, having some that have lain by me a considerable time.
The Design of the Trustees in relieving the poor insolvent
Debtors and persecuted Protestants abroad is very human and laudable,
and deserves Encouragemt. from every Person that is in a Capacity to
assist them. But as my Talent lies chiefly in Trade, by not admitting
Negroes will hinder me from what I had Thoughts of, or doing that
Service wch. otherwise I might.
I am far from being concerned with any Mines especially Gold and
Silver, but if there was a Prospect of such a thing I doubt not but a
great many People who have much Money would be glad to be concerned
therein, and that laid out in Georgia would be much to the Advantage of
There are several things I wrote to Mr, Oglethorpe about I should
be glad to hear his Opinion of, but as he is shortly expected here & some
say as Governor, I shall quickly have Ms Sentiments thereon.
Your very humble Servant
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Robert Millar to the Trustees dated at
Kingston in Jamaica 27th Septr, 1735.
In my last of June the 20th I gave You an Account of my Tour to
Carthagena &c, and of my Design to take another down to Campechy and La
Vera Cruz, which I hope You have received before now.
The Ipecacuana Plants that I brought with me from Carthagena and
had then such a had Appearance, are by the favour [sic] of this Rainy Season
shooting out all fresh from the Roots and in a very promising way.
There is also some of the Balsam Capivi Seeds which I planted come up.
Those of the Balsam Tolu have not as yet appeared above Ground, but I
have still remaining Some of the best Seeds of both of them which I
keep for the Colony of Georgia.
I have been disappointed in my Passage to Campechy since my
last, the Gentlemen concerned not thinking proper to Send a Vessel till
they have certain Advice from Inland of Peace with Spain, which we are
still here uncertain of, having had no Vessel from Britain these two
months. Since the time of my Setting out on that Voyage being delayed,
I have made a Trip to the Eastern part of this Island where I made a
small Collection of Specimens of some Trees, Shrubs and Plants, but have
found nothing worth mentioning particularly to Your Honours [sic]; and
if my Voyage be longer put off I intend to make a Journey through the Northern
and Western parts also, that there may he no opportunity lost wherein
I can possibly shew how much I am
Your most humble and
Most Obedient Servant
Copy of a Letter from Mr, James Abercromby to Mr, Verelst dated
at Charles Town 8th October 1735.
The favour [sic] of your Letter of the 15th of May by Direction of the
Right Honble. Trustees came safe by way of Georgia. The kind Reception,
my Inclination to Serve the Colony has hitherto met with by the worthy
Promoters of it, calls for all the good Officers w Situation here may
bring in my Way.
I am glad the Hint I gave Mr. Oglethorpe proved a Means to
obtain the Clause You sent me inclosed. At first perusing I did
imagine a further Extension was allowed to Georgia than to this Province:
The Words In Europe being left out in the Enacting part of the
Clause relating to Georgia, but the concluding words of the same Clause
Under the like Entrys [sic] Securitys [sic] Restrictions Regulations Limitations
&c as described by the Act of the 34 Year of His present Majesty",
restrain it to the Disappointment of many of our Merchts. who were
actually thinking of Sending Vessels to Savannah, there to load under
It was very agreable [sic] for me to find my Opinion in Capt. Yoakley's
Case was consonant to that of such. Lawyers as the Trustees had consulted.
I shall always and on all Occasions lay hold of every opportunity
that offers for the Welfare of their People; I wish for nothing more than
Power equal to my Zeal effectually to prove the same, in the mean time
Your most Obedt. Servant
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Thomas Causton to the Trustees dated at
Savannah 15th October 1735.
May it please Your Honours [sic]
Having Settled Accounts with Mr. Samuel Eveleigh, Copys [sic] of which
axe inclosed. He desired a Bill of Exchange for the Ballance [sic] which I
have drawn on your Honours [sic] at thirty days after Sight, and have charged
my Cash Accot. therewith.
I have also bought Cattle and Fowls for Mr. August Gotleib
Spangenberg and have drawn a Bill of Exchange on You payable to Messrs.
Jenys & Baker for L 16:5:0 Sterling, agreable [sic] to your orders having
rec'd. so much Cash of them. Value in Curcy.
I have also bought Cattle and Fowls for Tomo Chachi Mico of
Yamacraw to the Value of L 27. Sterling, the Value of which in Currency
I have also rec'd. of Messrs. Jenys and Baker; And have therefore drawn
a Bill of Exchange on You for that Sum payable to them.
I have also bought Cattle and Fowls for the Saltzburghers at
Ebenezer to the Value of L 36:15. Sterling, which I have also rec'd. of
Messrs. Jenys & Baker in Currency, there fore have drawn a Bill of
Exchange on You for that Sum also payable to them.
Mr. Chardon having sent the inclosed wch. is a Repetition of a
former Letter from him, which he afterwards contradicted. I have left
off drawing upon him for Account of Provisions, saving that at his own
particular Request I drew a Bill on him payable to Capt. James Mackpherson
for the Sum of L 350 as appears by the inclosed Indent No. 27.
Messrs. David Douglass and Andrew Grant Merchants in this
Town having much importuned me to let them have a Bill of Exchange for
L 100 Sterl. I recd. the Value of them in Currency and have drawn a Bill
for so much on You payable to them at the usual time, and is placed to
Accot. of Provisions.
As Messrs. Jenys and Baker are always ready to Supply me with
what Currency I want, I shall on the failure of Mr. Chardon draw for
such Sums as Necessity requires payable to them, and send your Honours [sic]
The People are (I bless God) in very good Health, and very
The Government of Carolina have sent an Agent into the Indian
Nation, and Capt. Mackay does not think proper to return thither till
some body commissioned by your Honours [sic] shall arrive here. I am
May it please Your Honours [sic],
With my utmost Endeavours [sic]
Your most dutifull [sic] Servt.
P.S. This is delivered to Capt. Wilson's own Hand being now here, and
takes in Skins on Account of Mr. Eveleigh.
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Thomas Causton to the Trustees Dated
at Savannah 20th January 1735/6.
May it please Your Honours [sic]
Captn. Yoakley and the People with him returned from the Alatamaha and
reported, That the middle Inlet to that River is not safe for
any Ship to enter by; And as he brought an imperfect Account, I sent
again other People with particular Orders to Sound the most Southern
Inlet; These are returned, and they find it very good, having two fathom
and half Water on the Bar at Low Water, and very safe for Ships to enter
and lye [sic] either at the South End of St. Simon's Island or eight Miles
further up, well Land lock'd.
One Wood an Indian Trader in the Creek Nation arrived here in
his way to Charles Town, and reported to me, That the Head Men in the
Creek Nation had been told that Captn. Mackay was coming again to them,
with a great Humber of People, That he was going to build a great many
Ports, That a great many more People were to follow. That a Castle was
to be built on the Alatamaha, That there was a great many Cattle, That
the People came so fast they must expect to be destroyed soon. And that
the bringing of Cattle and taking the land in this manner was contrary
to Agreements with Carolina, and not Carolina Law. As he was not
directly desired to Speak of this, he referred me to one Edward Griffin
who is Mrs. Musgroves Brother, and is sent to Tomo Chachi as the Chief
Mico, from Chekilly Mico of the Cowetaws in the Lower Nation. He
further related that the Head Men, upon hearing these Reports in the
Nation, had resolved to go out and see if Captn. Mackay was coming in
that manner, or no; But Chekilly had prevented it, till he heard from
I told Tomo Chachi of all these Stories and he promised to send
People up to Pacify them. In two days time Edward Griffin arrived, I
sent Tomo Chachi five Gallons of Wine to make his Friends welcome, &
invited them to see me. The Talk on this Occasion being taken by
Mr. Christie, I thought it might be proper to transmit it.
Although Your Honours [sic] will observe that this does not contain
all the Particulars related by Wood, & that one thing is added (vizt.)
That the Carolina Agent carried Red Colours [sic] with him. We find it a
material part of the Story because it seemed to them a Token of War, &
encreased [sic] their Suspition [sic]; and in a great measure, their Belief of
several Stories which were to the abovementioned Purpose.
Tomo Chachi has undertaken to convince Chekilly and the Chief
Men with him of their Mistake, and has sent Hillispilli and Santuchi [sic] to
the Nation for that purpose.
Captn. Dunbar with the Scots Highlanders arrived here the 10th
instant; As Mr. Oglethorpe is not yet arrived, he delivered me Your
Honour's Orders dated the 23d of August last. I assisted them with
Pettiauguas and Provisions accordingly, and some few Tools for Your
Honour's [sic] Accompt, as enclosed; Being at the Request of Mr. Hugh
Mackay. Himself and part of the most able vent for Barnwell's Bluff
with the Pettiauguas on the 17th Inst., to take Possession and build
Covering against the others come. A Servant of Mr. Patrick Mackay took
the Liberty to tell the Highlanders, they were going to he killed, that
they were so near the Spaniards that if they looked out of Doors they
would be shot. I therefore committed him to Gaol, but Captn. Dunbar
tells me that when the Highlanders heard it, they desired to go and
drive the Spaniards away first, and then they would build Cover and
fetch their Wives and Children, But though they did not seem to he
afraid of what this Fellow had told them, their Behaviour [sic] has
not been so obedient to their Leaders as heretofore.
I acquainted Tomo Chachi of the Arrival of the Highlanders and
where they were going, and that Your Honours [sic] had ordered me to
make him a Present, as a further Token of your Love for him.
He was very well pleased at the intended Settlemt. and said
that Mr. Oglethorpe had told him of it before; & as the Messengers to
the Nation were not gone he would send Word by them about it, that they
might not be uneasy. He ordered Six Indians to go with them to shew
them the Country and to hunt for them; That the Indians might tarry
with them. I delivered to Mr. Hugh Mackay a Hogshead of Beer to refresh
these Indians, & I undertook to Repay what Corn and other Provisions he
certifies to be spent on their Accounts.
I gave Tomo Chachi as a Present a Piece of Striped Duffils, [sic] Six
Yards of blue Strowds [sic], four Hatchets, a Barrel of Flour and a Cross Cut
Captn. Dymond in the Peter and James from Ireland arrived also
the 10th instant, and waits at Tybee for Mr. Oglethorpe's Orders, having
some Passengers from Purysburgh.
Captn. Dicker in the Allen from Bristol arrived also the same
day with the Passengers mentioned in the inclosed, and several
Merchandizes on Account of Messieurs Williams and Co. Since their
Arrival, some People as yet undiscovered have given them such terrible
Accounts of the Land &c. That they were resolved to Sell their Servants
& retire to the West Indies. But I went with them to their Land, and
having been watchfull [sic] in convincing them of the Truth of things, they
are very well satisfyed [sic] and are gone to Settle on their Land. Mr.
Lacy of Tunderbolt has bargained with them for Seven of their Servants,
and to freight their Ship with Lumber to St. Christophers.
The following Bills of Exchange since my last are drawn on your
Honours [sic] in favour [sic] of Messrs. Jenys and Co. The Value whereof
is accounted for in my Cash Accounts, vitz. with other Bills Subjoined.
Mr. Eveleigih's Accompt. is also inclosed being Value for a Bill of
Exchange drawn on Your Honours [sic] in his favour, the Particulars of which
are accounted for in the Store Accot. vizt. Dated January the 20th 1735,
for the Sum of L 272. Sterling.
Mr. Chardon having bought ninety six Barrels of Beef which
was delivered at the Magazine, desired I would draw a Bill on him for
the Payment which at L 8:10:0 Currency p Barrel is L 8l6 Carolina
Currency, as Value received of Richard Wright.
Your most Dutifull [sic] Servant
The above mentioned Bills of Exchange are as follow with which
my Cash Account is Charged.
Novr, 5. To a Bill of Exchange in favour [sic] of Messrs.
Jenys & Baker for Accot. of Provisions --- L 200:--:-- Sterling
Novr. 25- To Ditto in favour [sic]of George Merely Esqr. for
Accot. of Incidents -- L 150:--:-- Sterling
Decr. 8. To Ditto in favour [sic] of Hugh Bryan for
Accot. of Provisions --- L 200:--:-- Sterling
Decr. 25. To Ditto in favour [sic] of Messrs. Jenys & Co. for
Accot. of Provisions -- L 200:--:-- Sterling
27- To Ditto in favour [sic] of Messrs. Jenys & Baker for
Accot. of Pay and Provisions at Port Prince
George - L 85:10:-- Sterling
Janry. 16. To Ditto in favour [sic] of Messrs. Jenys & Baker for
Accot. of Provisions --- L 200:--:-- Sterling
Janry. 20, To Ditto in favour [sic] of Saml. Eveleigh for
Discharge of his Bill of Particulars--- L 272:--:-- Sterling
Mr. Oglethorpe to the E. of Egmont [no date]
Your heart is so much concerned for Georgia that the hearing how
things go there is most agreeable to you. I should think my Self wanting
in my friendship to Lord Egmont could I neglect any thing that was
agreeable to him; Our Stay in waiting for the man of wax has thrown us
so far backwards in the season that it will he impossible for the people
Sent over this year to raise Provisions for the next. This makes it the
more necessary for all our Friends to stick together in making their
Push for a farther Supply from Parliament. Your Lordship will find
Mr. Towers, Mr. Digby, Mr. Heathcot, Mr, Vernon, and Mr. Talbot exceeding
zealous. Indeed the Case requires it, and I beleive [sic] there is not
one of our Number but will use his utmost Endeavours [sic]. The only matter
wanting is to concert with one another and Settle lists that each person
may Speak to his Friends. I send your Lordship enclosed the Services,
wch. will be necessary for next year. If the Hangers are not continued
the new Settlements can have no Support by land no communication, and
may at pleasure be Surprised by the French Indians. The opening Roads
and Communications, I beleive [sic] no one will now dispute the Usefullness
of. Since the good Effect which General Wades glorious undertaking of
that kind has had in Scotland. And there is no true way of civilizing
a Country without Communications. For this purpose it will be necessary
to keep on the body of an hundred workmen. There is another Benefit from
this the Wages drawn down from other Parts of America the working men
that are out of Employment, and whome [sic] necessity would other
wise drive to the French and Spaniards, Most of them when they have
gain'd Something, marry Among the people, take Lands in Georgia and
increase the Inhabitants, Tis impossible to be without the Boats to
keep open the Communication by water. The Indian Presents are more
needfull [sic] now than ever the French and Spaniards labouring [sic]
to Without Agents there is Possibility of drawing debauch them from us.
Men from Switzerland and Germany and every Foreign man Settled in
America is 30 or at least 20 p an. gained to the kingdom. We have
above 1200 Foreigners settled in Georgia and the Neighbourhood [sic]; great
numbers of which come at their own expence [sic] and have put the Publick [sic] to
no charge. The Subsistence for the people during another year cannot be
dispensed with: for if it is, the misery they must suffer cannot be
described. They must disperse and the Cotton if not entirely abandoned
will be so weakned [sic], that whatever has been already done will only show
the Spaniard and French the Use of that Province, and make them more
eager to settle it, I have troubled your Ldsp.[sic] with too long a letter
so shall not farther trespass by making Compliments, I hope Lady Egmont
and your good Family is well, and must desire your Lordship to make my
I am. My Lord
Your most Obedt. humble Servt.
I put this on board
a ship at Sea without
time to send.
Feb. 1st 1736
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Nathaniel Polhill to Mr. Thomas Tower
Dated at Savannah 12th Febry. 1735/6.
From a true Sense of the great Benefit I have received from the
Honble. Trustees by the Influence of Sir John Lade, I humbly beg the
Acceptance of my Thanks to the Board in General, and to your Honour [sic] in
particular, and hope my former Timorousness may he Overlooked. My Land
that was Surveying about the 5th instant (in which time Mr. Oglethorpe
landed) I like very well, and as soon as so bad a Road which leads to
it can he mended (pursuant to Your Honour's [sic] Orders) I shall settle
entirely upon it. So good a Country as I am now in, obliges me to a
Desire of Settling my Posterity in it, and for which Reason I humbly beg
of my Honble. Patrons a Town Lot for my younger Son Nathaniel; But in no
ways, without the Approbation and Intercession of my great & worthy
Friend Sir John Lade, whom I have wrote [sic] to; And I would duly See to the
Performance of all Conditions required from holding such a Lot. I have
procured a New Servant since my Arrival, and hope to procure as many as
my Circumstances will admit. I have at present, as I hope I shall
retain, the entire good Will of every worthy Person among us, and in
particular of those honest Gentlemen Mr. Vanderplank and Mr. Fallowfield,
who Show in every of their Actions a due Regard to our happy
Establishment and thriving Colony. The Honble. Mr. Oglethorpe has given
due Satisfaction to every honest Freeholder among Us, by declaring in
open Court Your Honour's Constitutions for our Common Preservation. And
in particular the Prohibition of Strong Liquors engages my good
Liking, in as much as it hinders a Plurality of Vices we had like to
have fallen into.
I remain, respecting Your Honours [sic], one of Your most Obliged Sons;
Most Obedient Servant.
Extract of a letter from Savannah in Georgia, dated 4 feb. 1735/6
We arrived here the 5 inst., which for the time is incredibly
improved; there are about 200 houses regularly built. Some of which let
at 30 Sterl. a year. Mr. Oglethorpe went next day tho very wet weather to
See the adjacent Settlements, in which there are Several English like
regular townships, viz. Bewzer [sic], Thunderbolt Fortarquile Nesthrook [sic]
&c. in a flourishing condition beyond any Colony ever known is so short
a time. Tho we have had a long and very Stormy passage; yet we
arrived without the lost of a Soul out of any of the ships which were
Six in number and very large. Mr. Oglethorpe during the passage was
extreamly [sic] carefully [sic] both of the Souls and Bodys under his care; but
what Surprises me beyond expression is his abstemious & hard living, for
tho even dainties are plentifull [sic] he makes the least use of them and
goes thro the woods wet and dry as activly [sic] as any Indian. His humanity
so gains upon all here that I have not words to express their regard &
esteem for him. He goes to morrow [sic] about 8 miles farther into the
Country where he is to Settle a town, near which upon the River Allatahama [sic],
a fort with 4 bastions is to be built that is designed for the
barrier. The Countrey [sic] abounds with fish excellent fruit and Venison.
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Bolzius to Mr. Oglethorpe Dated at
Ebenezer 28th Febry. 1735/6.
Most Honoured [sic] Sir
I beg your Honour's [sic] Permission to acquaint You humbly what
happened to me and my Congregation since Mr. Vat came again to Ebenezer.
He sent me Word last Sunday by the Constable Mr. Zwiftler, that he was
Ordered by Mr. Oglethorpe to tell the People to day, after our Divine
Service, what should he their Duty in time to come; Wherefore he desired
me to bid all the Congregation meet together in the Church. After the
People were Assembled, he sent one of the Saltzburgers in my House to
fetch me in the Church too, to he a Hearer of the things he was about to
intimate. But having preached the Holy Word of God in the Morning and
Afternoon (for my fellow Labourer [sic] was gone with Mr. Von Reck to your
town) and having had other private Business with Sick People, I was
extreamly [sic] tired; Which weak Constitution hindered me from being present
in this Meeting. However I suppose it was the Direction of your Honour [sic]
he should have communicated before to me that which should be made
known to my Congregation, and afterwards we would have done it jointly.
But as he fancyed [sic] formerly to have full Authority and the only Command
at Ebenezer in Temporal things, he fancyed [sic] it now too. Besides this,
it would have been more convenient if he had chosen rather the Saturday
or Monday for this Intimation than a Sunday, since he knows very well
what Pleasure it is to me and the Saltzburghers to worship God the whole
Day in private as well as Publick [sic] ; But as he forced formerly the People
to neglect the Days appointed for publick [sic] Worship, so he was not at all
scrupulous to fill the Peoples Minds with strange Things. It would be
too much Trouble for You to hear all Manner of Mischiefs and
Grievances which are caused me and our People by the willful and rigid
Behaviour [sic] of Mr. Vat; Which he endeavours [sic] now is nothing else but to
grieve me & my Fellow Labourer [sic] further, and to dishearten the distressed
People by commanding them several heavy things and threatening them
cruelly. The People axe very willing to obey in every thing You please
to Command, and if it is your Order that Mr. Vat should have such an
absolute Power over Provisions and the People as he pretends to have, I
will endeavour my self to the utmost of my Power to encourage them to
Suffer all Burthens [sic] with Patience, which Mr. Vat will go on to lay upon
their Shoulders, and then it will he but a little Difference between
their Sufferings here and in their Native Country. However I know Mr.
Oglethorpe's fear of God, his Fatherly Mercy towards persecuted and
distressed People, and particularly his great favour [sic] to me and my Fellow
Labourer [sic]; Wherefore I firmly believe, he will give Orders to treat the
Saltzburghers not like Slaves but to let them use the same Laws and
Liberties with other free People in this Colony, as it was promised to
them by Words of Mouth and Writings. But as long as Mr. Vat dwells at
Ebenezer, as long must we and our Congregation be disquiet by him, and
he will be so difficult to perform Mr. Oglethorpe's Directions, as he was
difficult in performing Mr. Causton's; The Particulars of which I must
leave now untouched. If You should know all the Particulars of the
Difficulties and Miseries the Saltzburghers were forced to undergo. You
would certainly count the Servants at Savannah happier than the free
People at Ebenezer; Which will pass away and be forgotten, if You grant
us the following Petitions. I make bold now to address my self with
some Petitions to your Honour [sic] concerning the Rules Mr. Vat has made
known to the People last Sunday to be observed, which my boldness I hope
will be taken in good part by your innate Goodness and Generosity.
The People are ready to work jointly in the Ground with all their Heart,
but they humbly beg Leave to Use such a manner of joint working, as is
most convenient and profitable to them and their Grounds: They were
intended a good while ago to work Six and Six in little Parties, so that
every Party would have with them one, or if necessary two of the weak
and old People; which method will be as they certainly believe, twice
more profitable for clearing out the Garden Lots than to work jointly
so, as they were forced to do a Year ago. And since some of them might
be not so industrious, they would be in such little Parties strictly
observed, and compell'd easily to more Application; Wherefore they would
not need such Overseers like Slaves as Mr. Vat spoke of, but every body
would work freely with pleasure of mind and Thanksgiving to God, who
inclines the generous Heart of their dear father Mr. Oglethorpe to let
them have some Liberty. Besides this every Party would endeavour [sic] as
much as possible to overreach one another in clearing their Garden
Lotts, which will be pleasant and profitable. Some People have very
good Assistance by their strong Wives and some Boys, who can't and
won't work if the Work must be done jointly according to Mr. Vat's
Method, I leave untouched some Advantages more, which we would have,
if You would shew us the favour [sic] to let the People work in the aforesaid
manner. As for the Storehouse, which shall be built immediately by
Order of Mr. Vat of Logs or large Timber, the People are very well
pleased to build for the present a good Hutt with good Doors to be lock'd
up, and after their Work in the Ground till planting Season is done, they
will be very industrious to build a Store and Watch House and
what else your Honour [sic] please to Command. Be pleased to let them have
this Liberty to cultivate before their Grounds and afterwards to build
the aforesd. publick [sic] Buildings. So You will find by Experience, they
will by the Blessing of God gain in a short time their Victuals for
themselves and their Poultry, wch. to feed and breed we wanted a good
deal more than is the ordinary Allowance of the Store. One of the
first Saltzburghers had on the other Side of our River a good Spot of
Ground, which produced lately Twenty Bushels of Corn besides the Indian
Pease [sic], which good Crop will be produced by other Saltzburghers too,
since they have Leave to remove to a better Soil, if their zealous
Industry shall not be prevented by building of publick [sic] Houses and
fetching Provisions with our extream [sic] heavy Boat, which is built better
for a Standing Water than to be used in the strong Stream of Savannah River.
If the Liberty is granted to work jointly in little Parties, they would
build little Hutts [sic] capable for containing as many People as work sleep
and eat together, which would be more wholsome [sic] than if they
should lodge under one or two large Hutts [sic], which Mr. Vat urges to be
built. I pass by with Silence several other Inconveniences in Temporal
& Spiritual things, which would happen if they should live so close
together. I can't forbear to wonder very much at Mr. Vat's Pretence [sic],
that Twenty Gardens on each Side of the Town should be reserved
at the Disposal of the Honble. Trustees; After this manner the People's
Gardens should be removed a great Way off from the Town, and to Barren
Pine Land too, which would be as unhappy as to live in our former State,
The Saltzburgers have Suffer'd in their old Settlemt. very much, and
leave now behind all their Buildings and Improvements, which Troubles
and Costs will be made good to them if their Lots are laid out
upon good Ground on both Sides of the Town, as it was your Honour's [sic]
praise worthy Intention by shewing me the Situation of the Town upon a
Paper. This is my Comfort too, that You was pleased to tell me at the
same time the People should begin immediately their Work, after their
Town and Garden Lots were laid out, which your Order and Promise is of
greater Value to me and our Saltzburgers than all Talkings of Mr. Vat.
I hope therefore Dear Sir, You will give full Order for laying out all
our Garden Lots at first that we may shortly know what Ground belongs
to every Owner, which we longed for a great while ago. For it is not a
little tedious to them to live so long in those uncertain Circumstances,
remembering very well that not only Freedom of Conscience but also good
Land which should be given them immediately after their Arrival, and
besides this the Priviledges [sic] and Liberties of the English Men are
reallypromised to them, which good things occasioned many of them to leave
their good States they lived in by the Care of many Benefactors in
Lastly, I beg the favour [sic] of your Honour [sic] to remember, that You
was lately so kind as to tell me that if 4 People watch every night and
1 by Day time, it would be enough for the present; Wherefore I humbly
beseech You to Allow us the said Number of 4 People for watching. That
6 People should be to watch on Sundays and Holy Days during Divine
Service is only Mr. Vat's Desire, who was a scandalous Contemner of the
Holy Word of God, and endeavoured [sic] to make the People so too, but I
could not consent to let the People watch on Sundays and Holy Days for
neglecting our Divine Service. I doubt not but our Dear Mr.
Oglethorpe will let the People have this Freedom to be all present in
our publick [sic] Worships as they did hitherto, except one who is to watch.
Let it please You to hear the Order Mr. Vat has given other time about
the Nightly Watches. Six Men were ordered with a Corporal every night,
a Parole or Watch Word was given out at Evening by Mr. Vat to the
Constable Mr. Zwiffler, to carry the said Parole or Watch Word to the
Guard after the following manner. 1st. The Constable with his Sword
on his Side took along with him one Armed Man (called a Thything Man)
carrying a Lanthorn [sic]. 2d. The Centinel [sic] was very strictly ordered to
call out in German Tongue, War da, or who is there. After the Constables
Answer round &c, the Corporal was called by the Centinel [sic] to
Order the Guard in Arms. 3d. Then the Constable drew out his Sword
and set it on the Corporal's Breast, and so with some Ceremonies more
(but very strange to the poor People) the Watch Word was given, so as
it is in time of dangerous Wars. 4th. After this, two Men of the
Watch were ordered to go Patrole [sic] every Hour all the Night about every
Comer of the Town &c. I desired him often to abate such strange
manners, wch. lead the young People by Degrees to Prophaneness [sic] & is
very tedious to the old ones; But he denied it, making poor Shifts,
till the time he Supposed Mr. Oglethorpe was come again to this Colony,
then he bid the People watch without the aforesaid Troubles. I entreat
You Sir very humbly to remove all these troublesome things from the
Peoples watching, which I suppose will be introduced again by Mr. Vat.
I add no more to your Honour's [sic] present Trouble, besides the Assurances
of my being ever with great Respect
Most Honoured [sic] Sir
Your Obedient and most
faithful humble Servant
Extract of a letter from Georgia dated March 7, 1735/6.
A Ship arriv'd here about a month before Mr. Oglethorpe, having on
board about 160 Highlanders from Scotland designed to settle on our
Frontiers next the Spaniards; they stay'd at Savannah some time; during
wch, some Carolina people endeavour'd [sic] to discourage them, by saying
that the place they were design'd to settle on was so near the Spanish
Fort & Town, that they would be able to shoot them even at the doors of
their Houses; But the Highlanders bravely reply'd, if the Spaniards
us'd them ill, they would drive them out of their Fort, & so have
houses ready built to their hands. Mr. Oglethorpe not arriving so soon
as was expected, those North Britons, a little before he came, convey'd
themselves in Perriaguas to the Southward, and have settled by the side
of the River Alatahama [sic] on the continent about 12 miles from the Sea,
and have already mounted a Battery with four pieces of Cannon, also
built a Guard House, a Store House, a Chapel, & several huts, & call'd
their Settlement Darien. When Mr. Oglethorpe arrived, he found about
2000 Persons in Georgia; most of the Old Standard having good Houses,
Cattle, Poultry, & other necessaries: He sent a company of
Rangers on Horseback to find a way thro' the woods from Savannah to
Darien (being about 100 miles distant). They succeeded, and came back
again; and now above 100 men are employ'd in making a road wide enough
for Carts to passe [sic]. When this was order'd, Mr. Oglethorpe set out for
the Southward, taking with him only Batchelors [sic], leaving the married
men to take care of their Wives. In two days they got about 60 miles,
and took possession of the Island St. Simon; when he immediately set the
People to work and as he set his hand to it himself they soon got up a
House, thatch'd with Palmetto leaves, dugg [sic] a Cellar, mark'd out a Fort
with four Bastions, and built a small Store house. After this he paid
a visit to the Highlanders at Darien, whom he found under arms, with
their Plads [sic], Broad-Swords, Targets, and Muskets, making a fine
appearance. They had provided for Mr. Oglethorpe a fine soft Bed, with
Holland Sheets, and Plad [sic] Curtains; But he chose to lie out of
doors upon the Ground in his Cloak, Between two Gentlemen; wch. example
they follow'd by lying round him. The acts for prohibiting the
Importation of Negroes, Rum, & all distill'd liquors and that for
preserving Trade with the Indians, are strictly put in Execution. We
doubt not being able in few Years to produce considerable Quantities of
Silk, Oil, and Wine. The Soundings at the entrance into the
Alatahama [sic] River not being yet sufficiently known, five Perriaguas
carried the Passengers the inland passage, and the Stores are to be
sent round by Sea to St. Simon's in a Ship wth. draws but little water.
Other letters from Georgia ty the Ship Symmonds make heavy complaints
against their neighbours [sic]in Carolina, who have endeavour'd [sic] much
to alienate the affections of the Indians from them, by asperseing [sic] the
Character of Mr. Oglethorpe, & inciting them to an ill opinion of the
whole Colony; wch. might have produced very dangerous consequences, had
not Tomo Chichi, one of the Indians that came from thence to England
with Mr. Oglethorpe, remained firm to his Interest and Friendship. Yet
notwithstanding, the Stories they had told, had this bad effect, that of
200 Indians wch. were to have accompany'd Mr. Oglethorpe to St. Simons,
(a new Southern Settlement in Georgia, mention'd in the above Extract,)
not above 40 joyn'd [sic] him.
To Mr. Oglethorpe
The Letter I receive from your Excellency of the l6th February,
which has been delivered to me by the Irish Gentleman, makes me very
thankful and much obliged for your kind expressions. And Tour Excellency
may be certain, that my earnest desire will be, that time may furnish me
with many occasions of serving You. It is an infinite joy to me, that
the King of Great Britain has conferred on a Person of Your
Excellency's Valuable Character the inspection of this and the
neighbouring [sic] Province, tho' I must say to Your Excellency that it
gives me some concern to see the desire you manifest to me of keeping up
the greatest Union with this Province, and yet there has been a failure in
the Province where you are, to the Treaty with my Predecessors, by
going out of the bounds marked out to each, and extending into the
Lands of the King my Master, which I having first got to be looked into,
I have given an Account of it to the Catholick [sic] King my Master, and
till I receive his Command what I am to do, I shall not resolve any thing.
You shall find me ready on all Occasions to serve You in whatever way
offer itself. I am &c.
Francisco de Moral Sanchez
St, Augustine of Florida
24. March 1735/6
To Mr. Oglethorpe from Captn.Dempsy.
St. Augustine in Florida 25th April N.S, 1736
I had the honour [sic] to write to you by Major Richard, & since by a
Ship that sailed for Charles Town the 4th Inst. N.S. and am very uneasy
not to have an answer to either for fear you should he indisposed, the
Govr, and all the Officers of this Garrison wait with great impatience
your Letters, they are entirely divided which misunderstanding is laid
to Nerry, who is by his insinuating way become first Minister, the said
Nerry and his Partners have furnished this place from Charles Town with
Powder, Ball, Arms and other Warlike Stores, in great quantity, for I
am told that they have from time to time brought here 200 barrels of
Powder and other Ammunition in proportion, as also Blanketts[sic] &c.
for the Spanish Indians, which will he of very ill consequence if the past
he not severely punished and such practices (Being directly contrary to Law)
for the future prevented. Two of Kerry's worthy Partners are now here,
one a Taylor called Stanbury, who for convenience is here a Roman and
there a Presbyterian, who Being asked By one Bryixe [sic] (Master of the
Unity Sloop Belonging to Capt. Davis) why he carried Ammunition to the
Spaniards to (may Be) destroy our selves, his answer was, that he did
not care how many Peoples Brains were Blown out so that he got money, the
other is one Bulard, by trade a Carpenter, who stiles himself Field
Marshall of the Charles Town Cavalry, a very empty insolent Fellow, who
told one Ripp Master of a New York Sloop that trades here for Provisions,
who talking of you Sir being named by his Majesty Governour [sic] of South
Carolina, the Field Marshall answered that he did not believe a word
on't, and that you dare not so much as go to Charles Town, but that in
case, contrary to his wishes it should he so, he would lay down his
Commission. This same Fellow told also here to one Mr. Crokatt Merchant
of Charles Town, who came here to settle some account with Nerry,
that the Deputy Governour [sic] had laid an Embargo on his Brigg, and that at
his return he would arrest him for L 2000 Damages. You may he sure he
held this insolent Discourse to others, which makes his Britannick[sic]
Majesty's Governours [sic] and other superiour [sic] Officers look very
little when such a Puppy takes these Liberties; he goes back to Charles
Town in a day or two in the Edward and Elizabeth Brigantine, belonging,
as he says, to himself, and has contracted (as I am credibly informed)
with the Governour [sic] of this place for two or three hundred small Arms.
The best way to come to the bottom & certitude of this Affair, without
exposing me (who should be certainly murdered) is to arrest the Masters
and Fellows belonging to the Embarkations consigned here to Berry, as
also them belonging to Capt. Davis's Sloop the Unity, for fear he
should be suspected of giving such Information, as also to order the
Merchants there to give an Account of what Ammunition they sold, and to
whom, these two Years past, for their Books will be sufficient Evidence,
but manage it so, as first to let the Arms be put on board the Brigg.
Pardon I humbly beg, the Liberty I take to give so knowing a Person as
you are. Sir, any Advice, which I am prompted to only by the great
value I have for your safety and honour [sic]. Capt. Davis presents You his
most humble respects and has I can assure You been postponed for the
Payment of some thousand pieces of Eight because he refused to furnish
them with Arms and Ammunition, for they offered him the Preference. He
intends under your Protection to carry the Trade to Georgia and there to
take a house which will he very beneficial to the Colony. Pray let me
know your Will on that particular. The Discourse of the Govr. and these
people rolls entirely on your settling on the Lands and islands belonging
to the King their Master, but I have insinuated to some of the Tattlers,
that I heard that before ever a Spaniard set foot on the said Lands that
Sr. Waiter Raieigh had taken possession of them in the name of his Royal
Mistress Queen Elizabeth, so let them prove the contrary. If it is
possible to put an old decayed Stone with an Inscription in Gothick [sic]
Letters, with the Year of her Majesty's Reign, agreeing with the year
Sr. Walter sailed that way, or to cut the Bark of some very a old Tree,
it would lay a foundation for a long Law Suit, so give you time to
settle in such a manner that all the Spanish Forces in America could not
disturb you; besides, I know perfectly well that the Contest will be
referred to the Courts in Europe, so in my humble opinion, 'twould
not be amiss to prevent the Court Ministers and your Friends on that head,
for now Le Vin est ture, il faut le boire, car il est trop tard de
reculer. If you think fit Sir, that I should remain here, or go to
Mexico, La Vera Crux, or Havanna [sic], do me the honour to let me know it as
soon as possible, for this is a most dismal, dear place, but if a hundred
times worse and it could be any way serviceable or pleasing to You I
would remain here ten years, for when I came to wait on you, it was with
a firm resolution to carry your Commands to the very Gates of Hell. If
possible you could prevail with Mr. Horton to give leave to Bourke to come
to me, he would be of very great use, being a Roman and knowing somewhat
of the Spanish. If Kerry was once out of this place I could then make
an Overture to the Governour [sic], but until then there is nothing to be
done, for he is his All, though I believe now he would be glad to be
rid of him for he is generally hated, and makes the Govr. much
disrespected. I have been very ill since here, but now God be praised
much better. If there are any Letters for me from Europe be so good as
to send them, the poor Garrison here is cruelly fatigued, being on Duty
every other Day, 30 men mount Guard in the Castle, the Govr., Bishop
and all other Officers and Soldiers live in this miserable Village. I
am with the most sincere respect
Your most humble & most obedt. Servt.
Since my Letter was sealed I have discovered that the Govr.
wanted to agree with a Person here for 2000 Barrels Flour, 12000
bushels of Corn and 200 or 3OO small arms to be furnished immediately,
and as much Powder as he could possibly get, as also Blanketts and every
other thing suitable for 200 Tallamouchy [sic] Indians, which he expects here
daily, and other Forces, as you may believe, hereafter, by the vast
Quantity of Provisions bespoken, besides what he has already in the
Castle. This Person refused him down right, so the Nerry Vessels are to
bring all they possibly can, and to go elsewhere in case they cannot do
the business at Charles Town. Besides that he expects from New York
1500 Barrels of Flour, the Merchant at New York his Name is Capt.
Walton, a vast rich man, so Sir, if you do not put a Stop to this, and
that timely, both Carolina and Georgia must prepare for a bloody War. You
know Sir, better than any one can tell you what to do in this case, for
if they have no provisions nor arms, the more here the worse for them.
I really should be glad to receive your Orders to go from this dismal
place. If these Informations should be suspected to come from me I
should certainly never see you again, and the Person he wanted to
contract with will surely lose a large Sum of money due to him here, and
maybe hanged. Let me hear from You as soon as possible, and nothing
of this intimated in your Letter, there must be a Stop put to all
English Ships coming from any part of America here without a Licence [sic],
nay, any English Bottom from elsewhere.
25th April 10 at night.
My Intelligencer this morning told me at my bed Side that one
Capt. Watson Master of a Sloop, trading now and then to this place from
Charles Town, had brought some small Arms in his last Voyage here, and
that he had contracted to bring more, with Powder, Ball & other
Ammunition, he is a very cunning man, talking pretty good French and
Spanish, his Son is Master of the Sloop. You must be wary in sifting this
Affair. If I can be any way serviceable I shall stay here as long as
you please, though in the World there is not such another Prison, but
pray order my things and other necessaries and if possible send me
Bourke, you must pretend to have here some Spanish Fryar or Indian Spy,
car money fait tout, le 26th April N.S. 7 of the Clock in the morning.
[If this is a date it is wrong. However, below there is mention of 36 degrees latitude and perhaps it relates to that]
Memorial of the King's Title to Georgia.
The first Discovery of this Country was made by Sebastian
Cabbat [sic] who was fitted out by Henry the 7th & 8th and Possession then
taken in the Name of the King of England, and Sr. Francis Drake
did in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth upon the Spaniards settling there
take and burn the Fortress of Augustine and thereby maintained the
The Spaniards some years after the burning of Augustine
by Sr. Francis Drake retook possession of that Place, but the Crown of
England looked upon the same as an Intrusion, and continued asserting
their rights to these Countrys [sic] as far as the 29th Degree of Northern
Latitude. And King Charles the First made a Grant upon that Eight of
this Province then called Carolana [sic]. Afterwards King Charles the Second,
still presuming upon the same right, did upon the former Patent being
for Non us or forfeited, grant all the Lands from 36 to 29 Degrees of
Northern Latitude, to the Lords Proprietors of Carolina, and thereby
asserted his right to these Countrys [sic].
But the Spaniards say that they have always continued in possession
of Augustine under the Pope's Grant, and that they have supported
that Grant by Conquest, that when my Lord Cardross came and settled at
Port Royal under a Grant from the Lords Proprietors, they Dislodged him
by force of Arms, as being an Intruder upon their Dominions, and that
the Crown of England sat down contented therewith.
In answer to which we do allow that they did dislodge my Lord
Cardross by treachery, and murdered several Families, which was an
Infraction of the Peace then subsisting with the Crown of Spain. And
the said Injury was afterwards fully revenged by the Crown of Great
Britain, for the Creek Indians being in Alliance with the Crown of Great
Britain did in the year 1705 attack the Spaniards & Appellachee [sic]
Indians took the Appellachee's Towns and the Spanish Forts. And that
the same Indians being in Alliance with the English did soon after take
the Town of Augustine, besiege the Fort, but not having Artillery for to
take the Fort, they at last raised the Siege, and came back over the
Rivers, but would never suffer the Spaniards to pass the River St.
Johns. That in that Expedition which was during an open War between the
French and Spaniards on one Side and the Queen of England & her Allies
on the other, the Creek Indians being of the Number of her Allies, did
by force of Arms beat the Spaniards out of all the Islands and Lands
from Port Royal to Augustine.
That after the raising the Siege at Augustine, the Creek Indians
still kept Possession of the River St. Johns, and would never suffer the
Spaniards to resettle either on the Islands or Continent on this Side of
the River, and that, during that Possession, the Treaty of Utrecht was
made, by which her Majesty and her Allies were to keep all that they
were then possessed of, except such places as in that Treaty were
stipulated to be Delivered up.
And that since that Treaty the Creek Indians have continued in
Possession to the very Hour that they delivered the Possession thereof
to James Oglethorpe for the use of his Britannick [sic] Majesty, pursuant
to a Treaty Concluded between his said Majesty and that Nation. Therefore
it appears that the Lands as far as St. Johns River doth belong unto
his Majesty by the same Right, that any other Lands in America do
belong unto him, which is by being in possession thereof under Treaties
of Peace, and whatsoever can be urged against his Majesty's Right to
these his Dominions may as well be urged against his right to Nova
Scotia, Jamaica, or any other part of America, since the Pope's Grant
reaches to all America, and the Spaniards never gave up their Rights in
form to any Part, only that each Party should hold what they stood
possessed of at the time of concluding the Treaty. And the Crown of
Britain by their Allies the Creeks, were in possession of the same at
the time of the Treaty of Utrecht, and have continued in Possession
thereof to this hour, as appears by the Affidavits hereunto annexed. And
the Spaniards have acquiesced in that Possession since they never pretended
to keep any Guard beyond St. John's River, but have always kept one, and
sometimes two Guards on the South side of St. John's River.
Copy [in the original]
Prom Mr. Oglethorpe to the D. of Newcastle
Your Grace's time is so precious, that it would be injuring the
Publick [sic] to intrude upon your Goodness, but as I should be as much to
blame in not writing what is Important, as in writing any thing trifling,
I cannot neglect acquainting your Grace, that a Gentleman who came with
a Packet from Sr. Thomas Fitzgerald to the Captain General of Florida
and Governour [sic] of Augustine desired I would send him up to that place,
which I did, & desired him to carry a Letter from me to the Captain
The Indian King Tomo Chachi (pursuant to the assurances he gave
to His Majesty and your Grace in England) went down with me to the
utmost Limits of the King of Great Britain's Dominions to put us in
Possession of all the Lands held by their Nation, from this Island to
the Spanish Frontiers. There are three beautiful Islands upon
the Sea Coast, the first, the Indian King's Nephew Tooanahowi who was in
England, called Cumberland, saying that the Duke had given him a Watch
to show him how to use time, and that he had obtained Leave of the
Creek Nation to give his Name to that Island, that through all times
his Benefactor's Name might be remembered. The next Island, the fairest
of this Province, I called Amelia. Oranges, Myrtles and Vines grow wild
upon it. To the South of Amelia lies another Island, the Southermost [sic]
part of which, called St. George's Point, is the farthest part of the
Dominions of his Majesty on the Sea Coast in North America. The River
St. Johns divides that Island from the Spanish Florida, it is there
about two Miles wide, and on the point of the opposite Side the Spaniards
keep a Guard.
The Boat is returned with Letters from the Captain General of
Florida, and Governour[sic] of Augustine, and I have sent Copies of the
Letters between me and him to the Trustees, and a Memorial setting forth
his Majesty's Right to these Countrys [sic], who will lay them before your
I am in quiet Possession as far as the Spanish Outgards, and
therefore hope I shall have directions what to do. I have heard that
the Spanish General intends to order me to quit as far as the River
Edistow, [sic] that is to say, all Georgia and part of Carolina, but as I
cannot deliver up a foot of Ground belonging to His Majesty, to a foreign
Power without the breach of my Allegiance to His Majesty, I will alive or
dead keep Possession of it 'till I have his Majesty's Orders, and if it
is his Majesty's Pleasure not to give up this most valuable part of his
Dominions, I can assure your Grace that the fidelity of the Indians to
his Majesty and the Gratitude for their treatment when in
England, is such, that with the same Assistance which we had last Year
from Parliament, I shall not only be able to keep possession in spite of
all the Force of Florida, Cuba and Mexico, but if I have orders
(considering the Divisions amongst the Spaniards in one of those Provinces)
there is more probability that the British Arms should entirely conquer
them, than that they can ever drive us out. And this they know so well,
that thought they may threaten, they dare not do so flagrant an Injustice
as to act against so clear a right as Ms Majesty hath to these
Countrys [sic], which are the Keys of all America,
The Spaniards are very apprehensive of our Indians invading them,
and as I can find no other means of preventing the wild Indians from it,
I have been forced to raise Men and ordered an armed Boat to guard the
River St. Johns and prevent any Indians from passing, and have acquainted
the Governour [sic] of Augustine therewith. I have also built two Forts, the
one on Saint Simons where I now am garrison'd with the English which I
brought over, the other on Cumberland garrison'd with Highlandmen. And
a Detachment of Germans, English and Americans set out yesterday to
build another Fort upon Saint George's Point, in order to receive those
Boats which are to prevent the Indians from invading the Spanish Province,
and thereby keep up the Tranquility between the two Crowns.
I hope your Grace will not only excuse but approve of the length
of my Letter since it is upon so important an Occasion as that of keeping
a Province two hundred miles in length, the Land capable of the
richest Production, the Sea full of good Ports, near which all the large
homeward bound Ships from the Spanish America must Pass. I am
with the most profound respect
Your Graces most obedient and
most humble Servant
Frederica in Georgia
17th April 1736
To his Grace the Luke of Newcastle.
From Mr. Oglethorpe to the Trustees.
Frederica the 17th April 1736
I send you inclosed all the Proceedings between me and the
Governour [sic] of Augustine. I have advice that 1500 men and three
men of War have left the Havannah [sic].
Yesterday we heard Guns off the Sea, and one of our Out guards
upon the Hills on the Southern Sea Post thought they discovered Ships.
The Independant [sic] Company is arrived but the Man of War is not, which
makes me fear for her. As it is impossible for any assistance to come
from England time enough, it is better not speaking of this. All will
be over here long before you receive it. We shall do our Duty and trust
to Providence for Success. I have sent the Luke of Newcastle a Letter
inclosed to Mr. Vernon, who will deliver it to him and acquaint you
what measures are necessary to be taken upon it. Mr. Causton has sent
me his Cash Accompt, of which I have ordered him to send you one. It is
necessary for me to draw upon You for L 3OO to support the People at
Savannah pursuant to your general Disposition. The Bills are for L 200
and it 100 payable to Mr. Thomas Causton or his Order. I did on the
12th instant draw upon you for L 50 payable to Mr. Caleb Davis or Order
for support of the Agent at Augustine. I am
Your most obedient and
most humble Servant
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Oglethorpe to Lieut. Govr. Broughton
Dated at Frederica 28th March I736.
Pursuant to His Majesty's Commands I have Settled and fortified
on the Island of St. Simons, & have took the best measures that my
small Judgment Suggested to me for putting the place into a Condition of
Defence [sic], and of being Supported by keeping an open Communication both by
Land and Water. For this purpose, the Rangers and the Scout Boat will
be necessary, the first have marched over Land from Savannah to the
Darien, and a Surveyor sent by me with a Detachment of the Trustees Men
has run the Traverse Line from Savannah by Fort Argyll to the Darien,
from whence to this place is only 16 miles by Water.
After this was done I went down to the Frontiers to See where His
Majesty's Dominions and the Spaniards joyn [sic], a Detachment of Creek
Indians invited me to go down with them to Show me how far their Claim
and Possession extended. I found that they have been in quiet Possession
ever since the last War of all Lands on the North Side as far as
the mouth of St. Johns River, and that the Spaniards have Two Guards
called Lookouts on the South Side of that River, the one 7 or 8 miles
from the Sea, the other at the Sea Point. Tomo Chachi brought us to a
Rock covered with Woods, from whence we could see the uppermost Lookout
and they not discover us; He then said he would go out with his Indians
and bring me in a Prisoner to inform me of their Situation, and cut off
their Guards and drive them down to Augustine; For that the Number with
him was sufficient so to do, and that the Lands as far as Augustine
belonged to the Creeks but that the Spaniards had taken forcible and
unjust Possession of it. It was with much Difficulty I
could prevent them from attacking the Spaniards, I therefore having two
Boats with me, bigger than any one of theirs, obliged the Indians to
Stay, and my self Set forward with one Boat, and having viewed both the
Spanish Out Guards I went round the Southward most Point of His Majesty's
Dominions in North America, which I called St. Georges Point and is
over against the Spanish Lower Lookout, from which it is Seperated [sic] by
the mouth of St. Johns River which is there about a Mile wide. From
thence I returned and found that the Highland Men, whom I had left upon
an Island at the Southward most Entrance of this Port, had fortified
themselves there. I called the new Fort St. Andrews, and the Island it
stands the Highlands.
I shall he obliged to keep a Boat on the River St. John to prevent
the Creek Indians from passing to hurt the Spaniards; The Governor
of Augustine having informed me that he is very apprehensive of those
Indians. And as I cannot answer for the Indians, and that an Hostility
committed by them might he construed to be my Doing, I shall acquaint
him that I cannot be answerable for keeping up the Tranquillity, but by
maintaining a Boat & Guard to prevent them from passing the River.
The Gentleman that brought Letters from the King of Spain's
Secretary of State, and his Ambassador at London to the Governor of
Augustine, and who came over in the Ship with me, is still at Augustine.
Major Richards who conducted him thither is return'd with Letters both
from him and the Governor full of Civility and Professions of Friendship
mixd with some Complaints of the Creek Indians not permitting them to
Settle the Appellache [sic] Towns.
My private Advices from thence say that they have sent to
Havannah [sic], and Suspect that it is for Succours [sic] in Order
to drive Us off. The Governor has ax acquainted me that he will
send an Officer as his Plenipotentiary to treat with me for Settling
the Boundaries and the Matter of the Appellache Towns; I have
acquainted him that I am ready to receive his Plenipotentiary, or
to meet him personally on the Frontiers which is at St. Johns River.
I have sent Pettiauguas for the Detachment of the Independent
Company. The Man of War is already arrived at Tybee, and I expect him
here in a few Days. Mr. Jonathan Bryan & Mr. Barnwell have been with
me to the Frontiers and behaved very handsomely.
I am &c
To Mr. Oglethorpe
Charles Town 29th March 1736.
Last night arrived Capt. Watson from St. Augustine who brings an
Account that Major Richard left that place 9 days since, and that it was
there talked that the Governour [sic] of that place did design to go with a
Guard in order to meet you, but at what place he could not learn, with
an intent to settle the Boundaries between the two Governments. That it
was there talked that you intended to insist upon the River St. Juans
which they seemed not well to relish, nor could they (as he thought)
tell how to help themselves. That there was a Perriaugua fitting up for
that purpose which formerly did belong to one Spottswood of this place
who ran away to St, Augustine. He informs me that the Governour [sic]
showed him a Letter from Monsr. Beanville General of Louisiana and
whose hand writing he knew (and he is the Person whose Journal of those
parts I sent you about 18 months since) in which he offers that in case he
should be attacked by the English, he would send him five thousand men
for his Assistance.
Frederica in Georgia 12 Aprl. 1736
There is a town laid out here, and 37 Palmetto Houses built; in
wch. all the People are shelter'd till they can build better. The Town
Lots are already given out to each family, those upon the Strand consist
of 30 Feet in front, & 60 Feet in depth, those farther from the River are
60 Feet in Front, upon 90 Feet in depth. The Garden Lotts of one Acre
each, wch. are within half a mile of the town, are already mark'd out, &
possession will he given to the People on Monday next, besides wch. the
people in common plant Corn in an old Indian field of about 60 acres.
There is a Team of Horses & a Plough, with wch. there is some ground
turned up, and in it some Flax & Hemp Seed sowed, as also half an acre
of Barley, wch. is come up very well, & some Lucorn [sic] Grasse [sic].
We havea pretty deal of Potatoes in the Ground, and should have had more, but
the labouring [sic]men wch. were to have come from the Northward, being not
arriv'd, Mr. Oglethorpe hired several of our Free-holders to build a
Fort, wch. is now near finish'd, it consists of four Bulwarks and a
Ditch wth. some Outworks, frazed [sic] round wth. Cedar Posts, the works are
faced wth. green Sod, wch. grows very well.
Capt. McPherson came over Land from Savannah to Darien,
wch. lies 16 Miles above us, upon this River, there are above 100 High-
landers Here who bear arms, since that Mr. Hugh Mackay & Mr. Augustine
came over land with 15 Horses from Savannah to Darien & run a traverse
line all the way, by wch. they find it to be 70 miles in a streight [sic]
line, & 90 by the Places where the Swamps are passable. Mr. Oglethorpe
has agreed with Capt. Mc-Pherson [sic] to deliver him a large quantity of
Cattle at the Darien, so that we shall be supplied this Summer with
fresh Beef and have already an open communication by Land with Carolina,
& all North-America.
Tomachichi Mico, Tooanahowi his nephew and a large party of
Indians came down to Mr. Oglethorpe, & brought in as many Deer as fed
the whole Colony for some days, they told him they would go hunt the
Buffaloe [sic] as far as the Spanish Frontiers, but he being apprehensive from
some suspicious words that they design'd to fall upon the Spanish
Outguards, told them that he would go with them, they said then that
they would shew him, (as they promis'd to the King in England) what lands
belonged to their nation. The first day they carried him to an Island
at the mouth of Jekyl Sound, where on a high Ground, commanding the
Passes of the River, he left a large party of Highlanders under the
commd. of Mr. Hugh Mackay Lieut, in his Majesty's Service, marked
out a Fort, wch. at their desire, he call'd St. Andrews, & Toonanhowi
pulling out a watch given him in England by his Royal Highnesse [sic] the
Duke, gave the name Cumberland to the Island in memory of his Royal
The next day they pass'd the Clothogotheo [sic], another branch of the
Alatahama, and discover'd another very fine island about 16 Miles long,
with Oranges, myrtle, & Vines growing wild, to wch. he gave the name of
Amelia, in Memory of her Highnesse [sic] the Princesse Amelia. And the third
day arriving near the Spanish look-out, the Indians shew'd their desire
of ailing upon the Spaniards, to prevent wch. Mr. Oglethorpe left them
upon an island, & having run down the River St. Wan's [sic], doubled point
St. George, being the north point of St. John's River, & the Southermost
point of Ms Majesty's dominions upon the Sea Coast of North America.
The Spaniards being in possession, & having a Guard, call'd a Look-out,
on the other side of the said River.
That night Mr. Oglethorpe met the Boat with Major Richards, who
was return'd from escorting the Gentleman sent by the Spanish Ambassador
in London to the Govr. of Augustine. Tomochici Mico, & his Indians,
having first discover'd them in the Night would have cut 'em into
pieces, taking them for Spaniards, and were with much difficulty
prevented by Mr. Oglethorpe from charging them.
On his return Mr. Oglethorpe call'd at St. Andrews, and was
agreeably surpris'd to find the Fort in a State of defence [sic], he
thank'd the Highlanders for their diligence, & offered to carry any of
them back that cared to leave the place, but not one of them would do so,
saying that whilst there was danger they would stay tho' they should lose
their next Harvest.
Here are two Ships, the James, Capt. Jno. Yoakley, & the Peter &
James, Capt. Geo. Dymond, both riding close under the Port. We have a
Magazine 60 Foot long, 18 Foot wide, and 3 Stories high almost finish'd.
Mr. Jonathan Bryan, Mr. Horton, & Mr. Tanner accompanied Mr. Oglethorpe
in his Cruize [sic] to the South and behav'd extreamly [sic] well.
The Country as far as St. Wan's[sic] River was conquerd [sic] from the
Spaniards in Queen Ann's War, and was in possession of our allied
Indians at the Treaty of Utrecht, therefore by the Articles of that
Treaty, wch. says that all Territories in America shall remain to those
who are in possession of them, these lands being in possession of the
Indians who are Allies to Great Britain & have since made them over to
the King, they belong to the King of Great Britain.
Frederica Aprl. 14th 1736
The Spaniards having complain'd that the Indians fell upon them
from all quarters, Mr. Oglethorpe has sent down two Boats well fitted
out to patrole [sic] upon the River St. John's to give Notice to his friendly
Indians not to passe [sic] the Rivers, & thereby prevent their doing any
Mischief to the Spaniards, & Major Richard is gone on board the Boats
with the answers to the Spanish Governor's letters, & to acquaint him
of the measures Mr. Oglethorpe has taken for preventing the Indians from
A detachment of 30 men from the Independent Company at Port Royal
arriv'd here yesterday under the command of Ensign delagall [sic].
Mr. Oglethorpe sent them down immediately to the Sea point of this
island, 7 miles from hence, & went down in the Scout Boat, to shew them
the ground, had a well immediately dug, where they found good water. They
have entrench'd themselves, & have mounted some Cannon & there is a
communication by land from thence open'd to them.
Several Sails have been seen off the Coast, & Advices are
come from Augustine, that the General had beat to Arms, & that a party
of the Garrison, & all the Horse was marched out. It was also
reported there that a Strong detachment & some large Ships were come
from Cuba, in order to assist them against the English, but this last
report wants confirmation.
It is certain that the Spaniards are Settling a town in the
Appellachee old Fields, wch. were conquer'd from them by the English
and the Creek Indians during the late war.
The Man of war is not yet arriv'd & Advices are come from the
Garrison at the Sea point, that they have heard several Guns fired far
out at Sea, & have seen some Ships lying off & on; The upper Fort at
St. Andrews is finish'd and the Guns mounted, and the Pallisadoes are
ready for the lower Fort.
Extract of a letter from Georgia dat. Aprl. 21. 1736
Mr. Houston brings account from Frederica that some of the Creek
Indians have been & cut off one of the Spanish Garrisons, opposed to
St. Juans, & kill'd & taken 7 of the Spaniards, wch. were all in the
Fort. The Governor of St. Augustine sent to Mr. Oglethorpe to demand
Satisfaction, & says he could find but two of his men, wch. were both
dead in the Fort.
South Carolina April 30th 1736.
The Article of Skins for Remittance from hence will we fear be
greatly lessen'd for the future. Mr. Oglethorpe we have reason to
believe will at all Events have the Trade carried on to the Southern
Indians from Georgia Exclude any Trade amongst them from this place, and
even Sieze [sic] the Effects and Imprison our People trading with them
(altho' a free Independent People) they have not yet proceeded so far,
but its daily expected; what is equally extravagant, the Officers at
Georgia by his orders have Stop'd our navigation of Savannah River,
lying between this Province and Georgia, even to our own Settlements
on our Side of the River, and a few days ago Stove several hhds.[sic]
of Rum going up to our Garrison at Savannah Town in this Province with
our Governour's [sic] Licence [sic] and Permission (which we hear they
tore to Pieces) they who had the Care of the Boats Imprison'd & the
Boats which were Loaden [sic] with Indian Trading Goods detained.
Such extraordinary unwarrantable Proceedings will doubtless cause very
great Disturbances here, prejudice to both Colonys[sic], if they persist
in such wild Extravagancies and give so much Interruption to our Indian
Traders, we apprehend most if not all from hence, will decline the
Trade to the Creeks and other Southern Indians for fear of their Interest
being Sacrificed, and no hopes of Redress from whence near two thirds of
the Deer Skins are brought; a poor Return for the Assistance we have
afforded that new Settlement; we apprehend these measures will cause great
uneasiness amongst those free Indians, who have constantly had Trade
with the People of this Province, and we fear may occasion their Proceeding
to violent measures; our Government seems to be already alarm'd on that
account from some late Advices from the several Indian Nations. The
Expence [sic] this Province all along from the first Settling Carolina
have been at both of Men and Money to preserve this very Colony which would
otherwise in all probability long ago been in Possession of the French and
Spaniards, had they not been constantly removed by us and the Indians, whose
Friendship and Attachment we secured & preserved at no small Expence [sic]
Surely some regard ought to be had for Carolina, which for so many years
under so many Discouragements and in its Infancy maintained and preserved
the barrier of North America from the French, Spaniards and the many
great Nations of Indians, and now to be Strip'd of their Trade and other
rights and Priviledges [sic] enjoyed by all other his Majesty's Subjects is
very grating is very ill digested by its Inhabitants and the favours [sic] of
the Crown and a National Expence [sic] heaped on such a Sett [sic] of People for
Industry Morality & Sobriety scarcely to be met with on the face of the
South Carolina June 30th 1736.
We are very apprehensive of losing our Trade with the Indians for
Deer Skins, which is the most valuable Article of Returns from hence,
for Mr. Oglethorpe under an Act pass'd by the Trustees confirmed by His
Majesty in Council (which is only a bare Transcript of our Act for
regulating the Indian Trade) has taken upon him to Summons all our
Indian Traders down to Georgia in order to take out Licences [sic] to trade
and fit out there under their regulations, and all except a very few
have Complyed [sic], Some by Inclination in order to defraud their Creditors
being Indebted near one hundred thousand pounds Currency to this
Province, others for fear of ruin by having all their Effects in the
Indian Nations Siezed [sic] and forfeited, their Persons imprison'd and
fined one hundred pounds Sterling by said Law for trading amongst
the Indians without a Licence [sic] obtained from thence, those few who came
down for Licences [sic] as usual refused to go without the Protection of this
Government, well knowing the Consequence; on this occasion the General
Assembly was called again to consider what was proper to be done, and
either to assent and maintain their Trade with our Neighbour [sic] Indians
under due Regulation as heretofore & thereby keep up the good under
standing and Friendship we have been at so much Expence [sic] to preserve with
all our Friendly Indians, or give the Trade up to Georgia entirely and
Submit to hazard the Peace and Welfare of this Province under the Direc-
tion and management of men ignorant and unexperienced in those affairs,
for the Indians are a Ticklish jealous People, and if not managed with
great Prudence, will soon enter upon measures very destructive to both
Colonys [sic] as we have found by fatal Experience, the lower House of
Assembly (but by one vote) have passed an Ordinance to Indemnify and
make good the Loss of such Traders as take Licences [sic] and fit out under
the regulation of this Government, to the amount of two thousand pounds
Sterling, in case their Effects &c are Siezed [sic] by the Officers of
Georgia (as we expect will be the Case) for Mr. Oglethorpe seems deter
min'd at all Events right or wrong by force to drive us out of the Trade
with the Indians, depending on all his Actions being justifyed [sic], not by
the Rules of Law and reason (which can't possibly be in this
case) but Interest, As there is an Expectation of his presiding over
us many are afraid of acting Counter to his Designs and would chuse [sic] to
Sacrifice the Interest of the Province than risque [sic] his Displeasure,
however some there are amongst us weak enough to imagine that no power
but an Act of Parliament can take away our natural Rights and Priviledges [sic]
of Trading with a free People in Friendship with all the Kings Subjects.
The Indians know not what to think of the late precipitate Proceedings
of the Georgians, are jealous Some designs are forming against them
that their old Friends (as they call us) throw them away and don't
carry Goods amongst them as usual besides losing the most valuable
Branch of our Trade by these measures, the Consequence will be much
worse to Carolina, for when that's gone the Dependance of the Indians is
gone also; how precarious then will all our Estates be, which can't be
the case with our Neighbours for they have little or nothing to lose but
what the Crown and People's Charity afford them for Industry theres
none, our Agent hath orders to represent these things with many other
Arguments that might be offered to the King in Council, but we fear the
Success, the Interest is too powerful for a People who always boldly
look'd forward and have Struggled and Surmounted more Difficultys [sic] in
their Infancy than, all his Majesty's Colonys [sic] in America put together.
We must beg your Excuse for dwelling thus long on so disagreable a
1 May 1736 Mr. Inghams [sic] journal of his voyage to Georgia.
To my much honrd. Mother, my dearly "beloved Brethren and Sisters,
and all my Christian Friends, Grace, Mercy, and Peace he multiplied from
Almighty God the Father, and from our Lord Jesus Christ with the Holy
Ghost, to whom be Glory, Honour[sic], and Praise for ever & ever. Amen.
Blessed, for ever blessed be the God and Father of our
Lord Jesus Christ, the Father of Mercy and the God of all Consolation,
who of his great goodnesse [sic] has been graciously pleas'd to conduct us
safe thro' the terrors of the great deep. "They that go down to the Sea
in Ships, and occupy their business in great waters; these men see the
works of the Lord, and his wonders in the deep. For at his word the
stormy wind ariseth, which lifteth up the waves thereof, they are
carried up to the Heavens & down again to ye deep, their Soul melteth
away because of the trouble. They reel to & fro, and are tost [sic] up
& down, so that they are at their wits end. Then they cry unto ye Lord
in their trouble, and he delivereth them out of their distresse[sic]. For
he maketh the Storm to cease so that the waves thereof are still; Then
they are glad, because they are at rest, and so he bringeth them
unto the Haven where they would be, 0 that Men would therefore
praise the Lord for his Goodness, and declare the wonders that he doth
for the Children of Men."
I can now inform You that we are all arriv'd in safety & in good
Health in Georgea [sic]. But because I beleive [sic]that a Relation of
our Voyage will not be unacceptable to You, I shall with God's assistance,
set down both the Chief Occurrences thereof, and also the Reasons which
mov'd me undertake it. But least you should think of me or my designs, more
highly than you ought to think, I do assure You that I am a very
grievous & abominable Sinner, proud, sensual, self-will'd; And O that
I was truly sensible and heartily sorry of being so; O that it please
Almighty God of his great grace to make me throughly humble & contrite.
O that my Sins were done away, that my nature was changed, that I was
a new Creature, in Christ Jesus, then perhaps God would make me an
Instrument to his Glory. O my dear Friends, I beg of You, I intreat
You, I beseech You, pray mightily to God in my Behalf that I be not a
About 6 weeks before we took Shipping for Georgea [sic], I receiv'd a
letter from the Revd. Mr. John Wesley Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxon;
the Substance whereof was as follows "Fast & pray, and then send me
"Word whether You dare go with me to ye Indians." Having observ'd his
directions, abt. 3 days after the receipt of his, I answer'd him to
this effect. "I am satisfied that God's providence has placed me in my
"present Station; whether he would have me go to the Indians, or not, I
"am not yet inform'd; I dare not go without being call'd." I kept his
letter secret for some days, I was utterly averse from going; I did not
in the least intend it; I thought we had Health enough at home; How
ever I continued to pray that God would be pleas'd to direct me, whether
he would have me go or not.
About a Fortnight after this, Mr. John Wesley came to London, as
also his Brother Charles, and Mr. Salmon, a Gentleman of Brazen-nose
[Brasenose College, Oxford] College, Oxo. The first time I was with
them, I desired to know the
reasons which mov'd them to leave England; they answer'd they thought
they could he better Christians, alledging [sic] several particular
advantages which they might reasonably expect would farther their
spiritual progress by going among the Indians. Some of their Reasons I
approv'd of, to others I objected alledging [sic], that a man may be a
in any place, but chiefly insisting upon this. That no one ought to go
without being call'd of God. They told me if I required a Voice or a
Sign from Heaven, That was not now to be expected; and that a man had no
other way of knowing Gods will, but by consulting his own reason, his
Friends, and observing ye order of Gods Providence. They therefore
thought it a sufficient call to choose that way of life, which they had
reason to beleive [sic] would most promot [sic] their Christian welfare.
Our Conversation being ended, they lent me several letters written by Mr.
Oglethorpe relating to ye Indians, their manner of living, their
Customs and their great Expectations of having a white man come amongst
them to teach them wisdom. All this mov'd me little, I had no mind to
leave England: However I now began to pray more frequently and fervently
that God would be pleas'd to direct me to do his will.
Besides the 3 Gentlemen aforesaid, there was also one Mr. Hall,
Brother in Law to Mr. Wesleys resolutely determined to go.
When they had been in London about 10 days, in wch. time I frequently
conversed with them, I found my Heart so mov'd one night by being with
Mr. John Wesley, that almost witho. [sic] thinking it, I said to him, "If
"neither Mr. Hall nor Mr. Salmon go along with you, I will go." At that
time there seem'd no probability that either of them would draw back.
They were both of them ordained by the Bishop of London in order to go;
Mr. Salmon deacon, Mr. Hall, both deacon and Priest; But lo! Mr. Salmon
was immediately seiz'd upon by his Relations in Town, and sent down
Poste Haste to his Parents in Cheshire. Upon his arrival his Father
left the House furious and distracted, protesting he would not return
unless his Son would Stay; his Mother was labouring [sic] under a fever. In
this distresse [sic] he knew not what to do; he promis'd his Parents to Stay,
writing Mr. Wesley word he hop'd to follow him next Spring. Tho' since
then he has writ to him, telling him, he doth not think himself as yet
at liberty to leave Father and Mother, However Mr. Hall still continued
Steady, Neither his wfe nor mother, nor Brother, nor Uncle, nor all
his Friends, either by Prayers, Tears, Threats, or Entreaties, could in
the least turn him aside from his purpose.
A few days after this Mr. Wesley began to be more importunate with
me, urging me with my Promise, telling me he had now little hope of
Mr. Salmon, and as for Mr. Hall, he could not properly be said to
go with him; for his design was to go amongst the Indians, whereas Mr,
Hall was only to go to Savannah and be Minister there; and as for his
Brother Charles he went over only as Secretary to ye Trustees for the
Colony of Georgea [sic]. I still refusing, telling him, "If Mr. Hall went I
"would not go." Nevertheless I pray'd very earnestly, almost night and
day resolving upon it; My Head began now to be more and more affected;
it pleas'd God to let me see I might be a better Christian by going with
Mr. Wesley, I thought by living with him, end having his Example always
before mine Eyes I should he enabled to rise regularly and early, and
spend all my time carefully, which are great and necessary points in
Christianity, and wherein I grew very deficient by living in London.
Besides these there were three other Reasons wch. mov*d me; I thought
I should not meet with so many temptations to Sensuality and Indulgence
among the Indians, as in England. Hereby likewise I see I should be
freed from the Slavery of worldly Interest, and the danger and
drudgery of hunting for preferment, which hinders so many from being
Christians, making them to betray the Church to serve the State, and
deny Jesus Christ to please worldly-minded men. The last and chief
reason was the Goodness of the work and the great and Glorious promises
that are made to those who forsake all for the Sake of the Gospel.
Notwithstanding all these reasons I was not yet fully determin'd to go.
But what is very remarkable, the Psalms, the Lessons, and all that I
read then suggested to me that I should go; So that being at morning
Prayers in Westminster Abbey Tuesday Oct. ?. 1735 the 10 Chapter of
St. Mark, which was then read, made so strong and vigorous an impression
upon me, that at the hearing of these words ("And Jesus answer'd and
Said, verily, I say unto You, there is no man that hath left house, or
Brethren, or Sisters, or Bather, or Mother, or Wife or Children, or
Lands for my Sake and the Gospels, but he shall receive an hundred-Fold
Now in this time. Houses & Brethren and Sisters, and Mothers and
Children, and Lands with Persecutions; and in the world to come Eternal
life.") I determin'd in my Heart that I would go. I may
likewise observe here that without any intention or design, I read the
same Chapter next day at St. Sepulchre's Church, which did not a little
strengthen my resolution.
Tho I was thus determined in my own mind, yet I did not immediately
make known my purpose to Mr. Wesley; but told him there were 3
Objections against my going with him at present. The School at Osset
was not yet finish'd; my Mother and Mr. Nicolson knew nothing of the
matter, whereas I ought to have acquainted them both, & obtained their
Consent. To these Mr. Wesley answer'd, he did not doubt but God would
provide better for the School in my Absence than if I Stay'd, especially
if I recommended it to His Care in my Prayers, which I have constantly
done. Mr. Morgan, likewise (a gentleman of Lincoln College, Oxford,
who came up to London to take leave of Mr. Wesley's) A Zealous and
Sincere Christian, being very earnest with me to go, promis'd himself to
make a journey into Yorkshire to see my Mother, and to do what he could
towards settling the School. As to having my Mothers Consent, he said,
if I thought it was Gods will, I must obey my Master, & go wherever I
could do him most service, whether my Relations were willing or
not. But however I could not go without Mr. Nicolson's knowledge &
Consent, because that would be leaving the Parish unprovided, which
would be unlawfull [sic]; We therefore put the matter upon this Issue, If
Mr. Nicolson consented, I might go; if not, then there was a reasonable
hindrance against my going at this time.
Mr. Nicolson had been some weeks at his Parish of Matching in
Essex, whereof I was curate, he usually came to town on Saturdays; but
by a wonderfull [sic] providence he was now brought to town on Monday night;
his Intent was to have return'd the next day; but he was strangely
detain'd by one thing or another till Wednesday. I would gladly have met
with him on Tuesday, but could not find him at home; however I writ [sic] a
letter and order'd it to he given him as soon as he came; next morning
he came to my Lodgings at Mr. Sissons, he told me he had receiv'd my
letter; which had acquainted him with my designs, he was Sorry to part
with me, my warning was Short, my departure Suddaln [sic], yet as I was going
about a good work, he would not oppose me, provided I could preach
the Sunday following, he wou'd give me his Consent. I went to Mr.
Oglethorpe to know if I could stay so long, he said I might, I return'd,
acquainted Mr. Nicolson, and so parted with him very friendly, he going
directly into the Country. After this I made known my designs, and got
things in readinesse [sic] as fast as I could. My Friends in town endeavour'd
to dissuade me, but I did not consult them but God.
On Friday Oct. 10 1735 I made ay will, which I sent enclosed in
1735 a letter to you at Osset.
Sunday Oct. 12 I preach'd at St. Mary Somersets in the morning,
& at St. Sepulchres in the afternoon. Service being ended I took leave
of my good old Friend Mrs. Sissons and her Family, who wept much, my
cousin Robt. Harrap and some other Friends. Thence I went to Sr. John
Philips a very worthy Gentleman & devout Christian, who shewd me a
great deal of Respect, and did me many Favours [sic] when I was in London,
where having exhorted one another we kneeled down to prayer & so
parted. Thence I went with Mr. Morgan to Mr. Hutton's, a good Family in
Westminster, where we spent the next day with Mr. Wesleys chiefly in
private; but there happen'd such a remarkable Circumstance on it
as I can not pass over in Silence. Mr. Hall who had made great
preparations for the Voyage, and had now got all things ready for his
departure, having this very morning hired a Coach to carry himself &
wife down to Gravesend, where the Ship lay, in the very hour, wherein
they should have gone, drew back. He came unexpectedly and told Mr.
Oglethorpe his Uncle and Mother would get him a living, & therefore he
would not go. So he, whom all his Friends could not dissuade before,
lost himself, & dropt all his resolutions in the very last moment.
This Strange occurrence wch. was so much beyond all expectations,
was a Strong & fresh demonstration to me, that it was God's will that I
should go; Because as I observed, I had said to Mr. Wesley some time
ago; "If neither Mr. Hall nor Mr. Salmon go along with you, I will go.
And again, "If Mr. Hall goes, I will not go."
Having now no further doubt but that I was intended by Providence
to accompany Mr. John Wesley; on Tuesday, Oct. l4. We, his Brother Mr.
Charles, my self and Mr. Delamotte, Son of a Merchant in London, who had
a mind to leave the world, give himself up entirely to God;
being accompanied by Mr. Morgan, Mr. Burton one of the Trustees, & Mr.
James Hutton, took boat at Westminster for Gravesend. We arrived there
about 4 in the afternoon, & immediately went on board the Ship call'd
the Simonds. We had two Cabins allotted us in the Fore-Castle, I &
Mr. Delamotte having the first, and Mr. Wesley's the other. Theirs was
made pretty large, so that we could all meet together to read or pray
in it. This part of the Ship was assign'd to us by Mr. Oglethorpe, as
being most Convenient for privacy.
Wednesday & Thursday we spent chiefly with Mr. Morgan & Mr.
Hutton, exhorting & encouraging one another; we also receiv'd the
Lord's Supper with them each day, thereby to encrease [sic] our Spiritual
Strength and resolution. They were both Sorry to part with us & I
believe Mr, Morgan would have been very glad to have gone with us.
Friday Oct. 17.
Mr. John Wesley began to learn the German tongue,
in order to converse with the Moravians, a good, devout, peaceably &
heavenly minded people, who were persecuted by the Papists, and driven
from their Native Country upon ye account of their Religion; they
were graciously receiv'd and protected by Count Zinzendorff of Hernhouth,
a very holy man, who sent them over into Georgea [sic], were lands will
be given them. There were 26 of them in our Ship, and almost the only
time you could know they were in the Ship, was when they were harmoniously
singing the praises of their great creatour [sic], which they
constantly do in publick [sic] twice a day, wherever they are: Their example
was very edifying. They are more like the primitive Christians than any
other Church now in the world: for they retain both the Faith, practice
& Discipline deliver'd by the Apostles. They have regularly ordain'd
Bishops, Priests & deacons; Baptism, Confirmation, Aye Eucharist are
duly administred; discipline is strictly exercised without respect of
person, they all submit themselves to their Pastors, being guided by
them in every thing. They live together in perfect love and peace,
having for the present all things in common; they are more ready to
serve their neighbour [sic] than themselves; In their businesse [sic]
they are diligent and industrious in all their dealings strictly just
and conscientious; in every thing they behave themselves with great
meekness. Sweetness and Humility.
Saturday Oct. 18.
This morning Mr. John Wesley and I began to read the
Old Testament, wch. we finish'd during our Voyage; Mr. Wesley likewise
baptized a Man of 30, who before had only receiv'd Lay Baptism; I was
Sunday Oct. 19.
Mr. John Wesley began to preach without Notes,
expounding a Portion of Scripture extempore, according to ye Antient [sic]
Usage. During our Passage, he went over our Saviour's [sic] Sermon on the
Mount: he also constantly explain'd the 2d lesson, except when he
Catechiz'd the Children; whereby all that heard with sincere hearts
were much edified. To day being the first time we celebrated the Lords
Supper publickly [sic] (which we did constantly every Lord's day afterwards)
we had but 3 Communicants besides our selves; a small number; yet God
has been graciously pleas'd to add unto them. All Love, all Glory be
to thee O Lord.
Monday Oct. 20.
I began to teach & Catechize the Children on Board
our Ship, being in number about 12. I likewise help'd two or three of
the Moravians to learn English. This I continued to do several weeks,
till we came out to Sea, and then I could do it but seldome [sic] by
reason of ye Rolling of the Ship. O that we were all like little
Children, willing to be instructed & guided by our Heavenly Father.
O that we were truly Sensible of our own Ignorance and how very little
the wisest of US knows that is worth knowing. "It is God that teacheth
Tuesday Oct. 21. We left Gravesend & went down the River tho very
slowly, the wind not being favourable to us. We now began to be more in
earnest: we resolved to rise early & spend our time regularly and
carefully. The first hour we allotted to prayer for ourselves & absent
friends; the next we read the Scriptures; and from 6 to Breakfast we
generally read some thing relating to the primitive Church. At 8 we
had publick [sic] prayers; the Forenoon I spent either in teaching or
instructing the Children, or reading antiquity. Mr. John Wesley in learning
German; Mr. Charles Westly
[John Wesley's brother Charles accompanied John Wesley to Georgia.
Likely Westly is an error in typing the transcript]
in writing; Mr. Delamotte in learning Greek or Navigation. At 12 we
all met together to joyn [sic] in prayer, & to exhort one another,
consulting both how to profit our Neighbours [sic] & our Selves.
After dinner I taught the Children, or conversed religiously
with some of the Passengers as also Mr. Wesley constantly did.
At 4 we had publick [sic] prayer; from 5 to 6 we spent in private,
then we supped. At 7 I read to as many of the Passengers as were willing
to hear, and instructed them in Christianity. Mr. John Wesley Joyn'd [sic]
with the Moravians in their publick [sic] devotion. At 8 we all met together
again to give an Acct. of what ]4 we had done, whom we had conversed
with, deliberating upon the best method of proceeding with such and such
persons; what advice, direction, Exhortation, or Reproof was necessary
for them; & some times we read a little, concluding with prayer, and so
went to Bed about 9. sleeping soundly upon Matts, and Blankets, regarding
neither the noise of the Sea, nor ye Sailors. The Angels of the Lord
"are round about them that fear him."
Monday Oct. 27.
We sail'd from Margaret Road to ye downs. A Gentleman Passenger
strongly opposed our having prayers in the great Cabin; and indeed
he half carried his point, so that we were forced to submit to ye
Inconvenience of having them between decks in ye afternoons, till
it pleas'd God to remove him out of ye Ship.
Sunday Nov. 2
we past [sic] the Fleet at Spithead, and came into
Cows-Road off the Isle of Wight, where we lay till ye 10 of decr [sic].
During our Stay here, we had an excellent opportunity of promoting the
work of God among our fellow Passengers. We met with both opposition
and success, passing thro' evil report and good report. May it please
the Almighty to give us all an abundant measure of his grace, zealously
to preserve in his Service to the end of our days. Every Christian must
he perfected thro' Sufferings either inward or outward, for even the
Captain of our Salvation was made perfect thro' sufferings, and we are
to be like him.
Mr. Charles Wesley being known to the Minister of Cows, preached
several times in the Island, and also read at a poor woman's house to a
good number of the people there assembled. Before he came away, he left
a few Books among them; The poor people were very glad, express'd much
thankfulnesse [sic], & I believe were not a little edified by his admonition
Monday Nov. 3. We took a walk into ye Isle, where we agreed upon
the following resolutions.
In the name of God, Amen. We whose names are underwritten being
fully convinced that it is impossible either to promote the work of God
among the Heathen without an entire union amongst our Selves, or that
such an Union should subsist, unlesse [sic] each one will give up his
single Judgement to that of ye Majority, do agree by the help of God
1. That none of us will undertake any thing of Importance, without
first proposing it to the other three.
2. That wherever our Judgements or inclinations differ, any
one shall give up his Single judgement or Inclination to the
3. That in case of an equality after begging Gods direction,
the matter shall he decided by Lot.
J.W. C.W. B.I. C.D.
The wind was now fair, but the Man of War which was to convoy us
over was not yet ready. The Passengers grew impatient of delay; but
our Heavenly Father intended it for our Good. "Known unto God are all
his works from everlasting; Unsearchable are thy ways, O Lord, God of
Hosts: Blessed art thou for ever."
Saturday, Nov. 8.
I went upon quarter deck after dinner to teach
the Children; but because some gentlemen were there who laugh'd at me
for it, I was asham'd to proceed. O! what a dreadful Thing is the fear
of Man! how doth it stagger our Stoutest CourageJ O how deceitfull [sic] is
my Heart! If thou, O lord, shouldst withdraw thy grace from me but
one day I should utterly renounce thee, and commit the most
Sunday Nov. 16. Mr. John Wesley baptized Thomas Hird and Grace
his wife, Mark his Son, & Phebe his daughter, both adults, having
prepared them for it, by private instruction. To this I was a Witness;
they were brought up Quakers, but are now Serious people and constant
Communicants. Prais'd be the Lord who hath turned their hearts from
Error, and put them in the right way.
Thursday Nov. 20.
The Man of War being come we left Cows End got down to Yarmouth,
where they cast anchor; but next morning the wind being contrary,
we were forced back again into Cows Road. during this our latter
stay here, there were several Storms, in one of wch. two Ships that
ventured out, were stranded upon the Island; notwithstanding this
several of my people murmered [sic] at our delay. If God would deal
with us according to our deservings, we should be consumed in a moment.
Sunday Novr. 23.
We had besides our selves 8 Comunicants [sic];
The Tuesday following I got a Boy well whip't, by Mr. Oglethorpe's
orders, for Swearing & Blasphemy. Private admonition had no effect
upon him, so that I was forced to have recource to publick [sic]
Sunday Nov. 30.
I preach'd on board the other Ship, and read
prayers, wch. I did several times while we lay at Cows. We now again
had prayers in the great Cabin, the gentleman aforementiond [sic] having
yesterday left the Ship. Blessed be God who delivered us from him, for
he very much oppos'd us. I did think, and I told it my friends, that we
could not Sail while he was in the Ship. This perhaps might be one
reason wby we were kept from Sailing so long.
Monday Dec. 1. 1735
We agreed on the following resolution; "If any
one upon being reproved, or upon any other Occasion Shall fell [sic] any
Sort or degree of Anger or Resentment, he Shall immediately, or at the
next meeting, frankly and fully confesse [sic] it."
Saturday Dec. 6.
The 2d. Mate a very insolent and ill natur'd fellow, who had
abus'd many of the Passengers, and also Mr. Wesley, at last affronted
even Mr. Oglethorpe to his face. The next day he was Sent aboard the
Man of War; The people rejoyced [sic] at this, and praised be God who
delivered them from his power. "The fierceness of man Shall turn to thy
Praise, & the fierceness of them shallt thou restrain." This I think
was another reason why we were kept still at Cows.
Sunday Dec. 7.
We were 15 Communicants; This Evening we resolved
to leave off eating suppers, till we found some inconvenience from it,
wch. none of us did to ye end of the Voyage. Since our Settling in
America Mr. Wesley and Mr. Delamotte have resum'd them. As yet it
agrees perfectly well with my health, and I still continue it.
Monday Dec. 8.
A Young Man very providentially was taken
into our Ship; I perceiving that he was a Stranger, began to converse
wth. him; He gave me an Account of himself, and the reason of his
Coming. He had left his Parents he said, who were rich (tho he was their
only Son) because they would not let him Serve God as he had a mind. He
us'd to spend good part of the Night in prayer, not having opportunity
to do it by day. When he left home he did not know where he should go,
having no Cloaths [sic] with him; but he did not seek for money or worldly
enjoyments, he desired only to save his Soul. When he was travelling [sic]
he pray'd that he might go to some place where he could have the
advantage of publick [sic] prayers, and the holy Sacrament. Several times
he had thoughts of turning Hermit, but Providence had brought him to
us, and he was glad to meet with Ministers with whom he could freely
converse about spiritual things: And indeed I was glad to meet with
him: this I think was another reason of our delay: all Love, all
Glory be to thee, O Lord.
Wednesday Dec. 10, 1735
Now at length it pleas'd our Heavenly Father to Send us a fair wind;
we left Cows about 9 in the Morning. Two Gentlemen, Passengers of the
other Ship, were left behind, having the night before gone to Portsmouth;
we waited for them near two hours, but they not coming, we made the best
of our way, running between 7 & 8 miles an hour.
Friday in the afternoon we left the Man of War, he not being able
to sail as fast as our Ships. Most of the Passengers were now Sick; I
was so for about half an hour, Mr. John Wesley scarce at all.
Friday Dec. 19;
Mr. Wesley & I, with Mr. Oglethorpe's approbation,
undertook to visit each of us a part of the Ship, and daily to provide
the Sick people with Water Grace and such other things as were
necessary for them. At first we met with some difficulties, but God
enabled us to persevere in the constant performance the rest to ye end
of Our Voyage. Mr. Oglethorpe likewise himself went several times about
the Ship, to comfort and encourage the people, and indeed he has never
been wanting in this respect: He is a pattern of fatherly Care and
tender compassion, being always ready night or day to give up his own
ease or Conveniencys [sic] to serve the poorest Body among the people. He
seldom eat above once a day, and then he usually chose Salt provisions,
tho' not so agreeable to his health, that he might give the fresh to the
sick; But more will appear from the following instance.
One Mrs. Welsh, who was believed to be at the point of death.
being big with Child, in a high fever, attended with a violent Cough,
was by Mr. Oglethorpe's Order, remov'd into his own Cabin, which was
the best in the Ship, he himself lying several nights in a Hammock, till
another Cabin was got ready for him; He also constantly supplied her
with all the best things in the Ship. Some of the Gentlemen seem'd
disgusted at this; but that only made him the more resolute.
Yet notwithstanding all possible Care was taken of her, human means
faild [sic]. The doctor gave her up, every Body thought she would die. Mr.
Oglethorpe only continued in hope; nay he said he was sure God would
raise her up to manifest his power in her. She had a desire to receive
the Lords supper before she died; and lo! from the moment she receiv'd,
she began to recover, & is now safely deliver'd of a daughter, and in
perfect Health. "Gracious is the Lord, and merciful. Long suffering
and of great goodness; the Lord is loving unto every man, and his Mercy
is over all his works."
Sunday Dec. 21.
We were 21 Communicants; This, as well as yesterday, was an exceeding
calm & pleasant day. The' Sky appear'd to me more beautiful than ever
I had observ'd it in England we were likewise
got to far to the Southward, that the weather was as warm now as it is
there in the Spring. This being Mr. Oglethorpe's Birthday, he gave a
Sheep and wine to the people, wch. with the smoothness of the Sea, and
the Serenity of the Skie [sic], so enliven'd them, that they perfectly
recover'd from their Sea Sickness. On Christmas day also Mr. Oglethorpe
gave a Hog and wine to the people.
Monday Dec. 29.
We are now past the Latitude of 25 degrees and are got into what they
call the Trade winds, wch. blow much the same way all the Year round.
The Air is balmy, soft and sweet. The Ship glides smoothly & quickly
along; the Clouds are finely variegated with numbers of pretty colours.
The nights are mild and pleasant, being beautifully adorned with the
shining Host of Stars.
"The Heavens declare the Glory of God, and the
firmament sheweth his handy work.
One day telleth another, & one Night certifieth [sic] another,
What, tho' in solemn Silence all
Move round this dark Terrestrial Ball;
What, tho' nor real voice nor Sound
Amidst their Radiant orbs is found?
In Reasons Ear they all rejoyce [sic],
And utter forth a glorious voice;
For ever singing as they shine,
The Hand that made us is divine.
Sunday Jan. 4, 1735/6.
A Gentleman was very angry with me for accusing his Servant of swearing
before Mr. Oglethorpe, The next day Mr. John Wesley began to Catechise
the Children publickly [sic] after the 2d Lesson, Evening Service, wch.
he continued to do every day for about 3 weeks.
Monday Jan. 12,
I began to write out the English dictionary, in
order to learn the Indian tongue, O! Who is sufficient for these
things! When the Ship roll'd so that we could not well go about to
visit the people, we generally spent the evenings in Conversation with
Mr. Oglethorpe from whom we learnt many particulars concerning the
Saturday Jan. 17.
The wind, was very Strong; about half an hour after 10 at night,
we encountered such a wave, as we did not meet with in all our passage
besides: it shook the whole frame of ye Ship from Stem to Stern; The
water sprung thro' the Sides of the Ship which before were tight,
and was also toss'd above the main Yard; falling down it
cover'd the decks, broke into the great Cabin, fill'd Mrs. Welshe's
Bed; Mr. Oglethorpe was gone to Bed, but he got up and resign'd his own
dry Cabin to the Sick, betaking himself once more to his Hammock.
Hitherto we had had a very fine passage, but now approaching near Land,
we met with contrary winds, which kept us above a Fortnight longer at
Sea than otherwise we should have been.
Tuesday Jan. 20.
I baptized a Child which was thought to be at the point of death,
nay some thought it was dead; but from the moment it was baptized
it began to recover.
Wednesday Jan. 21.
This Evening Mr. Oglethorpe call'd together the Heads of families,
as he did also at some other times, and gave them several excellent
and usefull [sic] instructions relating to their living in
Georgea [sic], exhorting them likewise to love God, and one another.
Sunday Jan. 25.
We were 20 Communicants. Towards Evening we had
a terrible Storm, wch. lasted several hours. I observ'd it well, and
truly I never Saw any thing hitherto so solemn and majestick [sic].
The Sea Sparkled and Smoak'd as if it had been on fire; the Air darted
forthLightening, and the wind blew so fierce that You could scarce
look it in the face and draw your Breath. The waves did not sell so
high as at some other times being press'd won by the impetuosity of
the Blast; neither did the Ship roll much, but it quiver'd, jarr'd
& Shak'd. About half an hour after 7, a great Sea broke in upon us,
which split the main Sail, carried away the Companion, fill'd between
decks, and rush'd into the great Cabin. This made most of the people
tremble, and I beleive [sic] they would have been then glad to have
been Christians, how light soever they made of Religion before. I myself was
made Sensible that nothing will enable us to smile in the face of death,
but a life of extraordinary holiness. I was under some fear for a little
while, but I recollected my self again by reflecting that every thing
came by the will of God, and that whatever he willed was the best for
me. If therefore he was pleas'd to take me off at this very time, so
much the better, I should be deliver'd from many Evils, & prevented from
committing many Sins to come. Betwixt 4 & 12 I recommended My self to
God and went to bed, resting satisfied with whatever should befall me.
Towards 3 the wind abated; In the morning we returned publick [sic] thanks
for our deliverance, and before night most of the people had forgot
they were ever in a Storm. "If they hear not Moses and the Prophets,
'neither will they be perstiaded [sic] tho' one rose from the dead."
Wednesday Jan. 28.
Being a calm day I went on board the other Ship, read prayers and
visited the People. At my return I acquainted Mr. Oglethorpe with their
State, and he sent them such things as they wanted.
Sunday Feb. 1, 1735/6.
Three Sail appearing we made up toward
them, and got what letters we could write, in hopes some of them might
be bound for England. I writ a short one to You at Osset. One of them
that was bound for London made towards us, & we put our Letters on
Board her. On Tuesday we found Ground; on Wednesday we Saw Land, &
on Thursday afternoon Feb. 5, we got safe into ye Tybe [sic] Road in the
mouth of the River Savannah in the Province of Georgea [sic] in America.
Mr.Wesley, Mr. Delamotte and I, had some discourse about our manner of
going in this new Country. I was strick [sic] with a deep religious awe,
considering the greatness and Importance of the work I came upon; but
was comforted with these words in the Psalms. "O Tarry thou the Lord's
leisure, be strong and he shall comfort thy heart, and put thou thy
trust in the Lord." From the whole Service I was mov'd to think that
the Gospel would be propagated over the whole world; May God of his
great Mercy be pleas'd to grant it.
Friday Feb, 6.
We went on Shore and had prayers, where we were
comforted by the 2d lesson. Next day I receiv'd a letter from my
Brother William, one from my Sister Hannah, & another from Mr. H.
Washington, whereby I was very much affected. I call'd to mind several
things past, reflected upon the sweet happinesse [sic] of true friendship,
and pray'd earnestly for my dear Friends in England with tears.
Saturday Feb. 14.
This Morning as well as yesterday we met with
several remarkable passages in our Course of reading in the Prophets
relating to the propagation of the Gospel, which not a little comforted
& encouraged us; I was also Strongly affected by the 2d. lesson,
A little in the afternoon, some Indians came to make us a Visit,
we put on our gowns and Cassocks, spent some time in prayer, and then
went into ye great Cabin to receive them. At our Entrance they all rose
up, & both Men and Women shak'd hands with us. When we were all
seated, Tomo Chachee [sic] their king, spoke to us to this effect,
(his Interpreter was one Mrs. Musgrove who lives about 5 Miles above
Savannah, she is descended of a white man by an Indian woman. She
understands both languages, being educated amongst the English,
she can read and write, and is a Sensible well civiliz'd woman.
She is likewise to teach us the Indian tongue.)
"Ye are welcome, I am glad to see you here, I have a desire to
hear the great word; for I am ignorant. When I was in England I
desired that some might speek [sic] the Great Word to me, our nation
was then Willing to hear; Since that time we have been in trouble,
the French on one Hand, and the Spaniards on the other, and the Traders
that are amongst us have caus'd great Confusion, and have set our
people against hearing the great word, their tongues are useless;
Some say one thing and some another. But I am glad Ye are come; I will
assemble the great men of our Nation, and I hope by degrees to compose
our differences, for without their Consent I can not hear the great
word. However in the mean time, I shall be glad to see You at my town,
and I would have You teach our Children, but we would not have them
made Christians as the Spaniards make Christians, for they baptize
without Instruction; but we would hear & be well instructed first;
and then be Baptized when we understand."
All this he Spake with great earnestness and with much action
both of his head and hands.
Mr. John Wesley made a Short answer, "God only can teach You
Wisdom, & if You be sincere, perhaps he will do it by us." We then
shak'd Hands with them, and so withdrew.
The Queen made us a present of a Jar of Milk, and another of
Honey; "that we might feed them," she said, "with Milk, for they were but
Children, and that we might he sweet to them."
About 3 next day in the afternoon, just before they went away, we
put on our Surplices, at Mr. Oglethorpe*s desire, and went to take leave
Monday Feb. 16.
About 7 this Evening, I set forward with Mr. Oglethorpe, and some
others in a ten oar'd Boat for the Alatamaha, the Southermost part of
Georgea [sic]. At 11 we arriv'd at a place call'd Skiddowa [sic],
where we wentashore into the woods, and kindled a Fire under a lofty
Pine tree. Having writ some Letters and eaten something, we laid down
to sleep upon the cold Ground, without either Bed or board, having no other
Covering besides our Cloths, but a Single Blanket each and the Canopy of
Heaven. About 8 next day we set forward again, passing several marshes
beset on both sides with Trees of various Sorts, whose leaves being
guilded [sic] with the glorious Rays of the Sun, yielded a beautiful prospect.
About 12 the wind blew so high that we were driven upon an Oyster Bank,
where we could not get a stick to make a Fire; here we dined very
Comfortably. Near 2 we set forward again and with great difficulty
cross'd over the Mouth of the River Ogechee[sic]. The wind was exceeding
high & the water very rough; almost every wave drove over the Side of
the Boat, so that every moment we were in Jeopardy of our lives: And
truly if Mr. Oglethorpe had not rouz'd [sic] up himself and struck life into
the Rowers, I do not know but most of us might have here made our Exit.
Towards 6 we got to a little place called Bears Island, where we
encamp'd all night round a roaring fire in a Bed of Canes where the
wind could not reach us. Here also we came up with a large Boat, call'd
a Pettiatigur [sic], loaded with people for the Alatamaha, who had set out
Next morning after prayers, Mr, Oglethorpe considering that our
own Boat was overloaded, and also that I might probably be of some
Service to ye People, ask'd me if I was willing to go on Board the
Pettiaugur[sic] , whereto I readily consented. Here during the remainder of
our Passage I read to the people and instructed them as I had opportunity.
This Evening we lay upon St. Catherines, a very pleasant Island where we
met with 2 Indians a hunting, I took one of them on Board the
Pettiaugur and gave him some Bisket [sic] & wine, and he in return sent us
the greatest part of a deer.
Sunday Feb. 22.
On Sunday morning Feb. 22 We arriv'd at the Island of St. Simons
upon the River Alatamaha, a pleasant & fertile place, which Mr.
Oglethorpe had reach'd the Thursday night before. Several of ye people
were firing Guns, but upon my Landing, I ask'd Mr. Oglethorpe if Sunday
was a proper day for Shooting. We immediately put a Stop to it. Having
breakfasted, we joyn'd in the Litany, and then he return'd to Savannah,
having already put the people into a method of proceeding.
Next day in the Forenoon we were alarm'd by a Sail appearing in
the River. We call'd all the people together, and after consultation,
we threw up a trench strengthening it with Barrels of Beef and Pork,
wch, we had here in abundance, we also sent a Canoo [sic] down the River,
and several men into the woods for Scouts, to bring us Intelligence;
in the mean time we got all our Arms in readinesse [sic] providing
for the worst. About half an hour past 12 the Canoo [sic] returned, and
brought us word, that it was the Sloop which brought the Provisions,
that had turn'd back to take in Ballast.
Two or three of the first days the People spent in building
Palmetto Bowers; we enclosed a little round place with Myrtle Bags, and
Laurel, in the midst whereof we nightly kept a great fire, round which I
lay several weeks in the open air, my whole Bed consisting of two
Blankets, and never had I health better in my life. Now we had short
prayer early in the morning before they began, & at night after they
had done working. My chief Businesse [sic] was daily to visit the People,
to take care of those that were sick and to Supply them with the best
things we had; for a few days at the first I had every Body's
good word; but when they found that I watch'd narrowly over them and
reprov'd them sharply for their faults, immediately the Scene changed;
instead of blessing came cussing, and my Love and Kindnesse [sic] was repay'd
with Hatred and ill will.
Sunday Feb. 29.
After morning Prayers which we had pretty early, I told the people
that it was the Lord's day, and therefore ought to be Spent in his
Service, that they ought not to go ashonting [sic] of walking up
& down the woods and that I would take notice of all those that
did. One man answer'd that these were new laws in America; this man, as
well as Several others went out, but he, I think, was two days before he
could find his way back again. I reprov'd most of them afterwards
privately in a friendly manner, laying before them the Heinousness of
ye Sin, and the dreadfull [sic] consequences that would necessarily follow.
One or two took my advice well. but the rest were harden'd, & instead of
reforming, rais'd heavy complaints and accusations against me to the
Gentleman that was left chief in Commission, that I had made a black
List, and that I intended to ruin them. This caus'd a very sharp
contest between that Gentleman & me, wherein God enabled me boldly &
couragiously [sic] to vindicate the Honour [sic] of his day and worship,
without regarding the favour [sic] or displeasure of any man. So soon
as I was retired, I pray'd earnestly from my heart, that God would forgive
him, and also give him a new mind; which prayer God heard, (Blessed be
his Goodnesse [sic],) for since I came away, he frankly confess'd that
he was in the wrong, that his Passions carried him to too great a height,
that I was certainly in the right, & had only done what was my duty.
I mention this to shew the great use of praying for our Enemies.
Who knows how much such prayers will avail before God? Certainly it
purifies our own heart, and is the only sure remedy to keep out hatred,
malice and Revenge.
Tuesday March 2d.
This morning I pray'd that God would be
pleas'd to send home the lost man, and also make him sensible of his
Sin. About breakfast time he came, looking very ghastly, sadly
affrighted, telling me he was resolved never more to prophane [sic] the
Sabbaoth [sic]. God grant he may keep his word: This Example would not make
others take Warning; next Sunday 3 more went a Shooting, who were all
lost till next day. Nothing but the Almighty grace of God is sufficient
to turn one Sinner from the Error of his ways.
Monday March 8.
Mr. Oglethorpe arrived with 4 Pettiaugurs [sic], and
next day my dear friend Mr. Charles Wesley with another, wherein
were all the married men, women and Children, that came over in our two
Ships. Mr. Oglethorpe immediately lay'd out the new town Frederica in
a neat and regular method, and kept the people to strict work in
building themselves Palmetto Houses; during the 3 weeks longer which I
spent here, there happen'd such variety of Incidents that it would be
too tedious to relate them. Only I will add that Mr. Charles Wesley and
I had the happinesse [sic] of undergoing for the Truth's Sake the most
glorious trial of our whole lives, wherein God enabled us exceedingly
to rejoyce [sic], and also to behave ourselves throughout with undaunted
Courage and Constancy, for which may we ever love and adore him.
The Book of God was our Support, wherein as our necessities required,
we always met with direction. Exhortation, and Comfort. "Thy Word is a
Lanthorn [sic] to feet, and a light unto my Paths." "In Gods Word Will
I comfort me."
Sunday March 28, 1736. about 7 in the Evening, I left Frederica,
and took Boat for Savannah; we had a fair wind, & if we had not run
twice a ground, I believe we should have got thither in 24 hours.
Towards 4 on Tuesday morning it began to Thunder and Lighten, and rain
in the most dreadfull [sic] manner I ever beheld since I was born; Ours
was a little open Boat without any Cover; The rest of the people wrapt
themselves up head and ears in Blankets and Sails, whatever they could
get, and laid down in the bottom of it: I pluck'd up a good heart,
threw my Cloak over me, and stood up as Still as I could in the midst of
it, that I might behold the Majesty of God in Thunder. And duely [sic] so
glorious a Scene I never saw. I dare not attempt to describe. However
I pass'd the time very comfortably in praising God, and whereas the
rest were all well wet, I was pure and dry all over, except my Cloak &
Betwixt 7 & 8 we arriv'd at Savannah, where I was kindly receiv'd
by Mr. John Wesley & Mr. Delamotte; the latter had begun to teach a few
little orphans and the Former had brought the people to short prayer
morning and night. I now again entred [sic] upon a manner of life more
acceptable to me than what I had spent at Frederica, having both time &
convenience for regular retirement.
Sunday April 4.
This afternoon Mr. Wesley and Mr. Delamotte took Boat for Frederica;
in their absence I took care both of the Church and School.
Monday April 5
After Evening Prayers I began to catechise at our own House all Young
persons that were willing to come as well Children, as Servants, and
Apprentices, who could not come in the day time. I have continued to
do this every night since. On Sundays I do it after dinner & also
publickly [sic] in the Church after 2d lesson.
Sunday April 11.
After Evening Service I made a visit to a few
people who had formed themselves into a short of a Society meeting
together Wednesday, Friday and Sunday nights. I found their design was
good; they read, prayed, & sung Psalms together; accordingly I exhorted
them to go on, promising myself to meet with them sometimes, and to give
them such helps and directions as I could. I have joyn'd them every
Sunday since, and I hope it will be a means of some good. God grant
Wednesday April 14,
I baptiz'd a Child by wine Immersion, being the first I ever did that good old way.
Sunday April 18,
This afternoon there was an allarm [sic] made in time
of divine Service, whereupon several people went out of Church. The
Cause of it was a Young lad that had run away from his Master,
He had broken into our House, under which he said he had lain a Fortnighnt,
and Stole provisions when I was at prayers. He had taken down a
Pistol, and loaded it with a design I suppose to shoot in the Woods, for
he had got the powder flask; and as he was getting out of the window,
somehow he Slip't and fired off the Pistoll [sic], which broke his arm to
Shivers. He then call'd out aloud for help; whereupon some people that
heard, went to see what was the matter. He begg'd of them to drag
him out of the window, which they did, and found hiMm in a bad Condition;
they carried him to a Surgeon who cut off his Arm. In the night not
having due attendance, he loosed it, whereby he lost so much blood that
he died the next morning. I was very sorry for the unfortunate wretch,
for he came to be catechiz'd [sic] the night before he ran away, and I being
inform'd that he had done so several times before, talk'd to him a good
while to behave himself well, and to obey his Master. But not having
Grace, he did the very reverse to what I exhorted him. A sad Example,
whereby others ought to take warning.
This being the great and Holy week, I dedicated to devotion,
observing the discipline of the primitive Church. On Tuesday Evening
Mr. John Wesley & Mr. Delamotte arrived from Frederica, Next day Mr.
Wesley gave me an account of what had pass'd there since my departure.
O what Secrets will come to light in the last day!
Easter Sunday April 25, 1736.
We were 34 Communicants. Our Constant number is about a dozen. Next day
Mr. Wesley and I went up
to Cowpen in a Boat, bought for our Use, to converse with Mrs. Musgrove
about learning the Indian Language. I agreed to teach her Children to
read, and to make her whatever reconvenes she designed more for her
trouble. I am to spend three or four days a week with her, and the
rest at Savannah in communicating what I learn to Mr. Wesley; because he
intends as Yet wholly to reside there. The Moravians being inform'd of
our design, desired me to teach one of the Brethren along with Mr.
Wesley; to this I consented at once with my whole heart; And who
think Ye is the Person intended to learn? Their lawfull [sic] Bishop. O!
how am I surprized [sic] How do I rejoyce [sic]at this The right hand of the
Lord hath the Preeminence, the right hand of the Lord bringeth mighty
things to pass.
Friday April 3O.
Mr. Wesley and I went up again to Cowpen;
taking along with us Tomo Chachee and his Queen. Their town is about 4
miles above Savanah in the way to Mrs. Musgroves. We told them we were
about to learn their language. I ask'd them if they were willing that I
should teach the Young Prince: they consented, desiring me to check &
keep him in, but not to Strike him. The Indians never Strike their
Children, neither will they suffer any one to do it. I told them I
would do my best as far as gentleness and good avice [sic]
would go. How I shall manage God alone can direct me. The Youth is
sadly corrupted, and excessively addicted to drunkennesse [sic], which he has
learn't of our Christian Heathen. Nay the whole Creek Nation is now
generally given to this Brutal sin, whereto they were utter
Strangers before Christians came among them. O! what a work
have we before us! Who is sufficient for these things? I am nothing. I
have nothing. I can do nothing. O My dearest Friends pray for us, pray
earnestly for us, and more especially for me Your very weak, tho
Most dutiful Son &
May 1, 1736.
Charles-Town May 1, 1736
All the town is allarm'd with the unexpected proceedings of our
Neighbours [sic] the Georgians, in respect to our trade, a chief Branch where
of is that with the Indians, some time ago two Boats were sent up by
our Merchants to their traders & plantation at Savannah town, with dry
goods and some Rum, wch. were stop't at Georgia & repuls'd, whereupon
the merchants apply'd to the Honble. the Lieutenant Gov. in Council for
a Permit, wch. was granted, and two Boats sent up again, the Patrons
having been hail'd at Georgia, came too, and produced their permit; but
Mr. Causton had so little regard thereto, that he order'd the Boats
ashore, open'd their Packs, took out the Rum, & stav'd the heads of 3
hhds. & 10 Caggs, & confin'd the Patrons under the pretence [sic] of a Fine
of 5 L strg. but would not tell them for what, altho' they demanded
it to know. Neverthelesse [sic], rather than to be in prison, they made a
tender of the Mony [sic], wch. he refus'd, & detain'd the said Patrons
untill [sic] they should find security for their appearance on the 23d of May.
It being impossible for them to go to Savannah town, & to return in that
time, they were obliged to hire Boat & hands to send to Charles
town for security from their Employers whose several Cargoes to the
value of 8000 L lie there all the while expos'd to wind & weather to
the great detriment, wch. if not timely prevented, will be of the utmost
From all the information I have yet been able to procure, I
believe Mr. Quincy has been much wrong'd. I find none here who will to
my face affirm any thing wch. they have whisper'd to others, against
his behaviour [sic] in general. As to the particular parts of it wch. were
liable to Exception he desires to answer for himself. I should be very
glad if both Dr. Hale & you cou'd have leisure to converse with him
fully & freely on that subject. I doubt not then but you would be
enabled to discover (what only guilt dreads) the plain truth.
Mr. Oglethorpe told me before he left the Ship "He was afraid if
I once got to Savannah, I should not soon leave it It was so
pleasant a place." If the time of my stay here was to be determin'd
by the Pleasantnesse [sic] for prolonging it one day: But I doubt whether
another Reason be not of weight enough to keep me here some months
longer than I intended. My Answer in England to that Objection agst.
leaving it, viz. "Darkness, alass [sic] & Heathens are at home," viz.
"That these Heathens will not hear," fails me now; For hitherto those I
am among have shewn great willingnesse[sic]. The question therefore wch. I
desire Dr. Hale & You deeply to consider & to send your thoughts upon,
is, whether I ought to go forward to publish the Gospel to other
nations, till those here who desire it, are fully instructed therein?
Even this work is indeed far too great for me, & am often ready
to cry out, I wonder that any Pastor in the Church sho. be saved! So
many Souls, for every one of whom we must acct! If any one of
whom perish for want of our assisting him in publick [sic], in private, in
every possible way, his Blood will be required at our hands! May God
enable us to watch & strive, & prey witho. ceasing for them as well as
our Selves. Neither do you I hope cease to pray for
Your obliged & affectionate Brother-in-law
Savannah May 10.
To the Revd. Mr. Burton
Fello [sic] of Eaton Colledge [sic]
To Captain Charles Dempsy from Mr. Oglethorpe about May 1736.
I have rec'd. 2 Letters from You by Major Richard, one by a Ship
from Charles Town and one of the 25th and one of the 26th of April by
Mr. Crokatt [sic]. I have ordered him to let you have as far as L 200
Sterling, which if you have occasion to use for the Service and to bring
about a good harmony, you may do it, and you will pass your Accots. with
me, I sent you by Horton and Mr. Richard Bills of Exchange for L 50
Sterling, and Georgia Bills (which are equal to Sterl.) for L 10 but I
don't know whether you received them nor how matters stand with Richard
I have treated the Spaniards both in Letters and Actions with all
the Civility in my power, & am surprized [sic] at the Returns I have
met with. Mr. Horton went with a Flag of Truce with answers to Letters
sent from the Governour [sic] to me, they carried some attendance with
them and because the Govr. complained that the Indians committed
Hostilities upon them; I to take away all Grounds of Complaint sent an
armed Boat of mine to cruize [sic] up and down the River for to hinder
the Indians from committing any Hostilities during the time of my treating
with his Excellency the Govr, of Florida, least their Hostilities should
be charged to me as a breach of faith.
Major Richard informed me that he was promised before he left
Augustine to have horses waiting at their advance Guard to carry him to
Augnstine, instead of this, neither men nor horses were there on his
arrival, on wch. he waited some days and sent Mr. Horton on foot to
acquaint the Govr. of his being there, for he had no opportunity of any
other manner of sending. After this Major Richard receiving a Message
that horses were come, threw himself in full Confidence on the Spanish
honour [sic] and trusted so far to the known Character^ of their Nation, that
he did not so much as stay for a Messenger from Mr. Horton. Several of
our men who upon these occasions went into the Country to look
for the Spaniards in order to deliver Letters to them for his Excellency
the Govr. oftentimes met with Horses, Poultry and Men and never would
take or hurt any thing, but treated the men (when in their power which
they often were) with the utmost kindness. In the mean time several
parties of men appeared, fires were made. Parties of Horse patrolled
along the Shore, who threatned [sic] our men when they were sent on Messages
to enquire what was become of the Major and the Persons which went with
the Flag of Truce. And to enter into particulars. On having no answer
from the Major, nor from You, nor any News concerning Mr. Horton, I
ordered the Man of War to conduct You back again. His Lieutenant went to
the Spanish Out Guards with a Flag of Truce flying, for some time they
could meet no men, at last they discovered one who very civilly promised
that he would carry to you some small things which Mr. Horton wrote you
desired to he sent to You, and said that he would stay till next day
noon, that they might return to the Ship and fetch them, they left with
him a Letter from me for the Govr. of Augustine and treated the man with
all Civility, gave him Wine and Victuals, things not very plenty in
The next day when they came to deliver the things instead of the
man there was an Officer in blue and another horseman appeared, and a
large Boat in Ambuscade under Cover of the Seabreakers, they rowed to
the boat, on which they retired with great Precipitation. They had also
advertisement that a party of men lay behind the Sand hills, but as they
had little to fear from any thing the Spaniards could do, they bore up
to them with a flag of Truce flying. The Spanish Officer in blue forbad
their landing, which they (resolving not to commit any hostility) at
his request forbore) though they were so near him that they could with
the greatest ease have made both him and his Companion Prisoners. The
Lieut, of the Men of War then asked the Officer which way he should send
a parcel of Refreshments to You, he was answered that nothing
could be sent to Augustine and that we are to have no Correspondence
thither, that all Messages must go to the Colonel of Horse whose Quarters
was about half a days Journey from thence. On this the Lieut.
wrote a Letter to the Colonel of Horse acquainting him that he was come
there to fetch Back Major Richard or any Message that he should send, and
acquainted him with Signals, upon the Sight of which he would come &
receive either Major Richard himself or his Messenger. This passed on
Thursday morning, and on Saturday night no answer was come, but a boat
during this Treaty several times coming to our Out Guards, insulting
one of our Forts, coming under the Cannon of it, and refusing to
bring too to acquaint them who they were, we suspect her for a Pyrate [sic],
some say She was a Spaniard, which I cannot believe, since if She had
been so She would have come too & acquainted us who she was, and should
then have met with the most hospitable Usage our place could afford.
These things surprize [sic] me strangely, I cannot believe that a man
of the Govr.'s Capacity and honour [sic] can authorize any thing contrary to
the Law of Nations, nor refuse People who are sent upon Treaty from
having their Necessaries sent to them. I believe the only way to come
to a good understanding, will be the having two Officers of merit, one
to command the advance Post on the English, the other on the Spanish
Side, and they to send Messengers with Passports to each other.
With respect to the Indians several of their head men have been
with me whom I have desired to forbear Hostilities with the Spaniards,
but they insist on Satisfaction for the Persons killed (as they say) by
the orders of the Spaniards of Augustine, A large party of Indians was
going to pass the Clothogothco [sic] River, but one of my boats coming up to
them has perswaded [sic] them to return to their Towns till such times as they
can have a general Conference with me. A great body of Uchee
Indians under the Command of one of their Kings was upon full march
to cross the Rivers and fall upon the Spaniards. One of my Messengers
having met them could not dissuade them from proceeding, but at last he
obtained of them to take this place in their way and to see me in person.
They arrived here last Wednesday of which having advice, I came up
here last night, and shall use my endeavours [sic] to dissuade them from
falling on the Spaniards, tho' they are very angry on accot. of several
of their People whom they say were killed by orders from Augustine.
I am perswaded [sic] if I had an open Correspondence with you, all
things would be accommodated in the most amicable manner, but the want
of Correspondence begets groundless fears and Jealousies on both sides,
heartens the Indians and Pyrates [sic] and gives room to counterband [sic]
Traders and other wicked men to give Jealousies to the two Governments, by
which means they may carry on their wicked Practices without Detection.
But I hope his Excellency Don Francisco de Moral Sanchez will find some
way to open a free Communication with me, by which, idle Stories of ill
designing Men may be disproved as soon as vented, and the good harmony
so much desired may be kept up. I am
To Capt. Charles Dempsy.
Copy of a Letter from Lord Harrington to the Trustees Dated at Whitehall
18th May 1736.
Having received this morning a Letter from the King's Ambassador
in Holland, inclosing the Copy of one from some poor Palatines to His
Excellency, and having laid them both before his Majesty, I am ordered
to Send You the inclosed Copies of them, that You may consider whether
You can answer the Request of those People in sending them over to the
Colony under your Care; And as the Affair seems very pressing, I must
desire your Answer for Mr. Walpole's Information as soon as possible.
Your most humble Servt.
Copy of a Letter from His Excellency Mr. Walpole to Lord Harring
ton Dated at the Hague 25th May 1736 N.S.
I beg Leave to trouble your Lordship with the inclosed Petition,
which was put into my hands yesterday, on the part of a considerable
Number of Palatines who have left their Native Country and are desirous
to be transported and settled in some of His Majesty's Colonies
in America. Your Lordship will see by it, that they are advanced on
their Journey as far as to the Frontier of this State, where I imagine
they have been Stopp'd through the Apprehension of their becoming
troublesome & chargeable to the Towns in this Country, should they be
permitted to proceed any farther before they are sure of their Passage
to England. As I have no Orders upon this Head, I could not pretend to
give their Agents, who applied to me, any Encouragement or Direction,
and only promis'd them to represent the Case to Your Lordship for His
Majesty's Information. If it be thought proper to allow their Request,
as the Circumstances of these poor People must necessarily be very
pressing, I must desire to be honoured [sic] as soon as possible with
such Directions as Your Lordship may have to Send me on their Subject.
Letter in French concerning the Palatines.
[This letter was not transcribed]
Copy of the Credentials with Don Pedro Lamberto and Don Manuel
Having held a Council of War of the Officers which compose this
Garrison and they being all of opinion that they should refer the
business of this Province for coming to an Accord, It has been agreed
thatthe Capt. of Horse and the Adjutant should wait upon your Excellency
with a full power as well from me as from the Council of War to present
these Letters from me as well as from the Council of War upon the
Transactions in that Colony, as also (if it is necessary to
[A space was left in the original] ortorgar [Spanish word meaning "grant"]
such a Treaty as shall appear to them proper). And in this it is hoped
for your Information you will give ear to what they have to say and give
them the quickest Dispatch that I may inform thereof the King my Master.
Letter from Don Pedro Lamberto and Don Manuel Gonsalez to Mr. Oglethorpe.
Augustine 30 May 1736
The Compliance which our Duty obliges us to pay to a Commission
and Orders given us by the Governour [sic] of St. Augustine in Florida
makes us beg Leave to present your Excellency the following Memorial.
This Commission was given to us because we were informed in
Augustine that the Subjects of the King of Great Britain had fortified
on the Islands, Lands and Barras of St. Simons wch. Settlements they
made before the year 1724 of which an Account was given to his
Catliolick [sic] Majesty our Master because the said Lands belonged to his
Catholick [sic] Majesty, having been discovered by his Vassals as appears by
various judicial Proceedings which we can show to your Excellency in
case of occasion, and upon which his Majesty made a proper Complaint
wch. was examined by the Ministers at the Court at London, and they
gave an entire Satisfaction to his Catholick [sic] Majesty our Master, the
Duke of Newcastle sending the necessary Orders to the Govr. of Carolina
in June 1724, by which the Fort already erected was to be demolished and
the Garrison and all others who were settled in the Neighbourhood [sic]
should retire to Carolina wch. was put in Execution by the Govr. who left free
the said Lands belonging to the King our Master. And now those under
your Excellency's Command have not only fortified the said Island, but
also all the other Islands and Barras as far as St. Juans River, which is
but 12 leagues from the Garrison of St. Augustine, and our Govr. being
informed of the strict Alliance there is between the two Crowns,
not knowing the occasion of these Extensions and new Forts in the Lands
which till now have been always known to belong to the Catholick [sic]
King our Master, was desirous to have better Intelligence thereof and we to
comply with the Obligation of our Commission, supplicate your Excellency
that you would be pleased to give us in writing the reasons and motives
of these Alterations with which we shall return with your Excellency's
Permission to Augustine and deliver it to the Govr. and Council of War,
which singular Favour [sic]we hope to receive from your distinguished
goodness and praying that God will preserve your
30th May 1736
Lieut. Delegall's Account of what passed in the Year 1727.
Capt. Massy with Lieut. Watt arrived 10th Sept, 1727 with an
order from the President of the Council of Carolina from Charles Town
to remove the King's forces from Port King George, for being too far
distant from the Settlement and other Inconveniences. It farther says
that it was without the King of Great Britains Consent, as it appeared
when his Excellency Govr. Johnson came into this Province, who had
orders in his Instructions that that party of his Majesty's Forces who
had deserted from the said Port should immediately repair and take
possession of the said Ground upon the Island of St. Simons.
Philip Delegall senior
Letter from Col. Broughton to Mr. Oglethorpe dated 21st May 1736.
I have rec'd. the Favour [sic] of yours of the 11th Instant which I
laid before His Majesty's Council and as you have not been pleased to
give me that Satisfaction therein relating to the extraordinary
Proceedings of the Officers at Savannah so as for me to give assurances to
His Majesty's Subjects of this Province that the Navigation of Savannah
River shall be free and uninterrupted nor that Satisfaction shall he
made by those Officers to His Majesty's Subjects that are Sufferers on
Account of those Proceedings, therefore His Majesty's Council as well
as my self being Strangers to any particular Orders You may have received
from His Majesty cannot give You our Advice in that particular as You
desire other than to refer You to the Report agreed on by both Houses
the Council's Address and the Assembly's Message (which You have
received) and that we apprehend your Rum Law cannot operate upon any of
our Boats or Vessels going up that River with Rum and other Merchandize
to our Garrisons Stores & Settlements within this Province, and as the
Officers of Georgia have acted in such an arbitrary and illegal manner
so I doubt not but You'll agree with us in opinion that the Principal
means for keeping up the good understanding between the two Provinces
(certainly so necessary for His Majesty's Service and the Prosperity of
both) will be to allow to all His Majesty's Subjects of this Province
without any Interruption their just Rights and Priviledges [sic] which
theirRepresentatives His Majesty's Council and my self have and do
claim as well of natural Right as by the Laws of Great Britain and that
full Satisfaction be made by those Officers to the several Persons
injur'd as I have before observed; whatever His Majesty's orders may he
to you (which You are pleased to mention) yet as You have not communicated
the same to me I know not what further to say on this Head than
to assure You that His Majesty's Council as well as my self will always
be ready to act in conjunction with You in all matters for His Majesty's
Honour [sic] and Interest and for the good understanding Peace and Welfare of
both His Provinces nor can we suppose any one to he criminal while he
acts in Support of His Majesty's Rights and those of his Subjects.
I observe You are silent as to the Advices I received and sent
You in a Letter on the 10th of April relating to some mischiefs brewing
among the Creeks, and that You now say the Spaniards are attempting to
debauch the Creek Indians which agreable [sic] to those Advices must be
to make War with His Majesty's Subjects of this Province as well as Georgia,
yet I doubt not but you think it proper to join with this Governmt.
in concerting such measures as will be for His Majesty's Honour [sic] and
the Safety and Preservation of both Provinces. You'll give me Leave Sir on
this occasion to observe that by the Animadversions You have been pleased
to make on this Government's sending an Officer last year into the
Nation and that by the orders You have sent to all the Traders (tho'
belonging to this Government) to conform to the Georgia Law You seem to
be of opinion that that Law gives the Trustees not only an Exclusive
Right to the Trade among those Indians, but an Authority over all His
Majesty's Subjects Trading or being sent by this Government on any
Emergency. I need not inform You what our Law is, nor of the great Care
this Government has constantly taken to keep the Traders and Indians
under a due Regulation and Decorum, and this Affair has been under
mature Consideration of His Majesty's Council and the Commons House of
Assembly and a Conference held thereon and their Report agreed to by
both Houses, a Copy whereof I herewith send you, as also a Copy of a
Letter I have received from the Honble. the Trustees relating to that
and other matters in dispute last year with the Officers then at Georgia;
I doubt not but all the disputes which seem to be between the two
Governments will soon be put to an End, when You have considered the
several Papers sent You on this Affair and agreable [sic] thereto. I shall
with the advice of His Majesty's Council send Advice to all the Traders
belonging to this Province & deeply engaged to the Merchants here, that
they may take out Licences [sic] from this Government only as usual, for as
all the Traders are daily expected with their Returns from the several
nations it may be of fatal Consequence for an Affair of this Import to
lie in Suspence.
This day I received a Letter from the Governor of St. Augustine.
I thought it proper to enclose You a Copy of a Paragraph in that Letter
wherein he insists that by an Agreement between this Government and
Augustine the Independent Company was removed from Alatamaha to Port
Royal; nothing of that appearing in our Journals but on the contrary
the reason of moving the Independent Company to Port Royal was that the
Garrison was unfortunately burnt down and besides was situated in such
an unhealthfull [sic] Place thay great part of the Soldiers dyed [sic],
on which the Government took under consideration whether it would not
be more for the advantage of this Province to remove the said Company
to Port Royal which was accordingly agreed upon. This is the whole I
can discover on this Subject
I send You likewise a Copy of the Kings Instructions to the Governour [sic]
ordering him to erect a Fort in some convenient and healtly Place to
secure the Navigation of the Alatamaha River in case the Old Fort was
demolished. The late Governor Sollicited [sic] the General Assembly to
provide for that Service but could never persuade them to raise any money
for that purpose.
Last night arrived a Schooner from St. Augustine the master of
which I had before me in Council and examined him on Oath to several
Particulars relating to the Trade and Circumstances of that Garrison, a
Copy of which Examination I herewith enclose. You may be assumed Sir
that I and His Majesty's Council will always take the utmost Care in our
Power to put a Stop to any Negotiation or Trade being carried on that
may be prejudicial to His Majesty's Interest or the Safety and
Tranquility of your Colony. I am with great Esteem and Regard
Your most humble and
To Don Pedro Lamberto Capt. of Horse and Don Manuel Gonsalez
Adjutant of the Garrison of St. Augustine in Florida, deputed by
his Excellency the Capt. General of Florida and Govr. of the
Fortress of St. Augustine and by the Council of War of that
29 May 1736
Having read your Memorial & finding that you were earnest
Sollicitors [sic] for Dispatch, being desirous to oblige you I have not
stayed for other Advice, but having called together such only of his
Majesty's Officers as were upon the Spot I shall give the following
answer to your Memorial delivered to me yesterday.
With respect to what you lay down that the Subjects of the King
of Great Britain had formerly fortified on St. Simons, and that the
Garrison had orders from the King of Great Britain to demolish the Fort
and retire because that the Land belonged to the King of Spain, give me
leave to say that I am informed by Gentlemen worthy of faith and
Officers at that time in the King of Great Britain's Garrison in these
parts, and then belonging to those Troops, that they did not withdraw
from the Fort by any order from his Majesty, but that their Quarters
were changed by orders of the Council of Carolina, by reason of the
Difficulty of sending Provisions to them, & not out of regard to any
Spanish Claim. That these orders of the Council of Carolina were so
much disapproved off [sic] by his Majesty that Govr. Johnson when he
came into Carolina had orders from his Majesty that that party of His
Majesty's Forces who had deserted from the said Fort should immediately
repaid and take Possession of the said Ground.
As for the Letter from his Grace the Duke of Newcastle it is
dated in 1724, and the Company did not depart till the year
1727, so that their Departure was not the Effect of the said Letter.
With respect to what you mention of extending and making new
Forts upon Lands which have been always known to belong to his Catholick
[sic] Majesty, I have only settled the Lands which have been in the
possession of his Majesty his Subjects and Allies for many years, of which
Possession, when occasion requires, full Proofs can he produced, having
first with Care searched the Country and upon thorough Information
finding no Persons except the Subjects or Allies of his Majesty in
possession of the said Lands. I thereupon in a peaceable manner
established the same.
Give me Leave Gentlemen to assure you that I should be glad of
every occasion of showing you the regard that I personally have for you,
& if you have any thing farther to say I shall receive it with pleasure
from such agreable [sic] messengers and shall strive to make your stay here
and your Passage back as little inconvenient as a wild Country will
Letter to the Gove. of St. Augustine from Mr. Oglethorpe.
Georgia 22d May 1736.
I rec'd. the Letters from your Excellency & the Council of War by
Don Pedro Lamberto Capt. of Horse and Don Manuel Gonsalez Adjutant of
the Garrison of St. Augustine, and their behaviour [sic] was such as made
their Persons very acceptable to me. They presented me a Memorial to
which I returned an Answer. Besides the Affair concerning which they
had a Commission to treat with me, another matter happen'd relating to
the Indian Affairs with which I think it necessary to acquaint your
Excellency and the Council of War. The Creek Indians, Allies to the
King my Master did in the Presence of Don Pedro Lamberto and Don Manuel
Gonsalez in a solemn manner demand Reparation for the Injury done them
by a party from Augustine, who put to Death several of their People in
the manner set forth by a Process presented by Don Carlos Dempsey to
your Excellency. They added to the former Evidence that the Spanish
Party carried away one of their Women alive with them during the Space
of one or more days march and then in a most barbarous manner burnt
her alive. She was Daughter to one of their Kings and they have
required me pursuant to the Treaty subsisting with the King of Great
Britain to assist them in obtaining Justice for this Injury. I have
(tho' with some difficulty) prevailed with those here to stay till I
have an answer to my demand of Satisfaction from your Excellency in
their behalf. And those here present have submitted to Accessation [sic]
of Hostilities, and they will not attack any of his Cstholick [sic]
Majesty's Subjects till that Answer arrives. But they said they did believe
that the Indians in the nation to whom the Woman is related would not
submit to any Pacification. Howsoever, I am going to a great meeting of
Indians which is to be held in 7 days from the Date of this & shall use
my endeavours [sic] to persuade them to go up to the Nation, to suspend
Hostilities till I have your Excellency's Answer.
Don Pedro being present spoke upon this occasion with great
Prudence, and as this matter as also others require farther Explanations
I have sent Don Carlos Dempsey as being a Person I believe acceptable
to your Excellency. Give me Leave to acquaint your Excellency and
the Council of war that I have given him full power to treat with your
Excellency and the Council of War of such methods as may maintain a
good harmony between the King my Master's Subjects and his Allies, and
those of his Catholick [sic] Majesty. I am
Your Excellency's &c.
Letter from Mr. Oglethorpe without date but wrote [sic] in June 1736.
There has [sic] been three difficult and important matters to this
Province to transact, since I arriv'd here. The first and which would
least admit of a delay, was the settling upon the Frontiers towards the
Spaniards, Asserting (and without Hostilities) the Kings Rights. I
thought that had been agreed before I came from Europe, but the Govr.
of Augustine soon changed his first favourable [sic] Sentiments, on Advices
from some ill designing Traders to Augustine. On this I was forc'd to
keep those men to the So.ward, almost continually under Arms (that the
Spaniards should not lay the blame upon us, of the revenge the Indians
were then taking upon them, for the having kill'd some men of the Creek
Nation, and burnt a Woman and Children.) I was forc'd to send Boats to
guard the Passages of the Rivers and there perswade [sic] the Indians not to
invade the Spaniards but to come up to me, and wait the event of our
treaty with them. The Spanish Proceedings You will see at length in
the Copy of my Letter sent to Mr. Dempsy and also in the Copy which I
have sent you of all the Papers which pass'd between me and the Spaniards.
After that flagrant Breach of the Laws of Nations, by putting our
Messengers (sent under a Flag of Truce) in Arrest, I could expect
nothing but farther Hostilities, and therefore prepared to repel force
by force. We fortified with the utmost speed that the smallness of our
numbers would allow upon St. George's Point, within sight of the
Spanish Guard, and were much facilitated by finding the Ruins of a Fort
built there by Sr. Francis Drake, so that we had nothing to do but to
repair and Pallisadoe [sic] the Breaches made by time, and to clear the Ditches
which were originally 30 foot deep. The Independent Company and man of
war being posted below Frederica, I drew out from thence and from the
Scotch Settlements what men I possibly could, to increase the Garrison
on St. George's Point. Whilst we were getting down Recruits and Cannon,
The Governour [sic] of Augustine sent out Don Ignatio Cob of foot with 30 of
his pick'd men, some Yamasee Indians and a strong Boats Crew, amoting [sic],
in all to about 60 men, in a Launch to reconnoitre our Settlements, and
if he found us as weak, as their Advices from Carolina said we were, to
dislodge us. Don Ignatio came out by Sea, and attempting to get
undiscovered into Jekyll sound, was discovered by Ensign Delagal who
commanded a Guard upon the Sea Point; he hail'd them to give an
account who they were which they refusing he fir'd some Cannon with
Powder, and about the same time they discovered the man of war lying
within the sound. They ran out to Sea with great precipitation and
strove to get in at an Inlet by the Island of Cumberland, where the
Scotch from Fort St. Andrews challeng'd them, they neither answered nor
hung out Colours [sic], but row'd away in such haste that the same night they
reach'd the Spanish Out Guards on St. John's River, near 60 miles distant.
Don Ignatio landed in the night and had a Conference with Don
Pedro de Lamberto the Commander of the Spanish Horse, who was come up by
Land to the Lookout with 100 foot and 50 Horse.
They concluded by the two Forts that they had met with & the man of
wars being there, that all our Strength lay at Frederica and that we
were weak at Fort St. George, therefore resolved to try to surprize [sic]
some of our Boats, and upon their intelligence to Leave their Horses,
carry over their men by Water, and attack us in the night following.
This was on Wednesday, I having discovered some fires on the Spanish
main, concluded Troops come down, & therefore in order to make their
delay attacking us till our Succours [sic] should arrive, I on Thursday
morning ordered 2 Carriage & 2 Swivle [sic] Guns (which we Brought with us)
to be carried into the Woods, that the Spaniards might not distinguish
where they were, and fir'd & charg'd the Swivle [sic] Guns so often as
to make a Salute of 7 and with the Carriage Guns I fir'd 5 shot in
answer; the Swivle [sic] Guns (by reason of the smallness of their report)
seemed like a Ship at a distance saluting, & the Carriage Guns like
Batterys answering from the Shore. I then set out with the two Boats
and a Flag of Truce to meet with the Spaniards, as is mentioned in the
The Spaniards as I have heard since, concluded from the Guns, that
there was a new Strength arriv'd, in which they were confirm'd by our
Boats rowing briskly towards them, on which their Launch thought proper
to make the best of her way towards Augustine, where the Soldiers and
Boatmen fatigued with over Labour[sic], spread such dismal accounts,
magnifying our Strength and Diligence, in order to save their reputations,
that it created a general uproar amongst the People, That night I had
several Fires made in the Woods, some at 2, some at 3 miles distant
from Point St. George. The Friday morning the foot and horse under
the command of Don Pedro finding themselves abandon'd by the
Launch and therefore in no possibility to pass over into the Island
against us, and from the many fires in the Woods, collecting that the
Creek Indians were come up, having left a small Guard of Horse to observe
our motions retired in good order to Augustine, where their Arrival
doubled their Confusion, they apprehending that if the Indians should
cut off their communication by Land, as the man of war might do by Sea,
they should perish by famine. The Governour [sic] was obliged to call a
Council of War, in which the oldest Officers and indeed almost all gave
their opinion that the Gentlemen sent by me, under a Flag of Truce and
confin'd contrary to the Laws of Nations, ought to be immediately
released and sent back in the most honourable [sic] manner, with an Officer
along with them to treat with me, and to desire me to restrain the
Indians from invading them. At the same time to ask me why we settled
upon Lands and Territories belonging to the King of Spain. I not
knowing any of these proceedings, except that the Spaniards were retir'd
lay at Fort St. George from Thursday till Sunday, in which time some
fresh men arriv'd and falling all of us to work, the Officers and men of
the Hawk Sloop distinguishing themselves upon that occasion, we mounted
some Guns upon the Batterys [sic] along the River and got the Fortification
in good forwardness; I having left the Fort under the Command of Captain
Hermsdorff return'd with the utmost diligence to Frederica, where I
found the King of the Uchees, who was arriv'd with 20 men to complain
of the Saltzburghers suffering their Cattle to run into his Lands beyond
the Ebenezer River, which if I would withdraw he offer'd to assist me
with 100 men against the Spaniards.
King Toao Chachi was also there with 30 men & an account that
some hundreds of the Creeks earnestly desired to fall upon the Spaniards.
In three days I set out with a large Perriaugua and about 50 men. Cannon
and Provisions for 2 months, two 10 Oar'd Boats and the Indians in
their own Boats to relieve St. Georges, wch. I imagin'd by that time
might be besieg'd. God was pleased to prosper me, so that I at about
15 miles from St. Georges, being fortunately an Hour ahead of the rest
of the Boats, met a Spanish boat with a Flag of Truce flying, and Mr.
Dempsy and the Gentlemen I sent to Augustine in her, together with
Don Pedro Lamberto Captain of their Troop of Horse, and Don Manuel
Secretary to the Governour [sic] and Adjutant of the Garrison. It was lucky
the Indians were not foremost, for if they had been they certainly
would have engaged the Spanish boat, which I hardly (as it was)
prevented, by sending a 10 Oar'd Boat to Guard them to Frederica, where I
ordered them to be received on board the man of war, and Tents to be
pitch'd for them in Jekyll Island that they might not go up to the Town,
nor make any discovery of our Strength. I afterwards had a Conference
with the Spanish Commanders on board the man of war where they din'd
with me. I received them in the greatest Form I could, having a Guard
of the King's Troops on the right with their Bayonets fix'd, and on
the left the Highlanders with their Targets and broad Swords drawn.
After Dinner We drank the King of Great Britain's & the King of Spain's
Health under the Discharge of the Cannon from the Ship; which was
answered by 15 pieces of Cannon from Delegal's Fort, at the Sea Point;
that again was followed by the Cannon from Fort St. Andrew and that by
those of Frederica and the Darien as I had before ordered. The
Spaniards seemed extreamly [sic] surprized [sic] that there should
be so many Forts, and all within hearing of one another. Don Pedro
smil'd and said NoWonder Don Ignatio made more haste home than out.
After the healths were done, a vast Number of Indians came on board
naked, painted and
their heads dress'd in feathers. They demanded Justice on the Spaniards
for having kill'd some of their men in time of full peace (as is
mentioned in the Affidavit which I sent in my last to You). They farther
prov'd that after the Woman was taken She had been abus'd by numbers of
men, and after having satisfied their Lusts for 2 days, they most
inhumanly burnt her alive, Don Pedro having ask'd several Questions
acknowledged himself fully satisfyed [sic] of the Pact, Excusing it saying
That he was then at Mexico, and that the Governour [sic] being newly come from
Spain & not knowing the Customs of the Country had sent out Indians
under the Command of Pohoia [sic] King of the Floridas who had exceeded their
Orders, which were not to make war upon the Creeks, but the Indians not
being contented with that answer He undertook that at his return to
Augustine he would have the Pohoia King put to Death if he could
be taken, and if he could not, that the Spaniards would supply his People
with neither Powder, Arms, nor any thing else, but leave them to the
Creeks. The Indians answered that he spoke well, and that if the
Spaniards did what he said, all should be white between them, but if not
they Would then take Revenge, from which at my desire they would abstain
till a final answer came. The Indian matters being thus settled we held
a Conference with the Spanish Commissioners. They thank'd me first for
my restraining the Indians who were in my power, and hop'd I would
extend that Care to the Upper Indians. They then (after having produc'd
their Credentials) presented a Paper, of which I sent you a Copy from
Frederica, the Contents were to know by what Title I settled upon St.
Simons being Lands belonging to the King of Spain. I took the Paper
promissing [sic] an Answer the next day (the Copy of which Answer I also sent
You) the Substance was that the Lands belonged to the King of England by
undoubted right, that I had proceeded with the utmost Caution taking
with me Indians the Natives & Possessors of those Lands, that I had
examin'd every place, to see if there were any Spanish Possessions, and
went forward till I found an Outguard of theirs over against which I
settled the English, without committing any Hostilities or dislodging
any; therefore I did not extend the King's dominions, but only with
regular Garrisons settled that part of them wich was before a Shelter
for Indians, Pyrates [sic] and such kind of disorderly men. The rest
of the Evening we spent in Conversation which chiefly turn'd upon the
Convenience it would be both to the Spaniards and English to have regular
Garrisons in sight of each other. Don Pedro smil'd and said he readily
agreed to that, and did like very well to have their Spanish Guard upon
the South side of Wapoo, which is within 5 miles of Charles Town and
where the Spends, had a Garrison in King Charles the first's time; I
said I thought 'twas better as it was; for that there were a great many
people liv'd between, who would never be persuaded to come into his
In their memorial they mention'd that the Court of Spain represented
to the Court of England that the settling a Garrison by
Governour [sic] Nicholson on the Alatamaha was invading the Spanish Dominions,
& that thereupon the Garrison was withdrawn; This I disprov'd by the
inclosed. At last Don Pedro acquainted me that he thought the Spaniards
would refer the settling of the Limits to the Courts of Europe for which
purpose they would write to their Court and in the mean time desired
that no Hostilities might be committed and that I would send up a
Commissary to sign with the Governour [sic] an Agreement to this purpose. I
thereupon appointed Mr. Dempsy to he our Commissary and return with them.
He has managed our Affairs hitherto with great address, and to that in
great measure has been owing the present fortunate Situation of our
Affairs. It would be highly necessary for You to set in a clear Light
the Kings Right to the Lands as far as St. Georges, to which purpose I
sent you a Memorial in my last and to sollicit [sic] that our Court may not
give up those valuable Islands of which they are in possession and to
which they have an undoubted Right, and which if supported will command
all the Trade of the Spanish America. The Spaniards made great
professions of Civility and assur'd me that in Case the Tranquility
which they hop'd for was Establish'd They would deliver me any Quantity
of Cattle or Horses that I should desire at a very reasonable Price;
They want Iron and Woollen [sic] Goods, they have an open Trade to Mexico,
and besides the Pay of the Garrison could get from thence as much
Silver as they could furnish goods for. Don Pedro is the Ruling man in
Augustine, and hath more Interest with the Council of War than the
Governour [sic] and hath great Herds of Cattle; As he pass'd by St. Georges,
he sent a whole Ox as a Present to our Garrison, and he gave me some
Sweetmeats and Chocolate. I gave him a Gold Watch, a Gun, and fresh
Provisions, to Don Manuel I gave a Silver Watch, and sent back a boat to
Escort them. If the Spaniards had committed Hostilities I believe I
could (with the help of the Indians) have destroyed Augustine with
facility, but God be pleased that by his blessing, the Diligence of
Dempy, and the Prudence of Don Pedro all bloodshed has been avoided.
The Expence [sic] of these Affairs has been very great, and for the most
part not provided for in the Estimate; I should think therefore it would
"be right to save this year, by sending few familys upon the Charity.
Those that You do should be numerous in Women, for there are in the
Colony 5 to one Woman (but great Care should be taken that the
Women have good Characters & should not be abus'd and corrupted at Sea,
The Masters of Ships and Sailors having it too much in their power
either by gratifying or frightning [sic] to debauch them.) The best Way of
supporting the Place is by sending 400 Servants, 100 may be had from
the North and 100 from the West of Scotland, 100 from Ireland or Wales
& 100 from Germany. I shall recommend to You Gentlemen from hence, who
will not only undertake the getting that Number of Servants for the
Trust, but will also bring over one Servant at their own Expences [sic], for
every Servant, for whose Passage the Trust will give Credit; by which
means the Colony will get 2 men by lending the Passage of one. Besides
the Servants it will be necessary to continue the workmen and the 3
Scout boats and also have provisions for new Comers, after the first
year is expir'd and for the Magistrates thro' the Province. They would
earn so as they would be able to repay the Charge of their Passage by
carrying on all the publick [sic] Works & maintaining the Garrisons.
Having settled the Frontiers with Foreigners a more difficult
Task is arose. The People of Carolina (Instigated by some Merchants of
Charles Town who have a Profit in sending Rum up the River) have set
the Assembly against this Province. You will see Copys [sic] of the Letters
from the Lieut. Govr. to me on that occasion. Some of the Merchants
have also persuaded the Lieut. Govr. to dispute the Indian Trading Act &
to send up Traders in defiance of the King's orders; I do not know which
way to manage on this occasion, not being willing to disoblige the
People of Carolina, and yet being resolved to put in Execution his
Majesty's Orders, and the Laws pass'd by his Majesty, the Council and
You, I hope God will direct me so that I may act upon this occasion in
such a manner that may be the most beneficial to mankind.
The settling the Domestick [sic] Affairs of this Colony & regulating
what has been amiss, encouraging the good & industrious, & reducing the
mutinous and disorderly & punishing the wicked will be a difficult
part, but not so hard as the others.
The first thing I did on my return from the So.ward on 31st of
May was to hold a Court and declare to all the People that I would
receive all Petitions made in writing, that I would read them by my
self & that every Person should have free Liberty of complaining, and
that if any man had been oppress'd by People in or out of Employment
they shou'd apply and be heard; I have had between 3 & 400 Petitions
already delivered in, most of them founded on Grievances received from
private men. Damages done by Cattle &c. But the most general Complaint
is that Merchants or rather Pedlars [sic] have brought up Goods hither and
sold them at extravagant Prices, and the People not able to Pay for them
complain of Oppression from their Creditors. The Merchants on the other
Side complain that their Debtors have cheated them by buying and consuming
goods which they were not able to pay for, I believe the Colony
continually looses the Labour of about 200 men by their being detained by
Tryals [sic], Writs & Imprisonments, there are about 300 Debtors whom their
Creditors will not permit to go out of the Colony, who walk about
discontented & will not work because they say their Improvements will go to
their Creditors. The Court before I arriv'd us'd to order that half the
Labour of the Debtor should go to the Creditor & half to the maintenance
of his family, but the Creditors were discontented & the
Debtors generally grew sick or pretended to be so after such orders,
and those who did not were obliged to work for hire & thereby neglect
the improvts. of their Lots. I can think of no remedy unless it should
be the forbidding any Credit. With respect to the General Accots. Mr.
Causton who has a dry house over his head can send those from Savannah
punctually, & Moor will do from Frederica as soon as he can get a dry
place to write in.
The Indians and Traders and Cherikees [sic] are all down here and
claim the Protection of the Trustees (those Indians all living in
Georgia) and offer to build a Town at their own Expence [sic] 3OO miles
up the River, to consist of 40 families the first year and desire neither
Provisions nor any other Expence [sic] from the Trustees for the same. The
families are all to be white People or half bred Indians, They leave
their Children here at School with Mr. Wesley. I have drawn several
Bills of Exchange, for Merchants at Carolina have run down our Georgia
Bills for the present. Mr. Causton will send you Advice for I am at the
End of my Paper.
Your most obedient
Extract of a Letter from Mr. Saml. Eveleigh to George Morley Esqr. begun.
31st May and continued to 4th June 1736.
The Creek Indians have been down to St. Augustines and have
killed Seven Spaniards contrary to the intention of Mr. Oglethorpe, and
do believe he would have prevented it if he could, and as those Indians
are expected down to Georgia, I doubt not, but he will do his utmost to
persuade them to commit no more Hostilities amongst the Spaniards.
In my last I informed You that Major Richard and Esqr. Horton
were designed for St. Augustine. When they arrived there a Spaniard
went to the Governour [sic] and falsely informed him that they were
viewing the back part of the Castle with a Design of finding out a
method to surprize [sic] it. Upon which the Governour [sic] confined
them to an house they lived in and put Centrys [sic] at the Door about
9 of the Clock in the morning, but by 4 in the afternoon they had their
Liberty again. By a Vessel from thence I am informed that the Governour [sic]
had sent them to Frederica in a Launce [sic], together with the Captain
of Horse and Mr. Dempsy, and doubt not but this week I shall hear of
their safe Arrival; Mr. Oglethorpe heard of their Confinement but not
of their Releasement, which put him under some Consternation.
Yesterday came down a Boat from Savannah in Georgia which gave an Accot.
That Mr. Oglethorpe arrived there this day seven nights from the River
St. George about 30 miles on this side St. Augustine, after having had
an Interview with the Captain of Horse belonging to the said Place sent
p that Governour [sic] in order to settle the Boundaries between the
two Governments. Mr. Oglethorpe seems to be very secret in
this Affair, however it is reported that the Conclusion of it was to
refer the Decision to the two Courts, and in the mean time to live
amicably peaceably and good Neighbours [sic] together. This I take to be a
good piece of Policy in Mr. Oglethorpe, for by the time there can be an
answer, he will be capable of finishing his Ports, mounting his Guns
and furnishing them with Men, that it will be no easy matter for the
Spaniards to dislodge them; and by Accots. he is expected in Charles
Town every day, where he is to be lodged at Cob. Fenwick's & doubt not
but he will be received very handsomely, for 15 great Guns are ordered
to be discharged so soon as he comes on Shore.
Some Creek Traders tell me That there was an Indian man and his
Wife came down from the Chickesaws to the Creeks some time since, and
gave an Accot. That a parcel of Frenchmen and Indians did attack the
Chickesaws in their Nation, but that they attacked them afterwards and
killed 40 French men and 9 Indians and took 10 Horses loaded with
Ammunition and some Goods.
This Body is suposed [sic] to be the Indians called the Illenois [sic],
who are undoubtedly upon this Defeat gone back again.
Letter from Mr. Oglethorpe to Col. Broughton dated 5th June 1736.
I recd. the favour [sic] of yours of the 21st and in answer to your
former I in my last acquainted You that I wrote to the Magistrates of
Savannah demanding an Account of their Proceedings about seizing &
staving the Rum. To which they returned the enclosed. And if the same
is Fact, the Persons who. You say, are Sufferers by these Proceedings
have suffered because they brought into the Province of Georgia Goods
prohibited by the Laws of Georgia, which Laws were enacted by His
Majesty in Council and executed by the Legal Officers appointed pursuant
to the Constitution of this Province.
You say I am silent about the Advices You rec'd. and sent
me of Mischiefs brewing among the Creeks. I was silent because those
Advices were without Foundation; for the only Mischiefs brewing there
were by the new Traders sent last year by Carolina, and by the
Spaniards who were to be furnished by some Persons in Carolina with
Guns &c, of which I gave You advice confirmed by the Officers of His
Majesty's Customs in Charles Town, & which I hope has been prevented by
their Care and my order to Mr. Eveleigh for buying up the Guns. The
Person You was pleased to examine on this Intelligence and whose
Affidavit You sent me, was a Trader to Augustine & might therefore
probably be one who had contracted to furnish the Spaniards with those
With respect to the Indian Trade, neither I nor the Trustees can
have any Profit by it; nor have I any Regard to it but as the well
regulating of it is necessary for maintaining the Peace with the
Indians; and I entirely join with the Commons House of Assembly in what
they with great Prudence have declared that His Majesty's good Subjects
of your Province have been fully taught by long Experience and at the
Expence [sic] of much Blood and Treasure that no Methods are effectual to
secure the Friendship of the Indians but that of a free, easy and well
regulated Trade. To come at which good Purpose, His Majesty thought it
necessary enact the enclosed Law. I have in every Shape since I
have known the province of Carolina, in England, in America, at Court,
on the Frontiers, labour'd continually for its Service; and am persuaded
that notwithstanding the Artifices of a few designing men you
will join with me in judging that our taking the Indian Trade with the
Expence [sic] of treating with the Indians is taking off a Burthen [sic]
from the Province of Carolina. The Publick [sic] there having been at
all the Expences [sic] and a few private Merchants only receiving the
Benefit. The Trade, according to this Law, is not exclusive but free,
easy & well regulated, and if any Person comes from Carolina I shall as
soon grant him a Licence [sic] as any other, he conforming to the wise
Directions contained in the Act.
Your Honour [sic] is pleased to use the following Words "I shall with
the Advice of His Majesty's Council send Advice to all the Traders
belonging to this Province that they may take out Licences [sic] from this
Government only as usual (the Word only is interlined) for as all the
Traders are daily expected with their Returns from the several Nations
it may he of fatal Consequence for an Affair of this Import to lie in
Suspence." Give me Leave Sir to say that I cannot suppose that His
Majesty's Council in Carolina will give your Honour [sic] Advice to differ
inopinion with His Majesty and His Privy Council in Great Britain, who on
mature Consideration have enacted the enclosed Law. I am apt to believe
Your Honour's [sic] and the Council's daily Expectation of all the Traders
isnot well grounded, for great Numbers of those who are most experienced
in the Cherikee [sic] and Creek Trade are now here. I have not Penetration
enough to perceive how an Affair can lie in Suspence [sic] which is already
determined by His Majesty & His Privy Council, as You may see in the
enclosed Act wch. this Colony are by their Duty to the King obliged to
put in Execution. I am persuaded that after having perused this Law
You will consider the Consequences of giving Licences [sic] to Traders to act
in Georgia contrary to the Laws of Georgia, and whether if they in
Obedience to your Instructions should commit an unlawful Act and suffer
pursuant to Law, You or those who Sign such Orders will not be liable to
answer to such Traders the Damage they sustain in pursuing
I gave You Sir early notice of this Act. I also gave notice to
the Indian Traders before they left the Nation; and still to prevent
unwary men from suffering by disobeying the said Law I have sent up an
Officer to give Notice to all Persons on their passing the Rivers into
Georgia of this Act, that they may comply with it. I doubt not but all
the Disputes which seem to be between the two Governments will soon be
at an End when You peruse and consider the enclosed Laws which His
Majesty has signified to be His Royal Pleasure, and which by the Advice
of His Privy Council He has finally enacted.
I thank You Sir for communicating to me a Paragraph of the
Governour [sic] of Augustine's Letter. I suppose that was all of it which
You thought needful for me to know. I have exactly pursued His Majesty's
Orders in that Affair as I have and shall in all others. After many
Difficulties too long here to mention Don Pedro Lamberto Capt. of Horse
and Don Manuel Adjutant to the Garrison came Commissioners from the
Governor and Council of War with full Powers to treat with me. They
made the Claims You mention and much larger, for they talked of
Wapoo [sic] River. I answered them from the very Instruction, a Copy of
which I since rec'd. from You. They concluded nothing, but acquainted
me that the Governor and Council of War were desirous no Hostilities
might be committed on either Side, but that each should state the matter
in dispute and send it to their respective Courts; and that it was
necessary a Treaty should be signed for continuing the present Tranquility
till then. They desired that the Indians also might be comprehended
in the Treaty, and prevented from committing Hostilities upon them; and
said they would take Care Satisfaction should be made me for putting
the Messengers sent with the Flag of Truce under Centinels [sic]; and by the
Pohoia King of the Floridas, for the barbarous murder he committed two
Years since upon some of our Creeks.
At the same time that they were sent out to me with these Overtures
I am certainly informed the Govr. was getting Arms Ammunition and
Provisions & sent to Chelikelechi [sic] who lies below the Forks of the Flint
to engage the Upper Creeks in his Interest. But the Traders now
come down from the Creeks assure me, that none but Chelikelechi and those
Streglers [sic] who always adhered to him will come into the Spanish measures.
And I have good reason to hope that when the Nation meets at the Busk
they will oblige Chelikelechi and those men who live with him to return
to their own Towns. I sent down with Don Pedro a Gentleman to receive
the Treaty Signed by the Governor of Augustine and wait with Impatience
his Return, for till it is Signed I cannot rely upon the Spaniards; and
till then I must stay in the Neighbourhood [sic] to attend the Event.
This at present prevents my coining down to Charles Town pursuant to the
Desire of the Assembly. And as I hear they have now broke up, my immediate
Coming down is not so necessary. I do not doubt but You and His Majesty's
Council will, according to your assurances, continue in the same good
Disposition to His Majesty's Service; and I can assure You that on my
part I shell always he ready to serve the Province of Carolina upon all
occasions except in such things as would he to their Prejudice, by my
disobeying Acts His Majesty has been pleased to make for regulating the
Colony of Georgia, & consequently rendring [sic] my self obnoxious to him
who only can enable me to serve them.
The Assembly having rose without making any Provision for the
Rangers try'd the month of June I shall take them into the Georgia Pay,
because the Kings Service cannot be done without them. I desire to
know What you wou'd have me do with the Scout boat, whose appointment
expires this month. Capt. Ferguson has been at considerable Expences [sic],
for keeping her in repair, Warehouse Room &c, and for necessary Food
for the Men, for which he stands indebted to the Trustees. He has been
a faithful and useful Servant to the Province of Carolina, and I think
it would be barbarous to use him ill who has deserved so well of the
Country; and therefore desire to know what is to be done about the Debt
and about the Boat.
I am informed that the Govr. of Augustine has sent a Packet by
Charles Town to be sent thro' England to the Court of Spain. If it be
so, and it can be got I believe it would be for His Majesty's Service to
send it to the Duke of Newcastle or the Lord President of the Council
that they may take such measures for the Delivery thereof as they in
their Wisdom shall think proper. I am &c.
Savannah 5th June 1736.
Letter from Mr. Oglethorpe to Paul Jenys Esqr. dated 5th June 1736.
I have wrote at large to the Governour [sic] concerning the Representations
relating to the Sum and Indian Acts; what I shall chiefly observe to You
is that the Jealousies in Carolina have arose from two Mistakes, the Boats
with Sum were in the Waters of Georgia and consequently within the Act;
with respect to the Indian Trade the Assembly who have Acted in a prudent
and temperate manner upon this occasion, yet did not see a Distinction in the
Virginia Case upon which a great deal depends (vizt.) The Law pass'd by
the People of Carolina was not assented to by the Queen and therefore the
Virginians petitioned the Queen not to assent to the Law; her Majesty calling
up for the Law and refusing to ratify it, it became thereby void. Whereas
our Law is enacted by the King and Council and I have orders to put it in
Execution. I must own I was never more Surprized [sic]than at the Outcry
against the Indian Law, I thought it would have been as universally acceptable
as it is really advantageous to Carolina. The Indians have not only
been dangerous to the Province but the Pretence [sic] for Loading the People
with Taxes, Presents to the Nations, Alarms and men raised at large
Charges, were no small Burthen [sic] to the Publick, Agents with Salaries
Perquisites and Allowances and Numbers of men to attend. Those Agents
were used as men in bad circumstances, a few in Charles Town gain'd,
hereby the industrious frugal Planter was oppress'd with Taxes. I
thought the taking away this Pretence [sic] of Loading the People with
needless Charges was of Service to the Country, but the saving will not
only arise from the not paying a Commissioner and saving of Presents,
but the Garrison of Pallachucolas is now no Essence to Carolina,; these
Considerations strengthend [sic] me in my opinion, and one more weighty than
all that the Indians, the Trade being well regulated and Settled in this
Province, will if injur'd take their Revenge on this Province. You are
certainly sensible that all the Care of Carolina could not prevent the
misbehaviour [sic] of the Traders which You know has been so enormous as to
drive the Indians into a War. What then must be the Case if the Carolina
People were to licence and we too; and to prevent these Inconveniences
the King has wisely passed the Indian Act, and tho it is not
my business to reason but to obey his Orders yet such is the Goodness of
His Majesty that as he does nothing but upon the wisest and fullest
considerations he therefore is willing to convince his People of the
Reasonableness of those Laws which it is necessary for them to Obey.
And therefore I think without derogating from His Authority I may mention
some of the things which as above might have been His Majesty's
Motives for passing this Law. In this critical Conjuncture when the
French and Spaniards are striving to debauch our Indians it is absolutely
necessary for me not to suffer any one to go amongst them contrary to the
Tenour [sic] of this Act for if any mischief should arise there
from I shall be answerable for it by daring to dispense with a Law
which if executed might have prevented the mischief. I am sure
therefore that what I do upon this occasion will be very acceptable to every
true Friend of Carolina, and as I know the Assembly to be compos'd of
such I give You the Trouble of this long Letter, which I hope
Youll communicate to such Members as You shall meet that they may not
be prejudiced by the misrepresentations of artfull [sic] men. The Trade is
not Exclusive but regulated by the Act, and any Carolina man who comes
to take his Licence [sic] out here will be always well received.
I should have been with You but hearing the Assembly was up and
the Affairs of the Spaniards not quite concluded I found it necessary to
stay here. I assure the Gentlemen of the Assembly that nobody is more
attach'd to their Interest than I am, and I hope my Assurances will be
the better credited since I have been fortunate enough to have already
given some Proofs of it. I am
Your most Obedient humble Servant
Mr. Richard Allein's Account of Carolina Affairs to the Honble.
Col. William Bull Esqr. dated 6th June 1736.
I am very glad my Services were made acceptable to that Gentleman
and hope You'll return him my Thanks for the Acknowledgements he made me
on that occasion.
The Task You now engage me in is very difficult tho' I shall
think nothing too difficult to Serve you or the Interests of that
Gentleman so far as it may Contribute to the Satisfaction of both the
You may plainly perceive the present Disposition of the People in
general by the Memorial which was signed by all the Merchants in Charles
Town unanimously except such as happened to be absent and out of Town or
Such as were in the Upper and Lower House to whom it was not tender'd to
be Signed as not being convenient. The Report made upon this Memorial
does plainly discover the Sentiments of those in Power to whom the
Consideration of it was referr'd and who notwithstanding the Care that
was taken to have it referred to those who shew'd the most Dislike to that
Memorial and to such as had on many Occasions expressed their Attachments
to the Service of that Gentleman thou^t it incumbent upon them to make such
You may further discern by this Memorial what are the Principal
Grounds and Causes of their Discontent, They are apprehensive that
Schemes have been formed and which they plainly see are now set on foot
for taking from them the whole Indian Trade which gives them a great
deal of uneasiness and restless Concern.
1st. For that the Profits arising upon that Trade to the Merchants and
to the Province in general are more than all their Annual Tax amounts to;
which communibus Annis is between Six and Seven Thousand Pounds Sterling.
2d. For that the Clergy of the Province Rectors of 13 Parishes
who were chiefly maintained out of the Duty arising upon the Exports of
Deer Skins, if that Trade be lost, must be maintained by their respective
Parishes; the Charge of which will not only be more visibly felt
but revive the Animosities between Church and Dissenters; the latter
always looking upon it to be a grievous Burthen [sic] for them to
Contribute to the maintenance of the Clergy and to maintain their own
To reconcile this difference the Clergy were provided for out of the
Dutys [sic] upon Furrs [sic] and Skins; and what fell short was to be
made up to them out of other Dutys[sic]. But if they lose this Trade they
must of necessity he maintained either by their respective Parishes, or
out of other Dutys [sic] that go to the Support of Government and
consequently encrease [sic] the Taxes considerably.
3d. The three Staple Commoditys [sic] of the Province Pitch Tarr and
Rice are become a Drug. The two first in no demand at all, and the last
yields so low a Price in Europe that the Merchants both here and at
home these two years last past have been great Sufferers by the returns
of that Commodity.
The Loss they frequently met with upon Rice was in some measure
mace up to them by the Gains upon Skins but if those two Branches of
Trade be divided it will not be worth while for the British Merchants to
Continue their Trade to South Carolina but they must look out where they
can Trade to more advantage, and if the Inhabitants of this
Country are forced to Sell their Rice much cheaper they will be so far
from being able to buy Negroes that they will not be able to purchase
the Necessarys [sic] of Life. This is what gives the Colony so many fears
and uneasinesses and has made them almost irreconcilable to Georgia.
The two Acts lately made by a Common Council of the Trustees in
London, the one intitled [sic] an Act for the maintaining the Peace with
Georgia, the other intitled [sic] an Act to prevent the Importation of Rum,
has added a great deal to their former Concern for they are apprehensive
that an ill use will be made of the Clause in the first Act, which says
"That if any Person or Persons whatsoever other than such as duly
obtain Licences [sic] in the manner therein mentioned and directed should
directly or indirectly trade to, traffick [sic], or barter with any Indian or
Indians within the Province of Georgia should forfeit One hundred
Pounds Sterling &c", and that this Clause will be extended so far as to
compel their Traders to take Licences [sic] from Georgia.
Upon this Act these four several Questions do arise. First, whether the
Upper and Lower Creeks and Cherikee [sic] Nations; or what part of
them are within the Province of Georgia?
Secondly, If so whether the Government of Georgia has an Exclusive Right
to the Trade with all or such of those Indians who shall be found to be
within the Bounds of the Georgia Charter?
Thirdly, If they have not an Exclusive Right as the Honble. the
Trustees seem to admit they have not; whether the Common Council of the
Trustees in London or Georgia, or to put it out of Dispute whether the
Government or Legislative Power of Georgia when the same shall
fall again into the hands of the Crown can pass Laws to bind the
Traders of South Carolina and Virginia who shall come to Trade with the
Indians within the Limits of Georgia; or to Compell [sic] them to Submit to
such Regulations as the Trustees or Government of Georgia shall think
fit? If this be granted the second Question, whether Georgia has an
Exclusive Right to Trade with the Indians within their Government is
Solved in the Affirmative; for tis plain they have an Exclusive Right
at the same time they disavow it. To give a few Examples may be
sufficient though many more might he given. Suppose the Government of
Georgia should Enact that all Persons trading from Virginia & South
Carolina with any Nation of Indians living within the Limits of Georgia
should he obliged under such and such Penalties to take out Licences
from Georgia; repair to Georgia twice a Year &c; both which are
inpracticable [sic], nay impossible to be complyed [sic] with. It remains
then no longer a Question whether Georgia has an Exclusive Right to that
Trade or not.
The Merchants do apprehend this to he the Purview of the Trustees
Act for settling the Peace with Georgia which they perceive is now
about to he put in Execution in the most extensive Latitude by Mr.
Oglethorpe's sending for all the Traders in the Creek and Cherikee [sic]
Nations who are now in the Service of, or Credited by, the several
Merchants of South Carolina using that Trade.
Fourthly, If any of those Nations of Indians should he found to
Be out of the Limits of Georgia; whether the Traders of any other
Colony passing through the Government of Georgia shall he obliged
to submit to the Laws made by the Government of Georgia. If so those
Laws will have the same Effect as to all such as are obliged to go
through the Government of Georgia.
To this I must add a fifth which must he Solved before this
Affair can he adjusted and that is whether the Indians themselves are
not a free People notwithstanding their Dominions lie within the Bounds
or Limits of the Georgia Charter & whether they may not receive or
invite as well the French or any other Foreigners as the English to come
into their Territories or Towns; and trade with them upon such Terms and
Conditions as they shall think fit, notwithstanding any Regulations made
by the Government of Georgia to the contrary? If this be Solved in the
Affirmative it follows that the Trade must remain free and open to all
Persons whatsoever as well Foreigners as Subjects as it has done in all
The Merchants of South Carolina are no less concerned to know if
their Traders or those which they liege trusted enter into the Service
of Georgia how they shall come by their Debts which are said to amount
to a hundred thousand Pounds this Currency. I suppose this is magnifyed
[sic] however those Debts are very considerable. This Affair I am afraid
will greatly embarrass Mr. Oglethorpe, who as he is a Gentleman of strict
Honour [sic] is in some measure concerned to see those Debts discharged
before he takes those Traders into the Service of Georgia for though this
be impossible to be done because many of those Traders are so far in Debt
already that they can't discharge those Debts out of the Profits arising
upon their Trade these three or four years; yet it will be matter of
Complaint to employ them before they have paid their Debts which they
owe on account of that Trade to the Merchants of South Carolina.
As to the Act to prevent the Importation of Rum if I may have
Leave to give my Opinion upon it; I can't but think it was wrong to lay
the Penalty upon the Importation; As the Case stands, The Penalties
ought to have been given on the Landing or laying a shore at Georgia,
not upon the Importation into Savannah River because I suppose Savannah
River to be the Boundarys [sic] between the two Colonys [sic] wherefore
it cannot properly be called an Importation into one Colony more than
an Importation into the other; for Suppose South Carolina should pass an
Act for prohibiting the Importation of Strong Beer into South Carolina. As
Carolina has as much Right to that River as Georgia, an Importation of
Strong Beer into that River would be an Importation of Strong Beer into
South Carolina, and consequently liable to a Seizure in the same
Suppose further that the Words Northermost [sic] Stream does include
all Savannah River yet People living on the Lands lying on the North
Side of that River Belonging to the Government of South Carolina have
as much Right to the Navigation of that River as the People of Georgia.
This I take to he a Point Settled by Civilians that the Rivers lying
between two Governments, though of different Nations, is in common to
both or else both might make prohibitory Laws and render the Navigation
useless to both.
The imprisonment of the Patroons belonging to the Carolina Boats
till they should find Sureties to appear at the Georgia Sessions to
answer the Penalties mentioned in the Rum Act was a Blunder of the
Georgia Officers for the Patroons had not Incurred any as will
appear by having Recourse to that Act.
The Merchants of Charles Town take this Proceeding of Staving
their Rum in another Light than what the Georgia Officers pretend to
have done it for. They look upon it as done with a View of
Obstructing their Trade with the Indians; because they are told that the
Georgians were informed by some of the Carolina traders, now in their
Service, that if the Carolinians were suffered to carry Rum amongst the
Indians, & the Georgians were restrained, they the Georgia Traders would
not be able to see a Yard of Cloth, not but that they are much Surprized
[sic] to Know what the Georgia Officers mean by hindring [sic] the People
of South Carolina from carrying of Rum to their own People at Savannah
Town and to the other Settlements on the North Side of Savannah River.
As to prohibiting Rum being carried amongst the Indians in my opinion
tis not practicable for if the Georgians wont do it, the Carolinians will.
If both are restrained the French will Supply them in plenty by way of
Moville [sic] [Mobile?] & thereby they will get the whole Trade from
the English. But there is another reason of as much Consequence as any
of the rest which has not been taken notice of which is this. The Indians
acquire muchmore by their Hunts than what they dispend [sic] in their
Cloathing[sic], Yet provide only for their Cloathing [sic] but from
Year to Year, the rest they dispend [sic] on Rum. Such of them which
ineed [sic] are but few who are so prudent or cunning as not to Spend
their money or Skins in that Liquor have Cloathing [sic] for three or
four years lying by them and if the Generality of them did so then after
they were well Stocked they would either not hunt at all till their
Cloathing [sic] was near Spent or rather make War upon the English;
which now they cannot well do because they are Supplyed [sic] but from Year
When the Indian War broke out there was a pernicious Scheme
formed by two Bristol Merchants for supplying the Indians with English
Goods by way of Moville and who had Encouragement from Moville so to do;
the one set up his Store at Bermudas the other at Hew York. But a Peace
with the Indians being suddenly concluded all their measures came
to nothing and they broke up their Stores brought their Goods to South
Carolina and sold them at Outcry. But had the Project taken Effect
tis thought we never should have had a Peace with the Indians to this
day, and if they be Supplied in plenty with Rum by way of Moville and at
the same time we should be hindred [sic] from carrying Rum amongst them in
all probability the Peace with the Indians would not be lasting and our
Trade with them would be on a very precarious footing.
There were formerly prohibitory Laws made in this Government
against carrying Rum amongst the Indians but the Government foreseeing
the ill Consequences of it they were either repealed or became
As to reconciling the differences between the two Governments I
don't apprehend it will ever be done effectually till they are united
into one Government under one Governor then their Interest will be one
& all their Laws and Constitutions the same.
But as perhaps this will never be thought fit to be done at
least till the Necessity becomes more apparent It will behove the two
Governments to come to an Eclaircissement [sic] out of hand or Letters of
Complimt. will be turned into Letters of Complaint Memorials &
Remonstrances. But in order to make up these Differences nothing can
be more necessary than Mr. Oglethorpe's Presence.
Mr. Oglethorpe's Letter of the 11th of May 1736 does not give
Content or Satisfaction being rather a Vindication of the Officers of
Georgia than an Apology. He says indeed that if the Magistrates of
Savannah have exceeded their Authority he will severely animadvert upon
their Conduct, yet at the same time he says it is not his single Opinion
but the absolute Order of the King to prevent the Importing of rum into
that Colony. But the Sole Question is what is meant by an Importation
Here is no disavowing of the Conduct of the Officers in all this
Affair; which was what was hoped for and expected.
Mr. Oglethorpe is pleased to declare by the same Letter that as
for hindring [sic] the Trade up the River or hindring [sic] the Carolina
people from navigating the same he is sure that the Trustees much less
himself never intend any thing of that kind; yet in three days after
there was an Account brought to Charles Town that the Purysburghers
were forced to Carry their Negroes consigned to them by Mr. Simons by
Land because the Georgia Officers threatned [sic]to Seize them if they
carried them to Purysburgh by Water. Is not this Stopping the Navigation
of that River?
The Trustees in their Letter of the 5th of January 1735 are
pleased to declare that as to the Priviledge & Liberty of Trading with
any Nation of free Indians they pretend to no Exclusive Right. But they
do not declare that the People trading from South Carolina or Virginia
to or with the Indians within the Limits of Georgia were never intended
to he comprehended or included within that Act.
If Mr. Oglethorpe he desirous to give the People of South Carolina
Satisfaction and Content it may easily be done but whether it be
fitting and convenient to he done must rest in that Gentleman's own
Judgment for I know nothing of his Intentions or Instructions, therefore
the most unfit person in the World to advise. But as You so earnestly
desire to know what will give the People Content I may venture to say,
If that Gentleman upon Examination of the Affair of Seizing and Staving
the Rum shall find that his Officers at Georgia have exceeded their
Authority and will he pleased to declare that he is of opinion they have
and that they shall make Satisfaction for all Damages.
If he will please to declare that the Navigation of Savannah River shall
be always deemed to he free and open to all the Inhabitants of South
Carolina as well for carrying up Rum as other Indian Trading Goods to
old Savannah Town for the Indian Trade as for Supplying of all other
Settlements on the North Side of Savannah River therewith and also with
Negroes for the use of these Settlements so that they do
not land such Rum or Negroes or put the same on Shore at Georgia
that these Trading Boats shall meet with no Interruption for the
That the Trade with the Indians shall he free open and in common
as well to the Inhabitants of South Carolina as Georgia.
That the Act for Settling the Peace with the Indians was never
intended to extend to the Trade or Traders of South Carolina or
Virginia who may go and come at their Liberty without Restraint of their
Persons or Goods and carry on a Trade with all the Creeks and Cherikees
[sic] by Licence [sic] and Authority from their own respective Governments
That he will not admit into the Service of Georgia such Traders
as are indebted to the Carolina Merchants till they have discharged
their Debts or till he take some Order concerning the Payment of those
If Satisfaction be given in these points I am perswaded [sic] there will
be an End of all the present Differences between the two Colonys [sic].
But there is a material Point which remains to be Settled and
that is whether the Province of South Carolina have a Right to send an
Agent amongst the Indians or not. If it be allowed they have it will be
highly necessary that there should be but one Agent notwithstanding for
both Colonys [sic], and one Talk given to the Indians to be agreed on by
both Governments. This is so necessary that it needs no Comment.
If it be admitted that the Trade is in common to both I am of
opinion it will be necessary for the two Governments to concert measures
together and agree upon certain other Points to be observed by both
(vizt.) To ascertain the Price of such Goods as are most in Demand and
usually Sold amongst the Indians otherwise the Traders will strive to
under Sell each other to get the most Skins till the Trade becomes of no
benefit to either.
That the Laws that prevent Credit being given to the Indians be
strictly put in Execution which if not done will be attended with the
same Inconveniences. And that such other Regulations be made as shall
be thought necessary and of equal Advantage to both Governments.
If You think these Hints will be of any Service to that Gentleman
You will please to communicate them if not I hope they will be taken in
good part because they were intended for his Service. The Secrecy You
enjoyn'd [sic] me in the last Affair I must return upon You, and am
Your most Obedient
6th June 1736.