Giant days, or, The life and times of William H. Crawford : embracing also excerpts from his diary, letters and speeches, together with a copious index to the whole / by J. E. D. Shipp

Giant Days,
---OR ----
The Life and "Times

William HL Crawford
Embracing also excerpts from his Diary, Letters and Speeches, together with a copious index to the whole. j& jt .9*

J. E. D. Shipp, A. B.

""Wherefore lie who hath both the desire and power to acquaint

himself thoroughly both -with the customs and 1 the learning of

his ancestors., appears to me to have attained to the very highest

glory and honor."---Cicero.

16803 123

COPYRIGHTED 1909
BY J- E. D. SHIPP

DEDICATORY.
If I could write a biography worthy to be so-called, it would not be dedicated to the rich and powerful, to the martial hero, nor to the politician. I would rather dedicate to him who is doing most to rescue from ob livion the glorious and inspiring deeds of our ancestors and perpetuate the true history of our Southland; to the modest, patient, unselfish scholar and searcher after truth--such for example, as Ulrich B. Phillips, author of GEORGIA AND STATE RIGHTS.
THE AUTHOR.

PREFACE.
From my early boyhood I have desired to write a Hfe of William H. Crawford.
The scantiness of the material, coupled with a con scious inability to do tlie subject justice, long deterred me from, the attempt. Several years since when a number of rare American newspapers and political pamphlets prior to 1825 came into my possession, I resolved, with these as a nucleus, to search for more material bearing directly on the early history of Georgia and times in which Crawford lived-
His life and the history of the state are so interwoven as to be inseparable.
There are many persons to whom I have, during the preparation of this work, become indebted Cor assistance rendered. From Dr. U. B. Phillips, of the University of Wisconsin, I received many helpful suggestions, and much Crawford correspondence obtained from descendants. Through the courtesy of Dr. Thomas M. Owens of Montgomery, Ala., I have been furnished with copies of many private letters of Crawford from the State archives of Alabama. These letters were placed there by the families of Jxidge Charles Tait and lion. Boiling Hall, and have never been published.
Mrs. Mary Tait Beck of Camden, Ala., furnished letters received by her distinguished grandfather, Judge Charles Tait, written by Craw ford and his contemporaries.
From Mr. W. H. C. Dudley and Col. W. H. C. Wheatley, both of AmerieuK, Ga., I am indebted for a portrait of their common ancestor, Mrs. Susanna Girardiii Crawford, and for many helpful suggestions in this pleasant iabor.
I am particularly indebted to library of Congress and New York State Library for rare items of Crawfordiana.
To Frank P. Brent, Esq., of Richmond, Va., Mr. I. L. Parrish of New York Historical Society, Mrs. Harlot Meri-

wether Lovett of Girard, Ga., Miss Loula Kendall Rogers of Barnesvllle, Ga,, and Hon. A. O. Bacon, acknowledgements are also due.
This volume was written at night as recreation from the routine of a country law office. It is to be hoped that my untiring efforts to gather together the facts bearing on the subject portrayed will, in a measure, atone for imperfections of literary craftsmanship.
It is a matter of regret that none of the several large histories of Georgia make mention of the Revolutionary heroine, Nancy Hart. The sources therefore, from which the facts are derived in the d-gresslve accounts given of her in this volume, are definitely set forth. Because her name more properly belongs to national rather than local history in the value of her services to the country is an additional reason for the space given her in the chapter devoted to the touch stone period of our country's development.
J. B. D. SHIPP. Americus, Ga., Oct. 4, 190S.

FOREWORD.
This Is the simple narrative of many of the most important events which serve to make up tlie life and char acter of one who lived in the public eye during that period of our country's history which is least known, when more weighty subjects were discussed and passed upon, more diffi culties removed from the free administrations of government and more political fallacies broached and eradicated than at any other period of our national existence. This is the story of an interesting career but poorly told, of one who in the baptism of fame gave to himself his own name--a Georgia plow bo>~, teacher and lawyer, who became legislator. United States Senator, cabinet officer, diplomat, and the nominee of a great party for President. It covers the period of two wars with Great Britain, and treats of those turbulent times in the beginning of the nineteenth century "when the whole theory of government was subjected to an inquisition that spared neither the ancient and venerable, the good and great nor the bad and weak, in the scales of honesty and justice they were all weighed and their true merit ascertained. It is an era which not only embraces the revolutionizing of our national policy, but marks the settlement of all Western Georgia by the whites after the expulsion of the aborigines. It embraces the times of the stupendous Yazoo Fraud, and the origin of the Craw ford and Clark parties which were destined to exceed all bounds and precedents and inaugurate a regime never to be forgotten for its ravenous partisan zeal for supremacy in State politics.
One can but observe with deep regret that so many names in this State, richly deserving their country's respect and gratitude, for the lack of contemporaneous chroniclers and eminent artists to give value to their fame, are scarcely remembered, their merits forgotten or their valuable services ascribed to others. Even when these names occur in general history, the true significance of their careers is not educed; or like Hortensius of old, who while glimmeringly acknowl edged as a greater than Cicero, yet bis fame lives only in the eulogies of his rivals.
In the National Portrait gallery of Rminent Americans, published in Philadelphia 183 9, appears the most extended sketch of William H. Crawford. This authentic narrative covers less than twelve pages. The author was the accom-

plisbed Geo. M. Dudley, the husband of Mr. Crawford's eldest daughter, Caroline, who was her father's private secretary. This sketch by Mr. Dudley after leaving his hands
r to , anc
pruning. Interesting minutiae and intimate details were lost by elision, when it was of utmost importance that they should be pre served. The real, virile Crawford was denied rehabilitation by an editor's demand for the popular, trite, stock expressions and meagre statements long accepted as covering the subject.
The ired for an extended biography were J the burning of his residence in Araeric 3 before his death in 1867.
Tn the wholesome and friendly competition of different arative me uring- the half oE th
sr favorite iphies of
extol hei nckson; Sc her Calhoun; but Georgia's gifted Crawford, the compeer of these, has never had a single volume to record his services. Indeed the following 3>a&es represent the first sustained effort to collect fragmentary sketches and obscure data and weld together as a connected whole 3 de ^rgi; 'Crawford lived more in deeds than in words. The " phant of an editor or the sycophantic: eiv alle nds the
azines and pamphlets banded down I'rom his day, there are few recorded monuments of his genius. He accomplished few notable feats of states me nship, and in his active, strenuous life wrote little that is now read. Yet with remarkable unani mity all who knew him or who have written of him proclaim his powerful personality and reckon him the peer of any man of his age.

Giant Days
OR
The Life and Times
OF
William H. Crawford
CHAPTER [.
A CHAPTER OF GENEALOGY.
The name Crawford signifies in Gaelic the pass of blood, from "cm" "bloody and "ford" a pass. The following lines on John, Earl of Cra~wf ord, and his valor at the "battle of Gratzka, may lie found in a volume of poems by W. Bewick printed at New Castle-on-Tyne 1752:
"Descended from a family as good As Scotland boasts, and from right ancient blood. Yon. arc the ornament of all your race, The splendor arid the glory and their praise.. What courage you nave shown, illustrious Scot! In future ages will not be forgot." This John Crawford, born 1600 in Ayrshire, Scotland, was the first of the blood to reach these shores in 1G43. His only child, David, carne with him, bis wife having died in Scotland. He was killed during "Bacon's Rebellion" in Vir ginia in 167 6. Although seventy-six years old, this sturdy hero of Grataka, did not hesitate to enter into the great struggle for political rights which sowed the seeds of the American Revolution. In this he only evinced that valorous spirit that lia.s distinguished his lineage as lovers of freedom. His soil David, born in Ayrshire, Scotland, in 1625, married in .Tames City County, Virginia, in 1654. His daughter, Eliza beth, married Nicholas Meriwether. * (2) Judith married Robert Lewis; (3) Angelina married William McGuire; (4) Captain David married Elizabeth Smith in 1695; he died July
.*See "The Meriwcthers and Their Connections," by Louisa H. A. Minor. Pa^e 9.

10

THE LIFE AND TIMES

1762 aged a few months more than a hundred years. His wife, Elizabeth, -was also a centenarian. From Captain David Crawford and Elizabeth Smith have descended a numerous progeny that have settled over the South a.nd "West.
David, son of Captain, born in Hanover County, Virginia, 1697 and died 1766, married Ann Ariderson in 1727; their fifth child, Joel, was born in Hanover County 1736, moved with his father to Amherst County 1750, married Fanny Harris in 1760, died 1788. Their children were (1) Ann, married Joel Barnett, her cousin; (2) Robert, married Eliza beth Maxwell; (3) Joel, married Ann Barnett, his cousin; (4) David, married Mary Lee Wood; (5) Lucy, married James Tinsley; { 6 ) William Harris, married Susanna Gerardin; ( 7 ) Elizabeth, married William Glenn, (2) William Rhymes; (8) Charles, died unmarried; (9) Fanny, married David Crawford; (10) Nathan, died unmarried; (11) Bennet, married (1) Nancy Crawford, (2) Martha Crawford, sisters of David, whomarried Fanny Crawford. Thomas Crawford, father of Nancy and Martha, was the grandfather of Hon. Martin J. Crawford of Columbus, Ga.
It has not been a difficult matter to trace this branch of the family, as so many of the descendants have kept family trees in old Bibles which give their genealogy back to John Crawford of Ayreshire, Scotland, their common ancestor.
The Crawfords were generally of large statue, sinewy, and of great physical endurance: with square chins, blonde complexions, prominent iiosos, b1 ue eyes and sanguine tem peraments. They bear a striking family resemblance. The frequent intermarriage among different branches of the family, intensified the peculiar traits and features that dis tinguished them. Dr. R. D. Barrett of Virginia writes: "They "were brave, public spirited, patriotic, clannish, slow to anger, but when aroused--lions. There was a spark of genius in all, but it blazed smouldering in. same. The oldest ones liked their ease and were always temperate. I have heard my grandfather say they had crooked little fingers. They were a martial, self-reliant and intelligent race."
Gov. Geo. W. Crawford of Georgia in a sketch of the family remarks: "The American Crawfords never forgot the Scotchman's prayer 'thai they might not. have a good opinion of themselves.' "
The mother of William 1-!. Crawford, Fanny Harris, was the daughter of one of the early settlers of Rocknsh Valley, Virginia, and of Scotch-Irish descent.

OP WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

11

The Harris family was prominent in County and State

affairs, and many times members of it represented Albermarle

and Nelson Counties in the General Assembly. They were

and are people of. highest social standing. Isham G. Harris,

Governor of Tennessee and long a distinguished member of

the United States Senate, was of this family; as were also,

Judge John W. Harris, member of Supreme Court of Texas,

and his brother, Sam Harris, Lieu tenant-Governor of that

State.

It is seen, therefore, that William Harris Crawford had

an honorable pedigree. His ancestors, of the good old

Scottish stock in Virginia were sterling, hardy and temperate

people, and bequeathed to him the precious legacy of a good

name. But whether he descended from earl or farmer, he

was well-born, for he was endowed by nature with the ability

to win honor and fame for his name. He was born on

February 24th, 1772, in that part of Amherst County Vir

ginia out of which Nelson County has since been formed.

In a fertile valley watered by the beautiful Rockfish River

and hemmed in by the lofty peaks of the Blue Ridge, stood

the old brick mansion that was the Crawford home. The

plantation, still known as the "Crawford place," is twelve

miles distant from Rock fish Station on the Southern Railway,

and is now owned by Mr. Henry Page of Greenfteld, Nelson

County, Virginia. The family mansion was standing until

very recently. On Virginia's most fertile soil, environed by

scenery of 'surpassing loveliness, the birth place of Crawford

seemed a favored spot. Here Nature presents a panorama of

beauty and grandeur, celebrated in song and romance, and

which defies the painter's brush, here amid bro-wsing herds of

sheep and kine on the mountain side, green fields of tobacco

and waving acres of corn in the rich valleys, "was Crawford's

home until his seventh year. "He was cradled in the presag

ing times immediately preceding the Revolution, and the tem

per of those giant days must have entered into his blood to

mould in grand proportions, brawn and brain. ''The part of
the country in which Mr. Crawford was born is said to have been famous for large men.. A Mr. Spencer lived there who had the reputation of being the Ia.rgest ma,n in the world." *

He was only one year of age when Patrick Henry, Thomas

JefCerson and Richard Henry Lee were appointed a committee

from Virginia to urge upon the

olonies the Declaration

of Independence, which caused then

ing forth united

as a free nation like Minerva from t

L of Jupiter----full

grown and panoplied.

*Whitc's Statistics of Georgia. J?aee 199.

12

THE LIFE AND TIMES

CHAPTER II.
THE WAR IN SOUTH CAROLINA AND GEORGIA.
Financial reverses came to the Crawford home in Vir ginia, and in 1779 Joel Crawford with his family removed from the Old Dominion and settled in Edgefleld District, South Carolina, on Stevens Creek about thirty miles above Augusta. William. Harris was a strong and well-developed boy, and although only seven years oi' age rendered his father assistance on the farm at this time. There were many things to cause heart "burnings and feverish anxiety to the elder Crawford, as we shall see later on, but the question uppermost in his mind seems to have been the proper education of his chil dren. To accomplish this he was ready to make any sacrifice. There was a school in the neighborhood, and here young Crawford during a few weeks each year assiduously applied himself, and evinced \musual capacity for receiving instruction. The father's soul was stirred within him as he witnessed the eagerness and aptitude of the boy, and he desired for Mm better opportunities than could be obtained in the short terms of the country schools of Edge field. Here father and son formed a compact, with firm purpose to gain the object---- education--over all obstacles.
Joel Crawford owned a few slaves, and the product of the farms of Edge fie I el District had a ready market at Augusta. The important scene of the Revolution at this time had been transferred from the North to the State of Georgia, In 1779 Savanna,h and Augusta wore both captured and held by the British, and soon after the entire State fell into the hands of the enemy. Georgia saw the "Loyalist Governor, James Wright, restored, and once again the State became a royal province. The patriots by a terrible system of persecution were forced to abandon their homes and flee northward. In the winter, therefore, the Crawford family moved north over Broad River into Chester District. But quietude and safety was not to be enjoyed, even in this interior retreat. There were disastrous breakers ahead, and the most serious trouble that had yet befallen this household was now impending.
In an animated speech in 1779 President Rawlins Lowndes addressed the South Carolina Legislature in the following words: "Our inveterate and obdurate enemy being foiled in the Northern States, and by valor and good conduct, of the inhabitants, compelled, to abandon, their hopes of con quest there, have turned their arms more immediately against

OF WILLIAM H, CRAWFORD

13

the Southern States in hopes of better success. They are now in possession of Savannah, the Capital of Georgia, from whence if not prevented an easy transition may he made into this country. This situation of danger, gentlemen, calls for your most serious consideration." To these spirited sentiments the House of Representatives responded in an address of which the following is a part: "We conceive ourselves bound by all the difference there is between the horrors of slavery and the blessings of liberty, to use every means in. our power to expel them from our country."
Major General Lincoln with his two thousand effective continentals indiscreetly determined to defend Charleston to the last. This city was wealthy and numbered at that time fifteen thousand inhabitants. There were no forts or ram parts and General Lincoln could rely for its defense only on the temporary field "works which lie was able to construct. Sir Henry Clinton who was then in command of the Royal Army swooped down on the city like a summer storm determined with a force five times greater to annihilate at one fell blow the only army of the Continental Government in the South. Lincoln made the first attempt in the whole American war to defend a town, and his disastrous defeat demonstrated that American independence could never be achieved in this way. "Washington in vain had advised that the army should keep to the open country where it could be free to attack or retreat, and never to risk a siege. By this blunder Lincoln and his whole army were captured and South Carolina, like Georgia, was completely overrun by the
, British. The deplorable condition of this period is thus graphically
described by Bancroft: "Before the end of three months after the capture of Savannah all the property, real and per sonal, of the rebels in Georgia was disposed of. For further gains Indians were encouraged to bring in slaves wherever they could find them. All families in South Carolina were subjected to the visits of successive sets of banditti, who received commissions as volunteers with no pay or emolument but that derived from rapine, and who roaming about at pleasure robbed the plantations alike of patriots and loyal ists. The property of the greater part of Soiith Carolina was confiscated, families were divided, patriots outlawed and savagely assaulted, houses burned, and women and children driven shelterless into the forest; districts so desolated that they seemed the abode only of orphans and widows."

14

THE LIFE AND TIMES

Congressman Jolin Houston of Georgia, grieved at the oppressive measures inflicted on his people wrote to Mr. Jay: "Our misfortunes are under God tlie source of our safety. When they have wrought up the spirit of the people to fury and desperation they will be driven from the country." The British commander indulged the delusive idea, that he had established a lasting peace by crushing the strength and spirit o his seemingly helpless victims, and commanded that all the inhabitants of trie State, even those -who were pris oners on parol, should take a part in securing the royal gov ernment. All who refused allegiance were to be treated as rebels to the King-
Joel Crawford was among those who were seized as rebels and carried to Camdcn jail. Gaunt, hungry, miserable, subjected to taunts of every passing Tory, this American prisoner with about two hundred and fifty others, without medical attention and with only a scant supply of bad bread, passed his time away in confinement with, feverish anxiety and suffering. His family was not perhaps in a worse con dition during the eventful summer of 1780 because of his absence. There was on a war of Whig and Tory----small, sharp, internecine warfare of brother against brother. Each side vied with the other in bitterest hatred to kill the fighting men and partisans of their opponents. The absence of a father from home in these perilous times of Scotch-Indian warfare was often a better protection to his family than his presence; for prowling murderous adversaries dogged the steps of every man able to bear arms. The greater part of this period was passed by Joel Crawford as a rebel prisoner of war, and not until late in the summer was his release
secured by some of his loyalist neighbors becoming" his security. * At last, then, from this dreary prison house he returned to his sorrow stricken and helpless family, who longed for his
protecting husbandry. Among the prisoners confined by the British at Camden
Jail, was a tall, slender, blue-eyed, freckled faced, red haired lad of fourteen years. He had been captured near his widowed mother's home in the Waxhaw settlement near the Catawba River on the boundary line between the two Carolinas. He had borne arms and the cruel Tories had felt his power, young as he then was. Game to the core was he. When ordered by the British officer to brush his boots, this spirited youth with Spartan dignity replied:
"Sir, I am a prisoner of war and claim treatment as
*Sherwooct's Ga. Gazeteer, (1S29).

OB1 WILLIAM H. CB.A.WT-ORD

IS

such." The answer of the enraged and demoniacal officer was a cutting blow on the boy's head with a sword. His life was saved only by the interposition of his left hand. There were two cruel wounds, one on his hand and a deep gash in his head that Andrew Jackson carried to his grave. "I'll -warrant that Andy thought of it at New Orleans," said an aged relative of his afterwards to Jackson's biographer. *
When the weary summer was advancing and the prisoners were worn and wasted by hunger, disease and feculency Jack son was released by an exchange of prisoners, effected by his mother's patient might of love, so that he returned to his home in North Carolina. He was an invalid for several months, "but slowly regained health.
During these strenuously exciting times of plunder, sud den devastations, exploits and surprises in partisan warfare, there was scarcely an interval of serenity. No section suf fered more than South Carolina and Georgia. So hopeless seemed their condition that they were dubbed the "Lost Colonies." Here the Tories were most numerous and exasperatingly cruel. No adequate idea can be given in this brief memoir of the sufferings, services and sacrifices of the women of this period who forgetful of their feebleness and timidity, dared to face dangers scarcely compatible with the delicacy of their dispositions. Nature responded to the needs and exigencies of this Revolutionary struggle and produced men and women of giant mould and heroic qualities equal to the occasion. There were desperate leaders of the Tories, Tarleton, Panning and Rawdon, whose atrocities became notorious, and desperately indeed, did the Whig partisan bands of Prancig Marion, Elijah Clark and .lames Jackson revenge themselves on the perpetrators.
Georgia from the hills of Habersham to the glades of the Okefmokee and from the Savannah to the Oconee was being swept by the besom of war. The British -were holding Fort Cornwallis at Aiigusta, and sending out frequent parties of raiders to forage on the Whigs and harrass the "rebels" into submission.
Col. John Dooly of the Georgia Militia was a brave and intrepid soldier. He commanded the right wing of Col. Elijah dark's forces at the battle of Kettle Creek, and greatly contributed to the splendid victory of the Americans. After this signal action he was engaged in defending the frontier, and many a traitor on the border lines of Georgia and South
*Partoi s Life of Jacks! Vol. I, page 89.

16

THE LIFE AND TIMES

Carolina felt the force of his stroke. In this great work he "became a terror to predatory Tories. In order to effectually rid themselves of this brave partisan who had rendered such conspicuious service on both sides of the Savannah River, a party of Tories was sent out from Augusta who ascertained that he was enjoying a short respite at his home, and mur dered him at midnight while in bed and in the presence of his loved ones.
The whole country was wrought up to the highest pitch of excitement over the fiendish murder of this gray-haired warrior who was loved by all who held dear the American cause. Wilkes County, the home of Dooly and Clark, was called "The Hornets' Nest" by the British on account of the valor of the inhabitants.
The war now, on the part of the British, was one of pillaging incursions and assassinations. The Tories exceeded the savage Indians in their numerous atrocities. The cry of vengeance went up to Heaven, and the blood of the dead Dooly gave force and inspiration to the patriots throughout the land. The arm of the weak and wavering was nerved to renewed action on hearing of the foul murder of this popular defender of his people. Dooly was in his grave, but Clark, Pickens, Marion, Twlggs and Jackson, with their brave and scattered forces, never kissed the hand that smote their people. Amid a saturnalia of blood and carnage the British, with their superior numbers, had trodden the proud states of South Carolina and Georgia under foot; yet these people were born free, and the despot's heel could never make them slaves.
If an individual instance of woman's patriotism is called for in order to form a succinct idea of the temper of tho times, and by one example glean a glimpse of the ardent and faithful few who could never be subdued by the severest measures, then no greater record of feminine bravery can be found in the annals of this or any other country than in the thrilling narrative of Nancy Hart.
This story is well told in that interesting book "Geor gians," written by Governor George R. Gilmer, who was a close friend and associate of Crawford. It is also related in "Ellet's Women of the Revolution,' and charmingly set forth in "White's Historical Collections of Georgia," and more minutely sketched by Mrs. Loula Kendall Rogers of Tennille, Ga., who is related to this Revolutionary heroine. *
*Atlanta Journal, issue of October 14, 1901.

OF WILJ_,IAM H. CRAWFORD

17

As William H. Craw ford w is rearer! very near her home, and her adven Lures told e.gaiii and a.gaiii among the people of that day in the South, the T arration of her heroic virtues could but make a kitting impre sion apon one of his temperament, it sf-'^rns, therefore, not im pro per to make some refer ence to this remarkable \vomr.n In his biography.
THE STORY OF NANCY HART,
On the north side of Broad River at a point about twelve miles from the present city of EJlberton. Ga., and fourteen from historic Petersburg, in what is now Slbert County, was situated the log house in which Benjamin Hart and his wife, Nancy Morgan Hart, lived at the commencement of the lievoIntion. The spot is easily located to this day as being near Dyes and Well's ferries, and on the opposite side of the river from which Governor Matthews settled in 17S4, near a small and romantic stream known as "War Woman's Creek." This was the name given to it by the Indians in honor of Nancy Hart, whom they admired and feared. Her home was near the entrance of the stream into the river. The State records show that Benjamin Hart drew four hundred acres of land on Broad River, and afterwards another body of land in Burke County. He was a brother to the celebrated Col. Thomas

He was a well to do farmer, and was compelled to take his stock and negroes to the swamp to save then] and his own life from the unrestrained Tories. As captain of a small com pany of "Partisans" he would sally forth from his hiding place only when there was a chance of striking the enemy an effective blow. The Tories generally spared the women, but killed the men who were found unarmed. Nancy Hart, alone with six boys----Morgan, John, Thomas, Benjamin, Lemuel and Mark, and her two girls. Sally and Keziah----pre sents a unique case of patriotic fervor, courage and independ ence of character unparalleled in history. Rough, unmanage able, six feet tall, spare, bigboned and exceedingly strong, she was high spirited, energetic and shrewd, and delighted in her prowess and physical strength. The whigs all loved her---- she was hospitable and kind to them. The Liberty boys called her "Aunt Nancy." The Tories feared and hated her unrelentingly.
"When General Elijah Clark moved the women and chil dren away from Broad River settlement to a place of safety in Kentucky most of them were anxious to go, but Nancy

18

THE LIFE AND TIMES

refused, and remained alone with her children alter her Whig neighbors had departed. Her life was in constant danger, but she was resolute, and inspired the Tories with a wholesome dread, and for a long dismal period she stood her ground. Her house was a meeting place for her husband's companyShe aided as a spy and kept him informed of the movements of the enemy. She always went to the mill entirely alone, as she was an expert equestrienne. One day while on her rounds she was met by a band of Tories with the British colors striped on their hats and clothing; they knew her and asked for her "pass." She shook her fist at them and replied: "This is my pass; touch me if you dare." Being amused at her answer, and wishing to have some fun, they dismounted the old lady and threw her corn to the ground, laughing at her trouble; but she was not disconcerted in the least; she coolly lifted the two and a half bushels of corn and proceeded to the mill. She often boastingly said she could do what few men could, and that was to stand in a half bushel measure and shoulder two and a naif bushels of corn. Tories lived on the other side of the river opposite her home, and she had many trials with them, as they enjoyed worrying her. There was a large oak stump near her house in which she cut a notch for her gun. Concealing herself in the under growth around she watched for Tories as they crossed the river, and without compunction shot them down, then blew the conch shell for her husband ,to deliver their bodies to the proper authorities. *
One night "Aunt Nancy" was boiling a pot of lye soap in the big fireplace of her stack chimney, and talking to her children in her jovial way. Suddenly she noticed a pair of eyes and a bearded face at a crack between the logs of the cabin. Pretending not to see the prowling eavesdropper she went on stirring the soap, and chatting spiritedly of an esca pade with the Tories. She talked and stirred at a lively rate, covertly watching the crack where were the pair of eyes. Quickly and deftly she dashed a ladleful of the boiling soap in the face of the Intruder, who, blinded and roaring with

OF W1LJ-1AH H. CKA.WFORD

19

and

Ther

a live

ength

gained the mastery and she marched him down the river a

mile and a half to a forv. known as the Old Block House and

turned him over as a prisoner of war to its commander.

All through Georgia and the Carolinas Nancy soon became

famous. Her courage and confidence rekindled the smoulder

ing sparks of liberty in hearts that were weary arid ready to

faint.

Among all the many acts of heroism ascribed to her there is one that apparently eclipses all others, because per

formed at a time when stoutesi. hearts most drooped and

faith in the American cause was waning. This feat was one

that evinced her skill and nerve, and brought into action all

the audacity, tact and devotion of her strong character.

From the detachment of. British soldiers sent out from

Augusta, and which murdered Colonel Dooly, there were five

who diverged to the east and crossed Broad River to examine

the neighborhood and pay a visit to Nancy Hart. They

unceremoniously entered her cabin, receiving from her a scowl, and accused her of secreting a rebel from a company

of King's men. Nancy undauntedly admitted the accusation,

and did not attempt to conceal her enmity. Being hungry

they offered her money to prepare them something to eat.

She replied that she never fed traitors and King's men if

she could help it; for the villians had put it out of her power

to feed her own family and friends by slaughtering her

poultry and pigs. ''The old gobbler out there in the yard is

all I have left," said Nancy. Vn an instant the leader of the

party shot down the turkey, brought it into the house and

ordered her to cook it without delay. Sne stormed awhile,

but at last disposing to make a virtue of necessity she began

with alacrity arrangements for the cooking, assisted by her

children. Finally she overheard her 1111 welcomed guests talk

ing of their having killed Colonel Dooly. After hearing this

Nancy appeared to bo in a good humor, and now and then

exchanged rude jest with tb.e men. Pleased with her freedom, they invited her to partake of some of tlseir liquor, an invita tion which she pretended to accept with jocose thanks.
During the progress of the cooking Nancy sent her eldest
daughter to the spring for water with directions to blow on the conch shell for her father in such a way as to inform him that there were Tories in the cabin.

20

THE LIFE AND TIMES

As the cooking progressed the Tories became merry over their jug, anticipating a feast upon the slaughtered gobbler. They stacked their arms within easy reach, and Nancy -would occasionally pass between the men and their muskets. The Tories called for water, and our heroine having contrived that there should be none in the cabin the daughter was the second time dispatched to the spring to blow a signal on the conch shell which would immediately summon Captain Hart and his company.
Nancy all this time was thinking fast for furious action. Trough a crack between the logs of the cabin she slipped outside two of the five guns. When the hird was being put out the Tories discovered her, and sprang to their t'ect. In an instant Nancy brought the musket to her shoulder, declaring she would kill the first man that moved. Appalled by her bold audacity and fury, the men for a moment stood still; then one of them made a quick movement to advance upon her. True to the word she fired and shot him dead. Instantly seizing the other musket at her side she leveled it, keeping the others at bay. By this time the daughter had returned from the spring, and taking up the other gun, she carried it out of the house, saying to her mother: "Father and the company will soon be here." The Tories were alarmed at this information, and realized the importance of recovering their arms at once. They pro posed a general rush. No time was to be lost by the bold woman; another fire and a second Tory lay dead at her feet, The daughter handed her another musket and Nancy, moving to the doorway, demanded in strident tones the surrender of their carcasses to a "Whig woman. "Yes, we will surrender," said they; "let's shake hands on the strength of it." Nancy was not to be outwitted by an outstretched hand, but held them at bay until her husband and neighbors came up to the door. "When Captain Hart's company was about to shoot the Tories Nancy stopped them, saying: "These prisoners have surrendered to me; they nave murdered Colonel Dooly----I overheard them say so." Her advice was enougn.
These captured murderers of Colonel Dooly were headed by one McCorkle, who lived in South Carolina. George Dooly, brother to the deceased, was with Captain Hart, and never gave up the chase until he saw the prisoners hanged. *
Tory Pond, near the home of Colonel Dooly, in Lincoln County, where the Tories were hanged, is a dismal spot, six
"Gazetteer (published in 1829) page 198.

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWTTORD

21

miles northeast of Liucolnton, Ga., situated on the roadside on the edge of a dense forest. The one grave in which the three
were buried is plainly discernible to this day. Governor Gilmer, who wrote so interestingly of Nancy
Hart, notes the roughness acquired by her terrible environ ment, but describes her as possessing many sterling qualities. She was a great friend to his mother, who often visited her. In 1828-9, when he was congressman from Georgia, a pro posal was made to fill the vacant niches in the rotunda of the capitol at Washington with paintings descriptive of! the battles fought by General Jackson. In order to pay tribute to this famous war woman of the Revolution, Gov. Gilmer offered an amendment to substitute a painting of Nancy Hart wading Broad River, her petticoats held up with one hand, a musket in the other and marching three Tories before her to be delivered to General Elijah Clark. * This amendment was defeated, and the greatest heroine of the Revolution was
refused the honor due to her bravery. John Hart, the second son of Nancy, became an influen
tial and wealthy gentleman, and lived near Athens, Ga. He married Patience Lane in 1787. After his father's death Nancy lived with him. By an act of the Legislature of Geor gia passed Dec. 5th, 1801, John Hart was appointed with four others to fix on the most convenient places to hold elections in his county, and because of this work in naming it as the sites he has been termed one of the fathers of Watkinsville, Ga.
Nancy Hart was possessed, of considerable property, and
her descendants were well provided for by her. In 1787, when the two Virginia preachers, Thomas Hum
phreys and John Majors, were holding a great campmeeting in Wilkes County, Georgia, muny o1: the inhabitants were
moved by their teachings to embrace the doctrine of John Wesley. She was among those who fervently espoused the ca,use, and became a slaiuicli adherent of the new faith. She made several changes of residence----one to St. Marys, Ga.,
and other places---and finally, with her family, moved to Kentucky, where her relatives, the Morgans, lived. Hart County is the only oue in Georgia named for a woman, and the town of Hartford, which in 1810 was the county seat of Pulaski County, was also named in her honor. Many oi7 her descendants reside in Georgia, and treasure with pardonable pride her virtues, and fondly- relate the traditions of her great

22

THE LIFE AND TIMES

CHAPTER III.
THE OLD FIELD SCHOOL.
The Treaty of Peace between Great Britain and the United States was signed at Paris Nov. 30, 1782, and the Thirteen States were d eel a red free and sovereign. After the war was ended Joel Craw ford did not remain long in South. Carolina.
There was an abundance of fertile lands in Georg'a to be granted to active settlers, or to be purchased at a trifling cost. The population of the State then consisted of only 19,000 whites and 10,000 negroes. The settled portion of the State was a narrow t:trip extending along the west side of the Savannah River and along the Atlantic coast to near the Florida line. Thousands from Virginia and the Carolinas moved into this fertile region of cheap Jan as, so that in live

1790 there were found to be 82,000 inhabitants. Joel Craw-ford realized the advantages of this promising
section, and early in 1 783, with his canvas top wagons, a few slaves, and whatever otlior property remained to him from the ravages of war, took up his travel from his home in Edgefield District, to which place he had returned from Chester District, and sought a new settlement on Kiokeo Creek, near where the village of Appling, Ga., now stands. There were excellent reasons why this locality was selected by him for a hovne; a few Virginians were already there, and among thorn several of his relatives. * The country was healthful and the lands productive. This section was then

to form CoUimbia County. The only church at that period in the whole of Richmond
County was Kiokee f Baptist church, formed "by Rev. Daniel Marshall in 1772, and formally chartered by the Legislature of Georgia in 1789 as the "Anabaptist. Church on the Kiokee." It is the oldest. Baptist church in the State;. This pioneer

and on a.ccount of his learning and Cervcnt. devotion to the work of tbe ministry became greatly beloved by his followers. His influence for good in. the Kiokee ser.tlemerit was para mount. Ho never fled the State during the war as others of the clergy did, but remained the pastor of this church contin uously up to the time of his death in 1784. When he first

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

23

came to Georgia he was arrested for preaching in the Parish of St. Paul. This was done in the presence of his congregation, on a beautiful Sunday morning. He was about to be carried to jail by the constable when his brethren gave security for his appearance on the following Monday at court in Augusta. He stood his trial, and although he acknowledged that he was guilty of the charge of preaching and being a dissenter from the Church of England, he wTas discharged with the order of the magistrate to preach no more in Georgia. He answered modestly but firmly in the language of the Apostle: "We ought to obey God rather than man." * The Crawfords lived very near this church, and were constant attendants, and contributors to it. On account of the danger of Indians the Leg-stature had promulgated a law making any man found at church without his musket and 30 rounds of ammunition in the pew beside him, subject to a fine of ten shillings. This act was passed in 1770, arid was observed until after the Revolution.
St. Paul's Episcopal church at Augusta, which had been supported by the Government ever since 1758. was destroyed during the war, and not rebuilt until several years after. The grand jury presentments of Richmond County in 1782 state as a grievance the want of a house of worship in Augusta. .
In 1784 the Legislature fixed the county seat of Richmond County "At, the place where the road crosses the little Kiokee creek leading to the meeting house." This is the spot where the town of Applitig now stands.
The people of Georgia were poor after an eight years' war. The State had overpaid her quota of money to continue the struggle. Continental currency was almost worthless, and even as late as 1785, after the success of the colonies had been established the state auditor was required to receive all Geor gia paper bills emitted since the commencement of the late war at the enormously depreciated rate of one thousand for one. f This startling depreciation exhibits most forcibly the poverty of the young State, and the hardships of her condi-

mon expression: "Not worth a continental." Yet there were other patent influences, which in spite of a depleted treasury, tended to the material development of the State.
If there was any one thing, however, that caused the great
Shei rood's Gazetteer, pag e244. tWatkin s Digest, paee 314.

24

THE I.IFE AND TIMES

influx of so many excellent immigrants of the best quality to Georgia, that swelled her population and wealth at such an increasing, unprecedented rate immediately after the Revolu tion, that one tiling should be ascribed to the praiseworthy efforts of the State to advance the ca,use of education with in. her borders. This new State was formed with the experience of all the world before it, and this subject of neglected educa tional facilities under the old colonial system, was uppermost; resolves were made that under the benign smlJes of Providence which bad blessed their independence, religion and learning should be fostered. It was done, and unrivaled population, wealth and intelligence was the result, and with these unrivaled comfort and happiness.
A few months after the Declaration of Independence the First Constitution of Georgia was adopted. The 54th section op this Constitution declared: -'Schools shall be erected in each County, and supported at the general expense of the State." Many other wholesome provisions were made in pur suance thereof to encourage education. Donations were made separately to the cities of Augusta, Savannah, Waynesboro, T_,ouisville, Sunbury, Kbenezer, Washington and others to main tain academies. On July 31st, 1783, the legislature appro priated one thousand acres of land to each County for the support of free schools. On Feb. 25th, 1784, the following act was passed: "Whereas, the encouragement of religion and learning is an object o[ great importance to any community, and most tends to the prosperity, happiness and advantages of the same. Be it therefore enacted by the authority afore said, That the County Surveyor immediately after the passage of this act shall proceed to lay out in each Coxmty twenty thousand acres of land of tlie first quality in separate tracts of five thousand acres each for the endowment of a college, or seminary of learning, and which said lands shall be vested in and granted in turn to his honor the Governor for tile time being, and John Houston, Ja.mcs Habersham, William Few, Joseph Clay, Abraham Baldwin, AVilliam Houston and Nathan Brownson, esquires, and their successors in office who are hereby nominated and appointed trustees of the said college. or seminary of learning, and empowered to do all such things as to them shall appear requisite to forward the establishment and progress of same." The cbarter of the TTniversUy of Georgia was granted in 1785. The remarkable preamble to this chartering act, contains this forceful sentence: "This country in the times of our common danger and distress

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

25

found such security in the principles and abilities which wise

regulations had before established in the minds of our country

men that our present happiness, joined to pleasing prospects,

should conspire to make us feel ourselves under the strongest

obligations to form the youth, the rising hope of our land, to

render the like glorious and essential services to our country."

Georgia was the first State to establish a university. It

was thirty years later before the University of Virginia "was

organized.

The amount given by private benefactors to the pro

motion of education in this State has been very great, and

a number of schools before and since the Revolution were

supported toy private munificence alone. The early history

of the State shows that cities, towns and districts all con

tributed liberally to the cause. In this manner that founda

tion was laid that produced so many great men thereafter,

and advanced the moral and material development of the

State to that extent which won for it the well earned name of

the Empire State of the South.

After their arrival in Georgia, the Crawfords were

not unmindful of the cherished Idea of educating their chil

dren. A school near by was patronized by them. There was

a longing, however, in the hearts of the parents to give to

their precious son better advantages than could be then

obtained in Georgia. Notwithstanding his limited means

Joel Crawford was ready to make the greatest sacrifice to this

end, for he realized what was plainly obvious to others, that

William was deeply imbued with a love of learning remarkable

for a lad of eleven years. The proud father desired that his

son should be educated in the country from whence his ances

tors had sprung. He loved Scotland and her institutions and

traditions. The University of Edinburgh, in his opinion,

offered the greatest facilities. Thither would he have his son

attend. There was a wealthy Scotch merchant in Augusta

who was ready to advance money to good customers on ample

security. This merchant made trips to Scotland to buy goods,

and spent a great portion of his time in the mother country,

Such a trade was made and terms for his tuition agreed upon,

and at last the fond parents' hearts were to be gladdened.

To Scotland then the lad was to be taken for a thorough education. The joy of receiving these advantages, com mingled with the sorrows of parting with loved ones for

1!

so many years, were all experienced by William. He never

forgot these tenderest emotions, and so long as he lived spoke

of them with becoming sentiment.

26

THE LIFE AND TIMES

Here was the event which seemed destined to change the

whole current of his life. However, .just before the appointed

time for his departure the Scotch merchant, in a violent fit

of mental derangement, attempted to cut his own throat.

as it would

he unsafe to entrust him with funds and the

erintendence

of his son's education.

Back then to the old field school, Five years more of

assiduous application and the boy w

well versed in all

the English branches taught therein, This youth now of

sixteen summers was tall, dignified, but not graceful, mus-

cular and well proportioned; iris bead and face were strik

ing and impressed the boh older at once with the belief

that he must possess more than ordinary powers of intellect.

His complexion was fair and ruddy, his features strong and

regular, his manner frank and unconventional and his speech

blunt and to the point. He was cordial to his friends, and

tiled

ad hi whole

countenance. No "wonder then, at In is tender age, he was

deemed capable of taking charge of this old field school as

teacher, his father being unable to bear the expense of con

tinuing his education in the County academy at Augusta. U

his purpose of obtaining a libera

he never for a moment lost sight c

what he had learned, and by it h

accomplish his cherished purpose

room

ul:

felt was now to befall him.

Before the year 1788 had passed his doting father died,

leaving "William the principal support of the family. The

disease which took off his father and swept with such violence

throughout the country at this time was smallpox. Their

valuable servants also fell under its attack, and the bereaved

family were reduced to very narrow circumstances. Every

dollar of the boy teacher's earnings was sorely needed now

to aid his mother in supporting a large and almost helpless

family.

During the next three or four years Orawford was teach

ing school a.nd Resisting on the farm. These were trying

times with him, and it seemed that <ifU:r all, his desire to

obtain a classical education was about to be repressed by

chill penury. Tt has been often asserted that any ambitious

youth in America can work bis way to an education if he

OF WILLJAM H. CRAWFORD

27

but have a dee?) act purpose. It seems that Crawford's life would disprove this proposition; he arrived at the age of twenty-two with all his ho pea unrealized. He was not one to shirk any task nor tn be overcome by obstacles. An ordinary rninrl, under these depressing circumstances, would have yielded to the current of affairs, but his was not of ordinary mould. Viev,'5r,g him e.i this critical period one would scarcely conceive tlict \;a was destined to act such an important part in the draun; of his country's history.
L,et us cast a glance at a few of the distinguished men with whom tmd aga'nst whom he afterwards acted.
John Quir.cy Adams was now twenty-seven years of age. and had been most carefully educated at Harvard, and later in the colleges of Europe, having received every advantage that wealth, t-1 picric! or a nil povrcrful friends could bestow. I-Ie was appointed in 1 79 i Minister Piers ipotcmf.iary of the United States at the Hague. Andrew Jackson was holding the very lucrative office oi: TMslr-c-t Attorney at r-Tashvillc, Tenn., and at this time had laid the foundation for the large estate which was soon to be his. At the age of twenty-seven he had achieved great pop si la rity in his district as a politician, and was noted for his personal pro wets, as evinced by his full hundred hand to hand encounters, duels, and fisticuffs in most of which, "but not, anvny;-;, he \v;.-:s victorious. Henry Clay "was an impecunious orphan seventeen years of a.gc, and employed in the Clerk's office of. the "J ligli Court of Chancery at Rich mond, Va. Van T'niren i-incl Webster were school boys of twelve at tlieir father's homes in Kc\v York and Massachu setts, respectively. George "Michael Ti-oup was fourteen years of age and attending a bearding school taught by the cele brated Dr. Peter "Wilson sr, Flatbush. New York, where so many wealthy Southerners' L-OIIS were educated. * John Clark was engaged in a chimerical scheme under his father. General Elijah Ciark, to set, up an independent State in "Western Geor gia, inhabited only by tlie Indians, t josiah Tatnall and James Jackson were Senators from Georgia, George Matthews was Governor, uucl Their as P. Cnvnos was in Congress from Georgia. Nathaniel iVlacori o? Xorth Carolina, was also in Con gress : Berrien was a tliirtcs'n-year-old college boy at Princetori, where two years l^tor v,e WFIS graduated. Of John C. Oalhoun, who remained tix rough out b ir; whole life Crawford's most powerful antn^oulsL and Av'th whom he g]'appled on many a clear cut field in bitterest pollticnl strife, we shall get a glimpse in our next, chapter.
*Harden's LiCo of Tronp, pa 9.

28

THE LIFE AND TIMES

CHAPTER IV.
CARMEL AND RICHMOND ACADEMIES.
In the Spring ol" 1794 there came to Columbia, County a new dominating personality, the famous teacher Dr. Moses Waddell. He came as a missionary, for he was a devout Presbyterian minister. He had been educated at HampdenSydney College, where he was prepared to teacb and preach. Governor Gilmer, who was one of his pupils, says of him: "He was for a long time the most useful and successful teacher in the Southern country. He devoted his whole life to his calling', and was a most admirable example of the superiority of strong sense of duty and untiring industry in the employments of. life, over genius and accomplishments." * Waddell possessed those sterling qualities of heart and soul which peculiarly fitted him for leadership and privations of a pioneer life. He was the son of the blind preacher of Vir ginia so graphically described by Will'.am Wlrt in his British Spy as making the impassioned utterance: "Socrates died like a philospopher, but Jesus Christ died like a God."
Carrael Academy, two and a haM" miles distant from the present site of Appling, was organized under his direction. 'Who can calculate the great use to mankind that can flow from the efforts of a consecrated teacher? This great educa tor was destined to become famous as the Instructor of the leading statesmen of the South, Oarmel Academy contained pupils who, in after years, adorned the national councils and filled the country with their fame. Dr. WaddelJ's wife was the daughter of Patrick Calhoun, and the sister of Hon. John Caldwell Calboun of South Carolina.
The younger Calhoun soon after came as a pupil to this school. He was thirteen years of age, and possessed even then the active energy, determination, ardency of feeling, impulsive enthusiasm and quickness of apprehension which characterized him throughout life. Besides Calhoun and Wil liam H. Crawford there was Thomas W. Cobb, another bright, spirited youth, who in after yesrs. ass congressman and United States senator, reflected honor on his state by his unswerving

The devout muss!?:man, when he turns his face towards Mecca as the true source of all light, is not moved with more fervor than was CrawJ'ord la this great opportunity which he had so long craved. He soon obtained the confidence and
'Gilrn

OP "WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

29

favor of Dr. Waddell, and a lasting friendship grew up between preceptor and pupil. Crawford remained in the Academy two years, studying the usual .Latin and Greek authors, philosophy and French. The last year he was promoted to the position of usher, receiving as his compensation one-third of the tuition money. His quick apprehension and retentive memory enabled him to master the Latin and Greek languages in the shortest possible time, and to comprehend and enjoy with peculiar zest the beauties of the classics. He was fond of Virgil, Horace, Cicero, Thucydides and Homer. He frequently attended examinations of academies and colleges to renew his touch with the grand old Masters. * There was nothing, however, of display or vanity in his make up; his learning was without pedantry. He not only loved books himself, but knew how .to impress their iitility attractions on others. In that interesting book, "Leisure Labors," by J. B. Cobb, there is presented a striking picture of the lumbering, honest student.
"It was determined by himself and some of the elder school boys to enliven the annual public examinations by representing a play. They selected Addison's Cato; and in forming the cast of characters, that of the Roman Senator was, of course, assigned to the usher. Crawford was a man of extraordinary height and large limbs, and was always ungraceful and awkward, besides being constitutionally unfitted, in every way, to act any character but his own. He, however, cheerfully consented to play Ca.to. It was a matter of great sport, even during rehearsal, as bis young companions heheld the huge, unsightly usher, with giant strides and stentorian voice, go through with the representation of the stern, precise old Roman. But on the night of the grand exhibition an accident, eminently characteristic of the coun terfeit Cato, occurred, which effectually broke up the denoue ment of the tragedy.' Crawford had condiicted the Senate scene with tolerable success, though rather boisterously for so solemn an occasion, and had even managed to struggle through with the apostrophe'to the soul; but when the dying scene behind the curtain came to be acted Cato's groan of agony was hollowed out with such hearty good earnest as totally to scare av/ay the tragic muse, and set promoter, play ers and audience in ti general unrestrained fit of laughter. This was, we believe, the future statesman's first and last theatrical attempt."

30

THK .fJjn'K; AXD TlAI'ES

Upon the death of his wife In April, 179G, Dr. Waddeli closed the Academy and did not resume his duties until after his second marriage four years later. Carrnel Academy, how-ever obscure, was the nursery of Georgia's most distinguished sons, in politics, literature and religion. It had proved to be an unmixed blessing to the commxinity, and its influence was wide and formative. Dr. Waddeli was the librarian, of a small circulating library of well selected books, and to this his students resorted, inspired as they were by a master -who stimulated the pride and ambition or youth. After the death ot his sister and the closing of the school, Jonn C. Calhoun continued to reside with his brother-in-law on the latter's plantation. Dr. Waddeli, however, was absent for the greater part of his time engaged in the peifornian.ee of his clerical duties, and young Calhoun was left to depend upon his own resources for amusement. There was not another white person on the farm, and although tbere were occasional visits from hospitable neighbors he would 110 doubt have fallen a victim to listlessness and ennui had it not been for the fact that his active mind found employment in the library, which he kept during Dr. Waddeli's absence. His biographer tells us that he read Hollins' Ancient History, Robertsons' .Life of Charles V, a History of America and a translation of Voltaires' Charles XII. * He was fascinated with the inexhausti ble store of knowledge and variety which tins French scholar exhibited, and admired the well turned periods and graceful diction of Scotland's great Historian; and with, thrilling delight perused the graphic account 01 tSio daring exploits of the "Madman of the North." Cook's Vovages, Bacon's Essays and Loeke on the "Understanding, all received, a careful reading by him. Within a few months, however, he was recalled to his home in Abbcville, and not until the expiration of four years, spent in hunting, fishing ai:d some slight attention to the farm, did he resume his studies at Carmel Academy. In June, 1800, being then a vigorous youth of eighteen years, he returned to Georgia, and after two more years under Dr. "Waddeli entered the Junior Class at "Yale College, where, in. 1S04, he graduated with distinction.
At the closing of Carrael Academy in ] 790, Crawford, still anxious to increase his store of useful learning, bent his way to Augusta. This growing city of some three thousand five hundred people was already said to be taking- on. seductive ways of fashion and worldliiiess. The obscure usher resolved

*Jenkins' Life of Calhoun, page ^-'.

OF WILLIAM I-I. CRAWFORD

31

to fling himself in the way of fortune, and although, without means for the attainment of his purpose, yet dared to hope by bravest efforts to win her favor. He was successful. In the double capacity of student and instructor he remained for two years. In 1798 he was appointed rector, Charles Tait having resigned the position to practice law.
During this year awakening ambition suggested a larger plan of life. He commenced the study of jurisprudence, and at the end of the year he resigned his place in the Academy., and was admitted to the practice of law. "It may be remarked," says Mr. Dudley, "that while he was engaged In his scholastic and professional studies he supported a char acter for the most exemplary morality and prudence, and was a most indefatigable, close, and laborious student."
Of the students at this school where Crawford studied and taught, there were many who became zealous in their friendship for him. He had a peculiar tact for cementing friendship when once formed.
About this time there entered into his life a new expe rience--another incentive for endeavor and achievement. Among the pupils at the Academy was Susanna Girardin, daughter of Louis G-irardin, a Savannah River valley planter of Huguenot descent, whose father had been a professor in William and Mary College, Virginia. To this bright, blueeyed, fair-haired Georgia girl the young tutor gave his heart's allegiance. The happiest lovo stories are told in fewest words, and this may be briefly stated: they loved wisely and well. Poverty and tardy fortune delayed the consummation of plighted troth, but fidelity of purpose won over all obstacles, for Youth and Will are masters.
William II. Crawford pushed 011 toward the highway of success. His connections with. Richmond Academy gave him prestige. His predecessors. Judge Griffin and Charles Tait, were teachers and men of great ability. When, therefore, in 1799 he set up to practice la\v at Lexington, Ga., lie com manded attention, and did not long remain a briefless barrister.
The only two political matters he had up to this time ever attemj,tpd to handle were of great importance to the country. There was held in Augusta, Ga., on July 2d, 179S, a convention of. you lie; men who sought to take some action against tho incursions of. Prance upon our commerce. A committee \vas appointed, of which Crawford was chairman, to address a communication to the President. This address was written and forwarded to President John Adams, and it

32

THE LIFE AND TIMES

attracted a great deal of comment at the time, as embodying a bold aggressive spirit in favor of maintaining our commerce on the high seas. *
The other matter was also one of the deepest gravity that arose from his opposition to a bill that had been intro duced into the Georgia .Legislature, which bill gave rise to what was afterward known, as the "Yazoo Fraud." This fraud was one of the most shameful that ever disgraced any legislative "body. The moving spirit "was Judge Henry Wilson' of Pennsylvania, a most distinguished, man. He was one o the signers of the Declaration of Independence, and had been a member of the Constitutional Convention of 1787, and at this time was one of tho judges of the Supreme Court of the United States. Few men had stood higher in the affections of the people, but his thirst for gold made him a greedy land speculator, and he allied himself with Gen. James Guiin, a United States Senator from Georgia, and perpetrated upon the people of this State by open bribery and bullying this monstrous crime. Among those most concerned in the scheme was Judge Nathaniel Pendleton, District Judge of the United States for the District of Georgia, and Matthew McAlester, District Attorney of the United States for Georgia, who were the lobbyists and bribe givers; also William Stith, Judge of the Superior Court, of Georgia, who sold his inQuence for $13,000 in money and a promise by the incorporators to make him Governor of Georgia, t
The act itself bears the deceptive title: "An act supple mentary to an act entitled 'An act for appropriating a part of the unlocated territory of this State for the payment of the late State troops, etc.' " Under this title was passed the law that sold 3,500,000 acres of land extending from the Chattahoocb.ee to the Yazoo River at the ridiculous price of one and one-half cents per acre.
The Legislature was in session at the Capitol in Augusta. Every member was approached and sounded, and when it could be done was bribed. The extent of the corruption and bribery would stagger belief were it not that the records were left to show it. The cunning swindlers used $25,000 bribe money. The act passed by a small majority, and it was after wards proven that every one that voted for it except Mr. Robert Watkins owned large sha^s of the stock of the Yazoo Company that bought this immense tract of land. General

OP WILLIAM H. CRAWPORD

33

James Jackson was offered half a million acres of the land for his influence, but indignantly refused. Many weak men were intimidated by threats, and some who could not be intim idated were paid to go home and remain away from the Legis lature. It is the strongest case of wholesale corruption of public officials in American history.
Before the act could become a law It needed the Gov ernor's approval. Crawford knew Governor George Matthews as a man of honest intentions, but without sufficient capacity to withstand subtle assaults upon his mind. Although two of the Governor's sons had been made members of the land grabbing company, it was hoped he would refuse to sign the bill. Crawford, young and inexperienced student at the academy as he was, wrote the Governor addressing a petition intended to stiffen up that weak gubernatorial spine and to strengthen his vacillating mind toy a warning against a fatal compliance with the wishes of the covetous. * The petition reached him, the Governor wavered, hesitated, doubted, but the clamor of the public men aroxmd him, reinforced by scores of others of greatest prominence who were hirelings . of the swindlers, was overwhelming. General Wade Hampton and Congressman Robert Goodloe Harper, two distinguished South Carolinians, and who in that day were both recognized at home and abroad as giants of intellect, were actively interested with Yazooists, and pocketed thousands of the money realized from this plunder of the state, f Governor Matthews, by a stroke of his pen, made the bill a law. It was his political death knell. The people never again trusted him, and public opinion drove him out of the state.
James Jackson and the day of wrath "was soon to set upon the unhappy swindlers.
Resigning his seat in the United States Senate the brave and fiery Jackson hurried home, and announcing his candidacy for the legislature, declared the infamous act must be repealed by the next General Assembly. The very name Yazooist soon in consequence of his stirring appeals became a synonym of infamy, ft The members who voted for the act were some killed, some hunted like wild beasts, some publicly denounced and "whipped, some lynched and others run out of the coun try. ** Moved by a wave of moral fervor the next Legislature

"Gilmr

orgia..

fChappell's Miscellanies of Georgia, 97.

* *American State Paper Public Land, Vol. I, page 148.

ffStevens History of Georgia.

34

THE LIFE AND TIMES

passed the repealing act: it was also provided that tlie tainted money "be returned, the trade declared null and that the Yazoo act and all public records of the same should "be pub licly burned in the presence of the Governor, so that no trace of it should ever be left to blot the escutcheon of the State. It was necessary to show to the country at large that the, state loathed the corruption, loathed the speculators, loathed the evidence of fraud, and would hold her ground.
At high noon on an appointed day the Governor, State officials, and. the whole legislative .body marched out of the capital and formed a circle around a pile of pitch lightwood that liad been placed in the middle of the square in front of the new capital building at Louisville, Ga. With a sun glass Governor Jared Irwin brought fire from heaven to con sume the condemned records. *
As the Clerfe of the House of Representatives 'placed the accursed documents in the flames he cried with a loud voice in the presence of the assembled multitude: "God save the State! and preserve her rights! ! and may every attempt .to injure them perish as these corrupt acts now do!!!" f

CHAPTER V.

A GENTLEMAN OP THE GREEN BAG.
Crawford was just twenty-seven years of age when lie commenced to practice law in the thriving County of Oglethorpe. The lands were fertile, and the Broad River settle ment soon became famous for its energy, refinement and virtue. The Virginians who composed the first settlers formed a society of the greatest intimacy and cordiality----mutual wants making the surest foundation for the interchange of mutual kindnesses.
These Virginians "were a clannish set, and were very unindulgent to the characteristics and customs of. the North Carolinians and Europeans who composed another class of population in Georgia. From their inherent differences grew two rival social and political factions. These two factious were about equal in number and influence. The North Carolini ans were generally of moderate means, robust and whole some in body and mind. The Virginians were wealthier, bet ter educated and in a social sense better bred than their neighbors.
"White's Statistics of Georgia, p. 58. i-Stevens' History of Georgia, Vol. II, p. 492.

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORU

35

In this new country the woods abounded in game and the streams afforded abundance of fish. Crops of corn, wheat, barley, oats, potatoes, peas and pumpkins were raised. There never was a more independent, sturdy, self-sustaining, selfrespecting people than these early settlers of Oglethorpe County, among whom were Col. Benjamin Taliaferro, Gov. George Matthews, T. M. Gilmer, Frank Meriwether, John Lumpkin, Hugh McGeh.ee, John Thomas, Thomas W. Cobb and Stephen Upson. These gentlemen all have held responsible positions in the service of the State, and reflect the liigu char acter of the people of this section. The population and wealth of Oglethorpe County was considerably greater than that of Richmond; and this, together with the fact that the lauds were more productive in the former county no douht furnished the reasons that actuated Crawford in selecting the town of Lexington for his future home. Oglethorpe County was in the Western Judicial Circuit. The name was derived from the fact of its being then the most Westerly of the circuits within the State. Thomas Peter Games, the Judge of the circuit, had been a lawyer of distinction in Maryland before he removed to Augusta. His wife was the sister of Hon. William Wirt, the great Virginia orator. *
The lawyers then traveled the circuits either on horse back or in a two "wheeled sulky, carrying their papers in a wallet that was generally dyed green, from whence arose the term "Gentlemen of the green bag," They regularly made the circuits, and court week in the different counties brought together the people in large numbers, being regarded as a gala occasion. The judges were supreme in the counties over which they presided. There was no supremo court then to correct their errors; in fact, not even had they adopted any rules of practice. There was no digest of the acts, so a lawyer must hunt through all the statutes that had ever been enacted in order to get the law of his case. There were no precedents nor adjudicated cases by state courts to be relied on as guides, in consequence of which lawyers were uncertain as to the best manner of conducting pleadings. The lawyer who traveled the circuits regularly and noted the unrecorded opinions of the judges on the admission of interrogatories and evidence and as to amendments of pleadings "would fre quently be able to throw out most important cases "without touching their merit. These old lawyers fought under the
I "Andrew's Reminiscence of an Old Georgia Lawyer, p. 44.

36

THE LIFE AND TIMES

black flag, neither asking nor giving quarter. A good advo cate wielded frequently a too powerful Influence in the admin istration of justice. There wore many lawyers in Georgia "who seemed to believe that Aaron Burr spoke a truism "when he declared: "That is law which is boldly asserted and most plausibly maintained."
The ablest lawyer in all the upper country at this time was a Virginian and a graduate of Princeton University who had received careful training in a, law office in Philadelphia. With the advantages of such superior training. Peter Early had opened a law office in Greene County, Ga., and made quite a favorable impression. His excellent voice, his admirable elocution, his dignified, gentle and graceful manner secured to him the esteem and favor of all. He and Crawford became firmly attached to each other, and in 1802, when Mr. Early was elected to Congress, he placed his extensive law practice in Crawford's charge. Succeeding Early, Crawford then began to be regarded as the leader of the bar of the Western Circuit. Whatever cause he espoused absolutely commanded the homage of his soul, and the unreserved approval of his better judg ment. His unremitting zeal which shifted his clients' burden to his own broad shoulders, his promptness, courtesy and liberal air, combined "with his undisguised frankness and pro fessional sincerity, springing from self-respect alone, secured for him a public and private reputation seldom equaled and never surpassed. "His most prominent virtue wa,s a bold and lofty ingenuousness of mind; in any intercourse whatever with him it was his most striking trait, and yet it was far from being studied. He never engaged by a smooth and flexible manner either in the utterance of his sentiments or the tendency of his address. In the first he was polite and, unassuming, though confident and decided; in the latter he was easy "without ostentation, and commanding without arro gance." *
Judge Garnett Andrews says of him: "His greatness was manifested not only by his talents, but by his stoicism, and indifference to all ostentation, and a disregard of mere effect. He never did anything with a view as to what might be thought or said of it. He was entirely above all the weakness, vanity, envy and such like contemptible passions except prejudice, which the rest of mankind are more or less heir to. If he made a speech he thought nothing of the man-

"Dudley. Sketch of Crawford.

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

87

nor of delivery; if he wrote, lie thought nothing of the style, save to express his ideas clearly. He eared nothing to please if he could convince. So, in. society, he cared nothing for con ventionalities----not because he felt ahove or below them, but because he was so concerned about the practical that he cared not to think of siich matters; and after I knew him he car ried it to such an extent that he seemed to be wanting some times in delicacy. 1 say 'seemed,' for he never designed to hurt the feelings of any one, but taking it for granted that all were as practical as himself, it did not occur to him that the sensibilities of others would suffer by the truth." *
It was the custom at the Court Taverns to give the judge and bar separate tables from the other guests. Many -were the jokes of rich sport, anecdotes and humor related on these occasions. Judge Spencer Cone remarked on one occasion: "Instead of separate tables, this is the last generation of lawyers that will be permitted to sit at the first." The first writ of Ne Exeat ever filed in the State was drawn by Crawford. He was fond of telling the humorous circumstances connected with it. The defendant was arrested and carried by Bowling Green in Columbia County after night where there was a "corn shucking," At that place was a man by the name of Martin, who had been arrested a short time before under a "Ca. Sa.,"and who, on account of frauds, had great difficulty in getting through tbe insolvent courts. Mar tin was very solicitions to know tlie process under which the sheriff, who had stopped to take a drink, had arrested the prisoner. The name cf "Ne "Rxeat" was too hard for the remembrance of the prisoner. All he could say was that "It was some d----d outlandish name----he could not recollect it." Martin asked him if it was not a "Ka shaw."
"No," said the prisoner, "It is a heap worse thing than
a 'Kashaw.' " "Well, then," advised Martin, "You had better give up,
for it turned me down, and I am as law proof as anyone. 1 would not risk anything worse than a 'Ka shaw.' "
As characteristic of those times Judge Andrews, in his interesting Reminiscences, relates another anecdote Crawford used to tell. On the trial of a Tory in Columbia Coiinty soon after the Revolutionary War the Tory was arguing in his defense the uselessness and wantormess of sacrificing more -lives for treason, now that the contest was over. The Whigs replied that during the wTar there had been so much blood

38

THE LIFE AND TIMES

spilt by the Tories they must have some more in return, to which the Tory naively replied: "If blood is all you want -why not kill a nigger?"
Crawford's social intercourse with the members of the bar whom he considered worthy of his respect was unre strained, and the hearty roars of laughter that succeeded his store of well-told anecdotes was always an effectual antidote for dullness. He seemed to be able to bring out the best in all his fellows, and by a sympathetic unison with them generally proved a most interesting and agreeable companion, His speeches before the juries were pungent, witty and noted for their clearness and potentiality. He seemed to grasp intuitively and most forcibly the strong points "in his own case, and mercilessly laid bare the weak points of his adversary's contention. He rarely ever spoke over thirty minutes. He once told a friend that in his whole career he never lost a case which he had brought himself, or when he could secure the concluding argument. * His practice grew to such proportions and he was so successful in procuring verdicts that General Clark, his bitterest enemy, in a fierce partisan traduction of Crawford's. character, admits his unpar alleled record of legal triumph, -j-
The entire absence of a compilation of the statutes of Georgia for the first sixty-seven years of her existence is remarkable. An ordinance was passed in 1786 "To appoint some person therein named to digest and arrange all the laws of th:s state passed before and since the Revolution;" but nothing was ever accomplished under its provisions. Robert Watk;ns, a prominent Georgian, ** and his brother George, upon the credit of their own fortunes and hazarding its success upon their individual reputations, undertook to do this work. The result of their labors was "Watkins' Digest of Georgia Laws," published in 1SOO. The preface states that they found "Many laws have never been published, some are entirely lost or destroyed, others are in a tattered and mutilated condition and the mass of which this collection is made has hitherto been a,s much out of the reach of the public use as the laws of Caligula."
When the Digest, was in press the Assembly of 1799, from a conviction that it was a work of great merit and utility, appropriated $1,500 for its furtherance. But because

~Andr<

ces p. 60.

cipIes of Willia H. Crawford, by Clark, p. 24.

Ga. Report 33S.

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

39

it contained the Yazoo Act Governor Jackson disapproved the

appropriation. In vain did. Watkins urge that the repealing

act was also embraced with:n the volume. The stern old

Governor replied that the rescinding act declared that the

Yazoo Act was a usurpation, and had never he en law; it

therefore needed no repeal and had never "been entitled to a

place in the D:gest. Three bloody duels between the Governor

and Robert "Watkins was the result of this acrimony. *

These old-fashioned duels so common in the early days

of our State's history were dignified, courteous, and punc

tilious affairs.

In the last of the three fought by them Jackson and

"Watkins conversed with great elegance and entire politeness

on diffe

the

terms of the combat that within the next minute was expected

to put an end to at least one of thorn. The seconds agreed,

quickly on the rules:

"You are to stand at a distance of ton paces; you are to

fire at the word 'Make ready--fire! 1 A snap or a flash to be

counted as a shot, etc., etc."

At the first fire both pistols went off in the ground; tin?

second was a blank. At the third the proud form of the

Governor was seen to fall, shot secundem artem in the right

hip. He was lifted up, and as lie could still manage to stand

alone, he insisted on another fire, but the surgeon urged an

examination, and reported that the bullet might have entered

the cavity, and hostilities ceased. Mr. "Watkins, with great

civility, helped to bear the wounded man from the field, and

as he was borne away, with some show of affability, remarked:

"Damn it, "Watkins, I thought 1 could give you another shot." f

The "Watkins brothers secured a small appropriation, but

their book was never authorized. In 1800 the Legislature

passed a resolution that "The appropriation of $2,000 in favor

of Robert and George "Watkins was solely intended as an

advance to carry on a work which they represented to be a

collection of laws now of force in Georgia, and by no means,

nor in any shape contemplated to establish the same as a

digest or constitutional arrangement of said laws, or to give

any legislative sanction to the same as a code to be received

in the courts of law and equity, reserving the revision expul

sion, or the sanctioning of the same or any laws thereof to

future sessions of Legislature."

^Charlton Life

ckson, p. 163..

tDutcher's Hi: itory f Augusta, p. 227.

40

THE LIFE AND TIMES

In December, 1799, an act "was passed providing that the Secretary of State, Captain Horatio Marbury, with two commissioners, shall be appointed by the Legislature for the purpose of digesting laws of the State in one volume, same to be approved by the Governor. Not until 1800 were the two commissio'hers elected by the Legislature. They were George Wat kins and "William II. Crawford. Two thousand dollars was appropriated in December, 1800, to the work, and it was provided that the commissioners must take an oath before entering on their work that they would in no wise insert in said digest a certain usurped act entitled "An Act for the appropriating a part of the unlocated territory for the payment of the State troops." * The three commissioners all took the oath prescribed, but George Watkins, either offended at the implied criticism of his own work or on account of the hostility to Governor Jackson, refused to act farther, and the work "was well executed by Marbury & Crawford without him. y The following is the earliest of Crawford's letters that we have been able to find:

WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD TO GOV. JAMES JACKSON.

Louisville, ] Oth. January, 1801. Sir: Indispensable business commands my attention at the Superior Courts of Greene and. Oglethorpe. I therefore must, for the space of two weeks, relinquish the prosecution of the work in which I am engaged. Capt. Marbury will lay before your Excellency, on your arrival at this place, that part of the digest which is partially completed. The arrange ment we have adopted is an alphabetical one. Considerable difficulty occurred in tbis plan, arising from the heterogeneous matter contained in the same law. We have been inclined to contract the number of heads and to simplify the work as much as is consistent with perspicuity. Under the "word "County" we have determined to comprise all laws respecting the division of County and County regulations, so far as related to court houses and gaols, etc. Under the word "Corporation" are arranged all laws for incorporating towns, cities or societies. We lay the work in its present state of progression before your Excellency, and confidently hope you will give us your opinion upon any part of the work submitted to your perusal, which will admit of improvement or alteration. No doubt but that the partial
'Marbury & Crawford's Digest p. 190. tGov. Jackson's Message to the Legislature, 1801.

OP WILLIAM H. CRiWFORD

41

arrangement which has taken place is in ma,ny instances injudicious, and there is no person upon whose judgment we can so safely rely as that of your Excellency's. "We have been unable to employ any clerks, but T ;ntend. upon my return to bring one or two with me, and Captain Marbury expects one every day. Should Mr. Watkins stand aloof we shall be able to complete the work in time without him, but I am afraid we shall not be able to transcribe all the laws now in force before the fourth day of March. Accept, sir, ray best wishes for your safe return to this place. I ani your Excel lency's very humble servant,
WM. H. CRAWFORD. To Gov. James Jackson.

In December, 1801., the legislature appropriated $5,000 for printing 2,000 copies of Marbury & Crawiord's Digestthe State to sell one thousand copies of them and pay the proceeds into the treasury. The book was well received by the legal profession everywhere, and reflected credit npon the painstaking, care and discriminating judgment of the com pilers-
Governor Jackson, in a confidential letter to his friend, John Milledge, on Sept. 1, 1801, writes: "I have mentioned the name of "William H. Crawford, Harriett's nephew, as a candidate for the circuit j udgeship. I have not interfered with Mr. W--------n, but Mr. Harriett and the whole back coun try are wroth, having learned ho has been recommended---- Crawford will satisfy them all--Early and a few Yazoo law yers excepted--and we want to take some of these friendly young men by the hand." *
Although Governor Jackson regarded Nathaniel Barnett as influential and a power to be reckoned with, the reader will perhaps be amused to note the very frank. a,nd facetious sketch of him given by Governor Gtinier:
"Nat. Barnett must have been of English descent, being brave, obstinate and perverse, without the calculating temper of the Scotch, or w;t of the Irish. He was a native of Amherst County, Virginia. He married Miss Susanna Crawford, a neighbor's daughter, and aunt of William H. Crawford. The match was very suitable in. many respects. Both were per fectly content with their clothes if they covered their naked ness, and their house, if it sheltered them from the weather. Fancy was not a quality of their natures, and mental taste
*CharIton's Life of Jackson, p. 184.

42

THE LIFE AND TIMES

not known to them at all. And yet they were not altogether alike. Nat. was active and suple of body, and not very strong of understanding; his wife was firm and sensible. Nat. accom panied his relatives, the Crawfords, in their removal from Amherst County, Virginia, to Columbia County, Georgia, about the beginning of the Revolutionary war. The British troops, and their friends, the Tories, drove by their murder ous warfare most of the Whigs from upper Georgia. Nat., his two sons, William and Joel, and two of the young Craw fords, their kinsmen, determined to remain and war to the knife with them. Nat. was made prisoner, and confined in Augusta jail. When the Whigs, under Clark, attacked Augusta and drove out the Tories Nat. was liberated. Having been whilst confined in constant expectation of being put to death, when he felt himself free he leaped into the air, struck his feet three times together, threw his woolhat aloft, and cried out at the top of his voice: 'liberty forever! liberty forever! liberty forever! 7 " etc.
When the British overran Georgia William and Joel Bar nett, and the two Crawfords, to avoid being burnt in the houses of their fathers, or captured and hanged, took posses sion of a thicket of cedars, which grew near the center of a great extent of otherwise bare rocks, some miles above Augusta. From this place they could see the approach of the enemies, prepare for flight or fight, and choose the most favorable times for "breaking up lodgments of the Tories.*
Joel Barnett was the husband of Ann, Crawford's eldest sister. He freq.uently represented Oglethorpe County in the Legislature, and finally moved to Mississippi and acquired great wealth, t
William Barnett possessed a kind disposition, a close observation and a clear perception. He was a member of the Legislature for many years, and for several years president of the Seriate. He was also one of the delegates from Blbert County to the Constitutional Convention of 1798. In 1812 he ran for Congress against the talented John Forsyth, and was successful. His home on the Elbert side of Broad River was always an open house to his many friends, and to use the common phrase of the times, "The latch string always hung outside."
While compiling the laws of Georgia Crawford, growing weary searching the musty archives of the Capitol at Louis-

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD
. Here he formed a friendship ith the Gilmers, who greatly admired and trusted him. From this time forth Crawford's advancement as surprisingly ra.pid. He
nan rus. The ancient rubrics and aiitiquadated forms of English had not yet passed away. There was still Imprisonment

onors.

e are no surprse, ereore, o

antly elected to the Legislature of Georgia in the Fall of 1803.

Here a new field opened up to the grasping intellect of the

young Legislator. New scenes, larger ideas, greater sstrruugggleess

present themselves as he plunged into the seething cauldron

of the politics of those times. In the vortex of political life

we lose sight of him as a lawyer for many long years----ah,

what years they were to him, and to his people ; what tri umphs, what disquietudes, what trials and afflictions, what exquisite joys, what heart burning sorrows!

_ _. -- = ._,,,,, ^)agel33. s Digest of Ga. Laws, 611. al Acts 314, see also J, B, Larnar'

n Rep, Ga. Bar Ass

44

THE LIFE AND TIMES

CHAPTER VI.
THE CODE DUELLO.
In the early history of the State of Georgia- the crime of dueling was prevalent among the "better class of her citi zens; perhaps more so than in any other State. The fatal practice became general when the virtuous and best citizens---- Governors, Congressmen and Legislators--on the most -trivial excuse and slightest provocation were shedding each other's blood. The horror of shedding human blood was not regarded.
The force of example of the first patriots had its enduring effect. General James Jackson, intolerant of all opposition, was ever ready to support his word with his arms. I-Ie killed

both jvj.j.c-^0. Gov. Button Gwinnctt, a signer of the Declaration of
Independence, and Gen. Lachlan Mclntosh, another staunch friend of liberty, fought a duel near Sava,nnah on May 27, 1777, at a distance of twelve paces. Mclntosh was wounded, and Gwinnett was killed at a time when the State had most pressing need of his service.
Judge Benjamin Talliafcrro, who served the State of Georgia so faithfully as Congressman, was the first judge of the Western Circuit, but his commission did not prevent him in 1796 from meeting Colonel "WillIs when challenged, and that Yazooist received the Judge's bullet in bis right breast so near his vitals that he declined a second shot. The weapons used were the horseman's pistols, which Talliaferro had "worn when he belonged to Leo's Legion, f
To give only a brief account of all the famous duels fought in Georgia during the first quarter-century of its state hood would make a. volume larger than the one now before
reader.

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

45

University oil Georgia, to resign his position because of his Jeffersoiiianism. *
Indian -warfare, which was almost continual, kept alive the warlike spirit which the partisanship of the Revolution had engendered; and personal courage was esteemed above all other virtues by these sturdy pioneers. A coward was contemptible, and no man could remain long in the public eye without distinguishing himself for bravery. Duelling was looked upon by society as the honorable "way of settling differ ences bet-ween gentlemen. True the common, lav/ declared that homicide in a duel was murder, yet Georgia was "too high toned" to enforce this law, which had in practice become obsolete. The trials in the courts of all the southern states turned entirely on the fairness with which the duel was con ducted; and if fair, a verdict of acquittal was invariably ren dered.
Gov. J. Lyde "Wilson of South Carolina has since pub lished a "Code Duello or Rules for Government of Principals and Seconds in Affairs of Honor," which are considered the standard in matters of this kind. The barbarous custom of duelling has ever had the effect of weakening the authority of all law by accustoming men to contemn their sanctions. This tyrant custom frequently imposed the obligation .to call to the Held of blood a companion or friend who may have given offcnse of a trivial nature which a generous mind should have willingly condoned. Yet it never settled any point and the innocent and the aggrieved were as likely to be the victim as the guilty offender. The participants freqiiently abhored the practice as did Alexander Hamilton, yet for fear of their reputations yielded to the imperious custom.
That one of Crawford's lirm, impetuous and unyielding disposition should therefore be engaged in an affair of this kind so common, in his day is not to be wondered at. His rapid strides to political preferment were not free from embarrassments and difficulties. That he was imbued in the beginning of his career with these prevalent ideas as incul cated by the code of honor is apparent from the several affairs in which he was engaged. It is believed, however, that he ever afterwards looked upon, his youthful espousal of this false philosophy with deep and poignant regret, f
The solicitor general of the circuit in which Oglethorpe county was placed was Peter Lawrence Van Alien of Elbert

*W. H. Meigs Life of Josiah Meig-s p. 92. tDudley's Sketch of W. It. Crawford.

46

THE LIFE AND TIMES

county. He was allied with the Clarks in politics, and they were the undisputed leaders of public opinion in all the "up country." Crawford, by his great abilities, rapid strides and remarkable frankness, was rapidly winning over the people to his way of thinking. There were at this time numerous com panies of speculators in public lands, in some of which John Clark and Van Alien were interested; and as cessions were made by continually pushing the Indians further west, the speculators devised schemes to secure this rich land under forms of law without appreciable cost. Crawford was approached by them with a proposal to secure his services in these land suits. His reply was an indignant refusal; and his denunciation of their scheme brought upon him the united opposition of this cliqiie. "Finding his talents and integrity very much in the way of their success a conspiracy was entered into to kill or drive him away. Van Alien, an impu dent fellow from New York, was chosen to play the bully." *
They resolved if possible to force Crawford into a duel. This seemed the most expeditious way to rid themselves of him and secure the success of their scheme. Never was a plot more ingeniously planned and boldly attempted. Craw ford must either fight or be driven from the country. The great faculty of organizing men in support of his views which he was beginning to exhibit was a matter altogether displeasjng to the old dispensers of public patronage. If this erst while country usher of Waddell's Academy, and new aspirant for public honors was challenged to the field of blood it seemed almost certain that he would refuse, for he, unlike most men of his day, was unskilled in arms. It might reason ably be supposed that according to the temper of those times a refusal by a young man -without family ties to accept a meet ing on the field of honor no matter how trivial the excuse, would result in his political ruin. A refusal would render him without power to be useful in repelling mischief or achieving good thereafter, as public prejudice was too strongly entrenched to be resisted.
John Clark was a somewhat romantic and chivalric char acter. When but a boy under the leadership of his illustrious father he had done the service of the best soldiers at the battle of Kettle Creek. He was reared in the camp and on the Indian warpath with but slight school advantages first obtained in Wake county. North Carolina, and later in the common, schools of Wilkes county, Georgia, and with no pro-
s Gei gia-

OF WILLIAM H. CUAWFORD

47

fession save that of arms. With his independent, dreadnaught, rowdying, generous and magnetic disposition he soon

developed into a politician of the extreme Andrew Jackson type. At the battle of Jack's Creek (which took its name from his services), where the frontier Georgians defeated the Creek Indians, he had won great honors. He never knew

fear, and from fighting Tories and Indians he had learned to show no quarters. His restlessness and impetuosity were

both aggravated by his occasional drinking; and he had a most sensitive, overbearing disposition that made those who

differed with him extremely obnoxious in his sight, even,

though that difference may have arisen in a general and not at all personal way. Private broils were frequent with him

and to his liking. He was an astute politician, taut in no sense

a statesman. Hon. Wilson Lumpkin, his strongest political colleague, declared he supported Clark more from sympathy than appreciation of his ability. *

Governor Gilmer, who knew him thoroughly, thus described him: "The reputation which he acquired by the battles of Kettle Creek and Jack's Creek made him feel that
he was the cock of the walk wherever he stalked, and he

was sure to show it if any crow ing was done in his presence.

Most persons yielded without re
sistance to what he demanded authoritatively or claimed per

tinaciously. Every associate was

obliged to be for or against him.

He suffered no one of any conse

quence to occupy middle ground.

He had the temper of the

clansman. He defended;^ his

friends riSht or wrong, and ex

pected the same fidelity to him

self. He patted every young

JOHN CLARK

man on the back whom he wish ed to make hjg adherent, and

if he showed himself offish he proved himself his enemy.

Whatever his hands found to do he did with all his might,

and would have been one of the best of men if his evil inclina

tions had not gotten the better of his good. He and his father took part in the Yazoo sale from some vague notion

Phillips' Ga. State Eights 97.

48

THE T.TFE AND TIMES

that the conquerers were entitled to share among them what had belonged to the conquered." *
As matters drifted, along considerable acrimony "was felt by Craw-ford and Solicitor Van Alien. Some have attributed this enmity between these two men as the origin of the Clark and Craw ford parties in Georgia. f Certain it was a most potent, factor in estranging' Uie iricnds of both parties.
Van Alien was a Yazooist and Federalist. Crawford was his political aiitipode. There was in Elberton a certain George Cook who was first a constable, then a collecting agent and finally a lawyer. Judge Tait, who also had his home in Elberton, had at times considereble correspondence on familiar terms with Cook. Tait was moody, and occasionally un bosomed himself to Cook very freely wT ben the blues were 011 him. The cunning Cook preserved all the notes of his friend, aud in the course of time Tait was employed to rule Cook for money collected and not paid over to his client. The latter employed Van Alien, who, with unblushing effrontry, managed in some way to get this private correspondence before the court. Van Alien being quite a wit and satirist

Tait. The exposure oi" this correspondence of so confidential and delicate a nature provoked the ire of Judge Tait. ** A salty newspaper controversy and then a challenge from Tait to Van Alien was given, ft
Van Alien refused to consider Tait a gentleman, claiming he was deficient in respectability, and declined to accept the challenge. This declination would have offered Crawford a fit opportunity had he boon disposed to have challenged Van Alien; but having no disposition of this sort he declined, and for iliis forbearance was exposed to animadversion. Subse quent to this, a,iul in consequence of Tait having posted Van Alien, this gentleman challenged him by a Mr. Tankerly of Washington, Ga., as his friend. At the moment of its receipt Judge Tait was unable to write an answer; he therefore accepted it verbally, and as scon as his engagements would allow, again with great importunities prevailed on Crawford, who had heretofore shown great reluctance, to bear the writ ten acceptance to Mr. Van Alien through Mr. Tankerly. When Crawford found Tankerly he was met with a declination to act further, and gave his reason that Tait had failed to meet
-"Andrew's Kcmii -VGilmcr's Gcorgi

tBxpo

of Pri ciplea of W. H. Crawford by John Clark, i

OF W1LIJAM H. CRAWFORD

49

Van Alien when called upon. On his way home Crawford stopped at the hotel of Colonel Will is in Washington, Ga., and there Van Alien (who had determined, if possible, to fight Mr. Crawford), went to meet him. As soon, therefore, as Van Alien saw Crawford he grossly insulted and challenged him. As Crawford had originally declined to make Tait's quarrel his own it was supposed that he would expose himself to Insult and contempt by refusing the challenge. This he did not do. Satisfied that his antagonist was instigated by political enemies, and that his character or life was sought to be destroyed, impelled by those 1'eelirigs which few men are able to repress, the challenge was immediately accepted.
It was arranged that Van Alien and Crawford should meet at Fort Charlotte, the famous old duelling ground, twelve miles below Petersburg on the Carolina side. * Crawford's bravery was not without stoicism, for he went to the place of meeting without the slightest preparation. He had borrowed from Mr. Pain a pair of old pistols to be used by him, and these he did not examine until the morning of the meeting, and in trying them they snapped twice. On the first fire neither party was touched. Crawford afterwards stated to Judge Garnett Andrews that he was disconcerted on the first fire by an ugly grimace made by Van Alien, and that on the second fire he drew down his hat brim so that he could not see it. On the second round both combatants again fired, and Van Alien was seen to fall mortally wounded. Crawford was unharmed. He had borne himself so well in this quarrel, in which the public generously acquitted him of all blame, that even his bitterest enemies could find nothing to condemn as unfair, or charge against him as dishonorable. Certain it is that his popularity was not decreased thereby.
John M. Dooly, whose reputation, for wit is well known, and whose anecdotes have been often repeated for their sparkling repartee and keen humor, was appointd by Gov. Josiah Tatnall on Sept. 2nd, 1802, to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Peter Lawrence Van Alien as solicitor of the Western Circuit. Natural spontaneous humor has ever been indigenous to the soil of Georgia, and Dooly will ever be remembered as the greatest satirist of them all.
The next few years of Crawford's life evinces a series of bitter antagonisms between him and his great political and rancorous personal enemy. In the early summer of 1803 Judge Carnes resigned the judgeship of the "Western Circuit and
{Memoirs E. H. Clark, p. 219.

50

THE LIFE! AND TIMES

John Griffin, Esquire, received the executive appointment to fill the vacancy until the next meeting of the legislature. The candidates before the legislature were Charles Tait and the encumbent John Griffin. Crawford naturally espoused the cause of Tait, and as Judge Griffin and John Clark had mar ried sisters, the daughters of Col. Micajah Williamson, the Clarkites supported the candidacy of Judge Griffin. Clark and Crawford were both members of the legislature. The former had served several times before, and was experienced; the latter was serving his first term. Here then was to be the first great battle between the old soldier politician----the hero of Jack's Creek and the pet of the Georgia soldiers on the one hand----and the ex-school master, lawyer and political neophyte on the other. Tait and Griffin were both originally from Virginia, and both astute lawyers of unblemished char acter. The issue between the candidates themselves was so minute that it was lost sight of in the battle royal between their partisans. There was no disguising the fact that this was to be a desperate contest of Clark to maintain his pres tige and long supremacy in Georgia politics. For several years he had been the dominant figure; but now Crawford, by his magnetic gifts, challenged the attention of the public, and threatened to supplant him in their affections. This was more than the imperious nature of Clark could well endure. Tait, however, was elected and took the oath of office Nov. 19th, 1803. On the evening previous to the election a circumstance occurred that ga.ve rise to a gallish controversy between the leaders of the respective candidates, trivial indeed in its origin, but weighty enough with them at least to invoke the
field of blood. On Nov. 3rd, 1804, the following card by General Clark
was published in the Washington Monitor:

"To the Public: The grand juries of the courts of Clark, Green, Hancock, Jackson, Franklin and Lincoln for the Fall term of 1803, having recommended a person to the Legisla ture for a judicial appointment, William H. Crawford, Esquire, one of the representatives from the county of Oglethorpe, for the purpose, it is presumed, of weakening- the force of such recommendations, asserted they had been obtained through my influence, inferring (probably) that they evidenced rather the wishes of an individual than the opinions of the jurors whose signatures they bore. As this assertion was no doubt intended to have, and perhaps did have, an undue influence upon the Legislature's vote, and may have been repeated and obtained credit in instances of which I am not apprised, I consider it an act of justice, not only due myself, but the grand

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

61

jurors, to place the real truth before the public in a way not liable to misrepresent an error. I have therefore procured the following certificates, which are published with the evi dence of these assertions being made by Mr. Crawford, leaving the community to make their own reflections on the subject, with my barely observing that so far from attempting to influence the grand juries whose names arc subjoined, I
believe them to be men of too much integrity and independence to be induced by any individual whatsoever to adopt a measure which their own minds did not approbate, nor do I imagine a contrary conduct would have been imputed to them, but for the purpose of accomplishing a favorite object:

"LOUISVILLE, Nov. 22nd, 1803.

"Sir: I received your letter of this day by Maj. Walton

concerning a conversation which took place between him and

myself. I did hear Mr. W. H. Crawford say that you went

'round the circuit, or part of the circuit, with Judge Griffin

Eor the purpose of influencing the grand juries to procure

recommendations in favor of the Judge; and that you did

effect the recommendations by that means. I am, with esteem

your humble servant,

"DAVIS ADAMS."

Here follows a similar certificate to John Clark from John London, and certificates from grand jurors that they were not influenced by Judge Clark.

"The foregoing would have been given to the public

earlier, but some of the certificates were not received until a

short time previous to the election, and I was aware that by

giving them publicity at that time Mr. Crawford might

endeavor to elude the force of them by saying it was done for

electioneering purposes. It may not bo improper to observe

that I have not yet received a certificate from the grand jury

of Hancock, but being convinced that the gentlemen who

composed that body can have no hesitation in. testifying to the

same purport whenever called on, I deem its insertion here not

material. If there should be an attempt to justify these asser

tions as they relate to that county I pledge myself for its

production.

"JOHN CLARK."

When we consider the fact that General dark's letter was not published until very near the end of the unexpired term for which Judge Tait had been elected, and just preced ing the next election in which Griffin and Tait were both

candidates, and note also the very strained--injured innocence ----kind of attitude the General assiimed and the further fact that it wr aa treated by him in such a public way by being
published in a public journal (a paper at Washington) that it appeared to give grounds for suspicion that this matter was resumed by him at this time to gain some advantage for his

52

THE LIFE AND TIMES

brother-in-law in the pending election rather than as he claimed to vindicate h:s character. To this letter Crawford seems to have given more importance than the circumstances warranted. Two days later he published the following spirited answer in the Republican Trumpet of Louisville:

W. H. CRAWFORD TO GENERAL CLARK.

of Judge in November last, I said not only to Major Adams and Mr. London, but a number of other gentlemen, that I had no doubt but that the recommendations of the grand juries were obtained through your influence, and assigned as one ground of belief, that you went to or attended every court, where they "were obtained, but the county of Franklin, and attended no court "where they were not obtained. 1 did give it as my opinion that those presentments
every conversation upon that subject, it was mentioned matter of opinion, and the grounds stated upon which that opinion was founded. In a conversation I have this day had with Major Adams, he declared that i did state the reasons which induced me to form that opinion, and that those reasons had very considerable weight with him at that time. But the grand jurors have certified that you never interfered to procure those presentments. Is it possible, sir, malevolence has blinded your understanding? Because they have certified this does it naturally follow that your influence was not exerted in procuring them? Influence is a very indefinite term. I never supposed that you applied personally to many, if any of the juries. You could accomplish your design more certainly through the instrumentality of agents, and run less risk of alarming the feeling of the juries, who no doubt would have rejected with indignation any attempt to influence their deliberation. The grand jurors could, then, safely certify they were not influenced by, nor received a letter from you. I can, however, declare with sincerity that i never said that you had influenced them by writing to them or any other person, nor did I say that Judge Tait, or Judge Griffin, had been my teacher; or that 1 entertained any doubt how I should vote in that election. In all the points Mr. London either did not understand my expressions or his recollections were incor rect; for I cannot believe he would knowingly misrepresent; and every person will perceive how difficult it is, truly, to represent a conversation of any length, by detailing parts of

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

53

it, which is clearly the case with Mr. London's letter, from his own expressions. I mentioned, your riding to the coun ties, and suppose that Mr. London might have mistaken the word riding for writing. But, sir, at the time you were making the attack upon me you ought to have declared that you never held nor was present at a consultation in which it was determined to procure presentments of that nature, and never advised such a course of procedure. Do this, sir, and I am mistaken, if the public does not readily decide upon the degree of credit that ought to have "been given to the declaration. Why, sir, have you chosen this moment for the publication of your certificates? Is it because you thought your charges
would not bo answered before the election of judge would be over? Or did you think legislative honor would be promoted by it? The facts contained in your publications are not of
such a nature as to shake any man's standing in the com munity, not even aided by your supposed weight of character.
I repeat, sir, that I have no doubt, from the facts which have come to my knowledge, that your influence was exerted on that occasion; and there are others who entertain the same opinion. You call on me for proof. I answer the transaction
is of such a nature as to exclude all possibility of direct proof, because the only persons who could establish the fact, would by the establishment, testify to their own turpitude. "Every person must discover your intention in giving publicity to your statement at this moment, and without pretending to the gift of prescience, it may easily ho foreseen that this attempt.

att:

n-la~w

I call on him to say whether lie did or not, on Monday night

of Lincoln court, in October term, 1803, sa_y that upon look

ing at the grand jury he believed that a presentment as favor

able as any already obtained might bo procured; that the

foremen was one of Mr. . . - - 's men; that Mr. -------- coiild

fix him, and that three other gentlemen then named were

friendly to him, and might be brought into the measure? And

whether he did not then say since the adjournment of Elbert

court he believed that if exertions and proper management

had been used a favorable presentation might have been pro

cured which would have been a complete triumph. I shall

make no comment upon these ('acts, but only say that the man

w-ho could act in that way raight very consistently say that

he was not a Federalist, though 1 can establish the fact from

his own confession, by witnesses whose veracity he will not

attempt to impeach ; and if the gentleman wished me to

descend to particular facts and support them by testimony, I

shall feel no difficulty in undertaking and accomplishing the

task. f further add that at Lincoln court I saw a gentleman

of the bar commence as many as two presentments, which

were not completed in my presence. Every person who knows

the connection which exist between yourself and the late judge,

54

THE LIFE AND TIMES

the exertions you made to procure him the appointment, and

the part he acted in the county of Lincoln will not be

astonished that I formed that opinion.

Nov. 5th, 1804.

WM. H. CRAWFORD.

JOHN CLARK TO W. H. CRAWFORD.
A solicitude for the good opinion of my fellow-citizens requires an answer to your address to me in the Republican. Trumpet of the 7th. inst. In addition to this you have so far outstripped the rules of common decorum and modesty hy add ing insult to injury, that hy letting it pass over in silence would he taken as an acquiesence on my part 'of my having
attempted the gratification of what .you are pleased to term "spleen and malignity against you." Be assured, sir, that no attack, as you cal 1 it, was or ever will he made by me upon
any man who confines himself to the truth. But the man who conceives and propagates matter injurious to my reputation,
a,nd to effect his own purposes shall (whenever they come to my knowledge) be exposed to the eye of an impartial public.
In bringing my observations forward in the Monitor at the time I did the reasons were then sufficiently stated; and
yet you wish to insinuate that my expectations were that they could not be answered before the appointment of a judge for the "Western district would take place. Had this been my view I should not have .given them publicity in the Monitor. But, sir, "without any further reason, let me tell you that here you propagated your reports, and here they ought to have been detected and refuted. Had you come forward openly and avowedly at the last annual session your conduct would have been less reprehensible; but such seems to have been the nature of your designs, that they required the darkest shades of night to shield you from "The suffusion of a blush," to
shield you from the transaction which . for the "honor of humanity ought to have slumbered in the bosom of oblivion." Believe me, sir, I little wished for the honor of the present correspondence, but since you have forced me into it I must deal with you in plain and candid language; and if anything
should escape me injurious to your nicer feelings you must attribute it alone to your former and present conduct. Tou say that you observed not only in Major Adams and Captain London, but to a number of other gentlemen that you had
no doubt but that the recommendations of the grand juries were obtained throxigh my influence, and assigned as one
ground of belief my having attended all the courts but Frank lin where recommendations were given. "Whilst you were giv ing such strong proof of my interference would it not have been more candid in you, sir, to have informed Major Adams, Captain London and the other gentlemen that as an executor of my father's estate I had business in most of these courts, which you, sir, must he acquainted with, being counsel on the opposite side? That I left home for Louisville for the purpose
of obtaining such copies of record as were requisite to be pro duced in some of the courts? I came through Hancock with
Mrs. Clark who had then a good opportunity of visiting her

OP WILLIAM H. CRAWFOBD

55

relatives there? Had you given all this information your con

duct "would not have appeared so murderous to private char

acter. You say you believe in every conversation on that sub

ject it was mentioned as matter of opinion; I have searched

in vain for this in the letters of Major Adams and Captain

"London. You, sir, attempting an exculpation, call on me to

say when I -was making this attack upon you, as you are

pleased to term it, that I ought to have declared that I never

held, or was present at any consultation in which it was

determined to procure presentments of that nature, and never

advised that course or procedure; you say do this, and the

public will readily decide upon the degree of credit that

ought to be given to my declaration. 1 deny these several

charges, and call on you, sir, to prove them. You charge me

with an attack a.t this time, made for the benefit of my-brother-

in-law. "Why, sir, did you attack my reputation at the last

annual session? 'Was it for the benefit of yourself? Was

it for the benefit of your friend, Mr. Tait, or for what pur

pose was it? I am well convinced that it was not for the

purpose o.C prompting the public good; it was for the purpose

of placing a friend in public office at the expense of reputation

and the manner in which you conducted it precluded as you

thought every possibility of being detected. You charge Mr.

'Griffin with Federalism, no doubt for the purpose of furnish

ing stronger grounds of electioneering for Mr. Tait. Mr.

Griffin is on the ground; let him declare his own sentiments.

You did, sir, during the last annual session, and before the

election of the judge, say that I was leagued with a gentleman

who does not live far distant from hence, to break down that

system of government which has been pursued in this state

for some years, and to destroy the influence of General Jack

son. Where, sir, can you procure proof of any such league

or intention? This I deny and call upon you, sir, and I call

upon every person who has ever heard me express a political

sentiment, to say without reserve if any of my conversations

or transactions in public or private can justify your assertions.

General Jackson I have always esteemed as a soldier and a

statesman and as a friend to his country. Permit me now,

sir, you having set the example by dragging Mr. Griffin into

view, to address a few interrogatories to your friend and

teacher, Mr. Tait.

How long has it been since you have become this genuine

Republican? Did you possess these principles in the years

1795, 1796, 1797, 1798, 1799 and 1800, or from whence do

you commence their date?

Did you not recollect that until about one of the two lat

ter years, and perhaps after that, you were liberal in your

abuse of General Jackson, when in conversation on political

subjects, that he was "a damned overbearing foist puppy?"

Deny these facts, sir. if consistent with your feelings, as well

as the other interrogatories which I feel mvself authorized

to put.

How long

it be

your opinion, i

ay judge from your words and letters,

was a man in

no dependence could be placed?

56

THE LIFE AND TIMES

That lie would promise and then

How long has it been since you hj e changed your opinion

of a gentleman who was formerly a udge in this state, and

now a member of tbe senate?

Do you not recollect that you said of him, that he "was

"a damned corrupt, partial rascal," and cited the cases which

he had determined in court as the grounds of this opinion?

How long has it been since you were in favor of Mr.

Adam's administration, and turned over to the present?

And lastly, do you not recollect with what delight in the

year 1796 when a scurrilous song to the tune of high-robbin,

was published in the Southern Sent:"nel in ridicule of General

Jackson, calling him "Little Jirnmy," you read it with emo

tions little short of ecstacy? These things are all within the

recollection of gentlemen whose standing in life put the pos

sibility of a doubt out of tlie question. Then, sir, we may

presume a change of sentiment took place with you when you

conceived the idea, of applying for the appointment of judge,

in opposition to Colonel Games. Then it was that you threw

yourself under tlie wing of Mr. Barnett, changed your politics,

to all ouLwarcl appearance, ceased with your abuse of men

whoso standing in life was not to be affected by anything

which you con Id say of them.

Having furnished Judge Tait with a retrospect of his

pa,st actions, expressions and sentiments, I must, therefore,

ta,ke my final leave, addressing myself again to you, Mr.

Crawford.

From whence arose your extreme anxiety for the appoint

ment of Judge Tait? Is it the benefit that will result gen

erally to the citizens of the Western Circuit? Probably you

have not been rightly informed of the sentiments of a num

ber of people in that circuit. Since the appointment of Judge

Tait to office your practice, it is said, has increased in an

astonishing degree; and what is the cause? It is not thought

to be your superior talents or powers of eloquence; but, sir,

in many private circles you are bailed as judge of the upper

circuit; you are looked upon as having his ear and influence

in an unwarranted degree. I trust it is, and -will be believed

that, nothing which can be urged by an individual, even one

of Mr. Crawford's "supposed weight of character," can in

even tbe smallest degree, tend to lessen the reputation or

fix the shade of odium upon the grand jurors whose names

are mentioned in my former publication; although Mr. Craw-

ford still insists that they have been tampered with. In the

foregoing I hope and believe that my fellow citizens will find

no rea,son to say that 1. have said anything "which can tend,

in the smallest degree, to interrupt the memory of legislature

proceedings; and if evil should result remember that you,

Mr. Crawfovd, are the aggressor.

JOHN CLARK.

TO GENERAL JOHN CLARK.
A desire that your motives and conduct may be fairly understood by your fellow citizens is the only inducement with me to pay any further attention to you in a newspaper.

OP WILLIAM H. CRATVFORD

57

You surely, sir, cannot be serious when you say the attack

made . in the Monitor was because here I propagated the

reports, and here they ought to be detected and refuted- If

so why was the attack made at Washington? Whatever I

said of you was communicated openly and a,vowedJy, not

whispered in a corner, or under cover of the night or a dread

of detection; for I ever have been, and am now, ready to

declare the same in the face of day and to your face. I trust

I shall never impute improper motives to any man whose

conduct does not justify such imputation; but, sir, I can assure

you, notwithstanding your declarations and denials, my opin

ion on that subject remains unaltered. Public opinion, as I

before observed, will determine on the degree of credit which

ought to be given to those declarations and denials, and by that

decision I am willing to abide. But to enable the public to

decide with accuracy I am authorized to say that a member

of the legislature is ready to depose that lie has seen two

letters which bore your signature, and believes were written

by you, to two gentlemen, one of whom was a member of the

grand jury of one of the western counties, in which you solic

ited those gentlemen to exercise their influence to obtain a

' recommendation in favor of Mr. Griffin. Deny this and the

expo

-ill be

which 'ill

fello jiti-

zens that a sacred regard for the truth has not influenced

your declaration. The statements made at the last annual

session, and the opinions then given by me, were intended

for the promotion of the public good, and not for the purpose

of placing a favorite in office, at the expense of you or any

other man's reputation. The grounds of my opposition to

Mr. Griffin were founded in justice and sound policy; and you,

sir, have unwarily admitted a fact, which I did then urge as

an objection; and which ought now to exclude that gentleman

from that appointment. You say as executor of your father's

estate you had business in most of those courts, which I must

have known, being counsel on the opposite side. It is true,

sir, that in four of the six counties alluded to you have

appeared to be interested in suits either as heir or executor;

but to one of those counties yon did not go. The existence

of these important cases, and others which may arise, in

which you may be equally, if not more deeply interested, is

probably the true grounds for your solicitude for Mr. Griffin's

appointment to the important office of judge of the Western

District. Your intention in dragging into this newspaper cor

respondence the names of gentlemen standing high in the con

fidence of their fellow citizens is too apparent to need detec

tion. In rushing General Jackson into public view you have

taken a liberty unauthorized by public opinion, and by your

expressions on that subject, have not manifested that rever

ence for truth, which your great regard for the good opinion

of your fellow citizens ought to have inspired. Have you

forgotten that in Lexington, in the county of Oglethorpe, in

September, 1802, you spoke highly^ disrespectful of that hon

orable gentleman, and others associated with him in effecting

the sale of. your Western territory? Have you forgotten the

abuse lavished by you on that sale? \VilI your feelings b

58

THE T.TFE AXD TIMES

gratified by the production of proof to establish these facts? You call upon me to prove a political connection between yourself a.nd the. gentleman to whom you allude. In answer to this call 1 ask whether you did not, in the year 1801 and 1802 vote with that gentleman for your friend, Colonel Carnes in opposition to the late Governor Tatnall, and his
immedia.te successor in office? Did you not know that gentle man's political sentiments and opinions relative to the pre ceding administration? Did you not also know that the Con
stitution required the Governor to possess five hundred acres of land and other property to the amount of four thousand dollars over and above what was necessary to discharge his just debts? Answer these questions truly, and the necessity of advancing further proof of your hostility to the leading measures of General Jackson's ad rain 1st ration will be super
seded. The political opposition, made to the leading measures of the state administration by the gentleman to whom I sup
pose you allude is well known, if you voted with him upon these questions, and others of importance which might be

come now, sir, to the

2;e. no doubt originally conceived in

your own brain, beet

charged with i

ler

no man whose mind is not over could have conceived even such a

suspicion. No

had not practiced, or intended to

practice that kind of c /upt influence could have harbored or

uttered such a thought. What kind of connection exists

between Judge Tait and myself? Is it aught than that of

friendship founded upon a conviction of the rectitude of each

other's intentions? You say since Judge Tait's appointment

my practice has increased with astonishing degree. I say, sir,

this is not true. Since my appearance at the bar my practice

has increased from year to year, but the ratio of increase last

year -was greater than that, ot" the present year.

The insinuation of undue influences with the court is an

insidious falsehood, and 1 appeal to the disinterested members

of the bar to say whether I have not had equal if not greater

cause to complain of the court than any other gentleman of

the profession. No, sir, these sentiments are not entertained,

not even whispered Iir any circles beyond the reach of yours

and Mr. Griffin's influence. Within that circle I shall not be

surprised at the expression of any opinion or the propagation

of any report which, may be thought by you will operate

injuriously to me. You appear anxious to associate the repu

tation of the grand jurors with that of your own. This, sir,

is an unnatural association, and nothing but a consciousness

that you need a prop could induce you to labor so ardently

to obtain that support. Your exertions to impress upon the

public's mind that you are not the aggressor, and that this

is not an attempt to promote the election of your brother-in-

law is equally fallacious and unfounded. The first publica

tion -was your own. Did you not by that publication court" the

correspondence "which you say you little wished the honor of?

If you thought I had injured your reputation why did you not

call upon me at the time, when your feelings "were alive to

the supposed injury? Why did you brood over this murderous

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

59

attack upon your reputation, as you term it, for the space of
eleven months, during -which time you -were frequently in my company?

CLARK TO CRAWFORD.
LOUISVILLE, Nov. 19th, 1804.
To William H. Crawford, Esq.: Once more, in the style of a braggadocio, have you
Imposed yourself upon the credibility of a deluded public. Although I again deign to notice you in this way, be assured that it is not from a predilection for the mode of difference, a dread of your resentment, nor a desire to please; but a
unspotted and unpolluted. Into what a labyrinth of absurdi ties and inconsistencies, have your malevolence, spleen and mortification involved 5~ou. Could I but for a moment lose sight of the splendor of your villiany you would indeed have every claim to compassion that can arise from infamy and distress. Do you not see in large capital letters that you stand by the assertions of Captain London convicted of lying? Yet we behold yon with more than stoic apathy, receive it with -meekness and submission.
It seems that your opinion of my interference with the grand juries remain unaltered; although you have differed at different times as to the manner of my interference.
If the evidence that has already been given to the public supported even by your own incautious acknowledgements does not exempt me from the base charge of tampering -with their independence I know not what will do it? From you, sir, I never did expect an overt confession of my innocence. The man who'is base enough to fix an infamous charge upon another without evidence can never possess either the honesty. or magniminity to retract it. But, sir, you knew that unless you could retire under some deceptions cover, the certificates of the grand jurors mnst carry an irresistible conviction to the mind of every impartial man, and not only to acquit me
Crawford always insisted that Gen. Clark employed Col. W. J. Hobby to write Chronicle?1"8 ' ^ ^^ * ^ '" &W ** ^ Wnet P S -- u?-- a

60

THE LIFE AND TIMES

of the foul charge of tampering with them, hut at the' same

time, however, reluctantly compel you to subscriho to your

infamy, you, therefore, wisely retired into that magic

circle, your own private opinion. it was from this frail castle

(if I may he permitted to use the expression) that you felt

yourself authorized to discharge your false and poisonous

aspersions, hut it is a castle which the honest and virtuous

will never seek shelter in. They will at least demand some

thing stronger than mere private opinion, before they attempt

to sully that precious boon of mail's reputation.

In your last publication, however, you have changed

your ground and brought the question to a more probable

issue. Here I am happy to meet yon. Hitherto I have been

compelled to the necessity alone of detecting and exposing

the fallacy of your own private opinion, which like "influence"

is of so "indefinite a meaning" that, literally, it was contend

ing with, shadows. You there say, that a gentleman of the

pre nt lette

le" g' is' lat' ure

is

ready

to

depose

of

his

having

seen

two

it, if tr

rfuge demonstrate their meaning, not like Individual opinion, uta-

lile and evanescent; they are permanent and will ever eak for themselves. Therefore, in the name of justice!, in the

of truth, and of that reputation which Is dearer

me than

life, 1 call upon you, sir, to produce the deposition alluded to.

Tell the public the name of these gentlemen, the counties which they live, exhibit the originals -- my handwriting fs well known in "Louisville; or some other particularity sufficient to

enable them to ascertain either the truth of your charges, or .

the cruelty of your falsehoods. No longer, assassin like,

attack the reputations of men through the false media of

conjecture, insinuation and halt formed stories. if I am guilty the public ought to know it. It is not myself alone that makes the demand upon you; but that public -whose

interest you are so solicitous to promote, imperiously call for

an investigation of your charges. What, sir, must they think

of you if you do not produce this deposition? But more particularly, what can be their reflections should these letters

be ultimately established on you and others as an infamous forgery? Yes, sir, I do verily believe that they have origi

nated within the limits of Louisville ; have been devised and

propagated by you and your minions.

Driven, as you were, to the last extremity of argument,

and defeated on every ground you had taken, you beheld scorn, infamy and probable defeat before you. Nothing, therefore, scarcely less than subornation of perjury itself

could afford even a temporary support of character thus

degraded to the lowest stage of human corruption. You have

indeed had ingenuity enough to thrust, between yourself and

the crime a poor ignorant wretch, who as you found him

OP WIT-.LTAM H. CRAWFORD

61

with less sense than reputation, you will probably have a "fixed figure" for the hand of scorn to point its slow uiimoving finger at. How happened it, sir, that Richmond T. Cosby, the person here alluded to, never apprized you until this late date of his material circumstances? You lodg'e in the same house, are in the habit of frequent communication, and at the very time when you were in the habits of frequent commu nication, in which you deny ever having said that I wrote to the grand juries; nay, that you did not suppose that I could ever have had the folly to do so, he was at hand, under your nose, and no doubt ready to serve you. Did you not have reason to believe several months ago that I intended to expose you for the lies propagated at the preceeding legislature, relative to this subject? Why did you not in the meantime, if your conduct was capable of support, procure a justificatory evidence, or at least some slight excuse for your harsh asper sions? If T am not mistaken these circumstances will be pro ductive of unavoidable inferences, and "these questions will carry their own answers along with them." Thus, sir, have you labored with a zeal deserving; of a better cause, and in, a manner that would disgrace any cause. Can the reflection that you have succeeded in your object, alone, through the propagation of falsehoods, carry any solid, any cheering sen sations to your mind? Does riot the idea haunt you in your retired walks, and plant thorns in your pillow at night? If you have not bid adieu to the principles of virtue, honesty, truth and justice, if you are not entirely bereft of the "com punctious visiting of nature," believe me, I little envy yoii the pleasure arising from your recent success. The reason of my bringing the name of gentlemen into view is well known. It was almost unavoidable out of your manner of reply in that the charge of Federalism was made upon Mr. Griffin, and at the time, his opponent by a, consequential inference "was held up to the public as a man of political connections, or in other words, as a genuine Republican. It was with the exclusive view of exposing- the fallacy of this insinuation that I took the liberty of informing the public that the very men whom your friend now so warmly admires are those "whose characters, motives and measures be bad vilified, defamed and reprobated. But why, sir, have you so cruelly logged Colonel Carnes into this correspondence? Was even the mention of his name necessarily connected with your reply? If I voted for. him in opposition to the late Governor Tatnall it was because there were then strong grounds of belief that the latter gentleman had determined not to accept of the govern ment. Do you not, yourself know, with what reluctance he was forced into this measure, and from that date commenced the train of those afflictions that pressed so heavily upon him? Your insinuations relative to the pecuniary situation of Col onel Carnes are mean, uiigentlemanly and ridiculous, and as they certainly were not necessary .to your reply, the public: can ascribe them to no other motive than the gratification of your "spleen and malignity." "I pity the distress of a good man; his sorrows are sacred with me;" and I know not that we are talight either by our nature or religion to triumph

62

THE LIFE AND TIMES

in the misfortunes of even the lowest of our species. In all your statements, reasonings and opinions, throughout your devious track, your chief aim has been to darken, deceive and misrepresent. At one moment we behold you asserting with positlveness that I had influenced the grand juries by writing to them, detected in this falsehood, Proteus like, you deny the assertion, and say that Captain London must have mis taken the word riding for writing. Too wise to be duped, and too firm to be affected by your whining, Jesuitical reasons, he has justly inflicted a lash upon you, the smart of which you will certainly continue to feel, so long as you are possessed of common sensibility. My opposition to the election of Judga Tait, on the ground of his being under your influence and control, was founded in truth and justice and sound policy. Happy, indeed, would it be for the country, if it had an existence only in my own brain," but it is a belief which pervades every class of society in the Western district, and which more or less is attached to every ease determined under his administration, in which you are counsel. On this point, however, I do not wish the public to depend on my individual assertion. The following letters from gentlemen who have been here during the present session, and whose veracity, neither yourself or your friend Judge Tait, dare impeach, are a few of the many that would be willing to testify to the same opinion:
"LOUISVILLE, 14th of Nov., 1804.
"Dear Sir: "In answer to the question asked me by yourself last
evening, I have no hesitation in stating that sundry persons have had conversations with me on the subject of employing Wm. H. Crawford, Esq., as their attorney, and stated as a reason that they supposed and believed that Mr. Crawford had such influence with Judge Tait that they would always employ him In preference to any other attorney, whilst Judge Tait presided. In fact, sir, that opinion seems to be so preva lent in the Western circuit, so far as has come to my knowl edge of the sentiments of the people that I did not suppose that it -would be doubted, as such talk is frequently the sub ject of conversation, at least in the county where I reside. The reason, sir, that I have so often heard such conversa tions is, I presume, on account of my being very frequently mixed amongst company, as is to be expected from the nature of the office I have the honor to fill. I am, dear sir, yours,
"JOHNSON WELLBORN."
"LO0ISVILLE, Nov. 15th, 1804. '' General Clark----Sir:
"In answer to your application of this day I can only say that I did employ Mr. Wm. H. Crawford, Esq., in a case, the state against myself, in Wilkes county, for a mayhem alleged to have been committed on Capt. Van Alien, under an impres sion that he had considerable influence with Judge Tait; the impression was increased on account of several of my friends having advised me to employ Mr. Crawford, and gave it as a reason, that it was thought Mr. Crawford had considerable

OF WIL.LIAM H. CRA.WFORD

63

control and influence over Judge Tait. In fact, sir, this opin

ion is very prevalent In the county of Wilkes. I am, sir, your

most obedient.

"G. GAINS."

"November 22nd, 1804.

"General Clark--Sir:

"In answer to your note of this morning, I have no hesi

tation in declaring that I have heard frequently, and believe-

ing it Is the general opinion, that Mr. Crawford has an undue

influence "with his honor. Judge Tait, in courts of justice.

Your most obedient,

,

"A. SIMMONS."

"LOUISVILLE, Nov. 25th, 1804. "Sir: In answer to your inquiry of this morning, I can instance a circumstance which turned up in my presence, in Watkinsville (Clark county), to-wit: As Mr. Win. H. Crawford was walking by a number of gentlemen it was observed by one of them (who knows Mr. Crawford) that, 'There goes the judge of the Western District.' From this my impression was that the gentleman conceived that Mr. Crawford had an undue influence over Judge Tait, and I believe this is the prevailing opinion in the county I live.
"I am, sir, your most obedient servant,
"R. O. D. K. EASLEY. "General Clark."

"Your insinuations as to the mode of defense pursued by me on the present occasion, are ridiculous from the nature of the charges; none other could have been expected from me. I am not at all surprised, however, at your wish to bury every vestige of this transaction in a duel, if you could divert the public attention from a scrutiny into your conduct, you wtmld doubtless be somewhat less condemned and despised.
I must confess that I had at all times rather expose the villany of a man than hazard rny person to the chance of receiving a double injury from him; yet, sir, black as your conduct has been throughout this controversy, I assure you, and perhaps the assurance will be gratifying, that I am not restricted alone to this mode of warfare.
"Louisville, Nov. 26th, 1804."
"JOHN CLARK.

CRAWFORD TO CLARK.
"6th December, 180 "Sir: In your last publication you assure me ths -.a are not restricted to the mode of warfare hitherto pursued. My friend. Colonel Flournoy, is therefore authorized, on my part, to make the necessary arrangements.
"WM. H. CRAWFORD." "General Clark."

CLARK TO CRAWFORD. "6th December 1804.
Your challenge of this morning, by Colonel Flour-

64

THE LIFE AND TIMES

noy, is received and accepted. My friend, Captain Cobb, will adjust and settle witli him the necessary preliminaries.
"JOHN CLARK. "Wm. H. Crawford, Esq."

Col. Thos. Flournoy and Capt. Howell Cobb, as seconds for the parties, after some correspondence agreed that tlie duel should be fought near Fort Charlotte at a point one mile below historic old Petersburg on the Carolina side of tlie Savannah River. This was about eleven miles from -where Van Alien had fallen some two years previous. Just at this stage of the proceedings Governor John Milledge was appealed to by several disinterested gentlemen in consequence of which a Court of Honor was named, and the following award was made:

FINDINGS OF THJE COURT OF HONOR-
"The undersigned, having been called upon, and appointed by his Excellency, Governor Milledge, as a Court of Honor, to interpose and adjust the unhappy difference existing between Gen. John Clark and William H. Crawford, Esq., and these gentlemen, by their friends, Captain Cobb ancl Colonel Flournoy, having yielded to the call of his Excel lency, by a full and free submission of the causes of their con troversy to our decision by -which -we have become the deposi tories of their honor, we cannot in this place omit observing that in this regard, it is our opinion, these gentlemen have discovered by such submission more magnanimity and real courage, than could have been exhibited fay a contrary course. "We have had before us and perused alternatively the various publications made by these gentlemen on the subject of their differences, and cannot but say that they have been made with too much heat on both sides, and no doubt, in their opinion, justified that resort which caused the present proceedings. "While on this part of the subject we take leave to observe, that newspaper publications, where abuse and bad language is very apt to be introduced are peculiarly offensive to the ear and feelings of a gentleman, and ought as much as possi ble to be avoided, and we sincerely lament the occurrence of them upon this occasion, and trust there are other means more consistent by -which matters of controversy can be explained and understood. Upon the whole we are fully and clearly of the opinion that General Clark and Mr. Crawford have been led into a dispute, the foundation of which, has not sufficient weight, and ought not to have produced the subse quent heat and animosity, which might have led to conse quences truly serious and calamitous to themselves and fami lies, their friends and their country. We have no hesitancy

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFOKD
, 804. "JARED IRWIN, "ABRAHAM JACKSON, "JAMBS SEAGROVE, "D. B. MITCHELL, "J. BEN MAXWELL." The principals acceded to the decision and thus the mat> ter wa,s adjusted, but not without murmurings from General Claarrk,, wwhoo long aafeterrw waarrdss coommpplaainned that thee decision was too avorame to Mr. Crawford, did not cover the issues, and that it satisfied him thereafter what course to be pursued in Courts of Honor.
Before closing this chapter we will note a most ludicrous affair that occurred -between parties "who have figured con spicuously in this volume. John Dooly "was an intimate sup porter and friend of Clark. He became entangled in this feud with Judge Charles Tait, and so persistent and sharp the matter waxed that the Judge selected Crawford as his second to bear to Dooly a challenge to render such satisfaction as becomes a gentleman.
Dooly gravely accepted the challenge, promptly named time and place and selected General Clark for his second. Tait had a wooden leg. At the appointed hour he and his friends were at the spot agreed upon. They discovered Dooly alone patiently sitting on a stump. Crawford asked for his friend. General Clark.
"He is in the woods , sir," said Dooly with a nonchalant air.
"And will soon be present T presume?" asked Crawford. "Yes, as soon as he can find a gum." "May I inquire. Colonel Dooly, what use you have for a i in the matter under settlement?" "I want to put my leg in it sir. Do you suppose I can risk my leg of flesh and blood against Tait's wooden one? If I hit his leg he will have another one tomorrow, and be pegging about as well as usual; if he hits mine I may lose my life by it, but almost certainly my leg, and be compelled, like Tait, to stump it the balance of my life. I could not risk this, and must have a gum to put my leg in; then I am

66

THE LIFE AND TIMES

as much wood as lie is, and on equal terms with him." "I understand you. Colonel Dooly; you do not want to
fight?" "Well, really, Mr. Craw ford, I thought everybody knew
that." "Very well, sir," said Crawford, "you shall fill a column
of the newspaper in no enviable light." "Mr. Crawford, I assure you I would rather fill two news
papers than one coffin." It is scarcely necessary to add that Tait and Crawford
left the field in disgust, and here the matter ended. *

CHAPTER VII.

THE CRAWFORD AND CLAR.K PARTIES
There are periods in the life of nations as in individuals when party spirit runs unusually high without any apparent reason----when better judgment seems blinded and men are swept on by a seemingly irresistible force in alignments that make idols of bad leaders, and principles are swallowed up in the personnel of the partisans. The affair between Clark and Crawford, so trivial in its origin, would seemingly not invoke the interest of any one save the parties directly con cerned, but General Clark was thoroughly intrenched in the affections of the people as the military hero of the day, and although he was intemperate, vindictive and passionately vio lent, yet on account of the fact that he had rendered great service to the state as a soldier, be possessed the gratitude of the people.
His young opponent had risen by leaps and bounds in the admiration of the public, and had on every opportunity shown courageous audacity, vigor or thought, fidelity to principle, and his speeches in the legislative hall were so possessed of finished diction that they resembled the cuttings of an antique cameo. Words fell from bis lips like hard, bright dollars from the coiner's mint. No wonder that the wise old statesmen, Jackson, Early, Mill edge and William Barnett, with prophetic eye, saw in him a ma,n of unusual promise, and accorded to him their active support and influence. There was but one political party in Georgia, for all her people were nominally Jeffersonian Republicans, so that candidates stood alone on personal fitness when aspiring for office. This gave rise to that hitter antagonism which characterized the politics
s, pag-e 76; aJso Andrews' Reminiscences of an Old

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

67

of the state for nearly forty years, and long after the principal instigators had passed away. In these factious contests none could be neutral. All were compelled to take sides or be crushed between the contending parties. Such bitter animosi ties arose that Justice seemed to forget her Duty and Reason lose her sway. During the period of its baneful influence society was very detrimentally affected. Men were chosen for office because of party proclivities, intelligence and moral worth being too often forgotten. Friendships were severed, families divided and whole neighborhoods made hostile by its deplorable rancours. Every village had its Clark and its Crawford taverns. The limits of social intercourse were cir cumscribed to those of factional sympathy. Throiigh all castes and classes of society the envenomed r\ile was the same --one of proscription. Churches were distracted and divided, and political Phillippics desecrated the pulpit for the first time within the state. Fisticuffs and fights galore were com mon. It was a general squabble, dividing counties, hamlets, beats and cross-road groceries.
The contest was without gloves. Hairpullings, gouging, biting and dragouts were seen, talked of and even enjoyed a,t every justice court and militia muster. To introduce the sub ject of politics in any promiscuous gathering was to promote a quarrel.
A son of Erin, lately from Limerick, opened a barroom in a village in Greene county. Ho endeavored to ca.tch the trade of both parties by his strenuous neutrality. After a week's trial he gave it up in disgust. When describing this experience he said: "Whenever a Crawford man would come in the first thing he would inquire if this was a Crawford bar; and by faith when I told him i was naithor he cursed me for a Clarkite and refused to drink. When a Clark man would come in and I to id him I was naither he cursed me for a Crawfordite, and I sold not a gill to anyone- Faith, it pa,ys to be a politician in Georgia."
There were quite a number of beneficial Ia.ws passed at the term with which Crawford was identified, and in fact, he became the leading spirit of the Legislature. Men loved, honored, followed and believed in him here as elsewhere, and his noble features, earnest, open manner, tail command ing figure claimed their regard and admiration. In 1806 Crawford introduced a resolution which passed the house unanimously, commending Thomas Jefferson for a third term. The resolution was as follows:

68

THE LJFE AND TIMES

"Resolved, That this Legislature, composed of the imme- i diate representatives of the people, by them elected to declare their -will, viewing the blessings and distinguished political benefits derived in a state and national capacity from the impartial, wise and judicious administration of Thomas Jeffer son, President of the United States, embrace this opportunity of expressing their full and entire confidence and approbation of his official conduct. At the present momentous crisis, when the civilized nations of the old world, to whom- we are bound by the ties of interest or political friendship, are convulsed, and either engaged in the prosecution of destructive wars or forming coalitions which threaten the destruction of nations and dynasties, it is of utmost importance that our political barque should be directed by the hand of a master in whose integrity, discretion and wisdom the people of these United States can with safety rely. "We therefore, in the name of the people of Georgia, request that Thomas Jefferson will devote four years more of his life to tlie service of his country, in order to more permanently establish those principles of politi cal liberty which are the boast and glory of republican America." *
These considerate resolutions were immediately commu
nicated to the Senate and concurred in without - a dissenting
vote. Such JefEersonial Republicans were these Georgians!
The act creating Baldwin and Wilkinson counties was
brought forward and pressed to a successful conclusion, by
Crawford. The vexed question of a boundary line between
Georgia and North Carolina was permanently settled by a,
commission appointed by a resolution introduced by him.
John Clark, however, was still nursing his wrath which
had not ceased to exhibit itself at intervals against Tait and
Crawford in divers manners. As a champion of North Caro
lina settlers in G-eorgia he conceived it to be his duty to
oppose and thwart the Virginians of -whom Jackson and Craw
ford were the leaders. The community of interest between
these two last named developed the idea that it was handed
down by heredity that men of Virginia lineage should unite
against what they actually believed was a conspiracy on the
part of Clark and his followers to politically proscribe them.
In 1806 there were ten candidates for congress. Con
gressmen then were elected on a general ticket, and not accord
ing to district system. Among these candidates were Elijah
Clark, Jr., and John M. Dooly, both of whom were defeated.
The four successful candidates were: William W. Bibb, Capt.
Howell Cobb, Dennis Smith and George M. Troup. This elec
tion demonstrated that the Clark party was losing strength,
and it was hailed as a victory for the Virginians and their allies.
'Georgia House Journal, 1806, pae^e 87.

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

69

On Feb. 24t~h, 1806, one Josiah Glass, -who had come all

the way from North Carolina with a warrant against Robert

Clary of Greene county for negro stealing, went to Judge Tait,

who was then in Sparta, to endorse the same. This Judge

Tait did in due form. In a few days thereafter while Judge

Tait was on the bench at Greene Superior Court he was handed

the following letter:

"Sir: I have a man in my care who appears to be very

anxious to make certain am davits before your honor this

evening, in a matter that greatly concerns the state of Georgia

and the United States; he comes forward freely and of his own

accord. I expect his deposition will be lengthy, and truly

astonishing to your honor. I shall be glad to know if your

honor can attend, and am sir, with all due respect, your hon

or's most obedient,

"JOSIAH GLASS.

"N. B.----William I-I. Crawford is' interested in a part of

the aforesaid deposition, and will, do well to attend.

"To Hon. C. Tait."

That evening after tea Judge Tait took with him a Mr. Oliver Skinner and went to the room where Clary was a pris oner in charge oje Glass. A long confession was made by Clary, to which Tait seemed to have attached little importance, as he told Glass that the matter would not be prosecuted, as from the character of Clary it need not be made public. There was a clause in the affidavit of Clary which stated that John Clark had sold 1100 acres of land on Buckeye Creek, in the county of Washington, to one Collins for $20,000 of counterfeit money. Glass took a copy of the affidavit and that copy soon came into the hands of Clark. When he ascertained 'that the affidavit had been taken at night Clark at once con cluded that he had been made the victim of a conspiracy. Judge Tait, in order to explain matters, procured the venera ble and distinguished William Barnett to see General Clark, but Clark was aroused to such a degree and so deeply wounded that no explanation or excuse would be heard. He refused to see Tait, and with greatest disdain and scorn stated these offers of peace were made to prevent him from probing the foul conspiracy. *
Clark then did a very singular thing. He presented a memorial to the Legislature asking for the impeachment of Judge Tait on account of what he was pleased to term a foul conspiracy the Judge had formed against him, as evidenced by this matter. This inconsiderate act of Clark had the effect, perhaps, of strengthening his friends who believed him a per secuted man, and that "The dark lantern affidavit" was of

tPrinciples of William H. Crawford, by Clark, p. 36.

CHARLES TAIT.

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

71

itself sufficient evidence on which to base impeachment. His

enemies were likewise elated, for they saw in these flimsy

charges brought by the impulsive and obstinate General, not

the slightest grounds to make the matter one of public prop

erty, and that in the very nature of things, it could not be

shown that an honorable judge who had certified to the affi

davit of an adventurer, was a conspirator. They presaged

that an investigation would certainly vindicate Tait, and prob

ably place Clark in an unenviable position.

The proceedings were presented to the house in due form

by Representative Simons as made out by General Clark, and

same were submitted to a special committee of seven mem

bers of the House. *

After this a letter was presented to the House from Clark

to the Speaker asking that he be allowed to interrogate the

witnesses himself, and further stated in offensive terms his

objections to Mr. Crawford, who was serving on the com

mittee of investigation.

The General charged in this letter that Crawford had

procured the appointment of himself in some indelicate way

to serve on the committee, and tha.t it was like sitting on his

own case. f

One of the members, stung by the impertinence and arro

gance of this communication, moved "to lay the letter under

the table." As a relief to the situation John Morel, in a

spirit of generosity, moved that Major General John Clark

have le

withdra his letter to the Speaker. This reso-

lution i

ricd by , vote of 57 to 3. Mr. Crawford voted

aye.

The committee examined twenty-eight witnesses as pre

sented by John Cla>rk, and reported that from the whole of

the testimony taken it did not appear that Judge Tait had any

connection with Glass or Clary, or knew what confession

Clary would make, and that the conduct of the Judge was

without blame in the whole transaction. After summing

up the facts the report concludes as. follows: "Your com

mittee are decidedly of the opinion that no improper or cor

rupt motives can, with justice or truth, be imputed to the

Judge on that occasion, and if the reputation of the memorial

ist has been injured by the confession such confession cannot,

with propriety or truth, be attributed to the Judge."

The speech that Crawford made in favor of the adoption of this report has not been preserved except by tradition.

"Journal House Representatives 1806, page S. fExposition of Principles of W. H. Crawford by John Clark, page 42.

72

THE LIFE AND TIMES

His summing up of the facts was with that violence that betokens at once the depth of personal friendship for Tait, and indignant contempt in which he held those wlio were urging the memorial. Never did he appear to better advant age. His eloquence was of that powerfully convincing sort that, like the cyclone, sweeps everything before it. No one could withstand his irresistible logic. When the vote was taken, although there were many representatives who as com mon soldiers had followed General Clark, when only sixteen years old he was a lieutenant in the war of the Revolution, and although many of the members were warmly attached to him for favors received, yet the vote on the resolution stood fifty-seven in favor of its adoption and only three against it.
The truth of the matter was now apparent that Clary, an unprincipled fellow, knowing the differences between these distinguished men, had sought to help his own case "while under arrest by making the charge against General Clark, and the General was too ready to believe what was told him. He could not rid himself of the idea that Tait and Crawford had originated the charges to do him injury. Failing in the Legislature to receive the expected vindication, he resolved to take the matter in his own hands, and accordingly sent Crawford the following challenge:

CLARK TO CRAWFORD.
"LOUISVILLE, 2nd. Dec., 1806. "The various injuries I have received from yon make it necessary for me to call on you for the satisfaction usually offered in similar cases. My friend, Mr. Forsyth, is author ized to make the necessary arrangements on my part. With due respect I am, sir,
"Your humble servant, "JOHN CLARK.
"William H. Crawford, Esq."

CRAWFORD TO CLARK. "Sir: Your challenge of this date is accepted, and my friend, Captain Moore, will, on my part, make the necessary arrangements. I am, sir, with respect,
"Your humble servant, "VS. H. CRAWFORD.
"To General Clark."
John Forsyth was engaged in the Federal Court at this time, and Major Gilbert Hay was selected by Clark as his second, and the following agreement was made as to the pro posed meeting:

OF WILLIAM H. C

73

ARRANG-EMENTS.
Article 1st. The pistols .re to be smooth bore, and loaded with a single ball by the set inds of the parties, in the pres-

Art. 2nd. The distance shall be ten yards, the parties facing.
Art. 3rd. The seconds of each party shall place the pis tol in the right hand of his friend, cocked, with the barrel as nearly perpendicular as possible, pointing up or down, and neither of the principals shall alter the position of the pistol until the word of command is given.
Art. 4th. The signal for a discharge shall be: "Make ready; fire." At the word "fire" each party shall discharge his pistol as near as possible after receiving the word; and should either party withhold his fire it shall be lost.
Art. 5th. A snap or a flash to be considered the same as a shot.
Art. 6th. Whenever the challenger shall express himself satisfied, or shall have received a wound, judged by the sur vivors mortal, or whenever the challenged shall have received ' a wound and expresses himself satisfied, then the contest shall cease.
Art. 7th. No conversation between the parties but through their friends.
Art. 8th. To prevent the possibility of suspicion of -wear ing improper covering each party "will submit to an examina tion by the second of his opponent immediately preceding their being placed at their stations.
Art. 9th. Choice of ground and the word to be decided by lot.
Art. 10th. The seconds shall be properly armed to pre vent a transgression of these rules and the interposition of any other person.
Art. 11 th. If either of the principals deviate from the foregoing rules, or attempt to take any undue advantage, either or both of the seconds are at liberty to fire at him.
Art. 12th. If either party falls no person except the sur geon shall be admitted until the opposite- party leaves the ground.
GEO. MOORE, G. HAY. Dec. 16th, 1806, at the High Shoals on the Appalachee on the Indian Territory.

The parties met according to appointment, and were delayed sometime in coming to an agreement. It appears that the second of Clark raised several points of controversy, and had been instructed by Clark to "yield nothing." By this quibbling the mooting was postponed from 12 m. to one o'clock. Crawford got. out of temper, and "was thrown com-

74

THE LIFE AND TIMES

pletely off his guard. * He, although brave and fearless, was in every way unfitted for a duellist. His polished amia bility and amenity of disposition indicate that disqualification to engage in affairs of this kind, -which his natural awkward ness and nervousness all the more emphasized. Clark, on the contrary, -was a practiced fighter, thoroughly skilled in the use of -weapons and equally courageous.
The result was as might have been anticipated. Crawford swaggered to the peg with the same degree of careless ness that he was wont to rise to address a country jury. His left arm was forgotten and heedlessly held unprotected by his body in a way to catch the ball of the rawest duellist. At the first fire Clark "was untouched and Crawford's left wrist was shattered and the bones crushed in a way to cause him many weeks of excruciating pain. Clark -was not satis fied, and insisted that the shots be continued until one should prove mortal. The terms of the agreement, however, had been complied with, and George Moore declined to allow his principal to proceed farther.
Clark's animosity, however, was not appeased. Without any renewal of the quarrel and without fresh cause for anger he sought to renew the combat. The following is a copy of a note from Clark, and Crawford's reply:

CLARK TO CRAWFORD.
"22nd July, 1807. "Sir: From the tin derstan ding at our interview in December last, you have no doubt (since the restoration, of your health), anticipated this call. It is high time that the difference between us should be brought to a final issue, and from the situation in which the affair was left, I presume nothing more is necessary tban for you to appoint the time and place. My friend, Mr. Sberrod, will hand you this and receive your answer. Your humble servant,
"JOHN CLARK. "William H. Crawford, Esq."
CRAWFORD TO CLARK.
"23rd. of July 1807. "Sir: Since the receipt of your note yesterday by the hands of Mr. Sherrod I have obtained the perusal of the com munications which passed between Captain Moore and Major Hay on the 16tli of December last, from which it appears to be that the contest "was brought to a final issue and the difference adjusted as far as an interview of that kind is intended or calculated for adjustment. Capt. Moore, pursuant to the latter part of the sixth article agreed upon, determined
*Gihr a Gee

OP WILJ-JAM H. CRAWFORD

75

that the co itest was at an end. appointmen ; of time and place. vant,
"Gen. John Clark."

therefore shall decline the T am, sir, your obedient ser
W. H. CRAWFORD.

These communications, like the previous one, appeared in

the papers ot the state, and the unpleasing results of the duel

only stirred fiercer elements of political strife and confirmed

and increased all previous animosities. Never were Scotch

highlaiiders more responsive to the hugle horn of Rhoderick

Dhu than were the aroused factions of Georgia politics to

the call oE partisans. Mountain and valley, hill and dale,

echoed with the war who op that might have startled Clan

Alpine warriors. Men waited not to. hear, reason or argue

the causes, but madly almost savagely aligned themselves

with unshaken confidence and zeal in the integrity and virtue

of their respective leaders.

In the summer of 1807 on a day when Judge Tait was

driving along Jefferson street. In Milledgevllle, General Clark

came up gracefully cantering on a beautiful sorrel. The Gen

eral always rode a. fine horse with best accoutrements. His

was a splendid figure, and men said he was a born soldier.

Riding up to Tait he thus accosted him:

"This is the first time I have seen you, sir, since your

hasty departure from Louisville."

"Yes," replied Tait, "I have have not seen you since."

"Judge Tait, you have, under cloak of judicial aiithority,

sought to destroy my reputation, and for your infamous

attempt 1 shall give you the lash."

Saying this before any reply could be made General

Clark canie down with his riding whip inflicting blows on the

shoulders of this distinguished and one-legged jurist. Tail's

horse took fright, but Clark kept alongside of him until his

wrath was appeased by the scourges of his heavy cowhide on

the person of his adversary. *

The reader will no doubt be curious to know how Gen

eral Clark would attempt to justify such an atrocious attack

on a judge of the Superior Court. In his book entitled "Con

sideration of the Purity of the Principles of W. H. Crawford,"

etc., written by him in reciting all his differences with Craw-

ford from which we have so largely quoted, Clark thus refers

to this episode:

' I presume if his back had been exhibited it would have
presented thirty or forty marks of my attention. After giv ing bin this dressing I told him that he might go about his own business, as I had now done with him. This

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transaction I certainly would not pretend to say was in strict conformity to public order, nor would it have taken place had any method "been left by which I could have obtained redress for any attempt against, my character and peace of mind, which for the honor of human nature has, I believe, been seldom equaled in baseness, and in which I could not, in 'justice to the judge or myself, suffer to pass wholly unpunished. And this occurrence I consider would afford and be viewed by others as furnishing a sufficient stimulus for the production of any and every proof- -which the judge and his friends might be able to command in support of the slanders they had been instrumental in circulating. This transaction, as was necessarily to be expected, occasioned an indictment against me, to which I plead guilty, and stated in mitigation the circumstances which led to it. The presiding judge did not consider the proceedings justifiable, and on my acknowl edgement of the facts sentenced me to pay a fine of two thousand dollars and to find security for my conduct for good behavior for five years.
"The sentence was thought by many to be an extraordi nary one. His excellency, Governor Irwin, however, by an executive order soon after remitted it in all its parts. He was too good and amiable a man to have countenanced illegal acts of violence, nor would he probably have' recommended the course I had pursued; but lie himself had been waited upon by Glass, and had in other "ways become acquainted with so many particulars of the proceedings against me that he did not hesitate to express to me his opinion that Mr. Crawford and Mr. Tait were at the bottom of them, and this _ opinion no doubt led to his remission of the sentence."
The judge that imposed this sentence was Peter Early.
Clark always claimed to be persecuted, and it is probable
that Governor .Tared Irwiii believed it; but many partisans
of Clark joined with a majority of the people of the state
in condemning this inconsiderate pardon which had no better
excuse than that the Governor was affected with that party
spirit so characteristic of those strange times----a spirit that
perverted justice and often had effect on minds of those high,
in authority "whose actions were otherwise free from bias
and prejudice. Governor Irwin had with Clark served several
years in the Revolutionary war, and had also fought under
him in the Indian wars. He became a- Brigadier of the
militia, and like General Clark, was a native of North Caro
lina.

OF WILiLIAM H. CRAWFORD

77

CHAPTER VIII.
THE CAREER OF A UNITED STATES SENATOR.
In 1804 Crawford bought Woodlawn, a pretty country seat two and one-half miles from Lexington, Ga. He erected an unpretentious but substantial dwelling thereon, and then was consummated his long cherished hope in his marriage to Susanna Girardin. This union, founded on love, "was ever
blessed and happy. In March, 1807, Abraham Baldwin, a United States sen
ator from Georgia, died suddenly in Washington, D. C. In his twenty-two years of faithful public service to the state he had never lost but one day from duty. During the "war of the Revolution he had been a member of the faculty of Yale College and came to Columbia County, Georgia, in 1784 to practice law. He was a member of the Federal convention of 1787 from Georgia, and evinced in all of his many public duties statesmenship and learning. From March to November, 1807, the place made vacant by the death of Mr. Baldwin was held by George Jones under appointment of the Gov ernor; but it devolved upon the legislature, which convened in November of the same year, to elect a successor.
Crawford now "was thirty-five years of age, and although, not yet eight years from his teacher's desk, had experienced all the vicissitudes of Georgia politics. The state was now about to present to the country her greatest son "with full complement of all those rich qualities of a mature mind and with a character well seasoned and able to grapple with the most difficult questions of statecraft. To the Senate in Novem ber then did the legislature send him. It was a long way over many bad roads and difficult, stage travelling to "Wash ington; yet on December 9th we find him taking the oath of office. There was a field in this greatest legislative body in the world to give ample scope to his expanding mind. Recog nition came speedily to this senator from Georgia. On the Senate floor he stood a man in every sense--'of mind, of nerve, of heart. Handsome, buoyant, magnetic, "with rare boldness and independence of character, he commanded admiration and homage. At the commencement of his senatorial career he was a force to be reckoned with.
At this time the venerable Jefferson was serving the last of his second term as President. The first speech made by Crawford in the Senate was on the expulsion of John Smith, a senator from Indiana, who was charged with Aaron Burr In treasonable designs against the government. The testimony

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against the accused Senator was argued with force and per spicuity by Crawford, "who after summing up the case, con
cluded in these words:
"I have lived in a section of the country which has not felt the general impression made by the movements and enterprises of Aaron Burr. I have attended to nothing but the testimony. I have had no acquaintance with Mi1 . Smith; I entertain no prejudice against him. \ would feel as much gratified as any member of this body to be able consistently with my duty, to vote for his retaining his seat. Sir, the feelings of this house have been addressed; an appeal has been made to the humanity of the Senate. We have a duty to perform "which is paramount to humanity; instead of resigning ourselves to our feelings, -we ought to exercise our judgment and do that which the public good imperiously requires. From a full examination of the evidence I am con strained to say, that the conduct of Mr. Smith has been such as to render it highly improper for him to retain his seat in the highest council of the iia.tion."
This was the last of many speeches made 011 this resolu
tion. The vote of the Senate then taken was nineteen for, to ten against the expulsion. *
Crawford was too liberal in his views to be a blind fol lower of any party. Tt is true he advocated the doctrine of Jeffersonian simplicity and economy. He, bow-ever, marked out his course, and only when his sense of right approved a measure of his party did he choose to follow. No party trammels, no persuasion nor emoluments, no threats, nor intimidations could turn him from bis conviction of right. Party ties could not fetter him beyond what his judgment and conscience approved; beyond this they were as powerless as the withes of the Philistines against the lusty strength of Samson.
In 1807, "when the Embargo was the popular measure of the Jeffersonian party, Crawford opposed it as useless and mischievous. In November of this year the British Govern
ment issued its celebrated "Orders in Council," forbidding all nations to trade with France a.nd her allies. Napoleon, not to be outdone; and with all Europe bending to his omnip
otent rule, promulgated his "Milan. Decree" prohibiting every description of trade with Great Britain who now alone of all the nations of Europe dared to defy him. English aggression was now almost unendurable, and it was apparent that war between England and the United States could not much Jonger be deferred. Between France and Great Britain it looked as if there was small escape for the poor little despised
"Benton's Abridgements Debates of Congress, Vol. 3, page 605.

OF WILtUAM H. CRAWFQRD

79

American republic. Tn June previous an unprovoked attack by the British ship Leopard had been made on the American frigate Chesapeake just off the coast of Norfolk "by which, several of the latter's crew were killed and four of them taken away. This created intense indignation throughout the Union. Petitions and remonstrances flowed into the halls of congress from every part of the country. Mr. Jefferson endeavored by negotiations, embassies and pacific means in every way possible to arrest these proceedings. At last, to redress our grievances, on Dec. ISth, 1807, he sent in a special message to congress urging "an inhibition of the departure of our vessels from the ports of the "United States." Hon. William B. Giles of Virginia, the veteran debater a,nd acknowledged spokesman of the Jefferson administration warmly championed the measure and it became at once the darling scheme of the Jeffersonian Republicans. Crawford opposed it as fraught with probable mischief, yet he was desirous of investigation and reflection, and moved to postpone action one day. This was refused. The bill was pregnant with results so extensive and important that he desired to figure on. its probable effect before voting for it. lie was the disciple and supporter of Jefferson, but it was the character of his mind not to yield a blind acquiescence to opinions of any individual. He believed that a "war with Great Britain was imminent. He had little tolerance for concession and dilatory tactics in a course which he conceived as closed to amicable adjustment. He objected to this half-way, indirect measure that to him seemed cringing. The British government had made an unwarranted attack on the Chesapeake, and having refused to make amends he was in favor of war when all peaceful measures to procure an adjustment had been exhausted. Although far removed from any fraternizing spirit of harmony with the remnant of the old Federal party of that day, still his vote on the measure was cast with them and in opposition to his party. Jefferson was averse to war. He believed the milder course of enacting spirited retaliatory measures as against the Brit ish orders in Council and Napoleonic decrees was the pre ferred line of conduct. In this matter Crawford was for declaring a firm adherence and assertion of American rights, and did not wish to temporize. Tn after years when the mes sage of Mr. Madison on this question of war was before the Senate he held the same view, and did not scruple to charge him with ambiguousness on the point of war or peace in his celebrated message of 1812 characterizing it as akin to the

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"sinuous, obscure and double meaning of a Delphic oracle." Every vote lie ever cast in. the senate when this question was before that body manifested his advocacy of an early resort to arms to redress the grievances and indignities heaped upon this country by Great Britain. He was at variance with and in. advance of his party in the great practical questions at issue; still the high, order of talent manifested in maintaining his position won for Mm the respect which he ever afterwards retained in that august body.
A reduction of the navy was always a prominent feature in the administration of Mr. Jefferson. It was a current sentiment of those times that a great navy would have a tendency to embroil us in war. Craw ford shai'ed this beliei in a measure. But the brilliant achievement of the navy in the war of 1812 and the insecurity that this country still bore from Great Britain and other TCuropean nations, even after the u inexpressive and un satisfactory articles of peace had been signed, caused him to change his mind on this mat ter, so that we find him in 1815 voting for $1,000,000.00 annual appropriation for support of the navy. In one of his

national defense." In every appropriation of public money he was always
insistent that the cause, manner and place of expenditure be distinctly and specifically set out so as to leave as little as possible to executive discretion. TCvery safeguard against waste, divergence and peculation lie always sought to embrace in bills for government expenditure, This exactness and economy advocated by him gave rise to the name of "Radi calism" with which his enemies attempted to blast his fame. The result, however, was to draw to him the support of the business interest of the country and to mafre for him legions of friends throughout the nation who rejoiced to see in public affairs that same business acumen, economy and sagacity that should exist in the administration of private business.
In 1808, the year after the Embay go Resolution had become a law, an effort was made in the Senate to secure its repeal unless war was to be immediately declared. He "was not in favor of making any concessions to hostile powers. He spoke of the fact that his own state had willingly sub mitted to it, although no section of the Union was more

lies on the people's hands for want o transportation, but they do not, complain. No other article in the United States

OF WIL.LIAM H. CRAWFORD

81

equals cotton in amount of export. The only substitute for the Embargo is war and no ordinary war. If the present Embargo is injuring British commerce, as we are led to believe by reports of British merchants, may not the Embargo pro cure a repeal of the edict against our commerce without going to war or abandoning neutral rights? There is now no lawful commerce. No vessel of the United States can sail without danger from England or France; and he asked, whether men who had any regard for national honor would navigate the ocean under terms so disgraceful! The argument of the gentlemen on the other side is one of in terror em. "It may be," said he, "a forcible argument with some gentlemen and most likely may have had its effect on those who Intend to produce an effect on others; but this house and this nation are not to be addressed in this way. Our understanding may be convinced by reason, but an address to our fears ought to be held with contempt. If the nation considers any course proper it would be base and degrading to be driven from it by discordant murmurs of a minority. No man feels more imperiously the duty of persevering in a course which is right, notwithstanding the contrary opinions of a few; and although I may regret and respect the feelings of these few, I will persist in the course which I believe to be right at the expense even of the government itself!"
New England had gone to the point of rebellion, and secession In the Hartford Convention was almost a reality by these manufacturers who were dissatisfied with all restrict ive measures, and loud in their denunciation .of war. Seces sion of the New England States was threatened and feared. The New Bnglanders then bad not the slightest doubt of their constitutional right to secede from the Union. The cities of the north were scarcely less reconcilable to hostilities that would cripple them. James Madison, the President, dallied and doubted. Those friends who coincided witb Crawford gave no ligbt reprehension on this doubting, hesitating policy. Finally breaking loose from his procrastinating counsels Madi son staked the destiny of the nation on open avowed war. This decision of the President made him few friends and many enemies, but it gave vitality to Jeffersonian Democracy which was now fast forming itself into a third political party under the bold leadership of William H. Crawford. A bolder and more defiant attitude at once was assumed. Bills were passed for increasing the navy, repairing and equipping cer' tain frigates, for increasing the army to twenty-five thousand

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men, and authorizing the President to accept fifty thousand volunteers requiring the executives of the several states and territories to hold their respective quotas of one hundred thousand a en, fully organized, armed and equipped in readiness to march at call.
In 1811 Crawford was re-elected Senator without oppo sition.
In the early days of our republic the great and per plexing question that occupied the statesmen for so many years was the regulation of the finances of the government by the chartering of the United States Bank. The expediency and constitutionality of this measure was provocative of more party jealousy and rancor than perhaps any other measure for many years. Hamilton and Jefferson- first crossed weapons upon this subject, and from thence sprang that factious war fare that has led to such acrimony and vindictiveness that has been bequeathed to their respective adherents from genera tion to generation. Hamilton was an ardent Federalist, and believed in a strong centralized government. Jefferson was an extreme Democrat, whoso politics might be summed up in his favorite maxim: "That government governs best which governs least." Hamilton's politics was of the English school, and tended towards monarchio.1 forms. Jefferson had imbibed much of French doctrines, hut adhered to a strict construc tion of the constitution and was an uncompromising radical. Hamilton, in 1791, bad revived and brought forward the project of a national bank. Jefferson opposed it as uncon stitutional and contrary to the spirit, of simplicity of our republican institutions. Hamilton and Jefferson Were always at opposites. They differed on all subjects, always opposed in thought, action and opinion, and always quarrelled.
They differed widely on this issue of establishing a national bank. Washington, however, decided alter a great deal of deliberation with Hum:;] ton, and in 1791 signed the charter. In 1808 the application of the old stockholders for a new act of incorporation, was referred to Albert Gallatin, the Secretary of the Treasury. That officer recommended in decided terms tbe rein corporation. Jefferson, and Madison, his successor, were opposed on constitutional grounds to this measure, and the Republicans being in. the majority the propo sition was not formally considered. At the session of 1809-10 another ineffectual attempt was made, and again in 1811 to the confusion and alarm of ultra Democracy, the question came again into the arena under the advice and leadership

OF1 WILLIAM H. CfiAWFORD

83

of Crawford. Breaking loose from a!I party ties he followed the course dictated by reason and experience as offering the most beneficent results.
In all the old civilized nations of Europe where the banks had so long been established not a doubt remained as to their great aid to commerce and government. In reviewing the old bank of 1791 he found that the effect had been most favorable upon the disordered finances of the country at that period; and it was most important to bis mind that a similar Institution be established for the purpose of correcting the evils flowing from the threatened war and to pilot the gov ernment by its friendly aid in the same manner as the finances were managed during the period immediately follow ing the Revolution. He determined to advocate openly and zealously the renewal of the expired charter and not to be awed by party predilections nor to allow his opinion to be dwarfed by factious opposition. Against him were the whole formidable host of the Jeffersoiiian sect, with its talent, pres tige and prejudice. Surely against this solid phalanx it were vain to give battle with any hope of success. On the one side was Crawford, James Lloyd of Massachusetts and John Pope of Kentucky, Ranged on the other side of this great question was the versatile Henry Clay of Kentucky, Samuel Smith of Maryland, Joseph Anderson of Tennessee and Wil liam B. Giles of Virginia. The magnitude and importance of the subject and the illustrious character of the disputants rendered the situation one of great moment. Crawford was chairman of the special committee to whom the application of the stockholders or the renewal of the charter had been referred. He had thoroughly mastered the subject, and the great "Harry of the "West" was about to find in him. a foeman worthy of his steel and one fully his equal in cogency of debate, and his superior in force and perspicuity of diction. Crawford fortified himself by a careful study of the able report of Mr. Gallatin recounting the history and workings of the institution, and con stilted extensively with the reports and deputations from the commercial interest of the different sections of the Union. He realized that the specious argu' ment of its opponents was that the measure was unconstitu tional, and on this issue the tide of victory would most cer tainly turn. This at least would be their > choice; for if fought on the constitutionality the opposition would hope to cut off the array of evidence as to the practical workings. They sought this argument as a special demurrer to the whole

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proceedings. But on the question of its constitutionality he was none the less prepared; and by logical reasoning and convincing deduction from facts and authorities he was not to be overmatched.
Both sides moved with heavy tread and measured step that closely evinced that this was a battle of giants. Henry Clay, the gifted, persuasive and polished orator, was the leader on the one side; Crawford, alert, forceful, convincing, powerful in his array of facts and argument was the leader on the other.
On the morning of the 11th of February, 1811, when the Senate had before it the consideration of this bill, it was Anderson of Tennessee, who, confident of great numeri cal advantage, moved to strike out the enacting clause and without debate force a vote which would at one fell swoop annihilate his adversaries in tlie shortest possible time. Both sides seemed slow to take the initiative in a general charge. General Smith called for the views of the movants which he claimed should precede his answer. Crawford then, not again endeavored to provoke assault and asked no further post ponement. To the surprise and consternation of the opposi tion he proceeded forthwith to deliver that speech which will ever stand as an enduring monument to his fame. For vigor and originality of thought, strong and irresistible reasoning and power of intellectual research this speech has rarely ever been surpassed in. this or any other legislative body. He said:

"I shall proceed, though reluctantly, to explain the rea sons of the committee for reporting the bill, which is now under consideration. After the most minute examination of the constitution the majority of that committee were decidedly of opinion that the Congress of the United States was clearly invested with power to pass such a bill. The object of the constitution was two-fold. First, the delegation of certain general powers, of a national nature, to the Government of the United States; and second, the limitation or restriction of the state sovereignties. Upon the most thorough examina tion of this instrument I am induced to believe that many of the various constructions given to it are the result of a belief that it is absolutely perfect. It has become so extremely fash ionable to eulogize this constitution, whether the object of the eulogist is the extension or contraction of the powers of the government, that whenever its eulogium is pronounced I feel an involuntary ayprehension of mischief. Upon the faith of this imputed perfection it has been declared to be inconsistent with the entire spirit and character of this instru ment, to suppose that after it has given a general power It should afterward delegate a specific power fairly compre hended within the general power. A rational analysis of the

OP WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

85

constitution will refute in the most demonstrative manner this idea of perfection. This analysis may excite unpleasant sen sations; it may assail honest prejudices; for there can be no doubt that honest prejudices frequently exist, and are many times perfectly innocent. But when these prejudices tend to destroy even the object of their affection it is essentially necessary that they should be -eradicated. In the present case, if there be any who, under the convictions that the constitu
tion is perfect, are disposed to give it a construction that will render it wholly imbecile, the public welfare requires that the veil should be rent and that its imperfections should be dis closed to public view. By this disclosure it will cease to be the object of adoration, but it will nevertheless be entitled
to our warmest attachment.
"The 8th section of: the 1st article of the constitution con tains, among others, the following grant of powers, viz: To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the standards of weights and measures; to raise and
support armies; to provide and maintain a navy; to regulate

and with the Indian tribes; to establish postoffices and post-

roads. This section contains five grants of general power.

Under the power to coin money it is conceded that Congress

would have a right to provide for the punishment of counter

feiting the money after it was coined, and that this power is

fairly incidental to, and comprehended in the general power.

The power to raise armies and provide and maintain a navy

comprehends beyond the possibility of doubt the right to

make rules for the government and regulation of land and

naval forces; and yet in these three cases, the constitution,

after making the grant of general power, delegates specifically

the powers which are fairly comprehended within the general

power.

'

** If this, however, should he denied, the construction

which has been uniformly given to the remaining powers which

have been selected, will establish tins fact beyond the power

of contradiction. Under the power to regulate commerce Con

gress has exercised the power of erecting lighthouses as inci

dent to that power, and fairly comprehended within it. Under

the power to establish postoffices and post.roads Congress has

provided for the punishment of offeiiscs againt the Postoffice

Department. If the Congress can exercise an incidental power

not granted in one case it can in all cases of a similar kind.

But it is said that the enumeration of certain powers excludes

all other powers not enumerated. This is true so far aa

original substantive grants of power are concerned, but it

is not true when applied to express grants of power, which

are strictly incidental to some original and substantive grant

of power. If it were true in relation to them Congress could

not pass a law to punish offensefi against, trie postoffice estab

lishment, because the constitution has expressly given the

power to punish o(Tenses against the current coin, and as it

has given the power to punish oiTenses committed against

that grant of general power, and has withheld in it relation

to the power to establish postofilees and postroads, Congress

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cannot, according to th,s ri of construction, so warmly con-

tended for, pass any law

provide for the punishment of

such offenses.

"The power to make rules for the

illation

government of the land and naval forces I have shown to

be strictly incidental to the power to raise armies and pro

vide and maintain, navies; but, according to this rule of con

struction, all incidental powers are excluded except the few

which are enumerated, which would exclude from all claim

to constitutionality nearly one-half of your laws, and, what

is still more to he deprecated, would render your constitution

equally imhccile with the eld Articles of Confederation. When

we come to examine the 4th article the absurdity of this rule

of construction, and also of the idea of perfection which has

been attributed to the constitution, will be equally manifest.

This article appears to be of a miscellaneous character and

very similar to the codicil of a will. The first article pro

vides for the organization, of Congress; defines its powers;

prescribes limitations upon the powers previously granted;

and sets metes and hounds to the authority of the State

Governments. The second a,rticle provides for the organiza

tion of the Executive Department, and defines its power and

duty. The third article defines the tenure by which the

persons in whom the judicial power may be vested shall hold

jurisdiction. These thr so, articles provide for the three great departments of governr lent called into existence by the con-
which

incorporated and compose n of it declares that, 'full
each state to the public if every other state.
And the Congress may by general laws prescribe the manner in which such acts, records and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof.' Ill the second section it declares that a person, charged in any state with treason, felony or other
crime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in another state, shall on demand of the executive authority of the state from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the state having jurisdiction of the crime. A similar provision is
contained in the same section relative to the fugitives who are bound to labor, by the laws of. any state. In the first case which has been selected express authority has been given
"to Congress to prescribe the manner in which the records, etc.. should he proved, and also the effect thereof, but in the other two no authority is given to Congress, and yet the bare inspection of the three cases will prove that the interference of Congress is less necessary in the first than in the two remaining cases. A record must always be proved by itself, because it is the highest, evidence o{ whicj. the case admits. The effect of a record ought to depend upon the Jaws of the
state of which it :s a record, and, therefore, the power to prescribe the effect of a record was wholly unnecessary, and has been so held by Congress----no law having been passed

OF WILLIAM H. CRA.WFORD

87

to prescribe the effect of a record. In the second case there

seems to be some .apparent reason for passing a law to ascer-

tain the officer upon whon thc demand is to be made, what

evidence of the identity of the person demanded and of the

guilt of the partly charged must be prod

fore the obli-

gation to deliver shall be complete. The sa

a,pparent rea-

son exists for the passa

.

bound to Jabor. According-, ho

the ule

tion contended for, Congress cannot pass a

constitution into effect, in the two last eas

elected, be

express power lias been given ha the riist,

two last. Congress has nevertheless p

carry

tho pr

never been complained of by the peo

"Mr. President, it is contended l

arc opposed

to the passage of this bill that C

exercise no

power by implication, arid yet ;t is ad

en asserted,

that Congress would have power 10

ll

to carry the Constitution into effect, whether :t had given or

withheld the power w-hlch is contained In the following para

graph of the eighth section of the -first nrticls: 'To make all

laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into

execution the foregoing powers a;id all other powers vested

by this Constitution in the government of the United States

or in any department, or offices thereof.' ft this part of the

Constitution really confers no power i t at least, according to

by these gentlemen bee

ed to H. But,

tho fact. It does com"

salutary nature. Let v.

upon the supposition t]

meiit by this clause, and see

implication can be reconciled

the government. The Coustit.

preme court,' but it has nowhere expressly given the power to con

stitute a supreme court. In the third article it is said, 'the judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one supreme court, and. in such inferior ecu rts as the Congress

may from time to time ordain and establish.' The discretion which is here given to Congress is confined to the inferior courts, which it may from time to time ordain and establish,

and not to the supreme court. I'n the discussion which took

place upon the l>ill to re peal the judicial system of the United

States in the year 1802 this distinction 'is strongly insisted

upon by the advocates for the repeal. TLe supreme court was said to be the creature of T.I in Constitution, and there

fore, intangible, but that Congress possessing n discretionary power to erea.te 01 not to create i;ifer-or trrinmals, had the

expedient. But if even the discret ionary

ver here vested

does extend to the supreme cou^t,' j

pOA

to establish that cc

implication alone, Under the autho rir.y to est ablish tribunals

inferior to the si_ipreme court, tLie pow er to establish a

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supreme court would, according to my ideas, be vested in

Congress by implication. And, sir, it is only vested by impli

cation, even if the declaration, that Congress shall have power

to pass all laws necessary arid proper to carry into effect the

power vested in any department or offices of the government

should be held to be an operative grant. Under this grant

Congress can pass laws to carry into effect the powers vested

in the judicial department? What are the powers vested in

th-is department? That it shall exercise jurisdiction in all

cases in law and equity arising under this Constitution, etc.,

in all cases affecting ambassadors, etc., but the power to

create the department and to carry into effect the powers

given to or vested in that department are very different things.

"The power to create -; the supreme court cannot be

expressly granted in the power to pass all laws necessary and

proper to carry into effect the powers vested in that cotirt,

but must, as J" have endeavored to prove, be derived by

implication. Let me explain my understanding of a power

which exists by implication by an example which will be

comprehended by all who hear me.

"In a devise an estate ;s granted to A, after the death

of B, a.nd 110 express disposition is made of the estate during

the life of A; in tbat case A is said to have an estate for life,

by implication, in the property so devised. So when the Con

stitution gives the right to create tribunals inferior to the

supre

ested in

Congress by implication. Shall we after this be told that Con

gress cannot constitutionally exercise any right by implication?

"By the exercise of a right derived only from implication

Congress has organized a supreme court, and then as inci

dental to power, existing only by implication, it has passed

laws to punish offenses against the law by which the court

has been created and orga.nizcd. Sir, the right of the govern

ment to accept the District of Columbia exists only by impli

cation. The right of the government to purchase or accept

of places for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals and

dock yards exists only by implication, and yet no man in the

nation, so far as my knowledge extends, has complained of

the exercise of these implied powers, as an unconstitutional

usurpation of power. The right to purchase or accept of places

for the erection of lighthouses, as weJl as the right to erect and

support lighthouses, must be derived by implication alone, if

any such right exists. The clause in the Constitution which

gives Congress the power 'to exercise exclusive legislation in

all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten

miles square) as may. by cession of particular states, and the

acceptance of Congress, become the seat of government of the

TTnited States, and to exercise like authority over all places

purchased by the consent of the Legislature of the state in

which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines,

arsenals, dock yards and other need ful buildings, certainly

gives no express power to accept, or purcha.se any of the

places destined for the uses therein specified. The only

power expressly given in this clause is that of exercising

exclusive legislation in such places; the right to accept or

OF WIT./LJAM H. CRAWFORD

89

purchase must he derived by implication from this clause, or it must be shown to be comprehended in or incidental to some other power expressly delegated by the constitution. I shall now attempt to show, that according to the construction which has been given to other parts of this Constitution,
Congress has the right to incorporate a bank to enable it to manage the fiscal concerns of the nation. If this can be done, and if it can also be shown that the correctness of such con struction ha.s never excited murmur or complaint----that it has
not even been questioned, I shall have accomplished everything which it will be incumbent on me to prove to justify the passage of the bill upon your table. The power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, together with the power to pass all laws which may be necessary and proper
for carrying into effect the Coregoing powers, when tested by the same rule of construction which has been applied to other parts of tlie constitution, fairly invests Congress with
the power to create a bank. Under the power to regulate commerce Congress exercises the right of building and sup porting lighthouses. What do we understand by regulating
commerce? Where do you expect to find regulations of com merce? "Will any man look for them anywhere else than in your treaties with foreign nations and in your statutes regu lating your custom houses and custom house officers? "What are the reasons for vesting Congress with right to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states? The commerce of a nation is a matter of the greatest import ance in all civilized countries. It depends upon compact ' with other nations and whether they are bcneilcial or preju dicial depends not so much on the reciprocal interest of nations as upon their capacity to defend tlieir rights and redress their wrongs. ft was therefore highly important that the right to regulate commerce with foreign nations should be vested in the national government. If the regulation of commerce among the several states had been left with the states a multiplicity of conflicting regulations would have been the consequence. Endless collisions would have been created,
and that harmony and good neighborhood, so essential between the members of a Federal republic, would have been wholly unattainable. The best interest of the community, therefore, imperiously required that this power should be delegated to Congress. Not so of light houses. The interest of the states would have induced them to erect light houses where they were necessary, and when erected they would have been
equally beiieficient to their own vessels, the vessels of their sister states, and of foreign nations. The performance of this duty could have been most safely confided to the states. They were better informed of the situation in "which they ought to be erected than Congress could possibly be, and could enforce the execution of such regulations as might be necessary to make them useful. How then has it. happened that Congress has taken upon itself the right to erect, light houses undor the general power to regulate commerce? I have heard and seen in the public prints a great deal of unin
telligible jargon about, the ineidentalness of a law to the power

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delegated and intended to be executed by it and Oi its relations to the end which is to "be accomplished l>y its exorcises, which.
I acknowledge I do not clearly and distinctly comprehend, and must therefore be excused from answering. I speak now of the public newspapers, to which I am compelled to resort to ascertain the objections -which are made to this measure, as gentlemen have persevered in refusing to assign the reasons
which have induced them to oppose the passage of the bill. But, sir, I can clearly comprehend that the right to erect light houses is not incidental to the power of regulating com
merce, unless everything is incidental to that power which tends to facilitate and promote tbe prosperity of commerce. It is contended that under the power to lay and collect taxes, imports and duties you can pass all laws necessary for tliat
purpose, but they must be laws to lay ancl collect taxes, imports and duties, and not laws which Lend to promote the collection of taxes. A law to erect light houses is no more
a law to regulate commerce than a law creating a bank; is a law to collect taxes, imposts and duties. But the erection of light houses tends to facilitate and promote the security and property of commerce, and in an equal decree the erec tion of a bank tends to facilitate and injure t'ic collection, safe keeping and transmission of your revenue. If., by this

denied to the bank, Congress can, as incidental to the power to regulate commerce, erect light houses, it v/i II l>o easy to show that the same right may be exercised, as incidental to the power of laying and collecting duties on imports. Duties ' cannot be collected unless vessels importing dutiable merchan
dise arrive in port. 'Whatever, therefore, tends to secure Iheir safe arrival may be exercised under t.*io g^r^ral power. The erection of light houses does facilitate the saie arrival of vessels in port, and Congress therefore can cverei^o this right as incidental to the power to lay imposts and duties.
"But it is said the advocates of the bank differ among themselves in fixing upon the general power to which the right to create a bank is incidental, and that fiiis difference proves that there is no incirlentalness, to use a favorite ex pression, between that and any one of the enumerated general
powers. The same reason can be u>'ged, with ennui force, against the constitutionality of every law for the erection of light-houses. Let the advocates of this doctrine lay their finger upon the power to which the right of erecting light houses is incidental. It can be derived witli us much apparent plausibility and reason from the right to tay duties as from
the right to regulate commerce. "Who is there new in this body who has not voted for the erection of a light-house?
And no man in the nation, so far as my knowledge extends. has ever complained of the exercise of this po\vcr. Tita right. to erect light-nouses is exercised because the commerce' of the nation, or the collection of duties, is greatly facilitated by that means; a.nd, sir, the right to create a hank is exercised because the collection of your revenue, and the safe-keeping and easy and speedy transmission of your public money IK. not simply facilitated, but because these important objects

OP WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

91

are more perfectly secured by the erection of a bank than they can by any other means in the power of human imagina tion to devise. We say, therefore, in the words of the con stitution that a bank is necessary and proper to enable the Government to carry into complete effect the right to lay and collect taxes, imposts, duties and excises. We do not say that the existence of the Government absolutely depends upon the operations of a bank, but that a national bank enables the Government to manage its special concerns more advan tageously than it could do by any other means. The terms necessary and proper, according to the construction given to every part of the constitution, imposes no limitation upon the powers previously delegated. If these words had been omitted in the clause giving authority to pass laws to carry into execution the powers vested by the constitution in the national Government, still Congress would have been bound to pass laws which were necessary and proper, and not sucb as were unnecessary and improper. .Every legislative body, every person invested with power of any kind, is morally bound to use only those means which are necessary and proper for the correct execution of the powers delegated to them. But it is contended that if a bank is necessary and proper for the management of the fiscal concerns of the nation, yet Congress has no power to incorporate one, because there are state banks which may be resorted to. No person who has undertaken to discuss this question has, so far as my knowledge extends, ventured to declare that a. bank is not

necessity of resorting to banks of some kind. This admission is at best an apparent abandonment of the constitutional objection; for, if a bank is necessary and proper, then has Congress the constitutional right to erect a ba,nk. Rut this is denied. It is contended that this idea, rests alone upon the presumption that the Government of the United Sta,tes is wholly independent of state governments, which is not the fact; that this very law is dependent upon the state courts for its execution. This is certainly not the fact. The courts of the United States have decided, in the most solemn manner, that they have cognizance of a.ll cases affecting the Bank of the United States- Sir, it is true that the Government of the United States is dependent \ipon the state governments for its organization. Members of both Houses of Congress, and the President of the United States, are chosen by state gov ernments or under the authority of their laws. But it is equally true that wherever the constitution confides to the state governments the right to perform any act in relation to the Federal Government it imposes the most solemn obliga tion upon them to perform the act. The constitution of the United States, as to these particular acts, is the constitution of the several states, and their functionaries are accordingly sworn to support it. Can it then be ser:ously contended, that, because the constitution has in some r-ases made the Govern ment of the United States dependent upon the state govern ments, in all which cases it has imposed the most solemn obligations upon them to act, that it will be necessary and proper for Congress to make itself dependent n^on fh^-.>i

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in cases where no such, obligation is imposed? The constitu tion has denned all the cases where the Government ought to be dependent upon that of the states; and it would "be unwise and improvident for us to multiply these cases by legislative acts, especially where we have no power to com pel them to perform the act, for which we have made our selves their dependents. In forming a permanent system of revenue it would be unwise in Congress to rely, for its col lection and transmission from one extreme of this extensive empire to the other, upon any accidental circumstance, wholly beyond their power or control. There "are state banks in almost every state in the union, but their existence is wholly Independent of this Government, and their dissolution is equally so. The Secretary of the Treasury has informed you
that he conceives a bank is necessary to the legitimate exercise of the powers vested by the constitution in the Govern ment. I know, sir, that the testimony of this officer will not be very highly estimated by several honorable members of this body. 1 am aware that this opinion has subjected him,
and the committee also, to the most invidious aspersions; but, sir, the situation of that officer, independent of his immense talents, enables him to form a more correct opinion than any other man in the nation of the degree of necessity which exists at the present time for a national bank, to enable the Government to manage its fiscal operations. He has been ten years at the bead of your Treasury; he is thoroughly acquainted with the influences of the bank upon your revenue system, and he has, when called upon, declared that a bank is necessary to the proper exercise of the legitimate powers of the Government. His testimony is entitled to great weight
in the decision of this question, at least with those gentlemen who have no knowledge of the practical effects of the opera tions of the bank in the collection, safe-keeping, and trans
mission of your revenues.
"In the selection o means to carry any of your consti tutional powers into effect, you must exercise a sound discre tion; acting under its influence, you will discover that what is proper at one time may be extremely unfit and improper at another. The original powers granted to the Government by the constitution can never change with the varying cir cumstances of the country, but the means by which those powers are to be carried into effect must necessarily vary
with the varying state and circumstances of the nation. We are, when acting today, not to enquire what means were nec essary and proper twenty years ago, not what were necessary and proper at the organization of tlus Government, but our enquiry must be, what means are necessary and proper this day. The constitution, in relation to tlie moans by which its powers are to. be executed, is one eternal now. The state of things now, the precise point of time when we are called upon to act, must determine our choice in the selection of means to
execute the delegated powers."

This speech w una] 'erable. Crawford had simply

nticipated all the gume

of tbe opposition, and having.'

OF WILLIAM H. CRA.WFORD

93

gone carefully over the whole ground, his arguments could be met only in a discursive declamatory way; rarely did any opponent essay to answer by logical reasoning. Senator Giles spoke against the measure; but Crawford had com pletely forestalled his reasonings, and the remarks of this veteran, eloquent and able debater were so rambling and tortuous that Henry Clay facetiously referring to him said:

"After my honorable friend from Virginia (Mr. Giles) had instructed and amused us with the very able and ingen ious argument delivered on yesterday, I should have still forborn to trespass on the Senate, but for the extraordinary character of his speech. He discussed both, sides of the ques tion with great ability and eloquence, and certainly demon strated that it was constitutional and unconstitutional, highly proper and improper to prolong the charter of the bank. The gentleman seemed to be in the predicament of Patrick Henry when he by mistake made a speech on the wrong side of a law case. His client rushing up to him before the jury whispered in his ear, 'You have undone me! you have ruined me.' 'Never mind, give yourself no concern,' said the adroit advocate, and turning again to the jury continued his argu ment by observing: 'May it please you gentlemen I have been urging what my adversary may say on his side. I will now show you how fallacious his reasoning and groundless his pretentions are.' The skillful orator then proceeded, satis factorily refuted every argument made and gained his case. The success with -which I trust the exertions of my honorable friend will on this occasion be crowned."
The complexion of the Senate as constituted politically
was twenty-four Democrats and ten Federalists. Thus it was
evident that for the bill to become a law a goodly number of
Democratic votes were necessary to its support. So strongly
had Crawford fortified his position with irrefutable argument
that even Henry Clay, finding that victory "was almost to be
snatched from his grasp, sought, to make answer in his spicy,
racy way by the usual demagogical appeal to party prejudice
and lower passions of the mind. In one of his lofty nights
on this question Mr. Clay exclaimed: "It has been said by
the honorable gentleman from Georgia that this has been
made a party question, although the law incorporating the
bank was passed prior to the formation of parties, and when
Congress was not biased by party prejudices. It is true this
law was not the effect, but it is no less true that it was one
of the causes of the political divisions of this country. And
if on one side the renewal has been opposed on party princi
ples, let me ask if on the other it has not been advocated
on party principles and where is the Macedonian. Phalanx----the
opposition in Congress? I believe, sir, I shall not incur the

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charge of presumptions prophecy when I predict that we shall not pick up from its ranks one single straggler, and if on this occasion my worthy friend from Georgia lias gone over into the camp of the enemy, is it kind in him to look back upon his former friends and rebuke them for the fidelity "with which they adhere to tlieir old principles?"
In the course of this speech Mr. Clay contended with great adroitness that Congress had not the power under the
constitution to create a corporation, but that this power belonged to the states.
The debate, which lasted a fortnight, was not altogether
of a quiet character. Senator Jenkins Whitesides, of Tennes see, with considerably acrimony declared that members of the
Democratic party who were now forcing the reirtcorporation
of the bank should be regarded as political apostates. This speech stung Crawford to the quick, and aroused his sensitive
ness and irrascible temper to that deep sense of resentment characteristic of highly sensitive minds conscious of honest motives. His fiery denunciation of such language as applied
to, a senator----declaring same indecorous and unbecoming---- was scathing and timely. He declared no one outside the Senate chamber could apply such to him with impunity, and
that the charge was made without proof to sustain it, and was plainly contradicted by the record.
Crawford, as chairman of the committee reporting the bill, made the closing argument in its favor. It was a spirited, masterful argument, reviewing and answering every
point made against the bill in the course of the long' debate. Prom this last speech we make only a few brief excerpts that will show to what, tension matters were wrought. Referring
to certain stinging remarks made by Senator Samuel Smith,
he said:
"The gentleman from Maryland has said, and I am extremely sorry that he has, that the Bank of the United States had their agents in this city for two sessions intriguing with members of Congress to obtain a renewal of their char ter. I can assure that gentleman that I have had as little to do with the agents of the bank as he has had. If, sir, I was disposed to retort upon those who are opposed to the renewal of the charter I would ask if they have not seen published in the Democratic papers of Pennsylvania, Mary land and Virginia extracts of letters said to be written in the city of Washington, charging the members of Congress who are in favor of it with being -bribed and corrupted, and of being disposed to sell the sovereignty of the nation to British capitalists. Have they not seen in the same papers conver sations detailed with great minuteness, which it is pretended

OP WILLIAM H, CRAWFORD

95

have passed between members of Congress, calculated to excite public odium and indignation against the friends of the bill now under consideration? Sir, I will not for a moment indulge an idea that these letters have been written or the conversation detailed by any member of this body. The idea that such has been the fact is too humiliating, too degrading, not only to this honorable body, but to human nature itself, to be entertained but for a moment. And yet, sir, the author of a charge, as base as it is false, against my honorable friend from Kentucky (Mr. Pope) has day after day occupied a seat in the gallery of the Senate, to which no person has a right of access but by an introduction of one of the members of this body. Sir, the highway robber when compared with the infamous fabricator of this base attempt to assassinate the reputation of this honorable member, becomes a virtuous and estimable character. Such, sir, has toeen the warfare which has been waged against the renewal of this charter. Denunciations aud charges of political apostasy are the meas
ures by which we have been assailed, from without and within. Sir, I have shown that the bank question was no party question in. its origin; that it was a question, upon which an honest difference of opinion always has existed and does now exist. Shall I be charged with deserting the stand ard of the people, wbile I am treading in the footsteps of the great father of his country?
"To the fervid imagination of my friend from Kentucky (Mr. Clay) the power to create a bank appears to be more terriflc than was the lever of Archimedes to the frightened imagination of the Romans when they beheld their galleys suddenly lifted up and whirled about in the air, and in a moment plunged into the bosom of the ocean. Are these apprehensions founded in reason, or are they the chimeras of a fervid and perturbed imagination? What limitation does
the constitution, contain upon the power to lay and collect taxes, imposts, duties, and excises? None but that they shall be uniform; which is no limitation of the amount which they can lay and collect. "What limitation does it contain upon the power to raise and support armies? None other than that appropriations shall not be made for a longer term than two years. What restriction is to be found in it upon the right to provide and maintain a navy? None. What upon tiie right to declare war and make peace? None, none.
Thus the cri'Htltutioii gives to the Government of the United States unlimited, power over your purses----unlimited power to raise armies and provide navies--unlimited power to make war and pence, mid you are alarmed; you are terrified at the power 1o create a bank to aid in the management of its fiscal operations. Sir,, nothing short of my most profound respect far honorable gentlemen, who have frightened themselves with tins bus hear, could induce me to treat the siibject seriously. Gen tinmen LLIVO said that they are alarmed at the exercise of this jjosver, liii'i I am bound to believe them. Sir, after giving Congress tbe viglit to make war and peace; the right to impose taxes, imposes, duties and excises, ad libitum; the
right to raise find support armies without restriction as to number or term of service; the right to provide and maintain

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a navy without limitation, I cannot bring myself to tremble at the exercise of a power incidental to only one of these tremendous grants of power. The gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Clay)) contends tliat we liave attempted to give a degree of weight and force to what we are pleased to call precedents, to which they would not be entitled in those tribunals from which we derive all our ideas of precedents. I arn nappy to find that my friend from Virginia (Mr. Giles) agrees with me in opinion upon this subject. Indeed the principal differ ence between that gentleman and myself is confined to the question of expediency. He thinks that the construction which has been given to the constitution ought to he considered as conclusive; and that great inconvenience will he produced by unsettling what ought to he considered as finally settled and adjudged.
"Sir, I have closed the observations which I thought it my duty to make in reply to the comments which have been made upon the remarks which 1 had previously submitted to the consideration of this honorable body. If, sir, I preferred my political standing in the state which I have the honor to represent (and, sir, I do not profess to have any out of it) to the public welfare, 1 should rejoice at the success of the motion which has been made by the honorable gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Anderson). Rut, sir, as I believe the public welfare infinitely more important than any fleeting popularity which an individual like myself can expect to enjoy, I shall most sincerely regret the success of that motion. Sir, I have said hut little about the degree of distress which will flow from the dissolution of the bank, because I have not that kind of evidence which would enable me to judge of it with any degree of accuracy. The convulsed state of the European nations; the immense losses which our commerce has sus tained by the operation of the decree and orders of the tyrants of the land and the ocean, imperiously admonish us to beware of making untried and dangerous experiments. By supporting this institution, the tottering credit of the commercial class of your citizens may be upheld, until the storm shall have passed over. By overturning this great moneyed institution at the present crisis, you may draw down to undistinguished ruin thousands of your unfortunate and unoffending fellow citizens."
The vote was then taken on the motion to strike out the enacting clause as follows: Ayes----Aiiderson, Campbell, Clay, Cutts, Franklin, Gaillard, German, Giles, Gregg, Lam bert, Leib, Mathewson, Reed, Hobinson, Smith of Washington, Whitesidcs and Worthington--17.
Nays: Bayard, Bradley, Brent, Champlain, Condit, Crawford, Dana, Gilman, Goodrich, Horsley, Loyd, Pickering, Pope, Smith of New York, Tait, Taylor and Turner----17.
This being a tie, Vice-President George Clinton cast the deciding vote with the ayes, and the bill was lost. Crawford, therefore, was not quite successful, but the way had been paved for a resuscitation of the measure in the next Congress;

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

97

the public mind had been educated to the importance of the measure as never before, and the support he had given to it sustained his political fortune to a greater triumph. In 1816, therefore, when the bank charter was passed James Madison approached Craw ford as the champion of the measure, with demonstration of confidence and sympathy? Clay soon fol lowed, and publicly announced with Calhoun and others a complete change of opinion on the re-establishment of the bank, and thereafter was warm in its advocacy. These events gave birth to the great "Whig party which exercised so great a political influence for many years. It was largely com posed of conservative Democrats, and also of the remnants of the old Federalist party. Crawford's speeches on this great question firmly laid the foundation of his national fame. The great prosperity that followed the reincorporatlon of the bank was manifest on every side. I-Ie made it a favorite of the nation and staked his whole political fortune on this single issue; so that his fame was inseparably connected with it. Time had verified his prediction and crowned his efforts with an unsurpassed success.
Crawford, although one of the most zealous and powerful advocates of war with Great Britain, yet after the death of Vice-President Clinton in April 1811 the recorded debates show but few speeches from him on any subject during this term. It became necessary upon the death of the Vice-Presi dent to elect a President pro -tempore of the Senate, and to this high position he was unanimously chosen. To the duties of this office he brought that same fidelity, impartiality and ability that won golden opinion from all parties and expedited business with the highest degree of satisfaction. War against Britain was finally declared on June 18th, 1812. Supplies were voted by Congress, and an early adjournment was made. The energy, patriotism and war spirit of the nation were now aroused. Stimulated to action by wrongs endured, the national feeling "was one of alertness and unanimity. At this auspicious period the fame of Crawford was second to none in the country. The public voiced him as ranking among the greatest men of the nation. Thus trusted by the people, commended everywhere for his sagacity and counsel he closed one of the brightest careers in the Senate that has ever fallen to the lot of one of its members.

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CHAPTER IX.
THE 'WAR OF 1812.
The Eastern states had set their faces in the beginning against war. These phlegmatic manufacturers saw in it noth ing more than a destruction of their commerce. The Legis lature of Massachusetts declared the war as "Impolitic, unnec essary and ruinous," and so memorialized Congress. Tlie long series of insults and injuries on the part of Britain, the seizure of our vessels and cargoes, the irritating impressment of our sailors, and the humiliation with -which England had sought to deal the yonng republic in return for the pacific measures of Jefferson and Madison, fired the southern and western heart to a fever of patriotic ardor. The constitu tional timidity of Mr. Madison as a politician was provoca tive of much censure, but while blaming his precipitancy none questioned the purity of his motives.
Crawford was never in sympathy with the timid and dallying policy of the President on this question- The com merce of the United States in 1811 was almost ruined; pirates, privateers and maurauders swept the ocean, our sailors were imprisoned and our merchandise confiscated. The Berlin and Milan decrees were still enforced to our injury and dishonor, and British orders in council remained, notwithstanding our protestations. When, however, war was actually declared all dallying ceased, and President and people united with zeal and enthusiasm, as the American eagle led on to victory. John Randolph, in an impassioned address alluding to Eng land's maratime supremacy, spoke of the conflict as a battle of the shark and tiger. In casting around for a Secretary of War to whom the people could turn with greatest confi dence in a crisis like this, the eye of the President rested upon Crawford, and to him was offered this cabinet portfolio.
The offer, however, was declined. He gave the matter mature reflection and decided to remain in the Senate. The reason of this declination is not apparent. Some one has said, "Little glory has come to the army out of that war, and lit tle -was yet to come until Jackson's victory at New Orleans, after the peace was signed;" and it may be that Crawford saw in the peculiar features of the army of this country an undertaking which any man's genius would be feeble and incompetent until the people would be more persuaded to resign individual rights for the public safety. * This reason
"Address of C. N. West on Crawford before Georgia Historical Society.

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD
would be unworthy of a noble mind and does injustice to his character. I-Ie had urged the declaration of war and ne never doubted or feared the result. Whatever may have been his motives, and no one who has studied his character can doubt they, were patriotic, yet it appears that his refusal to accept the position of Secretary of War was a mistake. This department, on account of the disrupted condition of the com merce of all the world, caused by the disturbed governments of Europe and their efforts to unite against the great Corsican, should have been the most interesting arm of the gov ernment.
Mr. Madison was eminently ' in need of just such a spirited counsellor. Although without military training Crawford was peculiarly fitted to direct the War Department at a time when vigor, firmness and rapidity of thought and strategic ability of mind were so imperatively needed.
His prescience, mental resources, energy, passion and enthusiasm were so strangely blended with dignity and delib eration that he has been compared with the elder William Pitt. *
The people of Georgia were enthusiastic and unwavering in their support of the war and its measures. Among the many acts of the legislature in its loyalty to home interest, and demonstrations of independence of British commerce, was a resolution passed by the general assembly in 1812 command ing every member to attend its sessions dressed in clothes made of goods spun and "woven entirely within this state.
The relations between France and the United States in consequence of Napoleon's arbitrary decrees against our com merce were strained, and a spirit of resentment followed these harsh measures. Napoleon disingenuously claimed that the Berlin and Milan decrees were the ' consequence alone of British insolence, and were enforced against the United States merely to cause our government to precipitate war with Brit ain for relief against her Orders in Council. He declared the decrees were to be suspended as soon as we should procure a revocation of the British orders. Notwithstanding the sel fish motive which actuated the French Emperor the United States received this pretended friendly advance with favor, because of the fact that the continued impressment of our seamen had irritated our Government beyond measure. Presi dent Madison, pondering over the situation, in April, 1813, appointed Crawford Minister to the Court of St. Cloud. A
*Cobb's Leisure Labors, pa#e 177*

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bold demand was to be made on France for the repeal of

these decrees, and a redress of grievances for her many acts

of violence to our shipping interest, and, if possible, bring

about a favorable commercial treaty. Napoleon was shortly

to meet his Waterloo. Burning Mascow and the wretched

miseries of the cold and starving remnant of a grand army,

were of the past. All Europe, now fearing his insatiable

ambition, were fast uniting against him. Like a tiger at

bay, he was facing his enemies in an armistice of suspense

and anxiety before closing in a final decisive combat.

Gay Paris, proud of her martial glory and agonized over

her loss of treasure and men, still with a trust that never

flailcteerreeda, boeliieveda in thneir Emminpperor'ss luccKky star, anda hnoped to

the last for his final triumph, such were the conditions when

Crawford, in that momentous year, warned by his government

to secretly set out and elude watchful British cruisers,

departed with heavy heart for the French capital. Of that

voyage, and of the country visited, and things seen, and his

estimate of the distinguished characters with whom he came

in contact, we are allowed to give in his own words. This

diary is reproduced from the original now in the possession

of his grandson, Mr. L. G. Crawford of Atlanta, Ga., "who

obtained it from his distinguished sire, N. M. Crawford,

T. T

T\

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

101

CHAPTER X.
DIARY OF WM. H. CRAWFORD.
"WASHINGTON, 4th. June, 1813.
Set out at 4 a. in. by route to Fredericktown; breakfasted ,at Montgomery Court House, where I met Miss Worthington, who knew me, but immediately conjecturing that I wished to "be unknown did not discover to the company who I was, or what were my views in traveling that route. Arrived at Predericktown about twilight, and was much pressed by the "bar keeper and servant to enter my name in their bar book. I told them that I demanded their services for which I would pay them, and as my name was wholly unnecessary for that purpose, I should not gratify them. The next morning the same attack was made on making out my bill, and was refused in the same manner.
Passed through Woodville, and breakfasted at Mrs. Gibson's, who told me she was a Federalist, but did not like her representative. He was too violent. The crops of wheat and other grains from Monocacy river to Fredericktown to "Wood ville "were superior to anything I had ever seen. The fields of clover were luxurious beyond anything I had ever con ceived. It was ready for mowing, and must have produced immense quantities of the richest hay. From "Woodville, or rather from Mrs. Glbson's to Fancy town, the state of agri culture was not superior to that of the Southern states, and the production apparently inferior. Upon inquiry I learned that the whole of the land was held by tenants upon short leases. We dined at Fancytown, and slept two miles beyond Little's Town. The intermediate lands were extremely well cultivated, and the crops very luxuriant.
Aboiit five miles south of th e town we entered Pennsyl vania, and immediately on the line fell in w-ith some drunk en Dutchmen, who endeavored to make our horses run away with us. They were preparing to run a quarter race in the road, but as they spoke nothing but German, we under stood neither the inducements to their rudeness nor the extent of their bets. This was Saturday evening preceding Whit Sunday, which I learned was a great day with our German brothers of Pennsylvania. I was also informed it was muster day almost the whole way from Fredericktown to Ivittle's town. These two causes may account for the manifestation of intemperance which I saw throughout this day's journey. The tavern keeper did not like the war much, but said it had done much good to his neighborhood in enlisting all the vaga bonds and drunkards who had for many years been preying upon honest people. I had, however, the strongest evidence that the recruiting officers might still be employed, even in his house, with great advantage to the neighborhood. I was annoyed excessively by the driinken folly, and kindness to me as a stranger. The house afforded me no protection against this intrusion, but that of going immediately to bed, which was expeditiously executed.
Sunday, 6th. We passed through New Hanover, or McAllister town, -where some of the family who gave the name

LIBRARIES i- /' O ,r rj 0 f>\ Ps,

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THE LIFE AND TIMES

to the place still reside. Judge McAllister of Savannah is the son of the founder of the little town. We passed through Yorktown and crossed the Susquehannah at Columbia, and slept two miles from that place. The cultivation and fertility of the country was somewhat inferior to that of the neighbor hood of Fredericktown.
Monday, 7th. We passed through Lancaster, and break fasted eight miles northeast of it. We fed at Rymestown, passed through Clarkstowri, and arrived at Reding about dark. The cultivation and fertility of the land from the Susquehannah to Reding, with the exception of seven or eight miles of small mountains between Clark town and Reding, is but little, if any, inferior to that of Fredericktown. This day was a day of reveling and of intemperance. Dancing and drinking were seen at every tavern in town and country. Indeed, during the whole of our journey on Sunday we were annoyed by drunken men.
We breakfasted at Codytown, ] S miles from Reding, and arrived at Allentown about an hour by sun.
Reding is a beautiful little town on the north bank of Schuylkill, which the citizens believe will be the second town in Pennsylvania. Allan town is situated on the southwest side of Lehigh, which is about as large as Schuylkill, which equals in size Broad river at its fork in Oglethorpe county. The citizens of the latter town think it will at least rival Reding. It is inferior in size and appearance of neatness to Reding. The Lehigh is navigable for boat to Easton, where it mingles its water with that of the Delaware. If the canal by which it is to be connected with the Susquehannah should be executed its growth may be rapid.
Six miles northeast of Allantown we passed *hrough Beth lehem, which is small, but picturesque. Like toalem, in North Carolina, their church, school house and taverns are the most conspicuous buildings of the town. We made no stay in this place. We arrived at Easton at 12 o'clock, when I learned that the Morristown stage would arrive in the evening and set out for the place at 4 o'clock the next morning. I determined to dismiss the carriage in which I had traveled this far and take the stage for New York. Motives of economy, as well as expedition, induced me to adopt this course. Here, for the first time, except at Allantown, I procured a private diningroom, aud spent the evening with Mr. Jackson with much pleasure. 1 observed the names of several young men and misses from Georgia inscribed on the window sills and facings of the diningroom on the second floor, and felt some degree of pleasure in knowing that my countrymen had been in the same room. Mr. Jackson followed their example, and I believe my name would have been added to these inscrip tions but for the fear that it might disclose the object of my journey sooner than wa.s consistent with my views.
ffC-. Thursday, 10th. Set out at 5 a. m. and arrived at Mor ristown, 41 miles distant, at 3 p. m. The day was excessively rainy, cold, windy and disagreeable. I have seldom seen a worse day in March. The cultivation and fertility of the lands between Easton and Morristown were much inferior to the

OP WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

103

Pennsylvania land. The whole extent was mountainous, but the mountains inconsiderable.
Friday, 11 th. The country continues mountainous, but the cultivation and fertility improves as we approach New York.
We passed through Springfield, saw Elizabeth-town on the right, and the highland on the North river on the left. The prospect was delightful, grand and picturesque. The clouds were broken and the sun frequently illuminated the summits of the surrounding mountains.
Newark is a beautiful town, consisting principally of one street, through which the stage from Philadelphia to New York passes. At the latter place we also took in a young man from New York of the name of Van Antwerp. Mr. Jackson, when at school at Flatbush, had frequently visited his mother's in company with another brother, who was his schoolfellow. A younger sister of the gentleman's who traveled in a chaise recognized Mr. Jackson, although she was a very small child when she saw him last.
Upon going into the steamboat I saw Mr. Fulton, sur rounded by a number of persons, and expecting that if he saw me I should he discovered, I kept out of the way, and after I got into the public house, sent for him. He went with me to Mechanic Hall, where Mr. Jackson and myself dined. Mr. Jackson then called upon Dr. Butler, and upon Mr. Gholstein, the collector, who shortly after wa.ited upon me. Dr. Butler assured me that he had rooms for Mr. Jackson and myself which he was extremely anxious we should occupy dur ing the short stay we should make. We could be more private there than at a tavern. Captain Alien the commander of the Argus, lodged next door to him, and his house was near the wharf, immediately opposite to the bouse where the. Argus was moored. I accepted his friendly invitation. Captain Alien came in, and with Dr. Butler and Mr. Gholstein, took tea with us. Upon leaving the tavern the lady was much disappointed, as she expected us to occupy the rooms for sometime, and had rejected an application for them only one hour before. Of course I was extremely sorry, and I presume her grief was in some measure appeased by charging an'J receiving $8.00 for the dinner and tea. My grief was con siderably diminished by the payment of tbat sum.
Sunday, 13th. The wind was directly ahead. I called on Mrs. Gallatin. She was writing a letter which she would send to Mr. Gallatin by a vessel of Mr. Astor's, which was expected to sail immediately for Russia. Dined with Mr. Fulton, who is deeply engaged in making experiments for fixing cannon under water. It" he succeeds he w:ll build a ship which will carry eight cannons nine feet under water, with which he will sink any vessel by penetrating her nine feet under water a.lso. The cannons are to be of the largest calibre, and they are to be so arranged that the four balls on each side will converge to a point at a given distance, so
"Prof. Joseph Jackson, of University of Georgia, was appointed by Crawford
his Secretary oj Leg-ation,

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THE LIFE AND TIMES

they will enter the ship at that point. He has recommended his plan to Commodore Decatur, who approves of it. If this is so I hope to hear of his success in the course of the year.*
Tuesday, 15th. Nothing occurred. Read the Memoirs of the Chevalier, afterwards Duke of Grammont.

Thursday, 17th. Dined with. John Jacob As tor at bis country seat, in company with Mrs. Gallatin, Mr. Binson, the son-in-law of Mr. Astor, and his lady, with Swertchhoff, the counsellor of legation, and the Russian consul at Philadelphia. Mr. Astor held out the idea of my sailing :n his vessel bound for Russia.

_ ,_ . 'sons and their baggage 011 board the Argus. Saturday, 10th. At daylight a sail was discovered on our
lea-bow. The Argus tacked closer to the wind for the purpose o' f g' etting t" he w" eather ga-g.e...A-b-o.ut..R -a. m. -she waSsawdiscanoovethreedr
Land of Used-To-Be." by the gifted Ho

OF "WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

105

done her duty in declining the engagement. Captain Alien's orders forbade his engaging imless it was unavoidable. From
nces and conduct of the officers I have no doubt Arg'us would have taken her in

anoer w

vere asern.

At dawn two vessels were discovered on the north of the

Argus, but they manifested a disposition to avoid us. At

8 a. m. we saw land, which we judged to be the coast of

France, now the L'Orient which we wished to enter. The

day was fine, and we were able within an hour afterward to

distinguish the wheat fields from those of grass. We passed

the Pennant Roclio and Islands, and discerned a village and

a small port with a small vessel lying in It. A gun was

fired for a pilot, but none came. We coasted along "with, a

chart of the coast,

.

,

like a gentleman. By

him we were informed that after the custom house officers

had visited the ship the quarantine would be removed in the

course of the next day, and we should be permitted to go on

shore. Two gen d'armes came on board and quartered them

selves, as well as the pilot, upon the crew. They behaved

well, and said they had not had their dinners, and would

not have anything to eat unless it was given them aboard the

Argus. Captain Alien, who had been much irritated by the

insolence of the pilot, said they might starve, but his natural

good temper and humanity immediately dissipated this momen

tary gloom, and proposed that we should direct my steward

to supply their wants, to which I immediately assented.

Monday, 12th July. The day was fine. We got a little higher up into the port.
At ] 2 wo were visited by the officers of the police and of the customs. The former delivered a message of con gratulation from the maritime prefect, General Dangier, and stated that, when I should signify that I "was ready to debark

now in a country where the rulers were everything and the people nothing. In the United States we are insensible Q

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THE LIFE AND TIMES

the existence of Government except In the granting of benefits, Here the most ordinary act is subject to be, and absolutely is, inspected by some officer. Captain Alien was hig-hly irri tated at the manner in which he was interrogated, and per emptorily refused to answer many of them. About six o'clock T got into the boat of the Argus commanded by L. Alien, and after taking leave of the captain, -who fired a salute, I went up the river about one mile to the house of Mr. Vail. the American consul. This gentleman is in bad health, but supposed to be convalescent. He came, by special permission, to wait upon me on board the Argus, for he is not permitted to go 011 board an American vessel until the custom house and police officers have discharged their duty. They demand of ordinary persons all letters, newspapers and packages, which they open at pleasure, many of which are never seen afterwards.
26th. Visited Mrs. Barlow, saw Mrs. Baldwin, was invited by Mrs. Barlow to dine with her on Wednesday; accepted the invitation. Mrs. Baldw-in is her half sister, and ha.d been unfortunately married to Jas. P. Kennedy, who, during her visit to her friends in Connecticut, took him another wife in the settlements on the Mobile. This caused her to be divorced and to resume her maiden name. She has a fine expressive countenance. She is still young and full of spirit, but from an injury to one of her knees has to use crutches.
Mr. Barnett. consul for Havre, called today and made me a tender of his services.

ten years. He dined with Mrs. Barlow this day. 1 then dis covered Mr. Erwing. Re appears to be sensible and wellinformed, but eccentric in his marine]' and dress. T agreed to go with Mrs. Barlow and family, and Mr. Ewing to Dravel, the seat of Mr. Parker, on Friday next.
29th. Remained at home and saw no person.
30th. Set out in company with Mr. Erwing, Mrs. Barlow and Mrs. Baldwin and Mr. Jackson for Dravel. Arrived about 2 o'clock. Saw Mr. Stone, an Englishman, who attended to Mr. Parker's farm. He is one of the reformers who followed in the wake of Bruce and Preistly, and was compelled to leave England about the time the latter gentleman went to United States. The country from Paris to Dravel is level and well cultivated, but not rich. We traveled almost the whole way, about twelve English miles, along the hanks of the Seine. Parker has an esta,te of 1 0,200 acres, about two miles on the river and running back into the hills. The

OP "WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

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buildings are very good, the residence is quite a palace, and is a complete model of a French mansion.

Sunday, August 1st. Mrs. Barlow and myself took a long walk in-the grove, and after being a little fatigued retreated into one of the bowers, where we conversed upon subjects which related to the official conduct of her husband until the hour of breakfast had passed without our being sensible of it, until -we saw a messenger approach. They had searched everywhere, but where we were. This is very often the case in more important matters. General LaFayette arrived before dinner. I was gratified in seeing that the misfortunes which had befallen him had neither soured his temper nor impaired his constitution. I have never seen a man of his age look younger than he does; it is impossible for anyone to be mor cheerful. He speaks of the United States with warmth. When speaking of the causes of complaint which the United States have against France lie always says "We ought to receive indemnity for the spoliation the French have committed," as though, he was wholly a citizen of the United States. He wishes to go to the United States during the war we are hav ing against Great Britain, but he says he is confident the Emperor will not permit him to return. His son and his two daughters are married, and live with him, with their children. Tlie lands which the United States has given him for his services have enabled him to remove encumbrances which were burdensome upon his estates. He is now easy in his circumstances.
Wednesday, 4th. Went with Mr. Erwing to look at several hotels, and fixed upon apartments in the hotel LaGrangeBatelliiie,. at 600 franc per month. The apartments consist of an anti-chamber, a dining room, a salon or hall, two bedrooms and a room for an office. All the houses except those of modern construction have their diningrooms situated so that you must pass through it to get into the salon, and through it into the bed rooms.
Friday. Moved to my new lodgings. Paid for four rooms at hotel at rate of 400 francs a month, but they were dark and uncomfortable, and without a garden.
Saturday, 7th. Engaged coach, horses and coachman at 500 francs per month.
Sunday, 8th. Mr. Church, grandson of General Schuyler, called to see me. He lives, it is said, by his wits, a common profession in Paris, and I suppose, other large cities. He is a well informed young man, and of very decent appearance. Mr. Van Rensalaer had called some days before. He is the son of the general oC that name in New York. He ippears to possess very moderate talents. He has been presented at court. When he returns to the country of his nativity it will have one more citizen within its bounds than it held whilst he was absent; its stock of knowledge and useful enter prise will not be sensibly increased. Received a letter from

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THE LIFE AND TIMES

the Duke of Bassano dated the 1st at Dresde
Monday, 9th. Mr. Patterson, formerly consul of N"antz. called on me. He is a shrewd, sensible man, and appears to be a gentleman.
Tuesday, 10th. Mr. May, formerly of the house of. Hill & May, of Savannah, called to see me. I thought I recollected him, notwithstanding I could not have seen him since the year 1789, as I left the state that year. He has failed finan cially two or three times, but is now, lie tells me, in easy circumstances. He has the reputation of being a very honest man, and certainly his countenance is in harmony "with his character.
'Monday, llth. Mr. Petre, secretary to the French lega tion in the United States, waited upon me. He "was desirous of ascertaining whether the American government would have accepted the plan of indemnity proposed by Mr. Barlow; gave his opinion that it would not; says he told Mr. Bar In w so at Milrig, where he first understood the nature of it. He left me precisely as wise as he was when he came in.
Tuesday, 12th. Received the papers and records of the legation this day. "Was informed that Mrs. Barlow's pass ports had been received by Mr. McEvers, whose vessel she had to return in. This gentleman and Mr. Jones had called'
r chant

Friday, 13th. Paid Captain Lewis' bill in favor of Capta.in Baker of 500 francs for supplies for the Argus.
Commenced the examination of the records of the lega tion. Mr. Barlow's secretary, Macarclur, being a Frenchman, and what is still worse, -writes a French hand, which, is gen erally as illegible to me as the Egyptian hieroglyphics. I have not yet seen any trace of the treaty of indemnity.
Saturday, 14th. Continued to \\ translations of the minister's lettei Have been much perplexed with applications from consuls for the settlement and payment of their accounts for money disbursed for distressed seamen. 1 shall not meddle with this subject until I have time to exam:ne it fully. Mr. Warden presented Ills account for arrearages, contingences, postage and for distressed seamen, the latter making a very small part of the aggregate. I paid him his account with an under standing that if the state department objected to any items I should withhold It, in some subsequent payment. Among his items is a charge for presents to the servants of the Bureau of Foreigns, which had demanded of him as charge de aifairs of the United States. He wished me also to pay his bill for coach hire, which he insisted was a just item against the gov ernment, This I declined, because he had incurred his expense

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

109

by placing himself in a situation whicli the government had not given him. The same objection applied to the presents, but as it was inconsiderable there could be no danger in pay ing it, as I could stop it when I pleased. He also wished me to say "whether he oxight to attend the Empress' levee the next day, being the birthday of the Emperor. I told him it was no concern of mine; he must do as he pleased- He wished me to take a ticket of invitation to Mr. Van. Rensalaer, which I refused. He went to Mr. Jackson and left it with, him, who supposed, as he had seen him talking to me, that he delivered it to him by my direction. Mr. J ackson sent it to Mr. Van
Rensalaer before I knew he had received it.

After dinner I went to see the fireworks, or feu d' artifice, as the French term. It was to commence at 9 o'clock, but her majesty must first show herself to receive the plaudits of her loving subjects. This she did not do until ten. I stood all the time in a situation to see the fireworks to advantage. Her majesty and the feu d' artifice could not be seen well from the same place. I choose rather to see the fireworks. They were grand beyond anything I bad seen. There was some little danger, as a considerable body of fire fell very near me. I was so much fatigued by standing I at once determined to return to my lodgings -without the show. On approaching the gate of the garden of the T'uilleries I found myself wedged In by the multitude so that I became a component part of a body of several thousand, and moved only as com-

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THE LIFE AND TIMES

pelled by this mass. In this situation I moved about 100 feet in constant danger oE injury, though in much less than nine-tenths of those by whom I was borne along. Many shoes were lost; many were the screams that proceeded from my friends and companions in distress. Exclamation followed exclamation, "but as I did not understand them, and cared little for the individuals of which the mass was composed, I attended to my situation and came off with only a few kicks upon my shins, which produced no serious injury. I succeeded in finding my way home about 11 o'clock, and went straight to bed, where, without making many sage reflections upon the wisdom of this institution or the fitness of the ceremonies for the celebrated fete, I fell asleep.
Sunday 22nd. Visited the chamber of the Conservative Senate in. company with Mrs. Balawin, Mrs. Barlow and Mr. Erwing, conducted by Count Bar be Marbois, who is one of that body. The hall is much smaller than that of the Senate chamber of the United States, although the body is much larger. The decorations are very elegant indeed. The imperial chair is loaded with ornaments, and surrounded by the statues of men much more entitled to the name of Sena tor than those -who enjoy seats in that body.
Tuesday, 24th. Read several chapters in Burlemaque on the law of Nature and of Nations. He is a sensible, well informed writer.

Wednesday, 25th. Visited with. Mrs. Ewing and Mrs. Jackson the gallery of statues and that of painting.
This latter communicates directly with the lodgings of the Emperor in the palace of the Tuilleries. This end of it is fitted with the choicest works of the most celebrated artists, principally brought from Italy. It is impossible to pass through this gallery without the highest species of gratifica tion. The only drawback which I experienced was the con tinual occurrence of the crucifixion in such strong and glow ing colors as to make strong and painful impressions. A picture of this character presented to the eyes of one of our audiences, -whose imaginations were alarmed and heated with the declamatory and glowing effusions of some of our spiritual teachers, could not fail to produce an irresistible effect.
From this gallery we proceeded to that of painting, "where are collected the finest specimens of the most celebrated artists of ancient and modern times. The celebrated Venus de Medicis and Apollo Belvidere are the admiration of every eonnoiseur and amateur of art. They a.re certainly beautiful statues. The form and polish and the marble of which they are formed are all the most perfect of their kind. I am, however, neither a eonnoiseur nor amateur. My sensations were not glowing while I traversed this gallery.
Thursday, 26th. Visited the garden of the Luxemburg, which is an appendage to the palace of the Conservative Sen ate, and beautifully arranged and laid out. There is here a fountain in which there are a number of gold and silver fish and a pair of swans. The same things are found in the

OF WTT^TAM H. CRAWFORD

HI

garden of the Tuilleries. Throughout both gardens you find a great number of naked statues. I am not pleased with those nudities. Tf I had supreme legislation of the United States 1 would prohibit the importation, and even manufacture of naked people in marble, plaster and paper.
Saturday, 28th, Visited with Mr. Jackson the garden of plants, but we "were driven out of it by the rain, which Cell shortly after we entered it. At night I accompanied Mr. Erwing to the theatre Ambega. The acting was good, but I understood but little of the play.
Sunday, 29th. Visited Barlow, who sets out tomorrow for Rochelle to embark for the United States in the Erie. Mrs. Baldwin has promised to take one letter for Mrs. Crawford and one for the Secretary of State. I proposed to take Mrs. Barlow in my carriage as far as Versailles in the morn ing. Mrs. Baldwin and Mr. Brwing went that far this evening' to see everything worth observing beiore. she left France.
Monday, 30th. The morning was fine. I told Mrs. Bar low it was omnious of a prosperous voyage, as it was almost the only good day I have seen in France. I found her with Madame Villette, Mr. Parker, General LaFayette and one or two other friends, and all the domestics which this good ladj* had employed during her late residence. Every person was much affected, particularly the domestics who had experienced her bounty, which they were to lose forever, except one old woman upon whom she had settled a pension.
There is no meeting nor ta,king leave in France among those who are called friends without a kiss upon each cheek. It is excessively awkward to see men kissing each other She finally tore herself away, and T conducted her to the car riage. She was melancholy and silent for sometime, but as we proceeded she became more composed, and conversed freely and with much good sense upon various subjects until we reached Versailles, "where we found Mrs. Baldwin and Mr. Erwing. About one o'clock we bade them adieu. Mr. Erwing and young Mr. Mason returned with rue to Paris. I found. Count Marbois at my lodging, who came to tell me that he had applied to the Minister of Commerce to direct that Mrs. Barlow's baggage should not be examined by the custom house officers, and that the necessary orders had been sent in to the port. This was an act of kindness and friendship which saved her much vexation. At her house this morning I met also Mr. Dupont Nemouro, an old, respectable man, who has made a figure in the republic of letters, as well as in the French republic. Nature has done more for him than any Frenchman I have ever seen. I-Iis countenance is indicative of talents, sincerity and benevolence. He told me to inform General Mason that be would be a father to his son; that he had dined with Mrs. Barlow every Sunday; that from this time he should d'.ne with him on that day. He is the only Frenchman tliat 1 can understand when he speaks French. *

>rd of Knglish while in his presence, althoue-h Crawford could

THE LIFE] AND TIMES
Tuesday, 7th. Worked all day on my official note, except the time taken up in the calls of American gentlemen and other gentlemen, which was the greater part of the day. They appear to think it their duty to present themselves once or twice a week at the minister's house. I shall have to be from home until two o'clock, notwithstanding my hatred of form and ceremony. I must have a little time which I can call my own. We'breakfast at nine. My French lesson takes up one hour, and this leaves me only time to read the foreign .news in the French paper before breakfast.
"Wednesday, 8th. "Wrote to Secretary of State by Mr. Baldwin, who intends setting out tomorrow for Rochelle, "with a hope of embarking on board the Erie with Mrs. Baldwin. I hardly expect he will arrive in time.
Thursday, 16th. "Wrote official note and sent it to the bureau of foreign affairs. "Warden and Lee continue to pester me with their disputes. The former has been wrong in every one of them. He is ignorant and arrogant, full of duplicity, obsequious to his superiors and insolent to his inferiors. With a most diffident countenance, with an affectation of devotion to service, he has imposed himself upon the American Gov ernment and upon, some "well-informed persons here, over whom he has had so much influence as to induce them to meddle with the displeasure of the government expressed against him. If I know him rightly, and I believe I do, he acts always by indirect means. He never marches directly up to an object, even if it will answer his purpose as well. If he possesses any talent it is that of expressing himself with uniform ambiguity, at least in his writings. He is extremely happy in introducing indirect attacks and insinua tions, wholly unconnected with the subject of discussion, and affects to check himself from an indisposition to do an injury, leaving an impression that had he told all his enemy would be confounded. His memory is not sufficiently retentive to secure him against the most palpable contradictions. Hitv resentments govern him in the most despotic manner. This evening I received a note from him, informing me that he had been invited by the grand master of ceremonies to attend the diplomatic audience of the Emperor, and that the Duchess of Montebello had invited him to dine with her on the same day, and desiring me to say whether I wished him to go, as he was extremely desirous to conform his conduct to my wishes.

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

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As I had upon a previous occasion answered verbally an appli cation of this nature, I felt a little out of temper, and imme diately wrote him the following answer:
"Sir: Your note of this date has been handed me this moment. It is impossible that I should have any wish, upon the subjects which it embraces. You know the relation in which you stand toward this Government; and you also know it is no concern of mine "where you go, or with whom you dine."
I have received a letter from Mr. Lee, in which he informs me that the affair of the Maria is settled by his yielding a point which in judgment he ought not to have acceded. This proves that my opinion was correct in relation to the application to the Duke of Bassano.
The affair is now settled; I wish to hear no more of it, and trust nothing of the kind will occur in the future, etc. His conduct in this affair had been excessively vexatious. He had been guilty of prevarication and, indeed, manifest falsehood. Whilst he verbally and in writing expressed a strong desire to extricate himself from this dispute when I had decided the matter, and placed him in a situation to prove his sincerity, instead of acting openly and sincerely to put an end to the matter, he wrote to the Duke of Bassano, who was at Dresden, intending, through his influence, to evade the force and effect of my decision. Three days before I told him in the plainest terms that he had prevaricated; had stated "what, he knew to be untrue, and that my opinion of him was wholly changed.
Friday, 19th. I have finished "Voltaire's Man of Forty Crowns," and have commenced with his question upon the Encyclopedia. My teacher is, I believe, an Atheist; this accounts for the books which he wishes me to read. He is
an adherent of the Rourbon dynasty. He will not believe that General Moreau is killed. He says the Emperor is afraid of him, a.nd dreads his influence in the French armies; that all the accounts of his death are the result of this dread. This old man is not very singular in this respect. Of the thousands in this city who hate the Emperor, and who take no pains to conceal it, almost all of them believe Moreau to be living.
On Friday last Mr. Warden inclosed me two tickets of invitation from the Grand Master of Ceremonies, for Mr. Van Rensalaer and Mr. Car roll to attend the court to the Te Deum. I directed Mr. Jackson to inclose them in a blank cover to him again. I cliose this course in preference to abusing him, which I should have done if. I had written to him.
24th. Went this day to Mr. Barker's to meet General LaFayette and his son, George Washington LaFayette. Rode around Mr. Parker'a estate, which contains about 1,200 acres, and fronts the river between two and three miles. This is the first time I have been on horseback since I left my resi dence in Georgia.
Mr. Parker cultivated a species of rye, which is very large, and is almost as white as wheat standing in the field. You would pronounce it to be rye, but after it is threshed it

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looks more like wheat. He also cultivates a species of barley which is free from external skin and chaff. The grain is larger than ours, and very white. I shall endeavor to trans plant these two grains into the United States.
Saturday, 25th. This day General LaFayette and son joined us. The son speaks English very well. He is sensible,
ved during the time

great aimcmty in enecting it. 'rney say tnat nis s kept him there already too long, and if he does o mae is reetrreeaat very soon thee disaassteers of tlie last camaign will again befall the French armies. November 1st. Mr. Temple Bowdoin waited on me th
Nov. 9th. At 5 o'clock this evening the firing of cannon announced the return of the Emperor to Paris.
10th. The feuds rose this day. The mass of discontents in Paris would alarm a man less intrepid than the Emperor.

OF -WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

ii&

The liberty of speech enjoyed here is but little inferior to
that of the United States. I expect some of our American
gentry will break into prison some of these days on account of the licentiousness of their declarations. Confinement "will teach them the necessity of prudence. Their government
affords them a more perfect protection than any other in the
world. They at least have no cause of complaint against it, and cannot complain -with justice if they suffer for their licen-
tiousnesi

. Received his answer, fixing 3 p. m. for the inter view. Waited on him at that hour, and arranged with h!m the time and manner of my being presented to the Emperor. Sunday, the next day, was determined on. It was necessary immediately to visit the Arch Chancellor, who was to present me. It was a mere visit of form. Our address must also be sent to the Grand Master of Ceremonies, who alone could instruct me in the forms to be observed on presentment. The Arch Chancellor -was from home.
The Duke of Bassano is, I presume, between 50 and 60 years of age. From his countenance and form I should nave taken Mm to be a German rather than a Frenchman- His height is rather above that of ordinary Frenchmen, and his bulk greatly beyond it. His legs are very large and badly formed. His countenance is indicative of plain, good sense, and of good nature and sincerity. There is nothing brilliant or imposing about him.
Sunday, 14th. At half past 1.1 o'clock the Master of Cer emonies announced that the Emperor was ready to receive me. I was attended by him and Mr. De Carbre, who was to be my interpreter. I have forgotten to state that the Duke of Bassano had shown some solicitude that I should make a speech to the Emperor on presenting my letter of credence. I had previously determined not to make a speech. I yielded the point, and promised to furn-sh the Emperor with a copy of my speech. We advanced throxigh three apartments filled with military men and people in court dresses. In each we had to stop until another master of ceremonies should come to us.
The Emperor was standing in the middle of his cabinet, dressed in the richest uniform, with his hat decorated with white plumes, in his left hand. He was surrounded by the great officers of state, among whom I distinguished only the Arch Chancellor and the Duke of Bassano. On approaching the Emperor, after having made my three bows, as In duty bound, I was presented by the Arch Chancellor, and delivered my letter of credence to him, which he delivered to the min ister of Foreign Legations. I then made my speech, which Mr. De Carbre, who had a translation, read to the Emperor.*
s Diary breaks off at thin

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THE LJFE AND TIMES

CHAPTER XI.
AMBASSADOR AT THE COURT OF ST. CLOUD.

CRAWFORD TO SECRETARY OF NAVY U. 3.
PARIS, 2nd Sept., 1813.
Dear Sir:
I arrived at L'Orient on llth of July and landed on 12th. The voyage was not very pleasant, but everything in the power of Captain Alien to make it so was done. The only circumstance calculated to alleviate the unpleasant sensations of a voyage at sea, attended throughout with seasickness, was the acquaintance which it produced, with this most accom plished officer and gentlemanly man. I shall remember with great pleasure the hours I have spent with him on board the Argus. The exact discipline which he preserved, the silence and order which attended the execution of every service dur ing the voyage, and the perfect self-command which was exhibited in his every action proves most incontestibly that he possesses in a high degree all the talent and professional skill which is necessary to achieve great and splendid actions. Whatever future awaits him, be it prosperous or adverse, he carries with him my esteem, and my firmest conviction that he well deserves success, and that the flag of the Republic will never be tarnished under his command. I shall always feel a deep interest in every event in which his welfare or his fame shall be involved. The officers of the Argus were distinguished throughout the voyage by the promptitude and skill with which they executed the orders of their superior-- by the order and decorum of their conduct, and by the general suavity of manners "which accompanied all their actions. Per mit me to recommend the commander and all of his lieuten ants to your particular favor. Two of his midshipmen are from the neighborhood of Washington. I understand they are poor and friendless. Captain Alien is highly pleased with them. Speaking, or rather writing of these midshipmen, brings to mind a promise I made a friend of mine in Georgia, and which I am sure has not been neglected. Wm. Pollard, the grandson of Win. Pollard, formerly of Philadelphia, is

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

117

extremely desirous of entering the naval service as a midship man. My friend represents him as young, ardent, intelligent, active and patriotic, every way qualified to succeed in the naval service. Colonel Troup can give you more particular information, and to him I beg to refer you. Upon the arrival of the Argus In L'Orient some supplies were necessary beyond the funds of the purser. 1 had no authority to draw money from the bankers of the United States for the navy. What was to be done? The supplies were necessary----they could not be obtained but on my becoming paymaster. This I have done by paying Mr. Dennison's bill for five thousand francs, on 13th ultimo. 1 have mentioned this circumstance to Mr. Monroe, that there may be an understanding upon the ques tion. I wish to have as little to do with, money matters as possible, but at the same time I am not disposed to see the public service suffer, on account of a little responsibility.
The war recommenced on the 16th ult. Several battles have been fought, but we have no details.
I beg to be remembered to Mrs. Jones in the most friendly manner.
I am, dear sir, most sincerely yours, etc.,
WM. H. CRAWFORD.
Honorable Wm. Jones, Secretary of Navy.

Prance, w:th her people, was beginning to realize that the affairs of her great Kmperor were no longer in the ascen dancy; but that the prcud banner of the old guard at last was beginning to droop before the armies of the allied powers. The patience of the American Minister, never at any time too great, was now the subject of sorest trial. He had been in Paris some six months when, on January 14th, 1814, he had his fruitless interview with the Duke of Bassano, who masqueraded under the title of Minister of Foreign Affairs. Napoleon had made all France a great military camp. The conscripts down to the boys of sixteen had answered his call; to the drum beat of the nation they unfalteringly and bravely marched without thought of heavy taxes and empty treasury, and still fought on--hopeful, trusting and patient. There was practically no Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Paris. The government of the 15 m pi re was all centered in their Emperor, and that Emperor at this time had weighty matters of more immediate concern than any that could be presented by any foreign diplomat. Indemnities and spoliations were nothing comparer! with the shadow that was athwart his path. Disaster and defeat that never before faced his army were rapidly combining to hurry the fatal event. His whole

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mind was with his army then at Dresden, and entirely absorbed with events fast transpiring there. His constant cry was for more soldiers. On. January 8th, 1814, a large placard was posted on the town hall calling for additional levies. Women, with haggard looks, read it, and remembering the bones of their husbands and sons already bleaching on German soil, "brushed away their tears as they read the call for one hundred and fifty thousand conscripts of 1813, then one hundred thousand cohorts of 1812, who fancied they had escaped; then one hundred thousand of 1809 to 1812, and so on to the end. The army must be recruited to where it was before the disastrous Russian Expedition. These mothers could but say: "So the cold came and our army perished. And now those who are leaving us are as already dead."
On the charge preferred by -the Federalists that the United States was subservient to the French nation in their dealings with England the following letter was written by

CRAWFORD TO SYLVANUS "BOURNE.
PARIS, 5th Nov., 1813. Sir:
Your letter of the 17th ult. has come safely to hand. If any application has been made to the Government -of the United States by the holders of the St. Domingo bills it haa not come to my knowledge, or has been forgotten. .My instruc tions do not allude to them. It is possible that such an appli-ation may have been made several years ago, and that some

to tne seciion 01 tne union in wnicn i-eaeraiism prevails, our astonishment would not be so highly excited as it has been, at the unblushing effrontery with which this charge has been reiterated in the eastern states. They are deceiving them selves and the nation. Whatever rights we abandon at the conclusion of this war will never be regained, at least, not in our days. The loss, the injury, will fall where it o,ught to fall----upon the shipping interest. In the middle, and especially in the southern states, there is no possible point of collision with Great Britain. We have not shipping for ourselves,
and of course do not interfere with their exertions to monopo-

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

U9

lize the trade of tlie world. We only wish our heavy raw materials carried to the best market, and the merchandise we want in return brought to us. Great Britain is that mar ket, and she supplies us -with merchandise, which, from judg ment or prejudice, we prefer. Unconnected with the eastern states, we should never have had any contest with England. If, however, we should succeed in the establishment of our just rights we shall rejoice to see our eastern brethren reap the exclusive benefits of the war. Nothing selfish or con tracted could have pushed the southern and western people into this war. The eastern people instigated the Government to take measures which have led to the present war, and as soon as the attitude was taken they arrayed themselves on the other side. I am sorry that this impression has been
made in Europe. Nothing can be more false. Our political course is a clear one. We can feel no interest in the wars of the old world, only as they affect our rights of neutrality. The empires of the east and of the west, and the intermediate states, together with pur oppressive mother country, are alike indifferent to us. In other words, we feel no partiality or prejudice towards any of them. Whatever sentiment of par tiality or friendship is feJt can be traced distinctly to the con duct of the nation for whom it is manifested. At present Russia has given us no cause for complaint. We are there'fore friendly with Russia.

I am, sir, most respectfully your most obedient and very

humble servant,

W. H. CRAWFORD.

Sylvanus Bourne, Esq.,

American Consul at Amsterdam.

John Quincy Adams at this time was Minister Plenipo tentiary to Russia. That country now friendly to America, had, through Emperor Alexander, offered to mediate between Great Britain and the United States. The American Govern ment gladly accepted this offer, and appointed Messrs. Galatin and Bayard in connection with Mr. Adams to take charge of the negotiations.
England refused to treat with the "United States under Russian mediation, but finally agreed to treat direct at Ghent, in Belgium, and Messrs. Adams, Galatin, Bayard, Clay and Russell were named by the American Government, and Lord Gambler, Henry Goulhan and William Ada,ms on the part of the British. During1 the six months of this negotiation inter esting letters passed between Crawford and Clay. * Space does not admit of our producing more than one from each.

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CRAWFORD TO CLAY-
PARIS, June 10, 1814. My Dear Sir:
Mr. Carroll arrived a few days ago, and brought me your letters of the 10th. and 14th ult. The change in the place (from Gottenburg, in Sweden, to Ghent, In Belgium) of the negotiation for peace will enable me to write you frequently, and will afford me the pleasure of receiving from yn the most interesting details upon the advances which you shall make from day to day in the work of peace. My expectations of a happy result are not strong. The arrogance of the enemy was never greater than at the present moment. The infatnation of that nation excludes almost the possibility of peace. The ministry is represented as being very temperate and mod erate- In my former communications I have stated the reasons which I have for doubting the sincerity of their professions of moderation. I may have been "wrong in my inferences. I wish that the result may correct roe of this error. Admit- / ting the possibility that the British ministers will consent to make peace, without deciding anything upon the question of impressment, will your instructions justify you. in. accepting it? So far as I am acquainted with the nature of those instructions, their letter will not. But those instructions were given at a time when the great changes which have ; Intervened in Europe were not only unknown, hut wholly unexpected. "What will be tVie effect which these changes will produce upon the determination of the Government? Will the Government, after they are informed of these changes, give directions to conclude peace, leaving the question of impressment open to further negotiation? Will it consent to a peace which shall make no mention of this question? I presume it will. If the negotiators shall be of tliia opinion, ought they hesitate to accept, in the most prompt manner of a peace which they are convinced the Government will instruct them to make so soon as it is informed of the actual state of things? I should answer, promptly, no. A peace which omits the question of impressment entirely will leave the American Government at perfect liberty to apply the proper remedy whenever the evil shall bo felt. I do not believe that you will t-e placed in a siti.iat.ion to determine this question. I believe they will insist upon the unqualified admission of their right to impress on board American vessels at sea. This, I trust, will never be conceded. It would be better to return to our colonial relations with our mother country than submit to this condition.
As there is but a faint glimmering of hope that the negotiation will terminate in peace, the next important point to be obtained is that it shall break off upon principles which will convince the American people, of all parties, that peace, can be only obtained by the most vigorous prosecution of war. I have the most unlimited confidence in the skill and address of our negotiators. I am perfectly satisfied that the negotia tion -will be conducted with a view to affect this important point. I have seen and conversed with several Englishmen in Paris upon the question of impressment, and find the most of

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

121

them very ignorant and arrogant- Sir Thomas Baring is an exception to this remark. Rut his mode of adjusting the ques tion is -wholly inadmissible- He proposes that no impress ment shall bo made in vessels engaged in the coasting trade; that no impressment shall take place in vessels engaged in the foreign, trade in sight of the American coast. He thinks the ministry will hardly go so far. A merchant of the name of Wilson says that an arrangement of a different nature "would be satisfactory to the nation. It is this: that when, a British officer shall visit an American vessel and designate any one of the crew as a British subject, and he should admit the fact, that the master or captain of the American vessel should deliver him up; if the man should deny that he is an English man, and the captain should refuse to deliver him up, that the visiting officer should endorse the ship's papers with, the name of the sailor, and with his allegation. The question of nationality shall be inquired into at the first port at which the vessel shall touch where there is a British consul; if found.
against the sailor the captain shall pay a fine, or the expense of the investigation, and the sailor shall be delivered up; if for him, the British consul, or if in England the British Government should be subject to the same payment.
He says that in the case of an admitted British subject, if the American captain should declare that the loss of the man would endanger the vessel, that he should be kept on hoard until the vessel entered the port of destination, when the captain should be bound to deliver him over to the British consul, or officer authorized to receive him.
I see no objections to this plan, except that the captain should not be permitted to deliver any man who denies the charge until it is established against him. This arrangement will give the enemy the absolute control over their own sea men, as far as the fact of nationality can be established. It at the same time screens American sailors from arbitrary impressment. If the vessel should be bound to the ports of
a nation at war with England, it might be made the duty of the American consul at such port to ship him on board an
American vessel bound to England, to the United States or to a neutral port, where the fact should be promptly settled.
I do not believe that this arrangement will be acceptable to the Government of England, because I do not believe theyj will be satisfied with any arrangement which will prevent their seizing upon the sailors of other nations. If I am correct in my conjecture, the proposition will embarrass them, and the rejection will prove to the most prejudiced mind that they are determined to make the American sailors fight the battles which are to rivet the chains of slavery which they have been forging for all maritime states, and especially for the seafaring men of those states, for a century past. I have thought that this arrangement ought to be suggested to you, because it may not have occurred to anyone of our ministers. I think it highly improbable that the English negotiators will . make any proposition of this nature. If their pretensions shall be so moderate a,s to afford rational ground of discus-sion, this arrangement may be proposed with advantage..

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If their views are so unreasonable as to exclude discus sion, that of itself will have the happy effect of convincing all parties that the peace must be obtained by the sword alone. But even in this case, "when the rejection of the arrangement will be certain, I am inclined to believe that the proposition, coming from the American ministers, will have a tendency to elucidate the extent of the concessions which they demand upon this point, more satisfactory than any other mode which has been presented to my mind. Mr. Wilson is a true John Bull; but, I believe, a very honest man, and I am sure sin cerely desirous of peace. The rejection of the arrangement will probably have some effect upon the English nation itself. If this principle will be satisfactory. to Mr. Wilson, it is proba ble that it will be acceptable to many others----in fact to all reasonable men--to all men who have not found the foolish and extravagant idea" of recolonizing the United States.
I have felt that it was my duty to present this subject to you in its fullest extent. I have verbally communicated it to Mr. Rayard. It is probable that Mr. Wilson may have communicated this idea to Mr. Gall a tin, as he made his acquaintance, and that of Mr. Bayard's also, in London. He
had not suggested it to the latter. I will obtain the necessary passports for you and send
them on to Ghent, as the Moiiiteur of yesterday has notified that it is necessary to have them to leave the kingdom. 1

From the letters -which I have written to you, you will perceive that some of my inferences have been proved, by
subsequent events, to be incorrect. I reasoned from the facts
as they were presented to my mind; and I feel no mortifica
tion at the result. If it was my duty to communicate every
thing to you which I knew or believed at the moment of writing, I do not feel any mortification that some of my con-

I ha

utho ity to dra

th banke s of the Un ited

States

diplo aatii

for the disbursemen t of

Mr.

Carroll's expenses, and should do it with great pleasure on

his own account, as well as upon your request. I am well

acquainted with his father, and entertain the highest esteem

for him.

This letter will be delivered to you by Mr. Bayard, who

J am happy to inform you, coincides with me in every question

relative to the peace. He believes, with me, if the nation

can be united in the prosecution of the war, that the interest

of the United States will be promoted by the failure of the

negotiations. He will heartily unite with you in bringing

the discussions to a close that will secure this great object.

T think from the English papers, that no armistice lias been

agreed upon. J rejoice that it. has failed. It might have done

us much injury, but could not possibly do us any good.

God bless yon, my dear sir. and bless your labors and

make them useful to your country. Mine, 1 believe, are like

water spilled on the ground, that can never be gathered.'

Adieu.

\V. H. CRAWFORD.

To Henry Clay, "Esq.

OP WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

123

CLAY TO CRAWFORD.
GHENT, 22d August, 1814. My Dear Sir:
Your letter by Mr. Todd apprising me of what I had before only feared, that my letters to you transmitted by the mail, have been intercepted. I had written you two, but the latter and the more important one was altogether In cipher, so that the robbers win make but little of their booty. I regret the larceny, however, on your account and my own. In yours because you have been so long kept out of informa tion, which you have been, no doubt, exceedingly anxious to possess; and on 711111 because I had asked what 1 should liked much to have received, and what would be now too late for any practical effect----your opinion upon some important topics. 1 should not have ventured to commit my letters to so treacherous a medium, but that no other conveyance offered or as far as I knew was likely to offer.
To repair as much as possible the loss, I now have the pleasure of enclosing to you a copy of a private journal I have kept at our conferences with the British commissioners. Prom its perusal you will see that the prospect of peace has disappeared, and that nothing remains for ns but to formally close the abortive negotiations. The regret you will feel for the continuance of the war will be mitigated, however, by the evidence you will have, that this unhappy issue is attrib utable solely to the extravagant demands of the enemy; and by the consoling reflection that these demands, affecting as they do every section a.nd every interest in the Union, must arouse, if anything can arouse, all parties into a vigorous resistance.
My journal is so full that I will not accompany it now with any illustrative details. These I will supply when I have the pleasure to see you at Paris. I will, however, add, that we are preparing, and will probably deliver tomorrow, our answer to their paper, and if anything turns up before I seal this letter (which I do not expect to send until tomor row or next day) worthy of your knowledge it shall be com municated.
You will also derive much satisfaction from seeing that as the enemy will not make peace, all the old grounds ol difference and impressment of course among them, are put altogether in the background. Our late instructions author ized us to pass this subject over in silence.
\ ought, perhaps, to mention to you that throughout the whole of the negotiations I have been inclined to think that the other party has been practicing upon our supposed fears, and that he would ultimately abandon his pretensions. In this impression (1 will not call it opinion) what I do not yet absolutely abandon, I stand alone. If it be "well founded when our paper is received and it is known that we will not refer to oiir government for further instructions, he may possibly yet pause.
We have sent off Mr. Pallas with the dispatches for oui Government, which include the note of the British commis sioners. The John Adams will sail the 25th inst., and I hope

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will reach. America in time for the President to lay tlie sub
ject, or such part of it as ho may think proper, before Con gress.

"We propose to sail for Cherbourg, Brest or L'Orient, and ordering the Neptune to one of those ports, and the period -we have talked of is first of October,

"Whatever of the intervening period of time I can com mand after the cessation of our labors here I shall spend with you in Paris.

Your kind offer to recommend me to the Government

for the place which you now fill will toe forever remembered

by me with the sineerest gratitude. As I hope soon to se

you, I will then inform you of my views on that subject,

and will at. the same time arrange the affair of Mr. Carroll's

expenses. Your friend, etc.,

H. CLAY.

\Vm. "FT. Crawford, Esq.*

On Christmas eve of 1814 when the news reached Paris that the negotiations at Ghent had resulted in a declaration of peace between America and Britain the theatres resounded with the joyful cry of "God save the Americans."
The retreat of Napoleon from Germany in November, 1813, gave him only a few weeks in Paris. He was in a distrustful, solemn mood; yet he received Crawford with the very highest degree of consideration and with, marked cour tesy. However, Crave ford's overtures were postponed,; Napo leon once more organized his army, and Mr. Crawford never saw him again. Beaten at all points the great Emperor saw Louis XVI If restored to the throne of his ancestors, while he was dispatched to be king of the small island of Elba.
In less than a year Napoleon had escaped from Elba and again rode triumphantly into Paris. The memorable hun dred days followed in which the thundering artillery of twenty nations were pointed against his throne. Negotiations and treaties were not be thought of during this continual turmoil and repeated changes of government. This instability impeded all diplomatic business. It w-as evident that nothing could be accomplished during these political tergiversations and rapid revolutions as the Napoleanic dynasty appeared fast crumbling away.
Tn reply to the letters to to is government setting out these conditions the following letter was received by him:
*This letter copied from the original now in possession of ,W. H. C. Whtatley,

OP WILLIAM I-I. CRAWFORD

125

JAMES MONROB TO W. H. CRAWPORD.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE, June 25, 1814. Sir:
I had the honor to receive your several letters of tlie llth, 12th and 20th of April, the first and last of which were marked private, by the Oliver, 011 the 12th instant. It appears that the late Emperor had been deposed, and had abdicated the crowns of France and Italy, and been sent to the island of Elba; that the Senate had digested a plan of government, by which Louis was declared king of France; that the Count d'Artois had favored this plan, and that Louis was daily expected at Paris to take the executive authority into " his hands. It appears, also, that the allied armies were still in Paris, and would probably remain there until a treaty of peace was coiicluded with the new government, and the king regu larly recognized and established.
These events, with any others detailed in your letters, are of the highest degree of importance to this country, as well as to Europe. It is difficult to trace their consequence, either with respect to France or any of the powers who were engaged in the war against her. Equally difficult is it to foresee what effect they may have in all their bearings on the United States.
It is satisfactory to find, in regard to France herself, that the provisional government towards the United States indicates no change of an unfavorable nature. Its deportment towards you, and communications through M. Serrurier, breathe a spirit of amity, the sincerety of which the re is no reason to doubt. It is even probable that our relations with France may be improved by this event. The views of the present sovereign will be more moderate than those of his predecessor. There is, therefore, less reason to apprehend from him nnfriendly acts. And as France must assume an attitude less imposing than she has done of late, and may even experience injuries from other powers, especially from Great Britain, it is presumable it would he her interest to cultivate, in a particular manner, the friendship of the United States. Should this disposition exist the opportunity may be favora ble, and you will of course take advantage of it to obtain from the present government a redress of wrongs received, from the preceding one, for which, on first principles, the nation is answerable, and to which the new constitution appears to have given a sanction.
After the peace in Europe Great Britain will have at command a greater force than heretofore, to be employed against the United States should no circumstance interfere to prevent it. The state of France herself will probably attract her attention, and suggest reasons against such a disposition of her forces. The situation of Spain may not be less inter esting, and have equal claims to attention. Italy and Hol land may be unsettled. These considerations may make it hazardous in the British Government to place a considerable force at so great a distance from it, and repugnant to the interests of all other nations, especially in an enterprise with so little prospect of success.

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In estimating t obstacles to British annoyance, the disposition of the En or of Russia, and of the Baltic pow-
mstance of peculiar importance. On the Interposition of the Emperor, as well from the general policy of Russia, a,s from, the offer of his friendly mediation, to restrain England from unjust demands, much reliance is placed. Your attention will naturally he drawn to all these circumstances, and it will be very gratifying and useful to receive the result of your enquiries and reflections on them.
I have the honor to bo, with great consideration, sir, Your obedient, humble servant,
JAS. MONROE.

In August, 1815, Craw ford resigned his embassy and sailed for America. His official notes evinced the clear under standing of the questions at issue, and the rights of his coun try were set forth with such grasp of facts and confident boldness, that they were in after years used as a basis of a satisfactory settlement, and secured that indemnity justly due to our government.
Among the most pleasing incidents connected with his stay in Paris "was the fast friendship formed between him and the Marquis De LaFayette. In closest confidence and unsuspecting freedom LaFayette discussed with him the poli tics of France. Their correspondence now preserved shows that they used with each other terms of affectionate endear ment.
Another notable ' friendship of Crawford was with the most distinguished woman in France----daughter of the famous financier, Nccker--whose wife was Susan Curchard, of whom Edward Gibbon was so enamoured during his residence in Switzerland. The wonderful, matchless Madame "De Stael-- the wittiest woman of her time, an influence feared by Napoleon and courted by the savants of a brilliant court-- never concealed her admiration for Crawford's ability, and delighted In his ingenuous conversation and southern charm of manner. The vivid and genial impress of mind upon mind betrayed a quality of class between the Georgian type oC gentleman and the accomplished woman of tlie salon; it was Cultures imprimatur upon Originality. The propinquity of master minds only added to Crawford's distinction; social and intimate association heightened rather than diminished the impression of his commanding personality.
Mr. Elugene Vaile, his private secretary, has left on record the following brief sketch, which gives, as no one else could, an account of his life in Paris:

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

127

"William H. Crawford was a man approaching, as near as can be, the "noblest work of God,' as defined by the immor tal Pope. He could "bear scrutinizing in every sense. Take his heart, or take his mind, you would meet in each enough to satisfy the most fastidious. Destined to be a statesman, he possessed that firmness of purpose which may be termed civil courage. Had he been a soldier he would have been brave to audacity. To this many circumstances but little known, except by those in habit of a close intimacy with him, can testify.
"In the year 1ST 3, when it was deemed fit that an envoy extraordinary, uniting weight of character with talent, should be sent to France, Mr. Crawford was selected by Mr. Madison for that delicate mission----but immense indeed were the diffi culties that interposed. Our seaports were closely blockaded;
and if perchance a vessel eluded the blockading squadron, new and greater dangers still awaited her at the entrance of a French harbor. Yet the necessity that our minister should reach the imperial court without delay was imminent, and accordingly he embarked on a sloop of -war, whose gallant captain had most positive orders to avoid as much as possible an action -with the enemy. The safe landing of the minister being the main object, a recourse to arms was to be had only in the defensive. This vessel successfully evaded the British cruisers on our side, and rapidly strode across the Atlantic. She made for JL'Orient, in the vicinity of which she had nearly been barred by a far superior force. We shall never forget, although we cannot justly describe, the manner of the noble commander, now no more, when he narrated to us the strug gle, that like a tempestiious sea arose in his breast, at the near, and at times nearer, approach of the armed vessel, which, as the fastest sailing ship of the British squadron, had been detached for the purpose of intercepting ours. Cruel was the temptation, and burning the desire, to grapple witli an enemy they were conscious they might have subdued, oven before the other forces could have come up. What pen could justly describe the impatient step of the commander as he faced the deck----the glistening eye of the young officer that bespoke indignation, the bosom that heaved a sigh, and maybe an. imprecation against the order that propelled onward the noble vessel. However intense the feeling which pervaded the whole gallant crew, more imposing still was that sense of obedience that kept her on her track. From the hesitating movements of the chase it was evident that over-confidence did not exist on board of her, and that she but little relished the idea of separating herself too much from her consorts behind; at times drawing back, she would at others come
closer, and when the latter happened, more arduous became the duty of its American commander, inasmuch as he had to look bo I h to the rigid execution of his orders to force sails which otherwise might perhaps purposely have been but slug gishly hauled, and to the no less important duty of keeping his passonger from harm's way. This, however, was no easy task. By this time Mr. Craw ford had fully identified him self in feeling with the ship's company, and would willingly,
had an action beeii unavoidable, have exchanged his minis-

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terial charge with the humblest member of the crew. Mounted upon a gun, he keenly watched the enemy's movements, and seemed at times to rejoice at her superior sailing. There he stood like a target, and would inevita,bly have been the first object aimed at on board. True it is, that at the cap tain's request, Mr. Crawford would step down and return to the deck, where even his high statue towered over the gang way still marked him for the first fire which was every minute expected--and true it is, that upon observations made by tlie captain he would occasionally retire into the cabin, hut he was no sooner there than up again he "was seen. This was so often times repeated, and placed him in such imminent danger, that at last the captain felt under the necessity of notifying his prisoner that were it to occur again he would have to enforce his orders and keep him down by compulsion. Of this thorough contempt of death, of this complete selfdenial in Mr. Crawford, many proofs may be adduced. The sudden transposition of the plain matter-of-fact republican from the plough, to the dazzling circles of European society, is frequently the cause of extreme embarrassment to the uninitiated, and of mirth to others. Excessive modesty, that frequently borders upon awkwardnesSj naturally intimidates at first; whilst on the other side we have seen that a long residence abroad had a tendency to divest some of our citi zens of those habits of candor that befit them much better than an outlandish mimickry, which, to their disgrace, too many of them do adopt. Against all this William H. Craw ford was proof; and, whether surrounded by the most refined -----whether at Woodlawn or at the Tuilleries, he ever remained in manner, and in deed, an American.
"In the drawing room, without fastidiousness, he wag courteous and attentive to ladies in general, who found a great charm, not the least for being novel to them, in his frank and open conversation; and we have ourselves heard Madame de Stael, than whom in such matters no better judge could be found, assert that she had rarely conversed with a foreigner who had edifled her more than he. That very simplicity of manners, indeed, stamped as it was with energy and natural grace, far from being detrimental to him abroad, proved rather the reverse. There was a straightforwardness in all he did that contrasted singularly with the sophistry and less sincere refinements of the members of the society in which he moved that forcibly drew the attention toward him.
"His natural antipathy against everything like ostentation made it particularly burdensome to him to have to wear at court the prescribed costume; and he frequently wondered that a man of such genius as Napoleon could be so tenacious upon a subject apparently so trifling----but the great man was sunk in the king, for king he must be, and in lowering him self from his high position a conqueror (Imperator) to the pageantry of his diminutial colleagues, he had like-wise adopted all their -weaknesses. "Whilst on the subject of Napo leon it may not be amiss to observe that he possessed a degree of inquisitivencss and curiosity somewhat embarrassing, and which bore principally upon descriptions of the persons of

OF "WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

129

individuals wlio interested him. In such cases his questions were incessant. Upon Mr. Crawford's first presentation to the Emperor the latter was remarkably talkative----inquired particularly about the country, but more minutely still con cerning the person and appearance of Mr. Madison, his age,
etc., etc. " 'And pray, sir,' said he, 'is Mr. Madison tall?' 'Not
.at all,' quickly replied Mr. Crawford; 'be is on the contrary quite small----no taller than that,' raising as he spoke his arm at a right angle with his body. In order to see the mark, however, Napoleon had himself to look up, a singular com ment upon the altitude of the conquerer. "Mr. Crawford had a high opinion of the skill and bravery possessed by Napoleon--but he never did think him, as some of the liberals in the latter period of his reign did (in the one hundred days), susceptible of sacrificing to liberty his lofty notions of military grandeur and glory.
"In the year 1814, tbe Minister of Marine having died, the whole diplomatic corps with all other distinguished char acters in Paris, were invited to attend tbe funeral. The former repaired to the rendezvous, in costume, the American minister excepted, who, unaware that it was necessary on such an occasion, assisted in a plain black frock, and in boots. His appearance, he being the only one so dressed, naturally excited attention; but when the procession, which was to move from the hotel of the deceased to the church, was formed Mr. Crawford was omitted in the arrangement, and left to take his place as he might among the crowd. In this emergency he soon discovered the dilemma into which he bad been, per haps purposely placed by the master of ceremonies. Well ington, the then lion of the day, in his full costume, had been placed at the very head of the procession, whilst two by two following him came the other diplomats. Perceiving this Mr. Crawford quietly walked up and composedly took his stand by the side of the conqueror of Waterloo. Many were then the inquiries set on foot among the assistants as to 'who was the tall man in black?' arid whether he should not
be requested to fall back from the place be ha.d usurped. We once heard one of the masters of ceremony observe that if he knew who he was he would unhesitatingly do so----and upon receiving from us for answer that the person in ques tion was the minister from the United States he observed: 'Ah! c'est different.' This man, although high in office, it had probably not been in the power of the legitimate king to induce with the ideas of reverence and awe, then the fash ion, for everything English. This last remark, however, applies to the large body of the French nation, which, if sup posed to be under any obligation to England, may be termed ungrateful indeed. The mass of gratitude was to be found in and about the court----but it required some courage in one depending upon its favors to avow a contrary sentiment. How ever, this frank deportment of our minister did not, seem to displease his self-ma.de neighbor, who immediately entered into, and continued a familiar conversation with him during the whole duration of the march, he having soon found out

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from his tone and language who he was. Since that singular introduction Wellington was exceedingly courteous toward Mr. Crawi'ord, and continued so while they both resided at the French capital. He it was who having, in the midst of the night, received a courier with the announcement of the sig nature of t!ie treaty of peace at Ghent, was the first to have it communicated, with his own congratulations, to our min ister. Never was slumber more agreeably disturbed than was
that at the American legation that night.
"The penurious salaries allowed our diplomatic agents abroad, a fact which may at first glance appear unimportant, is nevertheless extremely detrimental both to the individuals sent and to the prosecution of interests confided to their care ----one which, as an American loving his country, and having personally not the least 'nterest in the matter", we wish we could seriously impress upon the common sense, justice anrl generosity of our people----that circumstance, we say, bore with peculiar hardship upon. Mr. Crawford, himself almost without any property of his own. Aware of this, he had left his numerous family on his farm, and had alone repaired to Europe. Whilst on one side, ; ii the honesty of his heart he had promised himself tliat there he would spend the whole of his salary, justice to his growing family had likewise led him to hope that no encroachment upon his diminutive indi vidual property would be rendered necessary. The promise was rigidly kept, but, the hope could not be realized. His establishment befit Led his official character was neither the most elegant, nor the least so, of the diplomatic circle. But, in the dispensation of his civilities he was, as all our min isters are, much more stinted than he should have been----and, although from the nature oT circumstances, he most inevitably received invitations without number, but very few could he reciprocate. Between the alternateness of receiving without returning, or of ruining himself, he chose a medium course, declining civilities extended to him by strangers, and keeping his house open to his fellow-citizens alone, and a few other distinguished characters who sought bis familiar society. Every American citizen who visited Paris at that period must remember that his table and board were liberally accessible to him, and will readily render justice to the frankness and republican-like manner with which his hospitality was ten
dered.
"His intimates among the French were l.aFayette, Barbe Marbois, Baron de Sta,el, son of Madame de Stael, the venerable Dupont de Nemours, and Benjamin Constant. They seemed to find great pleasure in his society, and frequently courted his advice even on matters relating to the politics of their own country. Through the first named it was, that in 1814, after Napoleon's downfall, but whilst we were still at war with Great Britain, Mr. Crav.-ford was enabled to ascertain the favorable impression entertained by the Emperor Alexan der toward our country, and of his desire to bring about a reconciliation between England and the United Slates. Tii'j
indirect conversation by means o" Lafayette, whom Alexan der, although his political antipocle, personally respected, was

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

131

frequent and animated. As a proof that the Emperor highly valued the opinion of the American statesman he requested from him a clear and succinct narrative of the causes of our differences with England, winch was handed him from Gen eral LaFayette. The ardent desire shown hy Alexander upon this score renders it more than probahle that the opinion of the lea'der of the holy alliance, so termed, had considerable weight with the British cabinet, who, certainly, in the latter stage of the negotiation, had shifted a,rouiid and considerably deviated from tlie stiffness of our original pretentious. Dur ing the time that Mr. Crawford's mission lasted, from 1813 to 1815, events of a most important character, as affecting the i'ace of the civilized world, happened at the French capi tal. The affairs of France had now reached the lowest ebb. Efforts, amounting to heroism, "were now making by Napoleon to stem the last blow aimed by the whole of combined Europe at the heart of that devoted country. Little time "was left the Emperor and his ministry to attend to negotiations not having for their immediate object the salvation of the country. Thus it is, that Mr. Crawford was unable to bring to a suc cessful issue the advocacy of our claims for indemnity, although he ceased not to press the subject upon the attention of the French government as strenuously as decency and the unfor tunate state of circumstances did then allow. Hut although he could not possibly accomplish the principal object of hie mission he was far from remaining inactive at his post; and the passing events that followed each other with fearful rapidity afforded Mr. Crawford an opportunity of showing his government of what degree of perspicacity his mind was capa ble. His correspondence with the department of state would testify both as to his industry and to the wisdom with which he at an early period prophesied what did subsequently hap pen, lii Paris the interest became more and more intense as the enemy with his millions of. bayonets narrowed the circle within which what remained of the French army had to move. Napoleon, hy one of those deceive and unexpected movements that had so often succeeded before, abruptly tind with a chosen few, forced a passage through the ranks, and from being within found himself outside the circle, bearing upon the
into disorder. But whether it was that the allies felt confi dent of their immenfe numerical superiority, or. as ha,s been
what to do, it is nevertheless the fact that instead of receding they pushed onward. T!'e cannon was soon within hearing of the capital. Marmort, who had been ordered to defend it to the last, did not on the contrary yield, after a bloody hut use less conflict had taken place under the very walls. Inside of this town, which, since wars between the French and English monarchs for the possession of the French army, had. not seen a foreign foe, all was consternation and despair. How the exasperated soldiery of the coalition might behave after their entrance into it no one could possibly tell, and a, general
plunder was much apprehended.
"IB this emergency it behooved the American minister,

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both on account of his national dignity and because of its being now made the depository of certain funds, the property of the United States which had previously been deposited with the bankers, but was now placed here for greater safety-- it became him, we say, to take measures for the protection of the hotel oH the legation; and, accordingly, Mr. Crawford ordered the national flag to be hoisted over his door; but there was not such a thing as a flag of the United States to be had in Paris for love or money. Great indeed was the anxiety, which grew more and more intense, as reports came in every moment announcing the approach of the Cossacks. At every cost the neutrality of the American hotel must be preserved, and there existed no means of doing that as long as it was not marked by tbe ordinary national sign. Instruc tions were given for the purchase of the materials to make
a flag, but the merchants were fighting at the gates; all the shops were shut up, and It was not without the greatest diffi culty and after a long and tedious search that blue, white and red patches could be assembled sufficient for its completion. The scene was now worthy of a painter's pencil. Into a tailor's shop was transformed tbe Legation of the United States, whose minister extraordinary, with his secretaries, busied themselves in cutting, or rather tearing, for time was precious, and then putting together rather unartist-like, as may -well be imagined, the stripes of tiie star-spangled banner. At this remote and quiet period, and when it is considered that tbe apprehensions tl^en entertained of violation were not realized, this little episode may seem to be trifling and superfluous; but the event itself was not so. Agitation sat upon every countenance; American citizens, with their fam ilies, flocked for protection under the roof of their minister; and the fears of the former, contrasted with, the calm earnest ness of the la.tter, imparted to the whole an interest, the recollection of which time has not obliterated.
"Nor can it be supposed that the apprehensions then felt were imaginary, as is evidenced by the fact tliat so close to the city were the enemy that a cannon ball struck in the garden of tbe American hotel, where it was picked up. Here again did Mr. Crawford exhibit that character, a fearlessness of all personal danger, he possessed to so high a degreeDesirous of witnessing the rare and awful spectacle of a field of battle, he repaired to one of the gates near which they
were at tbe time engaged; and here he desired to be allowed to go out, that lie might, from the heights of Mount Ma rtr e take a general view of the bloody strife. But the officer com manding at the gate remonstrated, a.nd observed to him that to go then would be attended with the greatest risk, as there was a cross-fire carried on between those heights and the plain below. Mr. Craw-ford insisted, however, and upon men tioning wbom he was, requested that permission be asked to that effect of the commander-in-cbief, whose answer was soon received. It was an imperative and absolute refusal. To his great mortification, be had to return, and could only vlclt the field of battle after the capitulation had taken place,
which he immediately did. To his view was it exhibited in its

OF WILI-.IAM H. CRAWFORD

133

most awful aspect. Deprived of action, there remained of it nothing but the sad result, the dying and tho dead ; and among the heart-rending scenes we have heard him describe was that hearing some groans proceeding from under a heap of dead bodies, he, by removal of some of them, discovered a poor fellow in whom life was not yet extinct, but who was nearly crushed under the we'ght of bodies that had fallen on him.
"Time had hardly been given unfortunate France to breathe quietly under the inglorious reign of the Bourbons, when, in March, 1815, Napoleon's Eagle plucked and tram pled under foot the fleurs de l,ys. Some men of the liberal party, "who had fancied that they might I, ave snatched from the weak Roiirbons a greater degree of liberty than they could expect from Napoleon, exhibited a violent opposition to the Emperor's return. Some of them wrote violent Philippics against him, and among them, in particular, the celebrated Benjamin Constant. By a singular fatality, owing to the extreme rapidity of. Napoleon's movements from his place of landing in Frj-ncc, the strongest of those appeals to the

E

philosopher's head, no less pusillaimimous was he as a man;

and le now tre bled lest the powerful man he had so untimely

apostrophised would

visit him with his wrath. Constant

knew not where to hid his head, until he bethought himself

of Mr. Craw ford, upon hose kindness and mercy he threw

himself. Mr.' Crawford's ministerial capacity could not have

allowed him to make of his house a political sanctuary, but

different -was tlie

t case. The event had, without

stat, je vous fais Baron.' "One may easily conceive the pleasurable wonderment of
the philosopher, whose philosophy did but ill resist suca a

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THE LIFE AND TIMES

burst from such a man, and with that manner so peculiar to himself Napoleon knew well how to act upon the human heart ----he was in fact the man of antithesis. But to return to Benjamin Constant. Proofs of his excessive timidity, to call

. _ rict adherence to one's principles should be evinced unto death.

" 'Why, then,' rejoined one present, 'did you, Baron, bow before Napoleon?'

" 'Because/ repl'ed he, '1 am not a principle. You may stifle a principle, but if you stifle a man----'

"Mr. Crawford's political life is before the people, and that we leave to abler pens to portray. But in the discursive remarks we have made we cannot omit a circumstance con nected with his ministerial mission----one which we have already, 011 a more public occasion, stated, going far from

its peculiar nature toward substantiating what we have asserted of his highmindediiess, and of the nobleness of his character. As we ha,ve previously stated, a sort of indirect communication had been carried on by the medium of LaFayette between Alexander and Mr. Crawford. Pending this, a proposition, indirect, at first, but which, if countenanced, would eventually have been rendered serious, was hinted that our claims for indemnity might be included in the account adduced by the coalesced powers against France. The amount of ours was a mere trifle when compared with the excessive Hom ^ ruls into which, almost unfelt, it would thus have been

was the idea thrown out than Mr.

spelled the proposition, alleging that

_ . __.

. __d States, the most ancient and per

haps only friend France then had, to join her enemies at the

worst period of her adversity; that, determined as they were,

to see justice ultimately done them, the United States would

notwithstanding, wait for better times.'

"Now, we fear riot to aver, that to take upon himself such a determination, without, instructions from home at siich a moment, when hopes of final remuneration were faint indeed; when a contrary course would no doubt have gathered him at home an immense harvest of popularity, simultaneously to do an act so self-denying, so much stamped with a noble generosity, denotes a man who considers the settlement of a question of dollars and cents far inferior to the preservation of national character----the true wealth of a nation." *

"Southern Literary Mes

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

135

CHAPTER XII.
IN TUB CABINET OF JAMES MADISON.
The war of 1S12 had cost the United Stnt.es one hundred million dollars, and the lives of thirty thousand of her sol diery. It had been fought during the three years of its exist ence without a national currenc> - Gold ceasing to he current because undervalued, had become an article of merchandise, and was carried to foreign countries. Silver had heen superceded by bank notes. The first hank of the United States

dependent upon local hanks for a currency and for loans. The dernier resort to treasury notes in great quantities which were not redeemable in coin brought about greatly depreciated, unstable and varying values. Loans were only to be had with difficulty and on the exacting terms of the lender. The Gov ernment, paralyzed by the state of the finances, accepted a treaty of peace without securing the; object for which war had been declared. The first time, perhaps, in all history that a treaty between -warring nations was executed without men tioning in it any stipulation derived from its cause. The impressment of our seamen by the British is not even hinted at in that carefully worded document. The object of the war, however, was attained, because the young republic had shown to the world that she would fight on that point, and that another impressment meant another war. Such was the

The deplorable state oi' our finances and commerce and heavy taxes merely incurred the Federalist opposition to the war. The legislatures of Massachusetts and Connecticut passed acts in direct conflict with a statute of Congress regarding: the enlistment, of minors, and subjected the recruiting officers to fine and imprisonment. Massachusetts again appeared in the lines of nullification in February, 1814, when the Federalist majority in her Legislature forbade the use of state prisons for British officers ordered by the Ameri can authorities to be confined there.
At a time when accumulated disaster had almost broken the daunted spirit of the nation and the howling trumpets of war raged with greatest violence Peter Early was elected Governor of Georgia. Ke enthusiastically organized the mil itary and volunteer forces of the commonwealth, and rendered the general government every assistance in the power of the

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THE LIFE AND TIMES

state towards pressing the

ith vigor. An officer of the

United States applied to the state oi' Georgia at this time for

eighty thousand dollars to relieve a temporary embarrassment

caused by a want of supplies for the army. Rather than the

operations of the army should languish the request was

granted, and a warrant in favor of the general government

was drawn upon Georgia's treasury. It was suggested by a

gentlemii.il present that as the union of. the states might not

be of very long duration, in which case each member of the

Confederacy must depend upon itself, that it would be well to

husband tlie state's res-.ources. To this speech Governor Early

thoughtfully replied : "I trust to God that such will never

happen. If it should 1 have no wish that Georgia should

survive the wreck. J. want her to win with the union or sink

Logether." *

On his return from Prance Crawford's reputation as a

statesman rose to its zenith. His distinguished service abroad

and his opinions and influence, together with his career in

the Senate, had given tone to the politics of a great portion

of the country. The war department needed at its head a

strong master mliid to bring order out of chaos. There were

mllllo

tht

Government

only ablest

ers retained, and the correction of" many

were to be Instituted. The great burden caused by insufficient funds of the general government had fallen heaviest here. President .Madison again tendered this cabinet position, and Crawford, in Angiist, 1815, set himself to straighten its tan gled, intricate affairs. The President "was not disappointed in his efforts, for he had realized the Herculean task CrawFord had undertaken. The benefit of his advice a.nd sage counsel in Madison's cabinet was justly appreciated in this chrysalis state of tne nation. His plans for eliminating the great war debt by gradual payment and restoring a proper organization of governmental affairs were practical arid con-

command of the situation is suggested by the following letter: 'White's Statistics of Georgia, p. 221.

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

137

SECRETARY CRAWFORD TO ERASTUS GR.ANGTCR,
IT. S. INDIAN AGENT.
WAR I3BPARTMENT, 1st Oct., 1816.
Sir:
The liberal supplies furnished by the Government to the friendly Indians during the war, for the purpose of engaging their services in the field., or lor substituting tbose who took refuge in our settlements in consequence of the destruction of their villages and provisions by the vicissitudes of the war, have, it is apprehended, produced too great a degree of dependence upon the agencies for the habitual supply of their ordinary wants since the return of peace. This, together with the extension of our intercourse with them resulting from the increased number of agencies established since the peace, has produced an expenditure in the Indian department during the last arid p re sent year greatly beyond the usual annual appropriation for that, object.
The surplus of the liberal appropriations made during the war has enabled the department lo meet those various and multiplied demands, hut it will he impossible to continue such largo expenditures for the future unless a more ample appropriation can be obtained for that object from the national legislature.
To bring the subject before Congress for the purpose of obtaining a, more liberal provision which is believed to be necessary on account of the extension of our intercourse with the Indian tribes, since the present appropriation of $200,000 was made independent of the increase of expenses which has just, been noticed, it is my duty to obtain from the several agencies all the informatioi] necessary to form a cor rect decision upon the intended application.
You will, therefore, upon the receipt of this letter, trans mit to me the names and probable numbers of the tribes under your superintendence, the amount of the amnesties paid them, the amount of presents other than provisions which ought to be distributed among them, the annual expense of provis ions issued to them, at the distribiition of their amnesties and on every other occasion. And a77 estimate of the authorized and contingent expenses of your agency, including not only the items just enumerated, but also your pay and emolu ments, and those of the interpreters and other persons in your employment. a.s agent.
A.s th's estimate is required for the purpose of governing the department in. its application to Congress for an increase of the annual appropriation for the Indian agencies, as well as for the information of that body, the idea that any increase will actually be made must not be held out to the Indians within your agency.
1 have the honor to be Your most obedient servant, WM, H. CRAWFORD,
Erastus Granger, Esq., Buffalo, New York.

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TH LIFE AND TIMES

During Crawford's term ill tlie War Department Jiis report on the Indian tribes was the subject of much comment both at the time and years following. After stating the con dition of the Indians, their claims upon the humanity and justice of the Government, and the course of measures that would probably tend to the diffusion of knowledge and happi ness among them, he concludes as follows:
"These views are substantially founded upon the convic tion that it is the true policy and earnest desire of the Gov ernment to draw its savage neighbors within the pale of

object of the Government is to extinguish Lhe Indian title and settle their lands as rapidly as possible----the commerce with them ought to be entirely abandoned to individual enter prise and left -without regulation. Tjie result would be con tinual warfare attended by the extermination or expulsion of the original inhabitants to more (Jistur.t and less hospitable regions. The correctness of this policy cannot for a moment be admitted. The utter exUnctioii of the Indian race must be abhorent to the feelings of sn enlightened nation. The idea is distinctly opposed to every act of the Government from the Declaration of Independence to the present day. If the system already devised has not produced all the effects which, were expected from it, new experiments ought to be made. "When, every effort to introduce among them separate property as well as things real and personal shall fail, let intermarriage between them and the whites be encouraged by the Govern ment; this cannot fail to preserve the race, with the modifi cations necessary to the enjoyment of civil liberty and social happiness. It is believed that the principles of humanity, in this instance, are in liav motions concert with, the true interest of the nation. It will redound more to the national honor to incorporate by a humane and benevolent policy the nations of our forests, in the groat American family of free men, than to receive with open arras the fugitives of the old world, whether their flight has been the effect of their crimes or their virtues."
These liberal sentiments of Crawlord, which are now so
much appreciated by students of Indianology, were not so
well received at the time of utterance. The spirit of acrimony
and partisanship of those times .pronounced upon this extract
a double sentence of reprobation. Tbe ridicule that was
heaped upon the idea of encouraging intermarriage with the
loathsome savages was equaled only by the sarcasm of those
who denounced the idea as visionary and barbarous. The
closing sentence was condemned as unjust and illiberal
towards foreigners. Indeed it was heralded by his detractors
as an insult to all our immigrant population.
That the elevation of the Indian tribes to freedom, civili
zation and happiness would confer upon the American Gov-

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

13J)

eminent more honor and claim the greater admiration of the world than any act on the field of glory or the path of benevo lence, no one can ever deny; that the utterance of these noble sentiments should be seized upon by political adversaries to the disadvantage of their author, demonstrates the ethics of the human understanding when warped by prejudice and political bias.
The re-incorporation of the United States Bank, with a capital of thirty-five million dollars at this time, was regarded as Crawford's measure, and the President recognizing this fact, in October, 1816, persuaded him to give up the portfolio of war and accept that of the Treasury. The country looked with confidence to him to establish financial credit, and meet the rapididly accruing public debt. During these doubtful, stringent times, when our domestic relations were so sorely embarrassed and commercial capital so greatly deranged, the profoundest ability was required to preserve the national estate from bankruptcy. The public debt at this time exceeded one hundred and twenty million dollars. During his eight years of administration of the affairs of the Treasury, not withstanding these adverse conditions, the nation's credit was never better. The national debt was faithfully discharged, and the burdens of taxation were light and inconsiderable. To follow him as he carefully compiles the facts from his sources of information, as he laboriously investigates every avenue tbat may conceal some undiscovered truths, one is not astonished at the uncommon accuracy of his careful com pilations. "At the time of the greatest difficulty the estimated and actual receipts o the treasury only varied ten per cent., while the estimates" of his distinguished predecessors had varied from seventeen to twenty-one per cent." *
The difficulties of the last years of Madison's term were more serious than any other administration. They weighed upon him, in fact almost crushed him. The plan of a national bank as urged by Craw ford, and the Treasury Department as directed by him, and the loans secured by his negotiations were all "welcomed by Madison with grateful sensations of relief. The war establishment was lowered, a new tariff was adopted by Congress to increase the revenue of the Government, and the system of taxation was reformed by the gradual abolition of direct and internal taxes. There was not an instantaneous revival of commerce and of industry. There were periods of depression in which individual fortunes perished, but the gen-
*DudIey's Sketch of W. H. Crawford.

-

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

141

eral trend -was towards recovery from the disorders and disruptions into which, the country bad been plunged by the war. Tbe -whole country, no less than Madison himself, felt that the Secretary of the Treasury should be accredited with this upbuilding of the national finances.
As the administration was nearing its close, the eye of the nation very naturally began to look to James Monroe, the Secretary of State, as Madison's successor. To elect the Secretary of State was in lino with precedents established by previous administrations. The President very naturally felt committed to this policy; but the leading members of the party to which Monroe and Crawford both belonged did not dis guise their preference for the latter. Crawford peremptorily declined. He declared he was young enough to wait, and advised his friends to support Mr. Monroe. The most flatter ing solicitations from all over the country now came to him, and a large number of influential newspapers urged his can didacy. It appears true, as Mr. Dudley says: "It has often been confidently asserted by a great number of experienced politicians of that day, that if Crawford had permitted his name to have been put in nomination at that time he might have been elected with perfect ease."
Colonel Aaron Burr, from his borne in New York, -wrote to his son-in-law, Joseph Alston, Ex-Governor of South Caro lina, on Nov. 20tb, 1S15, informing him that a congressional caucus would soon nominate the "stupid and illiterate" Mon roe for President of the United States, and call on all good Republicans to support him. After denouncing Mr. Monroe as an improper, hypocritical and indecisive man, and a tool of the Virginia Junto, and after denouncing the caucus nomi nation as odious. Colonel Burr urges upon Governor Alston, to take measures to break down the system by adroitly bring ing General Jackson forward as a candidate, and declare his success as inevitable. Burr advises Alston to charge some friend to caution Jackson against the perfidious caresses, threats a,nd favors of the Virginia junto, and urge him to be passive. Governor Alston fully coincided with Burr in this sentiment, hut ill health and family affliction prevented the adoption of the suggestion. *
There was a Republican member of Congress at that time from New York to -whom we are indebted for a valuable contribution of president-making science. In his political his tory of New York Dr. Jabez Hammond lays bare the various
^Memoirs of Burr by M. L. Davis, Vol. II, page 433.

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THE LIFE AND TIMES

schemes of that political event, which is deemed of such
historic interest that we insert it here:
"There are good reasons to believe that the national administration under the control of the Virginia dynasty had for a long time entertained some jealousy of the leading and most influential Republ ; cans in the state of New York. The great and rapidly increasing numerical weight of this state might have increased that jealousy. Hence the policy at "Washington was to prevent any one man from getting, or rather from retaining, an ascendency with the Republican party in the state. Hence we find that the minor section of that party were always the special favorites of the adminis tration, from the time of the existence of the Burr faction down to the period of which I am writing. Accordingly, "Wil liam P. VanNess, the second of Burr in the duel with Hamil ton, the avowed author of Aristid.es, and the uncompromising enemy of DeWitt Clenton, was made a judge of the United. States court.
"At this time the selection of the Presidential candidate was made by a ca.ucus of Republican members of Congress This "was then the common law of the Democratic party. The fourteenth Congress convened on the first Monday in Decem ber. As I happened to be a member of that Congress I can speak with some confidence in relation to the rnanoeuverings which occurred prior to the Congressional caucus. "When the members from tbis state arrived in "Washington it was found that nearly, if not quite all, the Republicans were for Gov ernor Tompkins, if it should be found tha.t there was a rea sonable prospect of procuring his nomination; but it was soon ascertained that it could not be effected. The New England states were all represented by Federalists, with the exception of three Republican members from that part of Massachusetts which now constitutes the state of Maine. The majority of the Republican members were from the south, and these were

objection was that he bad never been in the service of the nation, and therefore their constituents knew little or noth
ing of him. It was in vain that we urged his merits as Gov ernor of New York dur : ng the late war. '.I have no doubt,' said a member from North Carolina to me, 'that Mr. Tompkins
is a good Governor. We also have a good Governor in North Carolina, but we do not, on that account, expect you to sup port him for the office of President.' It was difficult to answer this objection, altboug-h the only reason why Governor Tomp kins had not been in the service of the nation "was his refusal to accept the office of Secretary of State, solely for the reason that he could render more service to the nation as Governor than he could as Secretary of State.
"I regret to say that those who manifested an inclina tion to support, in caucus. Governor Tompfcins, may be des ignated oy geographica.1 lines. His friends were to he found in New York, New Jersey, some in Pennsylvania, some in Kentucky, some in Ohio and some in Maryland; but not a single supporter of Tompkins could be found south of the
Potomac.

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

143

"It soon became evident that Tompkins could not be nominated; but before this was ascertained, at any rate by those of us -who -were strangers, a meeting was held by the New York delegation to ascertain each others views and to endeavor to agree on ulterior measures.
"My object, and, I believe, the object of a majority of the delegates, was in case we should become satisfied that the project of nominating Governor Tompkins was hopeless, then to endeavor to procure as nearly a united vote of the state as possible for William I-I. Crawford, at that time Secretary
of "War. "The old members, as, for instance. General Porter, John.
W. Taylor and Mr. Ir'vlng of New York, were extremely wary and cautious- Tt was soon ascertained that few of us had hopes of succeeding with Tompkins, and General Porter made some suggestions respecting the chance of success by holding him up as a candidate in opposition to the caucus nomina tion; and, although neither he nor any one else entertained any . serious views of ta.k'ng such a course, he appeared desirous to direct the attention of the delegates from the true question, which was in case Tompkins was given up, between Crawford and Monroe. Some one finally observed that the latter was the important, and in reality, the only .question to
be decided.
"The meeting was, notwithstanding, as appeared to me, much by means of the influence of General Porter, John W. Taylor and Knos T. Throop, broken up without any expression of opinion as between Monroe and Crawford. I knew, and tlnose gentlemen at the? time knew, that more than four to one of the delegates were for Crawford. Mr. Porter, although, the fact was not then generally known, was in favor of Monroe, and be was unwilling that It should be at that junc ture publicly known how large a majority of the New York delegation were for Crawforrl, being apprehensive of its effects upon the members of Congress from the other states. Gen eral Porter was not long after appointed commissioner under the British treaty to run the boundary line between the United States and the province of Canada.
"William H. Crawford was a, self-made man. He was possessed of a vigorous intellect, strictly honest and honora ble in his political conduct, sternly independent and of great decision of character. On the other hand Mr. Monroe, though he had been long in public life, a considerable part of which consisted in the execution of diplomatic agencies, was speak ing of him as a candidate for the presidency, not distinguished for vigor of intellect or for decision of character, independ ence of action, or indeed for any extraordinary public service. He made no pretensions to distinction as a "writer, or eloquence as a public speaker. He seemed to have owed his success in life to great caution, prudence, and deliberation in everything which he said or did.
""With these views of the merits of Mr. Monroe and Mr. Crawford, in connection with the fact that the chief magis tracy of the nation had been so long held by citizens of Vir ginia, and considering Governor Tompkins out of the ques-

144

THE LJFE AND TIMES

tion, a large majority of the New York delegation was rattier ardent in support of Mr. Crawford. Governor Tompkins thought unkindly of their course. He thought they had too readily consented to give him up, although it was well known that Judge Spence, whose opinion at that time had great influence with the members, decidedly preferred Crawford to Tompkins; yet, had there been the least prospect of his nomi nation, I have no doubt they would, in good faith, have sup ported him to the last. Mr. Clinton was for Mr. Monroe. This fact I know-; Mr. Van Buren took no decided part in the matter. In connect .on with the New York delegates Colonel Cannon from Massachusetts, part of the members from Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee, North Carolina, and the whole of the Georgia delegation, were for Mr. Crawford. When Con gress first assembled, as between Crawford and Monroe, I have not a particle of doubt that a majority of the Republi can members were for the former. But the caucus was put off from time to time, until the session was considerably advanced, and such was the influence of the administration on its own friends, or from other causes unknown to me, when the grand caucus was held Mr. Crawford received fiftyfour votes and Mr. Monroe sixty-five, who was therefore nomi nated for President. Governor Tompkins was nominated for Vice-President. Of the members from New York I believe that Messrs. Irving, Throop and Bridges were the only ones who voted for Monroe."
The nomination of Mr. Monroe was strenuously resisted
for personal reasons. There were many who thought meanly
of his abilities. His countenance had no indication of superior
intellect, but exhibited an honesty of purpose which com
manded respect and gained favor. His slowness of thought
and want of Imagination, however, were compensated for by
his superior diligence. He was a fine specimen of the old
Virginia gentleman--generous, hospitable, patriotic, and in
. stature six feet tall. There were many at this time who
were unwilling to continue the ''Virginia Dynasty," which
had furnished the Union with Presidents twenty-four years
out of twenty-eight. The opposition to Mr. Monroe was not
concentrated, and since Crawford had voluntarily postponed
his own claims, "Many of h:s best friends," says Mr. Dudley,
"failed to vote or attend the caucus." He was contented
with this show of strength to be in line for Monroe's suc
cessor. His magnanimity lost to him the Presidency. Had he
made the slightest effort to secure the nomination it would
have been his. The golden opportunity was gone never to
return. ".His position, in fact, was then so commanding- and advantageous that his not reaching the Presidency proves either that he disdained intrigue or was an unskillful poli tician." *

*Parton's Life of Jackson, Vol. II, pae 345.

COUNTIES

Length, N. and S.

Breadth E. and W.

Sq^M's.

*>lt

Clarke------ - ------.------------ EfflnBham------ ------- -- - -- Elbert-------------- ---------
PulaaW------------------ ----.. -- .__ Telfalr---- .---------- -- ---------- ... Ttrimi*.... .......................... Wilkes ... Wilkinson,. _ .. ...
Laid out since 1810.

16 36 43 321-2
4a6s
20 25 30 32 28 30 22 201-2 22 24 24 28 21 32 41 22 26 40 25 21 28 32
20 21 80 35 23 25
27 33 23

151-4

244

6,35

12

432

2,82

22

990

2.3(

32

1,040 : 10.86

25

1,125

3,94

15

420

13,54

14

280

7,62

20

500

11,24

1C 1-16

485

2,58

16

512

12,15

31

1.178

26

780 ; 10,81

18

396 ! 3,4:

201-2

440 i 11,6'

201-2

451

13,3!

22

528

10.56

16

384

7,57

21

588 !

6.11

22 15
71-2 161-2 241-2

320 | 2,22

616 :

6.22

195 ;

660 i

3,73

647

2 95

171-2 181-2 15
34 18 141-2
24

448

12.2fi

560

2,99

540 ;

4.47

1,190

2,20

414

74

420 i

S.72

22

450

2.15

J"_4-.--
.--.----~~'j'''"'-"""
GEORGIA IM 1818.

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

145

The Federalists, still adhering to their party organiza tion, put in nomination Rufus King for President. The Dem ocratic candidates were elected, receiving one hundred and eighty-three votes to thirty-four for the Federal candidates.

CHAPTER XIII.
IN THE CABINET OF JAMES MONROE.
The administration of Monroe was one of great modera tion. It was his policy to continue the era of good feeling. His assumption of the presidential labors was cheered by the beatific vision of political unity. It was a favorite idea with him to give new strength to the government by the extin guishment of all party divisions and feuds. The Democrats were disposed for the time being under his benign policy to forget the errors of their adversary and the Federalists to forgive their humiliation. It looked as if his desire to heal all dissensions and conciliate and unite conflicting political parties would be accomplished. There was now no French, party nor British faction. The fires of party prejudice burned feebly, and found nourishment only in personal rivalries and the hatching of schemes for individual aggrandizement. The decisions of competent tribunals had generally settled all ques tions that had arisen from adverse constructions of the con stitution, and no new dissensions had presented themselves. The halcyon season of political happiness and reconciliation appeared to be at hand. His cabinet was formed with those views in mind. General Jackson wrote him:
"Now is the time to exterminate that monster, called party spirit. By selecting characters most conspicuous for their prob ity, virtue, capacity, and firmness without any regard to party, you will go far, if not entirely, to eradicate those feelings, which on former occasions threw so many obstacles in the way of government; perhaps have the pleasure and honor of unit ing a people heretofore politically divided. The chief mag istrate of a great and powerful nation should never indulge in party feelings."
What fine sentiments! No matter how great a partisan Jackson may have evinced himself to be when subsequently he became President it is certain he knew how to give good advice in 1817. He inconsistently fixed a much higher stand ard for President Monroe than he inaugurated for himself when lie became President.
Because of the fact that under Crawford's administra tion public credit had been restored, the Treasury replenished, and the currency had reached a comparatively healthy state, he "was requested by the new President to remain in charge

146

THE LIFE AND TIMES

of this laborious and complicated department of the Govern
ment. Honorable Langdon Cheeves, in tendering his resigna
tion of President of the United States Bank, refers to corres
pondence in 1819 with Secretary of Treasury, and says:
"I had much, anxious intercourse with Secretary of Treas ury, personally and by letter, in relation to the currency of the country and the collection of the public debts in the Atlantic as "well as the Western states. It "was a crisis of unexampled difficulty. The great object was to restore and preserve a sound currency generally throughout the Union. As it regarded the Atlantic portions of the Union, it appeared to my judgment to involve the soundness of the currency; but as it regarded the Western states it seemed to me to involve the existence of any currency at all. I understood distinctly that it was the object of the Secretary of the Treasury in the Western states to prevent its sudden and total prostra tion. In my opinion, the Secretary of the Treasury displayed much ability, great zeal and industry, perfect integrity, and commanded as much success as was practical under the cir cumstances of the times."
The labors of the Secretary of the Treasury, however
arduous, however important and necessary to the interest of
a nation, and however skillfully they may be performed,
yet are not such as to attract the attention of the great mass
of the community. The ungrateful aridity of its routine is
lacking in vivacity. There is afforded little opportunity for
display, on account of the lack of incident and attraction. Its
drudgery duties do not, when, best executed, afford eclat or
elicit popular applause. The published files of congress, as
well as his official letters, are characterized by an exuberant
mind, originality and complete mastery of the subject.
The elaborate report made on the National Currency on
the 12th of February, 1819, is a fair specimen of Mr. Craw-
ford's terse style, and exhibits Ms opinion on a pertinent
financial problem. "We make from it the following excerpt:
"If banks -were established only in the principal com mercial cities of each state; if they were restrained from the issue of notes of small denominations; if they should retain an absolute control over one-half of their capital, and the whole of the credit which they employ, by discounting to tha,t amount nothing but transaction paper payable at short dates, the credit and stability of the banks would at least be unques tionable. Their notes could always be redeemed in specie on demand. The remaining part oi" their capital might be advanced upon long credits to manufacturers, and even to agriculturists, without the danger of being under the neces sity of calling upon such debtors to contribute to their relief, if emergencies should occur. Such debtors are, in fact, unable to meet sudden exigencies, and ought never to accept of advances from banks, but upon long credits for -which timely

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

147

provisions may be made. The latter class of all others is the least qualified to meet the sudden demands which a pressure upon banks compels them to make upon tlieir debtors. The returns of capital invested in agriculture are too slow and distant to justify engagements with banks except upon long credits. If the payment of the principal should be demanded at other periods than those at which the husbandman "receives the annual reward of his toil, the distress which would result from the exaction would greatly outweigh any benefit which was anticipated from the loan. That the establishment of banks in agricultural districts has greatly improved the gen eral appearance of the country is not denied. Comfortable mansions and spacious barns have been erected; lands have been cleared and reduced to cultivation; farms have been stocked and rendered more productive by the aid of bank credits. But these improvements in most cases will event ually be found to effect the ruin of the proprietor. The farm with its improvements will frequently prove unequal to the discharge of the debt incurred in its embellishment. Such, in fact, is the actual or apprehended state of things "wherever banks have been established in small inland towns and vil lages.
"Poverty and distress are impending over the heads of most of those who have attempted to improve their farms by the aid of bank credits. So general is this distress that the principal attention of the state Legislatures, where the evil exists, is at this moment directed to the adoption of measures calculated to rescue their fellow-citizens from the inevitable effects of their own indiscretion. if in affording a shield to the debtor, against the legal demand of his creditor, the axe'could be applied to the root of the evil, toy the annihi lation of banks where they ought never to have existed, the interference, however doubtful in point of policy or principle, might eventually be productive of more good than evil. The general system of credit, which has been introduced through the agency of banks, brought home to every man's door, has produced a fictitious state of things extremely adverse to the sober, frugal and industrious "batoits, which ought to be cher ished in a republic. In the place of these virtues, extrava gance, idleness, and the spirit of gambling adventure have been engendered and fostered by our institutions. So far as these evils have been produced by the establishment of banks, where they are not required, by the omission to impose upon them wholesome restraints; and by the ignorance or miscon
duct of those who have been entrusted with their direction, they are believed to be beyond the control of the Federal government. Since the resumption of specie payments meas ures have been adopted in some of the states to enforce their continuance; in others tbe evil has been left to the correc tion of public opinion. There is. however, some reason to apprehend that the authority of law may be interposed in support of the circulation of notes, not convertible into specie. But the Federal government has, by its measures, in some degree contributed to this spirit of speculation and of advent urous enterprise, which at this moment strongly characterize the citizens of this republic. The system of credit, which.

148

THE LIFE AND TIMES

perity, if not to its existence, has been extended at a period when the dictates of sound discretion seemed to require that it should be shortened. The credit given upon the sale of the national domain has diffused this spirit of speculation and of inordinate enterprise among the great mass of our citizens. The public lands are purchased and splendid towns erected upon them, with bank credits. Everything is artificial. The rich inhabitants of the commercial cities, and the tenants of the forest differ only in the object of their pursuits. "Whether commerce, splendid mansions, or public lands, be the object of their desire, the means by which the gratification is to be sec.ured are bank credits. This state of things is no less unfriendly to the duration of our republican institutions than it is adverse to the development of our national energies, when great emergencies shall arise; for upon such occasion the attention of the citizen will be directed to the preservation of his property from the grasp of his creditors, instead of its being devoted to the defense of his country. Instead of being able to pay with promptitude the contributions neces sary to the preservation of the state, he will be induced to claim the interference of the government to protect him against his folly and ignorance. This ought not to be the condition of a republic, when menaced by foreign force, or domestic commotion. Such, it is apprehended, will be the condition of the United States if the course which has been pursued since the commencement of the late war is not abandoned. Since that period it is believed the number of banks in the United States has been more than doubled. They have been established in the little inland towns and villages, and have brought distress and ruin upon the inhabitants. "When the cause and extent of the evil is known no doubt is entertained that the appropriate remedies "will be applied by those "who, in our complex form of government, are invested with the necessary authority."
The other members of Monroe's cabinet were John Quincy
Adams, Secretary of State; John G. Calhoun, Secretary of
War, and William Wirt, Attorney General. These were all of
the Democratic or Republican school of politics. Return
Jonathan Meigs of Ohio was Postmaster General, and Benja min W. Crowninshield of Massachusetts was continued Sec retary of the Navy, having been first appointed by Madison. These last two, however, were not raised to the dignity of cabinet officers.
Of the cabinet officers Adams, Calhoun and Crawford were each looking with longing eyes to succeed Monroe in the Presidential chair. Henry Clay, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, and General Andrew Jackson, the hero of New Orleans were also candidates. With the advent of Jack son's candidacy Calhoun withdrew, and became an applicant for the Vice-Presidency on the Jackson ticket. A private letter Of Craw ford's, touching his own candidacy, may prove
of interest here: *
Lal in Alabama State Archives, and furnished

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

149

CRAWFORD TO TAIT.

WASHINGTON, 4th Sept. IS 21. My Dear Sir:
Your two letters from Elbert have been received by

reach you before you leave that place.

I agree with you that I have no claim for more than the

public has already done for me. Indeed, I had no right to

claim, or expect as much, nor have 1 sought or claimed, or

expected it. What has been done for me, with the exception

of my elections to the State Legislature, and to the Senate

of the United States, was done without consulting me, or if

consulted, I was entreated to permit it to be done. In these

cases I have come under no obligations the obligation has,

in fact, been on the other side.

In what is yet in store for me, I sball act as heretofore.

I shall not degrade myself by importunity, or suffer it to be

done by others. T shall avoid the contamination of faction

and intrgue. If I am placed in office I will be free to follow-

the dictates of my own conscience and judgment. I am, how

ever, under no move apprehensions now of being forced into

office than I was in 1816, when office was clearly in my reach

if I had been ambitious of it.

If a southern man is not elected Mr. Adams will be.

This, at least, is the general opinion, as far as I know it.

He will, I believe, be supported by Mr. Calhoun with doubtless

an expectation of succeeding him at the end of his term, or

terms, as the case may be. I am afraid that his morality

does not rise above considerations of this knd. After the

close of the next session of Congress I shall be able to form

a tolerably correct opinion of the probable result.

I am very apprehensive of the result of the election of

Governor in Georgia. Colonel Troupe, I understand, is san

guine of success. T feel much more interested in his success

than I do as to what may await me.

I reman, dear sir, with sentiments of the most sincere

regard, yours, etc.,

WM. H. CRAWFORD.

Honorable Charles Tait.

"Let those who ascribe all wisdom to the past and lament the degeneracy of the present age as they cry out with croak ing pessimism against its vanities, consider the campaigns for the Presidency in the early days of our republic, and learn that human nature is just the same in all ages and under all varying conditions. There was just as much calumny, zeal arid bitterness, and the contest was as earnest, fierce and acrimo nious in 1824 as at any time since. The contemporaneous newspaper press of IS00 was just as abusive of Adams and Jefferson as it was of William Jennings Bryan and William McKlnley in the good year of our Lord 1900. True, since the advent of the railroad, telegraph, and improved conditions of travel the candidates are nominated in popular conventions;

150

THE LIFE AND TIMES

yet who can say that the present system is not itself open to as grave objection as was the old congressional caucus? The contest of 1S24 was one of mere personal contest among- the people. The friends of each were full of enthusiasm, and reviled, intrigued against, and freely caluminated the others.
Jackson's late entrance into the race did not soften its asperities. A number of the prominent newspapers and statesmen were disposed to treat his candidacy a.s a joke, and argued his total lack of training and disqualification tor the position.
Jackson hated Crawford with a boiling fury. Crawford had fallen under the measure of his wrath.
Woe to the man against whom the wrath of Jackson was kindled!
The cause of Jackson's animosity was on account of tbe fact that Crawford, while Secretary of War, allowed the claim of the Cherokees to certain lands of the Creeks which had been ceded by them at the treaty of Fort Jackson. A delega,tion of Cherokee chiefs had presented themselves at Wash ington, and alter a full hearing Crawford believed their claim just, and allowed it. The treaty made at Fort Jackson with the Creeks was a hard one, and exacted large sacrifices of territory. Its phraseology was tbe most imperious and

and was executed by only one-third of the nation. General

Jackson, therefore, in the following summer, on meeting the

Indians, was forced, as he claimed, to buy back the ceded

la,nds which he had supposed was already the property of

the United States. * His rage knew no bounds; he considered

that Crawford, in granting tbe petition of the Tndians, had

annulled his conquest and interfered with his rightful com

mand. This animosity of Jackson was heightened by the

impression he had received that Crawford was hostile to the

measures be bad adopted in the Seminole War.

At the very beginning of Monroe's administration a war

with the Creeks of Georgia and the Seminoles of Florida broke

out.

The United States (Government had long desired to clear

the section newly ceded by the Indians of those few aborigines

that still lingered in this territory. * A war ensued on the

determination of the United States to remove the hostile

tribes. It was begun with cruel, heartless massacres on boUi

OP WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

151

son's army numbered three thousand soldiers----there were less than one thousand Indians. On the pretext that the Spanish authorities were inciting the Indians to commit outrages in Georgia and under the plea of military necessity, Jackson invaded the Spanish territory of Florida, seized St. Marys and Pensacola. He transported the Spanish officers, civil and mil itary, to Havana, abolished the revenue laws of Spain, estab lished those ol the United States, and, on his own authority, established civil and military officers. He did not stop with this, but hung two Indian chiefs without trial who had fallen into his hands, and also put to dealli by virtue of a-military courtmartial created by him (of which Gen. ID. P. Gaines was president), two British traders whom he accused of inciting the Indians to war against the people o the United States. The seizure and trial by him within the Spanish lines of the two British subjects, Ambrister and Arburthnot, was the occa sion of an extended discussion in congress and continued diplomatic correspondence with England and Spain.
Florida was then a sore spot. The old boundary troubles had never been settled. Fugitives, criminals, runaway slaves, pirates and smugglers found here a refuge and a starting point. The Spanish authorities were not inclined to respect

them. "This country," said President Monroe, "had in fact become the theatre of every species of lawless adventure." General Jackson had been ordered to subdue the troublesome Seminoles, and strong measures were used by him to effect this object. H :s conduct was afterward made a, subject of inquiry by both houses of Congress. The matter was referred to the committee on military affairs in the house, which com mittee reported resolutions of censure and disapprobation of Jackson's conduct; but after a protracted debate, in which Henry Clay was emphatic and eloquent in condemnation of Jackson, the report was rejected by a large majority. Because the President had acquiesced in Jackson's plans Crawford states he made no opposition to his movements. Calhoun opposed Jackson's movements, and proposed a courtmartial. Adams, however, approved his course 111 the war, and was his friend in the cabinet. Jackson erroneously believed Crawford to be inimical and Calhoun friendly to his course. The Presi dent and his cabinet decided that the seized forts and places should be restored to Spanish authorities.
In a letter written July 6th, 1820, by General Jackson to Gen. John Clark of Georgia he mentions "A conspiracy formed by designing demagogues, of which I found William H. Craw-

152

THE LIFE AND TIMES

ford th

lief, surrounded by his minions, Clay, Cobb &

Com pan

D exalt himself by prostrating the executive

through me."

Crawford seems to have taken little heed of Jackson'

~~-->us attacks upon him. To his friend. Judge Tait, h<

General Jackson could never discover any virtue or patriotism in any one who chose to differ with him. in politics.
Calhoun, in 1816, had strenuously opposed those partial friends of Crawford who were urging his nomination against Monroe. He did not dare to advance a rival from his own section of the country, hut studiously sought means to thwart the Georgian's ambition.
CHAPTER XIV. PURITAN AND CAVALIER.
. The consummate prudence with which Mr. Adams ducted affairs of state gave him great reputation. He was a student and a statesman with a mind well stored; but pos sessing no enthusiasm aiul without the power to appreciate it in others. The generoxis impulses of his heart were never

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

153

in his own morbid fancies as he viewed Crawforci, the per
vading light and life of the cabinet, or again arm in arm
with some brother statesman, bristling with gay humor and roaring \vith. laughter over some good story, Adams could
see in this nothing but intrigue. The Puritan then treading
homeward his solitary way would record his venom enforced
by pioiis observations; and he firmly believed that in transcrib
ing to paper the fruits of jealousy all the bickerings and
malevolence of his own nature against his rival he was per
forming a Christian duty.
From his early manhood he recorded the most confiden
tial communications of his friends. These communications
were not designed entirely for future reference to establish
facts in his own mind. His comments thereon are full of
political wisdom, and show much common sense mingled with
bitter spleen, and were evidently written by him to give
expression to his innermost soul of "what he really believed
and wished posterity to believe.
Mr. Adams provoked the greatest political antagonism of
the Southern people. The curious wrill be interested in the
partisan picture of hint drawn by the pen of "W. H. Sparks,
a versatile Georgian, who says: *
"He was naturally suspicious. He gave no man his con fidence, and won the friendship of no one. Malignant and unforgiving, he watched his opportunity, and never failed to gratify his revengeful nature whenever his victim was in his power. The iiurt.ve wariness of his small gray eye, his pinched nose, receding forehead and thin, compressed lips indicated the malignant nature of his soul. Unfaithful to friends, and only constant in selfishness----unconscious of obli gation, and ungrateful for favors, fanatical only in hatred---- pretending to religious morality, yet pursuing unceasingly with merciless revenge those whom he supposed to be his enemies, he combined all the elements of Puritan bigotry and Puritan hate in devilish intensity. He deserted the Federal party in their greatest need, and meanly betrayed them to Mr. Jefferson, whom from his boyhood he had hated and reviled

suggest. He never lost an opportunity to assail the interest of the institutions of the South. He hated her, and to him more than any other is due the conduct of the northern peo ple towards the South which precipitated the" civil war and destroyed the harmony once existing between the people. His father had been repudiated by the South for a more trusted son of her own. Th;s was a treasured hatred; and when he shared his father's fate this became the pervading essence oE his nature."
Senator Felix Grundy of Tennessee once said of him:

154

THE LIFE AND TIMES

"Our Southern friends in the House found it impossible to do anything with that old man. They cannot contrive any way by which to put him down. If they wish to get any measure through which he will be likely 'to oppose they try to find a time to do it when he is not there; but there is no such time, because he is always in his place. There is no use in questioning his facts, because he is always right. His memory never fails him. He is a very difficult man to argue with, because he always grows keener and sharper with every attack. At one time they thought it would be a good plan to neglect him to talk with each other, and pay no attention while he "was speaking; but the truth is, he is so infinitely interesting that it is impossible not to listen to him whenever he begins to speak, and everyone crowds close to his chair so as not to lose a word." *
The diary of John Quincy Adams, which was commenced
when he was a lad of twelve and kept up until his death at
eighty-one'"years of age, has been published in connection with
his biography by his son, Honorable Charles Francis Adams.
It fills twelve octavo volumes, and as published gives the
most complete inside history of Moii roe's administration.
Many people have formed their estimate oi' William H. Craw-
ford from the account given by Adams in this diary. Yet
Adams, although a learned man, was singularly defective in
his judgment of men in general, and besides in this case was
always Crawford's .jealous rival. It is curious to note with
what antipathetic feelings he wrote of him, and how much of

good word, action and expressed motive to have been by Adams misjudged, misco miscalculated to his injury. he writes:
"If I understand the character of my colleague Crawford's point d' hoimeur is to differ from me and to find no weight in any reason assigned by me. Wirt and Crowninshield will always be of the President's opinion. Calhoun thinks for himself, independently of all the rest, with sound judgment, quick discrimination and keen observation."
Again in February, 1811), we quote:
"Crawford is not a worse man than the usual herd of ambitious intriguers---perhaps not so bad as many of them. I do not think him entirely unprincipled, but his ambition swallows up his principle. His position is a bad one. Having been a caiiciis candidate against Mr. Monroe be feels as if his very existence is staked upon iiis being his successor. And. although himself a member of the administration, he presumes every day more clearly that his only prospect of success hereafter depends upon the failure of the administra-
'Anti-Slavery Days by J. F. Clarke, page

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

155

he must take care to make known

Prom these morose meditations of Mr. Adams, whose life was one of perpetual

of the country. The revenue has not yet been, but must very
sensibly and very soon be affected by this state of things, for which there seems to be no remedy but time and patience,

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THE LIFE AND TIMES

and the change of events -which time affects. Craw ford showed me his last bank returns, which are as large as usual,
and the condition of the Treasury is daily improving."

Again on November 16th, 1819, he writes:

"At noon, after a

"

~

id appeared to be profoundly impressed with t that we were an ambitious and encroaching people, and he thought we ought to be very guarded and moderate in our policy to remove this impression."'
Great questions of diplomacy were not all that constituted
the perturbations of Mr. Adams' mind. The question of etiquette and the directing of visits of -wives of cabinet
officers was discussed by the cabinet, and in December, 1819,

Mrs. ora-wiuru visits, ^iiiu LI for precedence works alone."
The delineation of the character of his hated rival by
Mr. Adams is so forbidding in its studied expressions of

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

157

vituperation that we would much prefer to leave off all other reference to it were it not for the fact that the writer avowedly proclaimed that he wrote for posterity. "We have quoted his own words so as to give the reader a chance to form a correct opinion as to its prejudice. Simple justice requires at least a cursory glance as to its merits. So many who have essayed to write history have been content without further investi gation to accept Mr. Adams' low estimate that the reputation of the great Georgian has suffered violence. It is painful to observe with what emphasis Mr. Adams imputes the want of proper motives to every principle that Crawford enunciated. It is a fact that because he was among the first who advocated a short term of service for public officials he was severely condemned. This measure as advocated by Mr. Crawford and
by political economists since was obviously in the interest of pure government, but his ungenerous rival saw in it nothing but "intrigue"----all "intrigue."
Theodore Roosevelt, in his "Life of Thomas H. Benton." seeks to repudiate Benton's own high opinion of Crawford. Senator Benton had every opportunity for correctly estimating his character; and although in his polished literary produc tions there is no evidence that his choice of implements was a "muck rake," and he does not affect the sputtering cacaphonies of the rough rider style of criticism, yet he never failed to condemn those whose actions he deemed narrow, unpa triotic or censurable. In his excellent book, "Thirty Years' View of the American Government," he thus characterizes the cabinet to which Mr. Crawford belonged:
"It would be difficult to find in any government, in any country at any time, more talent and experience, more dignity and decorum, more purity of private life, a larger mass of information and addiction to business than was comprised in this list of celebrated names." *
Again in a chapter on the death of Crawford Benton writes:
"When the array of eminent men was thick, when historic names of the expiring generation were still in the public theatre, and many of the new generations (to become historic) were entering upon it, he seemed to compare favorably "with the foremost." f
What Benton perceived and recorded as the result of long acquaintance is entirely overlooked by Mr. Roosevelt, who says:
"When Crawford, the scheming politician, was seeking the Presidency, and to further his ends, he procured the

Thirty Years View of Workings of American Government, tlbed. Vol. II, page 63-

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YK& LIFE AND TIMES

passage by Congress of a law limiting tlie terra of service of all officials to four years. This law has never been repealed. Every low politician being virtually interested to keep it as it is, and it is on the statue books at the present day." *
It is not true that the majority of the members of con
gress at this time, and who passed this bill, were "low poli
ticians." On the other hand, congress was composed of the
brainiest, bravest and purest men. The principle of a four
years' limitation tenure of office has been practiced since in
many states of the union, and by many municipalities with
approval of the wise and sagacious as having a tendency to
promote by a healthful check and espionage the cleanest
administration of government. This rule of four years limi
tation then advocated by Crawford is now made applicable
to the governorship of many of the states, and is pronounced
wholesome wherever given a fair trial. This is true especially
of Georgia, where the terms of office are short whether they
be elective or appointive. If the Roosevelt estimate be true what a wonderful influence Crawford must have possessed
to procure the passage of such a law for his benefit wben he
himself was not in congress! Was it possible for him to
over-awe the illustrious Speaker of the House, or Representa
tive Henry Clay, his rival? "What of Daniel "Webster, Thomas
Benton, John Randolph, Nathaniel Macon, I-I. G. Otis, Wil
liam R., King, Richard M. Johnson, James Barbour, a,nd all
the other famous personages who were members of this cele
brated Congress? The record shows that each one o these
voted for this measure.
On January 8th, 1S20, Mr. Adams records in his diary:
"One of the most remarkable features of what 1 am. wit nessing every day is a perpetual struggle in both houses of congress to control the Executive----to make it dependent upon and subservient to them. They are continually attempt ing to encroach upon the powers and authority of the Presi dent. As the old line of demarcation between parties has been broken down, personal has taken the place of principle opposition. The personal friends of the President in the House are neither so numerous nor so active, nor so able as his opponents. Crawford's personal friends, instead of befriending the administration, operate as powerfully as they can without exposing or avowing their motives against it. Every act and thought of Crawford looks to the next Presi dency. All his springs of action work not upon the present, but upon the future, and yet his path in the department is now beset with thorns from which he shrinks, and which I think he will not ward off with success. In short, as the first term of Mr. Monroe's administration has hitherto been
"Roosevelt's liife of Benton, page 80.

OF WILLIAM H- CRAWFORD

159

the period of greatest national tranquility, enjoyed by tills

avoidable that the second term will be among the most strong and violent. Crawford has labors and perils enough before him. iiL the management of! the finances."
These remarks were made as to the conduct of the Secretary of Treasury concerning his own chief's administra
tion. The finances, however, were managed, and these grave
difficulties were all overcome with consummate skill and per fect success. The clouds of threatened disaster with 'which the Treasury Department were overhung in the beginning of Crawford's administration were all dissipated and ended in
brightest sunshine and clearest skies. In the privacy of his own heart Mr. Adams had vainly
attempted to school himself to believe these cruel accusations.
Nursing his wrath to almost frenzy he writes: "Crawford has been a worm preying upon the vitals of
the administration within its own body." Again he writes:
"A worthless and desperate man against whom I have been compelled to testify in a court of justice attempts in the face of his own conscience to save himself from infamy by discrediting my testimony, and finds in Mr. Crawford a ready and willing auxilliary to support him in this scandalous pur pose. Crawford solemnly deposes in a court of justice that which is not true."
The minute evidence vouched for by a pious President of the United States against this eminent statesman, whose chief fault was his prospect of success in the race with his rival, has been frequently accepted by American students who have failed to examine further into the matter than this diary; and the true, brave, gay, open.-h.earted and wise Craw ford is pilloried by almost the only one of his contemporaries that failed to recognize his merit and appreciate his virtiies.
This diary has been almost the only available source of information accessible to the general public "by which any judgment of Crawford's character could be estimated. If it
be correct, then are we writing the biography of the most detestable and execrable of men----a man of small capacity, treacherous, unpatriotic, false to friends, ail enemy to his chief, unequal to the duties assigned and without capacity to accomplish their fulfillment. This is what John Quincy Adams wished bis children and posterity to believe concern ing his detested rival.
This same keeper-of-a-diary, in a mood of melancholy reflection and romqrse for his mistreatment of a visitor, thus writes of himself:

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"I am a man of reserve, cold, austere and forbidding

and my personal enemies an unsocial savage. "With a knowl edge of the actual defects in my character, I have not the pliability to reform it."
This cause for animosity, this acknowledged austerity, this morose disposition did not nourish his hate alone upon Crawford. His diary abounds in despicable abuse of all the great and good men who ever in any way opposed his plans. In October, 1818, he writes of Henry Clay:
"Clay would think well of any plan that would excite dissatisfaction with the administration."
In speaking of Webster's friendship for Clay he declares it as "false, insidious and treacherous."
And again in the anguish of his soul he writes:
"But from the day I quitted the walls of Harvard H. G. Otis, Theophilus Parsons. * Timothy Pickering, James A. Bayard, Henry Clay, Jonathan Russell, William H. Crawford, John C. Calhoun, Andrew Jackson, Daniel Webster, John Davis, W. B. Giles and John Randolph have used up their faculties in base and dirty tricks to thwart my progress in life and destroy my character."
We are not left without other evidence than the diary itself; that in Moiiroc's cabinet, Adams' natural acerbity, w^ould have manifested itself more to the detriment of his diplomatic correspondence but for some mollifying influence. Hon. Albert Gallatin, a coternporary, gives iis this cause:
"Crawford complained of the difficulty ho encountered in the cabinet of softening the asperities which invariably pre dominated in the official notes of the state department "while under Adams' direction, and said had they been allowed to remain as originally drafted the government would have been, embarassed with diplomatic relations with more than one power." -j-
Mr. Gallatin described Adams as "A virtuous man whose temper is not the best. * * * * He wants that most essen tial quality, a sound and good Judgment."
Adams, in his rage and jealousy, wrote against Craw
ford groundless and unqualified calumnies, more cruel than the grave. He did himself the injustice to hand down to posterity these libels unchanged and unretracted. That they
are libels, and that they were not even believed by Adams himself, we may conclusively infer from a fact that argues more potently than all the records in his twelve ponderous
volumes. This one fact irrefutably disproves that the man

tStransc that the i of Adams, who had res

OP WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

161

whom Adams, in vitriolic phrases, recorded as unscrupulous, unskilled in the duties of his office, incapacitated, treacherous, full of. intrigue and perjury----that this man, whose reputation he worked years to destroy by recording for posterity minute details of cabinet meetings and views colored and filled with prejudice to suit his insatieiit jealousy and rage, was in char acter and mind, and secretly esteemed by him just the reverse of what he painted. "What is to be thought of this recording angel that while so feeling and so writing on the 10th day of February, 1S25, he offered this man whom he had set down as so base and villanious the place of Secretary of the Treas ury to manage the nation's finances, beseeching him to be one of his own political family, as unsolicited he tendered a seat to him in his own cabinet?

CHAPTER XV.
TWO POISONED ARROWS.
Politics in Georgia had been quiescent during and imme diately after the war of 1812. All minor differences had been forgotten as the people presented a, solid front against the common enemy. "When the war was over, England hav ing been deprived so long of her needed stores of cotton, was now offering about twenty-five cents per pound for the staple, and this fact turned the minds of the people of the South to its increased production. "When the price declined in 1819 the Georgia farmer adjourned from the cotton field to the nearby country store to whittle and talk on the differences between the Clark and Crawford parties. The weekly news papers extensively discussed factional politics, and partisans of both sides were lining up for the fray. Gen. John Clark became a candidate. The Crawford party put forward George M. Troup, who resigned his seat in the United States Senate to oppose Clark in this gubernatorial campaign. After a long and exceedingly bitter contest the Legislature elected John Clark Governor by thirteen majority. At the beginning of the campaign General Clark published a scurrilous book of two hundred and eight pages with the following title: "Consideration on the Purity of the Principles of W. H. Craw ford, Esq. Deducible from his conduct in connection with that of Cliarles Tait, Esq., towards the author of this publi cation. To which is added some remarks upon the introduc tion of Africans ill to this state, contrary to the laws of the United States, with suggestions as to the probable concern with the Indian a,gent with one of higher standing in that

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THE LIFE; AND TIMES

business. By John Clark, Augusta. Printed at the Georgia Advertiser office 1819."
The author declares the book to be published for the benefit of his children, "and for the still further and not less Important purpose of exhibiting in a proper point of view the real character of William H. Crawford, Esq., the present Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, from -which, as I conceive, a proper estimate may in some degree be made of his just claims to public confidence and of his moral fitness for further promotion."
This book relates "with prosy detail the quarrels between Clark and Crawford. It is full of certificates of persons and grand juries, affidavits and various communications from sun dry parties. The author goes into prolix discourse in attempt ing to prove that Crawford and Tait had sought to blacken his character, showing that he presented the matter to the Legislature of Georgia, and charges that the investigation by the Legislature was unfair and partial to Tait. All the details connected with his duel with Crawford are set out with great particularity. An account of his attacking Judge Tait in the streets of Milledgeville is also included. The book concludes with an accusation against Hon. D. B. Mitchell of importing Africans into Georgia contrary to law, and that a high official of the government (Crawford) was concerned therein. The proofs are so indefinite and vague, the accusations so lacking in testimony to sustain them on the direct charges, so full of redundant and irrelevant matter that neither Crawford nor any of his friends even answered it. The matter was now old, and had once been thoroughly investigated by the Legislature of Georgia, * on most of the charges named therein so that' any reply seemed to be useless, especially as Crawford had since been twice elected United States Senator without oppo sition. These pamphlets were generally distributed by the author, and a second edition was published in 1823 to influ ence voters of other states against Crawford's election to the
Presidency.
The second edition declared in its preface: "There is another point which a moral and religious community cannot but regard as fatal to Mr. Crawford's pretentions. He has been engaged in more than one duel." This sentiment was extraordinary indeed, coming as it did from General Clark, who was noted for his duelling proclivities.
When Adams had read this pamphlet he made this entry in his diary:
'See Infra. Chapter V.

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

163

"The pamphlet" is bitter, and presents Crawford's char acter in a very odious light. It has the same fault that It charges upon Crawford. Clark declares his belief that Crawford is a confederate with Mitchell in his slave smuggling speculations. This I do not believe, and Clark adduces no evidence to support the charge." *
Hon. Thomas Cooper, in his brief sketch of "Life and Character of Crawford," published in Albany, N. Y., August, 1824, (under pseudonym of "Americanus") says of him:
"Perhaps no individual of any age, certainly none of the present (if we except Mr. Jefferson), ever received a larger measure of ungenerous treatment than Mr. Crawford, His character has been not only mistaken from a want of knowl edge of it, or from an honest error of opinion; but it has been assiduously falsified. From the moment his name became associated "with the Presidency it has been assailed with a wantonness and a malignity that have no more a parallel in our modern history than they can expect to have an apology from the lips of liberal and candid men. Humiliating as the reflection is, it is nevertheless natural that in some degree it should be so. Envy and detraction always attack soonest the brightest characters. It argues no common degree of talent and integrity that thus draws down upon their possessor. such liberal abuse. From the humble walks of life Mr. Craw ford has won his way, unaided by wealth and family distinc tion, or by the happy concurrence of fortuitous events, to such honors as, under our happy form of government, any citizen may aspire to and be proud of. It is not strange that qualities which have thus elevated their possessor should be the peculiar object of attack and of the vindictive persecu tion which they alone indulge in who would destroy that which they cannot equal, f "We say it, with a solemn con sciousness of its truth, that all good men who will look fully into the character of William H. Crawford will find him to be a tried Republican, a man of unblemished integrity, of sim ple habits, and of a singular purity of life and conduct, much injured and calummated, but of undoubted virtue, talent and capacity."
On account of his long absence from his native state it was thought that his friends had grown callous, and that the state might be dragooned into the Jackson column by uniting all opposition to secure this end. General Clark, who was a close and confidential friend of Calhoun, gupported Jackson after Calhoiin's name had been withdrawn; but Georgia did not repudiate her favorite at the ballot box.

*Adams Life of J. Q. AdamsfNathaniel Macon said he had been upon familiar terms with Washington. Jef ferson, Maciison, and with the members of their Cabinets, besides other mei> high in public favor; but for vigor of intellect, and the power to present things forcibly to the mind, he was compelled to say that Mr. Crawford was the greatest man he ever saw. -Miller's Bench and Bar. page 243. Hon. J. F. H. Claiborne said: "In astronomy or mathematics he would have been pre-eminent. No man in this or any other country had a more thorough and orthodox knowledge of political economy and especially of finance."-- Hid.

Ig4

THE LIFE AND TIME3S

The Legislature elected Crawford delegates by a majority of about two to one.
General dark's poisoned arrow was not the only shaft that was let fly at Craw ford's vitals during this presidential campaign.
Ninian "Edwards, lately Congressman from Illinois, had recently been appointed Minister to Mexico. He was on his way thither when Henry Clay, Speaker of the House of Rep resentatives, (on April 19th, 1824) presented to that body a voluminous communication from him charging illegalities and misconduct on the part of the Secretary of the Treasury, and calling for his impeachment. This communication was accom panied by ten numbers of a Washington newspaper containing articles signed "A. B.," and written for the purpose of defeat ing Mr. Crawford in the presidential election. The papers alleged that the charges were all susceptible of proof, and Edwards avowed their authorship. The communication, how ever, did not seem to contemplate an early investigation, and certainly not at that session of Congress, which was then nearihg adjournment. The accuser was on his way to Mexico; the charges were grave; the specifications under them were numerous and complex, and many of them relating to trans actions with the remote western banks. The evident expecta tion of the accuser was, that the matter -would lie over until the next session, before which the presidential election would take place, and all the mischief he done to Mr. Crawford'a name, resulting from unanswered accusations so imposingly laid before the impeaching branch of congress. The friends of Mr. Crawford saw the necessity of quick action, and Mr. Ployd of Virginia, upon the reading of the communication, moved that a committee be appointed to take it under imme diate consideration, and that the committee be empowered to send for persons and papers, to administer oaths, take testi mony, and report to the house, with leave to sit after the adjournment, if the investigation was not finished before, and to publish their report. The committee was appointed and granted all the powers asked for. The selection of this committee by the Speaker was a task of delicacy and respon sibility. Mr. Clay being himself a candidate for the Presidency, and each member of the house a friend to some one of the candidates, including the accused. The personel of the com mittee was unexceptionable----Mr. Ployd, the mover, Mr. Livingston of .Louisiana, Mr. Webster of Massachusetts, Mr. Ran dolph of Virginia, Mr. .1. W. Taylor of New York, Mr. Duncaii McArthur of Ohio, and Mr. Owen of Alabama. *
*Benton's Thirty Year's View, Vol. 1, p. 35.

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

165

These charges, made in the midst of a heated campaign, naturally caiised that degree ef excitement which was to be expected.
The Secretary of State, with that inherent suspicion which, ever attended him, helieved the charges, and hastened to give advice to the President against the idea of sending an express for Edwards and recalling him to "Washington, so as to give Crawford an immediate trial. The President, how ever, was impressed with a contrary opinion, and insisted that justice required an immediate investigation. The committee dispatched the Sergeant at Arms in fast pursuit of Edwards, and he was overtaken full fifteen hundred miles on his way. The time consumed in this post journey, however, was -so great that Congress had adjourned before he was brought back to Washington.
The answer filed by Mr. Crawford to the charges was pronounced by Mr. Randolph to be " a triumphant and irre sistible vindication; the most temperate, passionless, mild, dignified, irrefutable exposure of falsehood that ever met a base accusation, arid without one harsh word toward their author."
Mr. Edwards was rep resented by Iiiy son-in-law, Mr. Cook, and was examined fully by the committee, but could prove nothing. The committee examined all the evidence to be had, and reported all of it with their findings. From the evidence it appeared that Edwards himself had contradicted all the accusations in the "A. B." papers, arid had declared that no man in the government could have conducted the fiscal affairs of the nation with more integrity and propriety than Crawford had done. One of the witnesses before the. committee was Senator Noble of Indiana, who testified: That lie had had a conversation with Mr. Edwards, introduced by Mr. Edwards himself, concern'ng Mr. Crawford's management of the western banks, and the authorship of the "A. B." letters; that it was pending his nomination made by the Presi dent to the Senate as Minister to Mexico. He (Mr. Edwards-) stated that he was about to be attacked in the Senate for the purpose of defeating his nomination; that party and political spirit was now high; that, he understood charges would to.e exhibited against him, and that it had been so declared in the Senate. I-Ie further remarked that he knew me to be the decided friend of "VVill:am H. Crawford. and said, 'I am con sidered as being his bitter enemy; and I am charged with being the author of the numbers signed 'A. B.'; but (raising his hand) I pledge you my honor I am not the author, nor do I '

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know wlio the author is.' 'Crawford and I,' said Mr. Edwards, 'have had a little difference, but I have always considered him a highminded, honorable and vigil ant officer of the govern ment. He has been abused about the western banks and the unavailable funds.' Leaning forward and extending his hands, he added: 'Now, damn it, you know we both live in states where there are many poor debtors of tbe government for lands, together with a deranged currency. The notes on various banks being depreciated after the effect and operation of the war in that portion of the Union, and the banks, by attempting to call in their paper (having exhausted their specie), the notes that were in circulation became of little or no value.* 'Many men of influence in that country,' said he, 'have united to induce the Secretary of the Treasury to select certain banks as banks of deposit, and take tbe notes of certain banks in payment for public land. Had he (Mr. Crawford) not done so many of our inhabitants would have been turned out of doors and lost their lands, and the people of the country "would have had a universal disgust against Mr. Crawford.' 'And 1 will venture to say,' said Mr. Edwards, 'notwithstanding T am considered as his enemy, that no man in this government could have ma,naged the fiscal and finan cial concerns of the government with more integrity and propriety than Mr. Crawford did.' He (Mr. Nobles) had never repeated this conversation to anyone until the evening of the day that Governor Edwards' communication was presented to the House of Representatives. On that evening-, in conversa tion with several members of the House, amongst whom were Mr. Reid and Mr. Nelson, some of "whom said tbat Governor Edwards had avowed himself to be tbe author of the 'A. B.' papers, and others said that he had not done so. I remarked that they must have misunderstood the 'address,' for Gov ernor Edwards had pledged his bonor to me that he was not the author of 'A. B.' "
There were other witnesses who test: lied to Edwards' denial of the authorship of these papers; among them the editors of the National Intelligencer of "Washington, a news paper friendly to Mr. Crawford. These editors testified that Mr. Edwards called at their office, the first time for a year, to exculpate himself from the imputed authorship,- and that he did it so earnestly that they believed him, and had pub lished, on their faith in his declarations, that they had good reason to know that he was not the author of the publications. The "good reason," they testified, was his own free, voluntary and unqualified denial at the time o his unexpected visit to their office.

OP WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

167

The overwhelming testimony and the absence of anything to disprove it was fatal to the accuser.
The committee unanimously reported: "That nothing had been proved to impeach the integrity of the Secretary, or to bring into doubt the general correctness and ability of his administration of the public finances."
Congress and the country accepted the committee's find ings as correct. Ninian Edwards left Washington in disgrace, resigned his commission, which he had-dishonored, and disap peared forever from public view. So ended the "A. B" plot which had filled the newspapers for twelve months in vilest abuse and calumny, and of which the accused was so honorably vindicated. The most exalted hopes of man's nature can but feel pleasurable delight at a triumph of innocence and so overwhelming a discomfiture of its assailant.
There was one matter connected with this affair which gave Mr. Crawford keen mental anguish. The newspaper that published these unfounded and cruel slanders constantly for a whole year was edited by a war office clerk, employed and retained by John C. Calhoun; the newspaper was operated entirely in Calhoun's interest and supported and subsidized by him. These two illustrious statesmen and erstwhile school fellows, who had played town ball and marbles and gathered nuts together under the spreading trees; who had read and discussed the choicest books as students in that isolated coun try library of Dr. Waddell's, were never again to view each other except in bonds of bitterness. Hereafter there -was to be nothing in common between them except irrevocable politi cal antagonism.

CHAPTER XVI.
THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1824.
From the peculiar circumstances attending the Presiden tial contest in 1824 it became more spirited and was charac terized by more virulence than any that had taken place since the first election of Mr. Jefferson. One of its novel features consisted in the number of candidates presented, and the further fact that all of these were of the same political creed, which caused the issues to be formed on sectional and personal lines.
The distracting question of admitting Missouri as a slave state had aroused sectional controversy as no other subject had done.
At the hospitable home of Mr. Crawford in "Washington it was the pleasure of such congenial spirits as Randolph,

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THE LIFE AND TIMES

Maeon, McLean. Holmes, Lowndes, and other Congressmen to
gather once or twice each week and spend an hour in social
intercourse. At a time when the Missouri Compromise Reso
lutions w-ere pending a visitor from Georgia thus records one
of these intellectual treats which he attended. Mr. Crawford
in his conversation remarked:
"If the Union is of more importance to the South than slavery the South should immediately take measures for the gradual emancipation, of the slaves, fixing a period for its final extinction. But, if the institution of slavery is of more vital importance than the perpetuation of the Union to the South she should at once secede and establish a government to protect anil preserve this institution. She now has the power to do so without the fear of provoking a war. Her people should be unanimous, and this agitation has made them, so, I believe. I know the love of the Union has been paramount to every other consideration with the Southern people, hut they view, as I do, this attempt to arrest the further spread of slavery as aggressive oil the part of congress, and discover an alarm ing state of the northern mind upon IMs subject. This with an increasing popular strength may grow into proportions which shall be irresistible and the South may be ultimately forced to do what she never will voluntarily do----abolish at once the institution."
It was urged by Mr. Holmes that the Constitution guar
anteed slavery to the states; that its control a,nd destiny was
alone -with the states, and there was no danger that the
North would ever violate the Constitution to interfere with
that which they had no interest.
"Never violate the Constitution!" said Randolph, in an excited and querulous tone. "Mr. Holmes, you perhaps know the nature of your people better than 1 do, but I know them well enough not to trust them. They stickle at nothing to accomplish an end; and their preachers can soon convince them that slavery is a sin, and that they are responsible for its existence here, and that they can only propitiate offended Deity by its abolition. You are a peculiar people, Holmes, prone to fanaticism upon all subjects, and this fanaticism concentrated as a religious duty the Constitution will only prove a barrier of straw. No sir, I am unwilling to trust them.

ism, no principle. Tour dough-faces will profess, but at a point will fly the track, sir; they can't stand, sir; they can't stand pressing. Interest, interest, sir, is their moving motive. Do you not see it in their action in this matter? Missouri is a fertile and lovely country; they want it for the pxirpose of settlement with their own people. Prohibit slavery to the inhabitants and no Southern man will go there; there will be Tio competition in the purchase of her land. Your people will have it all to themselves; they will flock to it like wild geese, and very soon it is a northern state in northern inter est; and step after step all the western territory will be in your possession, and you "will create states ad libitum. You

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

169

know the Constitution permits two-thirds of the states to amend or alter it; establish the principle that congress can exclude slavery from a territory, contrary to the wishes of her people expressed in a constitution formed by them for their government, and how long will it be before two-thirds of the states -will be free? Then you can change the Consti tution and place slavery under the control of congress; and, under such circumstances, how long will it be permitted to remain in any state?
"Your people are too religious, sir; eminently practical, inventive, restless, cold, calculating, malicious and ambitious; invent curious rat-traps, and establish missions. I don't want to he trapped, sir; I am too wary a rat for that; and think with Mr. Crawford, now is the time for separation, and I mean to ask Clay to unite with us. Yet, sir, I have not spoken to the fellow for years, sir; but I will tomorrow; I will tell him I always despised him, but if he will go to his people, I will to mine, and tell them now is the time for separation from you; and I will follow his lead if he will only do so, if it leads me to perdition. I never did follow it, but in this matter I will. I bid you good night, gentlemen."
He waited for no reply, but taking his hat and whip,
2j urriedly Heft the room.
"Ca,n Mr. Randolph be in earnest?" asked several. "Intensely so," replied Mr. Crawford. "Mr. Holmes, your people are forcing Mr. Randolph's opinions upon the entire South. They will not permit northern intermeddling with that "which peculiarly interests themselves, and over which, they alone hold control."
There was a pause, the party was uneasy. There were
more than Mr. Holmes present who were startled at both
Craw ford's and Randolph's speculation as to the value of
the Union. They had ever felt that this was anchored safely
in every American breast, and was paramount to every other
consideration or interest. It was a terrible heresy, and lead
ing to treason. This was not said, but it was thought, and
in no very agreeable mood the party separated for the night." *
Randolph did propose to Clay, as stated, but at that time
he was too much imbued with the idea that he had found in
the Missouri Compromise a measure that would allay matters
for all time to listen to Mr. Randolph's proposals, f
Of all the candidates Crawford was the most pronounced
advocate of state rights; Adams and Clay were most antago
nistic to this doctrine, and Jackson -was non-committal. The
frieuds of Mr. Adams urged his elevation to the presidency on the ground of locality. Thirty-six years had passed since the adoption of the Constitution, and it was urged that dur ing only four years of this time was the government admin istered by a northern President. The southern influence -was
"Sparks' Memoirs of 50 Years, page 230.
tSargant's Life of Clay, page 32.

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THE LIFE AND TIMES

opposed by the North, and while on every other issue the New Englanders may have divided, yet on this they presented an unbroken front for their candidate. All New England was for Adams. On the other hand not one vote was cast for him by any one of the great southern slave-holding states. The favorite mode of electionering seems to have been for the candidates or their friends to issue pamphlets for general circulation. Among the voters of each state these pamphlets proclaimed the views of their author's favorites and decried the pretentions of the other candidates in no uncertain terms. In those issued by General Jackson's friends in the Carolinas and elsewhere Crawford was attacked as being a Federalist. To be called a Federalist was regarded at this time the great est insult, so opprobrious had the name become in the eyes of the average voter. * These pamphlets pointed as proof to certain resolutions adopted at a meeting of the young men of Augusta, Ga., on July 2nd, 1798. These resolutions expressed confidence in the policy of Mr. Adams and a pledge of all those present to support the administration against the agressions of the French Government, f The meeting was composed of members of all political parties, and tne resolu tions were of a patriotic tenor, breathing defiance to the enemies of the Republic. Mr. Crawford was chairman of the committee of five who drafted the resolutions, and it was claimed they were composed by him. The address was writ ten at a time when the country was deeply incensed against the French Directory.
This charge of the indorsement of the administration of John Adams was a fruitful topic of misrepresentation and abuse by the Jacksonian pamphleteers. ** The answer of Crawford was dignified and convincing. He urged that at that time the administration of Mr. Adams was not yet tarnished by those acts of fatuity and violence which subsequently brought down upon it the opposition of the people; that party distinction was not so marked as to be remembered in the overflow of patriotic feeling at a meeting like this----called to devise action against the injurious attacks of France on our commerce. That in this meeting, although a young man, he was recognized as a dec'ded Republican and appointed as such on the committee.
The act levying a direct tax was passed by Congress on July 14th, 1798, the sedition act on the same day, and the
"Letters of Wyoming on Campaign of 1824.
[See Appendix.
* * Jscksonian Pamphlet by Soyth Carolinean, Raleigh, N. C. 1S22.

OF -WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

171

act pimishing correspondence with persons abroad was not passed until the 30th of January, 1799. That after the adop tion of these resolutions and when the measures passed to repel the violence of France were carried to an extremity which evinced a disposition to trample on the Constitution under the mask ot securing the public safety----he was found in the ranks of the opposition, and bent the whole of his energy to the election of Jefferson. That he had been always unwavering in the support of Democracy, and that it was absurd and unjust to oppose a single act of this sort----at most an act of youthful indiscretion----to the uniform tenor of a long life spent in the public service. *
Decisive as this answer appears it was unavailing, and the charges were repeated with telling effect. In North Caro lina and New Jersey, and other states where he was much stronger than any one of the other candidates, there was formed a combination of all forces against him, and in this way the votes of those states were dragooned into the Jack son column.
To those who wish to dive deeper in the mysteries of President-making the following letter will prove interesting. It was written by a senator from Georgia with such joyful gusto as to stir the blood as it gladdens the spirit and paints the horizon in happy colors. Although obviously not written for the public eye this confidential partisan letter sheds a light on a memorable epoch that in no other way could cause it to be so well understood:

JOHN ELLIOTT TO GENERAL, BLACKSHEAR.
PHILADELPHIA, September 4, 1822.
My dear sir: ----
After a, rough passage of seven days we landed in New York. I found this state, as usual, much agitated by fac tions. Mr. Calhoun's friends are making violent efforts here to weaken Mr. Crawford's influence, in the vain hope of secur ing the vote of this great state in support of their favorite. They have so far succeeded as to have seduced from his engagements to advocate Mr. Crawford the editor of "The Patriot" and turned his press in favor of Mr. Calhoun. But this shameful defection on the part of the editor has already deprived him of the patronage of the principal Republicans of the City of New York, and will very shortly consign the paper to deserved insignificance. The efforts of this press have produced no unfavorable impressions on the public senti ment. New York and the great body of Republicans are decidedly friendly to Mr. Crawford's success. Connecticut is
*Life of W. H. Crawford, pamphlet by AmerlcanuE!, p. 6,

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vacillating; but I have the most positive assurance from my friends there that she will come out in due time for us.
Mr. Crawford's most violent political enemy, Mr. Edwards, has been left out of Congress in the late elections in Illinois; and two of the Representatives who were last winter opposetj to him have recently advocated his election before the people. From Maine, New Hampshire, Massachu setts and Vermont we shall obtain in caucus a much greater support than our enemies are aware of; arid. I think we may safely calculate on twenty votes from this section of the nation. In caucus, New York may be depended on for twentyeight votes. New Jersey is now much divided, but will cer tainly give us six votes. The people of Pennsylvania are evidently in favor of General Jackson; but, as they have gen erally admitted the necessity of supporting the caucus candi date, the friends of Mr. Crawford wink at their present predi lections, knowing that the General cannot be nominated, and believing that Mr. Crawford must ultimately receive the vote as the caucus candidate. Tn the caucus, however, we shall receive from this State seven votes at least. Delaware is with us. Maryland is not fixed, hut will surely lend us her support with five votes. Mr. Crawford's strength, then, in caucus may be fairly thus estimated, viz:
Prom New England, 20 votes; from New York, 28; New Jersey, 6; Pennsylvania, 7; Delaware, 3; Maryland, 5; Virginia, 24; North Carolina, 1 5; South Carolina, 2 certainly, and should Mr. Calhoun withdraw, or be dropped, 7 votes; Geor gia, 9; Ohio, 1 ; Indiana, 2 ; Illinois, 2; Mississippi, 2; Ten nessee, 2 at least, making an aggregate of one hundred and twenty votes, which will be a majority of the Republican mem bers. And should any of the other candidates withdraw, or he dropped by their friends, the number will receive con siderable accession. For no combination of interest can be formed to prejudice the standing and prospects of Mr. Craw ford; the West can never be induced to support Mr. Adams, nor will the Republicans of the East, in the absence of Mr. Adams, prefer Mr. Clay or General Jackson to Mr. Crawford. I consider Mr. Crawford's success, then, as more than proba ble; and, in forming this opinion I think I have not suffered my wishes, strong as they are, to influence my judgment.
In conformity to your wishes expressed in your letter just received, 1 have given you the preceding view of the Presidential question. As our success greatly depends on a caucus nomination, it will be proper to conceal from our adversaries our real strength until the moment of trial. Our friends in Georgia may be made acquainted with these facts, but they must b kept from the newspapers.
Mr. Forsyth is here, and we improve every occasion to strengthen our friends and weaken our adversaries. Our sit uation enables us to act sometimes very efficiently in this
regard. The prospect of Colonel Troup's success is highly grati
fying to me and 1 hope no untoward circumstance may occur to lessen his well-deserved influence with people.
As it respects myself, I am quite disposed to leave the
propriety of my re-election to the judgment of my friends.

OF1 WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

173

I was urged in the most flattering manner by those in the

eastern district, whose opinions and wishes I greatly respect,

not to leave public life at this time; and having been induced

to ask for a re-election, I should be gratified by a liberal sup

port. It is probable 1 may continue here until the meeting

of congress, occasionally visiting Jersey and the upper part

of the state, as political appearances may render it necessary.

And, although you are not fond of writing, I hope you will

indulge me with an occasional letter.

My correspondence is very extensive, and I always write

in great haste. Offer my best regards to Colonel Troup when

you see him, and believe me most cordially.

Your friend,

J. ELLIOTT.

At the time this letter bears date Crawford's chances were in the ascendancy. His election seemed almost a certainty. The mode of concentrating public opinion on one candidate as heretofore practiced had been by a regular caucus held by members of Congress to make the nomination for the party. Although this manner of nomination had been followed with approbation and satisfaction in previous presidential cam paigns, at this time it was destined to bring upon the nomi nees the opposition of all the other candidates. It was known that Mr. Crawford had the largest number of friends in Con gress, and would assuredly receive the nomination. The other candidates, therefore, refused to go into it; all joined in opposing the "caucus candidate," as Mr. Crawford was called. * Notwithstanding Clay, Calhoun and Adams had been active participants in the caucus nominations heretofore, and notably in the one that nominated Mr. Monroe, they did not on this account refrain from proclaiming that these caucuses were odious, intriguing, and corrupting, and declared the anomaly of members of congress entering them, f Crawford's friends, however, believed that the established usage should not be departed from, and that the standard of democratic orthodoxy required a nomination in the only tried and approved way known to the party. To abandon this fixed tenet of republi canism would in this instance be the relinquishment of that support as a party candidate to which Mr. Crawford's wide popularity entitled him.
Crawford was now fifty-one years of age, and in the prime of his intellectual power and physical manhood. The
*Benton's Thirty Year's View. Vol. 1, page 48.

patron attended the caucus in 1812 and 3816, as you know--Mr. Clay did the same, aiid Mr. Adams attended that in 1P08--yet they are decidedly hostile to a caucus, 'It is anti-Republican;' 'It is robbing- thepeople of their rights;' 'It will destroy any

174

THE L,fFE3 AND TIMES

intense interest and co-operation In his behalf of so many influential friends throughout the union; and the pulse of popular favor seemed to beat auspiciously in unison with nis fondest dream, and to augur success.
But that towering mind, that majestic physique, that stalwart vigorous frame, "with its "burning spirit within, that magnetic voice, flashing blue eyes and enchanting smile were in one dire moment to forever lose their gladsome glory and brilliancy. Full of sanguine hope and bouyant life and on the very threshold of the highest attainable honors, the dreaded paralysis strikes him low. To be shorn of strength just as "manhood's morn touches noon," when ho possessed the prudence of age and the warmth of youth; to be palsied when he was strongest; to see the door of hope closed while life ' still remained, must have been excruciating agony----a doom worse than death. *
The circumstances indicate, however, that he never realized the full force of the attack. He "would not retire from the contest, nor would his friends consent that he should do so. For a time his speech and sight "were gone, his nervous system was scattered, and he lost the iise of liis lower limbs. He was removed from the city to a delightful cottage in the country in the hope that the balmy country air would induce convalescence. There was a gradual return of sight and speech, but the intellect never regained its full tone and power; this was beyond human skill to accomplish.
Then followed the sorry spectacle of too eager partisans contending over the body of tbeir stricken chief who had fallen with his face to the goal. His friends and. physician hoped, believed and asserted expectations of an early recovery. The rival newspapers, through no lack of design on their part, did not exaggerate his condition when they described it as pit iable.
The state Democracy, at a large meeting in Philadelphia, recommended a congressional caucus to choose a candidate for the presidency. This plan would not have been further opposed, perhaps, had it not been for the fact that the Legis lature of Alabama, just at this time, nominated Andrew Jack son and declared against a congressional caucus, f This action caused many to waiver, and "that which had been the most effectual means of party triumph was now reprobated as tyrannical and unjust. The true objection was, that it would

physician in treating erysipelas during- a temporary absence of Mr. Crawford from Washington.
fQuincey's Life of J. Q. Ada;

OF WILLIAM H. CHAWFORD

175

orush the hopes of all the aspirants except those of Mr. Crawford. Their friends, on this account, refused to submit their pretensions to its umpirage. '' A strong representation of the old democratic party, however, met in caucus and nominated Mr. Crawford, and might probably have elected him had not their candidate lost his influence with his health." *
The call for a Democratic caucus to meet on January 14th, 1824, in the House of Representatives was published in the National Intelligencer of Washington as follows:
"The Democratic members of Congress are invited to meet in the Representatives' Chamber at the Capitol on the evening of the 14th of February at seven o'clock to recommend can didates to the people of the United States for the offices of President and Vice-President of the United States."
This call was signed by ten congressmen, among whom were Mr. Porsyth; but Mr. Van Buren's name was not on it. There was a packed gallery of visitors, yet the attendance of members was so small that a motion to postpone "was made, but voted down. Mr. Van Buren, in opposing the motion, stated that it would be impossible to fix any time to suit all to attends The people were anxiously waiting for a nomina tion, and he felt confident a large portion of the Republicans of the Union were decidedly in favor of this mode of nomina tion, and that it was quite time it should be made.
On tbe balloting for President Crawford received sixtyfour votes, Adams two, Nathaniel Macon one, Jackson one. The balloting for Vice-President showed Albert Gallatin fiftyseven, Adams one, Erastus Root two, Samuel Smith one, Wil liam Eustis one, "Walter Lowndes one, John Todd one, Rufus King one, Richard Rush one.
When Crawford and Gallatin were declared nominated the galleries applauded. A clerk from the war office seated in the gallery led a small coterie who mingled their hisses with the applause of the people.
The disheartening effects of the caucus in which there were only sixty-eight of the two hundred and sixty-one mem bers of Congress represented, and the continued severe illness of Crawford was chilling to the ardor of his friends. The rival candidates were greatly encouraged, as their drooping hopes were revived as never before. Every state was now in eai-nest contention. New York was a seething cauldron, and while in the beginning of the campaign it appeared to be for Crawford, it had become disaffected. The caucus nomination was received there with some disapprobation, and every machination that could be devised by the ingenuity of his
-Political Mirror, p. 9.

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THE LIFE AMD TIMES

enemies was brought to defeat Crawforcl in this state. Van Buren, although a dexterous politician and very popular, was not able to overcome the concentrated opposition of Crawford's rivals here. His personal attachment for Craw ford had for a long time been great, and now when enemies were about to triumph over him his eminent ability and friendly exertion were Drought to hear to procure his election and hold this state in his favor----but in vain. The friends of Crawford in far away Georgia felt a kind remembrance for the work done by Van Buren in the interest of their stricken chief, and without any thought or solicitation from him, and indeed without his knowledge, nominated him for Vice-President. It was a spontaneous tribute from grateful hearts to a faithful friend. Only five of New York's thirty-six electoral votes remained steadfast to Crawford--the others were divided among his rivals.
There-was a great clamor against the nomination of Mr. Gallatin for the Vice-Presidency "because he was not a native of the United States. He finally withdrew his name by pub lishing the following card:

FAYETTE COUNTY, PA., Oct. 2nd, 1824.

Understanding that the withdrawal of my name may have

a favorable effect on the result of the approaching election

of President and Vice-President of the United States, I request

that I may no longer be considered a candidate for the office

of Vice-President.

ALBERT GALLATIN.

This withdrawal inured to the advantage of Calhoun, who was now the sole avowed candidate for the Vice-Presi dency; but Crawford's cliances were not enhanced thereby.
There arose in this campaign a bitterness between Geor gia and her sister state, Carolina, which became intense. If there was a public gathering in either state the harmony of the occasion was always marred when there were representa tives present from both states. With the young gallants this strife frequently led to blows, and on several occasions to deadly strife. During the campaign an article in an Augusta newspaper reflected severely upon Mr. Crawford. This article was published in reply to several anti-Calhoun papers signed "C", and which were written by the gifted poet Richard H. Wild, who was then a Congressman from Georgia. * These articles were erroneously attributed to Col. William Cumming of Augusta, Ga. Cumming was a proud, austere, intrepid and talented gentleman. He was not a man to be so severely badgered by an anonymous writer. He demanded of the

'Sparks' Memoirs of Fifty Years, p. 84.

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

177

itor the name of tho unknown correspondent, and that of Hon. George McDuffie, the distinguished statesman

, penetrate deeper, stated:
"Cumming's pistol was loaded for the side, not for the back, and for the resistance of common drapery, not for sev eral folds of strong silk, etc." *
The extreme illness of Crawford continued- The can vass, however, was carried on with unabated vigor. There
four candidates in the field, it became practically cer

to he so

column. As an original proposition Clay was undoubtedly .more

favorable to Mr. Crawford than to either of the other remain

ing candidates, t By a personal visit to Mr. Crawford he

had not satisfied himself but that he was too broken down

in health to discharge with fitting energy the duties of the

chief magistracy. * * The

tion, unless Crawford's health

gr Ghent as commissioners, Clay and Adams had some serious differences on matters of public policy; their natures and views were so entirely dissimilar that there was much specu lation as to whether Clay would ever cast the weight of his
influence with Adams. The result of the votes of the electors was as follows:

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THE LIFE AND TIMES

This placed Jackson, Crawford and Adams the three high est, and left the election to be determined by the House of
Representatives at its next session. Clay was thrown out of the contest, but like Thaddeus
of Warsaw, while he could not crown himself, yet it was with him to place the crown, on the head of another. He it "was that possessed the power to make the next President.
Then it was that party spirit ran highest. Every club in Washington and in the large cities became a caucus. Every hotel in 'Washington was a lobby. Congressmen thought of nothing else. Nothing else was talked or written about. The newspapers teemed with this subject. The friends of General

OF WILLIAM H. CRA.-WTTORD

1?9

Jackson eagerly advanced the undemocratic and untenable
doctrine that plurality of votes for any one candidate should
be considered as decisive----in other words, a mere plurality,
they urged, should swallow up a majority.
Senator Nathaniel Macon, on January 7th, 1825, thus
writes from "Washington to Judge Charles Tait:
""Who will be elected President by the House of Repre sentatives is uncertain as it ever has been since it was known the House would have to make the election. I incline to the opinion that the General has the best chance of success.
"The friends of Crawford will support him as long as it shall be deemed necessary. It is not known for whom the friends of Clay will vote. * * * I have heard that Calhoun was in favor of the election of General Jackson." *
Congress convened in December, 1824, amid a glamor
of intense excitement, but general legislation received little
attention, for the minds of the members were too absorbed
in the pending election.
On January 15th following, Senator Thomas W. Cobb
wrote to a constituent in Georgia a letter which outlines very
clearly the situation:
"Doubtless, in common "with others, you feel the greatest anxiety about the Presidential election. Recently few changes have been manifested on that subject. Everything has depended, and does depend on the course which the western states friendly to Mr. Clay may take. Should they join us, even to the number of two, the game is not desperate. It is impossible to decide with certainty whether they will do so. Their conduct has been extremely mysterious and doubtful. At one time they led us to believe they would unite with us; at another they are antipodal. Two days ago we received the news that the Kentucky Legislature had instructed their rep resentatives to vote for Jackson. This information has brought out five of them who will do so; the others (seven) have not yet declared. Ohio is divided, but this morning- J have the positive declaration of one of their most honest and intelligent members that they have determined not to vote for Jackson. But it is not settled how they will go between Crawford and Adams. The objections made by those friendly to us in both Kentucky and Ohio have their root in the state of Crawford's health. He is very fat, but his speech and vision are imperfect, and the paralysis of hrs hand continues. His speech improves slowly. His right eye is so improved that he sees well enough to play whist as well as an old man without spectacles. His hand also gets stronger. Yet defect in all these members is but too evident. My brother-in-law. Mr. Scott, has not positively promised to support him, but I think he has made up his mind to do so. So also do I think of Mr. Rankin. If, however, I am deceived in all these calcu lations (in which I think I am not) General Jackson will be elected on the first ballot. It is true Maryland and Louisiana
*The original of this letter in possession of Mrs, Mary Tait Beck, of Alabama.

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are now said to be divided, but I doubt not they will unite on Jackson, which, with the Western states, secures his suc cess, Inasmuch as lie would have New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, bouth Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Tennessee, Kentucky, Indiana, Illinois and Missouri. New York is yet settled for no one. We count sixteen certain; we want two to make a majority, and these we shall get, as I am told by an intelligent member, Mr. Clarke, upon whose judgment I would sooner rely than on Van Buren*s.
"Should one or two western states withhold their vote from Jackson, Crawford's election is probable. The New Eng land states are in excessive alarm. We have told them that Mr. Adams has 110 right to calculate on any support from us. This is in some measure true. Jackson's strength is such that Adams can gain nothing from him. The Yankees are deter mined that a President shall be made.
"New Jersey is willing to join us, if success becomes probable, and I am assured that five out of six of New Eng land will do so, too, when Adams' prospects are blasted. Should Crawford be elected it will be by a combination of Maine, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, Con necticut, New Jersey, Delaware, Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi, Missouri, Kentucky or Ohio. Delaware, Virginia, North Carolina and Georgia, have nailed their flag, and will sink with the ship. New England, if they wish to prevent the election of Jackson (and they say they do), must come to us, for we will not go to them. Colonel Benton is active in our cause, and is likely to do us good. Could we hit upon a few great principles, an.d unite their support with that of Crawford, wo should succeed beyond doubt. But the fact Is, we are as much divided as any other people. On the whole, I do not feel alarmed, though I am not confident. Here they call me croaker. I say I will not express a con fidence which I do not feel." *
When this letter was written Congress had been in ses
sion some sis weeks. All eyes turned now to Henry Clay,
who maintained a politic reserve which the most curious could
not penetrate. The fact that Kentucky was a slave state
was used as an argument to induce Clay to oppose Adams.
That shrewd politician and editor, N. W. Noah, of New
York, wrote at this time a confidential letter to James Mon-
roe, in which he states:
"We cannot be insensible to the fact that the South and West have hitherto united to decide the presidential question when the middle states have been balancing and divided. ***** we an a dmit that the Presidency is considered a state honor--that is to say, the state is honored and favored and incidental advantages are derived from the choice of one of its citizens. Will the Democratic party confer this honor on Massachusetts? A rebellious state during the late war, a state in which the Hartford convention was conceived and permitted to hold a solemn session, a state which refused to
*Cobb's Leisure Labors, page 214.

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

181

place her militia at the disposal of the general government in the hour of national calamity, which has been the cause of great uneasiness, and has given you during the war and in the discharge of your painful and unremitting duties great cause of censure and complaint? * * * The unwearied exer tions made by the Eastern states to create geographical dis tinction and promote sectional interest on the slavery question and on the particular act for the admission of Missouri have united the Southern people on this cardinal point against the Massachusetts candidate." *
The Crawford party kept up a dignified canvass before the country, but no longer expected the support of Clay. The Adams contingent kept fully informed of Crawford's wretched health, continued electioneering in a quiet way best calculated
to produce results. When the ice-waterisrns of Adams became the talk of the
people he was urged to be more considerate and conciliatory, in order to dispel accusations regarding his cold, selfish nature. It was related of him that his followers prevailed upon, him to attend a cattle show at "Worcester, Mass., in order to mingle with the people and cultivate cordiality of manner. A farmer of that section, a man of substance and respectability, on being presented to him said:
"Mr. Adams, I am very glad to see you. My "wife, when she was a gal, lived in your father's family. You were then a little boy, and she has told me a great deal about you. She very often combed your head."
""Well," said Mr. Adams, in his harsh way, "I suppose she combs yours now."
The poor farmer slunk back like a lashed hound, feeling the smart, but utterly unconscious of the provocation, f
The Jackson party, on the other hand, were not wanting in any of the artifices of shrewd politics. Realizing now that Clay held the mastery of the situation, they coaxed, flattered, and cajoled in vain. Not tbese, nor intimidations could avail
them. "When gradually it began to dawn upon them that Clay and his friends were likely to support the hated Adams their rage knew no bounds. The General and his partisans
uttered maledictions without regard to decency, and seemed to forget all propriety in their zeal and vindictiveness. The
hoarse whispers of a bargain and sale, intrigue and corrup tion, began to be uttered by them against Clay and Adams with a malevolence unparalleled in partisan politics.
The 9th of February, 1825, was appointed by Congress to make that election which the electoral college had failed to do. The House set for this day an earlier hour than usual
'This letter from copy of original f urniahed by Dr. U. B, Phillips.

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THE LIFE AND TIMES

for its meeting. Every lodging place, hotel and boarding bouse in "Washington was filled with visitors to the city. The stage coaches that ran to the capital were all crowded with people from every one of the twenty-four states composing the Union. Numbers came from every direction in all sorts of vehicles, and hundreds rode great distances on horseback. They were bent on viewing the representatives of the people in the exercise of the highest right of freemen to select a citizen to administer the government of a great Republic. This cold, stormy February day was to mark a most exciting, and yet * most peaceful event. Every man seemed to vie with his neighbor in electioneering for some one of the can didates. The galleries, lobbies and every vacant place about the capital were packed to such an extent as to be stifling. Many of those present recalled the great seven days' deadlock of a quarter of a century before, when Burr and Jefferson were the candidates before this same assembly. No expecta tion existed that the election would be decided the first day. It was supposed that the balloting would be continued for many days, if not throughout the remainder of the session.
In a less stable government than ours the excitement engendered by this furious contest between rival chiefs would have produced sedition, rebellion, or armed interference. Nothing of the sort, however, was hinted at. There was an absence of soldiery, and there prevailed a spirit of allegiance felt and expressed by the multitude. Henry Clay, in the Speaker's chair, solemnly rapped the House to order. The roll was called, and the vote taken by states, as required by law. The ballots were counted out amid painful suspense, and the result declared as follows:
For John Quincy Adams--Maine, New Hampshire, Massa chusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New York, Maryland, Ohio, Kentucky, Illinois, Missouri, Louisiana----13.
For Andrew Jackson----New Jersey, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Indiana----7.
For William H. Crawford----Delaware, Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia----4.
It appeared that Adams had received just the necessary complement, and was declared duly and constitutionally elected.

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

183

CHAPTER XVII.
WOODLAWN. -
Beside a blazing fire in the drawing room of bis suburban
home sat Crawford surrounded by his family. Aware of the attractions at the capital, they had little fear this day of being interrupted by visitors. The subject of the election, however, was scarcely thought of by them. We quote from a writer -who was a close friend of Crawford, who gives an
admirable picture of his domestic life: "I dreamed last night, papa, that I had churned a fine
batch of butter, which I brought in my milk pail to show you, and which you praised as the best butter that you had ever eaten."
"And I dreamed," said the other daughter, "that I was in our garden at Woodlawn gathering strawberries."
"It is more than likely, girls, that your dreams will come true," a,nswered their father.
"I do wish they would," said the mother. "I am sure we should be far happier at home than we could ever be in the White House.
"How can you say so?" exclaimed a domestic friend who was present. "After a struggle of two years defeat will be very hard to bear. Even in a game of chess it requires some philosophy to take it patiently."
"I cannot deny it," answered Mrs. Crawford. "It is only the mortification of defeat I care for. On every other account most sincerely do I wish we may go to Woodlawn instead of the White House. I am sure we shall be far hap pier."
"Let us have our book," said Mr. Crawford. "And while one of you read to me I will likewise have a game of chess with one of the boys."
The book was so interesting that the election going on
at the capital was forgotten. The storm continued raging. It looked gloomy out of doors, but bright, warm and cheerful
within. The snow prevented the sound of wheels from being heard, and before any one was aware of the approach of a carriage the door opened and Asbury Dickens entered. The
suddenness of his entrance made every one start. His face
was flushed with emotion, his manner hurried. "Hundreds wanted to be in haste to bring good tidings,"
said he, "but hei*e I come with bad news. Adams is chosen on the first ballot."
"Is it possible!" exclaimed Mr. Crawford, "I thought it would have been Jackson. Well, I am glad it is over."
Not a change of tone or of countenance evinced any deep
or poignant feeling, and being "glad it was over" was a declaration as natural as it was sincere----for suspense is of

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all states of mind the most intolerable. The family received the information with as little emotion as Mr. Crawford.
""Well," observed Mrs. Crawford, "one thing consoles me---- the disappointment is of God, and not of man, for had Mr. Crawford been in good health it would not have been so-"
Soon afterward another carriage drove to the door. Mr. Liowry carae in, looking very much cast down, and shaking Mr. Crawford's outstretched hand, said in. a voice as melan choly as his countenance, "It is all over!"
Mr. Cobb, who had accompanied him, was so much agitated he could not Immediately see Mr. Crawford, but went into the diningroom. Mrs. Crawford and her daughters
went to him; he shook their hands, and brushing away the tears, which in spite of his endeavors would gush to his eyes, "well, girls," said he, "you may pack up as soon as you
please."
He could say no more; bis voice was suffocated by emo tion. His feelings were those of a tender and ardently attached friend, not those of a disappointed politician.
"Come," said M:ss Caroline, shaking hands with him, "you may as well laugh as cry; come in and see papa, but not with that gloomy face."
It was sometime, however, before he could control his feelings. At last be went into the drawingroom, laughing and clapping his hands as if in great exultation, calling out, "Adams lias it! Adams has it! Hurrah for Adams!"
Mr. Crawford took his offered hand, and smiled as he said:
"Why, Cobb, you arc laughing on the wrong side of your mouth."
"As well laugh as cry," answered he, rubbing his hands. "Your laugh, however, looks very much like a cry," replied his friend, laughing at the same time himself at Mr. Cobb's wry faces.
"No more drawing-rooms, young ladies," said Mr. Cobb, turning to the girls; "you may go home to the dairy and loarn to make butter and cheese and spin cotton for your own clothes."
"My dream will come true after all," said Miss Caroline. "And what shall r do?" said a little girl of seven years old.
"Yon? Lord knows; pick cotton seed I suppose." "No, no," said the fond mother, "she shall reel the cotton yarn. I have a pretty little reel that goes 'click, click.' "
The child jumped for joy. "And as for you," continued the mother, taking her youngest in her arms;, "you, darling, shall hold the spools." "And what are we to do?" cried the boys,

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

185

"Why, go to the plough, to Vie sure, all except----wo must have one gentleman in the family, so he must be the lawyer."
And while everyone quietly seated themselves to listen to the detailed account, given by one of the gentlemen, ot the mode in which the business had been conducted, and of the causes that produced this unexpected result, which narra tion was often interrupted by exclamations from Mr, Cobh: "Treachery! treachery!"
"Hush, hush," said Miss Caroline, "do not use such rash. words; hard names and bad words will not alter tlie matter."
"It is enough to ruffle the temper of a better man than I, " reiterated Mr. Cobb. "Such treachery and cowardice!"
Among other incidents, one of the gentlemen mentioned
that Mr. Randolph, who counted the ballots, after announcing the result, exclaimed: "It was impossible to win the game, gentlemen----the cards wore packed."
"And that," said Mr. Cobb, "is the fact. The people have been tricked out of the ma.n of their choice."
About tea time four or five other Senators and members came in. The conversation naturally turned on the events of
the day. Each had some interesting, characteristic incident to relate. What developments, what machinery----wheel within wheel, and all put into motion by the mainspring. One mind, one individual, governing and directing the actions of others, who, perhaps, never suspect themselves of being the mere agents of" the master spirit.
The President ejected by the people! The President elected by the House of Rpresentatives! an article of the Constitution--a fine theoretical principle. But it is the fact.
Forms of government may vary and modify the modes of human life, hut cannot change the principles of human nature; and from the savage hordes who roam the wilderness, unclothed and unhoused, to the most civilized and enlightened communities, the few ever have and ever will govern the many. The sub-divisions _of society move like satellites round the central luminary. It is an elementary principle which
no forms of government can subvert. But my pen is wander ing from its humble path.
The tea table was removed--cards and chess -were intro duced, and parties arranged for the different games, which were played without much interruption to conversation.
That case which certainly, after long induced suspense, imparts to the mind is so pleasurable a sensation that for a time it is a compensation for disappointment and defeat. Relieved from the pressure o anxiety, the spirits of the com
pany rose with, an elastic force, ami. everyone Peemed inspired

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with an unusual degree of gaiety; "but, whatever the cause, the fact was certain that they were very merry, and joked and laughed in all honesty and sincerity. Two of the gentle men said they would look into the President's drawingroom and return and report what they might see and hear. It was near eleven o'clock when they came back. The concourse was so great that it was with difficulty they had effected their entrance----the mass so compact that individuals could scarcely move, but were carried along by the pressure of the crowd without any agency of their own.
"Pray, sir, take your finger out of my ear." "I will, madam, the moment I can move my arm." such and many more ludicrous incidents did the gentlemen relate.
Persons who never before had found an entree into good company had this night forced themselves in, notwithstanding the vigilance of the marshal who guarded the doorway. Gen eral Scott had been robbed of his pocket book containing bills to a large amount, and much mirth was occasioned by the idea of pickpockets in the President's drawingroom. "Mr. Adams was there," said Mr. Macon, "but was less an object of attention than General Jackson, who was surrounded by persons of all parties."
"This sympathy with the conquered instead of the con queror is honorable to human nature," observed one of the company.
"That may be doubtful," said another. "Many were dis appointed and angry at Mr. Adams' success. No unkindly feelings "were excited by General Jackson's defeat. Self-love is humiliated by another's success, but if Rochefoucault is to be believed, self-love is gratified by the misfortunes of even one'-s friends."
"Genera,! Jackson," continued Mr, Macon, "went up and shook hands with Mr. Adams, and congratulated him very cordially on his election."
"That was a useless piece of hypocrisy," said Mr. Crawford; "it deceived no one. Shaking hands was very -well-- was right--but the congratulatory speech might have been omitted. I like honesty in all things."

"Curse him," said Mr. Cobb.

"No, no," sa.id Mr. Crawford, "he may, and probably did,

act conscientiously."

,

"By -------- -------- -------- -------- --------."

But disappointed people will say hard things. It grew

OP WILLIAM JJ. CRATVFOHD

187

late. The company made their adieus, and Mr. Crawford retired to his chamber.
When the fact of his election was communicated to Mr. Adams by the committee appointed for that purpose, one of the gentlemen said, that during their address tlie sweat rolled down Mr. Adams' face; he shook from head to foot, and was so agitated he could scarcely stand or speak. Everyone knowa he is a man of keen sensibility and strong feelings, and taken fey surprise, as he certainly was, his agitation was not to be wondered at.
The heavy and continued snow storm on the day of the election "was considered a favorable circumstance, as it pre vented tfce assemblage of crowds or mobs, as had been appre hended. In one ward of the city an effigy of Mr. Adams had been prepared, and had it not been for the storm would have been burned; and this, most probably, would have produced some riot among his friends, particularly the negroes, who, when his election was declared, were the only persons who expressed their joy by loud huzzas.
Among the higher classes no exultation was evinced; respect and sympathy for the disappointed candidates silenced any expressions of triumph. In fact, never was the social principle more beautifully developed. Party hostility was instantly extinguished--a simultaneous spirit of kindness appeared in all classes of society. Rivalry being extinct, sus picion vanished, confidence revived. The storm was passed, sunshine returned, and diffused its warmth and cheerfulness over the whole social system. Even the clapping in the gallery of Congress Hall was sudden and momentary. It was silenced by loud hisses before the command of the Speaker to clear the galleries could have been heard. Silenced by popular feeling! And a word from the chair, without the application of any force, instantly cleared the galleries. How admirable are our institutions! What a contrast does this election toy the House of Representatives form to the election of a Polish Diet. There, as General LaFayette observed, foreign armies surrounded the assembly and controlled their elections. In Washington, on the 9th of February, not a sign of civil or military authority interferred with the freedom of the elec tion. "I rejoice," added this veteran, "I rejoice to have seen this government pass through such an ordeal. It disappoints the calculations and expectations of the enemies of republican institutions."
And the mode or form of this ejection---how simple and dignified!

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The counting of the votes of the electoral colleges was done by the Senate and House conjointly. Foreign ministers, strangers of distinction, and General LaFayette were present; but -when the Senate rose, and the House of Representatives formed itself into body of states, to elect the President, the Senators withdrew from the floor, and all other persons from the house.
"What, even General LaFayette?"
"Yes," replied Mr. Lowrey, who was describing the scene, "had General Washington himself been there, he, too, must have withdrawn."
The delegation of each state sat together, and after ascer taining by ballot which candidate had the majority in the state, an individual of the delegation was chosen to put the ballot in the ballot box. The whole proceedings was conducted with silence, order and dignity; and after the ballots were all given in, Mr. Webster and Mr. Randolph were appointed tell ers. It was Mr. Webster who, with audible and distinct voice, announced that J. Q. Adams was elected, when Mr. Randolph made the speech already related.
The day succeeding this eventful one was warm and bright. The dazzling whiteness of the snow that covered the ground increased the splendor of the unclouded sunshine. The whole city seemed in motion; carriages whirled along the avenues and the foot-paths were crowded with pedestrians---- citizens and strangers, ladies and gentlemen----hastening to pay their respects not only to the President-elect, but to General Jackson and Mr. Crawford, whose drawingroom was never vacant from eleven o'clock in the morning to eleven o'clock at night. But he did not seem as well as usual; the excitement had perhaps been too much for him, and a reaction took place. He looked pale--was languid and serious. In the evening he kept the younger children up later than usual. At twilight he took the two little ones, as was his custom, op his knees, wrapping his arms around them, and seemed to feel, with more than his accustomed tenderness, their inno cent caresses. Often he was seen to press them to his bosom, to kiss their cheeks, their lips. The little girl (an affectionate little creature), kneeling on his lap, would hug and kiss him, smooth his hair, stroke his cheeks. Mrs. Crawford, thinking she might tease or fatigue her father, would have taken her away.
"No, no," said he, clasping ner and bis infant son tightly to bis bosom, "I cannot part with them yet."
After tea, when he sat down to his game of whist, he

OF 'WiLLiAM H. CRAWFORB

igd

put the children on the sofa by him. There they stood play ing all manner of little tricks----bobbing their heads now here, now there----kissing first one then the other cheek, untying his cravat, pulling his hair; but nothing that they did dis turbed him, though in general he "was impatient of any inter ruption while playing whist or chess. But this evening he never checked them, nor "would he permit them being sent
to bed, but every now and then turned to pat their cheeks and kiss them.
Amiable, warm-hearted man! Affection proved the most effectual balm to heal the wound inflicted by disappointed ambition. He kept his family aronnd him the whole time, nor could they endure to be an hour away from him. Even Mrs. B--------, the old nurse, (a worthy woman, who had lived
many years in the family), could not long absent herself, but made frequent excuses to come into the drawingroom and to show some little kind attention.
"Poor old woman," said Mr. Crawford, "she seems to take it to heart more than anyone.''
"It is the idea of being separated from the children," said a friend, who was then an inmate of the family. "She told me yesterday that she could not leave you; that she was determined to go to Georgia "with the children, and that if yon had nothing but a crust of bread to give her, still she would not leave the family."
Mr. Crawford was visibly affected; his eyes betrayed his feelings. How everyone who knows this man loves him.
About two o'clock General LaFayette came. "Weary of conversation, Mr. Crawford, after the departure of a crowd of visitors, sat down to a game of chess. He rose and shook hands long and cordially "with the General, and then resumed his game, which was near its close and deeply interesting. The General would not relinquish his hand, which he held within both his, and seemed oppressed -with emotion. He sat on the sofa as close as he could to Mr. Crawford, and once or twice, under the impulse of strong emotion, seemed
as if he were going to embrace him. The game finished, an animated conversation took place.
"I am glad," said LaFayette, "on my own account, that Jackson was not chosen, for our friend -------- would have thrown the whole blame on me, and attribute the choice of a soldier to the military enthusiasm which he says my visit has awakened through the country. In order to avoid any such influence, and to show that I respect civil more than military power, I have invariably avoided wearing my uniform, and on every occasion have reviewed the troops in nay plain blue coat and round hat. Yet -------- would have thrown all the blame on my shoulders."

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Mr. Crawford expressed his high, sense of the delicacy
and discretion General LaFayette had shown, not only in this,
"but every other circumstance relative to the Presidential con
test.
In the evening while, as before described, Mr. Crawford
was playing at whist, and his daughter and some female
friends were conversing with the gentlemen not engaged at
cards, a servant brought in a letter, which as usual, was
handed to Miss Crawford, who always opened and examined
her father's letters.
"Mr. Adams is prompt, kindly so," said she, handing the letter to her confidential friend who sat beside her. "Sea in what friendly terms he expresses his wish that my father should retain his present office, and continue in the new administration.
"And what answer," inquired Mr. --------, "do you suppose your father will give?"
"Oh, a negative, as he told you he would in case the offer was made."
"But now the offer is made his mind may change. We gentlemen, about offices, feel and act as you ladies do about lovers, and often accept a positive offer, which in anticipation we had resolved to reject,"
"Be certain my father will not change his resolution. No honor or advantage could tempt him to act inconsistently with his opinion of what is right, or to do anything he thinks wrong; and you well know that to remain in an administra tion whose principles and measures he could not conscien tiously support is what he could not be persuaded to do. But come, the game is over; I will give him the letter."
"Let me advise you," said Mr. --------, "not to give it to him tonight. It might cause him some "wakeful hours----might disturb his rest.''
"I am not the least afraid/' answered his daughter.
"Be persuaded," said Mr. --------, holding back her hand. "Allow me to know a little more of these matters than you possibly can do. Ati answer cannot be sent until tomorrow---- the delay will make no difference----your father has been fatigued by company all day long--let him have a night's sound sleep before you give him the letter."
"I yield to your wishes," replied she, "though without the least apprehension of his rest being disturbed by reading this letter."
"Are you fully aware of the alternative on which your father is called to decide? An honorable office, a good salary, an advantageous residence for his large, his young family-- and comparative poverty----for you are aware how greatly his private affairs have suffered by his absence from home."
"Yes, I know all these things. I know that the agreeable excitement of public life, the gratification of high office, the pleasures of society, the comforts of affluence, must be

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

191

exchanged for the retirement and obscurity of country life. I know that our farm, in consequence of his long absence, is in a ruinous, miserable condition, that as you say, he goes to comparative poverty. Yet I am certain my father will not waver one moment in his decision. He has already consid ered the subject----his mind is made up."
"We shall see," said Mr. --------; "I am not quite as certain as you are."
His daughter was right. The next morning she handed her father the letter. He was evidently pleased not only with the offer, but the terms in which that offer was made. The letter was not a cold, complimentary official communica
tion ; it was -written in language expressive of high esteem and friendly feeling. He reperused it before he said any thing; then directed his daughter to get pen and paper, and he would dictate an answer. The answer was what she expected; the offer was declined, but in terms full of respect and good will. Had Mr. Adams received this original answer doubtless he would have been the much more gratified than
he could have been with the one actually sent him. Some f the political and confidential friends to whom it was shown objected to the kindly tone, and after a long discussion, wearied but not convinced, Mr. Crawford consented to a more cold and formal reply to Mr. Adam's really friendly letter. If, as Sallust says, politicians have no hearts, Mr. Crawford was no politician, for never had man a more capacious or warmer heart than his. But these advisers were politicians. In other respects Mr. Adams showed towards Mr. Crawford the same good feeling. Heading that he wished to dispose of his service of plate and his fine stock of wine, Mr. Adams sent his steward with the offer to take both the plate and the wine at Mr. Crawford's own valuation, thus saving him the necessity
of exposing them to public sale. To the last farewell visit which Mr. Crawford paid him Mr. Adama in various ways evinced personal respect and regard- Cor the ex-secretary. It is pleasant to have such things to relate----sueli proofs of good
feeling between political opponents-----were it only for their rarity.
On the second or third morning after the election Gen eral Jackson paid Mr. Crawford a visit. His manner was
frank, courteous, almost cordial. They had not met for sev eral years, and had been mutually irritated against each other by the representations of their respective partisans and friends. The cause of hostility was now removed, and they met like good and brave men----enemies in war, friends in peace. Everyone present was greatly pleased with the con-

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versation and demeanor of General Jackson. lie had in all respects, since his political defeat, exhibited great dignity and magnanimity. Not the slightest allusion was made to recent events, but topics of general interest, such as agricul ture, European news, etc., made up the conversation during
the naif hour's visit." * The sage of Monticello, the friend and supporter of Mr.
Craw ford, wrote him at th_is time-.

THOMAS JEFFERSON TO W. H. CRAWFORD.

MONTlCETjLO, Ga., Feb. 15th, 1824.

Dear Sir: Your two letters of January 31st and Feb

ruary 4th were received in due time. safely the seeds from Mr. Appleton,

With which.

tlie former came I commit to the

Agricultural Society of our county, of which Mr. Madison is

president.

Of the talents and qualifications of Dr. Jaokson t as a

professor in. tlie branches of science specified in your last

letter, your recommendation would have had great weight in

our that

estimation; we have no

but our professors are all designated, vacancy in which we can avail ourselves

so o

his services,

in

I had kept hack my hope that I might have

acknowledgement of these added in it congratulations

letters which

would have been, very cordially offered. however, that events had not been what

I learned yesterday, we had wished. The

disappointment will be deeply felt by our state and by no one in it more seriously than myself.

generally, i confess

that very

what much

we have seen in the course of this election has dampened the confidence I had hitherto reposed in

the discretion of my fellowcitizeiis. The ignorance of char

acter, the personal, partialities, and the Inattention to the

qualifications which ought to have guided their choice, augur

ill of the wisdom oi' our future cause. gress, my hopes are not strengthened.

Looking, too, to con A decided majority

there seem to measure their powers only by -what they may

think, states.

or pretend to think, for the general welfare of All limitations, therefore, are prostrated, and

the the

general welfare in name hut consolidation in effect, is now

the

principle of I have not

every department oC long to witness this,

the Government. but it adds another

to

the motives by "which the decays of nature so finely prepare

us for welcoming the hour of exit from this state of: heing.

Be assured that in your retirement you will carry with you.

my confidence, and sincere progress for your health, happiness

and prosperity-

THOS. JEFFERSON.

To William II. Crawford.

Genial Senator Cobb was the most crestfallen of any of Crawford's friends. fie writes at this time to a friend in

Georgia:

"Southern Literary Messenger, Vol. Ill, pag-o 296. I'D*. Henry Jacison, Secretary of Legation, while Crawford w

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

193

"Crawford will return home, and we must do the "best we can with him. Should he and our friends wish that he should go to the senate, the way shall be offered to him. I am sick and tired of everything here, and "wish for nothing so much as private life. My ambition is dead."
Congressman Richard Henry Wilde, author of "My Life
Is Like a Summer Rose," feeling the bitterness of his friend's
defeat "with all the sensibilities of his poetic nature wrote the following letter to General Blackshear:
CONGRESSMAN R. H. WILDE TO GENERAL BLACKSHEAR.
"WASHINGTON CITY, Feb. 20th, 1825. Dear Sir: Prom what you have already heard you may well imagine we have fallen on evil times. There is no hope for the Republic during the next four years; if it outlives that time, and has strength, enough remaining to shake off its doctors and its diseases its constitution may be restored. But I have my doubts. So insensible to everything but the promotion of their own selfish views of interest or ambition are many of our public men of the present time, so open and. unblushing the traffic in influence which we have seen estab lished, that either they must be signally punished, or the people will lose--nay, must have already lost all belief in political honesty, and consider all difference of party as a mere pretext to cover the struggle for office between out and ins. The coalition-ministry is not yet certainly announced. Clay will be Secretary of State; Mr. Cheves of the Treasury, if he will accept. Mr. Wirt and Mr. Southard, it is thought, will be retained. Mr. Webster must be in some way provided for; but how, is the difficulty. The holy political alliance are afraid of bringing so decided a Federalist into office- He would like to be Speaker of the House, into which Mr. Adams' friends cannot put him. Porsyth, or McLane of Delaware, will be in his way. This much is certain: let the materials be compounded as they may, we have nothing to hope from the General Government. Our claims for militia services and for the removal of the Indians are not treated with com mon decency. A refusal to do us justice is accompanied with a careless contempt of our rights, and of the obligations of the Union to us, such as no man would use "who had the least regard for the reputatidn of this Government. Rely upon it, we are not far from questions -which must rouse Southern feeling, if it is not dead. We shall have before long proposals for emancipation, A committee of the House of1 Representatives have already made a report justifying the treaty of Mr. Adams yielding the right of search; and the House, in spite of all opposition, has ordered three thousand copies to be printed. The Southern States are already the Ireland of the Union. I pray God that ere long we may not realize all the bitter consequences of the policy which has made us so. Farewell, my dear sir. Remember me to our friends in Laurens, and believe me sincerely yours,
R. H. WILDE. To Gen. David Blackshear. *
"Miller's Bench and Bar of Ga., Vol. I, pag-e 270.

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brought to bear against Clay "by Jackson, and liis partisans. Clay met these accusations with a proud defiance. They greatly prejudiced the people at large, however, and did him incalculable injury which he could never wholly overcome. Craw ford, while differing with Clay in politics generally, was too generous to lend himself to popular clamor against his reputation. He never believed the charges. lie wrote to
Clay concerning them:
"I hope you know me too well to suppose that I have countenanced the charge of corruption which has been reit erated against you. The truth is, I approved of your vote to Mr. Adams when it was given, and should have voted as you d:d between Jackson and Adams. But candor compels me to say I disapproved of your accepting an office from him. You ought, I think, to have foreseen that his administration could hardly fail to be unpopular. Those who knew his tem per, disposition and political opinions entertained no doubt upon the subject. By accepting the office of Secretary oj State from him you have indisputably connected your fortunes with his, and it appears to me that he is destined to fall as his father did, and you must fall with him."
The confirmation of. the nomination of Mr. Clay as Sec retary of State was bitterly opposed in the senate; the vote, however, was twenty-seven for it to fifteen against it. Among those senators who voted for confirmation "were Thos. H. Benton, General Harrison and Van Burezi. Among those who voted against it were Messrs. Bcrrien and Cobb of Georgia, Branch of North Carolina, General Jackson, Major Eaton,
Hayne of South Carolina and John Randolph. These charges of corruption gave to Randolph, food for
unlimited declamation. He availed himself of every oppor tunity for elfish taiints arid fulminating satires which his
peculiar gciiious so fittingly devised. In one of these fierce anti-federal harangues upon the Panama Mission he spoke
of the union existing between Mr. Adams and his Secretary of State as the "Coalition of Blifil and Black George, the
combination unheard of till then, of the Puritan and black leg." Clay was stung by this language to deadly resentment. A duel was the result, and on April 8th, 1826, after two
ineffectual fires, a reconciliation was effected between the com
batants. Clay had never very highly estimated the talent of Jack
son as a statesman. In public debate he had declared that

OP WILLIAM I-I. CRAWFORD

195

his military career displayed the want of prudence, temper, and discretion indispensable for civil administration, and had stated openly that tile election of a military chieftain to the first office of the state was a dangerous precedent. The charge of bartering his influence with Adams, so confidently made and pertinaciously maintained, against Clay, presup poses that his friends who voted with him were as corrupt

sold themselves to infamy without price, for none of them partook of executive favor. Those accusations could never be substantiated by fact, nor even by reasonable inference. Clay's talent, experience and popularity were so great that it is probable that any one of the defeated candidates, had he been elected, would have appointed him Secretary of State just as Adams did.
Freed from the restraints of public office, politics held out to Crawford no charms, and his whole family seemed to rejoice in anticipations of a quiet life on the Georgia planta tion. Just so soon as the precarious state of his health, and. the roads and "weather would permit he resolved to commence his journey to Woodlawn. Mean-while he was constantly sur rounded by an agreeable circle of friends and acquaintances. Visitors to Washington to attend the approaching inaugura tion called to see him, and people of all parties evinced their esteem by frequent visits, where they enjoyed unrestrained freedom of social intercourse.
Broken in health and fortune, with a large family dependent upon him and without means to give his children advantages of education, few men so situated would have refused to accept the lucrative office tendered Crawford by President Adams. He enjoyed life at the capital, and was not without ambition; yet he unhesitatingly sacrificed these and emoluments of high office to his sense of right. To a friend who insisted on his acceptance of the Treasury port folio which was proffered in all sincerity by Mr. Adams, he replied:
"I cannot, honestly, remain in the administration, differ ing as I do from the President on some important principles. I could not support measures I do not approve, and to go into the cabinet merely as an opponent -would be as ungenerous as useless. If Mr. Adams does right I hope my friends will sup port his administration; if the contrary, my friends will be at liberty to oppose it, which they could not well do were I in the administration." * I cannot honestly do it, was always with him a decisive reason.
"Southern Literary Messenger, Vol. Ill, pag-e 279.

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THE LIFE AND TIMES

The necessary preparations for his departure ha%-ing been completed, it was determined to make 1 he long trip by easy stages in his own private carriage. Senator Cobb, whose friendship was not bounded by his friends' success, clung faithfully to him in his hour of greatest misfortune, and accom panied him on his homeward journey. The people of Georgia, with pride and affection, turned out to meet him in every town tlircmgh which lie passed. On the borders of Oglethorpe county they congregated, and could not have been more considerate in their welcome if instead of their afflicted and defeated fellow-citizen lie had returned a conquering hero. Although defeated he was a hero still. Their friendship was evinced in the most open and enthusiastic manner. A few miles from T_iexington they formed in procession and conducted him to the town with demonstrations of triumph. He was here entertained in the hospitable mansion of his venerable friend, Judge John Moore, and the clay was devoted to the reception of his old acquaintances. Among them were the children of many of those who twenty years before first called him into political life. Their fathers had pointed to him as a worthy examplar of industry and application to encourage youthful ambitions. But how changed was the Crawford who returned to them!
"Disease had robbed him of that fine appearance and majestic carriage which bad so impressed all "who knew him in the zenith of his career. The commanding intellect which

original splendor. He was, in fact, the mere shadow or wreck of what he had been. Some who went in with beaming eyes came away saddened and downcast, when they called to mind the vast difference between the Crawford of 1812 and the Crawford of 1S25. All had heard of his sickness, and they

pared for the awful change which met their vision. He could scarcely see; he spoke with great difficulty, and even with apparent pain; his walk was almost a hobble, and his whole frame evidenced, on the least motion, that its power and vigor had been seriously assaulted. Those now living who met Crawford on that occasion, mention the interview as being one of the most melancholy of their lives.

Crawford's private residence. This was now his next and last stage; and the family entered within its grounds with feelings more akin to those of exiles returning from a painful banishment than such as might be supposed to oppress those whose ambitious aims have just been disappointed. It is a retired, peculiarly rural spot, unadorned with costly or impos ing edifices, and boasts of no artificial embellishments of taste; everything around partakes of the simplicity and unostenta tious habits of its illustrious owner. It was fronted with a

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

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magnificent forest of oaks, tlirough winch the mansion was approached from the main road, along a romantic and winding avenue, just wide enough for vehicles to pass with conven ience. In the rear opened an extensive clearing which formed the plantation, dotted here and there with peach and apple orchards, and affording an agreeable prospect of hill and meadow; around and through these meandered a clear little brook, which found its source in a delightful spring only a few yards distant from the mansion, and which lent a charm ingly pastoral appearance to the whole scene. The garden "bloomed with an abundance of shrubbery and of choice, tender fruit trees, which were planted and tended by Crawford and. his elder children alone, and smiled in the luxuriance and gaiety of its numerous flowerbeds. A rich carpet of blue grass covered the lawn in front; and here, of a calm summer even ing, beneath the shade of a venerable oak, might be seen fre quently gathered the entire family, the retired statesman him self always in the midst, and ever the happiest and liveliest of the group. The memories of the past, laden alike "with greatness and with gloom, seemed now to have faded to mere secondary and subordinate importance. The quiet joys of domestic life, unmixed with aught that could mar their love liness, spread content through tlie familiar cfrcle, and enlivened his secluded homestead with a warmth of affection and harmony too pure and too substantial to be compared with the fleeting pleasures and ephemeral honors of the politi cal work." *
"With an energy not to be expected from one so infirm he
set himself to work improving his dilapidated farm. He
planted grape vines from France and studied best methods
of cultivation. His health and means, however, were inade
quate to carrying out many agricultural projects. The

each of his children an education caused Crawford at this time to consider again entering professional life. His sons were yet under age, and it was not until four years later he gave in marriage his eldest daughter, Caroline, to George Mortimer Dudley. This .daughter had long been his most trusted confidant; her delicate hand had drawn up many of his official papers, her talent and industry had ingratiated her into the favor of many distinguished personages. During her father's kmg sickness at Washington she had carefully looked after his affairs, and gave up willingly the fashionable and social circles of the capital Lo nurse and lure him back to health.
On May 26i.li, 1827, the celebrated cynic and wit Judge John 1\T. Dooley rlied, 8 TIC] the bench of the Northern Circuit, in which Ogl.-th.orpe county was located, was made vacant thereby. Governor Tvoup immediately appointed Crawford
"Cobb's Leisure Labors, pa^e 233,

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to fill this position until the meeting of the Legislature, when that body unanimously elected him to the uncxpired terra. This judgeshlp carried with it an annual salary of three thousand dollars. Twice subsequently was he re-elected by the General Assembly, and continued in office so long as he lived.
A mind that has been engaged for years ill the solution of great problems of statecraft needs something more exciting and congenial than is afforded by the study of books in a quiet library, or social intercourse with friends; such a mind must have active employment. When the illustrious James Monroe retired from the Presidency laden with honors----this learned diplomat and statesman who nad filled so many nigh offices under the government----when he sought retirement in his secluded Virginia home, in. order to give to his mind some required diversion, actually accepted the office of justice of the peace, and for a long time faithfully performed its duties.
CHAPTER XVIII.
ON THE BENCH OF THE NORTHERN CIRCUIT.
The elections in Georgia in 1825 gave a majority of the members of the General Assembly to the Clark party, although Troup was elected Governor. This was the first election of Governor by the people. The Legislature had hitherto exercised that power; but now, after a spirited can vass, Troup received 20,545 votes and Clark 19,682.
The material development of the state was now quite marked. The land lottery system made it easy for every set tler to acquire a homestead, and almost every farmer owned land and live stock. Few were wealthy, and yet none were so poor as to suffer the extremes of human misery. A score of slaves was considered a large number for any planter to own. Never, perhaps, in any country "was the financial condi tion of all the free citizens so nearly equal. Every family possessed the means to be comfortable. The farms, when well cultivated, produced the necessaries of life, and cotton as a surplus crop brought ready money. Fruits, melons and game were to be had, and often liquors from some nearby distillery resulted in the too frequent use of alcoholic stimulants. While it was easy to live by scant labor, yet industry was a cardinal virtue pracU'je rl bv all clac-sr;-. Strange Uiat a people KO circumstanced ^h.oulrl divide on economic conditions. 1C, however, remains a fact that the Crawford, or Troup party, Were denominated aristocrats, and th'e Clarkit'e's claimed t'o b"e

OF "WILLIAM H. CRA"WFORD

199

the plain, common people. Tt was the old rivalry of the Virginia against, the Carolina stock; but there was such an intermixture of classes, and conditions were so very similar that this arbitrary distinction seems to have been without much reason.
The civilities of a public dinner at the State Capitol was tendered and accepted by Mr. Crawford, as evinced by the following correspondence:

MILLEDGEV.1LLE, Xov. 11, 1825.
Sjir: Tho citizens of the town of MilLedgeville, not less disposed to honor and respect virtue and integrity than those
of any other town, state or county, have (influenced by a degree of proper respect for the well-earned merits of a dis tinguished citizen of Georgia) determined to pay you that attention which, in their opinion, is appropriately due you. They have therefore resolved to manifest to you and their country their esteem for your public and private worth by giving you a public entertainment during your stay among them, and have, in pursuance thereof, directed the undersigned to notify you of. the same, and give you the invitation so determined on by our citizens, and further to know of you when it will be convenient for you to attend.
"With consideration of high regard, we have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servants,
HIKES HOLT,
J. S. CALHOUN, WM. I-I. TORRANCK, LUCIUS Q. C. LAMAR, WM. G. HANSELL.
Hon. Win. H. Craw-ford.

MR. CRAWFORD'S REPLY.

MILLEBGEVILLE, Nov. 11, 1825.
Gentlemen: Your friendly letter of this date, inviting me to a public dinner, has just been received. I accept the invitation with great pleasure, under a conviction that testimonials of this nature may operate as a stimulus to virtuous exertion, arid therefore may be useful to the Repub lic. For your kind expressions; in relation to myself, be pleased, gentlemen, to accept my most grateful thanks both individually and collectively.
I am, gentlemen, with sentiments of high consideration, vour most obedient servant and fellow-citizen,
WM. H. CRAWFORD. To Hines Holt, J. S. Calhoun, Wm. H. Torranco, Lucius Q. C. Lamar and Wm. G. Hansell, esquires. *
'fled, and wa

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First----"The United States; the best guarantee of her own sovereignty is a due regard to sovereignty of the states."
Second----"The state of Georgia; ever ready to shed her heart blood in the cause of the Union. The charge of dis affection only merits her contempt."
Third----"Washington; horn in a land of liberty, his valor won and his virtue secure."
Fourth--"T^aFayette. The millions of bayonets which guard the blessing which we enjoy will stand between him and the tyrants of Europe."
Fifth----"Boliver, our distinguished guest. Reared in the school of Republicanism, public employments at home and abroad have not impaired the simplicity of his character."
Sixth---"Governor Troup, the first choice of the people', the able advocate of state rights and the rights of the state."
. Seventh----"Jefferson, the Rector of the University of Vir ginia. Though in this capacity less distinguished by title, yet equally useful to his country."
Eighth----"The memory of Riego. His name is sacred to all republicans."
Ninth--"The Navy."

Eleventh----"Benjamin Franklin." Twelfth----"Greece."
Volunteer Toast by W. H. Crawford----"Education and the frequency and freedom of elections, the main pillars of constitutional government."
By Governor Troup----"The union of brave men; the sup port of the rights of. the states."

The proceedings of this banquet and the honors shown Mr. Crawford thereat were animadverted on by the prominent newspapers of the country.
The cities of Georgia vied with each other in offering honors to Crawford at this time. At a public dinner given in Augusta on December 21st, 1825, at which Col. William Cummiiigs was chairman of the committee to wait on and welcome him, the following toast was given:
"Cnir distinguished guest----his private virtues endear him to his friends; his talent and public services entitle him to the esteem and gratitude of his country."
At a public dinner in hit, honor at Carnesville Hon. James Ward responded fo the tuaut: "Crawford, t,he distinguished statesman and zealous patriot; his name shall go down to the remotest posterity."

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

201

To the sentiment expressed on a similar occasion in Savannah nine cheers were given in response to the toast: "William H. Crawford. Peaceful be bis retirement and calm his slumbers. May returning health invigorate Ms frame and the civic wreath again adorn his manly brow."
The Nashville (Tenn.) "Whig, descanting on these public functions, stated that Crawford on one occasion responded to the toast: "The present administration; let it be judged by its measures." This paper then stated: "This is such a sentiment as might have been expected from such a man. It does not come within the range of his intellect to yield to that corroding envy which can see no merit in a rival who has been more successful than himself. Nor does he deem it consistent -with good sense or sound judgment to condemn by anticipation the measures 'of an administration which are as yet to be tested by experience, and are unknown to those
who would thus decide upon them." The Clark party in a short time after this affair gave a
dinner at Bufflngton's tavern in Milledgeville to celebrate their victory in gaining a majority of the legislature. There was great rejoicing on their part. Phil Alston, who "was a brilliant young lawyer and violent partisan of Crawford, happened to be in Miledgeville at this time, and coming -within the sound of the victors' Bacchanalian rejoicing over the festive board exclaimed with vehemence: "Oh! if I were death on the pale horse I "would ride rough shod over that den reeking with infamy, when hell would reap a richer harvest than at the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah." *
Crawford made a better Judge than the state of his health would cause one to suppose- His clear and con scientious sense of justice and the recollection of. his early training at the bar served to keep him in the right course. He refused to be governed by strict technicalities "when they worked an injustice.
On a certain occasion when making a decision he remarked: "Summum jus is sometimes Summa injuria, and I must so construe the rule as to do the parties substan tial justice."
The Supreme Court had not been created, and the only forum for the correction of errors or to prbTnote uniformity of procedure v^a/.1. t.be &e mi-annual convention of the superior court judges. The judges were required to bring a docket of all the causes that had arisen in their respective circuits
*Andrew'3 Reminiscences, p. 63.

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that were of a doubtful nature, and the same were considered after presenting such written argument as the parties chose to furnish. After ascertaining the opinion of a majority of the judges in each case the judge to whose circuit the same belonged was required to determine it in the county where said action originated, accord'rig to the opinion pronounced at the said meeting of the juSges. During the seven years that he presided as judge of the superior court Crawford was chairman of this convention.
The long and distressing illness which Mr. Crawford had endured had so impaired his constitution that he -was hut the wreck of what he was in his prime. One manifestation of the effects of his illuess was his excitability of temper, which was greater than he had ever hcfore exhibited. His greatest annoy ance was what lie called a "silly speech." These speeches, however, were rare, for the circuit over which he presided was noted for the ability of its lawyers. He was so practical that some accused, him. oli wanting in delicacy. "He was not unfeeling," said Judge Andrews, "for touch him on the right chord and he was as tender as a woman. 1 have often seen him moved to tears by the eloquence of our Chief Justice Lumpkin." *
Becoming bored by a lawyer who had often repeated his argument, the judge exclaimed: "Mr. C-- -----, you go 'round and 'round like a blind horse in a gin,"
He never spared Clark and the Clark party. "When at Lincoln court a witness had been sworn -whose evidence brought forth uiicomplimentary remarks against him at the dinner table, and some one remarked that the witness was an old Clark man. Tlie judge replied: "I thought so, I thought so."
George A. Young, a considerate gentleman present, in order to shield two Clark men who were at the table and heard the judge's blunt remarks, said: "There are some very good and very clever Clark men." When tlie judge promptly replied: "Mighty fewr , mighty few, miglity few."
Holding a two weeks' session of Wilkes court he, con trary to his usual crtstoni. iailetl to attend church, oil Sunday. At dinner his landlady, chiding him for it, said: "Mr. H------ preached a miglity good sermon."
"When the judge replied: "Mrs. A----, I presume you are like my mother, who would go to ch urch and hear the veriest jackass preach and say: 'A iniglUy good sermon, a mighty good sermon.' "
'Andrew's Reminiscences, pag-e b3.

OF WILLIAM H. CRA.WFORD

203

That his rugged honesty outweighed his pride of opinion was clearly manifested on many occasions. At one of the convention of judges a difficult question which had arisen in his circuit was placed before the convention and discussed. Craw ford gave his opinion, which was concurred in and com mended by all present, except Judge Hiram Warner, -who had just toeen elected to preside over the Coweta Circuit, and was the youngest judge in the convention. Warner, without effrontery, but with becoming delicacy, disagreed. The chair man insisted that he explain fully the reason of his disagree ment. Under this pressure the youthful judge entered into a full discussion, and with so great analysis and erudition that while none of the judges expressed a change, yet several of them were now wavering in their hitherto fixed opinion. At this juncture Crawford arose and stated to the convention that the views so ably presented "by Judge Warner had con vinced him completely that the entire reasoning of his own opinions as first expressed was "wrong, and that "Warner's argument -was invincibly correct.
It is a startling historical fact that the title to the northern half of the state of Georgia was in 1818 won on a wager on a gsfme of ball. In the whole annals of recorded history never was there so great a stake on the turn of a bat or the miscue of a ball. The Creek Indians were the undisputed tenants in possession. The Cherokees began to make encroachments many years before, and driven by the whites on their northern borders, they pressed down upon the territory of the Creeks. The war-like Creeks proposed the gauge of battle. The milder Cherokees refused to fight, but boasted that their tribe could surpass the Creeks on the ball field. Thus the great contest between the picked war riors of the two tribes "was arranged. Three full days of balldom "was to decide the important result. Victory perched on the banner of the astute Cherokees, and north Georgia, by this play, was forever lost to the Creeks. *
In 1830, however, the Legislature passed a law providing that all Indians resident therein should be subjected to such laws as might be prescribed for them by the state, and abol ished the separate Cherokee government within its limits. William Wirt was engaged as counsel by the Indians to resist the claim of the state of Georgia to extend its laws over the Oherokeps. Tbip right the Indians strongly denied. CornTassels, a Cherokee, was convicted of murder committed in

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that part of the Cherokee territory which had been added to Hall county, and lay in jail at Gainesville under sentence of death. This case excited the notice of the whole country, and an attempt was made by the Cherokees to get the matter transferred to the United States court under their treaty rights. The judge before whom Tassels was tried suspended sentence until he could consult the convention of judges upon the question made, as to whether the court had the legal and constitutional right to try the case. All that the Indians
themselves finally asked of the whites was that they be per mitted to put the culprit to death in their own way. *
Over this matter a sharp controversy between the Fed eral and state authorities was brewing, and the eonventioi* of judges gave to the matter that mature deliberation which its importance demanded. The judges in convention unani mously decided that the power belonged to the state court, and the Indian was hanged. Crawford, by a consensus of all the other judges, "was appointed to write out the opinion. This decision, as written out by him and published in Dud ley's Georgia Reports, is alike creditable to his astuteness as a jurist, and to his profound reasoning as a logician. Indeed those decisions to which he gave study and deliberation have ever been regarded with such high authority as to seemingly refute the charge that, his mind was at this time less clear on account of his bodily infirmity.
As a trustee of Franklin College he took an active inter est in its affairs. He was pleased to.see his friend and teacher, Dr. Moses Waddell, fill the position of president so acceptably to the people of the state from 1819 to 1.829. Few teachers ever numbered among their pupils such a bright galaxy of boys as Dr. Wad dell. Among them were Calhoun, Cobb, McDuffle, Hugh S. Legare, J. L. Pettigrew, A. B. Longstreet, Chancellor Wardlaw, Judge Wardlaw and scores of others known to fame. Of all of his pupils he frequently declared ^e thought most highly of the intellectual powers of W. H. Crawford. f
It was a great pleasure for Crawford to visit the college frequently, which he could conveniently do, as Woodlawn is only thirteen miles distant from Athens.
In November, 1S06, the college faculty was composed of President Josiah Meigs and two assistants. There was a great dearth of funds, and the college was in sore need of a library.

*Gilmer's Georgia

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

20

Tlie journals of the Georgia Legislature show that Craw ford, who way then a member of the House of Representatives, presented a letter from President Meigs containing a resolu tion from the Senatus Academieus petitioning the legislature to pass an act authorizing a lottery for the purpose of raising the sum of three thousand dollars to purchase a library for the college. This law was readily enacted without opposition in either house. This plan for raising necessary funds to maintain a library although commended at the time could hardly be proposed now withoiit meeting with severe con demnation from even the most zealous friends of this noble institution. Many customs like holding lotteries, duelling, gander-pulling, shooting for beef, cock-fighting, distilling, drinking liquors and ring fighting at the militia musters as practiced by the early Georgians, are now tabooed because by the present generation considered immoral.

The rapid increase of the population of the state by the constant arrival of young men from older sections of the Union who came in quest of fortune, the sharp competition of business and professional rivalries unchecked, by family ties or friendship, in many instances engendered an Inde pendence of character unusual among the masses of long established communities. Every man stood alone by his own native strength of will, courage and intellectual powers. If he lacked moral or physical courage the gate of fortune. seemed barred against him. It was a severe school for the trial and development of individual character and few could pass Its portals without imbibing much of evil as well as good. These sturdy pioneers, however, valued truth, honor, education and civic virtue in the highest degree. There were many great men of that period. Giants seemed to grow in groups. The court rolls of that day show a galaxy of profound lawyers illustrious in state and national affairs. The product of this civilization was such gifted men as Chas. J. Jenkins, Andrew J. Miller, George W. Crawford, George R. Gilmer, Joseph Henry Lumpkin, Thomas W. Thomas, William C. Dawson, Francis H. Cone, Howell Cobb, G. M. Dudley, W. H. Torrence, Stephen Upsoii, Garnett Andrews, and many others known tq. fame who practiced law in the courts presided over by Judge. Crawford.
At the March term, 1830, of Elbert Superior Court the impetuous, fiery, rolieking, fox-hunting and opulent Robert A. Toombs, not yet twenty years of age, was admitted to the bar. This young Mirabeau always enjoyed the friendship and

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co 11 fideiice of Crawford, and by great industry and application soon found a clientage over the circuit. The middle name Augustus was not discarded by Toombs until ten years later, when in the hot political contests in which he was -constantly engaged, his political enemies playing upon his initials sad dled upon him the soubriquet of "Rat."
There was another youth, pale-faced, delicate, big brained, discreet and painstaking, admitted to practice four years later, and Crawford, who publicly complimented him on his examination, was an encouragement and inspiration to his budding genius. This was the courageous Alexander H. Stephens, who lived on six dollars per month the first year of his practice and saved enough money to buy a horse and saddle during the time. *
The wealth and brains of the state lay in the rural dis tricts. Slaves and lands were the basis of most of the litiga tion. The merchants and manufacturers borrowed money from the wealthy farmers to do business in the towns. There were no great cities, and corporations had not grown to pres ent magnitude. There were no railroads nor trusts. The prominent men of the state went to court on horseback with their saddle bags, and put up at the taverns. In this way Toombs and Stephens became boon traveling companions, and cemented a lifelong friendship and gained the admiration of the learned old judge on the bench before whom they "were admitted to practice law. This was a great trio, so firmly united by affinity and destiny, and whose lives are so inter twined with our country's history as to make them worthy of careful study.
CHAPTER XIX.
CONCLUSION.
While occupying the "bench of the Northern Circuit of Georgia Crawford was not oblivious of national governmental affairs. His opinions were eagerly sought and studied, and quite a number of his letters on current events were pub lished. The following letter on the mooted question of the constitutionality of a national bank is submitted as his last on this subject:
CRAWFORD TO C. J. INGERSOL.
WOODLAWN, Dec. 5, 1831. Dear Sir: Your friendly letter on the subject of the Bank of the United States has been received by due course of mail. The opinion which I formed of the constitutionality.
*Stovall's Life of Toombs.

OP WILLIAM H. CRAWPORD

207

and expediency of the Bank of the United States when I was a member of the senate was the result of a careful examination of the Constitution of the United States, made without pre conceived opinions. That opinion is recorded in two speeches which I made in the senate in the year 1811, Since that Lime T. have had no occasion of reviewing the question. My opinion remains unaltered.
1 was Secretary of the Treasury more than eight years, and during that time J had ample evidence of the great utility of the Bank of the United States in managing the fiscal concerns of the Union. T am persuaded that no man, whatever bis preconceived opinions may be, can study the subject without being deeply impressed with the expediency of the Bank of the United States in conducting the finances of the Union. The provision in the Constitution which gives congress the power to pass all laws which may he necessary and proper to carry into effect the enumerated powers gives congress the right to pass the Bank Bill, unless a law most proper to carry into effect the power to collect and distribute, revenue should be excluded by the provision.
The opponents of the constitutionality of the bank place great stress upon the word "necessary" contained in the grant of power, and insist that no law can be necessary but such that without which the power could not be carried into effect. N"ow, this construction appears to me to be indepensible. It does seem to me that the words ''necessary and proper" can not exclude a law that is most proper to carry the power into effect. Yet the unconstitutionally of the bank can he pro nounced only upon that construction. It does appear to me that the framers of the Constitution never could have intended to exclude the passage ot" a law most proper to carry a power into effect because it might be carried imperfectly into effect by another law. My constriction of the grant of power to pass all laws which may be necessary to carry the enumerated powers into effect includes the power to pass all laws which are necessary and proper to carry the enumerated powers into effect in the most perfect and complete manner, and not in an incomplete and imperfect manner.
I have not seen a complete development of the President's plan of a bank. It is possible that by his plan the trans mission of the revenue may he effected; hut the safety of the public deposits cannot be effected by the President's plan. The advantage of this security to the public is incalculable. 10 ought not to be relinquished unless it can be satisfactorily proved that the Bank of the United States is unconstitutional.
This, I think, cannot be satisfactorily shown. My speeches are recorded, and can be republished if necessary. They contain the result of the best investigation I was able to give the subject. I am persuaded I could not improve upon it now if 1 had the means of investigating the subject, which I have not.
I am, sir, vour friend, etc.,
WM. H. CRAWFORD. Charles Jared Ingersol, Esq.
On the subject of nullification, which was then so ably advocated by John C. Calhoun and other South Carolinians,

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TIIE LIFE AND TIMES

Crawford liad very pronounced views. John Tay.lor, he wrote:
'I have observed with some

To his friend. Col.

^ acted dishonestly." In the spring of 1830 an irreconcilable feud sprang up
between the President and Vice-President of the United States. This was just twelve months after their inauguration. It seems that at a cabinet dinner given by President Jack son Hon. Finch Ringold, marshal of the District of Columbia, and ex-President Monroe were the invited guests. Mr. Ringold at this dinner stated to Maj. W. B. Lewis that Mr. Calhouii had not been General Jackson's friend in the Florida cam paign, as General Jackson had always believed. "When ques tioned by Jackson in regard to this exciting subject Major Lewis told him of a certain letter in the possession of Senator John Forsytli of Georgia, and written by Mr. Crawford, in which Crawford had stated that Jackson had done him an injustice in supposing that he had antagonized him. The letter further stated that it was Calhoun, and not Crawford, who was in favor of reprimanding or punishing Jackson in some form for alleged unauthorized or illegal conduct in the
ieution of the war. Crawford, with nature, had stated in the letter that Mr. Forsyth was author ized to show it to Calhoun.
On March 1st, 1831, Crawford, writing to his friend, John Williams, says:
now how I
"This letter furnished by L, G. C riting.

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

209

and its influence could, not "be effected "by a

disclosures.

1 gave him a correct account of the c ire urns (an

Sometime

vay to New

Orleans, called upon (.he Governor and received an account

of what had passed between him and me on that subject.

Sometime after he applied to Forsyth by letter for a written

statement of what he 'had received verbally from him. This

was complied with, and was afterwards mentioned to the

President. Jackson's letters and Forsyth*s will explain how

1 became involved. Forsyth sent me a copy of his letter to

Hamilton and requested me to correct, any macuracies that

might be in it. 1 did so and returned it. Calhoun's publica

tion shows the rest, except a letter from me to him which

.-e has not published, although he has meanly published his

insulting answer to it which has no connection with his

dispute with the President. I have had no communication

with the President, nor shall have--although I think he could

give important information that he received the information

of my unfriendly conduct to him in the cabinet from Mr.

Calhoun or his friends. Although this is probable, no.

approach will be made by me to the President."

MRS. SUSANA GIRAKDIN CRAWFORD.
General Jackson, after seeing the Forsyth letter, imme diately commenced a very acrimonious correspondence with Calhoun.
"It has been intimated to me," he wrote, "many years ago, that it was you, and not Mr. Crawford, who had been secretly endeavoring to destroy my reputation. These insinu ations I indignantly repelled upon the ground that you, in

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all your letters to me, professed to be my personal friend, and approved entirely my conduct In relation to the Seminole campaign. 1 hud a too exalted opinion of your honor and frankness to believe for one moment that you could he capa ble of such deception."
To Jackson's communications Calhoun replied at a pro digious length. He imitated the bad example of the enfeebled Crawford in betraying cabinet secrets, a fault that candor compels one to pronounce as hardly excusable in either of them. He avowed he did propose the investigation of Jack son's conduct in 1818 by a court of inquiry for transcending authority. He justified his course and inveighed against Crawford for betraying the secret. Instead of taking and holding the high ground of declining to give the information sought on the idea that he was bound not to reveal cabinet secrets, Calhoun made the mistake, not only as above indi cated, but exhibited the bad taste of persistently continuing the correspondence after Jackson had given him notice that friendly relations were forever at an end between them.
To the sneering allusion made to him by Calhoun Craw ford wrote a long Philippic. *
It, however, like the letter to Porsyth written by him, bears not the slightest resemblance to the finished composi tions, and speeches that emanated from him in his prime. It was not of that finish and strength that characterized his diplomatic papers while minister to France, The letter, upon the whole, though eminently illustrative of the rugged hon esty and manliness which always characterized Crawford's intercourse with his fellows, is a wretched piece of composi tion, showing more of determined prejudice than of careful thought. True, it bears unmistakable traits of the author's mind, but the classical diction of the Crawford of 1811 is wanting, and the scintillations of his once colossal mind were now dimming, as his life was drifting into the sear and yellow leaf.
Calhoun never again regained the affection of the Ameri can people; driven from national power he bowed to the call of his native state, and in the United States senate he lived to expound and unfold to his displeased colleagues the unfor tunate doctrine of nullification. History records him as becoming wholly sectionalized in feeling and conduct, but accords to him a giant mind and classes him one of the great est logicians of any age. Strange it is that one so gifted should thus become so infatuated and mastered by so Dlight-

"TM*See appendix for this document.

OF "WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

211

ing and poisonous a doctrine as nullification. The develop
ment of this heresy was nothing more nor loss than a per
sistently powerful effort to overturn the fair political fabric
of our government by the sophisty of fine spun theories and by
purely metaphysical reasoning.
Crawford ever correctly contended that the right of revo
lution was the only right which a free people could have to
resist tyranny and intolerable oppression.
Was there ever made a more admirable tribute to the
head, heart and person of a great man than that drawn by
Mr. Dudley of Crawford in the National Portrait Gallery?
The reader wT ill require of us no apology for reproducing it
here:
"Mr. Crawford's house has often been styled 'Liberty Hall' by tliose familiar with the unrestrained mirthfulness, hilarity and social glee which, marked his fireside; and the perfect freedom with which every child, from the eldest to the youngest, expresed his or her opinion upon the topics suggested by the moment, whether those topics referred to men or measures. His children were always encouraged to act out their respective characters precisely as they were, and the actions and sentiments of each were always a fair subject of commendation, or good-humored ridicule toy the rest. They criticised the opinions and conduct of the father with the same freedom as those of each other, and he acknowl edged his errors or argued his defense with the same kind spirit and good temper as distinguished his course toward them In every other case. The family government was one of the best specimens of democracy the world has ever seen. There was nothing like faction in the establishment. Accord ing to the last census, before marriage arid emigration com menced, the population was ten, consisting of father and mother and eight children, of whom five are sons and three daughters. Suffrage on all questions was universal, extending to male and female. Freedom of speech and equal rights were felt and acknowledged to be the birthright of each. ii.n owl edge was a common stock, to which each felt a peculiar pleasure in contributing according as opportunity enabled him. "When afflictions or misfortunes came, each bore a share in the common "burden. When health and prosperity returned, each became emulous of heightening the common joy. Chess, drafts and other games, involving calculation and judgment, and plays "which called for rapid thought, quick perception and ready answers formed sources of indoor amusements. Those requiring vigor of nerve and agility of muscle were performed upon the green. In all these sports upon the green and in the house Mr. Crawford was, even down to his last days, the companion of his children, delighting them often by taking part himself. Though the disease of which he suffered so much "while at Washington deprived him of his activity, his zeal for the gratification of his children, and his delight in contributing all he could to their happiness, knew no abatement. As a husband he was kind, affectionate and

212

THIS LIFE AND

devoted. He was never ostentatious in his attachment to anyone, always evincing'his regard more by substantial benefi cence than by words. No parent was ever better beloved of, his children than he. He never contented himself with merely sending them to schools oi' highest and best repute, but made a personal examination of them, almost every day, that he might see and know for himself how they progressed and how they were taught. He was in the habit of drawing them around him in a class, and requiring them to read to him. On these occasions the Bible was his chief class book, and Job and Psalms his favorite portions. The attention and instructions here mentioned were faithfully accorded during the whole time of his cabinet service at Washington, except during his extreme illness. After his return from Georgia, and his partial recovery from his disease, he still kept up an intimate acquaintance with the progress of his younger chil dren, and the manner ol their instruction at school, though his general debility prevented his being so indefatigable as he, had been. At no time of his life did he ever lose sight of the importance of storing the minds of his children with vir tuous principles. The strict observance of truth, the main tenance of honor, generosity and integrity of character, he never ceased to enjoin upon them as indispensable to respecta bility and happiness.
"It is not within the knowledge of any of his children that he was ever guilty of profane swearing. He never made a profession of religion, but -was a decided believer in Chris tianity, a life member of the American Bible Society, a vicepresident of the American Colonization Society, and a regular contributor to the support of the gospel."
In 1819 Judge Tait was appointed by President Monroe
Judge of the United States District Court of Alabama, which
position he held most creditably for six years. The mutual
friendship which existed between him and Crawford never
weakened. It is a strange fact, however, to note that after
all the rivalry and acrimony that existed between Tait and
Clark and Tatt and Griffin, that after Judge Griffin died, Tait
married his widow. This good lady was the sister of Mrs.
John Clark, and the daughter of Micajah Williamson. Judge
Tait lived to be sixty-eight years of age, and died in Wilcox
county, Alabama, on Oct. 7th, 1835. He died as he had lived,
an upright Christian gentleman.
During the last years of his life Crawford was frequently
urged to again apply for a seat in the senate. To this he
was averse, as he yet articulated poorly. His sight being
entirely restored, he spent much time in his library, and
enjoyed reading a choice collection of books that he had
gathered when in France. He was a believer in the genius
of hard work, and was scarcely ever idle. He may be said
to have literally died in harness.

OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

213

When he left home on his way to Elbert Superior Court he was apparently in good health and spirits. He passed a day with Mrs. Dudley, his daughter, who had .lust pre sented him with another grandchild, and as usual (to use the expression of one of the family) "made a holiday in the house," such happiness did his presence ever diffuse. On Saturday the ensuing day he continued his journey, and stopped at the house of his friend, Mr. Valentine Meriwether, in Elbert county, where he expected to pass the night. Dur ing the day he felt somewhat indisposed. A physician of the family prescribed for him, and relieved the symptoms that excited anxiety. He retired early, hut soon his anxious host heard a noise from within his chamber, and on entering found, Mr. Crawford motionless and speechless. On the next day he was able to rise, but while sitting in his chair he fell into a swoon from which he never rallied, and death came at two o'clock the succeeding Monday morning, September 15th, 1834. He died apparently without pain or fear. The attending physician pronounced his disease an affection of the heart.
A great concourse followed him to the grave. They laid him to sleep at Woodlawn by the side of the grave of a little child, his two-year-old grandson who had preceded him some fifteen months. No other grave was there. Over the spot where he lies buried rests a broad marble slab in a -horizontal position, about two and one-half feet above tlie earth. On
this stone is engraved the words:
"Sacred to the memory of 'William H. Crawford; born 24th day of February, 1772, in Nelson County, Virginia; died, the 15th day of September, 1834, in Oglethorpe county, Geor gia. In the Legislature of Georgia, in the Senate of the United States, as minister to the Court of France, in the cabinet and on the bench he was alike independent, energetic, fearless and able. He died as he had lived--in the service of his country- -- and left behind him the unimpeachable fame of an honest man."
Mrs. Crawford lived to see her children educated and honored members of society. Nathaniel M. Crawford, the second son, was a distinguished clergyman, and president of Mercer University; Bibb became a distinguished physician; William H. Crawford, Jr., was a farmer, and a.n orator of no mean ability. The oft, expressed wish of the father that none of his children would seek to follow the rocky road of politics was studiously observed by them all. Few great men have had so many direct descendants who have become so noted
and useful in tlie various walks of life. The proudest name that Georgia has given to history is

214

THE LIFE AND TIMES

William Harris Crawforcl. He stood a giant in those giant aays, and as a man lie was the measure of all great things. In battle or in peace his strength was that of the conquerer. "Whether he ruled in public affairs, or lived in. the heart ot home and friends, he was a prince among men.
"Full of years and honors, through the gate of painless slumber he retired.
As a river pure meets in his course a subterranean void, Then dips his silver head, again to rise,
And rising glides through fields and meadows new; So hath Oileus in those happy climes.
Where neither gloom nor sorrow shades the mind; Where joys ne'er fade, nor soul's power decay,
But youth and spring eternal bloom."

APPENDIX.
T

APPENDIX.
LETTER FROM YOUNG MEN OP AUGUSTA, GA.
AUGUSTA, 2d July, 1798.
To John Adams, President of the United States.: * Sir: 'Whilst clouds darken our political horizon, whilst
the ferocious frenzy of the "Terrible Republic" threatens the United States -with bloodshed, massacres and desolation, we. the young men of the city of Augusta, deem it a duty in common with our fellow-citizens, to assure the chief executive magistrate of our unalterable attachment to our country and its government.
At the commencement of their Revolution we regarded the French nation as engaged in a glorious and just cause; the support of their political liberty, which unless the soul is debased by oppression or corrupted by avarice, neither nations or individuals will resign but with their lives. View ing them in this light, we were proud of calling France a sister republic; we gloried Frenchmen by the endearing appel lation of brothers.
Unwilling to form a hasty conclusion against a nation in whose favor we were thus prer>ossessed, we long wished to view the injuries and insults offered by thorn to the United States, their contempt of our government, through the medium of their ambassadors; their unrighteous and piratical attacks upon our commerce, as the usurped and nefarious acts of individuals, unsanctioned by their government.
But by the absolute rejection of all conciliatory meas ures, the French government has avowed the flagrant viola tion of our rights as a neutral nation and total disregard of their most solemn compacts to have been authorized by them; that indiscriminate rapine and universal empire, instead of peace and justice are their objects; and that no nation can receive their friendship without sacrificing its national inde pendence.
Although we are attached to the blessings of peace, and deprecate the horrors of war, yet we are sensible that selfpreservation now points out a firm and energetic conduct to our government; we view with the highest approbation those measures which have been pursued by the Executive for the preservation of our national honor.
As we enjoy the supreme felicity of being citizens of, perhaps, the only genuine and well-balanced republic now existing in the world, we feel a just contempt for a nation,
'This document furnished by Dr. U. Phillips, ojTulane University, who copied it from Original now in Grawford family.

218

APPENDIX

who can brand us with the imputation of being a divided people, and who presuming on our disunion, have left us

With the most unlimited confidence in the firmness,

justice and wisdom of your administration, we pledge ourselves

to you and our fellow-citizens, that we will be ready at the

call of our country to defend what is dearer to us than our

lives, her liberty and laws.

W. H. CRAWFORD,

NATT COCKE,

ISHAM M. [

]

SAMUEL "RARNETT,

JNO. M'KENNE,

GEO. W ATKINS, Chairman.

By order of the meeting.

ANSWER.
TO THE YOUNG MEN OP THE CITY OF AUGUSTA, IN THE STATE OF GEORGIA.
Gentlemen: An address from the youth of Augusta, remote from the seat of government, and where I am per sonally wholly unknown is a very high gratification to my feel-

Threats of bloodshed, massacre and desolation from the frenzy of any nation, however great, or any republic however terrible, at the distance of a thousand marine leagues, need not intimidate the American people, if they really feel like you an unalterable attachment to their country and govern ment.
It has been my destiny to differ from my fellow-citizens in general in opinions concerning the French revolution. As a dispensation of Providence I have ever beheld it with rev erence, unable, however, to comprehend any good principle sufficient to produce it, to see its tendency, or in what it would terminate----but the warm zeal, the violent attachment manifested to it by Americans I have ever believed to be an error of public opinion--it was none of our business----we had, or ought to have had, nothing to do with it, and I
To me little time remains to live, and less, I hope, to have anything to do with public affairs; but I could neither die nor retire in peace, if at such a time as this, and in the station I now hold, I should conceal my sentiments from my fellow-citizens.
Self-preservation now points out a firm conduct to gov ernment, and your satisfaction in. those measures which have
much esteemed". May you long live to rejoice in them and enjoy their happy effects.
It is a gratification to my pride to see you boast of a well-balanced republic; the e^se^ce of a Tree republic is in this balance----the security ot liberty, property., character and life depends every moment on its preservation, and France

APPENDIX .

219

.and America will be scourged by the rods of vengeance if they will not study and preserve that balance as the only ark of safety.
The expression of your confidence in my administration is the more precious, as it was unexpected.
JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, July 20th, 1798.

JUDGE TATT TO CRAWFORD. *

EL.BERT, April 22d, 1813.

My Dear Sir: "When we parted at Washington I had then no expectation that I should not see you again "before you embarked for Europe. I expected we should have met on my road home. Having failed in that expectation, I had formed the resolution to meet you in Wilkes on your way to Augusta on Sunday next, but I have relinquished this design, because the personal parting of friends is generally attended with more pain than pleasure, and because 1 expect you will be surrounded with too great a crowd on the evening you may stay in Washington, in Georgia, for a friend or your self to enjoy much satisfaction in social intercourse. But our long eyad unbroken friendship and the strong a.nd indeli ble obligations I owe you will not permit me to suffer you to leave the United States without giving yon this testimonial of my friendly attachment and of my best wishes for the increase of your fame, prosperity and happiness. "With respect to the obligations I lie under to you. I cannot speak of them as I ought. Without referring to the circumstances on -which they are founded I am free to declare that they are greater than I owe to any other man living. They are deeply and permanently impressed on my heart, and when I forget them may Heaven forget me.

The four last sessions we have served together in the

United States Senate have but tended to enhance your quali

fications as a public man, in my estimation; and T sincerely

hope that your appointment as minister to France may prove

to yourself and our country as fortunate as we all wish. But

I am deliberately of the opinion that you would have been

more useful by remaining in the senate. I fear we shall be

borne down by the talent of the opposition. "We have num

bers, but we shall need an able and experienced man to lead

us. But the die is cast. 1 ha.ve only to request -that you

will think of me occasionally. Permit me to suggest to you

how interesting it would be to your friends ;i.i. some future

day to peruse your private journal, in. which you may record

your private thoughts on men and things while absent from

yoiu' country. Such a record might be invaluable hereafter.

Wishing you every blessing, I am as I hav^ been the last

weveuteRii years,

Your friend and liumble servant,

The Hon. Wra. H. Crawford.

C. TATT.

:nt of Archives and History and furnished by courtesy of Dr, is, of Montgomery, Ala.

220

APPENDIX

CPvAWFORD TO TAIT.
PARIS, 15th April, 1814.
Dear Judge: An opportunity offers which will probably be safe. It is the only one I have had since the departure of Mr. Dickens. At that time I was so busy in attending to the ceremony of my presentment at court that I could write but few letters. The one I wrote to Dr. Bibb was unofficial, and therefore as much your property as it" it had been -written to you. Your friend Dickens has behaved very badly here in money matters. His visit to Pa.ris is somewhat unac countable. He borrowed money at Havre to get to Paris; lived by borrowing during the whole time he was here, and borrowed money to take him back. All his hills were pro tested, but all have since been paid except Mr. Jackson's and Mr. "Warden's. I presume he has been unable to reimburse them, but he ought not to have incurred an expense at the cost of men who had no right to be taxed with his wants. Mr. Jackson lent him. more than 2,000 francs. * * Since the date of my letter to Dr. Bibb I have seen the Prince of Benevento. A physiognomy which more completely baffles tlie most skillful physiognomist cannot be imagined. He is excessively ugly, and refuses to speak English. The Duke of Vienna is a fine looking man. His countenance is strongly indicative of sagacity and promptitude. There is also an openness and frankness in his manner which does not char acterize the most of his countrymen. I have seen Marshal Ney, Augereau, Lefebre, Moncey and Kellerman. The three first are large men. Ney is a fine looking man about the size of Colonel Graves, and not unlike him. He is a finer looking man than the Colonel was at his age. Augereau puts me in mind of Ebenezer Seaver of Massachusetts. Lefebre is not so good a looking- man as either of the others. Moncey has the true French physiognomy, and Kellerman, who is very old, is small with rather a German face.
T saw a part of the battle of the 30th ult. in the Eastern Environs of Paris, and should have been upon Mount Mart re when it was taken, or at least when the charge was made, if the officers at the barrier had permitted me to go out. Had I gone I presume T should have been able to have seen the danger, and to have made my retreat before the place was stormed. The Mount commands more than the half, and much the Hnest half of Paris. I enquired day after day if they had fortified it, and was always answered no. The day before the battle 1 walked all over it, and at 2 o'clock not a
spade had been used, and not a piece of artillery was to be seen. About an hour after they carried up ten pieces of small calibre. The streets of the village were not barricaded. In fact, no precaution seems to have been taken. With a thousand men and a ]iro per train of artillery with the entrenchments which these troops might have thrown up in three da3's I could have defended the place against the whol^ army for three days at least. The allies lost from eight to twelve thousand men. The loss of the French was inconsid erable, as UiPir positions were very advantageous. Tlje allied troops were repulsed four or five times at almost every posi-

APPENDIX

221

tion. Their apprehension that the Emperor would arrive the next morning did not persuade them to lose time in maneii-

Jmt the day from 4 a. m. to the same hour in the evening was spent in effecting it. Some few cannon balls were fired into the city and fell upon the Boulevard, which was further in the city than where I was at that moment. I saw nothing of these balls. The next day the Emperor Alexander and King of Prussia entered Paris at the head of about 50,000 of their chosen men. The Parisians, always delighted with a show, crowded the boulevards shouting "Vive-Alexander." This monarch, with his minister, Count Nesterode, "went directly to the house of Taller and, where they have continued until two days ago. The senate was convinced by this coming politician, and the same evening devised a provisional govern ment, and placed him at the head of it. They charged this government with the care of drawing up a constitution, "which they have subsequently adopted. In the meantime they deposed Napoleon, and the deposition so completely shook his authority with his superior officers that he was unable to move. Marmont was the first who deserted him. The troops seem to have adhered to him. much more firmly than the officers. When he found that a civil war was inevitable he abdicated the crown in favor of the King of Rome, but the allies replied that they had gone too far with the Bour bons. And yet their friends say that it was only on Mount Martre that they determined to dethrone him. His abdication was tendered on the 4th of April, at which time it was impos sible that they could have contracted any engagements "with the Bourbons in consequence of what they resolved on Mount Martre. 1 have 110 doubt that the deepest duplicity "was prac ticed by the allies, and the blind arrogance of Napoleon aided their efforts. I should not be surprised if he has fallen a victim to some old woman's prediction, in which he has blindly confided. It is probable that he would still ha^e baffled their exertions it' he had kept between them and Paris. After the attack he made upon the grand army of the allies at Bar Sur Aube, in which he was repulsed, he took the determination of throwing himself in their rear and of cut ting off their baggage and magazines. In this he succeeded, hut they determined to abandon their baggage for the sake of getting to Paris, took measures to cover their designs, and completely succeeded. The result has jiistified the measure. The allies thmselves, notwithstanding the immense superiority of men which they possessed, admitted that the issue of the campaign was doubtful unless the French nation should put an end to it by his deposition. To avail themselves of the senate and of the Parisians, "whom they affect to consider as the nation, they have spared Paris, and no doubt, do make great exertions to preserve order and prevent abuse and pil lage. They shoot the Cossacks every day, and knout the Rus sians, but notwithstanding all this, the country up to the "walls of Paris is desolated by these brigands. Their venereal pro pensities lead them to prefer the old to the young -women, so that the virginity of the French ladies has not suffered much from their forcible embraces.

222

APPHJNDIX

It seems that Napoleon retains the title of Emperor, with a salary for himself and family of 6,000,000 francs, and the sovereignty of the Isle of Elba. The King of Rome retains his title for life, and at his majority is to be Duke of Playanee and Parma. He is to be educated by the Emperor of Austria. The Empress Josephine is Duchess of Navarre, and the Vice Roy is to have a hereditary establishment guaranteed by the Allies. Such is the end of the wild and unbounded ambition of a great man, who has been the spoiled child of fortune. The manner in which he has descended from the dazzling elevation to which he had raised himself is wholly inconsistent with his past conduct. .In all the battles he fought after he joined his army he exposed himself aa much as when he had to establish his reputation. I presume it is a very unpleasant reflection to a man whose whole life has been familiar -with shedding blood to be under the necessity of leaying this world deliberately. All military men agree that his maneuvers have been skillful, with the exception of his last step of throwing himself on the rear of the Allies. Had they pursued the course which he conjectured they would, had they made an effort to save their baggage and magazines, he would have been able to draw out the garrisons in his rear and have collected a formidable army -which must have greatly
disquieted them, if it had not succeeded in cutting off their retreat. That they would have marched to Paris under such circumstances, unless they had determined to pursue the course they have, I cannot believe. I therefore give no credit to Lord Gat heart's story of the Mount Mart re council. The thing- is wholly incredible. Prom the moment tliat the allies, entered Paris the Parisians have been endeavoring to natter them out oE contributions. To effect this they abuse Bona parte and. praise them. I should not be surprised if their love, their veneration, their admiration and devotion should go even so far as to invite Alexander to be their Emperor; and if that cannot be, to leave . them his beloved brother Constantine. There is no meanness, no degradation to which French servil
ity will not stoop to serve their interest. They are now playing off the same game upon Lord Cast-
lereagh to get back their colonies. Time alone can determine their success. 1 have read with, attention the addresses of adhesion to the new order of things. Two-thirds of them are intended only to show their slavish devotion to the will of a

Loii/i* fK'izK delate de -moment au moment. If this frivolity, this inability, was merely the result of the instability of their character they might command our compassion instead of our contempt. This is not the case. Interest, the most sordid, the me si disgraceful, is the exciting cause to all this flummery, this higii-sounding nonsensical flattery. Each one expects to be paid for his disgraceful servility by place, by pension, by royal favor in some of the various forms in which ; t can be dispensed. if the new King was a saint as infalli ble as the successor of St. Peter "was formerly believed to be, he would be corrupted in less than twelve months by the incense of flattery which he will inhale at every breath. Even Tallerand talks to Count D'Artois of his celestian goodness.

OP "WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD

223

I have endeavored by every means in niy power to guard them against Buffering the ancient Dynasty's return, with all their ancient prerogatives. .1 have suggested that they ought not to suffer him to laud until lie had subscribed and sworn to the new constitution. His declaration made in February, 1812, evidently proceeds upon the ground that he possessed all the political power oi' the nation. The shameful solicitude which the senate has shown for their places, and especially for their dotations (sic), is very unpopular, and will enable the King- to put them at defiance if he chooses to do it. Yesterday they have surrendered the provisional government to Count D'Artois, without Imposing any obligation upon him, to cause the King to accept the new constitution. He, in fact, tells them that most of the things contained in their consti tution enter into the King's views as being necessary basis of the government. But they are to be the basis, because the King thinks them so, or because the nation has determined that it shall be so. No, nothing of this----no intimation that the nation has a right to think upon the subject. It is believed, and there is reason for it, that the constitution has been approved by the Emperor of Russia before it was sub* mitted to the senate, and that be had pledged himself to compel the King to accept it. With his air 01 moderation he governs the coalition very absolutely. It is said that Turkey has declared war against Russia. It is also said that England is to take 8 0,0 0 0 Russians from some port on the channel and carry them home by water, to enable them to meet the musselmen. If they would take them all it would be a happy thing for Germany and Poland. Most of the Cossacks have two or three horses.
Remember me affectionately to all my friends, and accept the assurance of my sincere regard.
WM. H. CRAWFORD.

CRAWFORD TO TAIT.
PARIS, 29th August, 1834. Dear Judge: Since the date of my last I have received letters from my friends as late as the 14th of June last. The latest date was from Mrs. Crawford. I was disappointed in receiving none from, you, Bibb, Barnett or Hale by the French

der how you could fail to avail yourself of it. 1 "was informed of the sailing of this vessel only twenty-four hours before my dispatches were required to be in readiness. This left me time only to prepare my official dispatches, and to write a short letter to Mrs. Crawford.
Things go on here much as you would expect. A mid dle course between the old a,nd new nobility offends both sides. Apprehensions of a change to the disadvantage of the new made men are strong, and disquiet the court and the nation. It is said tbat some of the members of the royal family have not been discreet in the disclosure of the views of the court to bring everything gradually to the state In which they were in the. year 17S8. I believe this to be impos sible. If it is attempted resistance will be made by the con-

224

APPENDIX

stituted authorities, and that resistance will probably be suc cessful. I believe the present King will not make the effort, l^oiiaieur, who is more of a dasher than the King, may engage in this hazardous enterprise. The nation seems to have delib erately determined that the imposition of taxes shall rest with the legislature. That the freedom of worship, the validity of the sales of national property and the abolition of tithes shall not even be agitated. All the arts of the two legislative bodies, E.S far as they have been made public, show a settled and unalterable opinion upon these questions. The liberty of the press will probably be fettered until the year 1817, and I should not be surprised if the previous censure should be continued indefinitely. When most of the public characters

should shrink instinctively from the scourge which the liberty

of the press would hold suspended over their heads.

The History of St. Cloud by Goldsmitn, which you have

had eight or ten. years, has just been translated and published

in France. The sensation it has produced has been great,

and it is said had a decided influence upon the decision of

the deputies upon the bill regulating the liberty of the press.

It is pronounced here to be the most false and libellous book

which has ever been written.

in the House of Peers it is said that this bill is likely to

undergo some additional amendments. This house will insist

upon the insertion of a clause declaring that the censure is

submitted to, only temporarily, on account of the particular

situation of the nation in passing from one government to

another, and tl: at tlie previous censure can be endured only

on that account. Except in the points I have indicated the

influence of the court will carry all before it for some time

to come. The election of new deputies will take place before

the year 1816. General LaFayette's friends think he will be

called to the peerage before that event, as they believe

the court \vould prefer his being in that house to the other.

He will certainly'be in the legislature after the first elections.

T shall keep this letter open until the sailing of the Neptune,

and if anything occurs 1 will add it. The question of peace

must be decided upon before that event. I have no expecta

tion, of a favorable result. I am, dear Judge, most sincerely

Hon. Chaa. Tait.

your friend, etc.,

WM. H. CRAWFORD.

10th September. This morning I received information that the Chauncey was daily expected in the neighborhood of Ghent, and that she "would immediately Bail as a carjtel for the United States. Mr. Council, who will be the bearer of these dispatches, will leave Paris at 9 o'clock. . I have but a few minutes to devote to you. I presume the dispatches which he will carry will convince the nation that peace can be obtained only by united and vigorous exertions. The arrogance of the enemy can alone bring us to a sense of our duty; and in some gloomy moments I am apprehensive that even this will prove insufficient to subdue the virulence of the Boston leaders. When I have read the toasts which have been drunk, and the proceedings

APPENDIX

225

which have taken place in that town I have blushed for my

country men. The demon of discord seems to have obtained

a complete ascendancy over the minds of thcso infuriated, men.

1 anxiously look forward to the moment when 1 shall

rejoin my friends. The cris's Is imperious, and requires decis

ion in the eahiiiet and firmness in the legislature. That ten

derness for the feelings of unfaithful, or incapable officers,

which has already produced so much, mischief must, he dis

carded. The President owes it to the nation and to himself

to rectify as far as possible the many errors which must

inevitably have been committed in the appointment of so

many officers. "When I return the question of further service

will depend upon the state of Georgia, or upon the people.

Having voted for the war, I shall decline no call which it

may make upon me, but as I have already sacrificed, much, I

shall not feel myself bound to solicit employment. My private

affairs and ray increasing family wiU give full employment

to all my faculties, so that I arn in 110 danger of dying with

ennui upon quitting the public service. As we had so many

ministers in Europe I expected my place would he easily

filled.

W. H. C.

CR-fxWFORD TO TAIT.

PARIS, 12th Oct., 1814.

Dear Judge: I have .just received a letter from Mr.

Dickins, stating that he expects to embark about the 18th or 20th inst. for the United State?., and offering to take charge of any letters which t shall send to him. The shortness of

the notice will not permit me to write to any of my friendsbut you. This is the fourth letter which I have written to you; in return I have received one.

Your former acquaintance with Mr. Diekins, and the situ

ation in which he will arrive in the United States will give

him a strong claim to your sympathy, and to your exertions

to be useful to him, without the interposition of my wishes.

"

""

'1 believe, a worthy man, not very enter-

is probable that the destruction of the capitol .._ ,_,,,,,, present session of congress to be held at Philadelphia or Lancaster. In this event many of tlie clerks and persons attached to the different officers who are settled at Washing ton and have any other mea,ns of living will not follow the government. If so you may possibly get him into some of them. He is qualified for any of them.
The capture of Washington is an event that I had been

226

APPENDIX

looking for until aboiit one week before the news reached me.
Mr. F>oyd, who preceded it about a weak, removed all appre hension of such a disaster. Yon may well judge of my feel-
mgs upon this occasion. The impression here and in Enslaud is that we must now accept of any terms which shall be
offered to us. This arises from their total ignorance of the United States. "When Paris was taken the allies, and espe
cially England, supposed France was conquered. The arro
gance of England leads her to suppose that she conquered France, and the capture of "Washington is thought by the
true John Bulls to complete the conquest of the United States.
What the sensation has been in the United States I
have yet to learn. I fear that there is but little patriotism
in the nation. Party animosity in the ea.stern states has so
deeply infected the minds of the loaders of the Federal party in Massachusetts that they would much rather fight the
Southern people than the enemy. So thoroughly am I dis
gusted with this class of men that I would willingly consent
that New England should separate if they would agree upon
it among themselves. This, however, 1 believe is impractica
ble, and we must not think of it. "We must do the best we can with them. I see they very modestly insist upon every
department of the government, except the treasury, which is
to be given to a man of talent and probity, but whose claim to Republicanism rests upon very questionable evidence,
j. heir propositions are wholly inadmissible. The President must retain in his cabinet a majority of those who are
attached to his political principles, and feel a proper regard for his reputation. Consistently with this principle I would
take Federalists into the cabinet as soon as they manifest a national feeling and national spirit. I hope they will do this,
and if they do the continuance of the war will be advantageous
to us as a nation. We ought to desire peace until we have formed officers and men upon whom we can rely in the hour
of danger. "When I say we ought not to desire peace I mean to
be understood to assert that the true interest of the nation requires that the war should be prosecuted until this object
is effected, but the immediate interest of the nation which will
always have more influence than its future interests would induce me to make peace, if it could be obtained upon just
terms. I am sensible that a peace made at the present
moment would place us in a situation to compel us to partici
pate in the first war in which England should embroil herself. If we make peace now the impression in Europe will be that
we are indebted for it, to the moderation and magnanimity of our adversary. This idea is utterly false, and cannot fail
to be extremely injurious to us, not only with England, but
with all the maritime states of Europe. My impression is that the congress at Vienna "will amicably arrange all the conflict
ing interests of the continent. In this event the war will be
prosecuted with increased activity in the next campaign. I
trust, however, that our means of annoyance and of defense
will be greatly increased. .In all my letters I have stated that we must expect nothing but disasters this campaign. The
news is therefore better than I had anticipated. The battles

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227

upon the Niagara reflect the brightest credit upon our officers and men. L am greatly rejoiced to see that Porter has
redeemed the disgrace which his politica.1 tergiversation dur
ing his last congressional term ot service had imparted upon his character. Brown's report of the actions of Cluypewa and
Bridgewater are the best official reports of actions which the
files ot; the war department furnish. T did not blush when I read it. They are the first reports of our regular generals
which have not crimsoned my cheeks. Scott is a most gal
lant fellow. Brown must have a gift for fighting. I hope Games and Ripley will be found eq.ua! to the other two. I
regret the censure which has been thrown upon the latter. The loss of the two first in command----the total derangement
of every regulation battalion and company must have made it
extremely hazardous to risk an action the next day. Tie
being the only general was another consideration of moment.
The enemy upon the Niagara ought to be captured before this time. The difficulty of supplying them with provisions will
prevent considerable reinforcements from being sent up by land. They cannot return by water. The militia ought

removes the war to a great distance from their frontiers. The great mass of our regular troops ought to act against Canada. There the enemy cannot avoid an action when
they please. They cannot there e nib ark, and re-embark
after doing all tlie mischief tuey can, as they do on the Atlantic frontier. There then we ought to act offensively against them, and of course there the principal part or
our regular troops / uglst to be employed. If we can drive them into Quebec before the close of the next campaign
we may possibly make peace in the course of the following winter. If not, and we prosecute the war with vigor we shall
command a peace the next -winter. If the troops are -with drawn from the northern frontier the back country will be
ravaged whilst the protection on the sea coast will be far from
effectual. I feel much solicitude on this question, as I know that a clamor will be raised and great exertions will be made
to draw the regular troops to the coast. The duties of con gress are now ardent indeed, and the solicitude "which you must feel cannot but be great. Wise and firm measures must
not only be adopted, but an impulse must be given to the nation. How is this to be done? Perhaps the enemy has
done more for you in this regard than you could have done
for yourselves. I hope this will be found true. In this country the hatred of the English is stronger
than it has ever been. If it was possible to transport troops
to the United States we should have an army there imme
diately of the best troops in the "world. 1 should not be sur prised if attempts are made to transport soldiers to the
United States before the spring. The feelings of the nation
are not those of the government. I cannot say that the gov ernment is absolutely hostile to the United States, but the distrust which it entertains of the army, and the deep convic-

arrogance of the British ministry, produces in relation to us most of the consequences of hostility. How long this state

228

APPENDIX

of things will last is impossible to foresee. The congress at Vienna may tranquillize the troubled state of things upon
the continent generally. It is, however, improbable that any thing; that can be clone there can have any direct influence
upon the internal affairs of France. It :s difficult to conceive of a situation more critical and delicate than that of the royal
family at this moment. The ministry is weak, the King
imdecided and the other members of the family freqtiently indiscreet. Distrust pervades every class of the people.
Prance is now a great political volcano, ready to explode with the first spark which may be elicited from the frequent collis-
sions which are every day produced by the disposition of the
minister of the interior to bring things back to the state they were in prior to the Revolution. The feasts and dinners
which are given among the old and the new military is a
farce which cannot veil the discontents which burst forth
daily between these discordant materials. Perhaps the only
ground of safety which for the present order of things is the
discordance between the real friends oC civil liberty and the army. The latter wish to restore the Emperor. The former
prefer the King, only because he has less talent, and that
therefore there is a better chance of establishing the rational
liberty of the subject. They have as little confidence in the sincerity or liberality of the one as the other. All those
who had an agency in dethroning the Emperor will of course
exert themselves to the utmost to prevent his return. Not withstanding the discontents of the army, of the friends of
rational liberty, and the blunders and folly of the govern ment, I am inclined to believe that no change will take place,
at least, for some time. I am, dear sir, yours, etc.
P. S.----As this letter passes through England T shall not sign it, as some of my letters have miscarried.

CRAWFORD TO TAIT.
LEXINGTON, 2d October, 1820.
My Dear Sir: Since my visit to this state I have answered your favor inquiring whether your letter of November last, with its enclosure, was received. Lest some accident may happen so that it may not have reached you I repeat that the letter of November, "with its enclosure, was received, and that it was answered without delay.
I have lately seen the pamphlet which you Inquired of from Mr. Cobb, but have not been able to obtain a copy for myself. The old publications of 1804 and 1806, with the certificates and depositions which accompanied them, together with a few others of the same stamp, are comprehended in this book. The history of the challenges of 1804 and of 1806, together with a most exaggerated account of his attack upon you, and the certificates and depositions taken by him against the agent, with a voluminous commentary upon the whole, form the remainder of the pamphlet. He says that he is of the opinion that I was concerned in the illicit introduction

APPENDIX

229

oi: slavery into this state in 1817-'18, simply because Tie

believes I had some agency in the appointment of the agent,

and because I did not cause his conduct to be investigated,

lie shows at the same time that the agent was not appointed

for several months after I had left the department, and of

course ceased to have any control over the office or officer.

The object of the pamphlet is in the first place to affect

ray standing in the United States. Second, to raise himself;

and, third, to assail you and harrow up your feelings as well

as my own. I believe he will fail in his first and second

objects. The third he will no doubt partially succeed in, as

it is impossible not to feel indignation at the base insinua

tions with which the hook is filled, and the reymtalication of

all his false certificates after the lapse of fourteen or fifteen

years when he has rio recent provocation to urge is evidence

of the greatest depravity and of the blackest malignity. The viper, however, bites the file. He "will do himself more injury

than anybody else. I am not determined whether it ought

to be noticed, and cannot make up any conclusive opinion

upon it until I give it another perusal, which will probably

not be before I reach 'Washington, as it is likely that I may

not see the pamphlet before T arrive at that place. He has.

I understand, forwarded copies to the President, heads of

departments, governors of the states, generals of the army

and many others. I shall therefore be sure of a copy when I

get there.

We have nothing authentic from Spain from which any

rational conjecture can be formed of the ultimate issue of

the question depending between it and the United States.

At least I know nothing but what is to be found in the news

papers, and probably not all that is contained in them, as I see them very irregularly.

The election takes place this day. The morning has been

excessively wet. It is now 10 o'clock, and continues to rain.

Tf so the election will be thin, and tlie result may be very

di fCercnt from what it would have been had the day been

good. Great, efforts have been made to exclude Cobb, and

his want of prudence has aided them much. T hope, however, that he will he elected.

Give my respects to your son and daughter, and accept

the assurance of the sincere friendship with which T remain.

Your most obedient servant,

Hon. C. Tait.

WM. II- CRAWFORD.

CRAWFORD TO HALL.
WASHINGTON, 20th November, 1S21.
My Dear Sir: Your letter of the 17th of September has been received by due course of mail,
Yc?:tf-r'j,T<.- T received the? intelligc-nce of dark's ro-elc-cLiun to UK? office of governor by two vott-fi over Trnup, be ins the number necessary to elect him and none to spare.
"Whatever iy, is right," is a comfortable doctrine, if it

230

APPENDIX

be sincerely "believed, ' I cannot say that I am thoroughly convinced of its truth, either from reason or revelation. I am sometimes tempted to believe that no one does thoroughly realize the truth of it in his inmost convictions at some moments of his life. I think it not improbable that when things go very much against a man's interest, and his con viction of what ?s right, in the abstract he is very much like i~e Irishman \vfco ha.d been hired by a bribe of ten guineas ..o turn Roman Catholic. After the ceremony "was finished and the money was put into his hands, he looked at it, and after a short silence said: "I think you ought to add ten in ore to it." Upon being asked why he replied: "Because it is so d---d hard to believe in tra.nsubstantion." Now, I presume the Governor and his friends are ready to subscribe to the doctrine, whilst T cannot believe, by any effort of my understand ins, that it is right for so corrupt and vindictive a mail should be the governor of. the state. However, I can do as well as others. 1 shall, T trust, never have favors to ask of the state, and certainly I would not accept one from it which was to be effected through him as the organ. I presume there is great joy in one of the departments, at least, at this place, tmt 1 cannot believe that any combination of circumstances can give the vote of the state to him, except that of his being nominated by a caucus, under such circum stances as to exclude competition, or the exercise of discretion by the people. It is now generally understood that New York and. Pennsylvania are entirely adverse to his pretensions. Where he is to be supported out of New England, South Carolina and Alabama T know not---perhaps in Ohio, Indiana and Illinois. Til Kentucky and Virginia. I understand, he cherishes tho expectation of support. In both I am per suaded he will fail. In Vermont and Maine he will also be likely to fail. How far he will succeed in South Carolina and Alabama I am not able to coitjectxire. Your governor, as well p.s ours, will, it is presumed, be for him, or anybody else if. my name should be held up.
I remember the declaration which you --mention in your letter made by Colonel Taylor concerning- Mr. Calhoun. I thought it illiberal at the time; T must now suspend my opin ion upon it. for new light. 1 also remember your sugges tions during the same winter. I ^nought you both did him injustice at the time. Had I thought with you then he would not now be the Secretary of War. T will write you at length after the adjournment of the present session of congress. I think I shall make my determination by that time, and that I shall eat my Christmas dinner in Oglethorpe next year. Such is my present impression. Why should I suffer myself to he ii-KifJe -'L mn.rk ;it which every unprincipled knave shall direct the shafts of calumny and detraction for years, in order to take upon myself, if succors should attend the exertions of my friends, the responsibility of governing 10.000,000 of peo ple? 1 a in alreadv weary and disgusted ; n anticipation. What then vill be the ream-? But, th- spring will decide il. ! will rel.ii-E; Llir-Mi, ov mal-e up rny mind to suffer two years

Crops of corn in this part of the country, and from here

APPT5NDIX

231

to the New England states, are very short. From, the 1st to
the 20th of July it rained every day--from that time to the 2 8th of August we had rain. September "was dry, varied by

light showers. From the 1st of August to this time my house lias been a hospital. Sometimes seven of the whole family

were in bed at a time, find three servants. All the children
have had at least two attacks, and some four or five. I had a very severe one. Mrs. Crawford, on the 14th of September,
added another son to our "family----"was remarkably "well after it---but on the 28th was seized with bilious fever, from which

she is not yet well recovered. f was taken on the 9th of

the same month, and was confined to my bed for nearly three

weeks. We are now, however, nearly recovered. We are thankful, indeed, that in so much disease and distress no case of mortality has occurred in tlie family. We .have more than double the affliction this summer than what has occurred s'nce we had a family.

I think the Nankin cotton must be an acceptable article

to the "Rastern manufacturers. It is of a superior kind to

that which we had twenty years ago. My nephew writes me

that what he raised last year is greatly superior in color to any ho ever saw. I can send yoii some of the seed, which,
however, is t\vo years old. T tried some of the seed this fall,
and they car;;e uu. ( wiJ] send you some of the Malta clover seed. It will not do here----the winters are too cold. Perhaps

it will stand your winters.

Give my respects to Mrs. Mall and the members of your family, respectively. Tell Mrs. Bibb that "we call our young

est son W. W. Bibb----the latter will be his ordinary name. T remain respectfully yours, etc.,

WM. H. CRAWFORD.

B. I-Iall, Req.

P, S,----Your letter of the 38th of October has also been

received, and has been, in fact, answered, although not

expressly acknowledged in the body of this letter. If you

wish more of the Nankin cotton seed I will send yon some

more of it.

W. H. C.

CRAWFORD TO TAIT.
WASHINGTON, 3d June, 1S22. My Dear Sir: Your letter of the 26th of April last was, received the day before congress adjourned. With sincere pleasure I tender to you and Mrs. Tait my congratulations upon the happy change which has just taken place in your
with a rational prospect of enjoying as much happiness as falls to Lho lot of humanity iu that stage oil humo.n existence.
My Family having had frequent returns of bilious fever LLiruugh the --inter and *ip to the present time, I have determined to take the whole of them to Georgia, and shall leave- ihut PIKCP about, tho first of ne;-.t month, and expect to ]'<-n.ch Oglethorpe about the last of Lt. I believe that, this journey is the? best means of restoring them to the enjoyment

232

APPENDIX

You will have seen from the newspapers the course "which tilings have taken here. The Missouri question, and the elec tion of! Jno. \V. Taylor over Mr. Txiwndes as Speaker, pro duced an impression that a geographical party had been formed which for several years would control the course of events. Mr, Callionn seems to have been deeply impressed with this idea, supposing, however, that the election of an eastern Pres ident, independent of this consideration, would be more likely to secure to the South the office of President in the year 1832 than if it had continued there until that period. Mr. Calhouii, during that session and through the whole of the last year until after tho meeting of congress, is understood to nave openly supported the pretensions of Mr. Adams. I have used the impression understood, hut it is a fact susceptible of the most conclusive evidence. It is possible, however, that H will be denied. His attention, however, was unremittedly fixed upon the election of governor in Georgia. He stated to a gentleman in this place in August that he considered the election to be between the Governor and myself, and not between him and Colonel Troup; and that if Clark was elected he considered that the state of Georgia would be against me as President. About this time, it is presumed, he became convinced that the geographical feeling which he supposed in the "winter to have been dominant no longer existed, and that if I. was rejected by Georgia I would not be supported out of it, and that consequently, if the Governor should he re-elected the Southern interest would he derelict, and might be seized by the first adventurer. Under this impres sion, and to be prepared for events, lie made a tour through Pennsylvania, "the old stamping ground," "his native state." Shortly after his return he save me the most distinct assur ances that he would under no circumstances suffer his name to be put up for the Presidency. The assurances were "wholly voluntary, and not called for by anything T had said to him, and he repeated twice that if my friends did not act an unfriendly part towards him it was easy to foresee the course ^-e should pursue in relation to the Presidential election, hav ing previously said that there would be but two persons brought forward for that office, viz: One from the East and one from the South. This was the 12th of October. I had stater! to him at the same time that I believed the Governor would be re-elected. it is presumed that these assurances and. professions wore made with a view to conciliate me and my friends, under the impression that the re-election of the Governor would be admitted by them and me, to place me out of view.
1 IT;mediately after the meeting of congress his name was put up. and reports ivore circulated that the whole Pennsyl vania delegation were for him,, whereas it is well under stood i,-ia t T. J. Kodgers and Patrick HMndly, two Irishmen, were the only member s> from the state that were for him, or are

APPENDIX

233

for him now, at least of the Republicans. It is presumed that Mr. Lowndes' nomination at Columbia proceeded from the same idea, viz: That the Southern interest had become dere lict by the election of the Governor of Georgia. This idea, or rather the assertion that his election was a rejection of. me by the state, appeared in the Charleston papers that announced that election. The nomination of Mr. L. ....... was most unfortunate for him. He is an amiable man of fine talents, but one that but few, if any, had ever thought of for that office, the general impression being that he is not well qualified for executive duties.
It is possible that Mr. C. ....... has by this time seen that his impressions as to the effect of the Georgia election are erroneous. Indeed, it is well known that he is undeceived on that point, but he has put too many springs in motion, and is too sangiiine by nature to think of retracing his steps. If it was now practicable. He has, by his temper and want of judgment, to say nothing more, involved the President in, a controversy with the senate, which I am fearful will not be amicably adjusted. Th ; s circumstance, however, is adroitly wielded by him or his friends to sow dissension between the President and me. I have been accused by them of having the nominations of Colonels Towsoii and Gadsden rejected, By the bye, the latter, when Mr. C. ....... came into office, at least in the same year, was a lieutenant in the corps of engineers; in June, 1821, was made adjutant general and placed at the head of the staff of the army; yet there has been no favoritism. After all these exertions it is consolatory to be well assured that he has no possible chance of success. "When I see you I will let you into some secrets relative to his true character that will astonish you as much as they did me.
Mr. R. King told General Laeock that he C. ....... had then more secret agents running through New York than DeWitt Clinton had in Pennsylvania in 1812. He said such things were abominable, and ought to be put down. All this,
however, is entre nous.
Colonel King has said that he expected that either you or Wm. Craw ford would be his successor. I do not know whether be expects that this will be without or with his consent. It is believed by some that he expects a mission to South America. General Dearborn's appointment to Lisbon. has surprised everybody that I have heard from. Sanford and General Smith wished it, and I suppose twenty others would have had it that -were at least as well qualified for it.
There will be no Presidential candidate in New York. This, I believe, is well ascertained. Mr. C......'s name is
before the public.
I wish most sincerely that you may return to the senate. Your recent xinlon will oppose no obstacle to it, as you will be able to bring madam with you.
I remain, dear sir, your friend, etc.,
"WM. H. CRAWFORD.
Hon. Charles Tait.

234

APPENDIX CRAW.FORD TO TAIT. CHEROKEE CORNER, GA., 17th Sept.. 1S22.

The bickering between the editors of the intelligencer and National Advocate is not very intelligible. The former are very solicitous to postpone all discussion upon the subject of the approaching election until after th<
.a. The nomination of General Jaelison l>y Tennessee can
produce no effect whatever, unless it should affect the elec tion of Colonel Williams to the seriato. I am fearful that it was intended more for that purpose than any other. There is no other state in the Union that will laKc him for Presi dent.
In this state things go on protty much in the old way. The Governor has declared that the absence of Colonel Ham-, mond from Milledgeville has vacated the office, and hrs?, in consequence of this determination filled tlin vacancy. Much excitement lias been produced in the state, and present appear-

APPENDIX

285

ances warrant the conclusion that he has lost considerably in the public estimation. Many of his firm supporters here tofore have declared their abandonment of him, but it is probable that many of those who disapprove of the act will continue their general support of the man. The act itself is both ridiculous and corrupt. If absence from the place where the duties are to be performed creates a vacancy the office of the executive has been vacated every year since he has been in office. If the principle is correct as to one ministerial or executive office, it is as to all, and I see no reason for exempt ing judicial offices from the same rule. But his excellency defends the measure on the ground that he intended origiinally only to make a provisional appointment until the Sec retary should return. This is more ridiculous than his enemies could have expected from him. If the vacancy was created he had no right to prescribe terms to the person appointed, who constitutionally must hold, unless he should voluntarily resign, until the leg : slature should elect to the vacancy. The pretense that he has at first thought to appoint Thos. Craw-
ford, a son of Peter Crawford, will not be believed by any one. Plain truth has therefore made the matter worse. Tbe means resorted to to obtain possession of the office are as inconsistent with the principles of our government as the construction resorted to to create the vacancy. If Hammond had been disposed to resist force by force, to repossess himself of the office, the people of the place would have ousted h's opponent in a moment. I presume he took legal advice, and was gov erned accordingly.

I have just heard that S. W. Harris is dead. I am afraid the new-s is true. It comes tolerably direct. If he is dead I think General Glascock will be elected. Forsyth, Cobb, Tatnall and Abbott are certain. The other three members must be made up from Gary, Golding, Cuthbert, Haynes, Thompson arid Glascock. The first will probably be sure, and also the two last, but nothing certain can be predicted as to the last.

Great exertions will be made by the friends of Mr. Calhoun to prevent the election of Judge Smith in South Carolina, but T presume without effect. In this state there will be no opposition. In North Carolina B. Yancey will probably oppose General Stokes, and be successful. In Virginia Pleasants will, it is presumed, be re-elected without opposition. Tn Mary land it is probable that General Smith will succeed Mr. Pinckney. Lloyd has succeeded H. G. Otis, and has boon elected in opposition to the Federal caucus nomination. ("Webster) and. will be with us. Richard C. Anderson, it is understood, will oppose R. M. Johnson, and will probably succeed. If Poindexter fails against Ranliin it is likely he will run against Thos. H. "Williams for the senate.

Such are the prospects before \is. I will write you again before 1 leave the state, which will not be before the 9th of October. I remain, dear Judge, yours, etc.,

Hon. C. Tait.

WM. H. CRAWFORD.

P. S.----Present my respects to Mrs. Tait, together with

those of Mrs. C.

W. H. C,

236

APPJ3NDTX CRAWFORD TO TA1T.

produced, or given full development to, feelings of great acerbity towards me, in the "bosom of Win. K. King; and T presume his colleague had already cherished the same feel
ings towards me, without ever having seen me. Reports had reached me before Colonel King's arrival
here that I had written letters to Alabama to prevent his election, directing that you should he elected, and declaring that he should be provided with a land office. One of these letters were said to have been written to yon. I authorized the gentleman to whom the communication had been made to contradict the reports. When the colonel arrived 1 under stood that lie had heard the same reports, and was very wroth. The first time 1 saw him 1 stated to him that J. had under stood that he had heard such reports. He admitted that he had. T informed him thai I hr.d never interfered in the elections of any state except in those of the state of which I was a citizen, and that I made this declaration from motives of self-respect, p.nd not from a desire to produce any effect upon the political course he m:ght think proper to pursue. He expressed his satisfaction upon the occasion, and declared that he bad not given implicit confidence to these reports.
You will perceive by the newspapers that an insidious conspiracy has been formed against me by NTinian Edwards & Company, of which Cook has again been made the cat's paw. The facts of the case are too glaring to deceive anyone, and they are now writhing under the effects of their own villany. Hugh Kelson of Virginia, the confidential friend of the Presi dent, is of the number of tlirs reputable group of conspirators. Samuel D. Ingham and Gabriel Moore are working coadjutors
in this laudable undertaking. J am passing through a, fiery trial, the result, of which
it is not easy to foresee. Mr. Clay is here, in the lull exercise of his power of pleasing and cajoling. There _H, however, such a thing as overrating, and in his efforts he :s continually betweeii Scylla and Chary bdis. The gentleman from South Carolina is understood to be liors du combat, having consigned his forces, that "were disposable, to an Eastern general. Such at least are the impressions here. The latter gentleman is apparently more formidable than he was twelve months ago. Some, however, think that appearances in his case are decep tive, and that in fact, lie is not stronger than he was at that
time. Well! What do you tbink? They have declared me a
Federalist in 1798. An address to John Adams in that year try the young m-?a of Augusta is the evidence offered to estab lish the fact. That [ was a member of 1 he committee that drew up the address I admit, but that i ever assented to the last paragraph of it, as republished, I know to. be untrue. I

APPENDIX

237

"Willi

-,

that Colonel Williams will be re-elected. In Delaware no

apprehension is entertained of a change for the worse, and it

is believed that the change in New Hampshire is for the bet

ter. (Governor Bell is for Mr. Morrill, who, by the by, is a

very correct man, but probably not equal in talents to his

successor) .

I shall not frank this letter, and shall send it by the

way of Knoxville.

My family is well with the exception of colds. The

238

APPENDIX

weather for eight or ton days has "been very severe. The

river is again closed, a. liter being open for more than ten

days. Mrs. Crawford unites with me in respectful regards to

Mrs. Tait and yourself.

Yours, etc.,

WM. H. CRAWFO RD.

Honorable Charles Tait.

P. S.----Let me hear from you as early and as often as

possible. I shall not visit Georgia this summer. It is whis

pered that my enemies are about to republish ClarK's book.

I am now able to prove, what I always knew, that he did

interfere with the grand juries in 1803 to obtain the recom

mendations. The assertion with which he set out in his book,

that such recommendations had been usual, is proved to be

false by the records of the courts.

It :s; horrible to be annoyed in this way, even when the

effects are more injurious to the character of the assailant

than of tho assailed. He. however, has but little to lose----the

risk is therefore very unequal.

What shall be done if it is republished? That is the

question.

W. M. C.

Honorable Charles Tait, Port Claiborne, Ala., Via Knoxville, in Tennessee.

MR. CRAWFORD TO MR. CAT^HOUN.
WOODLAWN, 2nd Oct., 1830.
Sir: Since the adjournment of congress, the copy of a letter from you to the President containing eleven sheets, has been placed in my hands. The object of this labored essay is to prove that a statement contained in a letter from me to the Hon. John Porsyth, of the senate of the United States, is
tained in that essay, I should not be afraid of convincing every rational and unprejudiced mind that my statement to Mr. Forsytli is substantially correct.
In the brief comment which I intend to make upon your essay of eleven sheets, I propose to avoid the example you have set them in three things, viz: I shall not begin by depreciating the official dignity and weight of character of the person I address; when. I meet with, a fact that I cannot frankly and distinctly deny, I will not attempt to prove a negative by argument; and I shall not falsely and hypocriti cally profess a forbearance which I do not feel.
I shall first notice your observations upon the disclosure of the secrets of the cabinet, which you say is the first that has occurred, at least in this country. Do you really believe this assertion, Mr. Calhoun ? How did the written opinion of Messrs. Jefferson and Hamilton, on the first bank bill, ever see the liglit? How "were the facts and circumstances which preceded and accompanied the removal of Edmund Randolph from the state department, by General "Washington, disclosed and made known to the public? If your assertion be true, those facts and circumstances would, at this moment, be buried in Egyptian darkness. While a cabinet is in existence'

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and its usefulness liable to be impaired, reason and common sense point out the propriety of keeping its proceedings secret. .But after tlio cabinet no longer exists, when Us usefulness cannot be impaired by the disclosure of its proceedings, neither reason, common sense, nor patriotism, requires that those proceedings should be shrouded in impenetrable darkness. The acts of such a cabinet become history, and the nation has the same right to a knowledge of them that it has to any other historical fact. It is presumed that all nations have entertained this opinion, and have acted upon it. Whence the secret his Lory of cabinets, the most despotic in Europe. Hence the history of the house of Stuart, by Charles James Fox, which discloses the most secret intercourse between Charles the II and the French minister, by which it was proven that Charles was a pensioner of .Louis the XIV, king of France, and had secretly engaged to re-establish popery in England. Yet in the face of all these facts, you dare to presume upon the ignorance of the distinguished person you were address ing, so far as to insinuate that such disclosures had never been made in any country, but certainly not in the republic.
The next thing which I shall observe is, the manner in which you attempt to obtain evidence to controvert my state ment to Mr. Forsyth. That statement contained one promi nent and distinct fact; everything else in that statement was secondary and collateral to that fact. It was reasonable, in controverting that statement, that you should have sought to , obtain evidence to controvert that fact. You apply to Mr. ,s Monroe and Mr. Wirt for evidence. But of what? Not of the principal fact, but of secondary collateral matter. The omission to appeal to Mr. Monroe whether you made the propo sition ascribed to you in my letter to Mr. Forsyth is strong, presumptive evidence that you believed his answer would conrtrni my statement. You remembered the excitement which your proposition produced in. the mind and upon the feelings \/ of the President, and did not dare to ask him any question tending to revive his recollection of that proposition. The different manner in which you approach the President and ' Mr. Wirt, even upon the collateral secondary fact upon which you do venture to interrogate them, proceeds from the same fact that made you avoid interrogating them upon the princi pal fact. When you make the inquiry of Mr. Wirt, you enclose him such an extract from my letter as informs him of the nature of the evidence you are in search of, because, I presume you believed, that extract would not tend to refresh his memory, or relied implicitly upon Mr. Wirt's disposition to give such evidence as you desired from him. But you were apprehensive that the same extract sent to Mr. Monro.e might refresh his memory and enable him to give such an answer as would not suit your views. The extract of my letter sent to Mr. Wirt described facts and circumstances in which Mr. Monroe was a principal actor. It was therefore deemed unsafe to submit them to him. The excitement pro duced upon the President was so manifest that you did not believe it could have escaped the attention of Mr. Wirt; you therefore believed it unsafe to interrogate him as to your proposition personally affecting General Jackson. Mr. Mon-

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the bar several years, it is possible your law learning never ascended so high. T might safely rest the case here; but I -will produce one affirmative witness in support of the accuracy \ of the statement, opposed as it is by Mr. Wirt's negative -i statement. The Hon. Benjamin W. Crowninshield, in a letter dated 2bth July, 1830, says, "you ask if I recollect, while in trie council of the cabinet, of a letter written by General Jack son to the President Moiiroe? I do recollect of a conversa tion about a private letter which Mr. Calhoun, I believe, asked for, and the President.said he had not got it, but upon examination found lie had it. This letter contained informa tion and opinions respecting Spain and her colony, the Floridas; but the particulars 1 cannot now undertake to say or
circumstances then spoken of did fully explain General Jackt son's conduct during the campaign. I remember, too, that Mr. "* Calhomi was severe upon the conduct of the general, but the
words particularly spoken have slipped my recollection." Now, sir, what do you think of the negative statement, of Mr. \Virl? Do you think it now so very certain that that letter was not produced and read in the cabinet upon which your memory is so distinct? Do you not, on the contrary, feel convinced of having attempted to pass off a falsehood upon the President of the United States?
The main fact contained in my statement is not denieddirectly or indirectly in your elaborate essay. But a negative is attempted by argument. And what kind of an argument is offered? AVhy, that "it would be to rate his (your) under standing very low to suppose that an officer under our laws could be punished without arrest and trial." Sir, I rate any man's understanding very low who acts with a total disregard to principle, it is true, that in addition to the argument you \ add, that to say you did not propose to arrest General Jack-> son, but that he should be punished or reprehended in some form or other, is absurd on its face. What need is there for arrest and trial preparatory to reprimand? But is it indeed true that a military officer cannot be punished without arrest and trial? Was not the disapprobation in the case of the Seminole war a punishment? I think General Jackson must . have felt it to be such. I should have opposed it, if I had J seen any v/ay of placing the government in the right as to Spain; without disavowing the principal events of the Semi
nole war. li' you are not satisfied with the evidence of Mr. Crownin
shield, Mr. Adams, in a letter dated 3J)th__Jjily..,.._lS.3_u, says: "The main point upon -which it was urged that General JackjXSon should be brought to trial was, that he had violated his orders by taking St. Marks and Peiisacola." It is true that Mr. Adams does not say by whom it was urged to bring Gen eral Jackson to trial; but you know well that there was no
proposition made in the cabinet affecting General Jackson

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personally, but what was made by yourself. If you deny this, I will obtain the necessary explanation from Mr. Adams. It may be proper to state, that the two letters from Messrs. Adams and Crowninshield are the only communications I have received from them since my departure from "Washing ton, and they are in reply to the only letters I have written to them since the aforesaid period. There has been as little sympathy, either individual or political, between those gentle men and me as between them and you, and in fact, much less between Mr. Adams and myself than between him and you; at least before the coalition between him and Clay. In fact, before that event, my impression was, that from the tinie your name was put down for the Presidency, you favored the cause of Mr. Adams. And the fact that all his electors voted for you as Vice-President, and that you suffered his printer to become proprietor of the press you had established in Washington for the express purpose of vilifying my character and lauding yours, without stipulating that it should not be wielded against General Jackson, go far to establish the fact. I have now done with your argumentative denial and the negative evidence of Mr. Wirt, backed by your distinct recol lection.
1 shall now take some notice of your attacks upon me, which with the exception of Mr. McDume's letter, are all argu mentative, and principally founded upon that letter.
ITor the present I shall say nothing about that letter or the reasoning founded upon it. You express much forbear ance towards me, because you say I have been unfortunate. "What do you mean by unfortunate? If you mean that I have much bodily affliction you are right; but, thank God, those afflictions are past, and I am now, and have been for more than three years, in the enjoyment of vigorous, uninterrupted health. But it" by unfortunate, you mean that I "was not elected President in 1824-5, I must beg leave to dissent from the truth of that assertion. I am conscious of being less unfortunate than you were. "You, after obtruding your name upon the nation as a candidate for the Presidency, in a man ner until then unknown, and I trust -will never he repeated, and conducted yourself in the same unprecedented manner while your name was permitted to be in, were put down by the state of Pennsylvania, upon which you affected to rely for success. My name was put up by my friends for the same office, and by them was kept up, notwithstanding my bodily afflictions, till the election was consummated in the house of representatives in February, 1825. No man in the nation was
better pleased at my exclusion than I was; for I then verily believed, and I do now believe, that had I been elected, my remains would now be reposing in the national tourying ground, near the eastern branch of the Potomac. I was there fore far -from consider ing myself unfortunate in the result of the election in the house of representatives.
Your forbearance towards me has been affected because you believed you could more effectually injure me. I request that hereafter, if you should have occasion to write or speak of me, you will not again feign a forbearance you do not feel.
You affect to lament that my friends did not interfere

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and prevent my meddling with this matter. I make no doubt that you would have been very g]ad to have been spared the trouble of making so elaborate a comment upon a letter of three pages. 1 make no doubt that you dislike the idea of being exposed and stripped of the covert you hav,e been enjoy ing under the President's wings, by means of falsehood and misrepresentation. You assert that my suspicion that you wrote, or caused to be written, the letter which was published in a Nashville Gazette, is without foundation. A man who knows as well as I do, the small weight of which any assertion of yours is entitled, in a matter where your interest leads you to disregard the truth, must have other evidenec than your assertion to remove even - a suspicion. You ask why not charge Mr. Adams with having written, or caused that letter to be written? The answer is easy and conclusive. That letter contained two falsehoods----one intended to injure me; the other intended to benefit you; and that which was for your benefit, taking from Mr. Adams half the credit of defending General Jackson, and giving it to you. Admitting, for the sake of argument, that Mr. Adams was disposed to injure me, no one will, I think, s tip pose that he would voluntarily ascribe half the merits of his own actions to the man who was the most strenuous opposer of his wishes. If the intrinsic evi dence of the letter fixes it upon you and not upon Mr. Adams, suusequent events strongly corroborate the inference deducible from the contents of the published letter. During the whole of the Presidential canvas of '23, '24, I have no recol lection of any act of Mr. Adams tending to vilify me; but you know that you set up .the Washington Republican, in ^ Washington, for the express purpose of vilifying my reputa tion, and had the effrontery and shamelessness to cause it to be published by a clerk in the department, whose tenure of office was your will. The facts which I have stated will exon erate Mr. Adams from the charge of having any concern with the Nashville letter, and fix that charge upon you in the esti mation of reasonable men, your denial to the contrary not withstanding.
You place great stress upon the conduct of gentlemen in congress, whom you assert to be my friends. This is -what might be expected from a man of your loose principles, or rather no principles. My friends in congress were men who would have been insulted had any man, however elevated, approached them in the language of entreaty and persuasion. I never did, and never would, if I were to live a thousand years, interfere with a man who was acting under the obliga tions of an oath, to persuade or entreat him to act contrary to the convictions of his own judgment; and if I were such member, and any man, however elevated he might be, were to interfere with me by way of entreaty or persuasion, I should feel myself insulted, and should certainly insult the person so interfering. The only conversation I recollect ever to have participated in with a member of congress, in reference to the foregoing subject, was with Mr. Cobb, at my own house in the presence of Mr. Macon, of North Carolina. In that con versation I supported General Jackson's right to put Ambrister
to death. Mr. Macon, I believe, was convinced; but I am not

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certain that Mr. Cobb was. That gentleman acted in concert
with Mr. Clay in the part he acted in the discussion upon the Semiiiole war. Mr. ForsytU and Mr. Lacock were men of
high character and experience, and leaned upon no person.

iiiijji tjaanJii iii<t, J.VJ.1 . iuui-iruts wao
capable of that duplicity which would connive at the execulisavow it after it was executed. I
In trie whole course of my life I have been as much in the habit of uttering my opinions and stating facts as they were known to me, when made proper by time and place, that

your determination to pursue tne course in tne
cabinet you did, and that I approved of it. Mr. McDuffie has
applied this conversation to the cabinet deliberations, and has made me a proof of your proposition unfriendly to General

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therefore, no hesitation in saying, the -whole oi' Air. Me Duffle's statement is a mistake. I say nothing of the motives of Mr. McDxiffle in making the statement, because I do not know them; but this I will say, that Mr. McDuffie has, upon a former occasion, shown a willingness to injure and asperse me. It is somev.'liat doubtful for what purpose Mr. McDuffie's statement \va.s obtained, as his statement has no direct bear ing- upon the facts stated in my Jetter to Mr. J^orsyth. It appears to me on reflection, that the principal object in obtaining it was to impeach my veracity. if that was the object 1 have no fear o the result, where ho and I are known. To give you a Rowland for your Oliver read, the enclosed extract of the letter "of Captain Ross. 1 know nothing of the correctness of his statement, farther than that be made the statement to me in substance before ho loft 'Washington, and further added, that he communicated his impression to a military officer residing in Washington, and attached to the war department, who told him that was no matter of sur prise; that the officers attached to the department had made that discovery before. I have left the name of the officer a blank, as I was unwilling to involve him in a controversy with you, without his consent.
You say that the decision of. the cabinet was unanimously agreed to. This I believe to be untrue, and 1 believe you knew it to be untrue at the time you wrote it. My reasons are the following: The cabinet deliberations commenced on Tuesday morning, and on Friday evening all the questions which had been discussed were, j: thought, decided, and Mr. Adams directed to draft a note to the Spanish minister, con formable to those decisions. I intended to set off. for Georgia on Sunday morning, .and in order to prepare the department for my absence I was busily employed in office, when about one or two o'clock I received a note from the President requir ing my attendance. When I_eiitered the greatest part of Mr. Adams' note had been rejecte'd, and the remainder was shortly after, and he was directed to draft another note pursuant to the decision which had been made. The next morning I set off for Georgia. Mr. Adams' letter, -which is now before me, contains a repetition of the arguments he used in the cabinet; and in the letter he informs me that the exposition which appeared in the Intelligencer was not written by him. Prom all these facts, I think it is fairly Inferable that Mr. Adams did not agree to the decision of the cabinet, and that you must have known it; for it is clear that he did not agree to it on Saturday; and it is highly improbable that any argu ments should have boon urged to convince him after he had been twice directed to draft his note in conformity to the decisions which had been previously made.
You dwell with ranch stress upon tbe lapse of time since those deliberations, and seem to be unconscious that the same lapse of time applies to all your certificates, negative and affirmative.

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245

You seem to repose full confidence on Mr. McDuffie'a
likely to make the Fame impression upon the mind as the facts contained in my letter to Mr. Forsyth. You even refer to your recollection of a very trivial fact which you say hap pened during tho next sess'oii of congress. I have now a letter before me, dated in October, 1821, in which 1 state to you, that you had a short time before informed me that your memory could not be relied upon as to facts. You wrote me a letter the next day, in which yoxi did not controvert that fact; yet, now after a, lapse of twelve years, you rely upon

to see that private confidential letter, because you had received some hints about it, and you believed from some of my friends. Do you not perceive some inconsistency in your essay? You had just censured me for not using this letter, and then insinuate that I had used it. as you seem to think I ought to have used it. In truth, 1 do not believe one word of your insinuation, nor do S. believe you do, for the reason I have already stated; 1 know T never made use of it. But you insinuate that I made disclosures of the secrets of the cabinet to the editor of a newspaper in Milledgeville, because General Clark suspected it, and because I never denied it. T never knew that I was charged with it except in General dark's book, arid there the evidence offered in support of it was so ridiculous that no person, less ignorant and malig nant than General Clark, would have paid the least atten tion to it. Besides, if I had denied that charge, and not gone through his book, and denied every charge :'n it, however ridic ulous, it would have been alleged by you and your co-laborers that the charges not denied were admitted. But, sir, since you renew the charge, T give it, the most unqualified denial. The editor of the paper alluded to, said in my presence that lie had been informed that it had been proposed in the cabl-

Let us apply your own rule to you, and see how you will . stand the test of your own reasoning. A Charleston paper of last March stated that you had been charged with participa tion in the Ninian Edward's plot against my reputation. Have you ever denied this charge?
Again, you have been charged in the South Carolina papery with being a nullifier. IVIr. Gales has denied this for you; but have you denied it yourself? Have you ever con sidered the rirliculous figure you may cut in the sequel, if this nullification advances much farther?
In 181 (i you were nmmij? the foremost in avowing the expediency and right of protecting domestic manufactures. Now your disciples deny the right, and propose to nullify an act of coiif.yrc'ss, founded upon the principle of protection. You may depend upon il, if you and your friends should pro ceed PO fat 1 HP. Id incur iho guilt, and suffer the punishment
a-ion ami iinrair-ccT-'-sful rebellion you will meet with no
li a ve i., a. id that Mr. "Wirt's negative statement is the nr ideiiee jou have in support of your negative assertion;

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that the confidential letter was not produced and read in the

cabinet. For proof of this read the enclosed extract of Mr.

iJonroe's letter, by which it will be seen that, having no

reliance upon his own recollection, he applied to Mr. Wirt

for information, and he candidly and very properly adds,

"still, as the question turns on memory alone, Mr. Wirt, as

well as I, may be mistaken, and in regard to me, as I was

sick in bed when I received the letter, that presumption is

/the more probable."

'

You appear to boast of the services you rendered General

Jackson in his utmost need. "What those services were you

have not condescended to state in your very elaborate essay.

Nor have I heard them hinted at before. Perhaps your merit

orious services were in entreating and persuading members of

congress to approve acts that you deemed worthy of punish

ment when deliberating in the cabinet. I will, however, not

dwell upon this topic. If you satisfy the President that you

rendered him essential service I have no objection that you

be rewarded for it. What I object to is, you should be

rewarded for ascribing to me your own acts.

Yon say that to place General Jackson's defense upon

the confidential letter is to do him an injury, and that he in his

reports never rested it upon that ground. Whether this be

true or not, I have no means of judging. But, in the course

of the subsequent winter I saw an essay in a Nashville -paper

in which the writer asserted that the administration knew

before General Jackson entered Florida that he intended to

take Spanish forts; and that know-ing it, and not counter

manding it, the administration had made his acts their own,

and were not at liberty to disavow them. I carried this letter

to the President, and requested him to read the essay, giving

him my opinion that the essay was either written under Gen

eral Jackson's immediate inspection, or by a person that had

access to his private papers; for, that the confidential letter

was evidently referred to. A short time after he returned the

Gazette saying he entirely concurred with me in opinion.

Extract No. 2 of his letter shows that Mr. Monroe now recol

lects the circumstances, to which my letter to him called his

attention.

I must take some further notice of Mr. Wirt's negative

statement before I close this commentary. Mr. Wirt com

mences his letter by expressing doubts about disclosing the

secrets of the cabinet without the consent of the President,

and every member of the cabinet present. I suppose the

squeamishness of Mr. "Wirt suggested to you the very wise

declaration you have ventured upon the same subject. Mr.

Wirt's squeamishness yields to the consideration that you only

request information as to your own past in the declarations

of the cabinet. This he gravely assents to, and then states

that you proposed an inquiry into general Jackson's conduct.

He then proceeds with nearly two pages, stating what he

does not reeoilect. All that he does not recollect, 1 do dis

tinctly recollect, and so does Mr. Crowninshield. But "what he

does not recollect is arrayed by you as evidence against what

I and Mr. Crowninshield do recollect. And Mr. Wirt, from his

manner of stating his non-recollections, seems disposed to

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247

countenance the use you have made of his negative state ments. You are -welcome to it, and to the reasoning with which he has supplied you. Since the dissolution of Mr.

closing any fact that transpired in it. While it existed I dis closed nne of its secrets, and whosoever says 1 did says what is not true. I know of no intrigues to injure you or any other person, either directly or indirectly. Had I been called on in the year 1825, after the 3d of March, as I was called on by Mr. Forsyth last spring, I should have made the same d.sclosures then that I made to Mr. Forsyth. Whether Mr. Wirt remembers the facts contained in my statement is perfectly indifferent to me, even if Mr. Crowninshield had not remem bered them. But his recollection oC the facts is almost as distinct as mine. Mr. Adams' recollection is, that it was proposed to bring General Jackson to trial, and Mr. Crowninshleld's that you were severe upon the conduct of the general.
I believe both of these gentlemen have given the impres sion that your arguments made upon their minds. Indeed neither of them have intended to give your express "words. I am, therefore, notwithstanding their statements, of opinion that the proposition ascribed to you in my letter to Mr. Forsyth is thereby correct, although "it may he to rate his (your) understanding very low, and may be absurd on its face." I believe I have now gone through your tedious essay, and have been much more tedious than 1 expected to be; but your insinuations have been so multifarious and various that I could not well he shorter, and ! have not time to revise it and make it shorter. A. few words more about conspiracies. General Noble informed me that Tor about two weeks before Niniau Edwards set off to the west, in 1823, he lodged in the same house with him, and that a person in going to Edwards' room had to pass by his, and that during that time you paid a daily visit to his (Edwards') room, and' spent from one to two hours with him. He sent his memorial bank to "Washing ton while he was on his .journey; it is therefore highly proba ble that the most of it was written in Washington and reviewed and revised by you during your daily visits to that compeer of yours. Every person who knew Edwards was con vinced he never would have ventured upon such a step with out having received assurances from persons he deemed capa ble of protecting him. Your letter of the third of July to the managers of the Fourth of July dinner in "Washington was considered at the time an act redeeming the pledge of pro-

McLean united with you in the letter. Mr. Adams' motive for signing it was apparent. Edwards was h : s political sup porter. His son-in-law held the vote of Illinois in his hands, without which it appeared in the event. Mr. Adams could not have been elected. Mr. Adams. therefore, had an adequate political motive for doing; the acl". You could have had no aucii motive, nor could Mr. Me"Lean, 1 believe, have had any

your wishes, and a desire to enable you to fulfill your promise to Edwards. From the time General Noble gave me the information, and that you signed the letter of the 3d of July,

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handi- work, and originated in your brain so fertile in mis chief. And yet yon complain of intrigues and conspiracies. I have, through my whole life, "been a plain, thorough-going .man. "When difficulties have arisen I, have honestly met them, and under the protection of the shield of integrity have vanquished them. I am now too old to adopt a new course of conduct. I am in retirement, and have no wish to emerge from that retirement,
T had like to have forgot your charge of infringing the purity of the electoral colleges. I wrote the letter to Mr. Rar-'-y of which you complain, and that was not the only letter, .riut at the time that letter was written I had no information that the electors of Kentucky were pledged to vote for you as Vice-President; nor have T any other evidence now before me than your assertion, which every person as well acquainted with you as I am will admit to be very slender evidence. I wrote no letter to any state where I knew the electors were pledged to vote for Vice-President.
You seem to think I am under the influence of resent ment. You are mistaken. Resentment is only felt against equals or superiors, and never against inferiors. From the time you established the Washington Republican for the pur pose of slandering and vilifying my reputation, I considered you a degraded, a disgraced man, for whom no man of honor and character could feel any other than the most sovereign contempt. "Under this impression, I wr a.s anx'ous that you should be no longer Vice-President of the United States. I

(Signed)

" WM. H. CR.VWFORD.

To the Hon. J. C. Callioun, Vice-President U. S.

MR. CALHOUN TO MR. CRAWFORD, RETURNING HIS
LETTER OF 2D OCT., 1830.
FORT HILL,, October 30, 1S30.
Sir: The last mail brought me your letter of the 2d instant, but post marked the 23d, which T herewith return.
I cannot consent to correspond with you on the subject to which it refers. The controversy is not with you, but General Jackson. Yon, from the first, voluntarily assumed the character of the in forrnpr. Under that character only can T know yon, which of. course precludes all communication between us in relation to the controversy, except through General Jackson. Regarding you in the light I do, you may rest assured that no abuse on your part, however coarse, nor charges against me, however false, can possibly provoke me to raise you to the level of a principal by substituting you in the place of General Jackson in the correspondence. Should you, however, submit to the degradation of the position which you have thus voluntarily taken, and will send this or any

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249

other statement to General Jackson, and induce him to nialce it the subject of any further communication to me, as con firming in his opinion your former statement, or weakening ray refutation, 1 will be prepared, by tho most demonstrative proof, drawn from the paper itself, to show such palpable errors in your present statement as to destroy all confidence in your assertions; leaving it, however, to those who have the liest means of judging to determine whether the want of truth be owing to a decayed memory or some other cause.
Having been taught by the past the necessity of taking a]I possible precaution where I have anything: to do with you, I deem it prudent not to deprive myself of the advantage which your paper affords me, and have accordingly taken a copy as a precautionary measure. 1 am, etc.,
J. C. CALHOUN. W. H. Crawford, Esq.

MR. CRAWFORD TO MR. FORSYTH.
WOODLAWN, 30th APRIL, 1830,
My Dear Sir: Your letter of the 16th was received by Sunday's mail, together with its enclosure. I recollect having conversed with you at the time and place, and upon the subject, in that en closure stated, but I have not a distinct recollection of what I said to you, but I am certain there is one error in your statement of that conversation to Mr.------. I recollect distinctly "what passed in the cabinet meeting, referred to in your letter to Mr.--------
Mr, Calhoun's proposition in the cabinet was, that General Jackson should be punished in some form, or reprehended in some form; I am not positively certain which. As Mr. Calhoun did not propose to arrest General Jackson, I feel confident that I could not nave made use of that word in my relation to you of the circumstances which transpired in the cabinet, as I have no recollection of ever having- designedly misstated any transaction in my life, and most sincerely believe I never did. My apology s for having disclosed what passed in a cabinet meeting is this: In '/ the summer after that meeting, an extract of a letter from Wash ington was published in a Nashville paper, in which it was stated * that I had proposed to arrest General Jackson, but that he was v,-' triumphantly defended by- Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Adams. This letter, I always believed, was written by Mr. Calhoun, or by his directions. It had the desired effect. General Jackson became extremely inimical to me, and friendly to Mr. Calhoun. In stat ing the arguments to Mr. Adams to induce Mr. Monroe to sup port General Jackson's conduct throughout, adverting to Mr. Monroe's apparent admission, that if a young officer had acted so he might be safelv punished. Mr. Adams said, that if General Jackson had acted so, that, if he was a subaltern officer, shooting was too good for him. This, however, was said with a view of driving Mr. Monroe to an unlimited support of what General Jackson had done, and not with an unfriendly view to the Gen eral. Indeed, my own views on the subject had undergone a ma terial change after the cabinet had been convened. Mr. Calhoun

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made some allusion to a letter the General had written to the

*" President, "who had forgotten that he had received such a letter,

but said, if he had received such a one, he could find it, and went

directly to his cabinet, and brought the letter out. In it General

Jackson approved of the determination of the government to

break up Amelia island and Galveztown, and gave it aiso as his

opinion that the Ploridas ought to be taken by the United States.

He added it might be a delicate matter for the Executive to de

cide; but if the President approved of it, he had only to give a

hint to some confidential member of Congress, say Johnny Ray,

and he would do it, and take the responsibility of it on himself.

\ I asked the President if the letter had been answered. He re-

\ plied, no; for that he had no recollection of having rereived it.

-^i then said that I had no doubt that General Jackson, in taking

Pensacola, believed he was doing -what the Executive wished.

After that ths letter was produced, unanswered I should have

ooposed the infliction of punishment upon the General, who had

considesed the silence of the President as a tacit consent; yet it

was after this letter was produced and read, that Mr. Calhoun

made his proposition to the cabinet for punishing the General.

You. may show this letter to Mr. Calhoun, if you please. With

the foregoing corrections of what passed in the cabinet, your ac

count of it to Mr. -------- is correct. Indeed, there is but one in

accuracy in it, and one omission. What I have written beyond

is a mere amplification of what passed in the cabinet. I do not

know that I ever hinted at the letter of the General to the Pres

ident; yet that letter had a most important bearing upon the de

liberations of the cabinet, at least in my mind, and possibly in the

minds of Mr. Adams and the President; but neither expressed

any opinion upon the subject. It seems it had none upon the

mind of Mr. Calhoun, for it made no changes in his conduct.

I am, dear sir, your friend,

And most obedient servant,

Hon. John Forsyth.

,

WM. H. CRAWFORD.

:'

'

" i <? '; s/''".v *1^' <f '

*.*** "* JH

. .. tr f : . ',,

Fae-aitnile of original now in possession of Mr, W. H. C, Dudley, the grand-son of Crawford,

INDEX.
A
Academy, Carmel organized .......................... 2 8
Acknowledgements due by author. ................... 5-6 Adams, Chas. Francis ...............................354 Adams, Davis, letter from........................... 5 0
Adams, John Quincy. Minister Plenipotentiary to the Hague. ............ 2 7 Minister to .Russia .............................119 Secretary of State. .......................... ...148 United States Commissioner to Ghent. ............ 119 Diary of.............................--.---..-lG4 Position oil Slavery. ............................155 Consults Crawl'ord ...............'..............155 Extract from Diary, ......................... .156-7 Record in Diary. .......................... .158-160 Clark Pamphlet. .............................. .162 Antagonistic, to State Rights.... 169, 181, 182, 195, 243 Appointment of Crawford. ...................... 251 Letter of...................................... 240
Adams, "William, British Commissioner to Ghent........ 119 Alien, Captain of "Argus". .......... .103, 104, 105, 106 Alexander, Emperor. .......................... .130, 221 Alston, Phil .......................................201 American State Papers Public L,and. .................. 33 Americus, Ga., Home W. H. C. Dudley.................. 5
W. H. C. Wheatley............................... 5 Manuscript destroyed hy fire...................... 8 Amherst County, Virginia. ...................... . lO, 11 Anabaptist Church on Kiokee. ........................ 22 Ahderson, Joseph, of Tennessee. ................. .83, 84 Duel with Tait. ................................. G5 Anderson, Ann, wife of David Crawford................ 10 Andrews, Judge Garnett, says of Crawford. ....... .36, 205 Area of Georgia in 1818. .......................... .145 "Argus," Crawford pays for supplies. ............... .108 Astor, .John Jacob, Crawford dines with. .............. 104
Augusta, Ga., captured by British..................... 12
B
Bacon's Rebellion .................................... 9
Baldwin, Abraham, Trustee State School. ............. .24 Death of ....................................... 7 7
Baldwin, Mrs. ..................................... 106 Ballot, Final for President. ......................... 1S2
Balloting for President. ............................. 175
Bancroft, condition described by...................... 13

254
Hank charter (18T.fi) ... Bank bill vote on .................................... 96 Barnett, Jool....................................... 42 Barnott., Nathaniel, sketch of......................... 41 Barnett, 7-,'r., Consul Lo Havre........................ 106 Barnett, Samuel.................... ...............217 Barnet{, "William, .................................. 5 5 Barbour, James, .................................. 158 Barlow, Mrs., .................................... . 10C Barrett, Dr. K. D., writes of the Crawfords ............. 1 0 Bassano, Duke of. ........................ .108, 115, 117 Bayard, United States Commissioner to Ghent. ......... 119 Bayard, James A. ................................. 160 Beck, Mrs. Mary Tait, furnished letters. ................ 5 Beneveiifco, Prince of............................... 220 Benton's, Thos. H., Thirty Years' View American Govern
ment ....................................157, 180 Berlin decrees of.................................... 98 Berrien, Ga. ...................................... 194 Bewick, VV., iioom to John Crawford................... 9 Bibb, VV. W. ........................................ 68 Blackshear, General .............................. .171 Bourne, Sylvanus, letter to..................... .118, 110 Brent, rrauk B. ..................................... 5 Britain, Great, two wars with......................... 7
War 1812 declared. ............................. 97 Broad River settlement, charter of..................... 34 Brownsort, Nathan, Trustee State School. .............. .24 Bryan, William J. .................................. 149 Bowdoiii, Mr. Temple. ..............................114 Buckeye Creek ..................................... 69 Burr, Aaron. .............................. .36, 78, 141
C
Galhouii, John C., Carmel Academy. .... Secretary of War. ............ .148, Better from Craw/ord .............. Letter to Crawford.
Calhoiui, J. Calhoun, Patrick
Carnes, Thos. Peter. . . Resigned judgeship
Castlereagh, I.ord .... Caucus, Presidential . .

INDEX

255

Census of Georgia In 1810................

Chappell's Miscell;mios ...................

Charleston, S. ., dofemled by Lincoln. ......

Charlotte Fort, duelling ground. ...........

Cheeves, Hon. Langdoii, President U. S. Bank

.146

"Chesapeake," American Frigate. ..........

Chester District, Craw-ford family moved to . . .

Circuit, Northern oi' Georgia, Crawi'ord appoint

Claibome, Hon. J. F. H., 011 Crawt'ord. .......

Clark and Crawford parties ........................... 7

Clark, Elijah, partisan bands of ...................... 1 5 Chimerical scheme ol' ............................ 2 7

Clark, Elijah, Jr. ................................... G8

Clark, John, attended school ......................... 46 Book entitled "Consideration of PurUv and Princi
ples W. H. Crawford". . . . .75, 151, 161, 229, 238 Challenge to Crawford ........................... 72 Correspondence . ............................ 51-74 Letter . ....................................... 6 3

Clark, J. F. author Ante-Slavery Days. ................ 154

Clary, Robt. ....................................... 69

Clay, Henry, in Clerk's office . ........................ 27 "Great Harry of the West" ........................ 83 Reply to Giles. ................................. 93 References to Crawford .......................93, 97 United States Commissioner to Ghent. ............. 119 Letters from Crawford ......... 120, 124-148, 151, 160 Antagonistic to State Rights. ................169, 194

Clay, Joseph, Trustee of State School. ................. 24

Clinton, George, Vice-President Senate. ............ .96, 144

Clinton, Sir Henry, Commander Royal Army. ........... 1 3

Cobb, Capt. Howell. ......................... 64, 68, 205

ColJb, Thus. W. . ................... .28, 35, 179, 184, 204

Cocke, Natt ........................................ 218

Code Duello, Gov. J. Lyde Wilson, author of ............. 45

College, Franklin .................................204

-'Colonies Lost" .................................... 15

Committee on Impeachment. ......................... 1 64

Cone, Francis H. ................................... 205

Cone, Judge Spencer, anecdote. ....................... 37

Counties of Georgia in 1810 ......................... 145

"Consideration of thn Purity and Principles of W. IT.

Crawford ..........................

101

Conservative Senate Chamber visited by Craw

1 10

Constitution of Georgia adonted. ...........

. 24

Fifty-fourth Section ............................ 24

Constitutional right held by New .England .............. 81 Constant, Benjamin ............................130, 135

256

iNDKX

Continental currency ................................ 23 Convention, Mart ford, considering secession. ............ 81 Cook, George ...................................... 48 Cooper, lion, sketcn ("Amerinanus'') .................. .1G3 Corn Tassel's co.se of............................... 203 Cornwallis Fort at Augusta, G-a. ...................... 15 Cosby, Richmond T.................................. 61 Counties and area of! Georgia in 1818. ................ .145 Cotton experiment in planting. ....................... 231 Court of St. Cloud, Crawford Minister to................ 99 Crawt'ord, Angelina .................................. 9 Crawford, Ann ..................................... 10 Crawford, Benuett .................................. 10 Crawford, Bibb .................................... 213 Crawford, Caroline. ...................... . 1S4, 185, 197 Crawford, CHarlcs .................................. 1 0 Crawford, David ..................................... 9 Crawford, Capt. David................................ 9 Crawford, David, son of Captain Crawi'ord. .............. 10 Crawford, David, son of Joel......................... 10 Crawford, Elizabeth, wife of Nicholas Meriwether. ....... .9 Crawford, Elizabeth ................................ 3 0 Crawford, Fanny ................................... 10 Crawi'ord, George- W-, remark on family. .......... .10, 205 Crawford, Peter ..................................235 Crawford, John, .Earl of valor at Gratzka. ............... 9 Crawlord, Jolin, born "In Aysliire, Scotland............... 9 Crawford, Joel ..................................... 10
Camden jail ................................... 14 Crawford, L,. G........................... 208, 100, 101 Crawford, Hon. Martin J. ............................ 10 Crawford, N. M................................ .100, 213 Crawford, Nathan .................................. 10 Crawford, Mrs. Susana Girardin. .................. 5, 3 85
Portrait - .................................... 209 Crawford, Miss Susanna. ............................. 41 Crawfortliana, Library Congress. ....................... 5
New York State................................. 5 Crawford and Clark parties........................... 7 "Crawford Place," description of. .................... 11

INDEX

257

Crawford, Wm. H. Speech . ...................................... 94 President Pro. Tern. Senate. ...................... 97 Offered cabinet folio by Madison. ................. 98 Appointed Court St. Cloud ........................ 99 Diary of. ......................... ....... .100, 115 Letter from Adams offering cabinet position....... 191 Appointed judge Northern Circuit. ................197 Chairman State Convention. .................... .202 Letter from Adams (facsimile) ................. .251 Crawford letter to Calhoun. ....................238 Crawford letter to Tait. ........................228 Crawford letter to Forsy the. ....................249
Crawford, W. H., Jr. .............................. .213
Crowninshield, Benjamin W., Secretary Navy. .... .148, 240
Gumming1 , Col. William. ...................... .176, 200
Curchard, Susan ................................... 126
Currency, national, report on by Crawford............. 146
I>
Dangier, General, Maritime Prefect. ................. .105
Davis, John ....................................... 160
Dawson, "William C. ............................... 205
Decatur, Commodore, approves Fulton's plan. .......... .104
Department, War, Crawford's report on Indian tribes. . . .138 Treasury directed by Crawford. ............ 139, 159
DeStael, Madame ..................................126
Diary Crawford, in possession L. G. Crawford. ......... 100
Diary W. H. Crawford. ........................ .101-116
Dickens, Asbury ............................. .183, 220
Dooly, George ...................................... 2 0
Dooly, Col. John, Georgia Militia. ..................... 15
Dooly, John M., reputation for wit. ................ .49, 194
Duel arrangement for Clark and Crawford. ............. 73
Duello Code ..................................... 44, 45
Dudley, Geo. M., husband Caroline Crawford. . . . . . S, 144, 205
Extract sketch ................................211
Dudley, W. H. C., author indebted to for portrait. ....... .5
E
Early, Bleazer, map of Georgia. .................... .145 Early, Peter! .................................. 36, 135
Easley, R. O. D. K., letter from. ..................... 63
Ebenezer, donation made to ........................... 24
Edwards, Ninian, member Congress from Illinois. ...... .164 "A. B. Plot". ............................. 236, 245
Edgefield District, Joel Crawford moved to.............. 12 EUbert Superior Court. ............................. .213 Electoral College, counting vote of .................... 188 Electors' vote, table of.............................. 178

258

INDEX

"Ellet's 'Women of the Revolution" ................... 16 Elliott, John, to General Blackshear. .................. 171 Embargo, Jeffersonian party. ................. 98, 80, 81 Embassy, Crawford resigns. .........................126

F

Fancytown, Crawford dined at. ...................... .101 Fanning, atrocities of ................................ 15 Facsimile letter, Adams to Crawford offering appointment, 251 Federalist, Crawford accused as...................... 236 Few, "William, Trustee State School ................... .24 Flournoy, Col. Thomas.............................. 64 Floyd, Mr. ........................................164 Fredericktown . ................................... 101 Fulton, Robt., met Crawford in New York. ............ .103 Gaines, Gen. B. P. ................................. 151 Gaines, G-, letter from. .............................. 62 Gallatin, Hon. Albert. .......................... 83, 176
View of W. H. Crawford ..... !. .................. 160 .
Gallatin, U. S. Commissioner to Ghent. ................119 Treaty concluded ..............................124
Gallatin, Mrs. ................................. 103, 104 Gambier, Lord, British Commissioner to Ghent ..........119 Gazeter, Sherwood's ................................ 2 3 Genealogy of Crawford ................................ 9 "Gentlemen of the Green Bag" ....................... 35
Ghent Treaty of Commissioners appointed by United States and Great Britain. ..................... .119
Britain . ....................................119, 155 Georgia, map of, by Eleazer Early. ................... 145 Georgia Reports ...................................204 Gibson, Mrs. ...................................... 101
Giles, Hon. W- B., of Virginia. .................. 79, 83 Spoke against United States Bank. ........... .93, 163
Gilmer, Governor Geo. R.. author of "Georgians", ...... .16 Wrote of Nancy Hart. ...................... .21, 205
Gilrner, T. M. ...................................... 35 Glrardin, Louis .................................... 31 Girardin, Susanna .................................. 31 Glass, Josiah ...................................... 69 Goulhon, Henry, British Commissioner to Ghent. ....... 119 Government, Continental ............................ 13 "Grandmother Stories from Land of Used-to_-Be". ..... .104 Granger, Erastus, United States Indian agent, .......... 137

INDEX

259

Gratzka, battle of.................................... 9 Griffin, Judge John .................................. 50 Grundy, Felix, on Adams. .......................... 153
Gwinnett, Button .................................... 44

H

Habersham, James, Trustee State School............... 24 Hall, Boling, letter to. ............................ .229 Hamilton, Alexander ,..,.,,,,,....,,.,,............. S2 Hamilton, James A. ................................ 209 Hammond, Dr. Jabez ............................... 141 Hampton., Gen. Wade .......,..,......--.,,......,... 33
Hansell, William, Jr.. ............................. .199 Harper, Robt. Goodloe ............................... 3 3 Harris, Fanny, mother of W. H. Crawford. ............. 10 Harris, Isham G. ................................... 11 Harris, Judge John W............................... 11
Harris, Lieutenant-Governor Sam ..................... .1.1 Hart, Capt. Benjamin. .......................... .17, 20
Hart, Benjamin, Morgan, John Thomas, Lemuel Mack, Sally Keziah ................................... 17 Col. Thomas of Kentucky. ........................ 17
Hart, Nancy, story of............................... 17 Hart, John, father of Watkinsville, Ga. ................. 2 1 Hart, county named for Nancy. ...................... 21 Hay, Maj. Gilbert, second in Crawford and Clark duel. . . . . 72 Hayne, Robt. G. ................................... 194 Henry, Patrick ..................................... 11
Hobby, W. J., owner of Augusta Chronicle............. 59 Holt, Hines ....................................... 199
House, Old Block................................... 19 Houston, John, writes to Mr. Jay. ..................... 14
Trustee State School............................. 2 4 Houston, "William, Trustee State School. ................ 24

I

Independence, Declaration of, urged upon Colonies. ...... 11 Indians, Creeks and Cherokees. ..................... .150
War with Seminoles. ...........................150 Ball game between Cheroliees and Creeks. ......... 203 Corn Tassel's case ..............................203 Ingersoll, C. J., letter to.......................... .206 Intelligencer, National, Washington, D. C.............. .166 Impeachment of Crawford. ...................... .164-167
Irwin, Gov. Jared, burned Yazoo documents. ........... 34 Findings in "Court of Honor".................... 65

260
Jackson, Abraham, findings "Court of Honor". .......... 65 Jackson, Andrew, wounded by officer. ................. 15
District Attorney ............................... 27 Victory at New Orleans. ......................
98, 141, 144, 148, 150, 151, 182, 18C, 190, 208, 243 Candidate for President. ........................ 234 Jack's Creek, Battle of............................... 47 Jackson, Port, Treaty made at................. .145, 150 Jackson, James, Partizan bands of................... 15 Yazoo Fraud ........'.......................... 3 3 Duel with Robt. Watkins. ....................... 39 Duellist . ..................................... 44 Jacksonian Pamphleteers answered by W. H. Crawford . . .170 Jefferson, Thomas on Committee from Virginia, 11, 79, 82, 98 Letter to "W. H. Crawford. ..................... .192 Jeffersonian Party, Embargo of....................... 78 Jenkins, Cnarles J. ................................ 205 Johnson, Richard M. ........................... 158, 235 Jones, Hon. Seaborn ................................199 Jones, Hon. William, Secretary Navy. .................116
Kentucky . ................ Kettle Creek, Battle of. ..... King, William R. ........... King of Prussia. ............ Kiokee Creek, Settlement on. , Kiokeo Baptist Church .......
LaFayette, General ................................ 105 Meeting with....107, 111, 11.3, 114, 126, 188, 199, 224
Lamar, Lucius Q. C................................. 199 Lamar's Digest of Law. .............................. 43 Lamar, J. R., Address............................... 43 Lane, Patience ..................................... 21 Legislature of Georgia fixed county seat of Richmond. . . . . 23 Legislature appropriates land for schools. .............. 24 Legislature appropriates for Watkin's Digest. .......... 39 Legislature appropriates for Marbury and Crawford Digest, 40 Legislature, Crawford elected to...................... 43 Legislature of Massachusetts declared against war of 1812, 98 Legislature of Georgia presented with petition by Craw
ford . ....................................... 205 Lee, Richard Henry, on committee from Virginia. ...... .11

INDEX

261

Legare, Hugh S. ................................... 204 "Leopard," British ship. ............................. 79 Letter from young men of Augusta to President Adams. . .217 Letters from President Adams to young men of Augusta. .218 Letter from President Adams to young men of Augusta. . .218 Letter from Crawford to Tait. .............. .220, 223, 234 Letter from John Q. Adams to Crawford offering appoint
ment . ......................................251 Letter from Calhoun to Crawford. ...................248 Letter from Crawford to Forsyth. ....................249 Lewis. MaJ. W. B. .................................. 208 "Liberty Hall" ................................... .211 Library of! Congress .................................. 5 Library, New York State .............................. S Literary Messenger, Southern. .......................135 Lincoln, Major Genera], to defend Charleston, ....,...,.,13 Livings ton of Louisiana. ............................164 London, John ..................................... 51 Lloyd James, Massachusetts. .......................... 83 Longstreet, A. B. ................................. .204 Lovett, Harlot Meriwether. .......................... 104 Lowiides, Rawlins .................................. 12 Lumpkin, Joan. ..................................... 35 Lumpkin, Joseph Henry. ............................ 20S Lumpkm, Hon. Wilson. .............................. 47
M
Macon, Nathaniel. ................... .158, 163, 179, 186 Macardur, Secretary to Barlow. ...................... 108 Madison, James. ......................... .79, 81, 82, 97
Policy of ...................................... 9 8 Appoints Crawford Minister to Court of St. Cloud
................................ .99, 135, 139 Facsimile of note from Crawford .................. 140 Majors, Virginia preacher ............................. 21 Map of Georgia 1818. ....................... .......145 Marion, Francis, partisan bands of- .................... 15 Marbury, Capt. Horatio, Secretary of State. .............. 40 Marbois, Count Barbe...................... 110, 111, 130 Marshall, Rev. Daniel of Kiokee Baptist Church. ...... .22 Matthews, Gov. G-eorge, and Yazoo Fraud. .......... .33, 35 Maxwell, J. Benjamin, Findings "Court of Honor". .... .65 May, Mr. ......................................... 108 Massachusetts boasts of Adams........................ S Massachusetts in line of Nullification. ..................135 MacAllister, Matthew .............................. .32

262

INDEX

MacAllister, Judge, Savannah, Ga. . McArthur, Duncan, of Ohio. . McDuffle, George-. .......... McCorkle - .... McGehee, Hugh McKinnie, John McKiriley, William Mclntosh, Gen. .Lachlan .............................. 44 Meigs, Josiah, president University of Georgia...... 44, 204 Meigs, Return Jonathan, Postmaster General. ......... .148 Merriwether, Frank ................................ 35 Meriwether, Valentine .............................. 213 Milan, Decrees of. .................................. 98 Milledge, John ..................................... 41 Milledgevllle, dinner to Crawford, ................... .199 Miller, Andrew J. ................................. 205 Miller's "Bench and Bar"........................... 163 Missouri Compromise discussed. ................ .168, 232 Mitchell, D. B., Findings of "Court of Honor"...... 65, 162 "Monitor," Washington, Ga., card by Clark. ............ 50 Monocacy River .................................... 1.01 Monroe, James, Letter to Crawford. . . . . 125, 141, 145, 14S Moore, Geo. ....................................... 73 Mooi'e, 3 udge John .................................196 "Monticello," Sage of. .............................. 192 Mount, Martre ................................132, 220
N
Napoleon . ...................................99, 100 Receives Crawford. ...............115, 124, 12S, 221
"National Portrait Gallery," sketch Crawford. .......... .7 Necker, Financier ................................. 126 Nemouro, de Dupont. .......................... Ill, 130 Nelson County, Virginia .............................. 11 Nesterode, Count .................................. 221 New England at point of rebellion. ..................... SI Ney, Marshall ................................. Ill, 220 Nullification . ................................... .207

O

Original letter to Adams in possession of Dudley. ...... .251 Otis, H. G. ................................... 158, 235 Owens, Mr. ....................................... 164 Owens, Dr. Thos. M., State Archives Alabama, ....... .5, 219

263
Page, Henry, owner "Crawford Place". ............... .11 Paralysis of Crawford. ............................ .174 Parish, Daniel .............................. ^ ....... 5 Parker, Mr. D. ................................... .106 Parties, Crawford and Clark.......................... 66 Party, Whig, Birth of................................ 9 7 Parsons, Theophelus ...............................160 Pendletori, Judge Nathaniel .......................... .32 Petersburg, Historic ................................ 64 Pettlgrew, J. L..................................... 204 Phillips, Ulrica B., University Wisconsin..... 3, 5, 181, 217 Pickering, Timothy ................................160 Politics, Partisan in Georgia. ................... .75, 161 Pollard, William ..................................116 Pope, John, of Kentucky. ............................ S3 Population of Georgia in 1810....................... 145 Portrait Judge Chas. Tait. ........................... 70 Portrait Mrs. Susanna Crawford, ..................... 209
Q
Quincy, Resolutions of.............................. 114
B
Rains, Gen. Gabriel J., inventor torpedo. ............. .104 Randolph, John.................. ,98, 158, 168, 169, 194 Rawdon, Lord, Atrocities of, .......................... 15 Representatives, House of............................ 13 Revolution, American ................................ 9 Richmond Academy ................................. 28 Rocltfish Ri.ver, Valley of............................ 11 Rogers, Mrs. Loula Kendall........................... 16 Roosevelt, Theodore, in Life of Thomas H. Benton . ..... .157 Russell, United States Commissioner to Ghent- .........119 Russell, Jonathan .................................161 Rutherford, William ................................ 99
S
Savannah captured by British........................ 12 Seaver, Ebenezer .................................. 220 Secession of New England States feared. ............... 81 Secretary of Treasury tendered Crawford by Adams. .... .251 Sentinel. Southern, published song. ................... 56 Simmons, A., Letter from. ........................... 63 Sparks "Memoirs of Fifty Years". ..................... 66

264

INDEX

Sketches of Governor Perry of South Carolina. ......... .204, Skinner, Oliver ..................................... 69 Speech, Crawford on Bank. ...................... .84, 94 Spencer, Mr., Largest man in the world................ 11 Smith, Elizabeth, wife of Capt. David Crawford. ......... 10 Smith, Dennis ..................................... 68 Smith, John, Senator from Indiana.................... 77 Smith, General ..................................... 84 Smith, Samuel. .................................. 83, 94 Stael de Madame ...................................126 Stael, de Baron. ...................................130 States' Rights, Crawford advocate of.................. 169 Stephens, Alexander I-I. ............................ 206 Btith, "William ..................................... 32 Stovall's Life of Toombs ............................206 St. Cloud, History of............................... .224 Sturges,- Daniel, draws map of Georgia ................145 Sunbury, donation made to.......................... 224 Swertchhoff, Consul Russian Legation. ................104
T
Tait, Judge Charles, letters in archives of Alabama. .... ..................... 5, 31, 149, 152, 162, 212, 225
Tait, Portrait ...................................... 70 Letter to. ........................... 231, 234, 236
Taliaferro, Col. Benjamin. ........................... 35 Duel with Col. Willis. ........................... 44
Tarleton, Atrocities of............................... 15 Tatnall, Josiah, Senator. ............................. 27 Taylor, J. W-, from New York. ............. .164, 208, 232 Tennessee . ......................................... 8 Thomas, John ..................................... 35 Thomas, Thomas W. ................................205 Toasts at Milledgeville dinner. ...................... .200 Tompkins, Governor ................................144 Torpedo, Gen. Gabriel Rains, inventor. ............... .104 Toombs, Robt. A. .................................. 206 Torrance, William H. ............................... 199 Tory . ............................................ 15 Tory Pond ........................................ 2 0 Treasury, Crawford Secretary of................ .146, 152 Treasury, Portfolio tendered Crawford by Adams. ...... .251 Treaty of Port Jackson with Creek Indians. ...... .145, 150 Treaty of Peace. .............................. .22, 226 Troup, Geo. M. . ..................... .68, 149, 198, 232 'Trumpet," Republican, of Louisville, Ga.,.,,....,..,... 52

INDEX

265

IT
United States Bank ..................................82 Crawford'a speech on............................ 84 Debate on ..................................... 9 4 Vote taken .................................... 9 6 Re-incorporation of ............................ 139
University of Georgia, Charter granted. ............... 24 Upson, Stephen. ................................ 35, 205
V
Vaile, Mr., American Consul. ......................... 1 06 Vaile, Mr. Eugene .................................. 126 Van Buren ....................................... 175 Van Antwerp ..................................... 103 Van Alien, Peter Lawrence. ..................... .45, 46
Duel with. Crawford. ....,..-,....,.,,,........-. 49 Van Rensalaer. .............................. .107, 109 View of Georgia in 1818. ........................... 145
W
Wad.de!!, Dr. M ses. ....................... .28, 167, 204 War of 1S12.......-...........................47, 225 Ward, Hon. James. ................................ 200 Warner, Judge Hiram. ............................ .203 Wardlaw, Chancellor ............................... 204 Wardlaw, Judge ................................. .204 Washington, Ga., donation made to. ................... 24 Watkins, George. "Digest". .......................... 39
Appointed with W. H. Crawford. .............. 40, 217 Watkins, Robert and Yazoo Fraud..................... S3
"Digest Georgia Laws". ......................... .38 Waxhaw Settlement ................................ 14 Waynesboro, Donation made to ........................ 24 Webster, Daniel. .......................... .158, 160, 164 Welborn, Johnson, better from. ...................... 62 Wellington, Lord .................................. 104 Well;*, Lieutenant Governor, duel with Jackson. ........... .44 Wheatley, Col. W. H. C. .............................. 5 Whig ............................................. 14
Birth of party .................................. 07 Whig-, The "National" on Crawford. .................... .201 White's Historical Collections ......................... 16 Whitesides, Senator Jenkins ........................... 94 Wilde, Richard Henry- .................... ....... 176, 193 Williams, Tlios. H. ............................. 235, 237

266

INDEX

Williamsou, Col. Micajali............................ 50 Wilkes County ..................................... 16 "Wilson, Dr. Peter, school of......................... ,27 "Wilson, Gov. J. Lyde. ............................... 45 "Wilson, Judge H., in Yazoo Fraud..................... 32 Wirt, "William, "British Spy". ..................... .28, 35
Attorney General. .........................148, 203 "Woodlawn," County seat of Crawford. ...... .77, 196, 213 Worthington, Miss .................................101
Wright, Gov. James................................. 12

Y

Yancey B. ........................................ 2 3 5 Yazoo Fraud, Times of............................ 7, 32 Young, George A.Ci ................................. 202