An historical account of the rise and progress of the colonies of South Carolina and Georgia : vol. II

Georgia Historic Books
An historical account of the rise and progress of the colonies of South Carolina and Georgia : vol. II
Historical account of the rise and progress of the colonies of South Carolina and Georgia
Hewatt, Alexander
London : A. Donaldson
Date of Original:
South Carolina--History--Colonial period, ca. 1600-1775
Georgia--History--Colonial period, ca. 1600-1775
United States, Georgia, 32.75042, -83.50018
Local Identifier:
Metadata URL:
Digital Object URL:
2 v. ; 22 cm.
Holding Institution:
University of Georgia. Libraries
Rights Statement information

M. DC c. LX x ix.

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T HE farm of legal governments,

Page l

Sir Alexander Gumming feht out to treat of

peace tuith the Indians,


Brings with him to England feven Cherokees,


Who enter into a treaty of peace and alliance,


Speech of a Cberokee -warrior,


Robert Johnfon governor,


Several indulgences granted the people,


Happy effecls of peace and fecurit).


A projeclformedfor planting a new colony,


James Oglethorpe carries a colony to Georgia,


He treats with Indians for ajhare of their lands, ao

Tomockichi'sfpeech to the King,


His Majefty's anfwer,


Indians eajieft managed by gentle andfair means, 13

the colony of Sivitzers brought to Carolina,


Eleven town/hips marked out,


Aftruggle about lands,


State of the colony,


fhs regulations of the 'Tnt/leef,


Their impditical reftriftions,,


colonies of Highlanders and Germans fent out, 4




Thomas Broughton Lieut.-governo) of Carolina, page 46

Oglethorpe fortifies Georgia,


Which gives umbrage to the Spaniards,


The brave Chickefaws defeat the French,


Religious Jiate of the colony,


The affectation of Prejbyterians,


Remarks on paper currency,


Small progrefs of Georgia,


Hardjhips of the firft fettlers,


An Irijh colony planted,



Trade obftruEled by the Spaniards of Mexico,


William Bull Lieutenant-governor,

Oglethorpe's regiment fent to Georgia,


The Spaniards try in vain to feduce the Greeksy 68

Matters ha/iening to a rupture with Spain,


Mutiny in Oglethorpe's camp,


A negro infurrecJion in Carolina,


A war with Spain,


A projeft for invading Florida,

Meafures concertedfor this purpofe,

General Oglethorpe marches againft Florida,

Jnvejis Auguftine,

Raifes the Jlege,

A greatfire at Charlejlown,

A petition in favour of the rice trade,

Remarks on the treatment ofjlaves,

The hardjhips of theirJituation,

Opprejffed with ignorance andfuperftition,

James Glen governor,

Lord Carteret's property divided from that of the



"The country much expofed to invajion,

page 109

The Spaniards invade Georgia,

11 a

AJtratagem to get rid of the enemy,


'The Spaniards retreat to Auguftine,


/// treatment of General Oglethorpe,


His character cleared, and conduct vindicated, \ 23

'The Carolineans petition for three independent com



The colony's advantages from Britain,


Its advantage and importance to Britain, .



All commotions and opprejfions in Europe favourable

to America,


Cultivation attended with falutary effects,


Mean heat in Carolina,


'The difeafes of the country,


Climatefavourable to the culture of indigo,

1 B$

The manner of cultivating and making indigo, 140

The common methods of judging of its quality,


Nova Scotia fettled,


The great care of Britain for thefe colonies,


Lowjlate of Georgia,


Complaint of the people,

i 59

Troubles excited by Thomas Bofomwortb,


With difficulty fettled,


The charter furrendered to the King


George Whiifield's fettlement,


Wbitfield's orphan-houfe,


Sketch of his charafler,


A congrefs with Creeks,


The Governor's fpeech to them,


Malatckee's anfiver,


A bur-


C 0 N T E r T S.

A hurricane at Charlejlown.,

page j 80

The advantages of poorfeftlen in the province* 18 y,

*he advantages of mwey-lenders,,


And of the borrowers,


Great benefits enjoyed by the. c&lotii/is.,

i 86

frogrefs of the province*



4 d,ifpute about the limits of Britijh and Trench ter



A chain efforts raifed by the French,


The diftraRedftate of the Britijh coloniest

' 9^

Central Braddock's defeat in Virginia^


Colqnel John/on'sfuccefs at Lake George^


Governor Glen holds a $ongrefs"ivith the CherQkee3t wi

And purchafes a large traft of landfrom them, 204

forts built in defence of Carplinat


Its excellent fruits and pfantty

a 06

Its minerals undifcovered,


Brtti/b forces, augmented,


r jirft fuccefs in America,


caufe of the Cfarokee war,


Governor Lyttleton prepares to march againft them, 215

The. Cberokees fuefor peace,


Governor Lyttleton marches again/I the Cherokees, a j 7

Holds a congrefs at Fort Prince George*




Attakullakulla's anf-wer,


A treaty concluded ivithftx chiefs,


1%e Governor returns to Charlejfau?nt


1%e treaty of peace broken,


Qtconoftota'tftratagem fo? htilin& the ojjker of the






war befantes general,

page 428

Colonel Montgomery arrives,


And marches again/I the Cherokees,


Chajlijes them near Etchoe,


And returns to Fort Prince George,


*The conjlernation of the inhabitants from Indians, 235

Great diftrefs of the garrifon at Fort London, 236

$he terms obtainedfor the garrifon,


freacherotifly broken by thefavaget,


Apropofalfor attacking Fort Prince George,


Captain Stuart efcapff to Virginia,


The war continues,


7&? Highlanders return to Carolina,


Colonel Grant Marches again/I tbt Cberokees,


Engages and defeats them,


be/troys their towtu,


Peace with the Vkerokeett


A quarrel between the commanding afficertt


A -whirlwind at Charle/lown,,


Of the heat at Savanna,



Apeatt) and its happy effects refpefling America, 261

Boundaries of Eaft and Weft Florida,


<fhe foitihern prqvintts leftfscurt,


Encouragement given to reduced officers andfoldiers, tb.

Georgia begins fbj}ou rijh,


j4 plan adopted for encouraging emigrations ta Caro



A number of Palatines feduced into England,


Sent into Carolina?


4$dfettled af Londonderry^




C O N T E T T S.

Some emigrate from Britain, ana multitudes from


page 272

Andfrom the northern colonies; refort to Carolina, 274

Regulations for fecuring the provinces again/} In



John Stuart made fuperintendant for Indian af



Decreafe of Indians, and the caufes of it>


Prefent Jiate of Indian nations in the fouthern di-



Mr. Stuarfsfirft fpeech to the Indians, at Mobile, 281

A defcription of Charlejiown,


"The number of its inhabitants,


A general view of the manners, &c. of the people, 292

And of their way of living,


'The arts andfciences only of late encouraged,


'~rfrhe militia and internalJirength of the province, 297

Of its focieties formed for mutual fupport and re



Of its merchants and trade,


---- planters and agriculture,


-- An interruption of the harmony between Britain and

her colonies, and the caufes of it,


^ 'The new regulations made in the trade of the colo

nies give great offence,


- A vote paffed for charging Jiamp-duties on the Ame



x- Upon which the people of New England difcover their

difaffecJion to government,


*"\An opportunity given the colonies to offer a compenfa-

tion for the Jiamp-duty,


^ TheJlamp-acl pajfes in parliament,


X Violent menfures taken to prevent its execution, 317




*The ajfembly of Carolina Jiudy ways and means of --

eluding the <*tf,

page 319

'Their refoiutions refpecJing the obedience due to the


Britijh parIta ment,


The -people become more violent in oppofition to govern



The merchants and manufacJurers in England join-

in petitioning for relief,


Theftamp-acl repealed,


Which proves fatal to the jurifdiclion of the Britijh

parliament in America,


And gives occajion of trittmph to the colonies,






ROM that period in which the right and title

to the lands of Carolina were fold, and fur-

rendered to the King, and he affumed the

Immediate care and government of the province, a

new aera commences in the annals of that country,

which may be called the aera of its freedom, fecu-

rity, and happinefs. The Carolineans who had long

laboured under innumerable hard (hips and troubles,

.from a weak proprietary eftablimment, atlaft obtain^-

ed the great object of their defires, a royal govern

ment, the conftitution of which depended on com-

miffiorts iffued by the crown to the Governor, and

the inftrucHons which attended thofe commiffions.

The form of all provincial governments was bor- The form

rowed from that of their mother country, which



was not a plan of lyHematic rules drawn before-

... II.



hand by fpeculative men, but a conftitution which. was the refult of many ages of wifdom and ex perience. Its great object is the public good, in promoting of which all are equally concerned. It. is a tonflitution which has a remedy within itfelf for every political diforder, which, when pro perly applied, muft ever contribute to its liability and duration. After the model 'of this Britifi> conftitution, the government of Carolina now affumed a form like the other regal ones on the con tinent, which were comppfed of three branches, of a Governor, a Council, and an Afietnbly. The crown having the appointment of the 1 Governor, deIfegates to him; its conftitutional powers, civil and military, the power of legiflation as far as the King poffeffes it; its judicial and executive powers, toge ther with thofe of chancery and admiralty jurifdiction, and alfb thofe of fupreme ordinary: all thefe powers, as they exift in the crown, are known by the laws of the realm; as they are entrufted to Go vernors, they are declared and defined by their cotniniflions patent. The council, though differing in fnany refpefls from the houfe of peers, are intended to reprefent that houfe, and are appointed by the King during pleafunf, for fupporting the preroga tives of the the province. The Aflembly confifts of the repfe'fertt'attves of the people, an'd are defied by thein as the-Houfe of Commons in Great .Britain, to be the guardians of their lives, liberties, and properties. Here aifo the conftitution confides in the good be-bavfou'r of the reprefentatives; for fnoufd they prefume in any refpe<!l to betray their truft, it gives the people more 1 frequent opportunities th-an even in Britain, of chufing others in theif. Head. Hit Governor'convenes, prorogues, and diffdives

thefe Affemblies, and has a negative on the bills of both houfes. After bills have, received his affent, they are fent to Great Britain for the royal ap probation, in confequence of which they have the force of laws in the province. This .is a general {ketch of the royal governments, which are intend ed to referable the constitution of Great Britain, as nearly as the local circumftances of the provinces will admit, and which, notwithftanding its imper fections, is certainly the beft form of government upon earth. By the inftru&ions which the Gover nor receives from time to time from England, his power no doubt is greatly circumfcribed; but it is his duty to tranfmit authentic accounts of the ftajte of his province, in order that the inftrucVions given him may be proper, and calculated for promoting not only the good of the province, but alfo that of the Britifh empire.

AFTER the purchafe of the province, the firft ob-

jeft of the royal concern was, to eftablifh the peace

of the colony on the rrioft firm and permanent, foun

dation ; and for this purpofe treaties of union and

alliance with Indian nations were judged to be

effentially neceffary. Domeftic fecurity being firft

cftabliflied, the colonifts might then apply therrt-

felves to induftry with vigour and iuccefs, ,and while

they enriched themfelves, they would at the Tamp

time enlarge the commerce arid trade of the mother- Sir

country, For this purpofe Sir Alexander Gumming

was appointed, and fent out to conclude a treaty of fbnt ouc

alliance with the Cherokees, at this time ,a warlike to treat *

and formidable nation of favages. Thefe Indians witiTTho

occupied the lands 5vbout the head of Savanna river, In^ns.



end backv.-ards among the Apalachian mountains. The country they claimed as their hunting grounds was of immenfe extent; and its boundaries had never been clearly afcertained. The inhabitants of their different towns were computed to amount to more than twenty thoufand, fix thoufand of whom were \varriors, fit on any emergency to take the field. An alliance with fuch a nation was an object of the highefl confequence to Carolina, and likewife to the mother-country, now engaged for its defence and protection.
ABOUT the beginning of the year 1730, Sir Alex ander arrived in Carolina, and made preparations for his journey to the diftant hills. For his guides he procured fome Indian traders, well acquainted with the woods, and an interpreter who understood the Gherokee language, to aflat him in his negociations. When he reached Keowee, about three hun dred miles from Charleftown, the chiefs of the lower towns there met him, and received him with marks of great friendmip and eflfeem. He immediately difpatched meflengers to the middle, the valley, and over-hill fettlernents, and fummoned a general meet ing of all their chiefs, to hold acongrefs with him at Nequaffee. Accordingly in the month of April the chief warriors of all the Cherokee towns affembled at the place appointed. After the various Indian ceremo nies were over, Sir Alexander made a fpeech to. them, acquainting them by whofe authority he was fent, and reprefenting the great power and goodnefs of his fovereign King George; how he, and all his other fubjects, paid a cheerful obedience to his laws, and of courfe were protected by him from all harm: I

S O U T H C A R O L I N A.
That lie had come a great way to demand of Moytoy, and all the chieftains of the nation, to acknowledge themfelves the fubjecls of his King, and to promife obedience to his authority : and as he loved them, and was anfwerable to his Sovereign for their good and peaceable beha/iour, he hoped they would agree to what he mould now require of them. Upon which the chiefs, falling on their knees, folemnly promifed fidelity and obedience, calling upon all that was terrible to fall upon them if they violated their promife. Sir Alexander then, by their unanimous cohfent, nominated Moytoy commander and chief of the Cherokee nation, and enjoined ail the war riors of the different tribes to acknowledge him' for their Kingj to whom they .were to be accountable for their conduct. To this they alfo agreed, provided Moytoy mould be made anfwerable to Sir Alexan der for his behaviour to them. After which many ufeful prefents were made them^ and the congrefs ended to the great fatisfacYion of both parties. The crown was brought from Tenaffee, their chief town, which with five eagle tails, and four fcalps of their enemies, Moytoy prefented to Sir Alexander, requefting him, oh his arrival at Britain, to lay them at his Majefty's feet. But Sir Alexander propofed to Moytoy, that he {hould depute feme of their chiefs to accompany him to England, there to do homage in perfon to the great King. Accordingly to fix of them agreed, and accompanied Sir Alexander to Charleftown, where being joined by another, they embarked for England in the Fox man of war, and arrived at Dover in June i

mall not pretend to defcribe their beliav'oilf at the fight of London, or their wonder and afto-nifliment at the greatnefs of the city, the number of the people, and the fplendour of the army and court. Being admitted into the prefence of the King, they, in the name of their nation, promifed to continue for ever his Majefly's faithful and obedient fubjects. Who en- A treaty was accordingly drawn up, and figned by treaT^of Alured Popple, fecretary to the Lords Commiffioners peace and of trade and, plantations, on one fide; and by the alliance. marks of the fix chiefs, on the other. The pream ble to this treaty recites, " That whereas the fix " Chiefs, with the confent of the whole nation of " Cherokees, at a general meeting of their nation " at Nequaflee, were deputed by Moytoy, their chief " warrior, to attend Sir Alexander Gumming to [ "Great Britain, where theyxhad feen the great j *' King George.: and Sir Alexander, by authority ? " from Moytoy and all the Cherokees, had laid the ^ ".crown of their nation, with the fcalps of their ene" Bjjes.and feathers of glory, at his Majefly's feet, " as a pledge of their loyalty: And whereas the "great King had commanded the Lords CommiflipnT " ers of trade and plantations to inform the Indians, " $iat the Engjifli on all fides of the mowstains and " lakes were his pepple, their frjeftijs his friends, " and tneir enenutfs hise&ernies 5 that he tpok:t 'f kandly-the great aation of Cherpkees had fent t^eBa '* fo fej, to brigluen the chain of ficiendfhip between " Jiigj and theHr, atid ;betweeR his people and their "people; that the chain of^friend&jp between: him "and the Cherokees is no? like .thd fun* which " mines both in Britain and alfo upon the great <f Inbuntains where they live, and equally warms the

" hearts of Indians and Englifhmen; that as there is no fpots or blacknefs in the fun, fo neither is " there any ruft or foulnefs on this chain. And as " the King had fattened one end to his breaft, he *' defired them to carry the other end of the chain " and faften it to the breaft of Moytoy of Telliquo, * and to the breafts of all their old wife men, their * captains, and people, never more to be made loofc " or broken.
" THE great King and the Cherokees being thus " fattened together by a chain of friendfhip, he has 41 ordered, and it is agreed, ttrat his children in Ca" rolina do trade with the Indians, and furnifh thcra *' with all manner of goods they want, and to make " hafte to build houfes and plant corn from Charles" town, towards the towns of Cherokees behind the " great mountains : That he defires the Englifh and 4i Indians may live together as children of one fami41 ly; that the Cherokees be always ready to fight
*' againft any nation, whether white men or Indians, " who mail dare to moleft or hurt the Englifh; that 41 the nation of Cherokees fhall, on their part, take " care to keep the trading path clean, that there be " no blood on the path where the Englifh tread, " even though they fliould be accompanied with " other people with whom the Gherdkees may be at " \var: That the Cherokees fhall not fuffer their " people to trade with white men of any other na" tion bat the Engliih, nor permit white men of any *' other nation to build any forts or cabins, or plant ** ^any corn among them, upon lands which belong " to the -gr<at Rir^ : and if 4ny fiith attempt- Ihail " be madei the Cfterokee^ muft: acouairit thfe ng-

* lifli Governor therewith, anJ 4o whatever he di" reels, in order to maintain and defend the great " King's right to the country of Carolina.: That if " any negroes fhall run away into .the woods from ." their Englifh matters, tlie Cherokees fhall endea" your to apprehend them, an4 bring them- to .the " plantation from whence they run away, or to the * Governor, and for .every flave fo apprehended and " brought back, the Indian that brings him mall rec " ceive a gun and a watch-coat: and if by any ac " cident it fhall happen^ that an EnglifhmaU mail " kill a Cherokee, the King or chief of the nation " JhaU firft complain to the Engjifli .Governor, and " the man who did the harm fhall be punifhed by "the Englifh laws as if he had killed an Englifh" man ; and in like manner, if any Indian happens ** to kill an Englifhman, the Indian fhall be delivered
f " up to the Governor, to be punifhed by the fame
*' Englifh laws as if he were an Englifhman."

THIS was the fubflance of the firft treaty between

the King and the Cherokees, every article of which

tyas accompanied with prefents of different kinds,

fuch as cloth, guns, fhot, vermilion, flints, hatchets,

knives. The Indians were given to underftand,

" That thefe were the words of the great King,

" whom they had feen> and, as a token that his, heart

" was open and true to his children the Cherokees,

" and to all their people, a belt was given the war-

" riprsj which they were told the King deficed

" them to keep, and fhew to all their people, to

" their children, and children's children, to con-

" firm what was nw fpoken, and to bind this

" agreement of peace and friendfhip between the





Englifh and Cherokees, as long as the rivers fhall " run, the mountains (hall latl, or the fun fhall " ihine."

THIS treaty, that it might be the eafier under-

ftood, was drawn up in language as fimilar as poffi-

ble to that of the Indians, which at this time was

very; little known in England, and given to them,

certified and approved by Sir Alexander Gumming.

1 anfwer to which^ Skijaguftah, in name of the

reft, mad'e a fpeech to the following effe&:--

" We are come hither from a mountainous pla~c- e, *Speec,h off " where nothing but darknefs is to be found--but a Chero-

" we are now in a place where there is light.*--There Kce war"





r . -
in our



country--he gave us

a yeliow


" token of warlike honour, which is left with

* Moytoy of Telliquo,--^aiid as warriors we received

" it.--He came to us like a\warrior from you.--

'*' A man he is;--his talk is upright^--and the to-

" ken he left preferves his memory among us.--

" We look uppn you as if the great King were pre-

" fent j--we love you as reprefenting the great King;

" --we (hall die in the lame way of thinking.--The

" crown of our nation is different: from that which

" the great King George wears, and from that we

*{ '-.fawin the tawer.^--But to us it is all one.--The

" chain of friendfliip fhall be carried to; our people.

" --We look upon the great King George as the Sun^

" and as our. father, and updn ourfelves as his chil-

" dren.--For thouglr we are red, and you are white,

*' yet our hands and hearts are joined together,--

" When we Ihall have acquainted our people with

" what we have feen, our children from generation






" to generation will always remember it.--In War " we fhall always be one with you. The enemies " of the great King fhall be our enemies ;--his " people and ours fhall be one, and fhall die toge" ther.--We came hither naked and poor as the " worms of the earth, but you have every thing,-- " and we that have nothing muft love you, and will " never break the chain of friendfhip which is be" ttveen us.--Here ftands the Governor of Garo" lina, whom we know.--This fmall rope we mow " : you is all that we have to bind dor flaves with, " and it may be broken.--But you have iron chains " for yours.--However, if we catch your flaves, we " will bind them as well as we can, and deliver *' them to our friends, and take no pay for it.-- " We have looked round for the perfon that was in *' our country--he is not here ;--however, we muft " fay he talked uprightly to us, and we fhall never " forget him.--Your white people may very fafely j " build houfes near us ;--we fhall hurt nothing that; " belongs to them, for we are children of one fa- ! " ther, the great King, and mail live and die toge- i " ther." Then laying down his feathers upon the i table he v added: "This is our way of talking, 1 " which is the fame thing to us as your letters in i " the book are to you, and to you beloved men " we deliver thefe feathers in confirmation of all'we " havefaid."

THE Cherokees, however barbarous, were a free and independent people ; and this method of obtain ing a {hare of their lands by the general confent, was fair and honourable in itfelfj and mod agreeable

to the general principles of equity, and the Englifh confutation. An agreement is made with them, in confequence of which the King could not only give ajuft title to Indian lands; but, by Indians becoming his voluntary fubjeds, the colonifts obtained peace able pofleffion. The Cherokees held abundance of territory from nature, and with little injury to themfelves could fpare a (hare of it; but reafon and juftice required that it be obtained by paclion or agreement. By fuch treaties mutual prefents were made, mu tual obligations were eftabliflied, and, for the per formance of the conditions required, the honour and faith of both parties were pledged. Even to men in a barbarous ftate fuch policy was the mod agree able, as will afterwards clearly appear ; for the Che rokees, in confequence of this treaty, for many years, remained in a ftate of perfect friendfhip and peace with the colojiifts, who followed their various em ployments in the neighbourhood of thofe Indians, without the leaft terror or moleftation.

ABOUT the beginning of the year 1731, Robert Robert

Johnfon, who had been Governor of Carolina while Johnfon

in the pofieffion of the Lords Proprietors, having re- nor>

ceived a comrmffion from the King, inverting him with

the fame office and authority, arrived in the province.

He brought back thefe.Indian chiefs, poffeffed with

the higheft ideas of the power and greatnefs of the

Englifli nation,, and not a little pleafed with the kind

and generous treatment they had received. The

Carolineans, who had always entertained the higheft

elteem for this gentleman, even in the time of their

great eft confufion, having now obtained him in the ^<



chara&er of King's Governor, a thing they formerly had fo earneftly defired, received him with the greateft demonftrationS of joy. Senfible of his wifdom, . and virtue, and his ftrong attachment to the colony, they protnifed themfelves much profperity and happinefs under his gentle adminiftration.
THIS new Governor, from his knowledge of the province, and the difpofnions of the people, was not only well qualified for his high office, but he had a council to affift him, compofed of the molt refpe&able inhabitants. Thomas Broughton was appointed Lieutenant-governor, and Robert Wright Chief Juftice. The other members of the council were, William Bull, James Kinloch, Alexander Skene, John Fenwick, Arthur Middleton, Jofeph Wragg, Francis Yonge, John Hamerton, and Thomas Wa ring. At the firft meeting of Afliembly, the Gover nor recommended to both houfes, to embrace the earlieft opportunity of teftifying their gratitude to his Majefty for purchafing feven-eight parts of the province, and taking it under his particular care; he enjoin-ed them to put the laws in execution againft impiety and immorality, and as the.moft effectual means of difcpuraging vice, to attend carefully to the education of youth. He-acquainted them of the treaty which had been concluded in England with the Cherokees, which he hoped would be attended with beneficial and happy confequences; he recommend ed the payment of public debts, the eilablifhment of'public credit, and peace, and unanimity among themfelves as the chief objects of their attention j for if they mould prove faithful fubjefts to his Ma-'.



jefty, and attend to the welfare and profperity of their country, he hoped foon to fee it, now under fhe prote&ion of a great and powerful nation, in as flourifhing and profperous a fituation as any of the other fettlements on the continent. They in return preTented to him the mod loyal and affectionate addreffes, and entered on their public deliberations with un common harmony and great fatisfadion.

FOR the encouragement of the people, now con- Several


* J1

nefted with the mother country both by mutual affec- ^"rant

tion and the mutual benefits of commerce, feveral fa- ed the

yours and indulgences were granted them. The re-

ftraint upon rice, an inniimerated commodity, was part

ly taken off;' and, that it mighr arrive more feafonably

and in better condition at the market, the colontfts

were permitted to fend it to any port fouthward of

Cape Finifterre. A difcounf upon hemp was alfo al

lowed by parliament. The arrears of quit-rents bought

from the Proprietors were remitted by a bounty from

the Crown. For the benefit and enlargement of trade

their bills of credit were continued, and ferenty-

feven thoufand pounds were ftamped and iflued by

virtue of an aft of the legiflature, called the Appro

priation Law. Seventy pieces of cannon were, fent

cut by the King, and the Governor had jnftruftions

to build one fort at Port-royal, and xanother on the

river Alatamaha. An independent company of foot

was allowed for thejr defence by land, and fhips of war

yrere ftationed there for the prote&ion of trade.

Thefe and many more favours flowed to the colony,

now emerging from the depths of poverty and op-

preffion, and arifing to a ftate of freedom,. eafe and





Kappy As a natural confequence of its domeftic fecurity, c and ^e cre^'lt of tne Province 'm England increafed. The L
fecunty. merchants of London, Briftol, and Liverpool turned f their eyes to Carolina, as a new and promvfing chan nel of trade, and eftablifhed houfes in Charleftown for conducting their bufinefs with the greater eafe and fuccefs. They poured in flaves from Africa for cultivating their lands, and manufactures of Britain for fupplying the plantations; by which means the planters obtained great credit, and goods at a much cheaper rate than they could be obtained from any other nation. In confequence of which the planters ha- [ ving greater ftrength, turned their whole attention to I cultivation, and cleared the lands with greater facili- j ty and fuccefs. The lands arofe in value, and men of forefight and judgment began to look out and fecure the richeft fpots for themfelves, with that i ardour and keennefs which the profpefts of riches ) naturally infpire. The produce of the province in a few years was doubled. During this year above thirty-nine thoufand barrels of rice were exported, [ befides. deer-fkins, furs, naval ftores, and provi- f fions; and above one thoufand five hundred negroes \ were imported into it. From this period its exports kept pace with its imports, and fecured its credit in England. The rate of exchange had now ariferi to feven hundred per cent. i. e. feven hundred Carqlina money was given for a bill of an hundred pounds fterling on England ; at which rate it afterwards con tinued, with little variation, for upwards of forty years.

HITHERTO fmall and inconfiderable was the progrefs in cultivation Carolina had made, and the



face of the country appeared like a defert, with lit tle fpots here and there cleared, fcarcely difcernible amidft the immenfe foreft. The colonifts were flovenly farmers, owing to the vaft quantities of lands, and the eafy and cheap terms of obtaining them; for a good crop they were more indebted to the great power of vegetation and natural richnefs of the foil, than to their own good culture and judicious manage ment. They had abundance of the necefiaries, andfeveral of the conveniences of life. But their habitations were clumfy and miferable huts, and having no chaifes, all travellers were expofed in open boats or on horfeback to the violent heat of the climate. Their houfes were conftru&ed of wood, by ere.ling firft a wooden frame, aitd then covering it with clap-boards without, and plaftering it with lime within, of which they had plenty made from oyfter-mells. Charleftown, at this time, confided of between five and fix hundred houfes, moftly built of timber, and neither well conftrufted nor comfortable, plain indications of the wretchednefs and poverty of the people. However, from this period the province improved in building as well as in many other refpe&s ; many ingenious artificers and tradefmen of different kinds found encouragement in it, and introduced a tafle for brick buildings, and more neat and pleafant habitations. In procefs of.time, as,the colony increafed in numbers, the face of the country changed, and exhibited an appearance of induftry and plenty. The planters made a rapid progrefs towards wealth and independence, and the trade being well protected, yearly increafed and flourimed.

AT the fame time, for the relief of poor and indi- ^ gent people of Great Britain and Ireland, and for the



Aprojeft farther fecurity of Carolina, the fettlementof a new

for plant- co'ony between the rivers Alatamaha and Savanna was

ing a new projected in England. This large territory, fituated

colony. on the fouth-weft of Carolina, yet lay wade, with

out an inhabitant except its original favages. Pri

vate companion and public fpirit confpired towards

promoting the excellent defign. Several perfons of

humanity atid opulence having obferved many families

and valuable fubjecls oppreffed with the miferies of

poverty at hqtne, united, and formed a plan for

ratfing money and tranfporting them to this part of

America. For this purpofe they applied to the Kjngj

obtained from him letters-patent, bearing date June

pth, 1732, for legally carrying into execution what

they had-ge-neroufly projected. They called the new

province Georgia, in honour of the King, who, like-

wife greatly encouraged the undertaking. A Cor

poration confiding pf twenty-one perfons was con-

itituted, by the name of Truftees, for fettling and

cftablifliing the Colony of Georgia; which was fcpa-

rated from Carolina by the river Savanna. The Truf-

- tecs having firft fet an example themfelves,. by large

ly contributing towards the fcheme, undertook alfo

to folicit benefadions from others, and to apply the

money towards clothing, arming, purchafing uten-

fils for cultivation,.and tranfporting luch poor people

as fliould confent to go over and begin .a fettlement.

They however confined not their views to the fub-

jefts of Britain; alone, but wifely opened a door alfo

for oppreffed and indigent Proteftants from other

nations. To prevent any mifapplication or abufe of

charitable donations, they agreed to depofit the mo

ney in the bank of England, and ,?o qnter in a book

the names of all the charitable beliefa&ors, together





with the fanas contributed by each -of them; and t& bind and oblige thetafelves, jynd their fucceflbrs ia office, to lay a ftafoe-of the money -received and ex pended before the Lord Chancellor of England, the Jurd Cbkf Jaftice-ef Use King's Bench *d Cawmoa Bleasj, the Malic? <of the Roils, and ttUc Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer.

WHEN this fcheme off l&e Tniiftees with re(pbc"l to

the -fettlemeat ef Qeor^ia was iade public, the well-

wifliers of maofciftd in -every part of Britam highly

approved -0f an wndertakin^ fo 'hinnane and difiRte-

refted. -To confuk the public happiaefs, regardlefs

of private intereft, and to ftretch forth a bountiful

hand for TeJibf, ef diftreficd .feltew-crcator-es, were

coafidered as examples of -uncommon benevolence

and virtue, aad therefbre worthy of .generaJ ituita-

tion. The afncient Roraams, famous tor their cou

rage ad magr/animity, raoiked the .planting of colo

nies among their ."noble-ft works, and fiich as added

greater luftre to their empire tha their mo-ft glorious

wars and victories. By Uie latter oM cities wre pluni-

dered and deftroyed .9 by the for-iBei- new ones were

founded and eftabli&ed. The latter ravaged tile do

minions of enemies, >ad d^jofiulated dje world ; the

former improved new territories, .provided for unfor

tunate friends, -and added (keBgth to the ftate. The

benevolent founders of-the colony of Georgia perhaps

may challenge the annals of any nation to produce

a defign mote generous and praife-worthy than that

they had undertaken. They voluntarily offered their

money, their-labour, and time, for promoting what

appeared to them the good of others, leaving them-


fclves nothing for ..reward but the inexpreffible fatis-.






fa&ion artfing from virtuous afhons. Among othcts great ends they had alfo in view the gonver.fion and civilization of Indian favages. If their public regula tions were afterwards found improper and impracti cable; if their plan of fettletnent proved too narrow and circumfcribed; praife, neverthelefs, is due to th&m Human policy at beft is imperfe&$ but, when the defign appears fo evidently good and difinterefted, the candid and impartial part of the world will make many allowances for them, confidering theit ignorance of the country, and the many defeds that cleave to all codes of laws, even when framed by the wifcft legiflators.

ABOUT the middle of July, 17305, the truftees for Georgia held their firft general meeting, when Lord, Percival was chof^n Prefident of the Corporation. After all the members had qualified themfeives, agreeable to the charter, fdr the faithful difoharge of the truft, a common feal was ordered to be made, The device was, on one fide, two figures refting upon urns, reprefenting the rivers Alatamaha and Savanna, the boundaries of the province} between them the genius of the colony feated, with a cap of Jibertyron his head, a fpear m on,e hand and a cornu copia in the other, with the inscription, GoLoKiA GEORCHA AUG.. ; on the other fide was a reprefentionqf filk worms, fome beginning and others having, fintfted their web, with the motto, NON &IBI SED ALIIS; a very proper cmbl.em, Cgnifying, that the nature of the eftablifhment was fuch, that neither the firft Truftees nor their fucceffors could have any views of jnte^eft, it being entirely defigned for the benefit and happineGs of others.



'I ft- November following^ one hundred and fixteen

fettlers embarked at Gfavefend for Georgia, having

their paflage paid, and every thing requifite for

building and cultivation -fuiHUhed them by the Gorpo- James O-

jation. They-could n<St properly be called advecttt- f*^TM^

ters, as they run no riftjue but what afofe from the colony to

drange ^f climate, and as they were to'be maintain- Georgia.

cd until'by their induftry they were able to fuppoft

diemfehves. James Ogletborpe, one of the Trustees,,

embarked along with them, and proved a zealoos

and aftive promoter of the fettlement. In the be

ginning of the year following Oglethorpe arrived in.

Charleftown, where he was received by ^the Gover

nor and Council in the kindeft manner, and treated

with every 'mark of civility and refpecl. Governor

Johnfon, ienfible of the great advantage that muft

accrae to Carolina from this new Colony, gave all the

encouragenjent and afiiftance in his power to forward

the fettlement. Many of the Carolineans. fent them

provtfions, and hogSj and cows to begin their ftocfc,

William Bull, a man of knowledge and experience,

agreed to accorripany Mr. Oglethorpe, and the ran*-

gers afld fcoUt-boats were ordered to attend him to

-GeOrgiar After thdr arrival at Ya:macraw, Oglethorpe

and Bull explored the country, and having found att

higtl arid pleafant -fpot 6f ground, fituated on a na^

*igable river, they fixed on this place as the moft

convenient and healthy fituation for the fettlers. On

this hill they marked out a town, and, from the In

dian name of the river which ran paft it, called it

Savanna. A fmall fort was ereSed on the banks of

it as a place of refuge, and fome guns Were mounted

on it for the defence of the colony. The people were


let to work in felling trees and building huts for





themfelvcs, and Oglethorpe animated and encouraged

them, by expofing himfelf to all the hardflups which

the poorobjefts of his companion endqred. He formed

them into a company of militia, apppinted officers from

among themfejves, and furnjfhed them with arm?

and ammunition. To (hew the Indians how expeu

they -were at the ufe of asms, he frequently exerci-

fed them ; and as they had been trained before

hand by the ferjeants of the guards in London, they

performed their various parts in a manner little infe

rior to regular troops.,


HAYING thus put his colony in as good a fituation as poffiblej the next object of his attention was to treat with the Indians for a {hare of their pofieflipn?. The principal tribes that at this time occupied the He treats territory were the Upper and Lotaer Creeks j the dians for frmer were numerous and ftrong, the latter, by a (hare of difeafes and war, had been reduced to a fmaller numtheir ber ; both tribes together were copplited to to about twenty-five thoufand, men,, womqn and children. Thofe Indians, according to a treaty fctfxoerly made with governor Nicolfon, laid claim to the lands lyiftg fouth-weft of Sayanna rivers and, to pro cure their frieridfhip for this infant colony, was an objeft of the higheft confequence. But as the tribe of Indians fettled at Yamacraw was incpnfiderable, Oglethorpe jqdged it neceiTary to have the pther tribes L alfo to join with them in the treaty. To accpmplifli [ this union he fpund an Indian woman named Mary, who had married a trader from Carolina, and who could fpeak both the Englifh and Creek languages j and perceiving that flie had great influence among Indians, and might be made ufeful as an interpreter .in

forming treaties of alliance wkh thii; he therefore irft purchased her friendjhip with prefents, and after* srard* fettled ap hundred pounds yearly Orfi her, a* a, reward for her fervices. By her afiiftance he fumtQoned a general meeting of the chiefs, to hold a con? grefs with hin*^ Sayartna, in order to procure their confent tp the -peaceabile fettkoierit of his colony. At this congrefs i^y chiiftaifis were prefent, wlien O-r glethorpe reprefented to theoi the great power, wifdorn and wealth of the Engli/h nation, and the many advantages that would accrue to Indians in general from a connection and friendship with them; and as they had plenty of lands, he hoped they would freely refign alhare of them to his people, who were come for their benefit and mftru&ion to fettle among them. Aftep having djftributed forne preients, which muft always attend every propofal of friendfhip and peace, an /agreement was made, and then Tomochichi, in name of the Creek warriors-, adr drefled him in the following manner: " Her,e is a ' little prefent, arid, giving him a buffaloe's ikin, a' domed oq the infide with the head and feathers ? of an eagle, defired him to accept it, becaufe the " eagle was an emblem of fpeed, and the buffalo of " ftrength. He told him, that the Englifh were as 'w-fwift as the bird and as ftrong as the beaft, fince, " like the former, they flew over vaft feas to the^ut" termoft parts of the earth; and, like the latter, " they were fo ftrorig that nothing could withftand " fhem. He faid, the feathers of the eagle were ?' foft, and fignified love i; the buffalo's fkin was " warm, and fignified" protection; and therefore he " hoped the Englifh would love and protect their ' little .families." Oglethorpe accordingly accepted th prefent, and after having concluded this treaty



of friend/hip with Indians, and placed his colony in the beft pofture of defence, he returned to Britain, carrying with him Tomochichi, his queen, and fomc more Indians.

ON their arrival in London, thefe Indian chiefs

were introduced to his Majefty, while many of

the nobility were prefent ; when Tomochichi,

ftruck with aftonifhment at the grandeur of the Bri-

T tifh court, addreffed the King in the following

chichi's words: " This day I fee the majefty of your face,

ftKopienetghc.he tyjojeurorpreeoatpnl,eefs;--ofIT ay'moucromhoeufi. ne,,hed.anyus,mtbhieov rugohf

" I cannot expefi to fee any advantage to myfelf--

" I am come for the good of the children of all the

" nations of the Lower and Upper Creeks, that they

" may be inftruded in the knowledge of the Eng-

" lifli.--Thefe are feathers of the eagle, which is

" the fwifteft of birds, and which flieth round our

" nations.--Thefe feathers are a fign of peace ia

" our land, and have been carried from town to

'' town there.--We have brought them over to leave

" them with you, O great King, as a token of e-

" verlaftmg peace.--O great King, whatever words

" you fhall fay unto me, I will. faithfully tell them

" to all the Kings of the Creek nations." To

His ma- which his Majefty replied : " I am glad of this op-


" portunity of alluring you of my regard for the

" people from whom you came ; and I am extreme-

" ly well pleafed with the affurances you have

" brought me from them, and accept very gratefully

" of this prefent, an indication of their good dif-

' pofitions to me and my people. 1 fhall always be

" ready to cultivate a good correfpondence between

;" the Creeks and. my fubje&s ; and fhall be glad on

" any



* any occafion to (hew you a mark of my particular friendfhip."

DURING the whole time thefe Indians were in England, nothing was neglefted that might ferve to engage their affedions, and fill them with juft no tions of the greatnefs and power of the Brkim na tion. The nobility, curious to fee them* and obferve their manners, entertained them magnificently at their tables. Wherever they went, multitudes flocked around them, fhaking hands with the rude warriors of the foreft, giving theiri little prefents* and treating them with every mark of friendfhip and civility. Twenty pounds a-week were allowed them by the crown while they remained in England, and when they returned, it was-computed they carried prefents with them to the value of four hundred pounds fterling. After flaying four months, and feeing the grandeur of the Englim fovereign, they were carried to Gravefend in one of his Majefty's carriages, where they embarked for Georgia, highly pleafed with the generofity of the nation, and promifing eternal fide* lity to its intereft.

THIS generous and kind method of treating barba- Indians rians was better policy than that of overawing them by eafieft force, and was attended, as might have been expected, TMy TMtle with the happieft confequences. To ftrengthen the and failfrontiers of Carolina, and promote the colony of Geor- mein*' gia,nothing could have been conceived more ufeful and eiFeftual than a friendly intercourfe with thofe favages in the neighbourhood. The mod proper method of managing them was to fecure the friendfhip of the ?leading men among them, whofe influence, however



limited by the nature of their government, was never-

thelefs great, as they always directed the public coun

cils in all affairs relative to peace and war. It is true

their young men, fond of farne and glory from warlike

exploits, and rejoicing inopportunhiesof diftinguifhing

themfelves, willnowandthenj incontempt to' the power

of their old leaders, break out in fcalping parties. To

moderate and reftrain the fiery paffions of the young

men, the fages find generally the greateft. difficulties,

efpecially as thefe paffions are often foufed by grofs

frauds and impofitipns. Unprincipled and avaricious

traders fometimes refided among themy ,who, that

they might the more eafily cheat them, firft filled

the favages drunk, and then took all manner of

advantages of them in the courfe of traffic. When

the Indian recovered from his fit of drunkennefs, and

finding himfelf robbed of his treafures, for procu

ring which he had perhaps hunted a whole year, he

is filled with fury, and breathes vengeance and re-

fentment. No authority can then reftrain him with

in the bounds of moderation. At fuch a junfture in

vain does the leader of the greateft. influence interpofe.

He fpurns at every perfon that prefumes to check that

arm by which alone he defends his property againft

the hands of fraud and injuftice. Among themfelves

indeed theft is fcarcely known, and injuries of this

kind are feldom committed ; and had the traders

obierved in general the fame juftice and equity in

their dealings with them, as they commonly pradife

among themfelves, it would have been an eafy mat

ter with their wife and grave leaders to maintain

peace in all the different intercourfes between Euro

peans and Indians. Toaiochichi acknowledged, that

the Governor of the world had given the Englifh

great wifdom, power and riches, infomuch that they





wasted nothing; he had given Indians great terri tories, yet they wanted every thing; and he pre vailed on the Creeks freely to tefign fuch lands to the English as were of no ufe to themfelves, and to ' fcllow them to fettle among them, on purpofe that they might get inftru&ion, and be fupplied. with the various neceilaries of life. He perfuaded them, that the; Englifli were a generous nation, and would trade .with them on the moft juft and honourable; terms; .that they were brethren and friends, and \Yould protect them from danger.. and go with them to war agairift ail their enemies.

SOME fay that James Oglethorpe, when he. came put to fettle -this colony in Georgia, brought along tpith him Sir Walter, Raleigh's journals, written by his own hand ; and by the latitude of the place, and the. traditions of the, Indians, it appeared to him that Sir Walter had landed at the mouth of Savanna riven Indeed during his wild and chimerical attempts for finding cut a golden country, it is not improbable that this brave adventurer vifited many different places. The Indians acknowledged that their fathers once held a conference with a warrior who came ove'r the great waters. At a little diftance from Savanna, there is an high mount of earth, under which they fay the Indian King lies interred, who talked with the Englifh warrior, and that he defired to be bu ried in the fame place where, this conference washeld. But having little authority with refpeft to this matter, we leave the particular relation of it to men in circumftances more favourable for intelligence.





The co- WHILE the fecurity of Carolina, againft external Switzers enemies, by. this fettlement of Georgia, engaged the brought attention of Britilh government, the means of its 'into aro- ternai improvement and population at the fame time
were not- negleSed. John Peter Pury, a native of) Neufchatcl in Switzerland, having formed a deftgn of leaving his native country-, paid a vifitto Carolina, in order to inform himfeif c>f -the circumftances, and fituation of the province. After viewing the lands there, and procuring all the information _he could, with refpecl to the terms,qf obtaining, theta, he returned to Britain. The government entered into a contraft with him, and, for the encouragement of the people, agreed to give lands and four hundred pounds fterling for every hundred-effecYive men he ,fhould tranfport from Switzerland to Carolina. Pury, while in Caro lina, having furnifhed himfeif with a flattering account of the foil and climate, and of the excellence and freedom of the provincial government, returned to Switzerland, and publifhed it among the people. Iramediately one hundred arid feventy poor Switzers agreed to follow him, and were tranlported to the fertile and delightful province as he defcribed. it; and not long afterwards two hundred more came over, and joined them. The Governor, agreeable to infrruftions, allotted forty thoufand acres of lands for'the,ufe of the Swifs fettlement on the north-can: fide of Savanna ri ver; and a town was marked out for their accommo dation, which he called Purifburgh, from the name of the principal promoter of the fettlement. Mr. Bigiiion, a Swifs minifler, whom they had engaged to go with them, having received epifcopal ordination from the bifhop .of London, fettled among them for their religi- I ous inltruftion. On the one hand the Governor and I
council, f



council, happy in the acquifition of fuch a force, alloted each of them his feparate tratt of land, and gave every encouragement in their power to the people: On the other, the poor Swifs emigrants began their labours with uncommon zeal and courage, highly elevated with the idea of pofieffing landed eltates, and big with the hopes of future fuccefs. However, in a fhort time they felt the many inconveniencies attending a'change of climate. Several of them fickenedand died, and others found all the hardfhips of the firft flate of colonization falling heavily upon them. They be came discontented with the provifions allowed them, and complained to government of. the perfons em ployed to diftribute them ; and, to double their diftrefs, the.period for receiving the bounty expired before they had made fuch progrefs in cultivation as to raife fufficient provifions for themfclves and fami lies. The fpirit of murmur crept into the poor Swifs fetdement, and the people finding themfelves oppreffed with indigence and diftrefs, could confider their fituation in no other light than a ftate of banimment, and not only blamed Pury for deceiving them, but alfo heartily repented their leaving their native country.

ACCORDING to the new plan adopted .in England Eleven '

for the more fpeedy population and fetdement of townfhipe

the province; the Governor had inftrudions to mark out_ v.

out eleven townmips, in fquare plats, on the fides of

rivers, confuting each of twenty thoufand acres, and

to divide the lands within them into fhares- of fifty

acres for each man, woman, and. child, that mould

come over to occupy and improve them. Each town-


fliip was to form a parifli, and all the inhabitants.





were to have an equal right to ihe river. So foon as the parifh fhou'.d increafe to the number of an hundred families, they were to have right to fend t\vo members of their own election to the Affernbly, and to enjoy, the fame privileges as the other parifhes already eflablifhed. Each fettler was to pay four {hillings a-year for every hundred acres of land, excepting the firft ten years, during which term they were to be rent free. Governor Johnfon iffued a warrant to St. John, Surveyor-general of the province, empowering him to go and mark out thofe townfhips. But he having demanded an ex orbitant furn of money tor his trouble, the mem bers of the council agreed among themfelves to do this piece of fervice for their country. Accordingly eleven townfhips were marked out by them in the following fituations ; two on river Alatamacha, two on Savanna, two on Santee, one on Pedee, one on Wacamaw, one on, and one on Black rivers.

_^ ftnirt._ THE old planters now acquiring every year greater gle about ftrength of hands, by the large importation of nean s< groes,and extenfive credit from England, began to
turn their attention more clofely than ever to the lands of the province. A fpirit of emulation broke out among them for fecuring tract's of the richefl ground, but efpecially fuch as were moft conveni-
; ently fituated for navigation. Complaints were made
to the Affembly, that all the valuable lands on navigable rivers and Creeks adjacent to Port-royal had been run out in exorbitant tracts, under colour of patents granted by the Proprietors to Caffiques
and Lan'dgraves, by which the complainants, who had,

S O U T H C A R O L I N A.


had, at the hazard of their lives, defended the coun try, were hindered from obtaining fach lands as could be ufcful and beneficial, at the efta'bli/hed quitrents, though the Attorney and Solicitor-General of England had declared fuch patents void. Among others, job Rothmaller and Thomas Cooper, ha ving been actufed of fome illegal practices with refpect to this matter, a petition was prefented to the Afleinbly by thirty-nine inhabitants of Granvilie county in their vindication. When the Aflembly examined into the matter, they ordered their meffenger forthwith to take into cuftody Job Rothmailer and Thomas Cooper, for aiding, affiiling, and fuperintending the deputy-furveyor in marking out tracks of-land already furveyed, contrary to the quit rent act. But Cooper, being taken into cuftody, applied to Chief Juflice Wright for a writ of habeas corpus, which was granted. The Afiembly, however, fenh'ble of the ill confequences that would attend fuch illegal practices, determined to put a ftop to them by an act made on purpofe. They com plained to the Governor and Council againft the Surveyor-General, for encouraging land-jobbers, and allowing fuch liberties as tended to create litigious difputes in the province, and to involve it in great confulion. In confequence of which, the Governor, to give an effectual.check to fuch practices, prohibi ted St. John to fgrvey lands to any perfon iv.ithout an exprefs warrant from him. The Surveyor-general, however, determined to make the mod of his office, and having a considerable number to fupport him, reprefented both Governor and Council as perfons difafiected to his Majefty's government, and enemies to the intereft of the country. Being



highly offended at the Affembly, he began to take great liberties without doors, and to turn fomc of their fpeeches into ridicule. Upon which an order was iffued to take St. John alfo into cuflody; and then the Commons came to the follow ing fpirited refolutions: " That it is the undeni" able privilege of this AfTembly to commit fuch " perfons they may judge to deierve it: That the " freedom of fpeech and debate ought not to be im" peached or queftioned in any court or place out of " that houfe: That it is a contempt and violation of " the privileges of that houfe, to call in queftion any " of their commitments: That no writ of habeas " corpus lies in favour of any perfon committed by " that houfe, and that the meffenger attending do " yield no obedience to fuch; and that the Chief " Juftice be made acquainted with thefe refolutions." In confequence of which, Wright complained before the Governor and Council of thefe refolutions, as tending to the diflblution of all government, and charged the lower houfe with difallowing his Majeity's undoubted prerogative, and with renouncing obedience to his writs of habeas corpus. But the Council hi general approved of their conduct, and were of opinion, that the Affembly of Carolina had that fame privilege there, that the Houfe of Com mons had in England. In fhort, this affair created fome trouble in the colony. For while a ftrong party, from motives of private intereft, fupported the Chief Juftice ; the Affembly refolved, " That he appeared " to be prejudiced againft the people, and was there" fore unworthy of the office he held, and that it " would tend to the tranquillity of the province im" mediately to fufpend him."



IN this fituation was the colony about the end of the year 1733- Each planter, eager in the purfuit of'large pofieffions of land, which were formerly neglefted, becaufe of little value, ftrenuoufly vied with his neighbour for a fuperiority of fortune, and feemed im patient of every reftraint that hindered or cramped him in his favourite purfuit. Many favours and in dulgences had already been granted them from the Crown, for promoting their fuccefs and prosperity, and for fecuring the province againft external ene mies. What farther favours they expected, we may learn from the following Memorial and Reprefentation of the ftate of Carolina, tranfmitted to his Majefty, bearing date April gth, 1734, and figned by the Governor, the Prefident of the Council, and the Speaker of the Commons Houfe of Affembly.

" YOUR Majefty's moft dutiful fubjefts of this state of " province, having often felt, with hearts full of gra" titude, the many fignal inftances of your Majefty's " peculiar favour and protection, to thofe diftant " parts of your dominions, and efpecially thofe late " proofs of your Majefty's moft gracious and benign " care, fo wifely calculated for the prefervation of " this your Majefty's frontier province on the conti" nent of America, by your royal charter to the " Truftees for eftabliming the colony of Georgia, " and your great goodnefs fo timely applied, for the " promoting the fettlement of the Swifs at Purif" burgh ; encouraged by fuch views of your Maje111 fty's wife and paternal care, extended to your re" moteft fubje&s, and excited by the duty we owe " to your moft facred Majelty, to be always watchful
" for

" for the fupppt* aad, fecurity Oi yotir Majefly's ih" tereft, efpeciaijy ai this very Critical conjurnjdture,, **- w-h<?n the Same of & war breaking out in Europe " may very fpeedjjy- be lighted here, in this your " ]\lajefty*s frontier province, which., in fituationi, i$ *' icaown to be of the utmoft importance to the : ger" neral trade ,an4 tr:3(5c in America : we, therefore 't " your Majefty's ui^A tatthftU QoVernor, " aad -ComK-ionSj coBvened in your Majefty's " vince of South Carolina, crave leave with great " humility -to repreient to your Majeily the prefent " ftate aipd condition of this your province, afld.liow " greatly it ftaads in need of yqur Majefty's gracious " and timely fuccour in cafe of a war, to a.ffift ouf " defence agaiflfj:- th,e French and Spaniards, or any " othej enetnieSf tp-. yo.ur Mayfly's; dominions, as well " as againft the many nations of fayages which--fd " nearly threaten the fafety'of your Majefty's fub-

u THK of South Carolina, and the new

colony, of Georgia, are the fouthern frontiers of

all your Majefty's. dominions on the continent of

America; to the fouth. and fouth-weft of .which is

fituated the ftrong cale of St. Auguftine, garri-

foned by four hundred Spaniards, who have feve-

ral nations o/ Indian.s under their fufejedlion,. befides

fevera} otherf -fmall: fettlements and garrLfons, fomc

of which are not eighty n:iile& diftant frpm the co-

lony of .Georgiai; T-o the fQuth-weft and weft of

us the French have erected a coHfiderable town,

near fort Thouloufe on the.. Moville river, and fe-

veral other forts and garrifons, fome not . above

three hundred miles diftant from our fcttlementsj


" and



*' and at New Orleans on the Miffiflippi river, fince

k.f her late Majefty Queen Anne's war, they have ex-

" ceedingly i.ncreafed their ftrength arid traffic, and

" have now many forts and garrifdns on both fides

" of that jfreat river for feveral hundred miles up the

'' fame; and fince his moft Chriftian Majefty has

" taken otil of the Miffiffippi Company ttie govern-

" ment of that country into his own hands, the

" French natives itt Canada come daily down in

" fhoals to fettle all along that river, where many re-

" gular forces have of late been fent over by the King

" to ftrengthen the garrifons in thofe places, and,

" according to our beft and lateft advicesj they have

"five hundred men in pay, conftautly employed as

" wood-fangers, to keep their neighbouring Indians

" in fubjeclion, ant^ to prevent the diftant ones frorri.

M difturbing the fettletfients;,which management of

" the French has fowelt fuCceeded, that we aire very

" well affured they have now wholly in their poffef-

" fion and under their influence, the feveral numerous

" nations of Indians that are fituated near the Miflif-

" fippi river, one of which, called the GhoclawSj by

" eftimation eotififts of about five thoufand fighting

" men, and who were always deemed a very warlike

" nation-,, lies on this fide the river,, not above fouf

** hundred miles diftant from our out-feitlemetttSj

" among whom, as well as feVeral other nations of

" Indians, many French Europeans have been fent

l( to fettle, v/hom the priefts and miflionaries among

them encourage to take Indian wives, and ufe di-

" vers other alluring methods to attach the Indians

" the better td the French alliance, by which means ..,.

" the French are become throughly acquainted with

** the Indian way, warring and living in the woods,

Vox, II.


" and



" and have now a great number of white men among " them, able to perform a long march with an army " of Indians upon any expedition.

" WE further beg leave to inform your Majefty, " that if the meafures of France fhould provoke your " Majefty to a ftate of hofHlity againfi it in Europe, " we have great reafon to expect an invafion will be "' here made upon your Majefty's fubjefts by the " French and Indians from the Miffiffippi fettlements. " They have already paved a way for a defign of that " nature, by creeling a fort called the Albania fort, " alias Fort Lewis, in the middle of the Upper Creek " Indians, upon a navigable river leading to Mobile, " which they have kept well garrifoned and mounted " with fourteen pieces of cannon, and have lately been " prevented from erecting afecond nearer to us on that " quarter. The Upper Creeks are a nation very bold, " a&ive and daring, confifting of about two thoufand " five hundred fighting men, (and not above one " hundred and fifty miles diftant from the Choclaws), " whom, though we heretofore have traded with, " claimed and held in our alliance, yet the French, " on account of that fort and a fuperior ability to " make them liberal prefents, have been for feme " time ftriving to draw them over to their intereft, " and have fucceeded with fome of the towns of the " Creeks; which, if they can be fecured in your " Majefty's imereft, are the only nation which your '* Majefty's fubjefts here can depend upon as the " beft barrier againft any attempts either of the " French or their confederate Indians.



WE mofl humbly beg leave farther to inform

" your Majefty, that the French at Mobile percei-

" ving that they could not gain the Indians to their

" intereft: without buying their deer-fkins, (which is

" the only commodity the Indians have to purchafe

neceffaries wkh), and the French not being able

"to difpofe of thofe (kins by reafon of their having

" no vent for them in Old France, they have found

" means to encourage veffels from hence, New-York,

" and other places, (which are not prohibited by the

" afts of trade), to truck thofe fkiris with them for

" Indian trading goods, efpecially the Britifli woollen,

" manufactures, which the Frenth difpofe of to the

" Creeks and Choftaws, and other Indians, by which

" means the Indians are much more alienated from

" our intereft, and on every occafion object to us that

" the French can fupply them with ftrouds and blan-

" kets as well as the Englifh, which would have the

" contrary effecY if they were wholly fupplied with

" thofe commodities by your Majefty's fubjedts tra-

" ding with them. If a ftop were therefore put to that

" pernicious trade with the French, the chief depen-

<f dence of the Creek Indians would be on this govern-

" ment, and that of Georgia, to fupply them with

" goods; by which means great part of the Choc-

" taws, living next the Creeks, would fee the advan-

" tage the Creek Indians enjoyed by having Britifli

" woollen manufactures wholly from your Majefty's

" fubje&S, and thereby be invited in a ftort time to

" enter into a treaty of commerce with us, which

" they have lately made forne offers for, and which,

" if eiFefted, will loon leffen the intereft of the French

" with thofe Indians, and by degrees attach them to

" that of your Majefty.





** TH E only expedient we can propofe to recover
*' and con-firm, that natipo to yourMajefty'g intereftj " is by fpeedUy making them presents to withdraw " them from the French alliance, nd by building " fome forts among them, your Majefty may be put " in fuch a fituatipn, that on the 6rft notice of -bo-* ftilities with the French, your Majefty may be a' ble at one? to reduce the Albania' fort, and we "may then ftand againft the French and their In" dians, which, if not timely prepared for before a " war breaks out, we have too much reafon to " fear we may be foon over-run by the united " ftrength of the French, the Creeks .and Cho&aws, " with many other nations of thejir Indian allies; " for, ftpuld the Creeks become wholly enemiea, who
*' are well acquainted with all our ieitlemeftfs, we
*' probably mould alfo be foon dgfertfid by the Ghe<c rokees, apd a few others, final! tribes of Indians^ f who, for the fake of our booty, would readily " join to make us a prey to the French and favgiges. " Ever fmce the late Indian war, the offences given " us then by the Creeks have made that nation very " jealous of your Majefty's fubjefts of tlih prpvjnce. '* We have therefore concerted measures with the v honourable James. Ogkthorpe, Efq; who, being " at the head of a new colony, will (we hope) be V fiiCcefsful for your Majefty's nterefl' among that " people, He has already by prefects attached the " Lower Creeks to your Majefty,, and has laudably " undertaken to endeavour the fixing a garrifon a" mong the Upper Creeks, the expence of which is " already in part provided for in this feffion 6.f "the <s General Afiembly of this province. We-hope there<* fovs to-prevent the French-from encroaching far-
" ther



f ther on your Majefty's territories, until your MaM jefty is gracioufly pieafed further to ftrcngtben and
" fccure the fame.

' WE find the Cherokee nation has lately become

" very infolent to your Majefty's fubje&strading a-

* tnong them, riotwith(landing the many favours the

" chiefs of that nation received from your Majefty

" in Great-Britain, befides a coafiderable espence

" which your Majefty V fubjects of this province

" have been at irr making them prefents, which in-

fl clines u$ to believe that he French, by their Jn-

" dians, have been tampering with them. We

^'therefore beg leave to inform your Majefty, that

11 the building and mounting fonie forts likewife'a-

" mong the CherokeeSj and making them prefents

" will be highly neceflary to keep them fteady in

'' their duty to your Majefty, left the French may

prevail in feducvog that nation, whidi they may

f the more readily be inclined tq from the profpeA

'* of getting confiderable plunder in flaves, cattle,

'' &c. commodities which they very well know we

have among us, feyefal other forts will be indif-

" penfibly neceflary^ to be a cover to. your Majefty's

" fubjeclts fettled backwards in this province* as alfo

"- to tbofe of the colony of Georgia, both which in

" length are very extenfive; for though the truftee*

' for eftabltfhing the colony of Georgia, by a parti-

M cular fcheme of gopd management, painfully con.-

" dueled by the gentleman engaged here in that

f( charitable enterprife, has put that final! part of

" the colony, which he has not yet been.abJe to e-

" Hablifh, iri a tenable condition, againft the Spani- 1

" a.rda of Florida whrch lie to the fouthward; yet


" the



" the back expofition of thofe colonies to the vaft " number of French and Indians which border on " the weftward, muft, in cafe of a war, cry greatly " aloud for your Majefty's gracious and timely fuc" cour. The expence of our fafety on fuch an oc" cafion, we muft, with all humility, acquaint your " Majefty, either for men or money, can never be " effected by your Majefty's fubjects of this pro" vince, who, in conjunction with Georgia, do not " in the whole amount to more than three thoufand " five hundred men, which compofe the militia, and " wholly confift of planters, tradefmen, and other " men of bufinefs.

" BESIDES the many dangers which by land we " are expofed to from fo many enemies that lie on " the back of us ; we further beg leave to reprefent " to your Majefty, the defencelefs condition of our " ports and harboure, where any enemies of your " Majefty's dominions may very eafily by fea invade " us, there being no fortifications capable of making " much refiftance. Thofe in Charleftown harbour are " now in a very mattered condition, occafioned by the " late violent ftorms and hurricanes, which already " coft this country a great deal of money, and now " requires feveral thoufands of pounds to repair the " old and build new ones,' to mount the ordnance " which your Majefty was gracioufly pleafed to fend " us, which, with great concern, we muft inform " your Majefty we have not yet been able to ac" complifh, being lately obliged, for the defence and " fupport of this your Majefty's province and go" vernment, to raife, by a tax on the inhabitants, a " fupply of above forty thoufand pounds paper curT
" seucy



rency per annum, which is a confiderable deal " more than a third part of all the currency among "us; a charge which your Majefty's fubjecls of this " province are but barely able to fuftain. Since " your Majefty's royal inftruftion to your Majefty's " Governor here, an entire ftop has been put to the " duties which before accrued from European goods " imported; and if a war fhould happen, or any " thing extraordinary, to be farther expenfive here, " we fhould be under the utmoft difficulties to pro" vide additionally for the fame, left an increafe of " taxes with an apprehenfion of danger, fhould " drive away many of our prefent inhabitants, as " well as difcourage others from coming here to fet" tie for the defence and improvement of your Ma" jefty's province, there being feveral daily moving " with their families and effects to North Carolina, " where there are no fuch fears and burdens.

" WE muft therefore beg leave to inform your " Majefty, that, amidft our other perilous cVrcum" ftances, we are fubjefl: to many inteftine danger* " from the great number of negroes that are no\T " among us, who amount at leaft to twenty-two " thoufand perfons, and are three to one of all your " Majefty's white fubje&s in this province. Infur^ " redions againft us have been often attempted, and " would at any time prove very fatal if the French " fliould inftigate, them, by artfully giving them " an expectation of freedom. In fuch a fituatiori " we moil humbly crave leave to acquaint your " Majcfiy, that even the prefent ordinary expences " neceffary for the care and fupport of this your " Majefty's province and government, cannot be pro-
< ; vldcd



'* vided for by your MajeKy's fubje&s of this pro" vinee, without your Majefty's gracious pteafure to " continue thofe laws for eftablifbing the duty on ne< f> groes and other duties for feven years, and for ap " propriating the fame, which now lie before you^ " Majefty for your royal affent and approbation j and *' the farther expenses that will be requifite for th " cre&ing feme forts, and eftablifoing garrifons in " the feveral necefiary places, fo as to form a barrier " for the fecurity of this your Majefty's provlrtces .'w* " moft h-tunbly fubmit to yous Majefty.

" YotJR Majefty's fubjefts of tbb province, \Mith " fulnefs of zeal, duty aad affection to yo'ur moft " gracious and fecred Majefty, are fo highly fenfebk *' of the great importance of this province to tbi " French, that we triuft conceive k Hiore thafi pro" bable, if a war fhotild happen, they frill ufe all " icndeavoufs to bring this country under their fub" jeftion j they would be thereby enabled to fupport " their fugar iflandsf with all forts- of pirovifions and " lumber by an eafy navigation^ whkh to our great " advantage is- not fo pracliieable from the prefeni " Frtneh- colonieSj befides the facility of gaining " then to their intereft moft of the Indian trade on " the northern- continent; they might then eafily " unite the CanadeeS> and Choftaws, with the many " other nations of Indians which, are now in their " intereft. And the feveral ports and harbours of " Carolina and Georgia, which now enable your " Majefty to be abfolute mafter of the paffage "through the Galf of Flcirida, arid to impede, at " your pleafure, the tranfportation home of the Spa-
treafufe, would then prove fo many conve" nient



rt nient harbours for your MajeftyV enemies, by *' their privateers or mips of war to annoy a great " part of the Britifli trade to America, as well as lV that which is carried oh through the Gulf from " Jamaica; befides the lofs which Great Britain " tnufc feel in fo confiderable a part of its naviga" tibri, as well as the exports of marts, pitch, tar,. "and turpentine, which.j without any dependence ' * on the northern parts of Europe, are from hence " plentifully fupplied for the ufe of the Britifli fliip11 ping.

" THIS is the prefent ftate and conduionof your '"Majefty's province of South Carolina, utterly in"" capable of finding funds fufficient for the defence. " of this wide frontier, and fo deftitute of white men, " that even money itfelf cannot here raife ,a fufficient " body of them.
all humility we therefore beg leave to " lay ourfelves at the feet of your Majefty, humbly "imploring your Majefty's moft gracious care in " the extremities we ftiould be reduced to on the " breaking out of a war; and that your Majefty " would be gracioufly pleafed to extend your protec" tion to us, as your Majefty, in your great wifdom, " /hall think proper."

IN the mean time the Truftees for Georgia had _

been employed in framing a plan of fettlement, guUtion?

and eftablifhing fuch public regulations as they f l^e

judged moft proper for anfwering the great end of

the corporation. In this general plan they confidered

each inhabitant both as, a planter and a foldier, who

VOL. p.




T H E H I 5 \O R Y O F

mud be provided \yith ans and anvmunitiofl for defence, as. w-ell as with toois and utenfils for cuitivatio;!). As the ftrength of -the provides was. their chief object in view, they agreed to eftablUh ftich tenures for holding lands in it as they jad.ged moft favourable for a military eftabiyhment. Each tra& of land granted was considered as a military fief, for which the pofleffbr was to appear in arms, arid take the field, when called upon for the ,public de fence. To prevent large traces from falling in procefs of time into one hand,, they agreed to. grant their lands in tail male in preference to tail general. ! On the termination of the eftate in tail male, the lajjds were to revert to the truft; and fuch Iarj4s ' thus reverting were tp fee granted again tp fiich per. fons, as the common cotincil of the tryft ,(hoi}ld judge rnofl advant^gcpps for the cplooy,} only the Truftees in foch a cafe were to pay fpc^ijal .tegarr4 to the daughters of fuch perfons as had made improve. ment's on their lots, elpecially when^ not Mfeadjf provided fpr by marriage. The wives of (\ich |)erfcins as flip;l4 forvive them, were to be dunng their lives entitled to the tnanfion-faoufe, and onehalf of the lapds improved by their hufbands, No > man was to be jpermitted to depart the province I without license. If any part of th<: lands granted f by the Truftees, iaall not be cultivated, dearecjj and fenced rpund about with a worm fence, or pales, fij? feet high, wkhin eighteen years from the date of t,he \ grant, fuch part was to revert to the tru-ft, and the I grant with refpeelt to it to be void. All forfeitures ' for non-reGdencgj high-treafon, felonies, &(. were tp the Truftees for the jife and: benefit pf the co lony. The ufe ,of negroes was to be abfolately >



prohibited, and alfo the importation of rum. None of the colonifts were to be permitted to trade with Indians, but fuch as feorald obtain a fpecial licence fot
that parpoie.

THESE were fome of the fundamental regulation*

eftabjifhed by the Truftees of Georgia, and perhaps

the imagination of man could fcarcely have fra'ttred Thein'm

a fyftetn of rules wor.fe adapted to the circutnftantes political

and Situation of the poor iettlers, and of more perr

nicious confequence to the profperity of the province

Yet, although the Tnaftees were greatly tniftaken,

with refpecl to their plan of fettlement, it inuft be

acknowledged their views were generoas. As the

people fent out by them were the poor and unfortu

nate, who were to be provided with neceffaries at

their public ftore, they received their lands upon con

dition of cultivation, and by their perfpnal refidence,

of defence. Silk and wine being the chief articles

intended to be raifed, they judged negroes were not

requifite to thefe purppfcs. As the colony was de-

Agned to be a batrier to South Carolina, againft the

Spanifh fettlement at Auguftine, they imagined that,

negroes would rather, weaken than ftrengthen k, and

that fuch poor,col0mfts would run into debt, and

fuin themfelves by purchafiog them. Rum was judg

ed pernicious to health, and ruinous to the infant

fettlement. A free trade with Indians was confidered

, as a thing that might have a tendency to iovbJve the

people in quarrels and troubles with the .powerful fa-

vages, and e^pofe theitt to c'artg*!: and deftfuflion,

Such were probably the motives which induced thofe

humane and generous peffons to impofe fitch fooliflv

and ridiculous reftriftions on their colony. For by

JF 2




granting their fmall eftates in tail male, they drovq the fettlers from Georgia, who foon found that abundance of lands could be obtained in America upon a larger fcale, and on much better terms. By the prohibition of negroes, they rendered it imprao ticable in fuch a climate to. make any impreffion on the thick foreft, Europeans being utterly unqualified for the heavy ta&. By their discharging a trade with the Weft Indies, they not only deprived^the colbnifts of an excellent and convenient market for their lum ber, of which they had abundance p.n their lands, but alfo of rum, which, when mixed with a fufficieat quantity of water, has been found -in experience the cheapeft, the moft refrelhing, and nourifliing dcink for workmen in, fuch, a foggy and burning climate,. The Truftees, like other diftant legiflators, who framed their regulations upon principles of jpecula-T .tion, were liable to many errors and miftakes, and however good their defign, their rules were found improper and impracticable. The Carolineans plainly, perceived, that they would prove unfurraountable pbftacles to the progrefs and profperity of the colony, and therefore from motives of pity began to invite the ppor Georgians to come over Savanna river, and fettle in Carolina, being convinced that they could never fucceed under fuch impolitic and oppreflive re ftrictions.

BESIDES the large fums of money, which the TruCtees, had expended for the fettktnent' of Georgia, the Parliament had alfo granted during the two. paft years thirty-fix thoufand pounds towards carrying into ex ecution the humane purpofe of the corporation. But



jfter the reprefentation and memorial from the legiflature of Carolina reached Britain, the nation coniHered Georgia to be of the utmoft importance to the Britifh fettlements in America, and began to make ftill more vigorous efforts for jts fpeedy popu lation. The firft embarkations of poor people' from England, being collected from towns and cities, were found equally idle and ufelefs members of fociety abroad, as they had been at home. An hardy and bold .race t>f men, in&red to rural labour and fa tigue, they were perfuaded would be much better adapted both for cultivation and defence. To find men poffefied of thefe qualifications, the Truftees turned their eyes to Germany and the Highlands of Scotland, and<refolved to fend over a number of Scotch and German labourers to their infant province. When cdon? they publifhed their terms at Invernefs, an hundred of High, ! and thirty Highlanders immediately accepted them, I*1"1 I and. were /tranfrportedj to G^eorgia. AA town-I/mt-p on amna(nI s I ihe river Alatamaha, which was confidered as the boundary between the Britilh and Spanim territories, 1 was allotted for the Highlanders, on which dangerous fituation they fettled, and built a town, which they , called New Invernefs. About the fame time an hun ted and feventy Germans embarked with James Oglethorpe, and were fixed in another quarter $ fo that, in the fpace of three years, Georgia received above four hundred Britifh fubjefls, and about an hundred and fcyenty foreigners. Afterwards feveral adventurers, both from Scotland and .Germany, followed their Countrymen, and added further ftrength to the pro vince, and the Truftees flattered thernfelves with the hopes of foon feeing it in, a prornifing condition.



THE fame year Carolina loft Robert Johnfon, her favourite Governor, whofe death was as much lament ed by the people, as during his life he had been I beloved and refpefted. The province having been much indebted to his wifdorri, courage and abilities, to perpetuate his memory among them, and, in teftimony of their efteem, a monument was ere&ed Thomas *n tne'r church at the public expence. After his Brough- deceafe the government devolved on Thomas BroughLieut - t0in' a P^a'n none^ man but little diftinguifhed either gprernor for his knowledge or valour. As the welfare of the of Caro- province depended greatly on its government^ no man ought to be efntrufted with fuch a charge but men of approved virtue and capacity* There is as much danger ariling to a community from a feeble and tontemptible government, as from an excefs of power committed to Its rulers. Weak and tfnexpert* enced hands hold the reins of government with awfcwardnefs and difficulty, arid being eafily impofed up on, their authority finks into contempt. At this time many of the leading men of the colony fcrupled not to pra&ife impositions, and being eagerly bent on engroffing lands, the iiieutenant-Governor freely granted th^m warrants} and the planter^ provided they acqruire,d krge pofleiTions, were not very fcrtf* pulous about the' iegaftty q the way and manner m which they were obtained.

Q le_ JAMES OotETUORfi; having brought a number thorpc of great gUn$ with him frdm England, now began fortifies t> fort",fy Georgiaj by creeling ftrong-holds on its fron-
gl ' tiers, where he judged they might be ufeful for its fafe* ty and prote&ion. At one pHce, which he called Au?

a fort masere^kd on thefeauk* .of riven which was exceHeutly Tittt8te4f<w pr!9fie^ifig;ife* Indian trade, and holding treatiea df eaflMnetfee id j liauee with fev<M of thq fayage tjatioas. place, piled Frederica, on an iflan 01 jbc rivtfr Aiataraaha, another feet* th;fcw iarblftions, was eroded, and^feflferal-^iccea of c*n?tQtt wen? ; mounted on it^ Ten milps nearer the fiau a> b^tery was taifed, commapdin^ the entrance the found, through which all ;flij|& :of forte: Come that might be fent againft Frederica. To keep little garrifons in thcfe forts, to?;hcip the Teuilees (.defray the expences of fucfe public workt,.<ja)t
pounds were granted fcy the parliament; of Britain.
Jasics Oglethorpe wa thas buf% employ* ed ip jfeehgtheaing Georgia, he imceivcd a nvWfegc g'Tes un* from the (Javepjof of Auguftine;, adqainting hies that {hcSSpat a ;3panifti Gomnnifficmer- from the Havaana had arriTcd n
in ordor to make certain dcmiads kiaii, aad mfcet him at Ftedo-ica for diat purpofe* Ait th: tini he had advice, that three xsotnpaniej of fodt had CflBie along with him to that SpaniOi fettlement. A fcwdays afterwards this Commiffieaifir came to Georgia by iea, aiod Qflc,t|)orpc, unwilling t& peanut HOT to come to Frederica, difpatched a flopj? to bring hiS) info Jekyl Soqnd, where he intended to hold* a conference with him. Here the Comraiflioner had the mod^fty to demand, that Qglethorpe and his people fliouid immediately evacuate all the territories to the fovrthvyard of St; Helena Sound, as the^y belonged to tjhc King of Spain, vfho was determined to maintain his

right to them) and if he refuFed to comply with his demand, he had orders to proceed to Charleftown and lay the fame before the Governor and Council .of itett province. -Oglethorpe endeavoured to con^nitm^im *bat his Catholic Majefty had been raifinformed with refpe& to. thofe territories, but to IK* purpofe;. his inftruclions were peremptory, and the conference broke up without coming to any agree* ment. After which Oglethorpe embarked with alll poffible expedition, and failed for England*

DURING his abfence the ftricl: law of theTruftees,

refpecting the rum trade, had like to have created a

quarrel between the Carolineans and Georgians* The

fortification at Augufta had induced fome .traders of

Carolina to open ftores at that place, fo conveniently

fituated for commerce with Indian nations. For this

purpofe, land carriage being expenfive, they intended

to force their way by water with loaded boats up Sa

vanna river to their ftores at Augufta. But as they

pafled the town of Savanna, the magistrates raflily or

dered the boats to be ftopt, the packages to be open

ed, the cafks of rum to be ftaved, and the people to

be confined. Such injurious treatment was not to

be fuffered; the Carolineans determined to give a

check to their infolence, and for that purpofe depu

ted two perfons, one from the Council and another

from the Aflembly, to demand of the Georgians"

by what authority they prefumed to.feize and de-

flroy the efFefts of their"traders, or to compel thein

to fubmit to their code of laws. The magistrates of

Georgia, fenfible of their error, made great concef-

fions to the deputies, and treated them with the ut-

moft civility and refpecT:. The goods were inftantly





ordered to be returned, the people to be fet at liber ty, and all manner of fatisfattion was given to the deputies they could .have expe&ed. Strift orders were fent to the agents of Georgia among Indians not to moleft the traders from Carolina, but to give them all the affiftance and protebioa in their potter. The Garoiineans, o<i the other hand, engaged not to iinuggle ay ftfottg liquors among the fettlers af Georgia, and tfae navigation on the river Savanna was declared 'equally open and free to both provinces,

the fame time the French took the field a-

th? .Emperor <~, and the flames of war kindling

.between fuch -powerful potentates, -would, it was

jfeeuglity ijRevit-ably 'iptead, and involve all Burope ia

the quarrel, In cafe Great Britaki ibould interfere ifi

tfeiis matter 9 aM dedare in favour of- the Eiperor^

orders -were fent -oat ta^he Governors -of (^ebecand

N-ew Ofleaos to fawradedsji: weskeft fr^ntiers-of the Bri-

tifli fettleflvefrts of America. For this purpofe a<a army

wa formed in New France, and preparations wer-6

ttvade-lor URitiug the force of Canada and Louifiana

to ttacfe iCaroliaa; Bat before this defign was put

in execution, ad vice came, that the cloud^ of wat

*hich threatened Europe were difperfed, and a gene

ral peace *as reftorodjby the mediation of Britain and

Iic>ll&n<L This put a ftop to the motions of the main

bddy m Canada 1; however, a detachraent of two

hundred French and four hundred Indians were fent

down the Miffiffippi, to meet a party from New Or

leans to ctit off the Chickefaw Indians. This tribe

were the firm allies of Brkain, and the braveft na

tion of (avages on the continent, but confifted only

of between fix and eight hundred gun-men. The

Vox. II.





The brave French having encroached 01 their lands, and,built faws 'de- fme frts n ig n them, had on that account/drawn upon feat the themfelves their invincible enmity and refentment; French, -j^g Quckefaws had long obftinately oppofed their
progrefs up the river Miifiifippi, and were now the chief obftacle that prevented,a regular communica tion between Louifiana and Canada. The French determined to remove k, by extirpating this troublefeme nation, and for this purpofe felt down the fi ver in boats to- the place where they expected to meet their friends from New Orleans. But the party from the fouthward not coming up at the time appointed, and the Canadians thinking them felves ftrong enough for the enterprise, began the war by attacking the Chickefaw towns.. Upon which the favages gathered together above three hundred warriors, gave the French battle in an open field, and, though with considerable lofs, compleatly defeated them. Above forty Frenchmen and eight Indians were killed on the fpot, and the reft were taken prifoners, among whom was their commander, and chief, brother to Monf. Bienville, Governor of New Or leans. Hard was the fate of the'Unfortunate prifoners, who for feveral days were- kept almoft perifhing with hunger in the wildernefs, and at laft were tied to a ftake, tortured, and burned to death. Another party of French from Mobile, in the fame year, advanced againft the Creeks, who were alfo unfuccefsful, and obliged to retreat with confiderable lofs. Carolina rejoiced at thofe dtfafters, and began now more than ever to court the friendfhip and ihtereft of thefe rude nations in their neighbourhood, confidering them as the beft barrier againft their natural enemies.



BY this time the Epifcopalian form of divine wor- Religious

fliip had gained ground in Carolina, and was more the co_

countenanced by the people than any other. That lony.

zeal for the right of private judgment had much

abated, and thofe prejudices againfl the hierarchyj

which the firft emigrants- carried from England with

them, were now ahnoft entirely worn off from the

fuccceding generation. To bring about this change,

no dotibt the well-timed zeal and extenfive -bounty

of the fociety, incorporated for the propagation of

the Gofpel, had greatly contributed. At this time

the corporation had no lefs than twelve miflionaries in

Carolina, each of whom Ihared of their bounty.

Indeed, a mild church-government, together with

able, virtuous, and prudent teachers, in tkne com

monly give the eftabliiliment in every country a fu-

periority over all fe&aries. Spacious churches had

been erected in the province, which were pretty well

fupplied with clergymen, who were paid from the

public treafury, and countenanced by the civil au

thority, all which favoured the eftablifhed church.

The difTenters of Carolina were not only obliged

to ereft and uphold their churches, and maintain

their clergy by private contributions, but alfo to con

tribute their {hare in the way of taxes, in proportion

to their ability, equally with their neighbours, towards

the maintenance of the poor, and' the fupport of the

eftablifhment. This indeed many of them confidered

as a grievance, but having but few friends in the

provincial aflembly, no redrefs could be .obtained

for them. Befides, the eftabliflimeRt gave its adherents

many advantageous privileges in point of power an,d

authority over pelTons of other denominations. It


|ave :them the belt chance for being elected members





of the legislature, and of courfe of being appointed to offices, both civil and military in their refpe&ive diftrifts. Over youthful minds, fond of power, pomp and military parade, fuch advantages have great weight. Diffenters indeed -had the free choice of their minifters, but even this is often the caufe of divifion. When differences happen .in a parifh, the minority muft yield, and therefore through private pique, difcontent or refentment, they often conform to the eftabliihment. It is always difficult, .and' of ten impofli'ble for a minifter to pleafe all pasties, efpecially where all claim an equal right to judge and chufe for themfelves, and division's and fubdivificna feldom fail to ruin the power and influence of all fe&aries. This was evidently the cafe in Carolina; for many of the pol'erity of rigid Diflenters were now found firm adherents to the church,of England, which had grown numerous on the ruins of the dif* fenting intereft.

HOWEVER, the emigrants from Scotland and Ire land, moft of whom were Prefbyterians, ftill compofed a confiderable party of the province, and kept up the Prefbyterian form of worfnip in it. Ar chibald Stobo, of whom I have formerly taken I notice, by great diligence and ability ftill preferved a number of followers. An affociation had been formed in favour of this mode of religious worfhip, by; Meffrs. Stobo, Fifher, and Witherfpoon, three miniftsrs of the church of Scotland, together with Jofeph Stanyarn, and Jofeph Blake, men of refpcclable characters and confiderable fortunes. The PreC byterians had already creeled churches at Charle.s-

, Wiltown, arid in three of the maritime iflands, The affbfor the ufe of the people adhering to that form of p^flL religious worfhip. As the inhabitants multiplied, tenant, feveral more in different pans of the province af terwards joined them, and built churches, particu larly at Jackfonburgh, Indian Town, Port-Royal, and Williamfburgh. The firft clergymen having received their ordination in the church of Scotland, the fundamental rules of the affociati^n 'were Fra med according to the forms, do&'rjnes, and difcipline of that eftablimment^ ,td which they agreed to conform as clofety as their local circumilances weald admit. Thefe minifters adopted this mode of religious -worftiip, not only from a perfuafion of its conformity to the primitive Apoftolie form, but alfo from a convicYion of its being, of all others, the moft favourable to civil liberty, equality, a'nd independence. Senfvble that not only natural endowments, but alfo .a competent meafure of learn ing and acquired knowledge Were neceflary to qua lify men for the facred function, and enable them to difcharge the duties of it with honour and fuccefs, they affocrated on purpofe to prevent .deluded me chanics, and illiterate novices from creeping into the pulpit, to the difgrace of the character, and the in: jury .of religion. In different parts of the province, perfons of this (tamp had appeared, who .cried down
all eftablimments, both civil and religious, and feduced weak minds from the duties of allegiance, and all that the Prefbytery could do was to prevent them,, from teaching under the fanUon of their authority. But this aflbciation of Prefbyterians having little counJcnance from government, and no name or audio- ";



rity in law, their fuccefs depended wholly on the fuperior knowledge, popular talents and exemplary life of their minifters. From time to time clergymen were afterwards fent out at the requeft of the peo ple from Scotland and Ireland; and the colonifts contributed to, maintain them, till at length funds were eftablifhed in truft by private legacies and'do nations, to be appropriated for the fupport of Prefbyterian minifters, and the encouragement of that mode of religious worfhip and government.

Remarks I HAVE feveral times made remarks on the paperocnurpreanpceyr-. currencyJ .of the prrovince,' which the rplanters were al-
ways tor increaung, and the merchants and money len ders for finking. The exchange of London, like a commercial thermometer, ferved to meafure the rife or fall of paper-credit in Carolina ; and the price of bills of exchange commonly afcertained the value of their current money. The permanent riches of the country confifted in lands, houfes, and negroes j and the produce of the lands, improved by negroes, raw materials, provifions, and naval ftores, were exchanged for what the province wanted from other countries. The attention of the mercantile part was chiefly employed about ftaple commodities; and as their great object was prefent profit, it was natural for them to be governed by that great axi om in trade, whoever brings commodities cheapeft and in the.beft order to market, muft always meet with the greateft encouragement and fuccefs. The planters, on the other hand, attended to the balance of trade, which was turned in their favour, and concluded, that when the exports of any pro



yince exceeded its imports, whatever loffes private perfons might now and then fuftain, yet that province upon the whole was growing rich. Let us fuppofe, what was indeed far from being the cafe, that Georgia fo far advanced in improvement as to rival Carolina in raw materials, and exchangeable commodities, and to underfell her at the markets in Europe: This advantage could only arife from the fuperior quality of her lands, the cheapnefs of her labour, or her landed men being contented with fmaller profits. In fuch a cafe it was the bufmefs of the Carolina mer chants .to lower the price of her commodities, in or der to reap the fame advantages with her neigh bours ; and this could only be done by reducing the quantity of paper-money in circulation. If gold and filver only pad current in Georgia, which by general confent was the medium of commerce throughout the world, if me had r a fufficient quantity of them to anfwer the purpoles of trade, and no paper-currency had been permitted to pafs current ; in fuch cafe her commodities would bring their full value at the provin cial market, and no more, according to the general ftandard of money in Europe. Supporting alfo that Ca rolina had a quantity of gold and filver in circulation, fufficient for the purpofes of commerce, and that the planters, in order to raife the value of their produce, fhou'd iffue paper-money equal to the quantity of gold and filver in circulation, the confequence would be, the price of labour, and of all articles of expor tation would be doubled. But as the markets of Europe remained the fame, and her commodities being of the fame kind and quality with thofe of Georgia, they would not bring an higher price. Some perfons muft be'lofers, and in the-full inftance



this lofs muft fail on the mercantile interefr, and moneyed men. Therefore this fuperabundance of paper-credit, on whole foundation the deluded pro-1 vince built its vifionary fabric of great wealth, Was not only ufelefs, but prejudicial with aspect to the community. Paper-money in fuch large quanti ties is the bane of commerce, a kind of fictitious wealth, making men by high founding language ( imagine they are worth thoufands and millions, while a fhip's Joad of it would not procure for the country a regiment of-auxiliary troops in time of war, nor a fuit of clothes at an European market in time of peace. Had America, from its firft fettlementj prohibited paper-money altogether, her ftaple commo dities muft have brought her, in'the courfe of com* merce, vaft fums of gold and filver, which would have circulated through the continent, and anfwered all the purpofes of trade both foreign and domeftic. It is true the value of gold and filver is equally nominal, and rifes and falls like the value of other articles of com merce, in proportion to the quantity in circulation, But as nations in general have fixed on thefe me tals as the medium of trade, this has ferved to ftamp a value on them, and render them the means not only of procuring every where the neceflaries of t life, but by fupporting public credit, the chief means alfo of national protection.

HOWEVER, feme diilinftion in point of policy

ihould perhaps be made between a colony in its in

fancy, and a nation already poffefied of wealth, and

ui an advanced Rate of agriculture and commerce,

eipecially while the former is united to, and under






the protection of the latter. To a growing colony, fuch as Carolina, paper-credit, under certain limita tions, was ufeful in feveral refpefts; efpecially as the gold and filver always left the country, when it anfwered the pufpofe of the merchant for remittance better than produce. This credit ferved to procure the planter ftrength of hands to clear and cultivate his fields, from which the-real wealth of the province arofe. But in an 'unproved country fuch as Eng land, fupported by labourers, manufacturers and trade, large erniffions of paper-money lefien the value of gold and filver, and both caufe them to leave the country, and its produce and manufactures to come dearer to market. Adventurous planters in Carolina, eager to obtain a number of negroes, always ftretched their credit with the traders to its utmoft pitch ; for as negroes on good lands cleared themfelves in a few years, they by this means made an annual addition to their capital ftock. After obtaining this credit, it then became their intereft to maintain their fuperlority in affembly, and difcharge theit debt to the mer chants in the eafieft manner they could. . The increafe of paper-money always proved to them a confiderable ailitlance, as it advanced the price of thofe commodities they brought to the market, by which they cancelled their debts with the merchants; fo that however much this currency might depreciate, the lofs occafioned by it from time to time fell not on the adven turous planters, but on the merchants and money lenders, who were obliged to take it in payment of
debts, or produce,,which always arofe in price iu proportioiKtO its depreciation.

IN excufe for increafmg provincial paper-money the

planters always pled the exigencies of the public, fuch

VeL, II.





as warlike expeditions, raifing fortifications, provid ing military (lores, and maintaining garrifofis ; thofe no doubt rendered the meafure fomctimes necefiary, and often reafonable, but private intereft had alfo conquerable weight in adopting it, and carrying it into execution. In the year 1^.37, a'bill of ex change on London, for a hundred pounds fterling, fold for feven hundred and fifty pounds Carolina [ currency. Of this the merchants might complain, but from this period they had too little weight in the public councils to obtain any 1 redrefs. The only refource left for them was to raifc the price of ne groes, and Britilh articles of importation, according to the advanced price of produce, and bills of ex change. However, the exchange again fell to feven hundred per cent, at which, ftandard it afterwards refted and remained.


BY this time the poor colonifts of Georgia, after

progrefs trial, had become fully convinced of the impropriety

3. eor" and folly of that plan of fettlement framed by the

Truftees, which, however well intcn'ded, was ill adap

ted, to their circumftances, and ruinous to the fettle

ment* In the province of Carolina, which lay adjacent,

the colonifts difcovered that there they could obtain

lands not only on better terms, but alfo liberty to pur-

chafe negroes to afllft in clearing and cultivating them.

They found labour in the burning climate intolerable,

and the dangers and hardships to which they were

fubje&ed ur.furmountable. Inftead of raifing commo

dities for exportation,- the Georgians, by the labour of

feveral years, were not yet able to raife provifions fuf-

ficient to fupport themfelves and families. Under

fuch dilceuragements, numbers retired to the Caro

lina fide of the river, where they had better profpefts [

of }



of fuccefs, and the magifirates obferved the infant

colony finking into ruin, and likely to be totally

deferted. The freeholders in and round Savanna

aSembled together, arid drew up a ftate of their

deplorable circumftances, and tranfmitted it to the

Truflees, in which they reprefented their fuccefs in

Georgia as a thing abfolutcly impoffible, without

the enjoyment of the fame liberties and privileges

with their neighbours in Carolina. In two refpe&s

they implored relief from theTruftees; they defired

a fee-fimple or free title to iheir lands, and liberty to

import negroes under certain limitations, without

which they declared they had neither encouragement

to labour, nor ability to provide for their pofterity*

But the colony of Highlanders, inftead of joining in

this application, to a man remonftrated againft the

introduc~lion of flaves. As they lay contiguous to

the Spanifli dominions, they were apprehenfiye that

thefe enemies would entice their flaves from them in

time of peace, and in time of war inftigate them to

rife againft their matters. Befides, they confidered

perpetual flavery as mocking to human nature, and

deemed the permiffion of ic as a grievance, and

which in fome future day might alfo prove a fcourgc,

and make many feel the fmart of that oppreflion

they fo earneftly defired to introduce. For .as the

Spaniards had proclaimed freedom to them, they

alledged that flaves would run 'away, and ruin poor

planters; and at all events would difqualify them the

niore for defending the province againft external ene

mies, while their families were expofcd to barbarous

domeftics, provoked perhaps by harfh ufage, or grown

dcfperatc through mifery and oppreffion.





FEW. perfons who are acquain;ed with the country

of w'^ wonder at the complaints of the poor fettlers in,

the firft Georgia; for if confider the climate to which



hardlhips they

had to undergo, we may rather be aflonifhed that any

of them furvived the firft year after their arrival.

When James Oglethorpe took pofleffion of this wil-

dernefs, the whole was an immenfe thick fqrefr., ex

cepting favannas, which are natural plains where no

trees grow, and a few Indian fields, where the fa-

vages planted maize for their fubfiftence. In the

province there were the fame wild animals, fifties,

reptiles and "infects, which were found in Carolina.

The country in the maritime parts was likewife a

fpacious plain, covered with pine trees, where the

lands were barren and fandy ; and with narrow flips

of oaks, hickory, cyprefs, cane, &c. where the lands

were of a better quality. Rains, t'hunder-ftorms,

hurricanes, and whirlwinds, were equally frequent 'in

the one province as in the other. Little difference

could be perceived in the foil, which in both was barren qr fwampy; and the fame difeafes were

common to both. The lands being covered with

wood, through which the fea-breezes could not pe

netrate, there was little agitation in the air, which at

fome feafons w^s thick, heavy and foggy, and at others

clear, clofe, and fuffocating, both which are very

pernicious to health. The air of the fwampy land

was pregnant with innumerable noxious qualities,

infomuch that a more unwholefotne climate was not

perhaps to be found in the univerfe. The poor fet

tlers confjdered this howling wildernefs to which

they were brought, to have been defigned by na

ture rather for the habitation of wild beads than




human creatures. They found that difeafes, or even misfortunes were in effect equally fatal: for though neither of them might prove mortal, yet either would ' difable them from living, and reduce them to a ftate in which they might more properly be faid to perifh than to die.

NOTHING has retarded the progrefs and improve ment of thefe fouthern fettlements more than the in attention fhewn to the natural productions of the foil, and the preference which has commonly been given to articles tranfplanted from Europe. Over the whole world different articles of produce are fuited to dif ferent foils and climates. As Georgia lay fo con venient fot fupplying the Weft Indies with maize, Indian peafe, and potatoes, for which the demand was very great, perhaps the firft planters could fcarcely have turned their attention to more profitable arti. cles, but without ftrength of hands little advantage could be reaped from them. It is true the WeftIndia lilands would produce fuch articles, yet ,the planters would never cultivate them, while they could obtain them by purchafe : the lands there fuited other productions 'more valuable and advantageous. Abundance of ftock, particularly hogs and black cat tle, might have been v,aifed in Georgia for the fame market. Lumber was alfo in demand, and might have been rendered profitable to the province, but nothing could fucceedthere under the foolifh reftricYions of j the Truftees. European grain, fuch as wheat, oats, barley, and rye, thrived very ill on the maritime parts; and even filk and wine were found upon trial by no means to anfwer their expectations. The bounties given for railing the latter were an en

couragement to the fettlersj but either no pains were taken to inftruft the people in the proper methods of raifing them, or the foil and climate were ill adapted foe the purpofe. The poor and ig norant planters applied themfelves to thofe articles of hufbandry to which probably they had been formerly accuftomed, but which poorly rewarded them and left them, after all their toil, in a flarved and miferable condition.
THE complaints of the Georgians, however ignorant they might be, ought not to have been entirely difregarded by the Truftees. Experience fuggefted thofe inconveniencies and troubles from which they implored relief. The hints they gave certainly ought to have been improved towards correcting errors in the firft plan of fettlement, and framing another more favour able and advantageous. Such fcattered thoughts of individuals fometimes afford wife men materials for forming juft judgments, and improving towards the eftahlifhment of the beft and moft beneficial regula tions. The people governed ought never to be exclu-r ded from the attention and regard of their Governors. The honour of the Truftees depended on the fucccfs and happihefs of the fettlers, and it was impoffible for the people to fucceed and be happy without thofe en couragements, liberties and privileges abfolutely neceffary to the firft ftate of colonization. A free title to their land, liberty to chufe it, and then to manage it in fuch a manner as appeared to themfelves moft con ducive to their intereft, were the principal incentives to induftry; and induftry, well direfled, is the grand fource of opulence to every country.




IT muft be acknowledged, for the credit of the be- ,

nevolent Truflees, that they fent out thefe emigrants

to Georgia under feveral very favourable circumftances.

They paid the expences of their paffage, and fur- -

nifhed them with clothes, arms, ammunition, and

infttuments of hufbandry. They gave them lands,

and bought for fome of them cows and hogs td be

gin their Hock. They maintained their family dii-

ring the firft year of their occupancy, or until they

fhould receive fome return from their lands. So that

if the planters- were expofed to hazards from the cH-

mate, and.obliged to undergo labour, they certainly'

entered on their tafk with feveral advantages. The

taxes demanded, comparatively fpeaking, were a mere

trifle. For their encouragement they wrought entire

ly for themfelves, and for fome time were favoured

-with a free and generous maintenance.

BY this time an account of the great privileges and indulgences granted by the crown for the encourage ment of emigration to Carolina, had been publifhed through Britain and Ireland, and many induftrious peo ple in different parts had refolved to take the benefit of his Majefty's bounty. Multitudes of labourers and hufbandmen in Ireland, opprefled by land lords and bifhops, and unable by their utmoft diligence to procure a comfortable fubfiftence for their C0i0ny families, embarked for Carolina. The firft co- planted, lony of Irifh people had lands granted them near Santee river, and formed the fettlement called Williamfburgh townftup. But notwithftanding the boun ty of the crown, thefe poor emigrants remained for feveral years in low and miferable circumftances. The r rigours of the climate, joined to the want of precau



tion, fo common to flmngers, proved fatal to num bers of them. Having but fcanty provifions in the firft age of cultivation, vaft numbers, by their heavy labour,.being both debilitated in body and dejected in fpirit, fickened and died in the woods. But as this townfhip received frequent fupplies from the fame quarter, the Irifh fettlement, amjdft every hardihip, increafed in number; ar>d at length they applied to the merchants for negroes, who entrufted them with a few, by which means they were relieved from the' fevereft part of the labour, then, by their great dili gence and induftry, fpots of land were* gradually cleared, which in the firft place yielded them provi fions, and in procefs of time became moderate, and fruitful eflates.




FOR fevcral years before an open rupture took place between Great Britain and Spain, no

good underftanding fubfiited between thofe two dif

ferent courts, neither with refpeft to the privileges of

navigation on the Mexican feas, nor to the limits

between the provinces of Georgia and Florida. On

one hand, the Spaniards pretended that they had an

exclusive right to fome latitudes ia the bay of Mexi

co ; and, on the other, though the matter had never

been clearly afcertained by treaty, the Britifh mer

chants claimed the privilege of cutting logwood on

the bay of Campeachy. This liberty indeed had been

tolerated on the part of Spain for feveral years, and

the Britifh merchants, from avaricious motives, had,

begun a traffic with the Spaniards, and fupplied them

with goods of Englim manufacture. To prevent

this illicit trade, the Spaniards doubled the number

of mips ftationed in Mexico for guarding the coaft, by the

giving them orders to board and fearch every Englim Spaniard

veflel found in thofe feas, to feize on all that carried ofMej"c<

contraband commodities, and confine the failors. At

length not only fmugglers, but fair traders were

fearched and detained, fo that all commerce in thofe

feas was entirely obftructed. The Britifh merchants

again and again complained to the miniftry of depre

dations committed^ and damages fuftained; which

indeed produced one remonftrance after another to

the Spanifh court; all which were anfwered only by ?

evafive promifes and delays. The Spaniards flatter-






ed the Britifh minifter, by idling him, they would enquire into the occafion of fuch grievances, and fettle all differences by way of negotiation. Sir Ro bert Walpole, fond of pacific meafures, and trufting to fuch proppfals of accommodation, for feveral years fuffered the grievances of tiie merchants to remain unredrefied, and the trade of the nation to fuffer great lofies.

IN the year 1758, Samuel Horfley was appointed

Governor of South Carolina, but he dying before

he left England, the charge of the province devol-

William ved on William Bull, a man of good natural abili-


ties, and well acquainted with the ftate of the pro-

governor, vince. The garrifon at Auguttine having received a

confiderable reinforcement, it therefor.e became the

bufinefs of the people of Carolina, as well as thofe

of Georgia, to watch the motions of their neigh

bours. As the Spaniards pretended a right to that

province, they were pouring in troops into Auguf-

tine, which gave the Britifh colonifts fome reafon to

apprehend they had refolved to aflert their right by

force of arms. William Bull defpatehed advice to

England of the growing power of Spain in Eaft Flo

rida, and at the fame time acquainted the Truftees,

that fuch preparations were making there as evident

ly portended approaching hoftiiities. T: he Britifli

ininifters were well acquainted with the ftate of

Carolina, from a late reprefentation tranfmitted by

its provincial legiflature. The Truftees for Georgia

prefented a memorial to the King, giving an ac

count of the Spanifh preparations, and the feeble

and defencelefs condition of Georgia, and implo

ring his Majefty's gracious affiftance. In confe-




quence of which, a regiment of fix hundred effec tive men was ordered to be raifed,. with a view of fending them to Georgia. The King having made James Oglethorpe Major-General of all the forces of the two provinces, gave him the command of this regiment and ordered him out for the protection of the fouthcrn frontiers of the Britifli dominions in

ABOUT the middle of the fame year, the Hector, Ogleand Blandford fhips of war failed, to convoy the tranfports which carried General Oglethorpe and his regiment, to that province. Forty fupernumeraries .Georgia. followed the General to fupply the place of fuch 'officers or Jbldiers as might ficken and die by the change of the climate. Upon the arrival, of this re giment, the people of Carolina, and Georgia rejoiced, and teftified their grateful fenfe of his Majefty's paternal care in the tlrongelt terms. The Geor gians, -who had been for feme time harraiTed with fre quent alarms, now found themfelves happily relieved, and placed in fuch circumuances as enabled them to bid defiance to the Spanim power. Parties of the regiment were fent to the different garrifons, aud the expence the Truilees had formerly been at in maintaining thetn of courfe ceafed. The General held his head-quarters at Frederica, but raifed forts on fome other iflands lying nearer the Spaniards, particularly in Cumberland and Jekyl. iflands, in which he alfo kept garrifons to watch the motions of' IMS enemies.

WHILE thefe boftile preparations were going

3 it behoved Genera! Oglethorpe to cultivate the





firmed friendfhip with Indian nations, that they might be ready on every emergency to aflifl him. During his abfence the Spaniards had made feveral attempts to feduce the Creeks, who were niardstry mucn attached to Oglethorpe, by telling them he in vain to was at Auguftine, and promifed them great prefents in cafe they would pay him a vifit at that place. Accordingly fome of their leaders went down ( to fee the beloved man, but not finding him there, * they were highly offended, and refolved immediately to return to their nation. The Spanifh Governor, in order to cover the fraud, or probably with a defign of conveying thofe leaders out of the way, that they might the more eafily corrupt their nation ; told them, that the General lay fick on board of a fliip in the harbour, where he would be extremely glad to fee them. But the favages were jealous of fome bad defign, and refufed to go, and even rejected their prcfents and offers of alliance. When they returned to their nation, they found an invitation from General Oglethorpe to all the chieftains to meet him at Frederica, which plainly difcovercd to them the infi< dious defigns of the Spaniards, and helped not a little to increafe his power and influence among them. \ A number of their head warriors immediately fet ( out to meet him at the place appointed, where the General thanked them for their fidelity, made them many valuable prefents, and renewed the treaty of friendfhip and alliance with them. At this congrefs the Creeks feemed better fatisficd than ufual, agreed [ to march a thoufand men to the General's affiftancc whenever he mould demand them, and invited him up to fee their towns. But as he was then bufy, he excufed himfelf, by promifing to vifit them next fummer,



and accordingly difmifled them no Icfs pleafed with his kindnefs, than incenfed againft the Spaniards For their falfehood and deceit.

BY this time the King of England had refolved to Matten

vindicate the honour of his crown, and maintain his right battening

to thofe territories in Georgia, together with the free-

dom of commerce and navigation in the Mexican Spain,

feas. The pacific fyftem of Sir Robert Walpole had

drawn upon him the difpleafure of the nation, par

ticularly of the mercantile part; arid that amazing

power and authority he had long maintained began

to decline. The fpirit of the nation was rouzed, in-

fotnuch that the adminiftration could no longer wink

at the infults, depredations, and cruelties of Spain.

InftrucYions were fent to the Britifli ambaflador at the

court of Madrid, to demand in the mod abfolute

terms a compenfation for the injuries of trade, which,

upon calculation, amounted to two hundred thoufand

pounds fterling; and at the fame time a fquadrori of

ten fhips of the line, under the command of Admiral

Haddock, were fent to the Mediterranean fea. This

produced an order from the Spanifli court to their

ambaflador, to allow the accounts of the Britifli mer

chants, upon condition that the Spanifh demand on

the South-Sea Company be deducted : and that Ogle-

thorpe be recalled from Georgia, and no more em

ployed in that quarter, as he had there made great

encroachments on his Catholic Majefty's dominions.

Thefe conditions were received at the court of Britain

with that indignation which might have been expeded

from an injured and incenfed nation. In anfwer to

which the Spanifh ambaflador was given to underftand, f.

that the King of Great Britain was determined never to





relinquifh his right to a fingle foot of land in the- prtivince of Georgia; and that he muft allow his fubje&s to make reprifals, fince fatisfadion for their Ibffes iff trade could in no other way be obtained. In this unfettled fituation, however, matters remained for a little while between thofe two powerful potentates.

IN the mean time preparations were making both in- Georgia and Florida, by raifing fortifications- on the borders of the two provinces, to hold each other at defiance. The Britilh foldiers finding themfelves fubMutiny je&ed to a number of hardfhips in Georgia, fo which thorpe*s tncy ^a<^ not ^een accuflomed in Britain, feveral of camp. them were difcontented and ungovernable. At lengtha plot was difcovered in the camp for aflafiinating' their general. Two companies of the regiment had been drawn from Gibraltar, fome of whom could fpeak the Spanifh language. While ftationed on Cumberland ifland, the Spaniih out-pofts on the other 'fide could approach fo near as to converfe with the Britim foldierSj one of whom had even been in the Spanifh fervice, and not only underftood -their lan guage, but alfo had fo much of a Roman Catholic fpirit as to harbour an averfion to Proteftant heretics. The Spaniards had foundjneans to corrupt this v'rllainj who debauched the minds of feveral of his neigh bours, infomuch that they united and formed a defign firft to murder General Oglethprpe, and then make their efcape to Auguftine. Accordingly, on a certain'day a number of foldiers underarms came up to the General, and made fome extraordinary demands ; which being refufed, they inftantly cric.d out, one and all, and immediately dne of them difcharged his piece at him: and being only at

the diftance of a few paces, jhe ball whizzed over his moulder, but the powder fipged his clothes, and burnt his -face. Another prefented his piece, which flamed in the pan; a third drew his hanger and attempted to ftab him, but the General parrying it off, an officer {landing by run the ruffian through the body, and killed him on the fpot. Upon which the mutineers ran, but were caught and laid in irons. A court-martial was called to try the ringleaders of this defperate confpiracy, fome of whom were found guilty and condemned to be (hot, in order to deter others from fuch dangerous attempts.
NOR was this the only concealed effort of Spanifli policy, another of a more dangerous nature foon followed in Carolina, which might have been attend ed with much more bloody and fatal effefts. At this time there were above forty* thoufand negroes in the province, a fierce, hardy and ftrong race, whofe conititutions were, adapted to the warm climate, whofe nerves were braced with conftant labour, and who could fcarcely be fuppofed to be contented with that oppreffive yoke under which they groaned. Long had liberty and protection been promifed and proclaimed to them by the Spaniards a,t Auguftine, nor were all the negroes in the province ftrangers to the procla mation. At different times Spanifli emiflaries had been found fecretly tampering with them, and perfuading them to fly from flavery to Florida, and feveral had made their efcape to that fettlement. Of thefe negro-refugees the Governor of Florida had formed a regiment, appointing officers from among themfelves, allowing them the fame pay and clothing them in the



fame uniform with the regular Spanifh fqldiers. The

mod fenfible part of the flaves in Carolina were not

ignorant of this Spanifh regiment, for whenever they

run away from their matters, they conftantly direft-

cd their courfe to this quarter. To no place could

negro ferjeants be fent for enlifting men where they

could have a better profpeft of fuccefs. Two Spa

niards were caught in Georgia, and committed to

jail, for enticing flaves to leave Carolina and join this

regiment. Five negroes, who were cattle hunters at

Indian Land, fome of whom belonged to Captain

M'Pherfon, after wounding his fon and killing an

other man, made their efcape. Several more at

tempting to get away were taken, tried, and hanged

at Charleftown.

WHILE Carolina was kept in a ftate of conftant fear

and agitation from this quarter, an infurrecYion openly *

A negro broke out in the heart of the fettlement which alarmed '

infurrec- fa whole province. A number of negroes having af-

Carolina, fembled together atStono, firft furprifed and killed two

young men in a warehoufe, and then plundered it of

guns and ammunitibn. Being thus provided with arms,,

theyeleded one of their number captain, and agreed

fo follow him, marching towards the fouth-weft with [

colours flying and drums beating, like a difciplined

company. They forcibly entered the houfe of Mr.

Godfrey, and having murdered him, his wife, and chil

dren, they took all the arms he had in it, fet fire to the

houfe, and then proceeded towards Jackfonfburgh. la

their way they plundered and burnt every houfe, among

which were thofe of Sacheveral, Nafli, and Spry, kil

ling every white perfon they found in them, and compel

ling the negroes to join them. Governor Bull returning



lo Charieffcnvn from the fouthward, met them, andj obferving them armed, quickly rode out of their'way; He fpread the alarnv which foon reached the Prefby* ' terian church at Wiltown, where Archibald Stobo was preaching to a numerous congregation of plant ers in that quarter. By a law of the province all planters Were obliged to carry their arms to church, which at this critical juncture proved a very ufeful and neceflary regulation. The women were left in church .trembling with fear, while the militia; under the command of Captain Bee, marched in queft of the negroes^ who by this-time had become formidable from the number that joined them. They had march ed above twelve miles, and fpread defolation through all the plantations in their way* Having found rum in Tome houfes, and drank freely of it, they halted in an open field, and began to fing and dance$ by way of triumph. During thefe rejoicings the militia "difcovered them, and ftationed themfelves in different places around them, to prevent them from making their efcape. The intoxication of feveral of the flaves, fa voured the afiailants. One party advanced into the open field and attacked them, and, having killed ibme negroes, the remainder took to the woods, and were difperfed. Many ran back to their plantations, in hopes of efcaping fufpicion from the abfence ; b their matters; but the greater part wei e taken and tried. Such as had been compelled to join them con* trary to their inclination were pardoned, but all the chofen leaders and firft infurgents fuffered death.

Carolina was (truck with terror and confter-

nation by this infurrection, in which above twenty

perfons were murdered before it was quelled^ and had.

not the people in that quarter been fortunately collect-.






ed together at-church, it is piobab'e many more would have fuflered. Or had it tecome general, the whole colony muft have fallen a facrifice to their great power and indiferiminafe fury. It was commonly believed, and not.without reafon, that the Spaniards were deeply concerned in promoting the mifchref, and by their fecret influence and intrigues with Haves had inftigated them to this maffacre. .Having already four companies i of negroes in their fervice, by penetrating into Caroli- r> na, and putting the province into conr'ufion, they might no doubt have raifed many more. But, to prevent far ther attempts^Governor Bull fent anexprefs to Gene ral Oglethorpe with advice of the infurreftion, defiring him ta double his vigilance in Georgia, and fei?e all flraggling Spaniards and negroes. In conlequence of which a proclamation was iffued to flop all flaves found in that province, offering a reward for every-one-they might catch attempting to run off. At the fame time a company of rangers were employed to patrole the ffohtiers, and block -up all paiTages by which they might fnake their efcape to Florida.

I}? the mean time things were hafterring to a ruptare in Europe, and a war' between -England and Spain was thought unavoidable. The plenipotentia^ ries appornred for 'fctt'Bng the boundaries between Georgia and 'Florida, and other 'differences and mifundeifftanS'mgS fubfifthig between jthe two crowns, had met at P-ardo in convehttori, where preTrminary articles were dtawn up; bat "the conference ended to the fatisfacTlen of neither party. Indeed the propofal of a negotiation, and the appointment of pleni potentiaries, gave univerfal offence -to the people of Britain, who breathed nothing but war and vengeance agaifift the proud -and arrogant Spaniards. The



merchants had loft all patience under their fufferings, and became clamorous for letters of reprifal, which at length they obtained. Public credit arofe, and forwarded hoftile preparations. All officers of the navy and army were, ordered to their ftations, and witjj with the unanimous voice of the nation war was de- Spain. clared againft Spain on the 23d of October, 1739.

WHILE Admiral Vernon was fent to take the com

mand of a fquadron in the Weft-India ftation, with

orders to ad orTenfively againft the Spanifli domi

nions in that quarter, to divide their force, General

Oglethorpe was ordered alfo to annoy the fubjeds of

Spain in Florida by every method in his power. In A projeft

confequence of which, the General immediately pro- jr l^,&~

an expedition againft the Spanifli fettlement at rida.

Auguftine. His defign he communicated by letter

to Lieutenant-Governor Bull, requefting the fupport

and affiftance of Carolina in the expedition. Mr.

Bull laid his letter before the provincial affembly,

recommending to them to raife a regiment, and

give him all poflible affiftance in an enterprize of

fuch interefting -confequence. The afiembly, fenfible

of the yaft advantages that muft accrue to them

ffom getting rid of fuch troublefome neighbours, re-

folved that fo foon as the General /hould commu

nicate to them his plan of operations, together with a

ftate of the affiftance requifite, at the fame time ma

king it appear that there was a probability of fuccefs,

they would moft cheerfully affift him. The Caroli-

neans, however, were apprehe'nfive, that as that

garrifon had proved fuch a painful thorn in their fide

in time of peace, they would have more to dread from

it in time of war j and although the colony had bee.n





much diftreffed by the fmall-pox iaid the yellow fever for two years paft, which had cut off the hopes of many flourilhing families 5 the people, neverthelefs, lent a very favourable ear to the propofal, and earneftly .wifhed to give all the affiflance in their power towards diflodging an enemy fo malicious and cruel.

Meafuveg ^N t^ie mean time General Oglethorpe was induconcerted ftrious in picking up all the intelligence he could repur ofe'* fpeftwg the. fituation and ftrength of the garrifon,
and finding it in great ftraits for want of provifions, he urged the fpeedy execution of his project, with a view to iurprife his enemy before a fupfjly flibuld arrive. He declared, that no perfonal toil or danger Ihould difcourage him from exerting himfelf towards freeing Carolina from fuch neighbours as had inftigated their flaves to maffacre them, and publicly protected them after fuch bloody attempts. To concert meafures with the greater fecrecy and ex pedition, he went to Charleftown himfelf, and laid before the legiflature of Carolina an eftimate of the force, arms, ammunition, and proyifions, which he judged might be requifite for the expedition. In confequence of which, the Affembly voted one hundred and twenty thotifand pounds, Carolina mQney, for the fervice of the war. A regiment, con fiding of four hundred men, was raifed, partly in, Virginia and partly in North and South Carolina, with the greateft expedition, and/the command was given, to Colonel Vanderduffen. Indians were fqnt for from the different tribes in alliance with Britain, Vincent Price, commander of the ,mips of war on that (ladon, agreed^ to ftffift with a naval force cou-



filling of four (hips of twenty guns each, and two {loops, which proved a great encouragement to the Carolineans, and induced them to enter with dou> ble vigour on military preparations. General Oglethorpe appointed the mouth of St. John's river, on the Florida fhore, for the place of rendezvous, and having finifhed his preparations in Carolina, fet out for Georgia to join his regiment, and make all ready ' for the expedition,

ON the gth of May 1740, the General paffed over to Florida with four hundred ielett men .of his General regiment, and a confiderable party of Indians; thorpe < and on the day following inverted Diego, a fmall marches fort, about twenty-five miles from, Auguftine, which after a fhort refiftance furrendered by capitu lation. In this fort he left a garrifon of fixty men, under the command of Lieutenant Dunbar, and , returned to the place of general rendezvous, where he was joined by Colonel Vanderdufien, with the Carolina regiment, and a company of Highland ers, under the command of Captain M'lntofh. But by this time fix Spanifli half-galleys, with long brafs nine pounders, and two floops loaded with provifions, had got into the harbour at Auguf tine. A few days afterwards,, the General marched with his whole force, confifting of above two thoufand men, regulars, provincials and Indians, to Fort Moofa, fituated within two miles of Auguftine, which on his approach the Spanim garrifon evacuated, and = retired into the town. He immediately ordered the *Elates of this fort to be burnt, three breaches to be made in its walls, and then proceeded to reconnoitce the town and caftle.



NOTWITHSTANDING the difpatch of the Britifh army, the Spaniards, during their ftay at Fort Diego, had collected all the cattle in the woods around them, and drove them into the town; and the General found, both from a.view of the works, and the intelligence he had received from prifoners, that more difficulty would attend this enterprize than he at firft expedited. Indeed, if he intended a furprize, he ought not to have f flopped at Fort Diego, for by that delay the enemy * had notice of his approach, and time to gather their whole force, and put themfelves in a pofture of de fence. The caftle was built of foft flone, with four baftions ; the curtain was fixty yards in length, the parapet nine feet thick; the rampart twenty feet high, cafemated underneath for lodgings, arched over, and newly made bomb-proof. Fifty pieces of cannon were mounted, feveral of which were twentyfour pounders. Befides the caftle, the town was entrenched with ten falient angles, on each of which fome fnvall cannon were mounted. The garrifon confided of feven hundred regulars, two troops of horfe, four companies of armed negroes, befides the militia of the province, and. Indians.

THE General' now plainly perceived that an attack f l/y land upon the town, and an attempt to take the caftle by ftorm would coft him dear before he could reduce the place, and therefore changed his plan of operations. With the affiftance of the (hips of war, Inyefts which were now lying at anchor off Auguftine-bar, Auguf- he refolved to turn the liege into a blockade, and try tine' to fhut up every channel by which proyifions could be conveyed to the garrifon,,, For this purpofe he



left Colonel Palmer with ninety-five Highlanders,

and forty-two Indians at fort Moofa, with orders to

fcour the woods around the town, and intercept all

fuppiies of cattle from the country by land. And,

for the fafety of his men, he at the fame time order

ed him to encamp every night in a different place,

to keep flrict watch around his camp, and by all

means avoid coming to any adion. This fmall party

was the whole force the General left for guarding the

land fide. Then he fent Colonel Vanderduffen, with

the Carolina regiment, over a fmall creek, to take

pofieffion of a neck of land called Point Quartel, a-

bove a mile diftant from the caftle, with orders to

ereft a battery upon it; while he himfelf, with his

regiment, and the greateft part of the Indians, em

barked in boats, and landed on the ifland of Ana-

ftatia. In this ifland the Spaniards had a fmall party

of men ftationed for a guard, who immediately

fled 'to town, and as it lay oppofite to the caftle,

from this place, the General refolved to bombard

the town. Captain Pierce Rationed one of !his

fhips to guard the paflage, by way of the Mo-

tanzas, and with the others blocked up the mouth

of the harbour, fo that the Spaniards were cut off

from all fuppiies by fea. On the ifland of Anaftatia

batteries were foon erected, and feveral cannon

mounted by the affiftance of the aftive and enter-

prifmg failors. Having made thefe difpofuicins, Ge

neral Oglethorpe then fummoned the Spanifli Go

vernor to a furrender ; but the haughty Don, fe-

cure in his ftrong hold, fent him for anfvver, that

he would be glad to {hake hands with him in his






THIS infulting anfwer excited .he higheft degree of wrath and indignation in the General's mind, and made him refolve to exert himfelt to the utmoft for humbling his pride. The opportunity of furprizing the place, being now loft, he had no other fecurd method left but to attack it at the diftance in which he then flood. For this purpofe he opened his batteries againft the caftle, and at the fame time threw a num ber of {hells into the town. The fire was returned with equal fpirit both from the Spanifli fort and from fix half-gallies in the harbour, but fo great was the diftance, that though they continued the cannonade for feveral days, little execution was done on either fide. Captain Warren, a brave naval officer, percei ving that all efforts in this way for demoliming the caftle were vain and ineffectual, propofed to deftfoy the Spanim gallies in the harbour, by an attack in the night, and offered to go himfelf and head the attempt. A council of war was held to confider of and concert a plan for that fervice; but, upon founding the bar, it was found it would admit no large mip to the attack, and with ftnall ones it was judged raflv and impraftica'ble, the gallies being covered by the cannon of the caftle, and therefore that defign was dropt.

IN the mean time the Spanifli commander obfer^ ving the befiegers embarraiTed, and.their operations beginning to relax, fent out a detachment of three hundred men againft Colonel Palmer, who furprifed him at Fort Moofa, and, while moft of his party lay afleep, cut them almoft entirely to pieces. A few that accidentally efcaped, went over in a fmall boat to the Carolina regiment at Point Quartel. Some of the

8 O U T H C A R O LI N A.


Chickefaw Indians coming from that fort having met

with a Spaniard, cut off his head, agreeable to their

favage manner bf waging war, and prefented it to

the General in his camp: but he rejected it with

abhorrence, calling th^rn barbarous dogs, 'and bid

ding them begone. At this difdainful behaviour,

however, the Chickefaws were offended^ declaring,

that if they had carried the head of an Englimman.

to the French, they would not haye treated them

fo; and perhaps the General difcovered more

humanity than good policy by it, for thofe Indians^

who kne\y none of the European cufloms and re

finements in war, foon after defertcd him. About

the fame time the veffel ftationed^at the Metanzas

being- ordered off, fpme fmall /hips fr6m the Havanna

with provifions, and a reinforcement of men, got into

Auguftine, by that narrow channel, to the relief of

the garrifon. A party of Creeks having furprifed

one of their fmall boats, brought four Spanifti pri-

foners to the General, who informed him, that the

garrifon had received feven hundred men, and a

large fupply of provifions. Then all profpefts of

ftarvfng the enemy being loft, the army began to

defpair of forcing the place to furrender. The Ca-

roiinean troops, enfeebled by the heat, difpirited by

ficknefs, and fatigued by fruitlefs efforts, marched p >f

away in large bodies. The navy being (hort of pro- the fies

yifions, and the ufual feafon of hurricanes approach

ing, the commander judged it imprudent to hazard

his Majefty's mips, by remaining longer on that

coaft. Laft of all, the General himfelf, fick of a

fever, and his regiment worn out with fatigue, and

rendered unfit for action by a flux, with forrow and r





resjet followed, and reached Frederica about thtf loth of July 1740.

THUS ended the unfuceefsful expedition againll Auguftine, .to the great difappointmenfr of both Geor gia and Car61ina. Many heavy reflections were after wards thrown out againft General Oglethorpe for his conduct during the whole enterprise. Perha-ps the only chance of fuccefs he had from the beginning was by furprrfing this garrifon in the night by fotne fadden attempt. He was blamed for remaining fo long at fort Diego, by which means the enemy had full intelligence of his approach, and time to prepare fdr receiving him. He was charged with timidity afterwards, in making no bold attempt on the town. It was faid, that the officer who means to act on the offennve, where difficulties muft be furmountCd, ought tp difplay fome courage; and that too much timidity in war is often as culpable as toomuch temerity. Great caution he indeed ufed for faving his men, for excepting thofe who fell by the fword in fort Moofa, he loft more men by frcknefs than by the hands of the enemy. Thoug'h the difafter of Colonel Palmer, in which many brave High landers were maffacred, was perhaps oecafioned chiefly by \yant of vigilance and a difobedienee of orders, yet many were of opinion, that it was too* hazardous to have kft fo fmall a party on the main land, expofed to Tallies from a fuperior eneriiy, and entirely cut off from all poffibility of fupport and af* fiftanee from the main body. In (hort, the Carolineans called in queftion the General's military judgment and .{kill in many refpefts; and protefted that he had fpeiitr the time in barren deliberations, harafied the men with



unnecefiary marches, allowed thera not a fufficient quantity of provifions, and poifoned them with breakifh water. He, on the other hand, declared he had no confidence ,in the firmnefs and courage of the. provincials ; for that they refufed obedience to his orders, and at laft abandoned his camp, and re treated to Carolina. The truth was,, fo ftrongly for tified was the place, both by nature and art, that probably the attempt muft have r failed, though it had been conducted by the ableft officer, and execu ted by the bed difciplined troops. The mifcarriage, however, was particularly ruinous to Carolina, ha ving not only fubje&ed the province to a great ex^ pence, but alfo left it in a worfe fuuation than it was
before the attempt.

THE fame year ftands diflinguifhed :'m the an

nals of Carolina, not only for this unfuccefsful

expedition agatnft the Spaniards, but alfo for a de-

fplating fire, whkh in November following broke ^ reat,

out in the capital, and laid the half of it in ruins, fire at

This fire\ began abo: . ut ' two ' o'clock in. the after- pto"wanrk, s' noon, and, burnt with unquenchable violence un

til eight at night. The houfes, being built of wood,

and the wind blowing hard at north-weft, the flames

fpread with aftonifhing rapidity. From Broad-tlreet,

where the fire kindled, to Granville's Baftion, almoft

every houfe was at one time in flames, and exhibited,an

awful and finking fcene* The yaft quantities of deer-

fldns, rum, pitch, tar, turpentine and powder, in the

different ftores. ferved to jncreafe the horror, and the

more^/peedily to fpread the defolation. Amidft the

cries and fhrieks of women and children, and the


fcurfting forth of flames in different quarters, occa-



jloned by the violent wind, which carried the burn ing to a great diftance, the .men were put into confufion, and fo anxious were they about the, fafety of their families, that they could not be -pre vailed upon to unite their efforts for extinguifhing the^fire. The failors from the men of war, and fhips in the harbour were the moft active and adven turous hands engaged in the fervice. But fuch was the violence of the flames, that it baffled all the art and power of man, and burnt .until the caltnnefs of the evening clofed the dreadful fcene. Three hundred of the beft and moft convenient buildings in the town were confumed, which, together with lofs of goods, and provincial commodities, amounted to a prodigi ous fum. HappUy few lives were loft, but the lamen tations of ruined families were heard in every quar ter* In mort, from a flourifhing condition the town F was reduced in the fpace of fix hours to the loweft and moil deplorable ftate. All thofe inhabitants whofe houfes efcaped the flames, went around and kindly invited their unfortunate neighbours to them, fo that two and three families were lodged in places built only for the accommodation of one. After the legiflature met, to take the miferable ftate of the, people urider consideration, they agreed to make-ap plication to the Britifh parliament for relief. The Britim parliament voted twenty thoufand pounds fterling, to be diftributed among the fufferers at Charleftown, which relief was equally feafonable and ufeful on the one fide, as it was generous and noble on the other. No time fhould obliterate the impreffions of fuch benevolent actions. This gift certainly ! defcrved to be wrote on the table of every heart, in L
the j

the moft indelible characters. For all jnen muft ac knowledge, that it merited the warmed returns of gratitude, not only from the unfortunate objects of ruch bounty, but from the whole province.

WHILE the war between Great Britain and Spain !

continued, a bill was brought into parliament topre- ,'i

vent the exportation of rice^ among other articles of |

provifion, to France or Spain, with a view to diflrefs

thefe enemies as much as poffible., In confequence of which, a reprefentation to the following effect,

in behalf ,of the province of Carolina, and the mer

chants concerned in that trade, was prefented to

the Houfe of Commons while the bill was depending

before them, praying that the article, of rice might

be excepted out of the bill, and endeavouring to

prove, that the prohibiting its importation would

be highly detrimental to Great Britain, and in no re-

Jpectfo to her enemies: " The inhabitants of South

" Carolina have not any manufactures of their own, tion in

" but are fupplied from Great Britain with all their

" clothing, and the other manufactures by them trade.

" confumed, to the amount of one hundred and

" fifty thoufand pounds fterling a-year. The only

" coinmodity of confequence produced in South;

" Carolina is rice, and they reckon it as much their,*

" ftaple commodity as fugar is to Barbadoes and Ja-

" maica, or tobacco to Virginia and Maryland ; fo

" that if any flop be put to the .exportation of rice

" from South Carolina to Europe, it will not only }

-" render the .planters there incapable of paying their

" debts, but alfo reduce the government of that pro-

" vince to fuch difficulties for want of money, as at i, - -

" this prefent precarious time may render the whole


" colony



" colony an eafy prey to their neighbours the Indians " and Spaniards, and alfo to thofe yet more danger" ous enemies their own negroes, who are ready to " revolt on the firfl opportunity, and are eigfit times ; " as many in number as there are white men able to " bear arms, and the danger in this refpecl is great" er fince the unhappy expedition to Augufline.

" FROM the year 1 729, when his Majefty purchafed " South "Carolina, the trade of it hath fo increafed, " that their annual exports and imports of late have " been double the value of what they were in the " faid year; and their exports of rice in particular have " increafed in a greater proportion: for, from the ''year 172 to 1729, being ten years, both included, 41 the whole export of rice was 264,48 8 barrels, ma" king 44,081 tons. From the 173010 1739, being " alfb ten years, the whole export of rice was 499,525 0 barrels, making 99,905 tons; fo that the export of " the latter ten years exceeded the former by 235,037 " barrels, or 55,824 tons: and of the vaft quantities " of rice thus exported, fcarcely one fifteenth part " is confumed either in Great Britain or in any part " of the Britifh dominions; fo that the produce of " the'other fourteen parts is clear gain to the nation; " whereas almoft all the fugar, and one fourth part " of the tobacco, exported from the Britifh colonies, " are confumed by the people of Great Britain, or " by Britifh fubje&s; from whence it is evident, that " the national gain arifing from rice is feveral times " as great in proportion, as the national gain ariiing " from either fugar or tobacco.




" THIS year, -viz. 1 740, in particular, we {hall, export from South Carolina above ninety thoufand barrel^ " of rice, of which quantity there will not be three " thoufand barrels u fed here, fo that the clear na" tionalgain upon that export will be very great; for " at the loweft computation, of twenty-five {hillings " fterling/tfr barrel, the eighty-feven thoufand barrels " expoited will amount in value to one hundred and " eight thoufand feven hundred and fifty pounds, at '< the firft hand ; whereto there muft be added the " charge of freight, &t. from South Carolina to " Europe, which amount to more than the firft coff " of .the rice, and are alfo gain to Great Britain; " fo that the leaft gain upon this article for the pre" fent year will be two hundred and twenty thoufand " pounds, over and above the naval advantage of " annually employing more than one hundred and " fixty {hips of one hundfed tons each.

" RICE being an enumerated commodity, it ean-

" not be exported from South Carolina without gi-

" ving bond for double the value that the fame ffiall

" be landed in Great Britain, or in fome of the Bri-

" ti(h plantationsj, excepting to the fouthward of

" Cape Finifterre, which laft was permitted by a law

" made in the year 1729; and the motive for fuch

" permiffion was, that the rice might arrive more fea-

" fonably and in better condition at market. We have

" hereunto added an account of the feveral quantities

" of rice which have been exported from South Ca-

* rolina to the different European markets fince the

" faid law was made; and it wiU thereby appear,

"that we have not in thofe ten years been able to


*' find fale for any confiderable quantity of rice in

" Spain;



" Spain ; for in all that time we have not fold above ** three thoufand five hundred and feventy barrels to ". the Spaniards, making only three hundred and " fifty-feVen barrels annually upon a medium; nor *' can we in the time to come expec\ any alteration in " favour of our rice trade there, becaufe the Spaniards " are fupplied with an inferior fort of riee fromTur" keyj.c^c"* equally agreeable to them and a great " deal cheaper than ours; the truth whereof appears " by the rice taken in a (hip called the Baltic Mer" chant and carried into St. Sebaftians, where it was " fold at a price fo much under the market rate if here, or in Holland, as to encourage the fending " of it thence to Holland and Hamburgh.

*' IN France the importation of Carolina rice with. " out licence is prohibited; and though during the " laft and prefent years there hath, by permiffion, " been fome confumption of it there, yet. the whole *' did not exceed nine thoufand barrels, and they " have received from Turkey fo much rice of the " prefent year's growth, as to make, that commodity *' five Shillings per 106 Ib, cheaper at Marfeilles tha " Jiere, and even at Dunkirk it is one {hilling and " fixpence per. igo lb, cheaper than herej fo that " there is not any profpeft of a demand for Carolina ",rice in Francej even If liberty could be obtained rt for fending the fame to any port of that king" dom.

*' GERMANY and Holland are the countries where

" we find the beft market for our rice, and there

* the greater part of it is confmned; lo that the

*' prefent intended embargo, or prohibitory law,


* cannot

< cannot have any other effect, in relation to rice, " than that of preventing our allies from ufing what " our enemies do not want, nor we ourfelves con" fume more than a twentieth part of, and which is "of fo perifhable a nature,- that even in a cold cli" mate it doth not keep above a year without decay" ing, and in a warm climate it perifties entirely* " The great confumption of rice in Germany and " Holland is during the winter feafon, when peafe "and all kinds of pulfe, &c. are fcarce; -and th6 " rice intended for thofe markets ought to be brought " there before ttje froil begins, time enough to be " carried up the rivers; fo that preventing the ex" portatioh only a few days may be attended with " this bad confequence, that by the froft the winter " Tale may be loft.

" AND as we have now, viz. fince November

" i>th, above ten thoufand barrels of old rice arri-

" vedj fo we may in a few weeks expect double that

'" quantity, befides the new crop now fhipping off

" from Carolina j the flopping of all which, in a

" country where there is not any fale for it, inftead

c< of permitting the,fame to be carried to the only

" places of confumption, muft foon reduce the price

" thereof to fo low a rate^ that the merchants who

" have purchafed that rice will not be able tb fell it

" for the prime coftj much lefs will they be able to

" recover the money they have paid for duty, freight,

" and other charges thereon, which amount to'dou-

" ble the firft coftt for the rice that an hundred

'". pounds fterling will purchafe in South Carolina>

You IL




" cods the importer two hundred more in Britifh " duties, freight, and other charges *.

" THUS it appears, that by prohibiting the expor" tation of rice from this kingdom, the merchants " who have purchafed the vaft quantities before " mentioned will not only lofe the money it coft " them, but tvVice as much more in duties, freight, " and other charges, by their having a perifhable " commodity embargoed in a country where it is " not ufed. Or if, inftead of Saying the prohibition "here, it be laid in South Carolina; that province, "the planters there, and the merchants who deal " with them, muft all be involved in ruin ; the pro-' " vince, for want of means to fupport .the expence " of government; the planters^ for want of the " means to pay their debts and provide future fup" plies; and the merchants, by not only lofing thofe " debts, but twice as much more in the freight, du" ties, and other charges, upon rice which they can" not fell. So that, in either cafe, a very profitable ." .colony, and the merchants concerned in the trade

> * Ah Account of Rice exported in Ten Years, after the

Province was purchafed for the King.


To Portugal,





To Gibraltar,



-- 958

To Spain,






To France,




-- 9,^00

To Great Brirain, Ireland, and the Britijh Plantations, 30,000

To Holland, Hamburgh and Bremen, including 7cop

barrels to Sweden and Denmark, -- -- 372,118,

Total quantity thofe ten years,

-- 4995 2 J



' of it, would be ruined for the prefent, if not to<( tally loft to this kingdom, by prohibiting the ex" portation of rice; and all this without doing any "-national good in another way, for fuc'h prohibition could not in any fhape diftrefs our enemies. It is <( therefore humbly hoped, that rice will be excep" ted out of the bill now before the honourable " Houfe of Commons."

As this reprefentation contains a diltincl: account of the produce and trade of the province, and {hews its ufefulnefs and importance to Great Britain, we judg ed it worthy of the particular attention of our rea ders, and therefore have inferted it. With refpect to the internal dangers arifing.-from the favage nature and Vaft number of the flaves, mentioned in this and a former ftate of the province, we ftiall now make fome remarks, in which we will be'naturally led to confider their rniferable condition, and the harm treatment to which flavery neceflarily fubje&s them.

THAT flavery has been praclifed by many of the ,

moft civilized nations in the world, is indeed a truth on the

evident querors

from were

tfrhuepphoiirfetodjrytoo.hfavtheema .ri. g,hItn

two a: rth, ethe,li.f-ceo'.no_-f


their captives, infomuch that they might kill, tor

ture or enflave them, as they thought proper. Yet,

though war may be juftifiable on the principles of

felf-prefervation and defence, it is no eafy matter to

vindicate the conqueror's right to murder or enflave .a

difarmed enemy. Slavery in general, like feveral

other enormities, ought to be afcribed to the corrup

tion and avarice of men, rather than to any principles r

of nature and humanity, which evidently teflify a-





gainft it; and that vindication which is drawn from the cuftom anti practice of ancient nations in favour of fuch an inftitution, is equally applicable to many other enormities which are a fhaTne and difgrace to human nature. Helplefs children have been expofed to the fury of wild beads ; pride and ambition have fpread their defolations far and wide ; but fuch prac tices are not therefore humane and juft, That f many nations have encouraged flavery^ and that the re mains of it are ftill obfervable among the frceft of them, are arguments which none will plead for their honour and credit, That (pecies of fervitude which ftill remains in Britain among the labourers in the coal mines, &c. is very different from that to which the natives of Africa are iubjefted in the weftern world; becaufe fuch labourers voluntarily enter on fuch fervitude, they acquire wages as their reward, and both their perfons and properties are wnder the protection of the laws of the realm.

UPON the flighted reflection all men muft confefs, that thofe Africans, whom the powers of Europe ,-. have confpired to enflave, are by nature equally free and independent, equally fufceptible of pain an4 pleafure, equally averfe from bandage and miferyj as Europeans themfelves. Like all rude nations, they hayc a ftrong attachment to their native country, and, to thofe friends and relations with whom they fpent the early years of life. By this trade being torn from thofe neareft connections, and tranfported to a diftant land, it is no eafy thing to defcribe the uneafinefs and pain they muft endure from fuch violence and banimment. During the paflage being loaded with irons, and cooped up in a ftiip, oppreiled "with the moft



gloomy apprehenfions, many of them ficken and die through fear and regret. The provifions made for the voyage by the merchants and matters of Ihips, who confult their worldly intereft more than the didates of humanity, we may be fure are neither of the beft kind, nor distributed among them in the moft plentiful man ner. After their arrival they are fold and delivered over to the cojonifts, to \vhofe temper, language and manners they are utter ftrangcrs ; where their fituatipn for fome time, in cafe of harfh ufage, is little bet ter than that of th_e dumb beafts, having no language but groans in which they can exprefs their pains, nor any friend to pity or relieve them. Some deftroy themfelves through defpair, and from a perfoafion they fondly entertain, that, after death, they will re turn to their beloved friends and native country.

AFTER the fale the purchafers become vefted

with the abfolute property of them, according to

the laws, ufages, and cuftoms of the trade, and

whatever hardfhips are thereby impofed on thofe fo

reigners, the planters are fo far excufable, having

the fanclion of the fupreme legislature for the purchafe

they make. The laws of England, from neceifity or

expediency, have permitted fuch labourers to be im

ported among them; and therefore, on their part,

the purchafe,, however injurious, cannot be illegal.

Having acquired this kind of property, it then lies

with the colom'fts to frame laws and regulations for

the future management of their flaves. In doing

this, abfolute obedience and non-refiftance are fun

damental principles eftablimed for the government

of them, and enforced by the fevereft penalties.


All laws framed with refpect to them, give their




mailers fucli authority o/er them as is under few *
The limitations. Their power of 'correction may be

hard/hips faid t) be onj not au oweci to extend to death.

of their


fituation. However feverely beat and abuled, no negro can

bring an action againil his owner, or appear as

an evidence againil- white men, in any court of

law or juiiice. Their natural rights as human crea

tures are entirely disregarded, and puniihments

are commonly inflicted according to the will of

their mafter, however cruel and barbarous his dif-

pofition may be. A common place of correction

is intlituted, to which they are feht to receive fuch.

a number of (tripes as their owners fhall order, and

fuch blunders have been committed in giving and

executing thofe orders, that the innocent fometimes

have fuffered along with the guilty. In fliort, fuch

is their miferable condition, that they are expofed

defencelefs to the infolence, caprice, and paffions of

owners, obliged to labour all their life without .any

profpect of reward, or any hope of an end of their toil

until the day of their death. At the deceafe of their

mafters they defcend, like other eftates of inheritance,

to the heir at law, and fometunes to thougbtlefs and

giddy youth, habituated from their earjieft days to

treat them like brutes. At other times, no doubt,

they are more fortunate, but their condition of life

evidently fubjects them to harfn ufage even from the

bell of mafters, and we leave the world to judge

what they have to expect from the worft.

INDEED it muft be acknowledged, in juflice to the planters of Carolina in general, that they treat thdr jlaves with as much, and perhaps more tendernefs, than thofe of any Britifh colony where flavery exiftsj

yet a difmterefted ftranger muft obferve, even among the beft of makers, feveral inftances of cruelty and negligence in tlie manner of managing their {laves. Comparatively fpea'king, they are well clothed and fed in that province, which while they continue in health fits and qualifies them for their talk. When they happen to fall fick, they are carefully attended by a phyfician; in which refpeft their condition is better than that of the pooreft clafs of labourers in Europe. But in the Weft Indies, we have been told, theyareboth covered with rags and have a fcanty portion of provifions allowed them, in which cafe urgent neceffity and pinching hunger muft often urge them to pilfer, and commit many injuries to which otherwife they would have no inclination, and for which they incur fevere punifhment. In cafes of violence and murder com mitted on thefe wretched creatures, it is next to impoffible to have the delinquents brought to punimment; for either the grand jury refufe to find the bill, or the petty jury bring in the verdict not guilty. When they are tempted to fly to the woods to fliun fevere labour or puni/hment, then they may be hunted down or {hot as wild beafts. When whipped to death, the murderer, after all, is only fubjected to an inconsiderable fine, or a fnort irnprifonment, by the provincial laws. It is impoffible, that the Author of nature ever intended human beings for fuch a wretched ftate ; for furely he who gave life, gave alfo an undoubted right to the means of felfprefervation and happinefs, and all the common rights and privileges of nature.
BUT there is another circumftance which renders their cafe Hill more wretched and deplorable. Good


matters and miftrefles, who!.; humanity and a fenfe of

infereft will not permit them to treat their negroes in

a harfh manner, do not always refide at their planta*

tions. Many planters have feveral fettlements at con*

fiderable diftances from the place where they ufually

live, which they vifit perhaps only three or four times

in a year. In their abfence the charge of negroes is

given to overfeers, many of whom are ignorant and

cruel, and all totally difinterefted in the welfare of they1

charge. In fuch a cafe it can fcarcely be expected that

juftice will be equally difpenfed, or punimments pro

perly inflicted. The negroes, however, ly entirely at

the mercy of fuch men, and fuch monfters they fome-

thnes are, as can inflicl: mifery in fport, and hear the

groans extorted from nature with laughter and tri

umph. All flaves under their care muft yield abfo*

lute obedience to their orders, however unreafonable

and difficult, or fuffer punifliment for their difobedU

ence. It would rouze the anguifli and indignation

of a humane perfon to ftand by while a puny over-

feer chaftifes thofe flaves, and behold with what pier

cing ftripes he furrows the back of an able negrOj

whole greatnefs of foul will not fuffer him to com

plain, and whofe ftrength could crum his tormentof

to atoms. The unmerciful whip with which they

are chaftifed is made of cow-fkin, hardened, tw-ifted-j

and tapering, which brings the blood with every

blow, and leaves a fear on their naked back which

they carry with them to their grave. At the arbitrary

will of fuch managers, many of them with hearts of

adamant, this unfortunate, race are brought to the

poft of correction, often no doubt through malice

and wantonnefs, often for the ,moft trifling offences $

and fometimes, O horrid! when entirely innocent.



Can it be deemed wonderful, that fuch unhappy crea tures flibuid now and then be tempted -to aflfert the rights of nature ? Muft not fuch harfh ufage often fire them with defires of liberty and vengeance ? What can be expeded but that they mould fometimes give thofe oppreffors grounds of fear, who have fubjefte'd them to fuch .intolerable hardftiips.

BUT from thofe labourers in the field the colo-

nilis have perhaps lefs danger to dread, than from the

number of tradefmert and mechanics in towns, and

dbmefticflaves. Many negroes difcover great capa

cities, and art amazing aptnefs for learning tradesj

where dangerous tools are ufed, and many owners,

from motives of profit and advantage, breed them

to be coopers, carpenters, bricklayers, fmithsj and

other trades. Out of rriere ofteritation the coloniftS

alfo keep a number of them about their families,

who attend their tables, and hear their converfa-

tion, which very often turns upon their own various

arts, plots, and aflaffinations. From fuch open and

imprudent cohVerfation thofe domeftics may no doubt

take dangerous hints, which, on a fair opportunity,

may be applied to. their owners hurt* They have alfo

eafy accefs to fire arms, which gives them a double

advantage for mifchief. When they are of a paffion-

ate and revengeful difpofition, fuch domeftic flaves

feldom want an opportunity of ftriking a fudden blow4

and avenging thettifelveSj in cafe of ill ufage, by kil

ling or poifoning their owners. Such crimes have

often been tornniitted in the colonies, and punimed j

and there is reafon to believe they have alfo frequently

happened, when they have paffed uridifcovered.

Prudence and felf-prefervation ftrongly diSatq to the






Carolineans the n.ecefihy" ok guarding aga'mft thofe dangers which arife from domeftic flaves, many of whom are idle, cunning and deceitful.

IK other refpels the policy of the colonifts, with refpeft to the management and treatment of flaves is extremely defective. The hardfhips, to which their bodies are expofed, would be much more tolerable and juftifiable, were any provifion made for civilizing and improving their minds. But how grievous their circumftances when we confider, that, together with their bodily toil and mifery, they are alfo kept in heathen ignorance and, darknefs, deftitute of the means of inftru&ion, and excluded in a manner from the pale of the Qhriftian church. Humanity places every rational creature upon a le vel, and gives all an equal title to thofe rights of na ture, which are effential to life and happinefs. Chriftianity breathes a fpirjt of benevolence, gentlenefs, and compaffion for mankind in general, of what na tion or complexion foever they be. As goverrvrnent has tolerated and eftablifh.ed flavery in the plan tations, the fupreme charge of thefe creatqres may be regarded rather as a national than, a provincial concern. Being members of a great empire, living under its fupreme,care and jurifdidUon, and contri buting to the increafe of trade and commerce, to the Oppref- improvement and opulence of the Britifh dominions^ fed with they are unqueftionably entitled to a (hare of national andTu."06 benevolence and Ghriftian charity. An institution for perftitian. their religious inflru&ion was an objed of fuch ufefulnefs and importance, that it merited the attention of the fupreme legiflature 5 and the expence of a few fuperb and perhaps empty churches in- England*



would certainly have been better employed in erefting fotne neat buildings iii the plantations fof this beneficial pufpofe. To fuch an inftitution the mer chants of Britain, efpecially thofe who owe a great part of their opulence to the labours of Africans, and whofe plea for the trade was the bringing them within the p'ale of the Chriftian church, ought certainly to have contributed in the moft liberal manner, The profits of the' trade, abftraeYing from other conflder rations, could well admit of it; buf every principle of compaffion for the ignorant, the poor, and the unfortunate, powerfully dictates the fame duty, the neglecl: of which, to every impartial judge, muft ap pear in a very inexcufable awd criminal light. Mafters of Saves under the French and Spanjfh jurifdictionSj are obliged by law to allow them time for iiiftru&ion, and to bring them up in the knowledge and practice of the Catholic religion. Is it not a re proach to the fubjtcts of Britain, who profefs to be the freeft and moft civilized people upon earth, that no provifion k made for this purpofe, and that they fuffer fo many thoufands of 'thefc creatures, refiding in the Bfitim dominions, to live and d,ie the flaves of ignorance an?d fuperftition ? Haw can they expcQ! the blefling of heaven on the riches flowing from their foreign plantations, when they.are at no pains to in-. troduce tho;fe objects of their care^to1 the knowledge of the true God-j and to make them partakers of th0. benefits and hop'es of

THE advantages of religion, Kke' the other gifts

of heaven, ought to be free and common as the air

we breathe to every human creature, capable of ma-

king a proper ufe and- improvement of them. To:

' N2




the honour of the fociety for the propagation of the Gofpel it muft indeed be acknowledged, that they have made fome efforts for the converfion and inftruftion of thofe heathens. Not many years ago they had no lefs than twelve miffionaries in Carolina, who had inftrucYions to give all the affiftance in their power for this laudable purpofe, and to each of whom they allowed fifty pounds a-year, over and above their provincial falaries. But it is well known, that the fruit of their labours has been veryfmall and inconliderable. Such feeble exertions were no ways equal to the extent of the work required, nor to the greatnefs of the end propofed. Whether their fmall fuccefs ought to be afcribed to the rude and untrafihrble difpofitions of the negroes, toJ the difcouragements and obftruclions thrown in the way by their owners, or to the negligence and indolence of the miffionaries themfelves we cannot pretend to determine. Perhaps we may venture to affert, that it has been more o,r lefs owing to all thefe different caufes. One thing is very certain, that the negroes of that country, a few only excepted, are to this day as great ftrangers to Chrifti-. anity, and as much under the influence of Pagan darknefs, idolatry and fuperftition', as they were at their firft arrival from Africa.

B"T, though neglected by the Britifh nation,, they are entitled to a (hare of the comon privi leges of humanity and Ghriftianity, from their pro vincial owners. It is their duty and intereft to ufe, flayes with tendernefs and companion, and ren der them as happy and contented as their fituation will admit; Were they to allow them certain por tions of time from their labours of body for the..



improvement of their mind, and open the way for, and provide the means of inftruclion, would not kind ufage be productive of many beneficial effects ? The Jofs of labour, none but avaricious wretches would grudge, and the day of reft allotted for man and beaft fince the beginning of the world, and proper ly improved for that purpofe, might of itfelf be at tended with good confequences; whereas, to en courage them to labour on that day for themfelves, is not only robbing them of the opportunities of inftrudYion, but abufing the Sunday, by making it to them the mod laborious day of the week. It would ftrike a ftranger with aftonimment and in dignation, to hear the excufes planters make for this criminal negletv Some will tell you they are beings of an inferior rank, and little exalted above brute creatures ; that they have no fouls, and therefore no concern need be taken about their falvation. Others affirm, that they would become more expert in vice by being taught, and greater knaves by being made Ghriftians. .But fuch advocates for heathen igno rance and barbarifm merit no ferious notice, being enemies to all improvements in human nature, and all the benefits refulting to fociety from civiliziation and Chriftianity. Certain it is, the inhabitants of Africa have the fame faculties with thofe of Europe. Their minds are equally 1 capable of cultivation, equally fufceptible of the impreffions of religion. Ridiculous is it to imagine, that the black tinfture of their {kin, or the barbarous ftate. in which they were, there found, can make any material alteration. Though fortune has put the former under the power of the latter, and affigned them the portion of perpe- ?
labour to procure the mere luxuries of life for




other men; yet, if fuch a trafiic be reafonable and juff, there is no crime negroes can commit that may not be defended and juftified upon the fame principles. If Europe, to obtain fugar, rum, rice, and tobac co, has a right to enflave Africa; furely Africa, if fhe had the power, has a much better right to rob Europe of thofe commodities, the fruits of her chil dren's labour. Every argument that can be brought in fupport of the inflitution of flavery, tends to the fubverfion of juftice and morality in the world. The beft treatment poffible from the colonifts can not compenfate for fo great a lofs. Freedom, in its meaneft circumftances, is infinitely preferable to flavery, though it were in golden fetters, and ac companied with the greateft fplendour, eafe, and abundance,

IF then the greateft advantages are not a fufficient compenfatjon for the lofs of liberty, what fhajl we think of thofe who deny them the fmalleft ? But one would imagine that, exdufive of every other motive, perfonal fafety would even induce the colonifts to provide for them thofe advantages which would" ren der them as e.afy and contented as poffible with, their condition. Were they duly impreffed with a fenfe of their duty to God and man; were they taught the common rules of honefty, jufiice,, and truth ; were their difpofnions to humility, fubmiffion, arad qbedienee, cultivated and improved; would not fuch advantages place them more on a level with hired fervants, who pay a ready and cheerful obedience to their mafters ? Were they favoured with the privi leges of Chriftianity, would they not be more faith ful and diligent, and better reconciled to their fer-



vile condition ? Befides, Chriftianity has a tendency to tame fierce and v/ild tempers. It is not an eafy thing to difplay the great and extenfive influence which the fear of God, and the expectation of a fu* ture account, would have upon their minds: Chrifttanity enforces the obligations of morality, and .pro duces a more regular and uniform obedience to its laws. A due fenfe of the divine prefencc, the hopes of his approbation, and the fears of his difpleafure, are motives that operate powerfully with the human mind, and in facl: would prove ftronger barriers againft trefpaffes, murders, plots, and confpiracies, than any number of ftripes from the hands of men, or even the terrors of certain death. Whereas, to keep the minds of human creatures under clouds of darknefs, neither difciplined by reafon, nor regulated by religion, is a reproach to the name of Proteftants, efpecially in a land of, Chriftian light and liberty. Sundays and holidays are indeed allowed the ne groes in Carolina, the former cannot confident with the laws be denied them; the latter, as they are commonly fpent, are nuifances to the province. Holi days there are days of idlenefs, riot, wantonnefs and excefs ; in which the flaves affemble together in alarming crowds, for the purpofes of dancing, feafting and merriment. At fuch feafons the inhabitants have the greateft reafon to dread mifchief from them; when fet loofe from their ufual employments, they have fair opportunities of hatching plots and confpi racies, and of executing them with greater facility, from the intemperance of their owners and overfeers.



AFTER all, it muft be confeffed, that the freemen

of Carolina themfeives were for many years in a de-

ftitute condition with refped to religious inftruftion j

partly owing to their own poverty and the unhealthi-

nefs of .the climate, and partly owing to troubles

and divifions fubfifting among them during the pro

prietary government. At that time the firft objeft

of their concern would no doubt be to provide for

themfeives and their children : but fince the pro

vince has been taken under the royal care, their

circumftances in every refpecT: have changed for the

better, infomuch that they are not only able to

provide inftruetion for themfeives and families, but

alfo to extend the benefit to thofe living in a ftate of

fervitude among them. Now they are arrived to

fuch an eafy and flouriming fituation, as renders their

neglect entirely without excufe. The inftruelion

of negroes would no doubt be a difficult, but by

no means an impra&icable undertaking, and the more

difficult the end, the more praife and merit would be

due to.,thofe who fhould effectually accomplim it.

Even the Catholics of Spain pitied the miferable

condition of negroes living among the proteftant

colonies, and to induce them to .revolt, proffered

them the advantages of liberty and religion at

AuguftJne. Is it not a mame to a Proteftant na

tion to keep fuch a number of human creatures

fo long among them, beings of the fame nature,

fubje&s of the fame government, who have fouls

to be faved, and capable of being eternally happy

or miferable in a future world, not only in a mi

ferable ftate of flavery, but alfo of pagan darknefs

and fuperftition. What could be expected from

creatures thus doomed to endlefs labour, and depri-





ved of the natural rights of humanity and the privi leges of Chriftianity, but that they mould fnatch at the lead glimmering hopes and profpefts of a better {late, and give their tafk-mafters reafbn to dread, that they would lay hold of fome opportunity of forcing their way to it. This inexcufable negligence with refpecl to them may be confidered of itfelf as no fmall fource of danger to the colonifts, as the hazard is greater from favage and ferocious, than mild and Civilized difpofitions, and, as the reftraints of terror and temporal puniinrnents are lels coriftant and power ful than thofe of conference and religion. The poli tical and commercial connection fubfiflirig between the mother country and the colonies, makes the charge of negroes^ in reafon and juftice, to fall equally upon both. And whatever other men may think, we are of opinion^ that an inftitution for their inflrudtion was an object of the higheft confequence, and that,, by all the laws of God and man, that nation which brought this unfortunate race into fuch a fituationj was bound tof Confult both their temporal and eternal felicity.

ABOUT this time James Glen received a commif- james

fion from his Majefty, inverting him with tlie govern- Glen go*

ment of South Carolina, and at the fame time was

appointed colonel of a new regiroent of foot to be

raifed in the province. He was a man of confi-

derable knowledge, courteous, and polite; exceed

ingly fond of military parade and oftentation, which

commonly have great force on ordinary minds, and

by thefe means he maintained his dignity .and im

portance in the eyes of the people. All governors

inverted with extenfive powers ought to be well ac- ^

quainted with the common and civil laws of their

country ; and every wife prince will guard againft




nominating weak or wicked performs to an nigh of fice, which, affords them many opportunities pf exercifing their power to the prejudice of the people. When men are promoted to the goTeranrent of pro vinces on .account of their abilities and merit, and nor through the intcreft of friends, then we may expect "to- fee ptrfelic affairs wifely managed, au thority revered', and every man fitting fecwe un der his vine, and enjoying the fruits of his induftry with contentment and fatisfatlion. Btat when fueh offices are beftbwed oil ignorant or needy per-fons, becaufe they happen to be favourites of fome power ful and clamorous Lord at,court, without any view fo the intereft and happinefs of the people, then ava rice aftd opprefficn commonly prevail- on one hand', and murmur and difcontcnt on the other. The ap pointment of Governor Glen was fo-fa-r proper, as he .poflcflfed thofe qualifications which rendered his go^ternment r-efpeftable,^ and the people living under i fer feveral years happy and contented. His council, confiding of twelve ra^iii, were appointed alfo by the King, andcr his fign manual. The aflembly of reprefentatives- confifted of forty-four members, and were .elected, every third year by the freeholders of fixreen parilhes* The court of chancery was corapofed'cf the Governor and Council, to which court belonged a masfter of chancery an-d a regifter. There wa& a c,0ui;t of vice-adinira&yv the Judge, Re^tfter, and Marihat of- whicl4> were appointed by the Lords Commiffioners of the j&dnikaity i-n pBglan-d1. rShg Co-urt f King'^ Bench eon{!fte.d; of a Cteief Justice appointed1 by the King, who'iat witk.foBc affiftant juflnces- f the pro vince ; aisd the feme jadges. conlitur.ed the Court of Common- Plea. There wefe lifecw-ife' an Attorney-

General, a Clerk, and Provoft-Marfhal. The Secre tary of the province, who was alfo Rcgtfter, the Sur veyor-general pf the lands, and the Receiver-general of the quit-rents, were all appointed by the Grown* The Comptroller of the cuftoms, and three Collectors, at the ports of Charleftown, Port-Royal, and Georgetown, were appointed by the Commiffioners of the Cuftoms in England. The provincial Treafuref was appointed by the General Aflembly. The .clergy were elected by the freeholders of the parifh. AH Jufttcci of the peace, and officers of the militia, were appo^nted by the Governor in Council. This is th nature of the provincial government and conftitutioti, and in this way were the principal officers of each branch appointed or elected, under the royal blilhment.
ABOUT the fame time John Lord Cartere,t fnow j jEarl of Granyille) applied by petition to his Majeftyi teret's praying that the eighth part of the lands and foil granted by King Charges, and referved to him by from th?* the a& of parliament eftablifliing an agreement ^ *e with the other feven Lords Proprietors for the furrender of their title and intereft to his Majefty, might be fet apart and allotted to him and his heirs for ever, and propctfing to appoint perfohs to divide the feme ; at the fame time offering to refign to the King his {hare of, and intereft in the government, and to convey, releafe and confirm to his Majefty, and his heirs, the other feven parts of the- pro vince. This petition being referred to the Lords Commiffioners of trade and plantations, they re ported, that it would be for his Majefty's fervice f
t Lord Carteret's property fhould be feparated O2



from that of his Majely, and that the method propofed by his Lordfhip would be the moil proper and effectual for the purpofe Accordingly five commiffioncrs were appointed on the part of the King, and five on that of Lord Carterct. for feparating his Lordfhip's fhare, and making it one entire diftriclby itfelf. The territory allotted him was divided on the nonh-eaft by the line which feparated North Carolina from Virginia ; on the eafl by the Atlantic ocean ; pn the fouth by a point on the fea fliore, in latitude thirty-five degrees and thirty-four minutes ; and, agreeable-to the charter, weft ward f:om thcfe points on the fea-fliore it extended, in a line parallel to the boundary line of Virginia, to the Pacific Ocean. Not long afterwards, a grant of the eighth part of Carolina, together with all yearly rents and profits arifing from it, paikd the great fcal, to John Lord Carteret and his heirs. But the power of making laws, calling and holding affemblies, erefting courts of juitice, appointing judges a.nd justices, pardoning criminals, granting titles of ho nour, making ports and havens, taking cuftonis or duties on goods, executing the mania! law, exercifing the royal rights of a county palatine, or any other prerogatives relating to the adtnrnift rations of government, were all excepted put of the grant. Lord Carteret was to hold this eftate upon con dition ot yielding and paying to his Maje'fty and his heirs and fuccelfors, the annual-rent of one pound thirteen millings and fourpence, on the feaft of AllSaints, for ever, and alfo one fourth part of all the gold and filver ore found within this eighth part of the territory fo feparated and granted him.



As Carolina abounds with navigable rivers, while The it enjoys many advantages for commerce and trade, ^'^'Jjj. it is alfo much cxpofed to foreign invafions. The pofed to tide on thai coaft flows from fix to ten feet perpen- inv**ondicular, and makes its way up into the flat country by a variety of channels All veffels that draw not above feventeen feet water, may fafely pafs Over the bar of Charleftown, which at fpring-tides will admit {hips that draw eighteen feet. This bar lies in thirtytwo degrees and forty minutes north latitude, and feventy-eight degrees and forty-five minutes weft lon gitude from London. Its fituation is variable, owing to a fandy foundation and the rapid flux and reflux of the fea. The channel leading to George-town is twelve or thirteen feet deep, and likewife thofe of North and South Edifto rivers, and will admit all {hips that draw not above ten or eleven feet of water. At Stono there is alfo a large creek, .which admits veflels of the fame draught of water; but Sewee and Santee rivers, and many others of lefs note, are for fmaller craft, which draw feven, eight, or nine feet. The channel up to Port Royal harbour is deep enough for the largeft (hips that fail on the fea ; and the whole royal navy of England may ride with fafcty in it. Nature has evidently ordained this place for-trade and commerce, by the many advantages with which {he hath favour ed it. It lies in thirty-two degrees and five minutes north latitude, and in longitude feventy-m'ne degrees five minutes. Its fituation renders it an excellent ftation for a fquadron of fhips in time of war, as the run from it is ftiort to the windward iflands, but efpecially as it lies fo convenient for diftrefling the iminenfe trade coming through the Gulf of Florida. r From this harbour {hips may run out to the Gulf dream

in one day, and return with equal eafe the next, fa that it would be very difficult to efcape a fufficient number of cruizers ftationed at Beaufort. The harbour is alfo defended by a fmall fort, built of tappy, which is a kind of cement compofed of oy-> fter-mells beat fmall, and mixed with lime and wa ter, which k*ft dry becomes hard and durable. The fort has two demi-baftions to the river, and one baftion to the land, with a gate and ditch, mounting fixteen heavy cannon, and containing barracks for an hundred men,
SEVERAL leagues to the fouthward of Port-Royal, Savanna, JGWSBC empties itfelf into the ocean, which is alfo navigable for (hips that draw not above fourteen feet water. At the fouthern boundary of Georgia the great river Alatamaha falls into the Atlantic fea, about iixteen leagues north-cad of Auguftine, which lies in twenty-nine degrees fifty minutes. This river admits fliips of large burden as far as Frederica, a fmall town built by General Oglethorpe, on an eminence in Si mon's Ifland. The ifland on the weft end is warned by a branch of the river Alatamaha, before it empties itfelf into the fea at Jekyl found. At Frederica the river forms a kind of bay. The fort General Ogle thorpe erected here for the defence of Georgia had feveral eighteen pounders mounted on it, and command ed the river both upwards and downwards. It was built of tappy, with four baftions, furrounded by a qua drangular rampart, and a palifadoed ditch, which in cluded alfo the King's ftores, and two large build ings of brick and timber. The town was furround ed with a rampart, in the form of a pentagon, with flankers of the fame thicknefs with that at the fort,



and a dry ditch. On this rampart feveral pieces of ordnance were alfo mounted. In this fituation Ge neral Oglethorpe had pitched his camp, which was di vided into ftreets, diftinguifhed by the names of the feveral Captains of his regiment. Their little huts were built of wood, and conftrufted for holding each four or five men. At fome diftance from Frederica was the colony of Highlanders, fituated on the fame river, a wild and intrepid race, living in a date of rural freedom and independence. Their fettlement being near the frontiers, afforded them abundance of fcope for the exercife of their warlike temper;, and having received one fevere blow from the garrifon at Auguftine, they feemed to long for an opportunity of revenging the maffacre of their beloved friends.

THE time was faft approaching for giving them what they defired. For although the territory grant ed by the fecond charter to the proprietors at Caro lina extended far to the fouth-weft of the river Alatatnaha, the Spaniards had never relinquifhed their pretended claim to the province of Georgia. Their ambaflador at the Britifh court had even declared that his Catholic Majefty would as foon part with Madrid as his claim to that territory. The fquadron command ed by Admiral Vernon had for fome time occupied their attention in the Weft Indies fo much, that they could fpare none of their forces to maintain their fuppofed right. But no fooner had the greateft part of the Britifh fleet left thofe feas, and returned to England, than they immediately turned their eyes to Georgia, and began to make preparations for diflodging the Englifh fettlers in that province. Finding '?:.'.

j i2


The Spa- that threats could not terrify General Oglethorpe to. invade a comP^ance w ' f ^ tne' r demands, an armament was Georgia, prepared at the Havanna to go aga'mft him, and expel
him by force of arms from their frontiers. With this view two thoufand forces, commanded by Don Antonio de Rodondo, embarked at the Havanna, under the convoy of a ftrong fquadron, and arrived at Auguftine in May 174-2,

BUT before this formidable fleet and armament ha4 reached Auguftine, they were obferved by Captain Haytner, of the Flamborough man of war, who was cruifing on that coaft; and advice was immediately fent to General Oglethorpe of their arrival in Flo rida. Georgia now began to tremble in her turn. The General fent intelligence to Governor Glen at Carolina, requefting him to collecl: all the forces he could with the greateft expedition, and fend them to his affiftance; and at the fame time to difpatch a floop to the Weft Indies, to acquaint Admiral Vernon with the intended invafion.

CAROLINA by this time had found great advantage

from the fettlement of Georgia, which had proved

an excellent barrier to that province, againft the in-

curfions of Spaniards and Spanifh Indians. The

fouthern parts being rendered fecure by the regi

ment of General Oglethorpe in Georgia, the lands

backward of Port-Royal had become much in de

mand, and rifen four times their former value.

But though the Carolineans were equally interefted

with their neighbours in the defence of Georgia,

having little confidence in General Oglethorpe's





military abilities, fince his unfuccefsfdl expedition, againft Auguftine, the planters^ ftruck with terror, efpecially thofe on the fouthern parts, deferted their habitations, and flocked to Charleftown Xvith their families and effe&s. The inhabitants of Charlestown, many of whom being prejudiced again ft the man, declared againft fendiiig him ariysaffiftanee, and determintd rather to fortify their tow,a. ,<and (land upon thtir.own ground? in it $crit<ire of ddfence. In this :refolutictn, however, it is ffIJR th^f' Jii&d; From, bad motives, in leaving; that, officer: to fiaad alone againft fiicli a fuperior force. At fuch an emergency, good policy evidently, required thd firaiefl union, and the utfflflft e&ertio,n of the force of both colo nies ; for A> fooD as General OgletHorpe fhould be crufiiedi tlie fedu^io'n of Gborghv would open to the common enemy tin eafy acceis into the Dowels of Carolina, aftd render the force of both proviricesj thu's divided, li-nequal to the public de fence.

IN the mean time Genera! Oglethorpe was making

all poffible preparations at Frederica for a vigoroa&

ftand. Meifage after rrieffage was fern to his Indian

allies,, who were greatly atladhed to him, and crowd

ed to his camp. A company tif Highlanders join

ed him on the firft notice, and fefetned joyful at

the opportunity of retorting Spanifli vengeance on

their own heads. With his regiment, and, a few

nmgers, Highlanders, and Indians, the General

fixed his head quarters at Frederica, never doubr-

ing of a reinforcement from Carolina, and expeQ:-

ing their arrival every day ; but in the mean time -'-






determined, in cafe he mould be attacked, to fell his life as dear as poffible in defence of the province.

ABOUT the end of June, 1742, the Spanifli fleet, amounting to thirty-two fail? and carrying above three thoufand men, under the command of Don Manuel de Monteano, came to anchor off Simons's bar. Here they continued for fome time founding the channel, and aftet finding a depth of water fufficient to admit their fhips, they came in with the tide of flood into Jekyl found. General Oglethorpe, who was at Simons's fort, fired at them as they pafied the found, which the Spaniards returned from theirfhips, and proceeded up the river Alatamaha, out of the reach of his guns. There the enemy having hoifted a red flag at the mizen top-maft-head of the largeft {hip, landed their forces upon the iflandj and erefted a battery, with twenty eighteen pounders mounted on it. Among their land forces they had a fine company of artillery, under the command of Don Antonio de Rodondo, and a regiment of ne groes. The negro commanders were clothed in lace, bore the fame rank with white officers, and with equal freedom and familiarity walked and converfed with their commander and chief. Such-an example might juilly have alarmed Carolina. For ftould the enemy penetrate into that province, where there were fuch numbers of negroes, they would foon have acquired fuch a force, as rnuft have rendered all oppofition fruitlefs and ineffectual.

GENERAL Oglethorpe having found that he could not ftop the progrefs of the enemy up the river,



and judging his fituation at Fort Simons too dan-

gerous, nailed up the guns, burft the bombs and

coehorns, deftroyed the ftores, and retreated to his

head quarters at Frederica. So -great was the force

of the enemy, that he plainly perceived that no

thing remained for him to atchieve, with his handful

of menj and therefore refolved to ufe his utmoft

vigilance, and to aft only on the defenfive. On all

fides he fent out fcouting parties to watch the mo

tions of the Spaniards, while the main body were

employed in, working at the fortifications, making

them as ftrong as circumftances would admit. Day

and night he kept his Indian allies ranging .through

the woods, to harafs the outpofts of the enemy, who

at length brought in five Spanifh prifoners, who in

formed him of their number and force, and that the

governor of Auguft'me was commander in chief of

the expedition. The General, ftill expecVmg a rein

forcement from Carolina, ufed all his addrefs in plan

ning measures for gaining time, and preventing the

garrifon from finking into defpair. For this purppfe

he fent out the Highland company alfo to affift the

Indians, and obftruA as much as poffible the approach

of the enemy till he mould obtain affiftance and

relief. His provifions for the garrifon were neither

good nor plentiful, and his great diftance from all

fettlements, together with the enemy keeping the -,

command of the river, ,cut off entirely ail pro-

fpe&s of a fupply. To prolong the defence, how

ever, he concealed every difcouraging circumftance

from his little army, which,- befides Indians, did not

amount to more than feven hundred men; and to

animate them to perfeverance, expoied himfelf to the f;





fame hardfoips and fatigues vcith the ineaneft foMiep. in his garrifon.

WHILE Ogletliorpe remained in this fnuatton, (he enemy rnade feveral attempts to pierce through the woods, with a view to attack the fort; but met witfy fuch oppofition from deep nioralTes, and dark thick ets, lined with fierce Indians, and wild Highlanders, that they honeitly confeffed that the devil himfclf could not pafs through them to Frederica. Don Manuel de Mpnteanq, however, had no other profpeft left, and thefe difficulties muft either be furmounted, or the' defign dropt; and therefore one party after another was fent out to explore the thickets, and to take poffeffion pf every advantage ous poft to be found in them. In two .fkirmifhes with the Highlanders and Indians, the enemy had one captain, and two lieutenants killed, with above one hundred men taken prifoners. After which the Spaniih commander changed his plan of opera : tions, and keeping h'is men under cover of his cannon, proceeded with feme gallies up the river with the tide of flood, to reconnoitre the fort, and draw the General's attention to another quarter. To this place Oglethorpe lent a party of Indians, with coders to lie in ambufcade m the woods, and endeavour to prevent their landing. About the fame time au Englifh prifoner efcaped from the Spajiifh camp, and' brought advice to General Oglethor-pe of a difference fubfuling in it, in fo much that the forces from Cuba, and thofe from Auguftine encamped in feparate places. Upon which the Ge neral refolved to attempt a furprife on one of the


Span'im camps, and taking the advantage of hi&

knowledge of the woods, marched out in the night

with, three hundred chofen men, the Highland com*

pany, and fpme rangers. Having advanced within

two miles of the enemy's carnp, he halted, and

went forward with .a. final! party to take a view of

the pofture of the enemy., But while he wanted a*

bove all things to conceal his approach, a French

man fired his mufket, run off and alarmed the ene

my. Upon which Gglethorpe finding his defign

defeated, retreated to Frederica, and beiqg appre-

henfive that the deferter would difcover his weak-

nefsj began to ftudy by w%at device he might isoft

effectually defeat the credit of his informations.

For this purppfe he wrote a letter, addreffina it to



A fl-t*3ifa

the deferter, in which he defired him to acquaint gem to ''

thfe Spaniards with the defencelefs ftate of Frederica, get rid of

and how eafy and practicable it \vOuld be to cut. him e"e"

and his fmall garrifon to pieces. He begged him,

as his fpy, to bring them forward t<> the attack.,

affure them of fuccefs.; but if he could, not .prevail

^ith them to make that attempt;, to .ufe all his art

and influence to perfuade them .to :.{tay at leaft

three days more at Fort Sioaqns, for within that

time,- according to the advice fee : had j.uft received

from Carolina, he >-ould have a reinforeem^rtj pf

two thoufand land-forces, and fix Britifh, fliips of

war, with which he doubted not he would be; able

to give a good account of th^ ^Spanifh invaders,

He intreated the deferter to urge them to ftay, and

above all things cautioned .hiftj againft mentioning

a fingle word of Vernoji coming againft Auguftine,

affuring liim, tbat for fuch fervif.cs be am-;



ply rewarded by his Britannic Majefty. This let ter he gave to one of the Spaiufh prifoners, who for the fake of liberty and a fmall reward, pro. mifed to deliver it to the French deferter ; but, inftead of that, as Oglethorpe expeded, he de livered it to the commander and chief of the Spanifh army.

VARIOUS were the fpeculations and conjedures which this letter occasioned in the Spanim camp, and the commander, among others, was not a little per plexed what to infer from it. In the firil place he ordered the French deferter to be put in irons, to prevent his efcape, and then called a council of war, to confider what was moft proper to be done in Cbtifequence of Intelligence, fo puzzling and alarming. Some officers were of opinion, that the letter was intended to deceive, and to prevent them from attacking Frederica ; others thought that the things mentioned in it appeared fo feafible, that there were good grounds to believe, the Englifh General wifhed them to take place, and therefore gave their voice for confuhing the fafety of Auguftine, and dropping a plan of conqueft attended with fo many difficulties, and which, in the iffue, might perhaps hazard the lofs of both army and fleet, if not of the whole province of Florida. While the Spanifli leaders were em ployed in thefe deliberations, and much embarraffedj foftunately three fhips of force, which the Go vernor of South Cardlina had fent out, appeared at fome diftance on the coaft. This cor/efponding with the-letter, convinced the Spanish commander of its



real intent, and ftruck fuch a panic into the army, The Spa^ that they immediately fet fire to-their fort, and in "reacto*" great hurry and confufion embarked, leaving behind Augufthem feveral cannon, and a quantity of proviiiqns and tine' military (lores. The wind being contrary, ,the Englifh mips could not, during that day, beat up to the mouth of the river, and before next morn ing the invaders got paft them, and leaped to Auguftine.

IN this manner was the province of Georgia de

livered, when brought to the very brink of deftruc-

tion by a formidable enemy. Fifteen days had Don

Manuel de Monteano been on the fmall iflaad on

which Frederica was fituated, without gaining the

fmalleft advantage over an handful of men, and in

different flcirmiihes loft fome of his braveft troops.

What number of men Oglethorpe loft we have not

been able to learn, but it muft have been very in-

confiderable. In this refolute. defence of the coun

try he difplayed both military fkill and perfonal cou

rage, and an equal degree of praife was due to him

from the Carolineans as from the Georgians. It

is not improbable that the Spaniards had Caroli

na chiefly in their eye,/ and had meditated .an at

tack where rich plunder could have been obtained,

and where, by an acceffion of flaves, they might

have increafed their force in proportion; to their

progrefs. Never did the Carolineans . make fo

bad a figure in defence of their country. When

union, adlivity and -difpatch were fo requifite, they

inglorioufly ftood at a diftance, and fuffering pri

vate pique to prevail over public fpirit,, ieemed dc-i


fcermined to rife the fafety of their country, rather,




than General Oglethorpe, by their help, fiiould gain the fmalleft degree of honour and reputation. Money, indeed, they voted for the fervice, and at length fent forne ftiips, but, by coming fo late, they proved ufeful rather from the fortunate co-operation of an accidental caufe, than from the zeal and pub lic fpirit of the people. The Georgians with juftice blamed their more powerful neighbours, whoj by keeping at a diftance in the day of danger, had almoft hazarded the lofs of both provinces. Had the enemy purfued their operations with vigour and courage, the province of Georgia muft have fallen a prey to the invaders, and Carolina had every thing to dread in confequence of the conqueft. Upon the return of the Spanifli troops to the Havanna, the commander was imprifoned, and ordered to take his trial for his conduct during this expedition, the refult of which proved fo mameful and ignominious to the Spanifh arms. Though the enemy threatened to renew the invafion, yet we do not find that after this repulfe they made any attempts by force of arms toi gain pofieffion of Georgia.

Carolineans having had little or no ftiare of

the glory gained by this brave defence, were alfo

divided in their opinions with refpecl to the con-

dut of General Oglethorpe. While one party

acknowledged his fignal fervices, and poured out

the higheft encomiums on his wifdom and con-

El treat- rage; another lhamefully cenfured his conduct, and

ment of rneanly detracted from his merit. None took any OGegnlee-ral noti.ce'< or ,,, except .in

therpe. and about Port-Royal, who addreiTed him in the

following manner : " We the inhabitants of tl^


" fouthern


"fouthern parts of Carolina beg leave to congra-

u tulate your Excellency on your late wonderful

" fuccefs over your and our inveterate enemies the

" Spaniards, who fo lately invaded Georgia, in

<(< fuch a numerous and formidable body, to the

" great terror of his Majelty's fiibjedls in thefe

" fouthern parts, tt was very certain, had the Spa-

'" niards fucceeded in thofe attempts againft your

" Excellency, they would alfo have entirely deftroy"

" ed us, laid our province wafte and defolate, and

" filled our habitations with blood and {laughter;

" fo that his Majeity muft have loft the fine and fpa-

" cious harbour of Port-Royal, where ,the largeft

" fhips of the Britifh nation may remain in, fecurity

" on any occafion. We are vei-y fenfible of ,thc

" great protection and fafety xve have long enjoyed,

"by your Excellency being to the fouthwards of us,

"and keeping your armed floups cruifing on the

" coaft, which has fecured our trade and fortunes

"more than all the {hips of war ever flattened at

" Charleftown ; but more by your late refolution in

" fruftrating the attempts of the Spaniards, when.

" nothing could have faved us from utter ruin, next

" to the Providence of Almighty God, but your

" Excellency's fingular conducl, and the bravery of

" the troops under your command. We think it

" our duty to pray God to protect your Excellency,

" and fend you fuccefs in all your undertakings for

" his Majefty's fervice ; and we aiTure your ExceK

" lency, that there is not a man of us but would

" molt willingly have Ventured his all, in fupport of

" your Excellency and your gallant troops, had we

" been affifled, and put in a condition to have been

" of fervice to you ; and that we always looked upon



" our

" our intereft to be fo united to that of the colony " of Georgia, that had your Excellency been cut " off, we muft have fallen of courfe."
BUT while the inhabitants in and about Port-Royal were thus addreffing General Oglethorpe, reports were circulating in Charleftown to his prejudice, infomuch that both his honour andhonefty were called inqueftion. Such malicious rumours had even reached London, and' occasioned foine of his bills to return to America pro- \ tefted. Lieutenant-Colonel William Cook, who owed! his preferment to the General's particular friendfhip and generofity, and who, on pretence of ficknefs, had left Georgia before this invafion, had filed no lefs than nineteen articles of complaint againlt him, I fummoning feveral officers and foldiers from Georgia to prove the charge. As the General had, in faft, ftretched his credit, exhausted his ftrength, and rifqued his life for the defence of Carolina in its frontier co- i lofty, fuch a recompence muft have been equally proyoking, as it was unmerited. We are apt to believe, that fuch injurious treatment could not have arifen from the wifer and better part of the inhabitants, and there fore muft be folely afcribed to fome envious and ma licious Spirits, who are to-be found in all commu nities. Envy cannot bear the blaze of fuperior vir- I tue, and malice rejoices in the ftains which even falfe- <> hood throws on a diftinguimed character ; and fuch I is the extenfive freedom of the Britifh form of go vernment, th&t every one, even the meaneft, may ftep forth as an enemy to great abilities and an unblemtfhed reputation. The charges of envy and malice* I Oglethorpe might have treated with contempt; but to [ vindicate Mmfelf againft the rude attacks of an infe- f
rior ;



rior officer, lie thought himfelf at this time bound in honour to return to England.

SOON after his arrival a court-martial of general officers was called, wh& fat two days at the Horfe Guards, examining one by one the various, articles of complaint lodged againft him. After the moft mature examination ; the board .adjudged the charge His chato be falfe, malicious, and groundlefs, and reported rfaer th!_e/lame to hLi-s Mn/raj eiaty. ITn comrequerice orr wLh-ichL aelnedarceodn Lieutenant-Colonel Cook was difmiffed from the fer- d& vm' ~ vice, and declared incapable of ferving his Majefty in any military capacity -whatever. By this means the character of General Oglethorpe was diverted of thofe dark ftains with which it had been overclouded, and began to appear to the world in its true and favour able light. Carolina owed this benefactor her friend ihip and love. Georgia was indebted to him for both her exiftence and protecTion. Indeed his generous fcrvices for both colonies deferved to be deeply im printed on the memory of every inhabitant, and the benefits refuking from them to be remembered to the lateft age with joy and gratitude.

AFTER this period General Oglethorpe never re

turned to the province of Georgia, but upon all pc-

cafions difcovered in England an uncommon zeal for

its profperity and improvement. From its firft fet-

tlement the colony had hitherto been under a mi

litary government, executed by the General and

fuch officers as he thought proper to nominate and

appoint. But now the Truftees thought proper to

eftablim a kind of civil government, and commit- ?:.'-

ted the charge of it to a prefident and four affift-





ants, who were to a& agreeable vo the inftruftions thef mould receive from them, and to be accountable to that corporation for their public conduct;. William Stephens v/as made chief magiftrate, and Thomas Jones, Henry Parker, John Fallowfield, and Samuel Mercer, wer appointed afliftants. They were inftru&ed to hold four general courts at Savanna every year, for re gulating public affairs, and determining all differen ces relating to private property. No public money could be difpofed of but by a warrant under the feal of the Prefident and major part qf the Affiftants in council affembled, who were enjoined to fend monthly accounts to England of money expended, and of the particular fe; vices to which it was applied. All of ficers of militia were continued, for the purpofe of holding mufters, and keeping the men properly train ed for military fervices ; and Oglethorpe's regiment was left in the colony for its defence.

BY this time theTruftees had tranfported to Geor gia, at different times, above one thoufand five hun dred men, women and children. As the colony was intended as a barrier to Carolina, by their charter the Truflees were at firft laid under feveral, reftraints with refpefl: to the method of granting lands, as well as the fettlers w'yh refpedt to the terms of holding and difpofingof them. Now it was found expedient to relieve both the former and latter from thofe foolifii and im politic reftrictions. Under the care of General Oglethorpe the infant province had furmounted many diffi culties, yet {till it prornifed a poor recompenfe to Britain for the vaft fums of money expended for its protection. The indigent emigrants, efpecially thofe from England, having little acquaintance with hufbandry, and lefs in

Uatron to lab%tr is&de bad fettlers; and as greater privileges were allowed them on the Carolina fide of the river, they were eafily decoyed away to that co lony. The Highlanders and Germans indeed, being more frugal and induftrious, fucceeded better, but hitherto had made very fmall progrefs, owing partly to wars with the Spaniards, and to fevere hardfhips attending all kinds of culture in fuch an unhealthy climate and woody country. The ftaple commodities intended to be railed in Georgia were fllk and wine, which were indeed very profitable articles; .but fo fmall was the improvement made in them, that they had hitherto turned out to little account. The moft induftrious and fuccefsful fettlers could as yet fcarcely provide for their families, and the unfortunate, the fick, and indolent part, remained in a ftarved and jniferable condition,.
SOON after the departure of General Oglethorpe, The Cathe Carolineans petitioned the King, praying that three independent companies, confining each of an hundred men, might be raifeci in the colonies, paid indepenby Great Britain, and ftationed in Carolina, to be dent:cotl>enti. rely under the command of the Governor and Council of .that province. This petition was referred to the Lords of his Majefly's Privy-council, and a, time appointed for confidering, whether the prefent ftate of Carolina was fuch as rendered this additional charge to the nation proper and neceflary. Two reafons were affigned by the colonifts. for the neceflity of this military force : the firft was, to preferve peace and fecurity at home ; the fecond, to protect the co lony againft foreign invafions. They alledged, that as the country was overftocked with negroes, fuch a



military force was requifite to overawe them, and prevent infurrections j and as the coaft was fo extenfive, and the ports lay expofed to every French and Spanifli plunderer that might at any time invade the province, their fecurity againft fueh attempts was of the higheft confequence to the nation. But though they afterwards obtained fome independent companies, thofe reafons, at this time, did not appear to the Privycouncil1 bf weight fufficient to induce them to give-their advice for this military eftablimment. , It was their opinion, that it belonged to the provincial legiflature to make proper laws for limiting the importation of ne groes, and regulating and reftraining them when im ported ; rather than put the mother country to the expence of keeping a ftanding force in, the province to overawe them: that Georgia, and the Indians on the Apalachian hills, were a barrier againft foreign enemies on the weftern frontiers: that Fort Johnfon, and the fortifications in Charleftown, were a fufficient protec tion for that port ; befides, that as the entrance over the bar was fo difficult to ftrangers, before a foreign enemy could land five hundred men in that town, half the militia in the province might be collected for its defence. Georgetown and Port-Royal indeed were expofed, but the inhabitants being both few in num ber and poor, it could not be worth the pains and rifque of a fingle privateer to look into thofe harbours. For which reafons it was judged, that Carolina could be in little danger till a foreign enemy had poueffion. of Georgia; and therefore it was agreed to maintain Oglethorpe's regiment in that fettlement complete; and give orders to the commandant to fend detach ments to the forts in James's Ifland, Port-Royal, and fuch other places where their fervice might be thought



ufeful and neceffary to the provincial fafety and de fence.

MANY are the advantages Carolina has derived

from its political and commercial connection with Bri

tain. Its growing and flouri/hing ftate the colony

owes almoft entirely to the mother-country, without

the protection and indulgence of which, the people

had little or no encouragement to be induftrious.

Britain firft furnifhed a number of bold and enter-

prifing fettlers, who carried with them the knowledge,

arts, arid improvements of a civilized nation* This

may be faid to be the chief favour for which Carolina

{lands indebted to the parent ftate during the proprie

tary government. But fince the province has been

taken under the royal care, it has been nurfed and pro-

tefted by a rich and powerful nation. Its government vantages

has been ftable, private property fecure, and the privi

from Bri tain.

leges and liberties of the people have been extenfive.

Lands the planters obtained from the King at a

cheap rate. To cultivate them the mother-country

furnifhed them with labourers upon credit. Each

perfon had entire liberty to manage his affairs for his

own profit and advantage, and having no tythes, and

very trifling taxes to pay, reaped almoft the whole

fruits of his induftry. The beft and moft extenfive

market was allowed to the commodities he produced,

and his ftaples increafed in value in proportion to the

quantity raifed, and the demand for them in Europe.

All Britifh manufactures he obtained at an eafy rate,

and drawbacks were allowed on articles of foreign ma-

nufa&ure, that they might be brought the cheaper to

the American market. In confequence of which fru

gal planters, every three or four years, doubled their

capital, and their progrefs towards independence and




opulence was rapid. Indeed, the colonifls had many reafons for gratitude, and none for fear, except what arofe from their immoderate haiie to be rich, and from purchafing fuch numbers of flaves, as expofed them to danger and deftruction.

THE plan of fettling townmips, efpecially as it came accompanied with the royal bounty, had proved bene ficial in many refpecta. It encouraged multitudes of poor opprefled people in Ireland, Holland and Germa ny to emigrate, by which means the province received a number of frugal and induftrious fettlers. As many of them caine from manufacturing towns in Europe, it might have been expected that they would naturally have purfued thofe occupations to which they had been bred, and in which their chief {kill confided. But this was by no means the cafe j for, excepting a few of them that took up their refidence in Charleftown, they procured lands, applied to pafturage and agriculture, and by raifing hemp, wheat and maize in the interior parts of the country, and curing hams, bacon, and beef, they fupplied the market with abundance of provifion, while at the fame time they found that they had taken the fhorteft way of arriving at eafy and in dependent circum-ftances.

INDEED while fuch vaft territories in Carolina re

mained unoccupied, it was neither for the intereft of

the province, nor that of the mother-country, to

employ any hands in manufactures. So long as la

bour beftowed on lands was moft profitable, no pru

dent colonift would direct his attention or ftrength

to any other employment', efpecially as the mother-

country could fupply him with all kinds of manu-





factures at a much cheaper rate than he could make Itadvattthem. The furplus part of Britilh commodities and j^por.^' manufactures for which there was no vent in Bri- tance to tain, found in Carolina a good market, and in return Britainbrought the Englim merchant fuch articles as were in demand at home, by which means the advantages were mutual and reciprocal. The exclufive privilege of fup-\ plying this market encouraged labour in England, and \ augmented the annual income of \the nation. From the monopoly of this trade with America, which was always increasing, Britain derived many fubftantial advantages. Thefe colonies confumed all her fuperfiuities which lay upon hand, and enlarged her com merce, which, without fuch a market, muft have been confined to its ancient narrow channel. In the year 1744, two hundred and thirty vefiels were load ed at the port of Charleftown, fo that the national value of the province .was not only confiderable in refpeQ: of the large quantity of goods it confumed, but alfo in refped to the naval flrength it promoted. Fifteen hundred feamen at leaft found employment in the trade of this province, and, befides other advantages, the profits of freight muft make a con fiderable addition to the account in favour of Bri tain.

NOR is there the fmalleft reafon to expect that

manufactures will be encouraged in Carolina, while

landed property can be obtained on fuch eafy terms.

The cooper, the carpenter, the brick-layer, the {hip-

builder, and every other artificer and tradefman, af

ter having laboured for a few years at their refpec-

tive employments, and purchafed a few negroes, com

monly retreat to the country, and fettle trafts of un-






cultivated land. While they labour at their trades, they find themfelves dependent on their employers j this is one reafon for their wtfliing at lead to be their own mafters j and though the wages allowed them are high, yet the means of fubfiitence in towns are alfo dear, and therefore they long to be in the fame fituation with their neighbours, who derive an eafy fubfiftence from a plantation, which they cultivate at pleafure, and are anfwerable to no matter for their conduft. Even the merchant becomes weary of attending the fiore, and rijking his ftock on the ftormy feas, or in the hands of men where it is of ten expofed to equal hazards, and therefore collects it as foon as poffible, and fettles a plantation. Up on this plantation he fets himfelf down, and being both landlord and farmer, immediately finds himfelf an independent man. Having his capital in lands and negroes around him, and his affairs collected within a narrow circle, he can manage and improve them as he thinks fit. He foon obtains plenty of the neceflaries of life from his plantation ; nor need he want any of its conveniencies and luxuries. The greateft difficulties, he has to furmount arife from the marfhy foil, and unhealthy climate, which often cut men off in the midfl; of their days. Indeed in this refpeft Carolina is the reverfe of moft countries in Europe, where the rural life, when compared with that of the town, is commonly healthy and delightful.




C H A P. IX.

THE war between England and France ftill raged in Europe, and being carried on under many dif-

advantages on the fide of the allied army, was almoft as

unfuccefsful as their enemies could have defired. The

battle of Fontenoy was obftinate and bloody, and many

thoufands were left on the field on the fide of the van-

quiPned. The victorious army had little reafon for

boafting, having likewife bought their victory very

dear. Though bad fuccefs attended the Britim arms

on the continent at this time, yet that evil being

confidered as remote, the people feemed only to feel

it as affe&ing the honour of the nation, which by

fome fortunate change might retrieve the glory of its

arms; but a plot of a more interefting nature was

difcovered, which added greatly to the national per

plexity and diftrefs. A civil war broke out within

the bowels of the kingdom, the objeft of which was

nothing lefs than the recovery of the Britim crown A11 ?

from the houfe of Brunfwick. Charles Edward an(} op_

Stuart, the young pretender, ftimulated by the fire of preffions

}'outh, encouraged by the deceitful promifes of France, ^^3^?

? and invited by a difcontented party of the Scotch bleto. A-.

nation, had landed in North Britain to head the ram menca'

enterprife. Multitudes of bold and deluded High

landers, and feveral Lowlanders, who owed their mis

fortunes to their firm adherence to that family, joined

his army. He became formidable both by the num

bers that followed him, and the fuccefs that- at firft

attended his arms* But at length, after having ftruck


a terror

a terror into the nation, he was'routed at Culhxfett field, and his party were either difperfed, or made prifoners of war.
WHAT, to make of the prifoners of war be came a matter of public deliberation. To punifh all, without diftin&ion, would have been unjuftifiable cruelty in any government, efpecially where fo many were young, ignorant, and mifled : to par don all, on the other hand, would difcover unreafonable weaknefs, and dangerous lenity. The prifoners had nothing to plead but the clemency of the King, and the tendernefs of the Britifh conftitution. Ex amples of juftice were necefiary to deter men from the like attempts ; but it was agreed to temper juftice with mercy, in order to convince the nation of the gentlenefs of that conftitution, which made not only a diftin&ion between the innocent and guilty, but even among the guilty themfelves, between thofe who were more, and thofe who were lefs criminal. The King ordered a general pardon to paTs the Great Seal, in which he extended mercy to the ignorant, and mifled among the rebels, which pardon com* prehended nineteen out of twenty, who drew lots for this purpofe, were exempted from trialj and tranfported to the Britifh plantations. Among other fettlements in America, the fouthern provinces had a fhare of thefe bold and hardy Caledonians, who afterwards proved excellent and induftrious fettlers.
As every family of labourers is an acqtrifition to a growing colony, fuch as Carolina, where lands are plenty, and hands only wanted to improve them ; to



encourage emigration, a door was opened there, to Proteftants of every nation. The poor and diftreffed fubje&s of the Britifli dominions, and thofe of Ger many and Holland, were eafily induced to leave 6ppreffion, and tranfport therafelves and families to that province. Lands free of quit-rents, for the firft ten years, were allotted to men, women, and children, Utenfils for cultivation, and hogs and cows to begin their flock, they purchafed with their bounty-money. The like bounty was allowed to all fervants after the expiration of the terra of their fervitude. From this period Carolina was found to be an excellent refuge to the poor, the unfortunate, and oppreffed. The population and profperity of her colonies engrofied the attention of the mother-country. His Majefty's bounty ferved to alleviate the hardships infeparablc from the firft years of cultivation, and landed pro perty animated the poor emigrants to induftry and perfeverance. The different townfhips yearly increafed in numbers. Every one upon his arrival ob tained his grant of land, and fat down on his freehold with no taxes, or very trifling ones, no tythes, no poor rates, with full liberty of hunting and fifhing, and ma ny other advantages and privileges he never knew in Europe. It is true the unhealihinefs of the climate was a great bar to his progrefs, and proved fatal to many of thefe firft fettlers ; but to fuch as furmounted this obftacle, every year brought new profits, and opened more advantageous profpects. All who efcaped the dangers of the climate, if they could not be called rich during their own life, by improving their little free holds, they commonly left their children in eafy or opulent circumftances. Even in the firft age being free, >-'
contented, 10

i 34


contented, and accountable to man for their labour and management, their condition in many refpecls was preferable to that of the pooreft clafs of labourers in Europe. In all improved countries, where commerce and manufactures have been long eftabUihed, and lu xury prevails, the pooreft ranks of citizens are al ways oppreffed and miferable. Indeed this muft neceffarily be the cafe, otherwife trade and manufactures, which flourifh principally by the low price of labqur and provifions, muft decay. In Carolina, though expoled to more troubles and hardfhips for a few years, fuch ihduftrious people had better opportunities than in Europe for advancing to an eafy and independent ftate. Hence it happened that few emigrants ever rettiriied to their native country ; on the contrary, the fuccefs and profperity of the moft fortunate, brought many adventurers and relations after them. Their love to their former friends, and their natural par tiality for their countrymen, induced the old planters to receive the new fettlers joyfully,. and even to aflift and relieve them. Having each his own property and poffeffion, this independence produced mutual refpecl and beneficence, and fuch general harmony and induftry reigned among them, that thofe townfhips, former ly a defolate wilderneis, now flocked with diligent la bourers, promifed foon to become fruitful fields.

IT has been obferved, that in proportion as the lands have been cleared and improved, and fcopc given for a more free circulation of air, the climate ha& likewife become more faiubrious and pleafant. This change was more remarkable in the heart of the country than in the maritime parts, where the beft plantations of rice are, and where water is carefully



preferved to overflow the fields; yet even in thofe pla

ces cultivation has been attended with falutary efleets.

Time and experience had no\v taught the planters,/Cultiva-

that, during the autumnal months, their living araong| tlon at"









i tended
dif-S with fa-

orders, from which the inhabitants ef the capital were lutaryr

entirely exempted. This induced the r-ieher part to

retreat to town' during this unhealthy feafon. Thofe-

who were lefs able to bear the expences of this retreat,

and had learned to guard- againft the inconvenieneies

of the climate, fometimes efeaped; But laborious

ftrangers fnffered much during thefe autumnal months.

Accuftomed as they were in Europe to toil through

the heat of the day, and expofe themfelves in all wea

thers, they followed the fame practices in Carolina,

where the climate would by no means admit of fueh

liberties. Apprehenfive of no ill confequences frem

fuch expofure, they began their improvement with

vigour and refolution, and perfevered until the hot

climate and heavy toil exhaufted their fpirits, and?

brought home to them the unwelcome mtimatkms- of


IN the months of July, Auguft, and September, the heat in the {haded air, from noon to three o'clock, is often between ninety and an hundred degrees; awd as fuch extreme heat is of fhort duration, being commonly productive of thunder-fhowers, it becomes en that account the more dangerous. I have feen the mercury in Fahrenheit's thermometer arife in the /bade to ninety-fix in the hotteft, and fall to fixteen in the cooleft feafon of the year; others have obferv'ed u as high as an hundred, and as low as ten'; which



range between the extreme heat of fummer and cold in winter is prodigious, and muft have a great effe& upon the eonftitution of all, even of thofe who are beft guarded againft the climate ; what then mart be the fituation of fuch as are expofed to the open air Mean and burning fky in all feafons ? The mean diurnal Carolina ^eat ^ ^e different feafons" has been, upon the mod careful obfervation, fixed at fixty-four in fpring, feventy-nine in fummer, feventy-two in autumn, and fifty-two in winter; and the mean nodurnal heat in thofe feafons at fifty-fix degrees in fpring, feventyfive in fummer, fixty-eight in autumn, and forty-fix in winter.

As this climate differs fo much from that of Britain, Ireland, and Germany, and every where has great influence On the human conftitution, nc* wonder that many of thefe fettlers mould fickeit and die by the change, during the fifft ftate of co lonization. In the hot feafon the human body is relaxed by perpetual perfpiration, and becomes fee ble and fickly, efpecially during the dog-days, when the air is one while fuffocating and fultry, and an other moid and foggy. Exhaofted of fluids, it is perhaps not at all, or very improperly, fupplied, the dif- Hence intermittent, nervous, putrid and bilious feeafes of vers are common in the country, and prove fattlhye.coun- tal to' many or u. s i. nhabi.tants. You"ng chi'ldren are very fubjecl: to the worm-fever, which cuts oft" multitudes of them. The dry belly-ache, which is a dreadful diforder, is no ftranger tq the climate. An irruption, commonly called the Prickly Heat, often breaks out during the fummer, which is attend



ed with troubkfome itching and flinging pains; but

this difeafe being common, and not dangerous* is lit*

tie regarded; and if proper caution be ufed to prevent

it from ftriking fuddenly inward, is thought to-be

attended even with falutary eifeOs; In the fpring and

winter pleurifiesandperipneumoniesarecommon, often

pbftinate, and frequently fatal difeafes. So changeable

is the weather, that thefpirits in the therrnometei1 will

often rife or fall twenty, twenty-five, and thirty degrees,

in the fpace of twenty four hours, which mail make

havock of the human conllitution. lii autumn there

is fometimes a difference of twenty degrees between

the heat of the day and that of the night, and in

winter a greater difference between the heat of the

morning and that of noon-day. We leave it to phy-

ficians more particularly to deferibe the various dif-

orders incident to this climate, together with the

caufes of them; bat if violent heat and continual

perfpiration in fummer, noxious vapours and fudden

changes in autumn, piercing cold nights* and hot

noon-days in winter, affecT: the human conftitutionj the

inhabitants of Carolina, efpecially in the maritime

parts, have all thefe and many more changes and hard-

fhips during the year to undergo. Not only man, but

every animal, is ftrongly affec'led by the fultry heat

of fummer. Horfes and cows retire to the fhade, and

there, though harafled with infects, they ft and and pro-

fufely fweat through the violence of the day. Hogs

and dogs are alfo much diftreffed with it. Poultry and

wild fowls droop their wings, hang oul their tongues,

and, with open throats, pant for breath. The planter

*ho confults his health is not only cautious in, his drefs

and diet, but rifes early for the bufmefs of the field,

and tranfads it before ten o'clock, and then retreats

to the houfe or lhade during the melting Ijeat of the






day, until the coolnefs of the evening again invites him to the field. Such is his feeblenefs of body and languor of fpirit at noon, that the greatett pleafure of fife confifls in being entirely at reft. Even during the night he is often reftlefs and depreffed, infomuch that refrefhing fleep is kept a ftranger to his eyes. If un fortunately the poor labourer is taken fick in fuch weather, perhaps, far removed from, or unable to em ploy, a phyfician, how great mud be his hazard. In towns this heat is dill rendered more intolerable by the glowing reflection from houfes, and the burning fand in the ftreets. But how it is poffible for cooks, folackfnavths, and other tradefmen, to work at the fide of a fire, as many in the province do during fuch a feafon, we muft leave to the world to judge.

THIS hot weather, however, has been found favourable to the culture of indigo, which at this bk to the time was introduced into Carolina, and has fince proved one of its chief articles of commerce. About the year 1745 a fortunate difcovery was made, that this plant grew fpontaneoufly in the province, and was found ahnoft every where am'ong the wild weeds of-the foreft. As the foil naturally yielded a weed which furniflied tie world with fo ufeful and valua ble a dye, it loudly called for cultivation and im provement. . For this purpofe feme indigo feed was imported from the French Weft Indies, where it had been cultivated with great fucccfs, and yielded the, planters immenfe profit. At firft the feed was plant ed by way of experiment, and it was found to anfwer the moft fanguine expectations. In confequencc of which feveral planters turned their attention to the culture of indigo, and (tudied the art of estra&ing

the dye from it. Every trial brought them frefh en couragement. Intheyear 1747 a confiderable quan tity of it was fent to England, which induced the merchants trading to Carolina to petition parliament for a bounty on Carolina indigo. The parliament, upon exaniination, found that it was one of the moft beneficial articles of French commerce, that their Weft India iflands fupplied all the markets of Eu rope ; and that Britain alone confumed annually fix hundred thoufand weight of French indigo, which, at five (hillings a pound, coft the nation the prodigi ous fum of one hundred and fifty thoufand pounds flerling. It was demonftrated by the merchants, that this vail expence might be faved, by encouraging the cultivation of indigo in Carolina, and commonly be lieved that in time the colony might bring it to fuch perfection, as to rival the French at the markets of Europe. This petition of the merchants was foon followed by another from the planters and inhabitants of Carolina, and others to the fame effect from the clothiers, dyers, and traders of different towns in Bri tain. It was proved, that the demand for indigo an nually increafed, and it could never be expected that the planters in the Weft Indies would turn their hands to it, while the culture of fugar canes proved more profitable. Accordingly, an act of parliament pafied, about the beginning of the year 1748, for allowing a bounty of fixpence per. pound on all indigo raifed in the Britifh* American plan tations, and imported directly into Britain from the place of its growth. In confequence of wtiich act the planters applied themfelves with double vi gour and fpirit to that article, and feemed to vie
each other who. fhould bring the. beft kind S2



and greateft quantity of it to the market. Soms years indeed elapfed before they learned the nico art of making it as well as the French, whom long practice and experience had taught it to perfection ; but every year they acquired greater fkill and know ledge in preparing it, and received incredible profit as the reward of their labours. While many of them doubled their capital every three or four years by planting indigo, they in procefs of time brought it to fuch a degree of perfection, as not only to fupply the mother-country, but alfq to underfel the French at feveral European markets.

HERE it may not be improper to give the reader fome account of the manner in which the people of Carolina cultivate this plant, and extraft the dye. from it. As we pretend to little knowledge of this piatter ourfelves, we (hall give the following rules and directions of an ingenious perfon, who pra&ifed them for feveral years with great fuccefs. " As both Theman- tjlc qq an|;jty arid quality of indigo greatly depend on tivating "' the cultivation of the plant, it is proper to obferve,
that it feems to thrive beft in a rich, light foil, un" TMxed wi^1 c^ay or fan(i' The ground to. be planted " {hould be plowed, or turned up with hoes, fome. " time in December, that the froft may render it richi ' and mellow. It muft alfo be well harrowed, and " cleanfed from all grafs, roots, and flumps of trees, " to facilitate the hoeing after the weed appears a*' bove ground. The next thing to be confidered is 11 the choice of the feed, in which the planters fhould " be very nice ; there is great variety of it, and from " every fort good indigo may be made j bat none
" anfwers



anfwers fo well in this colony as the true Guatt*(. mala, which if good is a fmall oblong black feed, " very bright and full, and when rubbed in the hand will appear as if finely poliflied.

w IN Carolina we generally begin to plant about *' the beginning of April, in the following manner: " The ground being well prepared, furrows are made *' with a drill-plow, or hoe, two inches deep, an4 " eighteen inches diflant from each other, to receive " the feed, which is fown regularly, and not very " thick, after which it is lightly covered with earth. ?' A bufiiel of feed will fow four Englifh acres. If the " weather proves warm and ferene, the plant will ap" pear above ground in ten or four-teen days.. After " the plant appears, the ground, though not grafiy, *f ihould be hoed to loofen the earth about it, which " otherwife would much-hinder its growth. In good " ieafons k grows very faft, and muft all the while *' be kept perfectly clean of weeds. Whenever the *' plant is in full bloom it muft be cut down, with<' out paying any regard to its height, as its leaves *' are then thick and full of juice, apd this commonly *' happens in about four months after planting. But, ?t previous to the-feafon for cutting, a complete fet y of vats of the following dimenfions, for every " twenty acres of weed, m,uft be provided, and kept f*-in good order. The deeper or vat in which the " weed is firft put to ferment, muft be fixteen feet < fquare in the clear, and two and a half feet deep j '' the fecond vat or battery twelve feet longj ten feet " wide, and four and a half, feet deep from the top w of the plate. Thefe vats fhould be made of the
" heft



" beft cyprefs or yellow-pine plank, two and a half " inches thick, well fattened to the joints and ftuds " with feven-inch fpikes, and then caulked, to pre" vent their leaking. Vats thus made will laft in Ca" rolina, notwithstanding the exceffive heat, at leaft " feven years. When every thing is ready, the weed " muft be cut and laid regularly in the fteeper with " the ftalk upward, which will haften the fermenta" tion ; then long rails muft be laid the length of the " vat, at eighteen inches diftance from one .another, " and wedged down to the weed, to prevent its buoy*' ing up when the water is pumped into the fteeper. "For this, purpofe the fofteft water anfwers beft, " and the quantity of it neceflary muft be juft fuf* " ficient to cover all the weed. In this fituation " it is left to ferment, which will begin fooner or " later in proportion to the heat of the weather, and " the ripenefs of the plant, but for the moft part " takes twelve or fifteen hours. After the water is '" loaded with the falts and fubftance of the weed, it " muft .be let out of the fteeper into the battery, " there to be beat; in order to perform which o" peration, many different machines have been i.n" vented: but for this purpofe any inftrument that will " agitate the water with great violence may be ufed. " When th,e water has been violently agitated for " fifteen or twenty minutes in the battery, by taking " a little of the liquor up in a plate it will appear full " of fmall grain or curdled ; then you are to let in a " quantity of lime-water kept in a vat for the pur" pofe, to augment and precipitate the faeculse, ftill " continuing to ftir and beat vehemently the in" digo water, till it becomes of a ftrong purple eo" lour, and the grain hardly perceptible. Then it
" niud



muft be left to fettle, which it will do in eight or " ten hours. After which the water muft be gently "drawn out of the battery through plug-holes con" trived for that purpofe, fo that the faseulse may " remain at the bottom of the vat. It muft then be " taken up, and carefully ftrained through a horfe" hair neve, to render the indigo perfectly clean, " and put into bags made of Ofnaburghs, eighteen " inches long, and twelve wide, and fufpended for " fix hours, to drain the water out of it. After " which the mouths of thefe bags being well faften" ed, it mufl. be put into a prefs to be entirely freed "from any remains of water, which would other<( wife greatly hurt the quality of the indigo. The " prefs commonly ufed for this purpofe is a box of " five feet in length, two and a half wide, and two " deep, with holes at one end to let out the water. f< In this box the bags muft be laid, one upon ano" ther, until it is full, upon which a plank muft be " laid, fitted to go within the box, and upon all a fuf" ficient number of weights to fqueeze out the water " entirely by a conftant and gradual preffure, fo that " the indigo may .become a fine ftiff pafte ; which is " then taken out and cut into fmall pieces, each a" bout two inches fquare, and laid out to dry. A " houfe made of logs muft be prepared on purpofe " for drying it, and fo conftrufted that it may re" ceive all the advantages of an open and free air, " without being expofed to the fun, which is very " pernicious to the dye. For here indigo placed " in the fun, in a few hours will be burnt up to a " perfeft cinder. While the indigo remains in the
"- drying houfe, it muft be carefully turned three or " four times in a day, to prevent its rotting. Flies
" fliould



" fhould likewife be carefully kept from it, which " at this feafon of the year are hatched in millions, " and infeft an indigo plantation like a plague. After " all, great' care muft alfo be taken, that the indigo " be fufficiently dry before it is packed, left after " it is headed up in barrels it Ihould fweat, which will " certainly fpoil and rot it."

IN this manner indigo is cultivated and prepared

in Carolina, and the richeft land in the heart of the

country is found to anfwer belt for it. The maritime

iflands, however, which are commonly fandy, are not

unfavourable for this production, efpecially thofe

that contain fpots of land coverecl with oak, and

hickory trees. It is one of thofe rank weeds which

in a few years will exhauft the ftrength and fertility

of the beft lands in the world. It is commonly cut

in the Weft Indies fix and feven times in the year^

but in Carolina no more than two or three times be

fore the froft begins.. Our planters have been blamed

by the Englifh merchants for paying too much atten

tion to the quantity, and too little to the quality of

their indigo, hence the Weft-India indigo brings an

higher price at the market. He that prefers the qua

lity to the quantity, is very careful to cut the plant at

the proper feafon, that is, when the weed begins to

bloom 5 for the more luxuriant and tender the plantj

the more beautiful the indigo. While it is curing,

indigo has an offenfive and difagreeable fmell, and as

the dregs of the weed are full of faltsj and make ex

cellent manure, therefore they mould be immediately

buried under ground when brought out of the fteep-

er. It is commonly obferved, that all creatures about

an indigo plantation are ftarved, whereas, about


a rice



i rice one, which abounds with, provifions for man and beaft, they thrive and flourim. The feafon for making indigo in Carolina ends with the firft frofty weather,, which puts a (top to fermentation, and then double labour is not only requifite for beating if, but when prepared it is commonly good for nothing.

THE planters bring their indigo to market about Theconj.

the end of the year, and frequently earlier. The mon c-

*l A


merchant judges of its quality by breaking it, and . -? ? ^

obfcrving the clofenefs of its grain, and its brilliant its

copper, or vi6let blue colour. The weight in fome -T-

meafure proves it's quality, fot heavy indigo of every

colour is always bad. Good indigo almoft entirely

confumes away in the fire, the bad leaves'a quantity

of afhes. In water alfo pure and fine indigo entirely

melts and diflblves, but the heterogeneous and folid

parts of the bad fink to the bottom like fand. From

this period it became a itaple to Carolina, and proved

equally -profitable as the mines of Mexico or Peru.

To the mother^country it was no lefs beneficial, in

excluding the French indigo entirely from her mar

ket, and promoting her manufactures* and trade;

I {hall afterwards take notice of the rapid pro-

grefs made in the cultivation of this articlej parti

cularly with refpeft to the quantity produced and

yearly {hipped to Britain, to fupply the markets itl


THE great bounty and indulgence of Britain towards

her American colonies increafed with their progrefs

in cultivation, and favour after favour was extended

to them. Filled with the profpeel; of opening an ex-






cellent market for her manufactures, arid enlarging her commerce and navigation, in which her ftrength in a great meafure confifted, thefe colonies were be come the chief objects of her care, and new ones were planted for the protection of the old. At this time the peace of Aix la Chapelle left a number of brave failors and foldiers without employment. Good policy requi red that they (hould be rendered ufeful to the nation, and at the fame time furnifhed with employment for their own fubfiftence. Acadia, which was ceded to Britain by the treaty of peace, changed its name Nova to Nova Scotia, and was capable of producing efettkd. very fpccies f naval ftores. The fea there abound ed with excellent fifli, which might furnifh employ ment for a number of failors, and be made an ufe ful and advantageous branch of trade. But the ex cellent natural harbours which the country afforded, of all other things proved the greateft inducement for eftablifliing a colony in it, the poffeffion of which would not only promote trade in the time of peace, but alfo prove a fafe ftation for Britim fleets in time of war. Befides, for the fake of commercial ad vantage, it was judged proper to confine the fettlements in America as much as poflible to the fea-coaft. The parliament therefore determined to fend out a colony to Nova Scotia, and, to forward the fettlement, voted forty thoufand pounds. The following advantageous terms were held forth to the people by government, and a number of adventurers agreed to accept them. Fifty acres of land were to be allowed to every fcldier and failor, two hundred to every enfign, three hundred to every lieutenant, four hundred and lixty to every captain, and fix hun



dred to all officers of higher rank; together with thirty for every fervant they mould carry along with them. No quit-rents were to be demanded for the firft ten years. They were alfo to be furnifhed with inftruments for fifhing and agriculture, to have their paffage free, and provifions found them for the firft year after their arrival. Three thoufand feven hundred and fixty adventurers embarked for America on thefe fa vourable terms, and fettled at Halifax, which place was fixed on as the feat of government, and. fortified. The Acadians, the former inhabitants of the country, were allowed peaceably to remain in it, and having fworn never to bear arms againft their countrymen, fubmitted to the Englim government, and paffed un der the denomination of French neutrals. The greateft difficulty which the new fettlers of Nova Scotia had to furmount at this time arofe from the Micmac Indians, who held that territory from nature, and for fome time obftinately defended their right to their an cient poffeffions; .and it was not without considerable lofs that the Britifli fubjects at length, by force of arms, drove them away from thofe territories.

NOR did this new fettlement engrofs the whole Thegreat

attention and'ty of the rparent ftate; . the ?Bfrri.etai.nof
province or Georgia alfo every year lhared plen- for thefe

tifully from the fame hands. Indeed the bounty of colonies,

the mother country was extennve as her dominions,

and, like the fun, cheriflied and invigorated every ob

ject on which it fhone. All the colonies might have

been fenfible of her confrant attention to their fafety

and profperity, and had great reafon to acknowledge

themfelves under the ftrongeft obligations to her





goodnefs. If fhe expedled a future recompenfe by the channel of commerce, which is for the moft part mutually advantageous, it was no more than fhe had juftly merited. The coloniils, we allow, carried with them the rights and liberties of the fubjeSs of Bri tain, ami they owed in return the duties of obedience to her laws and fubjecYion to her government. The privileges and duties of fubje&s in all ftates have been reciprocal, and as the mother country had incurred great expence for the eftablifhment and fupport of thefe foreign fettlements; as me had multiplied her burdens for their defence and improvement; furely fuch protection and kindnefs laid a foundation for the firmed union, and the moft dutiful returns of allegi ance and gratitude.

goLf;oa>wGfetoarte- i.ngHaOl,,lWtEh, aVtEBR,,,ri.tthaie.nprh, oavd.indc.oenoef Gfcoerori tgsiap, onpoutlwiaittihofntanandd-i improvement, ftill remained in a poor and languiihing condition. Its fettlers confided of two forts of people; firft, of indigent fubje&s and foreigners, whom the Tru.frees tranfported and maintained ; fecondly, of men of fome fubftance, whom flattering defcriptions of the province had induced voluntarily to emigrate to it. After the peace Oglethorpe's re giment being difbanded, a number of foldiers ac cepted the encouragement offered them by govern ment, and took up their refidence in Georgia. All thofe adventurers who had brought fpme fubftance along with them, having by this time exhaufted their fmall ftock in fruitlefs experiments, were reduced to indigence, fo that emigrants fiom Britain, foreign ers, and foldiers, were all on a level in point of po verty.



verty. From the impolitic reftrifttions of the Truftees, thefe fettlers.had no profpe&s during life but thofe of hardfhip and poverty, and of confc* quence, at their deceafe, of bequeathing a number of orphans to the care of Providence. Nor was the trade of the province in a better fituation than its agriculture. The want of credit was an unfurmountablc obftacle to its progrcfs in every refped. For merly the inhabitants in and about Savanna had tranfinitted to the Truftees a rcprefentation of their grie vous circumftances, and obtained from them fome partial relief. But now, chagrined with difappointments, and difpirited by the feverities of the climate, they could view the defign of the Truftees in no other light than that of having decoyed them into mifery. Even though they had been favoured with credit, and had proved fuccefsful, which was far from being their cafe; as the tenure of their free hold was reftri&ed to heirs male, their eldeft fon could only reap the benefit of their toil, and the reit muft depend-on his bounty, or be left wholly to the charge of that Being who feeds the fowls of the air* They confidercd their younger children and daugh ters as equally entitled to paternal regard, and could not brook their holding lands under fuch a tenure, as excluded them from the rights and privileges of other colonifts. They faw numbers daily leaving the province through mere neceffity, and frankly told the Truftees, that nothing could prevent it from being totally deferted, but the fame encourage ments with their more fortunate neighbours in Ca rolina.




Com^the people.

THAT the Truftees might have a juft view of their condition, the Georgians ftated before them their grievances, and renewed their application for redrefs. They judged that the Britifh conftitution, zealous for the rights and liberties of mankind, could not permit fubjedhuwho had voluntarily rifked their lives, and fpent their fubftance on the public faith, to effeft a fettlement in the moft dangerous frontiers of the Britifh empire, to be deprived of the common privileges of all colonifts. They complained that the land-holders in Georgia were prohibited from felling or leafing their poffeffions j that a tract containing fifty acres of the beft lands was'too fmall an allowance for the main tenance of a family, and much more fo when they were refufed the freedom to chufe it; that a much higher quit-rent .was exacted from them than was paid for the beft lands in America; that the impor tation of negroes was prohibited, and white people were utterly unequal to the labours requifite; that the public money granted yearly by parliament, for the relief of feitlers and the improvement of the province, was mifajjplied, and therefore the wife purpofes for which it was granted were by no means anfwered. That thefc inconveniencies and hard/hips kept them in a ftate, of poverty and. mifery, and that the chief caufe of all their .calamities was the.llrift adherence of the Truftees to their chimerical and impracticable fcheme of fettlement, by which the people were re fufed the obvious means of fubfiftence, and cut off from all profpects of fuccefs.



WE have already obferved, that the laws and re gulations even of the wifeft men, founded on princi ples of fpeculation, have often proved to be foreign and impracticable. The Truftees had an example of this in the fundamental conftitutions of John Locke. Inftead of prefcribing narrower limits to the induftry and ambition of the Georgians, they ought to have learned wifdom from the cafe of the Pro prietors of Carolina, and enlarged their plan with refpecl: to both liberty and property. By fuch in dulgence alone they could encourage emigrations, and animate the inhabitants to diligence and perfeverance. The lands in Georgia, efpecially fuch as were firft occupied, were fandy and barren; the hardfhips of t clearing and cultivating them were great, the climate was unfavourable for labourers, and dangerous to European conftitutions. The greater the difficulties were with which the fettlers had to ftruggle, the more encouragement was requifite to furmount them. The plan of fettlement ought to have arifen from the nature of the climate, coun try, and foil, and the circumflances of the fettlers, and been the refult of experience and not of fpecu lation.

HITHERTO Georgia had not only made fmall im provement in agriculture and trade, but her go vernment was feeble and contemptible. At this time, by the avarice and ambition of a fingle fa mily, the whole colony was brought to the very brink of dettruclion, As the concerns of thefs fcttlements are clcfely connected and interwoven



with the affairs of Indian nations^ it is impoffible to attain proper views of the circumflances and fituation of the people, without frequently taking notice of the relation in which they flood to their favage neighbours. A confiderable branch of provincial commerce, as well as the fafety of the colonifts, depended on their friendfhip with Indians; and, to avoid all danger from their favage temper, no fmall {hare of prudence and courage was often requifite. This will appear more obvious from the fol lowing occurrence, which, becaufe it is fomewhat remarkable, we ihall the more circumftantially re* late.

I HAVE already obfervcd, that during the time General Oglethorpe had the direction of public af fairs in Georgia, he had, from maxims of policy, treated an Indian woman, called Mary, with particu lar kindnefs and generofity. Finding that fhe had great influence among the Creeks, and underftood their language, he made ufe of her as an inter preter, in order the more cafily to form treaties of alliance with them, allowing her for her fervices an hundred pounds fterling a-year. This woman Thomas Bofomworth, who was chaplain to Oglethorpe's regiment, had married, and among the reft had accepted a track of land from the crowfy Troubles ancj fett] eci m the province. Finding that his wife Thomas^ ' a'd claim to fome iflands on the fea-coaft, which, Bofom- by treaty, had been allotted the Indians as part of *ort ' their hunting lands; to flock them he had purchacattle from the planters of Carolina, from whofn



he obtained credit to a considerable amount. How

ever, this plan not proving fo fucrefsful as the proud

and ambitious clergyman expected, he took to au*

dacious methods of fupporting his credit, and ac

quiring a fortune. His wife pretended to be de-

fcended in a maternal line from an Indian king^

who held from nature the territories of the Creeks*

and Bofomworth now perfuaded her to affert her

right to them, as fuperior not only to that of the

Truftees, but alfo to that of the, King. Accordingly

Mary immediately aiTumed the title of an independent

ernprefs, difavowing .all fuhjccllon or allegiance to

the King of Great Britain, othervvife than b'.y way of

treaty and alliance, fuch as one independent fove-

reign might make with another. A meeting of all

the Creeks was fummoned, to whom Mary made a

fpeech, fetting forth the jultice of her claim, and

the great injury done to her and them by taking pof-

feflion of their ancient territories, and ftirring them

up to defend their property by force of arms The

Indians immediately took fire, and to a man declared

they would ftand by her to the laft drop of their

blood in defence of their lands. In confequence of

which Mary, with a large body of favages at her

back, fet out for Savanna, to demand a formal fur-

render of them from the president of the province.

A meffenger was defpatched before hand,, to ac

quaint him that Mary had aflumed her right of fo-

vereignty over the whole territories of the upper and

lower Creeks, and to demand that all lands belong

ing to them be inftaritly relinquished ;, for as fhe was

the hereditary and rightful queen of both nations,

Vol.. II.





and could command every man or them to follow her, in cafe of refulal, fhs had determined to extirpate the fettletnerit.

THE prefident and council, alarmed at her high pretenfions and bold threats, and fonfible of her great power and influence with the favages, were not a little embarraffed what fteps to take for the public fafety. They determined to ufe foft and healing meafures until an opportunity might offer of privately laying hold of her, and {hipping her off to England. But, jn the mean time, orders were fent to all the captains of the militia, to hold them* felves in readinefs to march to Savanna at an hour's warning. The town was put in the beft pofture of defence, but the whole militia in it amounted to no more than one hundred and feventy men, ablfe to bear arms. A meflenger was fent to Mary at the head of the Creeks, while feveral miles diflant from town, to know whether me was ferious in fuch wild pretenfions, and to try to perfuade her to difmifs her followers, and drop he* audacious defign. But finding her inflexible and refolute, the prefident refolved to put on a bold countenance, and receive the favages with firmnefs and refolution. The militia was ordered under arms, to overawe them as much as poffibie, and as the Indi ans entered the town, Captain Jones, at the head of his company of horfe, flopped them, and demand ed whether they came with hoftile or friendly inten tions? But receiving no fatisfaclbry anfwer, he told them they muit there ground their arms, for he had orders not to fuffer a man of them .Armed, to fet his



foot within the town. The favages with great re luctance fubmitted, and accordingly Thomas Bofoniworth, in his canonical robes, with his queen by his fide, followed by the various chiefs according to their rank, inarched into town, making a formidable ap pearance. All the inhabitants were (truck with terror at the fight of the fierce and mighty hoil. When they advanced to the parade, they found the militia drawn up under arms to receive them, who faluted them with fifteen cannon, and conducted them to the prefident's houfe. There Thomas and Adam Bofomworth being ordered to withdraw, the Indian chiefs, in a friendly manner, were called up on to declare their intention of viu'ting the town in fo large a body, without being fent for by any perform in lawful authority. The warriors, a? they had been previoufly inftrufted, anfwered, that Mary was to ipeak for them, and that they would abide by her words. They had heard, they faid, that me was to be fent like a captive over the great waters, and they were come to know on what account they were to lofe their queen. They affured the prefident they in. tended no harm, and begged their arms might be.reftored ; and, after confulting with Bofomworth and his wife, they would return and fettle all public affairs. To pleafe them their mufkets were accordingly given back, but drift orders were iffued to allow them no ammunition, until the council fhould fee more clearly into their dark defigns.

ON the day following, the Indians having had

fome private conferences with their queen-, began td

be very furly, and to run in a mad and tumultuous





manner up and down the ftreets, icemingly bent OQ fome mifchief. All the men being obliged to mount guard, the women were terrified to remain by them-. Telves in their houfes, expefting every moment to be murdered or. fcalped. During this confufion, a falfe rumour was fpread, that they had cut off the prefident's head with a tomahawk, which fo exafperated the inhabitants, that it was with difficulty the officers could prevent them from firing on the favages. To fave a town from deftruction, never was greater prudence requifite. Orders were gi ven to the militia to lay hold of Bofomworth, and carry him out of the way into clofe confinement. Upon which Mary became outrageous and frantic, and infolently threatened vengeance againft the magiftrates and whole colony. She ordered every man of them to depart from her territories, and at their peril to refufe. She curfed General Ogle" thorpe and his fraudulent treaties, and, furioufly .{lamping with her feet upon the ground, fvvore by her Maker that the whole earth on which (he trodc was her own. To prevent bribery, which (he knew to have great weight with her warriors, fhe kept the leading men conftantly in her, eye, and would not fuffer them to fpeak a word refpecling public affairs but in her prefence.

THE prefident finding that no peaceable agree ment could be made with the Indians while under the baleful eye and influence of their pretended queen privately laid hold of her, and put her un der confinement with her hufband.. This ftep was neceffary, before any terms of negotiation could



be propofed. Having fecured the chief promo ters of the confpiracy, he then employed men ac quainted with the Indian tongue to entertain the warriors in the moft friendly and hofpitable manner, and explain to them the wicked defigns 'of Bofomworth and his wife. Accordingly a feaft was pre pared for all the chief leaders ; at which they were informed, that Mr. Bofomworth had involved himfelf in debt, and wanted not only their lands, but alfo a large {hare of the royal bounty, to fatisfy his creditors in Carolina : that the King's prcfents were only intended for Indians, on account of their ufeful fervices and firm attachment to him during the for mer wars : that the lands adjoining the town were referved for them to .encamp upon, when they mould come to vifn their beloved friends at Savanna, and the three maritime iflands to hunt upon, when they Ihould come to bathe in the fait waters : that nei ther Mary nor her hufband had any right to thofe lands, which were the common property of the Creek nations : that the great King had ordered the prefident to defend their right to them, and expefted that all his fubjets, both white and red, would live together like brethren ; in {hort,; that he would fuffer no man or woman to moleft or injure, them, and had ordered thefe words to be left on re cord, that their^children might know them when they were dead and gone.

SUCH policy produced the defired effedV many of the chieftains being convinced that Bo fomworth had deceived them, declared they would
truft him no more. Even Malatchee, the leader of



of the Lower Creeks, and a relation to their pre tended eniprefs, feemed fatisfted, and was not a little pleafed to hear, that the great King had fent them fome valuable prefents. Being afked why he acknowledged Mary as the Empscfs of the great nation of Creeks, and refigned his power and poffeffions to a defpicable old woman, while all Georgia owned him as chief of the nation, and the president and council were now to give him many rich clothes and medals for his fervices? He replied, that the whole nation acknowledged her as their Queen, and none could difiribute the royal prefents but one of her family. The prefident by this anfwer perceiving more clearly tile defign of the family cf Bofomwortb, to leffen their influence, and Ihew the Indians that he had power to divide the royal boun ty among the chiefs, determined to do it immedi ately, and difmifs them, on account of the growing expences to the colony, and the hard (hips the inha bitants underwent, in keeping guard night and day for the defence of the town.

IN the mean time Malatchee, whom the Indians compared to the wind, becaufe of his fickle and variable temper, having, at his own requefly ob tained acqeis to Bofomworth and his wife, was a* gain feduced and drawn over to fupport their chi merical claim. While the Indians were gather ed together to receive their refpecYive {hares of the royal bounty; he flood up in the midft of them, and with a frowning countenance, and in violent agitation of fpirit, delivered a fpeech fraught with
the moft dangerous insinuations. He protefted, that



that Mary poflefled that country before General Oglcthorpe ; and that all the lands belonged to her as Queen, and head of the Creeks; th?,t it was by her pennifficn Englifhmen were at firft allow ed to fet their foot on them ; that they ftill held them of her as the original proprietor; that her words were the voice of the whole nation, confiiting of- above three thoufand warriors, and at her com mand every one of them would take up the hatchet in defence of her right; and then pulling out a pa per out of his pocket, he delivered it to the president in confirmation of what he had faid. This was evi dently the production of Bofomworth, and fervcd to difcover in the plaineft manner, his ambitious views and wicked intrigues. The preamble was filled with the names of Indians, called kings, of all the towns of the Upper and Lower Creeks, none of whom, however, were prefent, excepting two. The fub-. fiance of it correfponded with Maltchee's fpeech; ftyling Mary the rightful princefs and chief of their nation, defcended in a maternal line from the empe ror, and inverted with full power and authority from them to fettle and finally determine all public affairs and caufes, relating to lands and other things, with King George and his beloved men on both fides of the fea, and whatever fiiould be faid or done by her, they would abide by, as if faid or done by thcmfclves.

AFTSH. reading this paper in council, the whole

board were ftruck with aftonifhment; and Malatchee,

perceiving their uneafinefs, begged to have it again,

declaring he did not know it to be a bad talk, and





promifing he would return it immediately to the per* fon from whom he had received it. To remove all impreffion made on the minds of the Indians by Malatchee's fpeech, and convince them of the deceitful and dangerous tendency of this confederacy into which Bofomworth and his wife had betrayed them, had now become a matter of the higheft confequence ; happy was it for the province this was a thing neither difficult nor impracticable; for as ignorant favages are eafily mifled on the one hand, fo, on the other, it was equally eafy to convince them of their error. Accordingly, ha ving gathered the Indians together for this purpofe, the prcfident addrefied them to the following effeft. " Friends and brothers, when Mr. Oglethorpe and " his people firft arrived in Georgia, they found Mary, " then the wife of John Mufgrove, living in a fmall " hut at Yamacraw, having a licence from the Go" vernor of South Carolina to trade with Indians. " She then appeared to be in a poor ragged con" dition, and was neglected and defpifed by the " Creeks. But Mr. Oglethorpe finding that me " could fpeak both the Englilh and Creek languages, " employed her as an interpreter, richly clothed " her, and made her the woman of the confe" quence flie now appears. The people of Georgia " always refpecied her until ihe married Thomas " Bofomworth, but from that time flie has proved a *' liar and a deceiver. In fal, me was no relation of " Malatchee, but the daughter of an Indian woman " of no note, by a white man. General Oglethorpe " did not treat with, her for the lands of Georgia, " flie having none of her own, but with the old and " wife leaders of the Creek nation, who voluntarily
" furren-


" furrendered their territories to the King. Thelndi-

" ans at that time having much wafte land, that was

" ufelefs to themfelves, parted with a (hare of it to

" their friends, and were glad that white people had

" fettled among them to fupply their wants. He told

" them, that the prefent bad humour of the Creeks

" had been artfully infufcd into them by Mary, at the

" inftigation of her hufband, who owed four hun-

" dred pounds fterling in, Carolina for cattle ; that

" he demanded a third part of the royal bounty;

" in order to rob the naked Indians of their right;

" that lie had quarrelled with the prefidcn.t and coun-

" cil of Georgia for refuting to anfwer his exorbitant

" demands, and therefore had filled the heads of In-

" dians witKwild fancies and groundlefs jealoufics, in

" order to breed mifchief^ and induce them to break

" their alliances with their bcft friends, who alone

" were able to fupply their wants, and defend them.

" againft all their enemies." Here the Indians de-

lired him to ftop, and put an end to the conteft, de

claring that their eyes were now opened, and they

faw through his infidious dcfign. But though .he-

intended to break the chain of friehdlhip, they were

determined to hold it faft, and therefore begged

that all might immediatly fmoke the pipe of peace.

Accordingly pipes and rum were brought, and

the whole congrefs, joining hand in hand, drank

find fmbked together in friendfhip, every one wifh-

ing that their hearts might be united in'like man

ner as their hands. Then all the royal ppefents,

except amrntinition, with which it was judged im

prudent to truft them until they were at fome di-

ftance from town, were brought and diftributed a-




mong them. The mod difaffeded were purchafed with the largeft prefents. Even Malatchee himfelf feemed fully contented with his {hare, and the fafages in general perceiving the poverty and infignificancy of the family of Bofomworth, and their total inabili ty to fupply their wants, determined to break off all eonnecYion with them for ever,
WHILE the prefident and council flattered themfelves that ail differences were amicably compromifed, and were rejoicing in the re-eftablifhment of their former friendly intercourfe with the Creeks, Mary, drunk with liquor, and difappointed in her views, came ruming in among them like a fury, and told the prefident that thefe were her people, that he had no bufinefs with them, and he fhould foon be convinced of it to his coil. The pre fident calmly advifed her to- keep to her lodgings, and forbear to poifon the minds of Indians, otherwife he would order her again into clofe confinement. Upon which turning about to Malatchee in great ragt, fee told him what the prefident had faid, who inftantly darted from his feat, laid hold of his arms, and then calling upon the reft to follow his example, da red any man to touch his queen. The whole houfe was filled in a moment with tumult and uproar. Every Indian having .his tomahawk in his hand, the prefident and council expe&ed nothing but inftant death. During this confufion Captain Jones, who commanded the guard, very feafonably interpofedj and ordered the Indians immediately to deliver up their arms. Such courage was not only neceffary to overawe them, bat at the fame time great

prudence was alfo requifite, to avoid coming to extremities with them. With rclu&ance the In* dians fubmitted, and Mary was conveyed to a pri* vate room, where a guard was fet over her, and all further intercourfe with favages denied her during their ftay in Savanna. Then her hufband was fent for, in order to reafon with him and convince him of the folly of his chimerical pretenfions, and of the dangerous confequences that might refult from pcrfiiling in them. But no fooner did he appear before the prefident and council, than he began to abufe them to their face. In fpite of every argument ufed to perfuade him to fubmiffion, he remained obftinate and contumacious, and protefted he would ftand forth in vindication of his wife's right to the laft ex tremity, and that the province of Georgia mould foort feel the weight of her vengeance. Finding that fair means were fruitlefs and ineffectual, the council then determined to remove him alfo out of the way of the favages, and to humble him by force. After ha ving fecured the two leaders, it only then remained to perfuade the Indians peaceably to leave the town, and return to their fettlements. Captain Ellick, a young warrior, who had diftinguifhed himfelf in difcovering to his tribe the bafe intrigues of Bofomworth, being afraid to accompany Malatchee and his followers, thought fit to fet but among the firft: the reft followed him in different parties, and the inhabitants, wearied out with cOnftant watching, and harafied with frequent alarrtis, were at length, bappily relieved.



Withcllf- BY this time Adam Bofomwprvh, another brother fettled of the family, jvho was agent for Indian affairs in
Carolina., had arrived from that province, and being made acquainted with what had paffed in Georgia, was filled with fhame and indignation. He found his ambitious brother, not contented with the common allowance of land granted by the crown, afpiring after fovereignty, and attempting to obtain by force one of the largeft landed eftates in the worl'd. His plot was artfully contrived, arid had it been executed with equal courage,, fatal muft the confequence have been. Had he taken poffeffion of the provincial magazine on his arrival at Savanna, and fupplied the Creeks with am munition, the militia muft fopn have been overpow ered, and every family muft of courfe have fallen a Jacrifice to the indifcriruinate vengeance of favages. Happily, by the hnerpofition of his brother, all diffe rences were peaceably compfqmifed. Thomas Bpfomworth at length having returned to fober reflec tion, began to repent of his folly, and to afk pardon of the magiftrates and pepple. He wrote to the prefident, acquainting him that he was now deeply fenfible of his duty as a fubjeft, and of the refpeft he owed to civil authority, and could no longer juftify the conduct of his wife ; but hoped that her prefent remorfe, and paft fervices to the province, would entirely blot put the remembrance of her un guarded expreflipns and raffr deflgri. He appealed to the letters of Gene^l Oglethprpe for her former irreproachable cojttdiilfi ^acd[ ftca^fy friendship to the
iettlement, and SbpjiSi It^ good behavitJUr for the fu ture would atone tor ner paft offences, and reinftate



her in the public favour. For his own part, he ac knowledged her title to be groundlefs, and for ever relinquifhed all claim to the lands of the province,. The celonifts generoufly forgave and forgot all that had paft; and public tranquillity being re-eftabliflied, new fettlers applied for lands as ufual, without meet ing any more obftacles from the idle claims of In* dian queens and chieftains.

THE Truftees of Georgia finding that the province Thecharlanguished under their care, and weary of the com- terfurrenplaints of the people, in the year 1752 furrendered 'T^' *** their charter to the King, and it was made a royal government. In confequence of which his Majefty appointed John Reynolds, an officer of the navy, Governor of the province, and a legiflature fimilar to that of the other royal governments in America was eftablifhed in it. Great had been the expence which the mother country had already incurred, befideS private benefactions, for fupporting this colony; and fmall had been the returns yet made by it. The veftiges of cultivation were fcarcely perceptible in the foreft, and in England all commerce with it was neglefted and defpifed. At this time the whole annual exports of Georgia did not amount to ten thoufand pounds Iterling. Though the people were now favour ed with the fame liberties and privileges enjoyed by their neighbours under the royal care, yet feveral years more elapfed before the value of the lands in Georgia was known, and that fpirit of induftry broke out in it which afterwards diffufed its happy influence over the country.




George IN the annals of Georgia tne famous GeorgS field'*" Whitfield may not be unworthy of fome notice, fettle- efpecially as the world through which he wandered ?neBt> has heard fo much of his Orphan-houfe built in that
province. Actuated by religious motives, this wan derer feveral .times paffed the Atlantic to convert the Americans, whom he addreffed in fuch a manner as if they had been all equal ftrangers to the privileges and benefits of religion with the original inhabitants of the fbreft. However, his zeal never led him beyond the maritime parts of America, through which he travelled, fpreading what he called the true evange-* Heal faith among the moft populous towns and tilla ges. One would have imagined that the heathens, or at lea'ft thofe who were moft deftitute of the means of inftrirftion, would have been the primary and moft proper objects of his zeal and compaffioh; but this was far from being the cafe. However, wherever he went in America, as in Britain, he had multitudes of followers. When he firft vifited Charleftown, Alexander Garden, a than of fome ferife and erudi tion, who was the epifcopal clergyman of that place, to put the people upon their guard, took occafion to point out to them the pernicious tendency of Whitfield's wild doftrines and irregular manner of life. He reprefented hint as a religious impoftot or quack, who had an excellent knack of fetting off to advantage his poifohous tenets. On the other hand, Whitfield, who had been accuftofned to bear reproach and face oppofuion, tecrirriinatecj with double acrimony and greater fuccefs. While Alexander Garden, to keep his flock from ftray-
after this ftrange paftor, expatiated on the words of



of Scripture, " Thofc that have turned the world " upfide down are come hither alfo." Whit-field, with all the force of comic humour and wit for which he was fo much diftinguilhed, by way of reply, en~ larged on thefe words, " Alexander the copperfmith " hath done me much evil, the Lord reward him *' according to his works." In uSort, the pulpit was perverted by both into the mean purpofes of fpite and malevolence, and every one catching a fhare of the infection, fpoke of the clergymen as they were differently affected.

IN Georgia Whitfield having obtained a track of Whitland from the Truftees, erected a wooden houfe two ftories high, the dimenfions of which were feventy feet by forty, upon a fandy beach nigh the fea-ffiore. This houfe, which he called the Orphan-Houfe, he began to build about the year 1749, and afterwards fini/hed it at a great expence. It was intended to be a lodging for poor children, where they were to be clothed and fed by charitable contributions, and and trained up in the knowledge arid practice of the Chriftian religion. The defign, beyond doubt, was humane and laudable; but, perhaps, had he travelled over the whole earth, he could fcarcely have found out a fpot of ground upon it more im proper for the purpofe. The whole province of Georgia could not furnim him with a track of land of the fame extent more barren and unprofitable, To this houfe poor children were to be fent from at leaf.1 a healthy country, to be fupported partly by charity, and partly by the produce of this land culti vated by negroes. Nor was the climate better fulled



to the purpofe than the foil, for it is certain, before the unwholefome marfhes around the houfe were fertilized, the influences of both air and water muft have confpired to the children's deftruclion.

HOWEVER, Whitfield having formed his chimeri cal project, determined to accomplifh it, and,inftead of being difcouraged by obftacles and difficulties, gloried in defpifing them. He wandered through the1 Britiih empire, perfuaded the ignorant and credulous part of the world of the excellence of his defign, and obtained from them money, clothes, and books, to forward his undertaking, and fupply his poor orphans in Georgia. About thirty years after this wooden houfe was finiflied it was burned to the ground ; du-> ring which time, if I am well informed, few or none of the children educated in-it have proved either ufeful members of fociety, or exemplary in refpect to religion. Some fay the fire was occafioned by a foul chimney, and others by a flam of lightning; but whatever was the. caufe, it burnt with fuch violence that little of either the furniture or library efcaped the flames. When I faw the ruins of this fabric, I could not help reflecting on that great abufe of the fruits of charity too prevalent in the world. That money which was funk, here had been collected chiefly from the pooreft clafs of mankind. Moft of thofe bibles which were here burnt had been extorted from in digent and credulous perfons, who perhaps had not money to purchafe more for themfelves: Happy was it for the zealous founder of this indication, that he did not live to fee the ruin of his works. After his death he was brought from New-England; above eight



hundred miles, and buried at this Orpban-houfe. la his laft will he left Lady Huntingdon fole executrix, who has now converted the lands and negroes be longing tp the poor benefactors of Great Britain and her dominions, to the fupport of clergymen of the fame irregular ftamp with the deceafed, but void of his fliining talents, and it is become a feminary of diffenfion and fedkion.

As George Whitfield appeared in fuch different Sketcht>f

lights in the fucceffive ftages of life, it is no eafy hll cha*

matter to delineate his chara&er without an uncom

mon mixture and vaft variety of colours. He was io

the Britifh empire not unlike one of thofe ftrange and

erratic meteors which appear now and then in the fy-

item of nature. In his youth, as he often confefled

and lamented, he was gay, giddy and profligate; fo

fondly attached to the ftage, that he joined a com

pany of ftroltinga&ors and vagabonds, and fpent a

part of his life in that capacity. At this period it is

probable he learned that grimace, buffoonery and

gefticulation which he afterwards difplayed from the

pulpit. From an abandoned and licentious courfe

&f life he was converted 5 and, what is no uncom

mon thing, from one extreme he run into the other,

and became a moft zealous and indefatigable teach*

cr of religion. Having ftudied fome time at Ox-r

ford, he received ordination in the church of Eng

land; yet he fubmitted to none of the regulations of

that or any other church, but became a preacher in

churches, meeting-houfes, halls, fields, in all places,.

and to all denominations, without exception. Though

little diftinguHhed for genius or learning, yet he pof.




feffed a lively Imagination, much humour, and had acquired confiderable knowledge of human nature and the manners of the world. His pretenfions to humanity and benevolence were great, yet he would fwell with venom, like a fnake, againft oppofition and contradiction. His reading was inconfiderable., " and mankind being the objecl of his ftudy, he-could, when he pleafed, raife the paffions, and touch *he tone of the human heart to great perfection. By this affefting eloquence and addrefs he impreffed on the minds of many, efpecially of the more foft and delicate fex, fuoh a ftrong fenfe of fin and guilt as often plunged them into dejedYion and defpair. As his cuftom was to frequent thofe larger cities and towns, that are commonly beft fupplied with the means >of inftruction, it would appear that the love of fa-me and po pular applaufe was his leading pafikm; yet in can dour it mutt be acknowledged, that he always difcovered a warm zeal for the honour of God and the happinefs of men. While -he was almoft worflwpped by the vulgar,.men of fuperior rank and eruditioa found him the polke gentkman, and the facetious and jocular companion. Though he loved good cheer, and frequented the houfes of the rich or more hofpitable people of America, yet he was an enemy to all manner of excefs and intemperance. While his va grant temper led him from place to place, his natu ral difcernmenl enabled him to form no bad judg ment of the characters and manners of men whereever he went. Though he appeared a friend to no eftablifhed church, yet good policy winked at all his irregularities, as he every where proved a fteady friend to monarchy and the civil cotiftitution. He



knew well how to keep up the curiofity of the mul titude, and his roving manner (lamped a kind of novelty on his inftru&ions. When expofed to the taunt? of the fcoffer, and the ridicule of the flagitious, he remained firm to his purpofe, and could even retort thefe weapons with ajloniming cafe and dexterity, and render vice abaihed under the la'fti of hi's fa-", tire and wit. Sometimes, indeed, he made little fcruple of conligning over to da'iination fuch as dif fered from him or defpifed him ; yet he was not en tirely devoid of liberality of fentiment. To habitual fmners his addrefs was for the moft part applicable and powerful, and with equal cafe could alarm the fecure, and confirm the unfteady. Though, in prayer, he commonly addreffed the fecond perfon of the Trinity in a familiar and fulfome ftyle, and in his iertnons ufed many ridiculous forms of fpeech, and told many of his own wonderful works, yet thefe feemed only fhades to fet off to greater ad vantage the luftre of his good qualities. In {hort, though it is acknowledged he had many oddities and failings, and was too much the Have of party and vain-glory, yet in juftice it cannot be denied, that religion in America owed not a little to the zeal, diligencCj and oratory, of this extraordinary man.

HAVING faid fo much with refpeft to the chara&cr

which Mr. Whitfield bore in America, if we view the

effects of his example and manner of life in that .-

country, he will appear to us in a lefs favourable

light. His great ambition was to be the founder of

a new feft, regulated entirely by popular fancy and

caprice, depending on the gifts of nature, regard-



lefs of the improvements of education and all ccclefiaftical laws and inftitutions. Accordingly, after him a fervile race of ignorant and defpicable imitators fprung up, and wandered from place to place, fpreacHng do&rines fubverfive of all public order and peace. We acknowledge the propriety and juftice of allowing every reasonable indulgence to men in mat ters of religion. The laws, of toleration being part of our happy conftitutiort, it lies with men to learn their duty from them, and c|aim protection under, them. i'Ut after a church has been erected and eftabliihed by the mod Ikilful architects, a,nd for ages received the approbation of the wifeft and beft menj it ferves only to create endlefs confufiop to b? making alterations and additions to gratify the fancy of every Gothic pretender to that art. Though Whitfield was in facl: a friend to civil government, yet his followers on that continent have been diftinguifhed for the con trary character, and have for the mod part difcovered an averfion to pur conftitution both of church and (late. Toleration to men who remain peaceable fubje&s to the ftate is reafonable; but diffention, when it grows lawlefs and headftrong, is dangerous, and fumynons men in general to take fhelter under the conftitution, that the falutary laws of our country may be exe cuted by its united ftrength. No man ought,to claim any lorcUhip over the confcience; but when the confciences of obftinate feflaries become civil nuifances, and deftruclive of public tranquillity, they ought to be retrained by legal authority. For certainly human laws, if they have not the primary, have, or ought to have, a fecqndary power to reitrain the irregular and wild exceffes of men in religious as well as in civil matters.



ABOUT the year 1752 the flames of war broke A conout among fome Indian nations, which threatened QreekiT to involve the province of Carolina in the calamity. The Creeks having quarrelled with their neighbours for permitting fome Indian&-to pafs through their coun try to wage war againft them, by way of revenge had killed fome Cherokees nigh the gates of Charlestown. A Britifh trader to the Chickefaw nation had likewife been fcalped by a party of warriors belong ing to the fame nation. Governor Glen, in order to demand fatisfadVion for thefe outrages, fent a niefiengcr to the Creeks, requefting a conference at Charlestown with their leading men. The Creeks return ed for anfwer, that they were willing to meet him;, hut as the path had not been open and fafe for fome time, they could not enter the fettlement without a guard to efcort them. Upon which the Governor jfcnt fifty hqrfcmen, who met them at the confines of their territories, and convoyed Malatchec, with above an hundred of his warriors, to Charleftown.

As they arrived on Sunday the Governor did not fummon fair, council until the day following, to hold a congrefs with them. At this meeting a number of gentlemen were prefent, whom curiofity had drawn together to fee the warriors and hear their fpeeches; When they entered the council-chamber the Gover nor arofe and took them by the hand, fignifying that he was glad to fee them, and then addrefled them to the following effect: " Being tied together by The go" the moft folemn treaties, I call you by the beloved <f names of friends and brothers. In the name of ' the great King George I have fent for you, on " bufmefs of the greateft conlequence to your na-
" tion.



" tion. I would have receiyec you yefterday on " your arrival, but it was a beloved day, dedicated 4< to repofe and the concerns of a future life. I am " forry to hear that you have taken up the hatchet, " which 1 flattered myfelf had been for ever buried. " It is my defire to have the chain brightened and " renewed, not only between you and the Englifh, " but alfo between you and other Indian nations. ** You are all our friends, and 1 could wifh that all " Indians in friendship with us were alfo friends one " with another. You have complained to me of the " Cherokees permitting the northern Indians to come " through their country to war againft you, and fup" plying them with provifions and ammunition for " that purpofe. The Cherokees, on the other hand, " alledge, that it is not in their power to prevent " them, and declare, that while their people happen " to be out hunting thofe northern Indians come in " to their towns well armed, and in fuch numbers " that they are not able to refift them.

" I PROPOSE that a treaty of friendfliip and peace K be concluded firft with the Englifh, and then with " the Cherokees, in fuch a manner as may render " it durable. Some of your people have from " fmaller crimes proceeded to greater. Firft, they " waylaid the Cherokees, and killed one of them in " in the midft of our fettkments; then they came " to Charleftown, where fome Cherokees at the " fame time happened to be, and though I caution" ed them, and they promifed to do no mifchief, yet " the next day they affaulted and murdered feveral " of them nigh the gates of this town. For thefc " outrages I have fent for you, to demand fatisfac-
" tion;

" tion ; and alfo for the murder committed in one " of your towns, for which fatisfafition was made by ** the death of another perfon, and not of the mur" derer. For the future, I acquaint you, that no" thing will be deemed -as fatisfadion for the lives of " our people, but the lives of thefe perfons themfelves " who ihall be guilty of the murder. The Englifli " never make treaties of friendfhip but with the *' greateft deliberation, and when made obferve them M with the ftridteft punctuality. They are, at the " fame time vigilant, and will not fuffer other na" tions to infringe the fmalleft article of fuch trca" ties. It would tend to the happinefs of your peo" pie, were you equally careful to watch againft the " beginnings of evil ; for fometimes a fmall fpark, " if not attended to, may kindle a great fire ; and a " flight fore, if fuffered to fpread, may endanger the u whole body. Therefore, I have fent for you to " prevent farther mifchief, and I hope you come dif" pofed to give fatisfa&ion for the outrages already " committed, and to promife and agree to maintain " peace and friendfhip with your neighbours for the future."
THIS fpeech delivered to the Indians was interpre ted by Lachlan M'Gilvray, an Indian trader, who underftood their language. After which Malatchee, the king of the Lower Creek nation, ftood forth, and with a folemnity and dignity of manner that aftonifhcd all prefent, in anfwer, addrefled the Governor to the following effect : " I never had the honour to Malat" fee the great King George, nor to hear his talk-- '* But you are in his place----I have heard yours, *f and 1 like it well--Your fentiments are agreeable



" to my own---The great King vifely judged, that

" the beft way of maintaining friendfhip between

" white and red*people was by trade and commerce:

" --He knew we are poor, and want many things^

" and that {kins are all we have to give in exchange

'* for what we want--I have ordered my people to

*' bring you fome as a prefent, and, in the name of

" our nation, I lay them at your Excellency's feet--

" You have fent for us--we are come to hear what

" you have to fay--But I did not expeft to hear our

" Whole nation accufed for the faults of a few pri-

** vate men--Our head-men neither knew nor ap-

" proved of the mifchief done--We imagined our

" young men had gone a-hunting as ufual--When

" we heard what had happened at Charleftown, I

'* knew you would fend and demand fatisfa&ion--

" When your agent came and told me what fatisfac-

" tion you required, I owned the jufticc of it--But

" it was not advifeable for me alone to grant it--It

** was prudent to^confult with our beloved men, and

** have their advice in a matter of fuch importance--

** We met--we found that the behaviour of fome of

** our people had been bad--We found that blood

" had been fpilt at your gates--We thought it juft

** that fatisfa&ion fliould be made--We turned our

" thoughts to find out the chief perfons concerned;

" (for a man will fometimcs employ another to com-

" mit a crime he does not chufe to be guilty of him-

*' felf)--We found the Acorn Whiftler was the chief

" contriver and promoter of the mifchief--We a-

greed that he was the man that ought td fufier--

* Some of his relations, who are here prefent, then

* faid he deferved death, and voted for it--Accord-

" ingly he was put to death--He was a very great


" warrior,



" warrior, and had many friends and relations in dif ferent parts of the country--We thought it prudent " to conceal for fome time the true reafon of his death, " which was known only to the head men that con" certed it--We did this for fear fome of his friends " in the heat of fury would take revenge on fome of " your traders--At a general meeting all matters " were explained--The reafons of his death were " made known--His relations approved of all that " was done.----Satisfaction being made, I fay no '*' more about that matter--I hope bur friendship " with the Englifh will continue as heretofore.

" As to the injuries done to the Cherokees, which

" you fpoke of, we are forry for them--We acknow-

" ledge our young men do many things they ought

" not to do, and very often atl like madmen--But

" it is well known I and the other head warriors did

" all we could to oblige them to make reflitution--

'*' I rode from town to town with Mr. Bofomworth

w and his wife to afiift them in this matter--Moft of

" the things taken have been reftored--When this

*' was over* another accident happened which created

" frefh troubles--A Chickefaw who lived in our na-

" tionj in a drunken fit (hot a white man--I knew

is you would demand fatisfa&ion--I thought it beft

" to give it before it was alked--The murder was

tf committed at a great dHtante from me--I mounted

" my horfe and rode through the towns with your

" agent--I took the head men of every town along

" with me--We went to the place and demanded

*' fatisfadion--It was given--The blood of the In-

" dian was fpilt for the blood of a white man--The

*' uncle of the murderer purchafed his life, and vo-

Voi. II.


* luntaril^

" luntarily killed himfelf in his Head--Now I hate " done--I am glad to fee you face to face to fettle " thofe matters--It is good to renew treaties of ". friendmip----I {ball always be glad to call you " friends and brothers."
THIS fpeech throws no ftnall light on the judicial proceedings of barbarous nations, and (hews that hu man nature in its rudefl ftate pofleffes a ftrong fenfe of right and wrong. Although Indians have little proper ty, yet here we behold their chief magiilrate protect ing what they have, and, in cafes of robbery, acknow ledging the neceffity of making reflitution. They indeed ehieflyinjure one another in their perfons or reputations, and in all cafes of murder the guilty are brought to trial and condemned to death by the general confent of the nation. Even the friends and relations of the murderer here voted for his death. But, what is more remarkable, they give us an inftance of an atone ment made, and juftice fatisfkd, by the fubftitution of an innocent man in place of the guilty. -An uncle voluntarily and generoufty offers to .die -in the place of his nephew, the favages accept of the offer, and in confequence of his death declare that fatisfacYion is made. Next to perfonal defence, the Indian guards his characler and reputation ; for as it i's only from the general opinion his nation entertains of his wifdom, juftice and valour, that he can expeft to ar rive at rank and diftincYion, he is exceedingly watch ful againfr. doing any thing for which,-he may ineur public btame or difgraee. In this a-nfwer to Governor Glen, Malatchee difeovers confiderable talents as 3 public fpeaker, and appears to be infenfible neither tcr his own dignity and freedom, nor to the honour arrd



independence of his nation. Genius and liberty are the gifts of heaven; the former is univerfal as that {pace over which it has fcope to range, the latter infptres confidence, and gives a natural confidence to pur words and actions.

DURING the month* of June, July, and Auguft,

1752, tbe weather in Carolina was warmer than any

of the inhabitants then alive had ever felt it, and the

mercury in the {hade often arofe above the nintieth,

and at one time was obferved at the hundred and firfl

degree of the thermometer; and, at the fame time,

when expofed to the fun, and fufpended at the di-

ftance of five feet from the ground, it arofe above th$

hundred and twentieth divifion. By this exceflive heat

the air becomes greatly rarified, and a violent hurri

cane commonly comes and reftores the balance ia

the atmofphere. In fuch a cafe the wind ufually

proceeds from the north-eaft, directly oppofite to

the point from which it had long blown before.

Thofe florins indeed feldom happen except in fea-

fons when there has been little thunder, when the

weather has been long exceeding dry and intolera

bly hot, and "though they occafion damages to fome

individuals, there is reafon to believe that they are

wifely ordered, and productive upon the whole of

good and falutary.effects. Among the clofe and dark

recefies of the woods the air ftagnates, and requires

fome violent ftorm to clear it of putrid effluvia, and

render it fit for refpiration. At the fame time the

earth emits vapours which in a few days caufes the

fineft polifhed metals to ruft. To penetrate through

the thick foreft, and reftore the air to a falubrious

ftate, hurricanes may be ufeful and necefTary.: And





as fuch ftorms have been obferved to be produ&ive of good effe&s, the want of them for many years together may be deemed a great misfortune by the inhabitants, efpecially fiich as are expofed to the noon-day heat, to the heavy fogs that fall everjf morning and evening, and all the feverities of the, climate.

IT is not improbable that the maritime parts of Ca rolina have been forfaken by the fea. Though you dig ever fo deep in thofe places you find no ftones or rocks, but every where fand or beds of fhells. As a fmafl decreafe of water will leave fo flat a country entirely Bare, fo a fraall increafe will again cover it. The coaft is not only very level, but the dangerous hurricanes commonly proceed from the north-eaft; and as the ftream of the Gulf of Florida flows rapidly towards the fame point, this large body of w^ter, when obftruded by the tempeft, recurs upon the fhore, and overflows the country.

A hum- IN the month of September, 1752, a dreadful cane at hurricane happened at Charleftown. In the night town. before, it was obferved by the inhabitants that the
wind at north-eaft began to blow hard, and con tinued increafing in violence till next morning. Then the iky appeared wild and cloudy, and it began to drizzle and rain. About nine o'clock the flood came rolling in with great impetuofity, and in a little time rofe ten feet above high water mark at the higheft tides. As ufual in fuch cafes, the town was overflown, and the ftreets were covered with boats, boards, and wrecks of houfes and {hips. Be fore eleven all the ihips in the harbour were driven

aftiore, and Hoops and fchooners-were dafhing againft the houfes of Bay-Street, in which great quantities of goods were damaged and deftroyed. Except the J-Iornet man of war, which by cutting away her marts, rode out the ftprm, no vefiel efcaped being damaged or wrecked. The tremor and confternation which feized the inhabitants may be more eafily conceived than exprefied. Finding themfelves in the midft of a tempeftuoiis fea, and expecting the tide to flow till one o'clock, its ufual hour, at eleven they reti red to the upper {lories of their houfes, and there re inained defpairing of life. At this critical time Pro vidence however mercifully interpofed, and furprifed them with a fudden and unexpected deliverance. Soon after eleven the wind fluffed, in confequence of which the waters fell five feet in the fpace of ten minutes. By this happy change the Gulf ftream, ftemmed by the violent blaft, had freedom $o run in its ufual courfe, and the town was faved from imminent danger and deftrucYion. Had the water continued to rife, and the tide to flow until its ufual hour, every inhabitant of Charleftown muft have perifhed. Almoft all the tiled and flared houfes were uncovered, feveral perfons were hurt, and forne were drowned. The fortifications and wharfs were almoft entirely demolimed: the provifions in the field, in the maritime parts, were deftroyed, and numbers of cattle and hogs periihed in the waters. The peft-houfe in Sullivan's ifland, built of wood, with fifteen perfons in it, was carried feveral miles up Cooper river, and nine out of the fifteen were drowned. In fhort, fuch is the low fituation of Charleftown, that it is fubjecl: to be deftroyed at any time by fuch an inundation, and the frequent
warnings 13

warnings the people have had miy juftly fill them with a deep fenfe of their dependent condition, and with conftant gratitude to Providence for their prefervation.
The ad- WE have feen the hardfhips under which the Cavantages rolineans laboured from the hot climate and low fituar foeredDerosorin tlon f "iie Pry m ceJ l l mav not iDe i mproper to taki e a the pro- view of thofe advantages afforded them which ferved to Tince< ariimate them amidft fuch difficulties to induflry and
perfeverance. In that growing colony, where there are vaft quantities of land unoccupied, the pooreft clafs of people have many opportunities and advanta ges, from which they are entirely excluded in coun tries fully peopled and highly improved. During the firft years of occupancy they are indeed expofed to many dangers in providing for themfelves and fa milies an habitation for a fhelter againft the rigours of the climate, and in clearing fields for raifing the necefiaries of life. But when they have the good fortune to furmount the hardfhips of the firft years of cultivation, the inconveniencies gradually decreafe in proportipn to their improvements. The merchants being favoured with credit from Britain, are ena bled to extend it to the fwarm of labourers in the country. The planters having eftablifhed. their cha racters for honefty and induftry, obtain hands to affift them in the harder tafks of clearing -and culti vation. Their wealth confifts in the increafe of their flaves, flock and improvements. Having abundance of wafte land, they can extend .their culture in propor tion to their capital. They live almoft entirely on the produce of their eftates, and confequently fpend but a fmall part of their annual income. The furplus is

yearly added to the capital, and they enlarge their profpe&s in proportion to their wealth and ftrength. At market if there be a great demand for the commodifies they raife, this is an additional advantage, and renders their progrefs rapid beyond their maft fanguine expectations; they labour, and they reeeiiMj more and more" encouragement to perfevere, until they advance to an eafy and comfortable ftate. It has been obferved, on the other hand, that few or tttaiie of thofe emigrants that brought much property along with them have ever fucceededin that country.
OR, if the poor emigrant be ;an artificer, atod chufes to follow his trade, the high price of labour is no lefs encouraging. By the indulgence of the mer chants, or by the fecurity" of a friend, he obtains credit for a few negroes. He kafns them his trade, and a few good tradefmen, well employed, are equal to a fmall eftate. Having got fame hands, inftead of a labourer he becomes an undertaker, and ef ters into contract "with his employerj to ereO: his houfe; to build his fhip; to furntfh his plantations %ith (hoes, or the capital -with bricks. In a little time he acquires fome money, and, like feveral -others in the city whofs yearly gain exceeds what is reqiiifitc for the fupport of themfdves and families, lays it out on intereft. Ten and eight per cent, being The adgiven for money, proved a great temptation, and in- vantages duced many, who were averfe from the trouble of fettling plantations, or were unable to beftow that attention to them which they demanded, to take this method of increafing their fortune. If the money lender followed his employment in the capital, or re* ferved in his hands a fufficieney for family ufc, a-nd



allowed the intereft to be added yearly to the capita! flock, his fortune increafed faft, and foon became; conilderable. Several perfons preferred this method of accumulating riches to that of cultivation, efpeci* ally thofe -whom age or infirmity had rendered unfit for action and fatigue.

NOTWITHSTANDING the extenfive credit common* ly allowed the planting intereft by the merchants, the number of borrowers always exceeded that of the lenders of money. Having vaft extent of territory^ the planters were eager to obtain numbers of labour ers, which raifed the demand for money, and kept up the high rate of intereft. The intereft of money iri every country is for the moft part according to the demand, and the demand according to the profits made by the ufe of it. The profits muft always be great where men can. afford to take money at the tate of eight and ten per cent, and allow it to re main in their hands upon compound intereft. Irt Carolina labourers on good laiids cleared their firft coft and charges in a few years, and therefore great was the demand for money in order to procure them*

And of LET us next take a view of thofe advantages irt

the bor- favour of the borrower of money. His landed eftate rowers. h. e ob. tai. ned. f-rom th, e C,-,rown. mI ,he qui.t-rents and

taxes were trifling and inconfiderable. Being both

landlord and farmer he had perfeft liberty to manage

and improve his plantation as he pleafed, and was

accountable to none but himfelf for any of the fruits

of his induftry. His eftate furnifhed him with game

and fifli, which he had freedom to kill and ufe at





pleafurc. In the -woods his cattle, hogs and horfes grazed at their cafe, attended perhaps only by a ne gro boy. If his fheep did not thrive well, he had, hogs and poultry in abundance for the ufe of his family. All his able labourers he could turn to the field, and exert his ftrength in railing his ftaple comrnpdity. The tow country being every where inter. fperfed with navigable rivers and creeks, the expencoof conveying his rice to the market, which otherwife would have been intolerable, was thereby rendered eafy. Having provifions from his eftate to fupport his family and labourers, he applies his whole ftaple com modities for the purpofes of anfwering the demands of the merchant and money-lender. He expe&s that Kis annual produce will not only anfwer thofe demands againft him, but alfo bring an addition to his capital, and enable him to extend his hand 1U11 farther in the way of improvement. Hence it happened, that in proportion .as the merchants extended credit to the planters, and fupplied. them with labourers for their lands, the profits returned to the capital yearly according to the increafed number of hands employ ed in cultivation.

. IT is no eafy thing to enumerate all the advantages

of water carriage to,a fruitful and commercial pro

vince. . The lands are rendered more valuable by

being fituated on navigable creeks and rivers. The

planters who live fifty miles from the capital,

,are at little more expence in fending their pro

vifions and produce to its market, than thofe who

live within five miles of it, The town is fupplied

with plenty of provifions, and its neighbourhood

prevented from enjoying a monopoly of its market,






By this general and Unlimited competition the price of provifions is kept low, and while the money an ting from them circulates equally and univerfally through the country, it contributes, in return, to its improvement. The planters have not only water car riage to the market for their ftaple commodities, but on their arrival the merchant again commits them to the general tide of commerce, and receives in re turn what the world affords profitable to himfelf, and ufeful to the country in which he lives. Hence it happened^ that no town was better fupplied than Charleftown with all the necefiaries, conveniences, and luxuries of life.

Great be- BESIDES thcfe advantages arifing from good lands nefit* e"" given them by the Crown, the Carolineans received the colo- protection to trade, a ready market, drawbacks and nifts. bounties, by their political and commercial connection
with the mother country. The duties laid on many articles of foreign manufacture on their importation into Britain were drawn back, fometimes the whole, almoft always a great part, on their exportation to the colonies. Thefe drawbacks were always in favour of the confumersj and fupplied the provincial markets with foreign goods at a rate equally cheap as if they had been immediately imported from the place where they were manufactured. Hence the colonifts were exempted from thofe heavy duties which their feHow* fubjects in Britain were obliged to pay, on moft' art tides of foreign manufacture which they confumedi Befides, upon the arrival of fuch goods in the cpun* try, the planters commonly had twelve months credit from the provincial merchant* who was fatisfied with payment once in the year from all his cuftomers. So



that to the confumers in Carolina, Eaft-India goods, German manufactures, Spanifh, Portugal, Madeira and Fyal wines came cheaper than to thofe in Great Britain. We have known coals, fait, and other ar ticles brought by way of ballaft, fold cheaper in, Charleftown than in London.

BUT the colonifts had not only thofe drawbacks on foreign goods imported, but they were alfo allow ed bounties on feveral articles of produce exported. For the encouragement of her colonies Great Britain laid high duties on feveral articles imported from foreign countries, and gave the colonifts premiums and bounties on the fame commodities. The plant ing tobacco was prohibited in England, in order to encourage it in America. The bounties on naval ftores, indigo, hemp, and raw filk, while they pro ved an encouragement to induftry, all terminated in, favour of the plantations. Nor ought the Caroline-! ans to forget the perfeft freedom they enjoyed with, refpeft to their trade with the Weft Indies, wher^ they found a convenient and moft excellent market for their Indian corn, rice, lumber, and fait provifions, and in return had rum, unclayed fugar, coffee and molaffes much cheaper than their fellow-fubjecb in Britain. I mention thefe things becaufe many of the colonifts are ignorant of the priyileges and advan.* tages they enjoy ; for, upon a general view of their circumftances, and a comparifon of their cafe with that of their fello\r-fubjets in Britain and Ireland, they muft find they had much ground for content ment, and none for complaint.

,A a 2



ANOTHER circumftance we n.ay mention to which few have paid fuffieient attention. It is true, Great Britain had laid the colonifts under fome reftraints with refpect to their domeftic manufactures and their trade to foreign ports, but however much fuch a fyftem of policy might affect the more northern colo nies, it was at this time rather ferviceable than preju dicial to Carolina. It ferved to direct the views of the people to the culture of lands, which was both more profitable to themfelves and beneficial to the mother country. Though they had plenty of beaver {kins, and a few hats were manufactured from them, yet the price of labour was fo high, that the merchant could fend the {kins to England, import hats made of them, and underfell the manufacturers of Carolina. The province alfo furnifhed fome wool and cotton, but before they could be made into cloth, they coft the confumer more money than the merchant demanded for the fame goods imported. The province afforded leather, but before it could be prepared and made in to flioes, the price was equally high, and often higher, than that of ihoes imported from Britain. In like manner, with refpect to many other articles, it woul4 be for the advantage of the province as well as mo ther country to export the raw materials and import the goods manufactured. For while the inhabitants of Carolina can employ their hands to more advan tage in cultivating wafte land, it will be their intereft never to wear a woollen or linen rag of their own manufacture, to drive a nail of their own forging, nor ufe any fort of plate, iron, brafs or ftationary wares of their own making. Until the province, fhall grow more populous, cultivation is the moft profit able employment, and the labourer injures iiimfclf

and family by preferring the lefs to the more profit able branch of induftry,
FEW alfo are the reftricYions upon trade, which, in effect, c'puld be deemed hurtful; for, excepting the vefiels which traded to the fouthward of Cape FiniJterre, and were obliged to return to England to can cel their bond before they failed for Carolina, every other reftraint may be faid to be ultimately in favour of the province. It was the intereft of fuch.a flourifliing colony to be always in debt to Great Britain, for the more labourers that were fent to it, the more ra pidly it advanced in riches. Suppofe the planters this year (land much indebted to the merchants, and, by reafon of an unfavourable feafon, are rendered unable to anfwer the demands againft them; the merchants, inftead of ruining them, indulged them for another year, and perhaps intruded them with double the fum for which they ftood indebted. This has frequently been found the moft certain method of obtaining paywent. In like manner the merchants muft have in dulgence from England, the primary fource of credit. If the province could not obtain fuch indulgence from any part of the world as from the mother country, it muft be for its intereft to fupport its credit with thofe generous friends who were both able and difpofed to give it. To lodge the yearly produce of the province in the hands of thofe Englifli creditors as foon as poffible, is the fureft means of fupporting this credit. Befides, the London merchants being the beft judges of the markets of Europe, can of courfe fell the ftaple commodities to the beft advantage. The centrical fituation of that city was favourable for intelligence j her merchants are famous over the world for their



cxtenfive knowledge in trade; taey well knew the ports where there was the greateft demand for the commodity; all which were manifeftly in favour of the province in which it was raifed. Were the planters to have the choice of their market, it is very doubt ful whether fuch liberty would be for their intereft. Were they to export their produce on their own bottom, they would certainly be great lofers. Some who have made the attempt have honeftly confefled the truth. While it divided their attention, it enga ged them in affairs to which they were in general very great ftrangers. Even the provincial merchants themfelves are not always perfect judges of the mar kets in Europe, nor could they have obtained fuch unlimited credit in any other channel than that circumfcribed by the laws of their country. Here is a co-operation of a number of perfons united for pro moting the intereft and advantage of one another, and placed in circilmftances and fituations well adap ted for that purpofe. So that, in fac% it is not for the intereft of Carolina, in its prefent advancing ftate, to be free from debt, far lefs of its planters to engage in trade, pr its inhabitants in manufactures.

To form a right judgment of the progrefs of the . province, 3nd the mutual advantages refulting from of the ' ts political and commercial connection with Britain, province, we need only attend to its annual imports and ex
ports. We cannot exaftly fay what its imports amounted to at this time; but if they amounted to above one hundred and fifty thoufand pounds fterling in the year 1740, as we have already feen, they muft have arifen at leaft to two hundred thoufand pounds flerling in 1754. The quantities of rice exported



this year were 104,682 barrels j of indigo, 216,924 pounds weight, which, together with naval ftores, provifions, {kins, lumber, &c. amounted in value to two hundred and forty-two thoufand, five hundred and twenty-nine pounds fterling. This ihews the great value and importance of the province to Britain. And while fhe depends on the mother country for all the manufactures fhe ufes, and applies her attention to fuch branches of bufinefs as are mod profitable to herfelf and moft beneficial to Britain, Carolina muft in the nature of things profper. Without this dependence, and mutual exchange of good, offices, the colony might have fubfifted, but could never have thrived and fiouriflied in fo rapid a manner.


C '93 2


ALTHOUGH the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle ex tended to the fubjects of both Britain and

France refiding in America, yet the boundaries of

the refpective territories claimed by thofe rival ftates

were by no means fixed in fo clear and precife a

manner as to preclude all grounds of future difpute. A difput*

The limits of Nova Scotia in particular, and thofe of about the


limits ofr

the extenfive back fettlements of Virginia and Penn- Britiftiand

fylvania, were neither clearly underilood nor aceu- Frenc^ rateliy mar.ked,. ITn conl.equence orr \v.m. c.hj as th. e rte;

colonifls extended their culture backwards encroach

ments were made, or fuppofed to be made, which

Created jealoufies and differences between the Britifh

and French fubjefts on that continent. Some mer

chants trading to Virginia and Pennfylvania having

formed a project for a fettlefnent on the Ohio, ob

tained a grant of fix hundred thoufand acres of land

from the King, together with an exclufive privilege

of trafficking with Indian nations nigh that river.

To thefe territories the French claimed a right; and,

to keep poffeffion, as well as to engrofs the Indian

trade, built a fort on the banks of the Ohio river^

which they called Fort Duquefne. This fituation was

Very convenient for preferving the frienduYip of Indiart

nations, an object of the utmoft importance to the

French, as the fubjects of Britain in America were at

that time vaflly more numerous and powerful than

thofe of France.






TOBACCO being a plant which quickly exhaufts the richeft lands, the planters of Virginia were accuftomed gradually to flretch backward, and occupy fuch frefli fpots of ground as prbmifed them the greateft returns. Some had even croffed the Allegany mountains, where they found rich vallies lying wafte, upon which they fettled plantations; and though the land-carriage of fuch a heavy and bulky commodity was expenfive, yet they found that the fuperiority of their crops made them fome compenfation. To this territory beyond the moun tains, as well as the other marked and meafured out for the Ohio Company, the French laid claim, and fent a confiderable garrifon from Montreal to Fort Duquefne, to defend their pretended right. The com mander in chief of Canada wrote a letter to the Go vernor of Virginia, complaining of encroachments made on his moft Chriftian Majefty's territories, arid demanding that fuch Britifh: planters and traders as had fettled on thofe lands fhould withdraw, otherwife he would be obliged to feize both their properties and perfons. No regard being paid to his complaints, the commandant of Fort Duquefee feized by force three Britifh traders, and goods to a large amount, and car ried them to Montreal. Upon which the Governor of Virginia determined to refent the injury, atid im mediately began to concert meafures for the protection of the frontiers. He raifed a body of militia, and fent them over the mountains to watch the motions of their troublefome neighbours, and obtained re inforcements from North and South Carolina" to affift them againil the French garrifon. This detachnient, under the command of Major Wamingron, encamped near Fort Du-quefne, between whom and the French garrifon hoftilities commenced in Ame



VICE ; and the flame of war afterwards fpreading, in volved Europe in the quarrel.

FROM this period the great object which the French

kept in view was to ftrengthen their frontiers, and

make all poffible preparations for defending themfelves

againft the ftorm which they forefaw gathering in A-

merica. Though they feemed averfe from an open de- A chain

claration of war, yet they continued pouring troops ^./.rts

into the continent, and raifing a line of forts to fecure by the

a communication between their colony at the mouth French,

of the Miffiffippi and their great fettlement in Cana

da. They amufed the Britifli adminiftration with

fruitlefs negotiations about the limits of Nova Scotia,

while they were bufily employed in the execution of

this great plan. Their defign, however, was no fe-

cret to the more difcerning part of the Americans,

who plainly perceived from fueh preparations that

hoftilitics were approaching. In Acadia they erect

ed a fort at Chineclo, to confine the Britifli fub*

jefts of Nova Scotia within the peninfula. At Crown

Point another was raifed, on lands claimed by the

King of Great Britain, well fituated for haraffing the

back fettlements of New York and Connecticut,

Another was built at Niagara, on land belonging to

the Six Nations in alliance with Britain. While the

Canadians were falling down the Ohio river, and

raifing ftrong-holds, the forces at Penfacola and New

Orleans \vere alfo forcing their way up the Miffiilippi,

and eftablifhing garrifons on the moft advantage

ous pofts, on purpofe to meet their friends from Ca-*

nada, and confine the Britifli fettlements to the fpace

between the mountains and the Atlantic fea. The

more eafily to. accomplim this great defign, it was

Bb 2




neceffary to fecure by all poffible means the intereft of the favage nations. For this purpofe miffionaries were fent among the different tribes, who conformed to the drefs, manners and cuftoms of the favages, and reprefented the Britifli heretics in the moft odious light, making the Indians believe that their fafety and happinefs depended on the total extirpation of fueh men from America. Though fome tribes rejected their friendfhip, yet it is certain that many were won over by their infinuating arts and intrigues, and enter ed into alliances with them. When a general congrefs was held at Albany fewer Indians than ufual at fuch meetings attended, which afforded grounds of fufpicion, and obliged the governors of the Britifli colo nies to double their diligence for watching the mo tions of their enterprifing neighbours.

The dif- AT the fame time the fituation of fome of the ftate^f Britifh colonies proved favourable to the hoftile prethe Brf- parations and attempts of their enemies. Their clafhti(h colo ing interefts had brec jealoufies and animofities among
them5 infomuch th/u it was no eafy matter to bring them firmly to vnitt, in order to oppofe a common enemy with vigour -n4 d fnirit. They believed them* felves unable, to withftanu t*ie militia of Canada fupported by fome regimen s of regular troops from France, and therefore in the moft humble manner implored the protection o. Britain. They were filled with terrible apprehenfior.s of the French power, de claring that their vani.y and ambition had nothing lefs in view at this penod than to divide the weftern world with Spain, and make all its riches center in the houfe of Bourbon. But whether they had fuch a view or not, one thing is plain, that the, rcdueTion



of the Britifh empire in America would facilitate the accomplifhment of fuch a deiign, as the Portuguefe dominions muft afterwards fall an cafy prey to thofc two powerful potentates.

THOUGH Great Britain was fenlible of the danger which threatened her colonies, yet as the number of Britifh fettlers on the continent exceeded that of the French, being not lefs than twenty to one, fhe expected that they would unite among themfelves, and raife a fund forthe common defence. Hitherto fhe had nurfed and protected them, and many of the colonies had ar rived at a confiderable degree of opulence and ftrength. They had the ealiefl taxes of any civilized people upon earth. They had enjoyed many civil privileges, and commercial advantages, from their connexion with the mother country. As their refources were confiderablej it was hoped their zeal would not be wanting for their own defence. To.give a check to any en croachments of the French in that quarter, Great Britain was more remotely, America herfelf more immediately, concerned. Inflru&ions were there fore fent to the governors of the different provinces, to recommend unanimity to the people, and the neceffity of an afibeiation for their mutual defence. But when the raifing of men and money was prapofed to fhe aflemblies they fell into difputes among themfelves, which became more violent in pro portion as the enemy approached their habitations. Some pleaded extraordinary privileges from their charters; others ftarted frivolous and abfurd objec tions, infilling on punctilios as pretences for delay. In fhort, fo different. were their conflitutions and farms of government, fo divided were they in their-



views and interefts, that it was found impoffible to unite them together, in order to give their force its due weight. The frontiers were naked and exten. five, the inhabitants upon them were thin and fcattered, and utterly unequal to the fervice requifite without the affiftance of their neighbours. The flames of war had broke out on fome of them, and the neighbouring provinces could no otherwife be fafe (than by ftretching forth their hands in helping to extinguim them. Thus, while the French were .a&ing in concert under one commander and chief, the Britifh colonifts were fpending that time in barren deliberations and private difputes which they ought to have employed in fortifying their borders and checking the progrefs of their enemy. What was in facYthe bufinefs of every man feemed to engage the attention of none, and all kept their eyes fixed on the mother country for protection, regarding themfelves as difintercfted in the general fafety of the .empire, and very unequal to their own defence.

WHILE thus one province, refufed help to another, Great Britain, notwithstanding the extenfive domi nions flie had to guard in different quarters of the globe, generoufly undertook the protedion of America. As the greateft dangers feemed to hang over the pro vince of Virginia, General Braddock was ferit out with a confiderable body of men to affift the Virgi nians in driving the French from their frontiers. This haughty and ram leader, being poffefled of confider4ble fldll in the European arts of war, entertained a fove,reign pontempt for an American enemy, and advanced againft Fort Duquefne without even the Onalleft dqubt of fuccefs. However, the French had



intelligence of his approach, and were prepared to re ceive him, Having collected a large body of Indians, they had taken poifeffion of an advantageous ground, and placed the regulars on a riling hill in front, and the favages in the dar.k woods on-each fide. General Braddock, inftead of keeping fmall parties before the main body, to fcour the woods as he advanced, and explore every dangerous pafs, matched his men, ao cording to the cuftom in Europe, in a clofe compared body, and unfortunately fell into the fnare which his enemies had laid for him. The French regulars in the front began the attack from behind a breafbwofk, while the Indians kept up an irregular and fcattered fire from the dark thickets on each fide, which furprized and con founded the Britifli foldiers, who were utter ftrangers to fuch methods of attack. Almoft every fhot took General effect, and the brave men obferving their neighbours pBorcakd's falling by their fide, were put mto-confufion and fled, defeat in j refufing to return to the charge againft invifible aflaiU Virginia> ants, notwithstanding every effort ufed by the officers for that purpofe; Braddock with many brave officers and men fell in this field, and the remainder retreat ed with precipitation to Philadelphia, leaving thefc frontiers in a worfe condition than they were in be-,fore.

COLONEL johnfton, who marched with about three thoufand men againft Crown Point, was indeed more fuccefsful than this ram commander in Virginia. Being'better acquainted with the woods, and the vari ous methods of attack, he could-both avail himfelf of the advantages, and guard againft the dangers arifing from the nature of the country. \5ftth cautious ftcps he advanced againft the enemy, until he jreach-



ed Lake George, where a paiiy of his advanced guard being attacked retreated to the main body. The French purfued them, and a bloody battle enfued between the two armies, equally {killed in bjafli-fighting, which terminated much to the hoColonel riour of the Britifli officer. The enemy was repulfed fton"s" Wltk confiderable lofs, leaving Baron de Diefcaii fuccefsat wounded in the field, who, with many -others, fell-. ^ke into Johnfton's hands, and were made prifoners of war. This fmall advantage gained over the French ferved in fome meafure to revive the drooping fpirits of the colonifls; yet ftill they entertained the moft difcouraging apprehenfions of the French power in the woods, and feemed ardently to long for the relief and rafliftance of the mother country.

WHILE thefe hoftilities were openly carrying on in.

the northern parts of America, it was judged prudent

to confult the fafety of the provinces to the fouth,

and put them in the beft pofture of defence. To

prevent the fatal influence of French emiflaries among

the Indian tribes, it was thought neceflary to build

fbme fmall forts in the heart of their country. The

Indians on the Ohio river, from the fuccefs which

attended their arms at Fort Duquefne, entertained the

higheft ideas of French courage and conduct, and

were trying to feduce the Cherokees, who were at

this time the firmeft allies of Britain. A meflage

was lent to Governor Glen from the chief warrior of

the over-hill fettlements, acquainting him that fomc

Frenchmen and their allies were among their people,

endeavouring to poifon their minds, and that it would

be neceflary to hold a general congrefs with the na

tion, and r?ne\v their former treaties of friendibip>





He aflured the Governor, that though he had been wounded in his younger years, and was now old, yet be would meet him half way for this purpofe, if he fliould even be carried on the backs of his people. Accordingly, Governor Glen appointed a place for holding a congrefs, and agreed to meet the warrior; for as the clouds were gathering every where on the American horizon, the friendfhip of the Cherokees at fuch a time was an object of too much importance to Carolina to be overlooked or neglected.

It may be remarked, that the Cherokees differ

in fome refpefts from other Indian nations that have

"wandered often from place to place, a"nd fixed their

habitations on feparate diftrifts. From time immemo

rial they have had pofleffion of the fame territory which,

at prefent they occupy. They affirm, that their fore

fathers fprung from that ground^ or defended from.

the clouds upon thofe hills. Thefe lands of their

anceftors they value above all things in the world.

They venerate the places where their bones lie inter

red, and efteeih it difgraceful in the higheft degree to

relinquifh thefe facred repofitories. The man that

would refufe to take the field in defence of thefe he

reditary poflefflons, is regarded by them as a cow

ard, and treated as an outcaft front their nation.

To the over-hill villages the French had an eafy ac-

cefs by means of rivers that emptied themfelves in

to the Ohio and Miffiffippi. Their middle fettle-

ments and towns in the valley lay more convenient

for trading with the Carolineans. Hitherto they

defpifed the French, whom they called light as

a feather, fickle as the wind, and deceitful as fer-

pents.; and, being naturally of a irery grave caft, they




confidered the levity of that people as an unpardonable infult. They looked upon themfelves as a great and powerful nation, and though their number was much diminimed, yet they could bring from their diffe rent towns about three thoufand men to the field. At this time they had neither arms nor ammunition to defend themfelves again/I their enemy, and the Governor of Carolina wanted liberty to build two forts on their lands, in order to fecure their friendihip and trade. As the French were tampering with them, and had (hewn a keennefs more than common to gain fome footing with them, it behoved the pro-, vince to exert itfelf, in order to prevent if poffible any alliance with its enemies.
Governor ACCORDINGLY, in 1755, Governor Glen met the Glen Cherokee warriors in their own country, with a view con* refe to Purcnafe fotrie lands from them; and, after the with the ufual ceremonies previous to fuch folemn treaties Chero- were over, the Governor fat down under a fpreading
tree, and Chulochcullah being chofen fpeaker for the Cherokee nation, came and took his feat befide him. The other warriors, about five hundred in number, flood around them in folemn filence and deep atten tion. Then the Governor arofe, and made a fpeech in name of his king, reprefenting his great power, wealth and goodnefs, and his particular regard for his children the Cherokees. He reminded them of the happinefs they had long enjoyed by living under his protection 5 and added, that he had many prefents to make them, and expecled they would furrender a (hare of their territories in return for them. He acquainted them of the great poverty and wicked defigns of the French, and hoped they -would permit



sione of them to enter their towns. He demanded lands to build two forts in their country, to protect., them againft their enemies, and to be a retreat to their friends and allies, who furnimed them with. arms, ammunition, hatchets, clothes, and everything that they wanted.

WHEN the Governor had finiflied his fpeech,

Chulocheullah arofe, and holding his bow in one

hand4 his fhaft of arrows and other fymbols ufed by

them on fuch occafions in the other, in anfwer fpoke;

to the following effeft. " What I now fpeak our

' father the great king fhould hear--We are bro-:

" thers to the people of Carolina--one houfe covers

" us all." Then taking a boy by the hand he pre-

fented him to the Governor, faying, " We, our

" wives and our children, are all children of the

" great King George--I have brought this child,

" that when he grows up he may remember our

" agreement on this day, and tell it to the next ge

" neration, that it may be known for ever." Theri

opening his bag of earth, and laying the fame at the

Governor's feet, he faid, " We freely furrendef

" a part of our lands to the great King--The

" French want our pofFeffionS} but we will defend

" them while one of our nation {hall remain alive."

Then mewing his bows and arrows, he added,

" Thefe are all the arms we can make for our de

" fence--We hope the King will pity his children

" the Cherokees, and fend us guns and ammuni-

" tion--We fear not the French--Give us arma and

" we will go to war againft the enemies of the great

" King." Then delivering the Governor a firing of

Cc 2




wampum in confirmation of he had faid, lie
added, " My fpeech is at an end--It is the voice
" of the Gherokee nation---I hope the Governor " will fend it to the King, that it may be kept for " ever."

AT this congrefs a territory of prodigious extent And pur- was ceded and furrendered to the King. Deeds of conchafes a veyance were drawn up, and formally executed bytheiitrail of nead men in name of the whole people. It contained hnd frorn not only much rich land, but there the air was more them" ferene, and the climate more healthy, than in the ma
ritime parts. It exhibited many pleafant and roman tic fcenes, formed by an intermixture of beautiful hills, fruitful tallies, rugged rocks, clear firearm, and gentle water-falls. The hills were of a ftiff and tenacious clay, but the vallies of a deep, fat mould, and were covered with perpetual verdure. The acquifuion at that time was fo far, of importance to Carolina, as it removed the favages at a greater diftance from the fettlements, and allowed the inhabi tants liberty to extend backwards, in proportion as their number increafed.


SOON after the ceflion of thefe lands, Governor,

built in Qjcn ku-jt a fort about three hundred miles from

of Caro- Charleftown, afterwards called Fort Prince George,

lina. which was fituated on the banks of the river Savan

na, and within gun-mot of an Indian town called

Keowee. This fort was made in the form of a

fquare, and had an earthen rampart about fix feet high,

on which ftockades were fixed, with a ditch, a na

tural glacis on two fides, and baftions at the angles,,


S O 15 T H C A R O L I N A.


on each of which four fmall cannon were mounted* It contained barracks for an hundred men, and was defigned for a defence to the weftern frontiers of the province. About an hundred and feventy miles fur ther down there was another flrong-hold, called Fort Moore, in a beautiful commanding fituation on the banks of the fame river. In the year following ano ther fort was credited, called Fort Loudon, among the Upper Cherokees, fituated on Tenaflee river, upwards of five hundred miles diftant from Charlestown; to which place it was very difficult at all times, but, in cafe of a war with the Gherokees, utterly im practicable to convey neceffary fupplies. Thefe ftrongholds, together with thofe of Frederica and Augufta in Georgia, were garrifoned by his Majefty's indepen dent companies of foot, ftatipned there for the pro tection of the two provinces.

having fortified thefe frontiers, the fcttlers of Carolina began to ftretch backward, and occupied lands above an hundred and fifty miles from the more. New emigrants from Ireland, Germany and the nor thern colonies obtained grants in thefe interior parts, and introduced the cultivation of wheat, hemp, flax and tobacco, for which the foil anfwered better there than in the low lands nearer the fea. The cattle, fheep, hogs and horfes multiplied faft, and having a country of vaft extent to range over, they found plenty of provifions in it through the whole year. From different parts new fettlers were invited to thofe hilly and more healthy parts of Carolina, where they laboured with greater fafety than among the fwamps, and fuccefs crowned their induftry. By degrees public roads were ffiade, and they conveyed their produce in waggons



to the capital, where they found a i excellent mar ket for all their productions, but efpecially the provifions which they raifed.

ALTHOUGH the foil and climate of the province fuited the fineft fruits and vegetable productions, yet the garden had long been neglected, and the orchard had engaged the attention only of a few. The people of Bermuda, not many years ago, carried to the market in Charleftown cabbages raifed on that ifland, and the northern colonies their ap. pies and Iri(h potatoes. But now the Carolineans found, by chufing a fpot of land with judgment for the garden, that it would furnifh them with all neceffaries of this kind. Every fpring and au tumn brought them a crop of European peas and knt'fhiits k eans - Mufk and water melons thrive exceedingand ly well even on the fandy maritime iflands, and plants. arrive at a degree of perfedion unknown in many parts of Europe. All kinds of fallad, fuch as let tuce, endive,, creffes, parfley, radifhes, unions, will grow there in all feafons of the yea_r, excepting one, and as nature has denied the people this kind of nourishment during the fummer months, it is probable it muft on that account be unvvholefome. The garden alfo yielded abundance of cabbages, brocoli, cauliflower, turnips, fpinage, cucumbers, fquafhes, artichokes, pompions, afparagus, 6v. in great perfeclion. The climate indeed refufes the people of Carolina currants and goofeberries, as every attempt to raife them has failed ; -but- they have oranges, figs, peaches, apricots, neftarines and ftrawberries-in plenty, which are exceedingly agreeable and'refreming in the fummer feafon. Olives, grape's, cherries, citrons and



plumbs will grow, though not cultivated in common; but apples, pears, pomegranates, chefnuts and wal nuts are, or at leaft may be, raifed in abundance, JMany phyfical roots and herbs, fuch as China-root, fnake-rbot, fafiafras, are the fpontaneous growth of the woods; and fage, balm and rofemary thrive well in the gardens. The planters diftil brandy of an inferior quality from peaches ; and gather berries from the myrtle buflies of which they make excellent candles. The woods will alfo fupply them with a va riety of cherries, mulberries, vyild grapes and nuts. In fhort, nature hath denied the diligent and fldlful planter few of the moft ufeful vegetables, and many delicious fruits grow to a degree of perfection, ex ceeded by no country in Europe.

AT the fame time it muft be acknowledged, that fonie difadvantages attend, the climate with refpeft to the vegetable kingdom. European grapes have been tranfplanted, and feveral attempts made to raife wine in Carolina; but fo overlhaded are the vines planted in.the woods, and fo foggy is the feafon of the year when they begin to ripen, that they feldom come to maturity. But as excellent .grapes have been raifed in. gardens where they are expofed to the fun, we are apt to believe that proper methods have not been taken for encouraging that branch of agriculture, confidering its great importance in a national view. Some tolerable wine has been made from the native vines, which do not ripen fo early in the feafon as tliofe tranfplanted from Europe; and perhaps in fome future day, when the planters have acquired greater {kill, and made trials of different foils and fituationsj the vineyard culture

may fucceed better than it has yet Jone, and turn to fome national account, like other profitable articles of American hufbandry.

IN fome feafons the cold blaft from the north-weft proves very deftrucYive to the orange, the elite and peach treesi In mild winters the trees bloffom early; fometimes by the beginning of February, often be fore the middle of it. After the juices begin to rife, fliould the north weft wind bring a cold frofty night, it commonly -kills every tender {hoot. Governor Glen makes mention of a frolt which happened on the 7th of February, 1747, which killed almoft all the orange trees in the country. The trees being ready to bloflbm about the time the froft came, it burft all their veflels, infomuch that not only the bark, but even the bodies of many of them were fplit, and all on the fide next the fun. Such blafts are incredibly fharp and piercing. The Governor fays he found feveral birds frozen to death near his houfe. We cannot vouch for the truth of this affert'ron, but we know no climate where the cold is more feverely felt by the human body;

WITH refpecl: to the mineral kingdom we ma^

fay, who can tell what rich mines lie hid in Carolina,

when no perfon has fought for them ? If it be true

that mountainous countries are favourable to mines,,

it may be pfefmned that this province, in which

there are many extenfive and high mountains, is not

without its hidden treafures, no more than the other

parts of the continent. Permfylvania hath already

exhibited to the world fome ufeful minerals, and Ca

rolina in time will probably do the fame. But while





the furface of the earth yields abundance of vegeta ble productions for the ufe of the inhabitants, and a plentiful livelihood can be obtained by ealier means than that of digging into its bowels, it can fcarc,ely be expe&ed that they will apply themfelveg to deep and uncertain refearches. It remains for a more po pulous and improved ftate, when ingenious me-n will probably attempt to explore thofe fubterranean rich es, which as yet lie neglefled. Mineral water has been found in feveral-parts, and fuch fprings will help both, to lead men to the important difcovery, and ani mate them with the hopes of fiiccefs.

THE .province of Georgia, with refpect to improve ment, ftill remained little better than a wildernefs, and the vaft expence it had coft the mother country might perhaps have been laid out to greater advantage in other parts of the continent. In the government of that colony John Ellis, a .Fellow of the Royal So ciety, fucceeded Captain John Reynolds. The rich fwamps on the fides of the rivers lay uncultivated; and the planters had not yet found their way into the inte rior parts of the country, where the lands not only exceeded thofe. in the maritime parts in fertility, but where the climate was alfo more healthy and pleafant. Excepting vagabonds and fraudulent debtors, who fled to them from Carolina, few of the Georgians had any negroes to affift them in cultivation; fo that, in 1756, the whole exports of the .country were 2997 barrels of rice, 9335 Ib. of indigo, 268 lib, of raw filk, which, together with Ikins, furs, lumber and provifions amounted only to 16,776 pounds fterling.

. II.

J) d




ALTHOUGH the hoflilities which had commenced between Great Britain and France flill continued, yet both potentates remained averfe from an open decla ration of war. William Lyttleton, now Lord Weftcot, being appointed governor of South Carolina, in his way through the Bay of Bifcay, was intercepted by a French fquadron under the command of Count de Guay, and carried into France; but an order from the French court came to releafe the fhip, and permit the Governor to return to England. The Britifh com* manders at fea indeed had orders to feize all French mips and bring them into port, yet as fome hopes of an accommodation ftill remained, the crews were on ly confined, and the cargoes remained entire. But fo foon as the news of the bare-faced invafions of our dominions in the Mediterranean, joined with the many encroachments in America, had reached the Britifh court, all profpe&s of an accommodation vanifhed at once, and war was publicly declared againft France on the i;th of May, 1756.

BFORE the end of that year William Pitt, who had long been diftinguimed in the Houfe of Commons for a bold and powerful orator, was called to the helm, and to his uncommon popularity added the whole influence of adminiftration. After his prefer ment fuch bold plans of operation were introduced, to the council, as were calculated at once to rouae the Britifh nation and to alarm her enemies. The city of London, having the greateft confidence in the fpirit and abilities of the minifter, poured in its treafures to his affiitance, and fo great were his rcfources, that-his fchemes, however vaft, never failed for want of money. From this period vigour and



decifion attended almoft every -warlike enterprize; a martial fpirit pervaded the navy and army, and every officer feemed emulous of difthicYion and glo ry in the fervice of his country. This new minifter gave the enemy fo much employment, that for the future they had fcarce time to breathe, and extended the powerful arm of Britain from the centre -to the extremities of the empire.

IN America Jotm Earl of Loudon had been pointed commander in chief; but fuch was the ftate of aiFairs on that continent, that ail he could do was not fufficient to prevent the encroachments of the enemy. So difunited were the provincials, and fo dif ferent were their principles, views and interefts, that each colorty feemed concerned only for its own de fence, and determined to act independent of it&neighr hour ; while the French were firmly united under one commander in chief, the Governor of Canada. Lord Loudon plainly faw that nothing remained for him to atchieve, ancl therefore pitched his camp at Albany, and there determined to continue with his I little army on the defenfive, until a reinforcement I fhould arrive from Britain. The French ftill wore the laurel, and triumphed in the foreft, having every poffible advantage their heart could defire from the divided ftate of Britifh America.

BUT although the campaign under Lord Loudon

was opened under many difadvantages, this gallant

officer was not idle during the year. Having made

himfelf mafter of the ftate of affairs on the continent,

he perceived that the French, though united and ftrong,

were neverthelcfs vulnerable, and drew up a plan of

D d .'2




operations for the enfuing campaign, which he tranfmitted to the minifter in Britain. Immediately preparations were made for carrying it into execution. It had been propofed to raife fome regiments in America, but the levies went on flowly. As many of the colonifts fit for fervice were foreigners, and only underftood their native language, it was thought proper to allow them foreign officers to command them upon their taking the oaths to government, which contributed not a lit tle to the more fpeedy completion of the Royal Atnencan regiments.

EARLY in the year following a confiderable reinforce-

tifhforces nient from Britain arrived at New York. The Indians

augment- in alliance with us were furnimed with arms, and en-


couraged to join the army. Among the Britifh forces

fent out there was a regiment of Highlanders, who

were in many refpefts well qualified for the fervice. It

is impoffible to defcribe how much the favages were

delighted with the drefs, manners and mafic of this

regiment. Their fprightly manner of dancing, their

dexterity in the ufe of arms, arid natural vivacity and

intrepidity, the favages greatly admired, and expreffed

a ftrong inclination for attending the Scotch warriors

to the field. To prevent them from joining the ene

my it was not only neceffity to employ thofe warriors,

but it was thought they might be rendered ufeful for

fcouring the dark thickets before the regular army.

Lieutenant Kennedy, to encourage them, entered in<-

to their humour, and, in order to head them, dreffed

and painted himfelf like an Indian. They gave him

a fquaw, and the nation to which {he belonged having

made him a king, no fmall fervice was expected from

the new alliance.



WHEN General Abercrombie fucceded Lord Loudon as commander in chief in America, the Britifh force being considerably augmented, bolder enterprifes were undertaken. It was agreed to attack the French fettlements in different places. Though this commander met with a fharp repulfe at Ticonderago, the French paid dear for this advantage by the lofs Thelrfirft of Cape Breton, which opened the way into Canada;. Fort Frontenac next furrendered to Colonel Bradftreet, in which were found vaft quantities of provifion and ammunition, that had been deiigned for the French forces on the Ohio. The great lofs fuftained by the enemy at this place facilitated the reduction of Fort Duquefne, againft which General Forbes was advancing with great vigilance and confiderable force. This fortrefs the enemy, after a few fkirmimes, deter mined to abandon; and having burnt their houfes, and destroyed their works, fell down the Ohio river in boats to their ftrong-holds ereSed beyond the Cherokee mountains. No fooner was the Britifh flag erefted on Fort Duquefne, than the numerous tribes of Indians came in and made their fubmiffion ; and, from a conviction of the fuperior valour and ftrength of the Brkiih army, joined tbe conquerors. Although the enemy loft few men at this place, yet their power in America received a heavy ftroke by the divifion of their force which the lofs of it occafioned. All com munication between their fettlements on the fouth parts and thofe of Canada being cut off, they could no longer act in concert, and their future exertions were rendered more feeble and ineffectual.

HOWEVER, the flight of this French garrifon to

the fouth promifed little good to Carolina. The



*t 4


fcene of acYion was changed only from one place to another, and the baleful influence of thofe ac tive and enterprifing enemies foon appeared among the upper tribes of Cherokees. An unfortunate quarrel with the Virginians helped to forward their defigns, by opening to them an eafier accefs in to the towns of the favages. In the different expe ditions againft Fort Duquefne, the Cherokees, agreeable to treaty, had fent confiderable parties of warriors to the afMance of the Britilh army. As the horfes in thofe parts run wild in the woods, it was cuftomary, both among Indians and white people on the frontiers, to lay hold on them and appropriate Thecaufe them to their own purpofes. While the favages were of the returning home through the back parts of Virginia, ero ee many of t{jern having, loft their horfes, laid hold of fuch as came in their way, never imagining that they belonged to any individual in the province. The Vir ginians however, inftead of aflerting their right in a legal way, refented the injury by force of arms, and killed twelve or fourteen of the unfufpicious warriors, and took feveral more prifoners. The Cherokees, witli reafon, were highly provoked at fuch ungrateful ufage from allies, whofe frontiers they had helped to change from a field of blood into peaceful habitations, and when they came home told what had happened to their nation. The flame foon fpread through the upper towns, and thofe who had loft their, friends and rela tions were implacable, and breathed nothing but fury and vengeance againft fuch perfidious friends. In vain did the chieftains interpofe their authority, nothing could reftrain the furious fpirits of the young men, who were determined to take fatisfa&ioti for the lofs of their relations. The emiflaries of France among



them added fuel to the flame, by telling them-that the Englifh intended to kill every man of them, and make flaves of their wives and children. They miti gated them to bloodfhedj and for that purpofe furnifhed them with arms and ammunition. The fcattered families on the frontiers of Carolina lay much expofed to fcalping parties of thefe favages, who com monly make no diftinftion of age or fex, but pour their vengeance indifcriminately on the innocent and guilty.

THE garrifon of Fort Loudon, confiding of about two hundred men, under the command of Captains Demere and Stuart, firfl difcovered the ill humour in which the Cherokee warriors returned from the northern expedition. The foldiers, as ufua), making excurfions into the woods, to hunt for frefh provifions, were attacked by them, and fome of them were killed. From this time fuch dangers threatened the garrifon, that every one was confined within the fmall boundaries of the fort. All communication with the diftant fettlement from which they received fupplies being cut off, and the foldiers being but poorly pro vided, had no other profpe&s left but thofe of famine or death. Parties of young Indians took the field, and, rufhing down among the fettlements, mur dered and fcalped a number of people on the fron tiers.

THE commanding officer at Fort Prince George Governor having received intelligence of thofe ads of hostility, Lyttleton difpatched a meflenger to Charleflown to inform j^^-ch Governor Lyttleton that the Cherokees were gone againft to war, and that it would be neceflary fpeedily to them-



\vafrt the people of their danger. In confequence of which orders were given to the commanders of the militia immediately to collect their men, and.ftand in a pofture of defence, while the Governor was mak ing preparations in Charleftown for marching againft them, in order to give a fpeedy check to their progrefs. Parties of the independent companies were brought to Charleftown for this purpofe. The militia of the country had orders to rendezvous at Congarees, where the Governor, with fuch a force as he could procure from the lower parts, refolved to join them, and march to the relief of the frontier fettlements.

TheChe- No fooner had the Chefokees heard of thefe war-

rfookrpeeeasfcuee. tfh,ifeei. r pcr.hei.p'eafsratf-ieotnsouatt fC;.ohratrh,leafttopwl.ance,*thi.nanorthd,ierrty-totw>foettolief

all differences, and prevent if poffible a war with the

Carolineans. For although they could not reftrairt

feme of their young men from afts of violence, yet

the nation in general was ftill inclined to friendfhip

and peace. As they arrived at Charleftown before

the Governor had fet out on the intended expedition,

a council was called, and the chiefs being fent for,

Mr. Lyttleton, among other things, told them,

" That he was well acquainted with all the aclts of

hoftility of which their people had been guilty, and

likewife thofe they intended againft the Englifh, and

enumerated fome of them ; then he added, That Be

would foon be in their country, where he would let .

them know his demands, arid the fatisfacYion he re

quired, which he would certainly take if they refu-

fed it. As they had come to Gharleftown to treat

with him as friends, they fhould go home in fafety,

and not a hair of their head fhould be touched; but





as he had many warriors in arms in different parts of the province, he could not be anfwerable for what might happen to them imlefs they marched along with his ar-my." After this fpeech Occonoftota, who was diftinguifhed by the name of the Great "Warrior of the Cherokee nation, began to fpeak by way of reply; but the Governor being determined that no thing fliould prevent his military expedition, declared, he would hear no talk he had to make, neither in vin dication of his nation, nor any propofals with regard to peace.' Lieutenant-Governor Bull, who was bet ter acquainted with the manners of Indians, and the dangers to which the province would be expofed from a war with them, urged the neceffity of hearing the Great Warrior, and the happy confequences of an agreement before more blood was fpilu But Mr. Lyttleton remained inflexible, and put an end to the conference; with which behaviour the chiefs, how ever, were not a little difpleafed. For as they had travelled fo far to obtain peace, and, after all, to be not only denied liberty to fpeak, but alfo to be difappointed with refpel to the chief end of their journey, chagrined them much, and created many uneafy fears and fufpicions.

A F E.W days after holding this conference with the Governor

chieftains the governor fet out for Conearees, the place Lyttjeto orr generalt rendjezvous tror thi e mi-il-iti a, andj aLbout one amgaaricnhfter

hundred and forty miles diftant from Charlellown, t^

where he muftered in all about one thoufand four

hundred men. To this place the Cherpkees march-.

ed along with the army, and were to appearance

contented, but in reality burning with fury and refent-

meht. When the army moved from the Congarees,

the chieftains, very unexpectedly, were all made prifon-




ers, and, to prevent their efcs 36 to the nation, a captain's guard was mounted over them, and in this manner they were obliged to march to Fort Prince George. Being not only deprived of their liberty, which an Indian values above all things, but alfo compelled to accompany an enemy going againft their families and friends, they could now no longer conceal their refentment. They turned exceedingly fullen, and {hewed that they were flung to the heart by fuch bafe treatment. The breach of promife an In dian holds an atrocious crime. To requite good intend ed with real evil, .they with reafon deemed an unpar. donable injury. But what corapleated the ill ufage, the thirty-two Indians, upon the arrival of the army at Fort Prince George, were all fhut up in a hut Scarcely fufEcient for the accommodation of fix foldiers, where they fpent their time in concerting plots for obtaining their liberty, and fatisfaeYion for the in juries done them.
Holds a GOVERNOR Lyttleton's little army being not only congrefs {][ armed- and difciplined, but alfo difcontented and, Prince1* mutinous, he therefore judged it dangerous to proGeorge, ceed farther into the enemy's country. Having before
hand fent for Attakullakulla, who was efteemed both the wifeft man of the nation and the moft fteady friend of the Englifh, to meet him at Fort Prince George, this warrior hastened to his camp from an excurfion againft the French, i-n which he ha*I ta-, ken fome priforiers, one of whom he prefented to the Governor. Mr Lyttleton knew, that, for obtaining a re-eftablifhment of peace, there was not a man in . the whole nation hettcv riifpofed to affift him than this old warrior, though it was obferved that he



cautioufly avoided making any offer of fatisfattion. But fo fmall was his influence among the Cherokees at this time, that they confidered him as no better than an old woman on account of his attachment to their Englifh enemies, and his averfion from going to war againfl them.

ABOUT the i8th of December, 1759, the Gover

nor held a congrefs with this warrior, and by an in

terpreter fpoke to him to the following effecT:: " You His

told me yefterday that you had a good talk to ^j^

" make, and expected the fame from me. You lakulla,

" kn6w it is the will of the great King that his fub-

" jefts and your people mould live together in friend*

" (hip, and you have faid you defire not to break

" the chain thereof. It is a chain which our moft

" gracious fovereign holds at one end, and you hold at

" the other. You know that, in order to keep this

" chain from contracting ruft, and hinder it frum,

" being broken, it was neceffary certain conditions

" fhould be made ; and as all acts of the great king

" are kept till time flia.ll be no more, fo I now have

" in my hand thofe very conditions made with you

" and your people. It was agreed, that if an Indiaa

" fhould kill an Englifhman, he mail be delivered up

" to be punifhed as the lav/ requires. This was the

" ancient talk of our fathers and your fathers, and

" when King George took your nation under his

" protection he fo ordered it for the future. This

" treaty has been fince renewed by feveral of our

" King's governors of this province from time to

" time. It was the mercy of' the great King that

" this way of reffitution mould be eftablimed3 to pre-

" vent a war which might deftroy your nation j


" whereas,



" whereas, at any time, by de ivering up of trie " guilty perfon, the innocent might efcape, and'your. " people be fuffered to live in friendfhip with ours.

" IN the month of November, 1758, fix deputies " from your nation came to Charleftown, to makq*' up all differences between our people and yours. " They did then engage to obferve the words of the " treaty I have here, and which you know are the " fame with thofe formerly made by the great King. " They received a laj-ge quantity of goods as a " full compenfation for the injuries done them by " white people, and did folemnly promife to conti'* nue in ftricY friendfhip with all the King's fub" je&s. Notwithstanding which they went to Sta" tiquo under Moytoy and killed many white men, " though no provocation had been given them. " Thereupon I demanded fatisfaclion, according to " the words of the great King, but they have given *' me none. As King George loves mercy better " than war, I was willing to wait; and while our *' people lay quietly in their houfes, the Indians came, " killed and fcalped them. Laft of all they put to *' death three men in the Upper nation, and drove ** our people, who lived in their towns to furniih " them with goods, into the forts. As you know ** that your people have been guilty of all thefe " crimes, and many more, I expected you would not " only come down with a good talk, but alfo would " have offered fatisfaclion for them. 1 am now come " here with a great number of warriors, to take that " fatisfaftion 1 have more than once demanded. " Perhaps fome of you thought, that, as our people " put up with fuch injuries, they were apprehenfive



"of your power; but you (hall now fee that this was owing to their patience, and not to their want u of refolution. You know well the ftrength of our " province, and that one third part of it is fufficient to " deftroy your nation. Befides, the white people i^ " all the provinces are brothers, and linked together: " we come not alone againft you becaufe we have " fufFered, for the Virginians and North Carollneans " are prepared to march againft you, unlefs fatisfac" ti.on be given me. My brother the Governor of " Georgia will alfo prevent any ammunition from " coming to you. Some time ago you fent to Vir" ginia, offering to trade with that province, and " goods were on their way to you whrch I have ftopt, " and they mall nqt proceed hither until I fend di" reclions for them. It is not necefiary for me to " fay more to you, until you make fatisfa&ion for kil" ling the white people.

" ATTAKULLAKULLA, you have been in England, " and feen the power of the great King, and the P number of his warriors. You alfo know, that, " during thefe five years and more, we have been at " war with the French, who were once numerous " over all parts of America. You know I difdain to " tell you a falfhood, and I will now inform you " what fuccefs our army has had. Some of the " lad mips that arrived at Charleftown brought " me a good deal of news. Our fleet has ta" ken many fhips of war belonging to the French. " A meffenger has arrived with an account that " the great city of Quebec is reduced, as ,alfo, that " the warriors of the great JCing have taken all the " forts on the lakes and upon the Ohio, and beat
" down

*' down all tilings in their way, aj a hurricane would " have done in its paflage. The Indians in thofe " parts, fearing his power, have made their peace " with the great King. The Delawares, Shawanefe, " and all of them that live near Fort Duquefne, have " defired to be in friendfhip with us. The Che&aws " alfo beg to be received under the King's protection *' by his beloved man Mr. Aitken, upon which a. tl great number of traders are gone into their coun*' try with ail forts of goods. If you -will not believe " what 1 fay, and imagine that the French are able " to fupply you with the neceffaries which you want, ** you will be deceived, for they themfelves are ftar" ving, and fo much undone that they cannot fur" nifli a blanket or a gun to the Cho&aws, much " lefs to you, whp are removed at fo great a diftance " from them.
<c THESE things I have mentioned to fhow you " that the great King will not fufFer his people to be " deftroyed without fatisfaclion, and to-let you know " the people of this province are determined to have " it. What I fay is with a merciful intention. If I " make war with you, you will fufFer for your rafli*' nefs; your men will be deftroyed, and your wo" men and children carried into captivity. What " few neceffaries you now have will foon be done, " and you will get no more. But if you give the *" Satisfaction I fliall afk, the trade will be again " opened with you, and all things go right. I " havr. twice given you a lift of the murderers; I *' will now tell you there are twenty-four men -of " your nation whom I demand to be delivered up " to me, to be put to death, or otherwife difpofed



{{ of as I fhall think fit. Your people have killed " that number of ours and more, therefore it is " the leaft I will accept of. I fhall give you till " to-morrow morning to confider of it, and then I " fhall expeft your anfvver. You know heft the In" dians concerned ; feveral gangs at different times " have been out, and I expect the twenty-four you " fhall deliver up will be thofe who have committed " the murders."

To this long fpeech Attakullakulla replied in words

to the following efied: " That he remembered the Attakul-


1 1 11 *

" treaties mentioned, as he had a fhare in making

" them : He owned the kindnefs of the province of

" South Carolina, but complained much of the bad

" treatment his countrymen had received in Virginia,

" which, he faid, was the immediate caufe of our

" prefent mifunderflanding: That he had always been

" the firm friend of the Englifh, of which he hoped

" his late fatiguing march againft their enemies the

" French was a fufficient proof,: That he would ever

" continue fuch, and would ufe all the influence he

" had to perfuade .his countrymen to give the Gover-

" nor the fatisfacYion he demanded, though he belie-

" ved it.neither would nor could be complied with,

" as they had no coercive authority one over another:

" He defired the Governor to releafe .fome of the

" head men then confined in the fort to aflift him;

" and added, that he was pleafed to hear of the fuc-

" ceffes of his brothers the Englifh, but could not

" help i mentioning, that they fhewed more refent-

" ment againft the Cherokees than they had ufed to

" other nations that had difobliged them; that he

" remembered fome years ago feveral white people

" belong-

" belonging to, Carolina were killea by the Cho&aws, " for whom no fatisfacYion had either been given or " demanded.'*

AGREEABLE, to the requeft of Attakullakulla, the

Governor releafed Occonollota, Fiftoe the chief man

of Keowee town, and the head warrior of Eftaloe^

who next day delivered up two Indians, whom Mr.

Lyttleton ordered to be put in irons. After which all

the Cherokees prefent, who knew their connections to

be weak, being alarmed, fled otit of the way* fo that

it was impoffible to complete the number demanded.

Attakullakulla, being then convinced that peace could

not be obtained on fuch terms as the Governor re

quired, reiblved to go home and patiently wait the

event; but no fooner was Mr* Lyttleton made ac

quainted with his departure^ than he difpatched a mef-

fenger after him to bring him back to his camp; and

being defirous of finifhing the campaign with as much

credit as poffible, immediately on his return began to

A treaty treat of peace. Accordingly a treaty was drawn up

ed \v-ith and figned by the Governor and fix of the head men; in

fix chiefs, which it was agreed, that thofe twenty-two chieftains of

the Cherokees fhould be kept as hoftages confined in

the fort, until the fame number of Indians guilty of

murder be delivered up to the commander in chief of

the province; that trade fhould be opened and carried

on as ufual; that the Cherokees fhould kill, or take

every Frenchman prifoner, who fhould prefume to

come into their nation during the continuance of the

\var; and that they fhould hold no intercourfe with

the enemies of Great Britain, but fhould apprehend

every perfon, white or red, found among them, that

may be endeavouring to fet the Englifh and Chero-





kees at variance, and interrupt- the friendfhip and peace eflablifhed between them,

AFTER having concluded this treaty with the Che-

rokees,the<jovernorrefolved to return to Charleftown.

But whether the Indians who put their mark to it un-?

derftood the articles of agreement or not, we carmol

pretend to affirm ; one thing is certain, that few or

: none of the nation afterward paid the fmalleft regard

to it-. The treacherous al of confining their chiefs,

egainft whom no charge could be brought, and whg

had travelled feveral hundred miles in order to obtain,

peace for their -nation, had made a flrong impreffiofli

on their minds, but particularly on that of Qccono-

ftota, who breathed nothing but fury and vengeance

againft fuch falfe friends. Inftead of permitting them,

to return home without hurting a hair of their head,

as the Governor promifed in Charkftown, they werg

clofe confined in a miferable hut, having permiffiori

neither to fee their friends nor even the light of day,

It was faid they were kept only as hoftages, until the

number of criminals he demanded was completed by

their nation"; but if they were robbed of their liber

ty, it \ of little confequence to them under what

denomination they were confined. It was faid to be

done by the confent of the nation, as fix of its chiefs

had figned the articles of peace; but in whatever

light we view the aft, it appears to be one -of thofe

bafe and unjuftifiable advantages which policy and

craft commonly take- of the weaknefs and fimplicity

of more unfortunate neighbours ; and nothing lefs

could have been expefted, than that thefe wild and

independent warriors would vefent fuch bafe and un

merited ufage on the firft opportunity that offered.






The Go- SCARCELY had Governor Lyttleton concluded the turnsTto" treaty of Fort Prince George when the fmall-pox, Charles- which was raging in an adjacent Indian town, broke town, out ; n {jjs camp. As few of his little army had ever
gone through that diftemper, and as the furgeons were totally unprovided for fuch an accident, his men were flruck with terror, and in great hafte returned to the fettlements, cautioufly avoiding all intercourfe one with another, and fufTering much from hunger and fatigue by the way. The Governor followed them, and arrived in Charleftown about the beginning of the year 1760. Though not a drop of blood had been fpilt during the expedition, he was received like a conqueror, with the greateft demonftrations of joy. Addrefles the moft flattering were prefented to him by the different focieties and profeffions, and bonefires and illuminations teftified the high fenfe the in habitants entertained of his merit and fervices, and the happy confequences which they believed would refult from his expedition.

HOWEVER, thofe rejoicings on account of the peace were fcarcely over, when the news arrived that frefh hoftilities had been committed, and the Governor was informed that the Cherokees had killed four teen men within a mile of Fort Prince George, The Indians hadv contracted an invincible antipathy to Captain Coytmorej the officer whom Mr. Lyttleton had left commander of that fort. The treatment they had received at Charleftown, but efpecially the imprifonment of their chiefs, had now converted their1 former defire of peace into the bittereft rage for war. Qcconoftota, a chieftain of great influence, had. be come a moft implacable and vindictive enemy to Ca



rolina, and determined to repay treachery with trea?- The trea chery. Having gathered a ftrong party of Cherokees, j^okea.^ he furrounded Fort Prince George, and compelled the garrifon to keep within their works ; but finding that he could make no impreffion on the fort, nor oblige the commander to furrender, he contrived the following ftratagem for the relief of his countrymen confined in it.

As that country was every where covered with woods, Oeoono-

he placed a party of favages in a dark thicket by the a^* * m

river fide, and then fent an Indian woman, whom he forkiliing

knew to be always welcome at the fort, to inform the t^e fficer command, er th, at \h_ e ,had, lromethi m- g orr conirequence to ofthefort,

communicate to him, and would be glad to fpeak with

him at the river fide. Captain Coytmore imprudent

ly confented, and without any fufpicions of danger

walked down towards the river, accompanied by

Lieutenants Bell and Fofter. Occonoftota appearing

on the oppofite ,fide, told him he was going to

Charleilown to procure a releafe of the prifoners,

and would be glad of a white man to accompany

him as a fafeguard ; and, the better to cOver his dark

defign, had a bridle in his hand, and added, he would

go and hunt for a horfe to him. The captain replied,

that he fliould have a guard, and wiflied he might find

a horfe, as the journey was very long. Upon which

.the Indian, turning quickly about, fwung the bridle

thrice round his head, as a figrial to the favages plar

ced in ambufli, who -irrftantly fired on the officers,

dot the captain dead on the fpot, and wounded the

other two. In confequence of which orders were gi

ven to put the hoftages in irons, to prevent any far

ther danger from them. But while the foldiers were

Ff 2




attempting to execute their orders, the Indians ftabbed the firft man who lad hold of them with a knife, and wounded two more; upon which the garrifon, exafperated to the 'higheft degree, fell on the unfortuRate lioftages, arid butchered them in a manner too (hocking to relate.

TH ERE were few men in the Cherokee nation that did not lofe a friend or a relation by this maffacre, The war and therefore with one voice all immediately declared eral for war. The leaders in every town feized the hatchet, telling their followers that the fpirits of murder ed brothers were flying around them, and calling out for vengeance on their enemies. From the dif, ferent towns large parties of warriors took the field, painted in the moft formidable manner, and arrayed with all their inftrumehts of death. All fung the fong of war, and burning with impatience to imbrufe their hands in the blood of their enemies, rufhed down among innocent and defencelefs families on tht frontiers of Carolina, where men, women and chil dren, without diftindtion, fell a facrifiee to their mercU lefs fury. Such as fled to the woods^ and efcaped the fcalping-knife, perifhed with hunger; and thofe whom they made prifoners were carried into the wildernefs, where they fuffered inexpreffible hardfliips. Every day brought frefh accounts to the capital of their ra vages, murders and defolations. But while the back fettlers impatiently looked to their Governor for re lief, the i'mall-pox raged to fuch a degree in town, that few of the militia, could be prevailed on to leave their diflrefled families to ferve the public. In this extremity an exprefs was fent to General Amberft, the commander in chief in America^ acquainting him

with the deplorable fituation of the province, and im ploring his affiftance in the moft prefling terms. Ac cordingly a battalion of Highlanders, and four com panies of the Royal Scots, under the command of Colonel Montgomery, now Earl of Eglinton, were ordered immediately to embark, and fail for the re lief of Carolina.

IN the mean time William Lyttleton being appoint ed Governor of Jamaica, the charge of the province devolved on William Bull, a man of great integrity and erudition. Application was made to.the neighbouring provinces of North Carolina and Virginia for relief, and feven troops of rangers were raifed to patrole the frontiers,, and prevent the favages from penetrating farther down among the fettlements. A confiderablc fum was voted for prefents to fuch of the Creeks, Chickefaws and Catabaws as mould join the province and go to war againft the Cherokees. Provifions were fent to the families that had. efcaped to Augufta jmd Fort Moore, and the beft preparations poffible made for chaftifing their enemy, fo foon as the re gulars coming from New York fliould arrive in the province.

BEFORE the end of April, 1760, Colonel Mont- Colonel

gomery landed in Carolina, and encamped at Monk's Montgo-




the joy






mery ar rives.

arrival of this gallant officer; but as the conqueft of

Canada was the grand object of this year's campaign

in America, he had orders to ftrike a fudden blow

for the relief of Carolina, and return to head quar

ters at Albany without lofs of time. Nothing xvas

therefore omitted that was judged neceflary to forward

the 16

the expedition. Several gentlemen of fortune, ex cited by a laudable zeal for the iafety of their coun try, formed themfelves into a company of volunteers, and joined the army. The whole force of the province was collected, and ordered to rendezvous at Congarees. Waggons, carts and horfes were itnpreffcd for the fervice of his Majefly, and the colonifts flattered themi felves with the hopes that they would now be .able to punifli the infolence of their barbarous enemies.
A FEW weeks after his arrival Colonel Montgo? And mery marched to the Congarees, where he was joinaeainfT e<^ ky l^e inlerna^ ftrength of the province, and imthe Che- mediately fet out for the Cherokee country. For a rokees. guide he was provided with an half-blooded Indian,
who was well acquainted with the roads through the woods.,, and the paflagtS through the rivers. Having little time allowed him, his march was uncommonly fpirited and expeditious. After reaching a place calle4 'Twelve-mile River, he encamped on an advantageous ground, and marched with a party of his men in the night to furprize Eflatoe, an Indian town about twenty miles from his camp. The firft noife he heard'by the way was the barking of a dog before his men, where he was informed there was an Indian town called Little Keowee, which he ordered the light infantry to furround, and, except women and children* to put every Indian in it to the fword. Having done this piece of fervice, he proceeded to Eftatoe^ which he found aban doned by all the favages, excepting a few who had not had time to make their efcape. This town, which confided of at leaft two hundred houfes, and was well provided with corn, hogs, poultry, and ammunition, he reduced to awes- Sugar Town, and every other



fettlement in the lower nation, afterwards (hared the fame fate. The furprize to every one of them was nearly equal; for as the army darted upon them like lightning, the favages could fcarcely fave themfelves^ far lefs any little property that they had. In thefc lower towns about fixty Indians were killed and forty made prifoners, and the reft driven to feek for {hel ler among ihe mountains. Having fmiflred his bufinefs among thefe lower fettlements with the fmall lofs of three or four men, he then marched to the re lief of Fort Prince George, which had been for fotne time inverted by favages, infomuch that no foldier durft venture beyond the bounds of the fort, and where the garrifon was in diftrefs, not for the want of provitions, but of wood to prepare them.

WHILE the army refted at Fort Prince George, Edmund Atkin, agent for Indian affairs, difpatched two Indian chiefs to the middle fettlements, to inform the Cherokees that by fuing for peace they might obtain it, as the former friends and allies of Britain. At the fame time he fent a meflfenger to Fort Loudon, 're-quelling Captains Demere and Stuart, the command ing officers at that place, to ufe their belt endeavours for obtaining peace with the Cherokees in the upper towns. Colonel Montgomery finding that the fava ges were as yet difpofed to Men to no terms of accommodation, determined to carry the chaftifement a little farther. Difmal was the wildernefs into whiqh he entered, and many were the hardmips and dangers he had to encounter, from dark thickets, rugged paths, and narrow paffes; in which a frnall body of men, properly ported, might harafs and tire out the braveft army that ever look the field. Having



on all hands fufpicious grounds, he found occasion for

conftant vigilance and circumfpeftion. While he was

piercing through the thick foreft he had numberlefs

difficulties to furmount, particularly from rivers ford.

able only at one place, and overlooked by high

banks on each fide, where an enemy might attack

him with advantage, and retreat with fafety. When

he had advanced within five miles of Etchoe, the

oeareft town in the middle fettlements, he found

there a low valley, covered fo thick wkh bufhes that

the foldiers could fcarcely fee three yards before them,

and in the middle of which there was a muddy river,

with fteep clay banks. Through this dark place, where

it was impoffible for any number of men to aft toge

ther, the army mud neceSarily march; and therefore

Captain Morifon, who commanded a company of ran

gers, well acquainted with the woods, had orders to

advance and fcour the thicket. He had fcarcely en

tered it, when a number of favages fprung from their

lurking den, and firing on them, killed the captain

and wounded .feveral of his party. Upon which the

light infantry and grenadiers were ordered to advance

and charge the invifible enemy, which they did with

great courage and alacrity. A heavy fire then began

on both fides, and during fome time the foldiers could

only difcover the places where the favages were hid by

the report of their guns. Colonel Montgomery finding

that the number of Indians that guarded this place was

great, and that they were determined obftinately to dif-

pute it, ordered the Royal Scots, who were in the rear,

to advance between the favages and a rifing ground

on the right, while the Highlanders marched towards

the left to fuftain the light infantry and grenadiers!

The woods now refounded with liorrible fliouts and





yells, but thefe, inftead of intimidating the troops, fcemed rather to infpire them with double firmnefs and refolution. At length the favages gave way, and in their retreat falling in with the Royal Scots, fuffered confiderably before they got out of their reach, ^^near By this time the Royals being in the front and the Etchoe. Highlanders in the rear, the enemy ftretched away and took pofleffion of a hill, feemingly difpofed to keep at a diftance, and always retreating as the army advanced. Colonel Montgomery perceiving that they kept aloof, gave orders to the line to face about, and march diredly for the town of Etchoe. The e^ nemy no fooner obferved this movement, than they got behind the hill, and ran to alarm their wives and children. During the acTion, which lafted above an hour, Colonel Montgomery, who made feveral nar row efcapes, had twenty men killed, and feventy-fix wounded. What number the enemy loft is uncertain, but fome places were discovered into which they had thrown feveral of their {lain, from which it was cpnjeftured that they muft have loft a great number, as it is a euftom among them to carry their dead off the field. Upon viewing the ground, all were aftonifhed to fee with what judgment and ikill they had chofen it. Scarcely could the moft experienced officer have fixed upon a fpot more advantageous for way-laying and attacking an enemy, according to the method of fighting pracYifed among the Indian nations.

THIS acYion, though it terminated much in favour

of the Britiih army, had neverthelefs reduced it tp

fuch a fituation as made it very imprudent, if not aU

together impracticable, to penetrate farther into thofe







woods. The repulfe was far frot. i being decifive, for the enemy had only retired from one to another ad vantageous fituation, in order to renew their attack when the army (hould again advance. Humanity would not fuSer the commander to leave fo many wounded men expofed to the vengeance of favages, without any ftrong-hold in which he might lodge them, or fome detachment, which he could not fpare, to pro tect them. Should he proceed farther, he faw plainly that be mult expect frequent (kirmifhes, which would increafe the number, and the burning of fo many Indian towns would be a poor cotnpenfation for the great rifque and perhaps wanton facnfice of fp many valuable lives. To furnifh horfes for the men already wounded obliged him to throw fo many bags of flour into the river, and what remained was no more than fufficient for his army during their return to Fort Prince George. Orders were therefore given And re- for a retreat, which was made with great regularity, turns to although the enemy continued hovering around them, Prince an(* annoying them to the utmoft of their power. A George, large train of wounded men was brought above fixty miles through a hazardous country in fafety, for which no fmall fhare of honour and praife was due to the officer that conducted the retreat. Never did men endure greater hardmips and fatigues with fewer com plaints than this little army during the expedition. Such confidence did they repofe in their leader, that they feemed to defpife all difficulties and dangers which he fliared along with, them in the fervice of their King and country.




AFTER Colonel Montgomery had returned to the ^he con-

fettlements, and was preparing to embark for New of^ jn.

York, agreeable to his orders from General Amherft, habitants

the Carolineans were again thrown under the mod *TMm

dreadful apprehenfions from the dangers which hung

over the province. This appears from the follow

ing addrefs of the General Affembly, presented to

Lieutenant-Governor Bull on the i tth of July, 1760.

" We, his Majefty's moft dutiful and loyal fubjecls,

w the Commons Houfe of Aflembly of this province,

" return your Honour our fincere thanks for the ad-

" vices you have been pleafed to communicate to us

" in the morning; and being deeply affected with the

" contents of Colonel Grant's letter, which imports,

" that Colonel Montgomery will foon embark with

" his Majefty's troops under his command to join

" General Amherft; humbly beg leave to reprefent

" to your Honour, that we apprehend the province

" to be in a much more dangerous fituation at this

"juncture, than it was at the time "when the: faid

" troops arrived here ; as the Upper Creek Indians

" have fince murdered feveral Englifh traders in their

" towns, and made no offer to give up the murder-

" ers, or make any other fatisfaction whatever;

" whence we have the greateft reafon to believe they

" will foon break out into open war. And by what

" is mentioned in Colonel Grant's letter, we fear

" that our implacable enemies the French have al-

" ready fpirited up and prevailed with the Cho&aws

" to affift the Cherokees agalnft us. And notwith-

" ftanding the prefent rupture with the Cherokees

" has coft the province, in lefs than nine months,

" near 50,000 pounds ^erling, yet all our endea-


"" vours



" vours to raife a number of forces capable of prc" venting the Cherokees from ravaging the back fet" tlements have proved ineffectual. This being the " fituation of the province when we had only the " Cherokees. to contend with, how deplorable then " mud: our cafe be, fhould Colonel Montgomery de. " part with the King's troops under his command, " and we have the united attacks of the Cherokees, " Creeks and Chodaws, (the three moft powerful " nations of Indians on the continent), to repel, can " be better imagined than defcribed. Being truely " fenfible of your Honour's good inclinations to ren" der every fervice in your power to this province, "we unanimoufly intreat your Honour to ufe the "moft preffing inftances with Colonel Montgomery " not to depart wkh the King's troops, as it may be " attended with the moft pernicious confequences." Accordingly the Lieutenant-Governor having given the Colonel the fulled view of thofe extenfive dangers to which the province after his departure would be expofed, prevailed with him to leave four companies of the royal regiment, under the command of Major Frederick Hamilton, for covering the frontiers, while, he embarked with the battalion of Highlanders, and failed for New York,

(,. ,. IN the mean time the diftant garrifon of FortLouitrefs of don, confifting of two hundred men, was reduced to thegam- t jj e d readful aliernativc of perifliincr by hunger or <LoonuadtoFno.rt l.ub, to th. e mercy orc t^he enragedi L^,neroki ees.
The Governor having information that the Virginians, had undertaken to relieve it, for a while feemed iittisfied, and anxioufly waited tp hear the news of
that happy event. $ut the Virginians were equ' alliyll



ill qualified with their neighbours of Carolina to fend them any affiftance. So remote was the fort front every fettlement, and fo difficult was it to march an army through the barren wildernefs, where the various thickets were lined with enemies, and to carry at the fame time fufficient fupplies along with them, that the Virginians had dropped all thoughts of the attempt. Provifions being entirely exhaufted at Fort Loudon, the garrifon was reduced to the rnoft deplo rable fituation. For a whole month they had no other fubfiftence but the flefn of lean horfes and dogs, and a fmall fupply of Indian beans, which fome friendly Cherokee women procured for them by ftealth. Long had the officers endeavoured to animate and encou?rage the men with the hopes of relief; but now being blockaded night and day by the enemy, and having no refource left, they threatened to leave the fort, and die at once by the hands of favages, rather than, perifli fiowly by famine. In this extremity the com mander was obliged to call a council of war, to confider what was proper to be done; when the officers 'Were all of opinion that it was impoffible to, hold out any longer, and therefore agreed to furrender the fort to the Cherokees on the beft terms that could be ob tained from them. For this purpofe Captain Stuart, an officer of great fagacity and addrefs, and much be loved by all the Indians that remained in the Britim intercft, precured leave to go-to Chote, one of the prin cipal towns in the neighbourhood, where he obtained the following terms of capitulation, which were figned by the commanding officer and two of the Gherokee chiefs. " That the garrifon of Fort Loudon march out Theterms
" with their arms and drums, each foldier having as or ai"jje " much powder and ball as their officer fhall think ne- garrifon.
" ceflary

" ceffary for their march, and all th; baggage they " may chufe to carry: That the garrifon be permitted " to march to Virginia, or Fort Prince George, as the " commanding officer fliall think proper, untnolefted; " and that a number of Indians be appointed to ef" cort them, and hunt for provifions during their ** march : That fuch foldiers as are lame, or by fick" nefs difabled from marching, be received into the *' Indian towns, and kindly ufed until they recover, *' and then be allowed to return to Fort Prince " George : That the Indians do provide for the gar" rifon as many horfes as they conveniently can for " their march, agreeing with the officers and foldiers " for payment: That the fort great guns, powder, " ball, and fpare arms, be delivered to the Indians " without fraud or further delay, on the day appoint" ed for the march of the troops."
AGREEABLE to thofe terms ftipulated, the gar rifon delivered up the fort, and marched out with their arms, accompanied by Occonoftota, Judd's friend, the prince of Chote, and feveral other In dians, and that day went fifteen miles on their way to Fort Prince George. At night they encamped on a plain about two miles from Taliquo, an Indian town, when^ll their attendants, upon one pretence or another, left them ; which the officers confidered as no good fign, and therefore placed a ftrift guard round their camp. During the night they remained unmolefted, but next morning about break of day a fokfter from an out-poft came running in, and in formed them that he faw a vaft number of Indians, armedj and painted in the moft dreadful manner,creep



ing among the buflies, and advancing in order to fur- Treacleround them. Scarcely had the officer time to order b"kea his men to ftand to their arms, when the favages pour- by the ed in upon them a heavy fire from different quarters, favaScsaccompanied with the moft hideous yells, which ftruck a panic into the foldiers, who were fo much enfee bled and difpirited that they were incapable of making any effectual refiftance. Captain Demere, with three other officers, and about twenty-fix private men, fell at the firft onfet. Some fled into the woods, and were afterwards taken prifoners and confined among the towns in the valley. Captain Stuart, and thofc that remained, were feized, pinioned, and brought back to Fort Loudon. No fooner had AttakuHakulla heard that his friend Mr. Stuart had efcaped, than he haftencd to the fort, and purchafed him from the Indian that took him, giving him his rifle, clothes, and all he could command, by way of ranfom. He then took poffeflion of Captain Demere's houfe, where he kept his prifener as one of his family, and freely (hared with him the little provifions his table afforded, until a fair opportunity mould offer for refcuing him from their hands; but the poor foldiers were kept in a miferable ftate of captivity for fome time, and then redeemed by the province at a great expcnce.

DURING the time thefe prifoners were confined at Fort Loudon, Occonoftota formed a defign of attack ing Fort Prince George, and for this purpofe difpatched a meffenger to the fettlements in the valley, requefting all the warriors there to join him at Stickoey old town. By accident a difcovery was made of ten



bags of powder, and ball in proportion, which the

officers had fecretly buried in the fort, to prevent

their falling into the enemy's hands. This difcove-

ry had nearly proved fatal to Captain Stuart, and

would certainly have coft him his life, had not

the interpreter had fo much prefence of mind as

to aflure the enemy that thefe warlike ftores had been

A propo- concealed without his knowledge or confent. The

falforat- lnc}ians having now abundance of ammunition for

portmg the fiege, a council was called at Chote, to which

Prince the captain was brought, and put in mind of the

orge* obligations he lay under to them for fparing his!

life; and as they had refolved to carry fix can

non and two cohorns with them againft Fort Prince

George, to be managed by men under his com

mand, they told him he muft go and write fuch letters

to the commandant as they mould dictate to him.

They informed him at the fame time, that if that of

ficer fhould refufe to furrender, they were determin

ed to burn the prifoners one after another before his

face, and try if he could be fo obftinate as to hold

out while he faw his friends expiring in the flames.

Captain Stuart was much alarmed at his fituatio'n, and

from that moment refolved to make his efcape or

perifh in the attempt* His defign he privately com

municated to Attakullakulla, and told him how un-

cafy he was at the thoughts of being compelled to

bear arms againft his countrymen. He acknowledged

that he had always been a brother, and hoped he would

affift him to get out of his prefent perilous circumftan-

ces. The old warrior, taking him by the hand, told

him he was his friend, he had already given one proof

of his regard, and intended to give another fo foon as

his brother mould return and help him to concert the





meafure. He faid he was well apprized of the ill defigns of his countrymen, and mould he go and petfuade the garrifon of Fort Prince George to do asi he had done, what could he expect but that they fhould mare the fame difmal fate. Strong and un cultivated minds carry their friendlhip, as well as their enmity, to an aftonifhing pitch. Among favages family friendfhip is a national virtue, and civilize^ mortals may blulh when they confider how much bar.barians have often furpafled them in the pra&ice of it. The inftance I am going to relate is as fingular and memorable as many that have been recorded in the annals of paftages.

ATTAKULLAKULLA claimed Captain Stuart as his

prifoner, and had refolved to deliver him from dan-

ger, and for this purpofe there was no time to be efcapcsto

Jcrft. Accordingly he gave out among his country- VirSlnia-

men that he intended to go a-hunting for a few

days, and carry his prifoner along with him to eat

venifon, of which he declared he was exceedingly

fond. At the fame time the Captain went through

among his fbldiers, telling them that they could ne

ver expect to be ranfomed by the province, if they

gave the fmalleft affiflance to the Indians againft Fort

Prince George. Having fettled all matters, they fet

out on their journey, accompanied by the warrior's

wife, .his brother, and two foldiers, who were the

only perfons in the garrifon that knew how to con

vey great guns through the woods. For provifions

they depended on what they might kill by the way.

The diftance to the frontier fettlements was great,

, and the utmoft expedition neceflary to prevent any

furprize from Indians parfuing them. Nine days and




nights did they travel through a dreary wildernefs, ihaping their courle by the light of the fun and moon for Virginia, and traverfing many hills, valleys and paths that had never been croffed before but by favages and \vild beafts. On the tenth they arrived at the banks of Holflon's river, where they fortunately fell in with a party of three hundred men, fent out by Colonel Bird for the relief of fuch foldiers as might make their efcape that way from Fort Loudon. On the fourteenth day the Captain reached Colo nel Bird's camp on the frontiers of Virginia, where having loaded his faithful friend with prefents and provifions, he fent him back to protect the unhappy prifoners till they fhould be ranfotned, and to exert his influence among the Cherokces for the reftoration of peace.
No fooner had Captain Stuart made his efcape from the hands of the favages, than he immediately began to concert ways and means for the relief of his garrifon. An exprefs was difpatched to Lieutenant-Governor Bull, informing him of the fad difafter that had hap pened to the garrifon of Fort Loudon, and of the defigns of the enemy againft Fort Prince George. In confequence of which orders were given to Major Thomfon, who commanded the militia on the fron tiers, to throw in provifions for ten weeks into that fort, and warn the commanding officer of his danger. At the fame time a mefienger was fent to Attakullakulla, defiring him to inform the Cherokees that Fort George was impregnable, having vaft quantities of powder buried under ground every where around it, to blow up all enemies that ihould attempt to come near it, Prefents of confiderable value were



fent to redeem the prifoners at Fort Loudon, a few of whom had by this time made their efcape; and afterwards not only thofe that were confined among the towns in the valley, but alfo all that had furvived the hardlhips of hunger, difeafe and captivity in the upper towns were releafed, and delivered up to the commanding officer at Fort Prince George.

IT might now have been expefted that the vindic

tive fpirit of the favages would be fatisfied, and that

they would be difpofed to liften to fome terms of

accommodation. This treacherous conduct to the

foldiers at Fort Loudon, they intended as a fatisfac-

tipn for the harfh treatment their relations had met

with at Fort Prince George; and dearly had the

province paid for the bafe imprifonment and horrid

mafiacre of the chiefs at that place. Still, however, The war

a great majority of the nation fpurned at every offer conunues

of peace. The lower towns had all been deftroycd

by Colonel Montgomery; the warriors in the middle

fettlements had loft many friends and relations ; and

feveral Frenchmen had crept in among the uppertowns,

and helped to foment their ill humour againft Caro

lina. Lewis Latinac, a French officer, was among

them, and proved an indefatigable infligator to mif-

chief. He perfuaded the Indians that the Englifh had

nothing lefs in view than to exterminate them from,

the face of the earth; and, furnifliing them with

arms and ammunition, urged them on to war. At

a great meeting of the nation he pulled out his

hatchet, and, {Inking it into a log of wood, called

out, Who is the man that will take this up for the

King of France ? Saloue, the young warrior of

Eftatoe, inftantly laid hold of it, and cried out,


I am,



" I am for war. The fpirits of our brothers who " have been flain ftill call upon us to avenge their ** death. He is no better than a woman that retufes " to follow me." Many others fei'zed the toma hawk, yet dyed in Britim blood, and burnt with im patience for the field.

UNDER the flattering appearance of a calm -were thofe clouds again gathering ; however, LieutenantGovernor Bull, who knew well how little Indians v/ere to be trufled on any occafion, kept the Royal Scots and militia on the frontiers in a pollute of de fence. But rinding the province ftill under the malt dreadful apprehenfions from their favage neighbours, who continued infolent and vindictive, and ready id renew their ravages and murders, he made application a fecond time to General Amherft for affiftance. Ca nada being now reduced, the commander in chief could the more eafily fpare a force adequate to the purpofe intended. The brave Colonel Montgomery, who con ducted the former expedition, having by this time embarked for England, the commandof the Highland, ers devolved on Lieutenant-Colonel James Grant, who received orders to return to the relief of Carolina. The Early in the year 1761 he landed at Charleftown, lanfera WQere he took up his winter quarters, until the proreturn to per feafon fhould approach for taking the field. UnCaroUna. fortunately during this time many of the foldiers, by drinking brackim water, were taken fick, which af forded the inhabitants an opportunity.of {hewing their kindnefs and humanity. They-confidered themfelves, and with reafon, under the ftrongefl obligations to treat men with tendernefs, who ca'.ne to 'protect, them againft their enemies, and therefore they brought the



fick foldiers into their houfes, and nurfed them with the greateft care and attention.

IN this campaign the province determined to exert itfelf to the utmoft, that, in conjunction with the regular forces, a fevere correction might be. given to thofe troublefome favages. For this purpofe a provincial regiment was raifed, and the command of it -given to Colonel Middleton. Prefents were provided for the Indian allies, and feveral of the Chickefaws.and Catabaws engaged to affift them againft the Cherokees. But the Creeks, whofe help Was alfo ftrongjy folicited, played an artful game be tween the Englifh and the French, and gave the one or the other encouragement, according to the advan tages they reaped from them. All poffible prepara tions were made for fupplying the army with provifions at different ftages, and with fuch carts and borfes as were thought neceflary to the expedition. Great had been the expence which this quarrel with the Cherokees had already occafioned; now they flattered themfelves that by one refolute exertion more they would tire the favages of war, and oblige them to accept of fuch terms of peace as they thought pro per to diftate.

As all white men in the province, of the military age, were foldiers as well as citizens, and trained in fome meafure to the ufe of arms, it was no difficult matter to complete the provincial regiment. Their names being regiftered in the lift of militia; on every emergency they were obliged to be ready for de fence, not only againft the incurfions of Indians, but alfo againft the infurreftion of negroes; and



although the fame prompt obedience to orders could not be expected from them that is necefiary in a regular army, yet the provincials had other advantages which compenfated for that defect. They were better acquainted than ftrangers with the woods, and the nature of'that country in which their military fervicc was required. They were feafoned to the climate, and had learned from experience what clothes, meat and drink were mod proper to enable them to do their duty. In common occafions, when the militia was called out, the men received no pay, but when em ployed, as in this Cherokee war, for the public de fence, they were allowed the fame pay with the King's forces.

Colonel s0 foon as the Highlanders had recovered from. ' marches their ficknefs, and were in a condition to take the againft field, Colonel Grant began his march for the Cheror6ke" ^ee territo"es - After being joined by the Provincial
regiment and Indian allies, he muftered in all about two thoufand fix hundred men. Having ferved fome years in America, and been in feveral engagements with Indians, he was now no ftranger to their me thods of making war. He was fenfible how ready they were to take all advantages, by furprize, ftratagem, or otherwife, that the nature of their country afforded them. Caution and vigilance were not only peceflary on his part, but, to prepare an army for fuch fervices, the drefs, the arms, and difcipl'me, fhould all be adapted to the nature of the country, in order to give the men every advantage, according to the Indian manner of attack. The eye ftiould be habituated to perpetual watchfulnefs, the body fhould be clothed in green, the prevailing colour of the



woods, that it may be difficult to diftinguifli it, and equipped in fuch light armour as is eafieft managed in a thicket. The feet and legs ihould be fortified againft prickly briers and bufhes, and thofe men who have been accuftomed to hunt in the woods, being quiek-fighted, are beft qualified for fcouring the dark thickets, and for guards to the main body. Eu ropeans, who are ftrangers to fuch things, are ill prepared for military fervices in America. Many brave officers have fuffered by inattention to them, and being ignorant of the peculiar circumftances of the country, have fallen a facrifice to their own rafhnefs, or the numberlefs fnares to which they arc expofed in it,

ON the 27th of May, 1761, Colonel Grant arri ved at Fort Prince George, and Attakullakulla, ha ving got information that he was advancing againft his nation with a formidable army, haftened to his camp, to fignify his earned defire of peace. He told the Colonel that he always had been, and ever would continue to be, a firm friend to the Englifli; that the outrages of his countrymen cover ed him with mame, and filled his heart with grief; yet neverthelefs he would gladly interpofe in their behalf, in order to bring about an accommodation. Often, he faid, had he been called an old woman by the mad young men of his nation^ who delighted in war and defpifed his counfels. Often had he endea voured to get the hatchet buried, and the former good correfpondence with the Carolineans eftabliftied. Now he was determined to fet out for the Cherokee towns, to perfuade them to confult their fafety, and fpeedily agree to terms of peace, and again and



again begged the Colonel to proceed no farther un til he returned.

COLONEL Grant, however, gave him no encou ragement to expecl that hrs requeft could be grant* ed ; but, on the jth of June, began his march from Fort Prince George, carrying with him provilions to the army for thirty days. A party of ninety Indians, and thirty woodmen painted like Indians, under ther command of Captain Quint me Kennedy, had orders to march in front and fcour the woods. After them the light infantry and about fifty rangers, confining in all of about two hundred men, followed, by whofe vigilance and aclivity the commander imagined that the main body of the army might be kept tolerably quiet and fecure* For three days he made forced marches, in order to get over two narrow and dan gerous defiles, which he accompliihed without a {hot from the enemy, but which might have coft him dear, bad they been properly guarded and warmly difputed. On the day following he fotind fufpicious ground on all hands, and therefore orders were given.for the firft time to load and prepare for acVion, and the guards to march flowly forward, doubling their vigilance and circumfpe&ion. As they frequently fpied Indian's around them, all were convinced that they fliould that day have an engagement. At length, having advan ced near to the place where Colonel Montgomery was attacked the year before, the Indian allies in the van-guard, about eight in the morning, obferved a large body of Cherekees potted upon a hill on the Engages right flank of the army, and gave the' alarm. Ifnmefaenadtsde- d,.tsatcl.y th, e f' avages, ru}ih'.mg d, own, b, egan to f*ire on,, them. the advanced guard, which being fupported, the enemy



were repulfed, and recovered their heights. Under

this hill the line was obliged to march a confider-

abfe way- On the left there was a river, from the

oppofite banks of which a large party of Indians

fired brifkly on the troops as they advanced. Co

lonel CJrant ordered a party to march up the hill

and drive the enemy from the heights, while the

line faced about and gave their whole charge to the

Indians that annoyed them from the fide of the river.

The engagement became general, and the favages

feemed determined obftinately to difpute the lower

grounds, while thofe on the Kill were diflodged only

to return with redoubled ardour to the charge. The

fituatiort of the troops was in federal refpecls deplo

rable ', fatigued by a tedious march, in rainy wea

ther, furrounded with woods, fo that they cqtild not

difcern the enemy, galled by the fcattered fire of fa

vages, who when preiTed always kept aloof, but ral

lied again and again, and returned to the ground*

No fooner did the army gain an advantage over

them in one quarter, than they appeared in another.

While the attention of the commander was occupied

in driving the enemy from their lurking-place on the

river's fide, the fear was attacked, and fo vigorous

an effort made for the flour and cattle, that he was

6bfiged to order a party back to the relief of the rear

guard. From eight o'clock in the morning nntil ele

ven the favages continued to keep up an irregular and

rticeffant fire, fometimes from one place and fome-

tirnes from another, while the woods refounded "with

hideous fhouts and yells, to intimidate the troops. Defeats

At length the Cherokees gave Way, and, being pur- ^ftroy*

fued for fo me time, popping (hots continued till their

two o'clock) when they difappeared. What lofs the town8'




enemy fufiained in this a&ion wt have not been able to learn, but of Colonel Grant's army there were between fifty and fixty men killed and wounded; and it is probable the lofs of the favages could not be much greater, and perhaps not fo great, ow ing to their manner of fighting. Orders were given not to bury the flain, but to fink them in the river, to prevent their being dug up from their graves and fcalped. To provide horfes for thofe that were woundecl, feveral bags of flour were thrown into the river. After which the army proceeded to Etchoe, a pretty .large Indian town, which they reach ed about midnight, and next day reduced to aflies, Every other town in the middle fettlements, four teen in number^ ftiared the fame fate. Their ma gazines and corn fields were likewife deftroyed, and thofe miferable favages, with their families, were driven to feek for flicker and provifions among the barren mountains.
IT would be no eafy matter to defcribc the various hardfhips which this little army endured in the wildernefs, from heat, thirft, watching, danger and fa tigue. Thirty days did Colonel Grant continue m the heart of the Cherokee territories, and, upon his return to Fort Prince George, the feet and legs of many of his army were fo mangled, and their ftrengtb and fpirits fo much exhausted, that they were utterly unable to march farther. He refolved therefore to encamp at that place for a while, both to refrefh his men and wait the refolutions of the Cherokees, in confequence of the heavy chaftifement which they had received. Befides the numberlefs advantages their country afforded for defence, it was fuppofed that



forae French officers had been among them, and given them all the affiftance in their power. It is true the favages fupported their attack for fome hours with confiderable fpirit; but being driven from their advantageous pofts and thickets they were wholly difconccrted, and though the repulfe was far from being decifive, yet after this engage ment they returned no more to the charge, but remained the tame fpectators of their towns in flames, and their country laid defolate.

SUCH engagements in Europe would be confidered as trifling {kifmifhes, fcarcely worthy of relation, but in America a great deal is often determined by them. It is no eafy matter to defcribe the diflrefs to which the favages were reduced by this fevere cor rection. Even in time of peace they are deftitute of that forefight, in a great meafure, which provides for future events; but in time of war, when their vil lages are deflroyed and their fields laid defolate, they are reduced to extreme want. Being driven to the; barren mountains, the hunters furnimed with ammtij nition might indeed make fome fmall provifion-for themfelves, but women, children, and old men, muft perifh, being deprived of the means of fubfiftence.

A FEW days after Colonel Grant's arrival at Fort. Peace

Prince George, Attakullakulla, attended by feveral with $&

chieftains, came to his camp, and exprefied a defire

of peace. Severely had they fuffered for breaking

their alliance with Britain, and giving ear to the de

ceitful promifes of France. Convinced at laft of

the weaknefs and perfidy of the French, who were

neither able to affift them in time of war, nor fupply

Ii 2




their wants in time of peace, they refolved ,to r,epounce all connection with them for ever. Ac. cordingly terms of-peace \yere drawn up and propofed, which were no lefs honourable to Colonel Grant than advantageous to the province. The dif ferent articles being read and interpreted, Attakullakulla agreed to them all excepting one, by which it was demanded, That four Cherokee Indians be delivered up to Colonel Grant at Fort Prince George, to be put to death in the front of his camp; or four green fcalps be brought to him in the fpace of twelve flights. The warrior having no authority from his nation, declared he could not agree to this article, and therefore the Colonel fent him to Charleftown, to fee. whether theLieutenant-Governpr would confent to mitigate the rigour of it.

ACCORDINGLY Attakullakulla ?.nd the other chieftains, being furnifhed with a fafeguard, fet out for Charleftown to hold a conference with Mr. Bull, who, on their arrival, called a council to meet at Afliley Ferry, and then fpoke to the following ef fect. " AttakuUakulla, I am glad to fee you, and " as I have always heard of your good behaviour, " that you have been a good friend to the Engli.Ih, " I take you by the hand, and not only you but all " thofe with you alfo, as a pledge for their fecurity " whilft under my prote&ion. Colonel Grant ac" quaints me that you have applied for peace; no^ " that you are come, I have met with my beloved " men to hear what you. have to fay, and my ears " are open for that purpofe." Then a fire was kin dled, the pipe of peace was lighted, and all fmoked

together for fome time in great filence and folempity.
THEN Attakullakulla arofe, and addrefled the Lieutenant-Governor and Council to the following effeft. " It is a great while fince I laft faw your honour; " now I arn glad to fee you, and all the beloved " men prefent--I arn come to you as a meffenger " from the whole nation--I have now feen you, " fmoked with you, and hope we (hall live together " as brothers.--When I came to Keowee, Colonel " Grant fent me to you--You live at the water fide, *' and are in light---We are in darknefs, but hope " all will be yet clear with us.--I have been con" ftantly going about doing good, and though I am " tired, yet I am came to fee what can be done for " my people, who are in great diftrefs." Here he produced thp ftrings of wampum he had received from the different towns, denoting their earneft defire of peace ; and then added, " As to what has " happened, I believe it has been ordered by our " Father above.--We are of a different colour from " the white people--They are fuperior to us--But " one God is father of all, and we hope what is " paft will be forgotten.--God Almighty made all " people--There is not a day but fome are coming " into, and others are going out of, the world.-- " The great King told me the pa,th mould never be " crooked, but open for every one to pafs and re" pafs.--As we all live in one land, I hope we mall ' all live as one people." After which peace was formally ratified and confirmed by both parties, an4 their former friendihip being renewed, all hoped that



it would laft as long as the fun fhall fhine and the rivers run.

THUS ended the Cherokee war, which was among the laft humbling ftrokes given to the expiring power of France in North America, and Colonel Grant re^ quarrel turned to Charleftown to wait further orders. But th-^com- no foner was peace concluded, and the province roanding fecurcd againft external enemies, than an unhappy officers, difference broke out between the two principal com manders of the regular and provincial forces. Colonel Grant, a native of Scotland, was naturally of an high fpirit, to which he added that pride of rank which he held among thofe Eritifii foldiers who had carried their arms triumphant through the continent. During this expedition it is probable that he icorned to afk the adTice of a provincial officer, whom he deemed an im proper judge of military operations, and claimed the chief glory of having reftored peace to the province. Colonel Middleton was equally warm and proud, and confidering fuch negleft as an affront, refented it, and while fome reflections were caft. upon the provincial troops, being the chief in command, he thought himfelf bound to ftand forth as a champion for the ho nour of the province. This ill-humour, which ap peared between the officers on their return to Charlestowrij was encouraged and fomented by perfons delighting in broifs, who, by malicious furmifes and falfe reports, helped to widen the difference. The difpute became ferious, and was carried on for fome time in the public papers by mutual charges of mifeondufl, and at length terminated in a duel. Mr. Middletoa called oat Colonel Grant to the fingle combat, after they had both given the beft proof of their courage

againft the common enemy. The duel, however, happily terminated without bloodfhed, and not a little to the credit of the Scots officer, though his antago. nift fhewed no lefs fpirit in the field of honour, falfe Jy fo called, than in defence of his country. The citizens of Charleftown feemed interefted in the difpute, and each fpoke of the conduct of the two offi cers as they were differently affefted. Indeed, how ever much we may applaud the brave man who is firft in the field in defence of his country, with juftrce we with-hold our praifes from him that is firft at the fingle combat with a private friend. Colonel Grant7 with great reafon, confidered fuch treatment, after having brought the enemies of the colony to the moft advantageous terms of peace, as a bafe recompence for his fervices. From this period a party-fpirit ap peared in Carolina. All the malicious afperfions and inflammatory accufations againft the inhabitants of North Britain, which were at this time wantonly and wickedly publifhed in England, were greedily fwallowed by one party in the province, and induftrU ouily propagated. Prejudices were contracted, cheriihed, and unhappily gained ground among the peo ple. Terms of reproach and abufe were colleded from thofe factious publications in London, and pour ed indifcriminately upon all the natives of Scotland, who were by no means backward in retorting the abufe. In a growing province, where the utmoft harmony and liberality of fentiment ought to have been chcrimed by all, as the moft certain means of promoting the public ftrength and profperity, fuch a party-fpirit was attended, as might have been expe.fted, with the moft pernicious confequence.

2J 6


A whirl- I HAVE already obferved, tha: the province is fub-

Ch I 3t Je<^ to whirlwinds, efpecially among the hills in the

town* back country; but this year one of thofe, which wag

indeed the moft violent and dreadful that had ever

been known, pafied Charleftown in the month of May.

It appeared at firft to the weft of the town, like a large

column of fmoke^ approaching faft in an irregular

direction* The vapour of which it was compofed

refembled clouds rolling one over another in violent

tumult and agitation, affuming at one time a dark,

at another a bright flaming colour. Its motion was

exceedingly fwift and crooked. .As it approached the

inhabitants were alarmed with an uncommon fbundj

like the continual roaring of diftant thunder, or the

noife made by a ftormy fea beating upon the fhore,

which brought numbers of people to witnefs the

dreadful phenomenon* While it pafied down Afliley

river, fuch was its incredible velocity and force, that

it plowed the waters to the bottom, and laid the chan

nel bare. The town narrowly and providentially efca-

ped. but it threatened deftruction to a fleet cbnfift-

ing of no lefs than forty fail of loaded fhips, lying

at anchor in Rebellion road 4 about four miles below

the town, and waiting A fair wind to fail for England.

When it reached the fleet, five veffels were funk in

an Jnftant by it, and his Majefty's fliip the Dolphin^

with eleven others, were difmafted. Such was the

fituation of the fleet, and fo rapid was the motion of

the whirlwind, that though the feamen obferved it

approaching, it was impoflible to provide againft it.

In its oblique courfe it ftruck. only a part of the fleet,

and the damage, though computed at L. 20,000 fter-

ling, was by no means fo great as might have been

expected. Nor were many lives loft, for the channel





of the river not being very deep, while the {hips fat down, in the mud and were covered by the waves, the failors faved themfelves by running up the fhrouds. The whirlwind paffed the town a little before three o'clock, and before four the fky was fo clear and ferene, that we could fcarcely have believed fuch a dreadful fcene had been exhibited, had it not left many ftriking proofs behind it. Its route was not only marked in the woods, having levelled the loftieft trees, or fwept them away before it like chaff, but its effects were vifible in the fleet, by the num ber of vefiels funk and difmafted.

IT has been alfo remarked, that the province is

fubjedl to violent ftorms of lightning and thunder

throughout the year; but from the end of April

until Oftober they are very frequent and terrible.

There are few nights during the fummer in which

lighting is not vifible in feme part of the horizon.

Sometimes indeed thofe florins are of fliort duration,

particularly when they come attended with briik

gales of wind ; but when that is not the cafe, they

will often laft for four or five hours. While the

clouds are gathering, it is furprifing how quickly

the atmofphere, which was formerly ferene, will be

covered with darknefs. To the inhabitants, accuf-

tomed to view fuch appearances, the thunder-mower

is rather welcome than alarming, as ,it cools the air

and earth, and enables them to live comfortably du

ring the remainder of the day; but to every ftranger

it is exceedingly grand and awful. As the flames of

lightning from the clouds commonly ftrike the high-

eft objeds, and the whole country is covered with

woods, the fury of the florm for the moft part falls




-5 S


upon them, and its amazing efFe&s are vifible from the vaft number of blafted trees every where appear, ing throughout the fbreft. The country being as'yet but thinly peopled, the inhabitants do not fuffer fo feverely as might be expe&ed, confidering the violence of thefe ftorms; yet few years pafs without forn'e ac cidents from lightning. I never knew more than five houfes in the town, but others have obferved nine, two churches and five {hips ftruck with lightning during one thunder-fhower. Such ftorms often occafion confiderable damage, particularly to the fhips in the har bour; and fometimes they are attended with fhowers of hail, or rather folid pieces of ice, which fall with fuch force as to beat down the corn ir> the fields, to break glafs windows, and occafion danger to children cxpofed to them. But fince the inhabitants have found out the method of ere&ing iron rods on their houfes, lefs damage has been done to them, and few er lives have been loft by lightning in this province.

THE climate of Georgia, like that of Carolina, .is Of the more mild and plcafant in the inland than maritime ohaevatannaat. parts> Governor Ellis has left us the following account
of the heat of the fummer at Savanna. In the 7th of July, while he was writing in his piazza, which was open at each end, he fays the mercury in Fahrenheit's thermometer {lood at 101 in the fhade. Twice had it rifcn to that height during the fummer, feveral times to 100, and for many days together to 98; and in the night did not fink below 89. He thought it high ly probable, that the inhabitants of Savanna breath ed a hotter air than any other people upon earth. The town being fituated on a fandy eminence, the reflection from the dry fand* when there is little OP



BO agitation in the air, greatly inoreafes the heat;

for by walking an hundred yards from his houfe

upon the fand, under his umbrella, with the ther

mometer fufpended by a thread to the height of his

noftrils, the mercury rofe to 105. The fame ther

mometer he had with him in the equatorial parts of

Africa, in Jamaica, and in the Leeward Iflands; yet

by his journals he found that it had never in any of

thefe places rifcn fo high. Its general ftation was

between 79 and 86. He acknowledges, however, that

he felt thofe degrees of heat in a moift air more dif-

agreeable than at Savanna, when the thermometer

flood at 81 in his cellar, at 102 in the ftorey above

it, and in the upper ftorey of his houfe at 105. On

the loth of December the mercury was up at 86",

on the i ith down as low as 38, on the fame inftru-

ment. Such fudden and violent changes, efpecially

when they happen frequently, muft: make havock of

the human conftitution ; yet he afferts that fe\v peo

ple die at Savanna out of the ordinary courfe, though

many were the open air, expofed to the

fun during this extreme heat.--As this governor was

a man of fenfe and erudition, and no doubt made his

obfervations with great accuracy, we fhall not pre-

fume to call in queftion the facts he relates ; but we

muft fay, we never faw the mercury rife fo high in

the made at Charleftown, and believe it very feldom.

happens to do fo in Georgia. We may add, that

fuch is the fituation of Savanna, furrounded with low

and marfby lands, and fo fudden and great are the

changes in the weather there, as well as in Carolina,

that the maritime parts of both provinces muft be

ranked among the.moft unhealthy climates in the





HE peace of Paris, though condemned by A

many in England as inadequate to the ama- ?nd "

zing fuccefs that attended the Britilh arm during fefts re-

the bloody war, and below the expe&ation of the

Britifh nation, unqueftionably placed America in the m nc

moft advantageous fituation. As the flames of war

firft kindled in that continent, by a conteft about the

limits of the Britifli and French territories, to pre

vent all difputes of this kind for the future was made

one of the firft objecls of attention in framing a treaty

of peace. By the feventh article of this treaty it was

agreed, " That, for the future, the confines between

"the dominions of his Britannic Majefty and thofc

" of his moft Chriftian Majefty in that part of the

" world mould be fixed irrevocably, by a line drawn

" along the middle of the river Miffiffippi, from its

" fource to the river Iberville, and from thence by

'" a line drawn along the middle of the river and the

" lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain to the fea."

By the twentieth article, " His Catholic Majefty ce-

" ded and guarantied in full right to his Britannic

" Majefty, Florida, with Fort Auguftine and the

" Bay of Penfacola, as well as all that Spain pofleff-

" ed on the continent of North America to the eaft

" or fouth-eaft of the river MiiSffippi, and in gene-

" ral every thing depending on the faid countries

" and lands, with the fovereignty, property, pofifef-

" fion, and all rights acquired by treaties or other-

" wife, which the Catholic King and the Crown of


" SPain



" Spain have had till now over the faid countries, " lands, places, and other inhabitants." By thefe articles the fouthern provinces were rendered per fectly fecure, and, confidering the nature of the country, no frontiers could be -more diflinclly de fined.

BUT as the French colonies in the northern diftrict had been the chief feat of war, the conquefl of which had occafioned fuch an immenfe wafte of blood and treafure to Britain, it was alfo judg ed proper to guard againft the return of any dan ger on that fide. Experience had {hewn the na tion, that while France povTeffes a fingle ftronghold on that continent, the Britifh fubjccls could never enjoy perfect repofe, but muft be in danger of being again plunged into thofe calamities frorq which they had been with fo much difficulty delivered. Therefore it was determined to remove this ambiti ous and enterprifing enemy entirely from the neighbourhood of thefe colonies, and fecure them beyond a pofiibiiity of future mokftation. Accordingly, by the fourth article of the treaty, " His mod Chriftian " Majefty renounced all pretenfions which he had " heretofore formed, or might form, to NovaJJco" tia, or Acadia, in all its parts, and guarantied the " whole of it, with all its dependencies, to the King " of Great Britain ; as alfo Canada, with all its de" pendencies; Cape Breton, and all the other iflands " and,coafts in the Gulf of St. Laurence, and every " thing that depends on thefe countries, iflands, " lands, places and coafts, and their inhabitants , " fo that the moft Chriftian King ceded and made " over the whole to the faid King aad Crown of
" Great



Great Britain, and that in the moft ample manner " and form, without reftricYion, and without any li" berty to depart from faid ceflion and guaranty " nnder any pretence, or to difturb Great Britain in " the pofleffions above mentioned; referving only " the ifland of New Orleans, and liberty of timing " in the Gulf of St. Laurence, which was granted, " upon condition that the fubj'ecrs of France do not " execute the faid fifherybut at the diflance of three " leagues from all the coafts belonging to Great " Britain, as well thofe of the continent as thofe of " the iflands fituated in the Gulf of St. Laurence."

We do not pretend to pafs any judgment on the value of thefe conquefts in America, which were preferred to thofe of the Weft-India iflands at the peace. By giving up a little of the fugar trade, it was thought the nation loft only a luxury, and could be fufficiently fupplied with all the fugar and rumfte wanted from the iflands which fhe poflefled before the war; and therefore the precious conquefts in the Weft Indies were facrificed to the fecurity of Ame rica. The vaft territory to the eaft and fouth eaft of the great river Miffiffippi formed the Britim empire on the continent, which, for variety of climate as well as of foil was exceeded by no empire upon earth. As the trade of the mother country had uni formly increafed with the population of her colonies, it was hoped that by freeing them from all moleftation, they muft increafe in a ftill more rapid man ner than they had hitherto done, to the great ad vantage of Britain; for while the colonifts had liberty to extend .their culture to the remoteft defert, the



trade of the mother country would be increafed, her debt diminifhed, and at the fame time the demand for manufactures would be fa great, that all the hands fhe employed would fcarcely be able to furnifli the fupply. Thefe were thought to be the pro bable confequences which would flow from the fccurity of our American colonies at the peace.

WITH refpeci: to the new acquifvtions, great pains

were taken to acquire an exacl knowledge of themj

fiot only to eftablifli proper regulations, butalfo to render

them as ufcful and flouriming as poffible. They were

divided into three feparate independent governments,

which were given to officers who had diftinguifhed

themfelves during the war. The government of Eaft

ries^of" Florida was bounded to the weftward by the Gulf of

Eaft and Mexico and the river Apalachicola j to the north by

WeftFlo- a jjne ^awn fronl that part of the above-mentioned

river where the Catabouchee and Flint rivers meet,

to the fource of St; Mary's river, and by the courfe

of the fame river to the Atlantic Ocean ; and to the

eaft and fouth by the Atlantic Ocean and the Gulf

of Florida, including all iflands within fix leagues of

the fea cbaft. The government of Weft Florida-was

bounded to the fouthward by the Gulf of Mexico,

including all iflands within fix leagues of the fea coaft,

from the river Apalachicola to Lake Pontchartrain'j,

to the weRward by the faid lake, the lake Maurepasi

and the river Mifiiflippi; to the north by a line drawn

due eaft from that part of the- river Miffiffippi which

lies in thirty-one degrees of north latitude, to the

river Apalachicola, or Catabouchee ; and to the eaft

6y the faid river. All the lands lying between the





rivers Alatamaha and St. Mary's were annexed to the province of Georgia.

THR poffeffion of thefe two provinces of Eaft and Tie fou* Weft Florida, though of themfelves little better than thernprpan immenfe wafte, was of great importance to the neighbouring provinces of Georgia and Carolina. It robbed the Spaniards of a ftrong-hold from which they could fend out an armed force and harafs thefe provinces, and of an eafy avenue through which they had often invaded them. It removed troublefome neighbours out of their way, who had often miti gated the favages againft them, and made Auguftine an afylum for fugitive Haves. It opened fome conve nient ports for trade with Britain and the Weft Indies, and for annoying French and Spanifli mips comingthrough the Gulf of Florida, in cafe of any future rupture. It formed a ftrong frontier to the Britifh dominions in that quarter, and furniihed an immenfe track of improveable land for reduced officers, foldiers, and others, to fettle and cultivate.

To teftify the high fenfe his Majefty had of the con- Encou-

dul and braveryJ of his officers and foldiers durinog gTMivgeenmetont the late war, and to encourage the fettlement of the reduced

colonies, tracks of land were offered them as the re- officers

wards of their fervices. Orders were given to the <jiers.

governors on the continent, to grant, without fee or

reward, five thoufand acres to every field officer who

had ferved in America, three thoufand to every cap

tain, two thoufand to every fubaltern, two hundred

to every non-commiffioned officer, and fifty to every

private man; free of quit-rents for ten years, but

fubje&, at the expiration of that term, to the fame






moderate quit-rents as the lands in the other provin ces, and to the fame conditions of cultivation >and im provement. In the new colonies, for the encourage, ment of the people, they were to be allowed civil efta blifhments, fimilar to thofe of the other royal govern ments on the continent;, fo foon as their circumftances would admit, and the fame provifion was made for the fecurity of their lives, liberties and properties under the new as under the old governments.
No province on the continent felt the happy effects Georgia Of th'js public fecurity fooner than the province of flouHfh.0 Georgia, which had long ftruggled under many diffi
culties, arifing from the want of credit from friends, and the frequent moleftations of enemies. During the late war the government had been given to James Wright, who wanted neither wifdom to difcern, nor refolution to purfue, the moft effectual means for its improvement. While he proved a father to the people and governed the province with juftice and equity, he discovered at the fame time the excellence of its low lands and river fwamps, by the proper ma* nagement and diligent cultivation of which he acqui red in a few years a plentiful fortune. His example and fuccefs gave vigour to induftry, and promoted a fpirit of emulation among the planters for improve ment. The rich lands were fought for with that zeal, and cleared with that ardour, which the profpect of riches naturally infpired. The Britifh mer chants obferving the province fafe, and advancing to a hopeful and flourifhing ftate, were no longer back ward in extending credit to it, but fupplied it with ne groes, and goods of Britifh manufacture, with equal freedom as the other provinces on that continent.



The planters no fooner got the ftrength of Africa to affift them than they laboured with fuccefs, and the lands every year yielded greater and greater increafe. The trade of the province kept pace with its progrefs in cul tivation. The rich fwamps attracted the attention not only of ftrangers, but even of the planters of Carolina, who had been accuftomed to treat their poor neigh bours with the utmoft contempt, feveral of "whom fold their eftates in that colony, and :noY -d with their fami lies and effefts to Georgia. Many fettlements were made by Carolineans about Sunbury, and upon the great river Alatamaha. The price of produce at Sa vanna arofe as. the quantity increafed, a circumftance which contributed much to the improvement of the country. The planters' fituated on the oppofite fide of Savanna river found in the capital of Georgia a conve nient and excellent market for their ftaple commodidities. In fhort, from this period the rice, indigo and naval (lores of Georgia arrived at the markets in Eu rope in equal excellence and perfection, and, in pro portion to its flrength, in equal quantities with thofe of its more powerful and opulent neighbours in Ca rolina. To form a judgment of the progrefs of the colony, we need only attend to its exports. In the year 1763, the exports of Georgia confided of 7500 barrels of rice, 9633 libs, of indigo, 1250 bufhels of Indian corn, which, together with deer and beaver {kins, naval (lores, provifions, timber, &c. amounted to no more than L. 27,021 fterling; but afterwards the colony thrived and increafed in a manner fo rapid, that, in the year 1773, it exported ftaple commodi ties to the value of L. 121,677 fterling.

No lefs favourable and happy were the bleffings of

peace and fecurity to their neighbours of Carolina ;

L Lz




for never did any country flourifh and profper in * more aftonifhing degree than this province has done fmce the conchifion of the late war. The govern ment had been given to Thomas Boone, who was not only a native of the province, but had a confiderable eftate in it, which naturally rendered him deeply interefted in its profperity. The French and Spaniards being removed out of the way, its progrefs was no A plan more retarded by any moleftation from them. The forp een_ affembly appropriated a large fund for bounties to focourag- reign Proteftants, and fuch induftrious poor people o( igmra;tieomnis- grita j n a,1(j ire)and as fhould refort to the prrovince teCaro- within three years, and fettle on the inland parts. Jma. Two townfliips, each containing 48^000 acres, were laid out; one on the river Savanna, called Mecklenburgh, and the other on the waters of Santee at Long Canes, called Londonderry; to be divided among emigrants, allowing one hundred acres for every man, and fifty for every woman and child, that fhould come and fettle in the back woods. The face of the coun try in thofe interior parts is variable and beautiful, and being compofed of hills and vallies, rocks and rivers, there is not that ftagnation in the air, which is fo ex ceedingly hurtful to the human conftitution in the fiat marfhy parts of the province. The hills occafion an agitation in the atmofphere, and by collecting the air in dreams, thefe run along the earth in pleafant breezes, and mitigate the rigour of the hot feafon. Thd climate in thofe inland parts is not only more niild and wholefome, but the foil, particularly in the vallies, which are covered with lofty trees and luxuriant buftes, is exceedingly fertile, and promifed in the ampleft manner to reward the induftrious la bourer. In confequence of this encouragement offered, it was hoped that multitudes would refort to Ca-

rolina, and fettle thofe extenfive and fruitful territo ries in the back woods, by which means the frontiers of the province would be ftrengihened, its produce increafed, and its trade enlarged,

NOT long after this a remarkable affair happened in A

Germany, by which Carolina received a great acquifi- ^r. .

tion. One Stumpel, who had been an officer in the feduccd

King of Pruffia's fervice, being reduced at the peace, jntoEng-

applied to the Britifh miniftry for a tradl of land in ;

America, and having got foine encouragement re?-

turned to Germany, where, by deceitful promifes, he

feduced between five and fix hundred ignorant people

from their native country. When thefe poor Pala

tines arrived in England, the officer finding hi mfelf

unable to perform his promifes, fled,: leaving them in

a ftrange land, without money, without friends, ex-

pofed in the open fields, and ready to periih through

want. While they were in this ftarving condition,

and knew no perfon to whom they could apply for

relief, a humane clergyman, who came from the fame

country, took compaffion on them, and published

their deplorable cafe in, the newspapers. He plead

ed for the mercy and protection of government to

them, until an opportunity might oSer of tranlport-

ing them to fome of the Britifli colonies, where he

hoped they would prove ufeful fubjecls, and in time

give their benefactors ample proofs of their gratitude

and affecYion. No fooner did their unhappy fituation

reach the ears of a great perfonage, than he imme

diately fet an example to his fubjecls, which ferved

both to warm their hearts and open their hands for

the relief of their diftreffed fellow-creatures. A

bounty of three hundred pounds was allowed them;

tents were ordered from the Tower for the accom-




modation of fuch as had paid their paflage and been permitted to come afhore; money was ferit for the relief of thofe that were confined on board. The public-fpirited citizens of London, famous for ads of beneficence and charity, afibciated, and chofe a committee on purpofe to raife money for the relief of thefe poor Palatines. A phyfician, a furgeon, arid man-midwife, generoufly undertook to attend the fick gratis. From different quarters benefa&ions were fent to the committee, and in a few days thofe un fortunate ftrangers, from the depth of indigence and diftrefs, were raifed to comfortable circumftances. The committe finding the money received more than fufficient to relieve their prefent diftrefs, applied to his Majefty to know his royal pleafure with refpecl to the future difpofal of the German Proteftants. His Majefly, fenfible that his colony of South Caro lina had not its proportion of white inhabitant?, and having exprefled a particular attachment to it, fignified his defire of tranfporting them to that province. Another motive for fending them to Carolina was the bounty allowed to foreign Proteftants by the provincial afiembly, fo that when their fource of relief from Eng land mould be exhaufled, another would open after their arrival in that province, which would help them to furmount the difficulties attending the firil ftate of cultivation.

Sent into ACCORDINGLY preparations were made for fendCarolina. ing the Germans to South Carolina. When the news
was communicated to them they rejoiced, not only becaufe they were to go to one of the moft fertile and flouriihing provinces on the continent, but alfo becaufe many of them had friends and countrymen before them. Two (hips, of two hundred tons



each, were provided for their accommodation, and provifions of all kinds !aid in for the voyage. An hundred and fifty ftand of arms were ordered from the Tower, and given them by his Majefty for their defence after their arrival in America-; all which deferve to be recorded for the honour of the Britifli nation, which has at different times fet before the world many noble examples of benevolence. Every thing being ready for their embarkation, the Pala tines broke up their camp in the fields behind WhiteChapel, and proceeded to the (hips attended by feveral of their benefaclors; of whom they took their leave with fongs of praife to God in their mouths, and tears of gratitude in their eyes.

IN the month of April, 1764, they arrived at Charleftown, and prefented a letter from the Lords Commiffioners for Trade and Plantations to Governor Boone, acquainting him that his Majefty had been pleafed to take the poor, Palatines under his royal care and protection, and as many of them were verfed in the culture of filks and vines, had ordered that a fettlement be provided for them in Carolina, . in a fituation mod proper for thefe purpofes. Though their fettlement met with fome obftrudions from a difpute fubfifting at that time between the Governor and Afiembly about certain privileges of the hotife; yet the latter could not help confidering themfelves as laid under the ftrongefl obligations to make provifion for fo many ufeful fettlers. Accordingly, in imitation of the noble example fet before them in London, they voted five hundred pounds fterling to be diflributed among the Palatines, according to the directions of !he Lieutenant-Governor, and their neceffities. That they might be fettled in a body, one of the two townflitps,

And fet- called Londonderry, was allotted for them, and diLondon- v'ded in the moft equitable ttianner into fmall trafts, derry. for the accommodation of each family. Captain Cal-
houn, with a detachment of the rangers, had orders to meet them by the way, and conduct them to the place where their town .was to be built, and all poffible affiftance was given towards promoting their fpeedy and corhfortable fettlement.

BESIDES foreign Proteftants, feveral perfons from

England and Scotland reforted to Carolina after the

peace. But of all other countries none has furniflied the

e- province with fo many inhabitants as Ireland. In the

i- nortnern counties of that kingdom the fpirit of emigra-

tain, and tion feized the people to fuch a degree, that it threat-

m"ltl" ened almoft a total depopulation. Such multitudes of

from Ire- hufbandmeo, labourers arid manufacturers flocked o-

land. ver the Atlantic, that the landlords began to be alarm

ed, and to concert ways and means for preventing the

growing evil. Scarce a ffiip failed for any of the planta

tions that \vas not crowded with men, women and chil

dren. But the bounty allowed new fettlers in Carolina

proved a great encouragement, and induced numbers

of thefe people, notwithftariding the feverity of the cli

mate, to refort to that province. The merchants find

ing this bounty equivalent to the expences of the paf-

fage, from avaricious motives perfuaded the people

to embark for Carolina, and often crammed fuch

numbers of them into theirfliips that they were in

danger of being ftifled during the paffage,.and fome-

titnes were landed in fuch a itarved and fickly con

dition, that numbers of them died before they left

Charleftown. Many caufes may be affigned for this

fpirit of emigration that prevailed fo much in Ire

land : feme, no doubt, emigrated from a natural





reftleflhefs of temper, and a defire of roving abroad,

without; any fixed object in view. Others were en

ticed over by flattering promifes from their friends

and relations, who had gone before them. But of

all other caufes of emigration oppreffion .at home

was the rnoft powerful and prevalent. Moft men

have a natural fondnefs and partiality for their na-

t}ve country, and leave it with reluctance while they

are able to earn a comfortable livelihood in it. That

fpot where they firft drew the breath of life, that

faciety in which they fpent the gay feafon of youthj

the religion, the manners and cuftoms of thofe a-

morg whom they were educated, all confpire to af

fect the heart, and endear their native country to

them. But poverty and oppreffion will break through

every natural tie and endearment, and compel men

to rove abroad in feafch of fome afylum againft

domeftic hardfhip. Hence it happened that many

poor people forfook their native land, and preferred

the burning iky and unwholefome climate of Caroli

na, to the temperate and mild air of their mother

country. The fuccefs that attended fome friends who

had gone before them being alfo induftrioufiy pub-

limed in Ireland, and -with all the exaggerations of

travellers, gave vigour to the fpirit of adventure, and

induced multitudes to follow their countrymen, and

run all hazards abroad, rather than ftarve at home.

Government winked at thofe emigrations, and every

year brought frefli ftrength to Carolina, infomuch

that the lands in Ireland were in dange-r of lying

watte for want of labourers, and the manufactures

of dwindling into nothing.


VOL. It.





Andfrom No'a were thefe the only fources from which them^co- Carolina, at this time, derived ftrength and art
increafe of population. For, notwithstanding thti va ^. extent o f territory which the provinces of Vir ginia and Pennfylvania contained, yet fuch was the nature of the country, that a fcarcity of improveablc lands began to be felt in thefe colonies, and poor people could not find fpots in them unoccupied equal to their expectations. Moft of the richeft. vallies in thefe more populous provinces lying to the eaft of the Alleganny mountains were either under patent or oc cupied, and, by the royal proclamation at the peace, no fettlements were allowed to extend beyond the fources of the rivers which empty themfelves into the Atlantic. In Carolina the cafe was different, for there large tracks of the beit lands as yet lay wafte, which proved a great temptation to the northern colonifts to migrate to the fouth. Accordingly, about this time above a thoufand families, with their ef fects, in the fpace of one year reforted to Carolina, driving their cattle, hogs and horfes over land be fore them. Lands were allotted them on the fron tiers, and moil of them being only entitled to fmall tracks, fuch as one, two or three hundred acres, the back fettlements by this means foon became the moft populous parts of the province. The frontiers were riot only {lengthened and fecured by new fettlers, but the old ones on the maritime parts began alfo to ftretch backward a'nd fpread their branches, in confequence of which the demand for lands in the inte-" rior parts every year increafed. The Governor and Council met once a-month for the purpofe of grant ing lands and figning patents, and it is incredible what numbers of people attended thofe meetings in' order to obtain them..; fo that, from the tune in which



America was fecured by the peace, Carolina made rapid pfogrefs in population, wealth and trade, which will farther appear when we come particularly to confider its advanced ftate and annual exports.

IN proportion as the province increafed in the number of white inhabitants, its danger from the favage tribes grew lefs alarming. But to prevent any molef- the protation from Indians, and efhblifh the peace of the vc^' na.i"r.ift Tlua "colonies on the molt lading foundation, his Majefly, by his royal proclamations after the peace, took care to fix the boundaries of their hunting lands, in as clear a manner as the nature of tbe country would admit. No fettlements were allowed to extend any farther backward upon the Indian territories, than the fources of thofe great rivers which fall into tie Atlantic Ocean, and all Britifh fubjecls who had fettled beyond thefe limits were ordered to remove. In this reflriflion his Majefty evidently made a di{HncYion between the rights of fovereignty and thofe of property ; having excluded his governors from all manner of jurifdiclion over thole lands which were not fpecified within the limits of their refpeclive pro vinces. All private fubjects were prohibited from purchasing lands from Indians; but if the latter fiiouid at any time be inclined to difpofc of their property, it muit for the future be done to the King, by the general confent of their nation, and at a public afietnbly held by Britifh governors for that purpofe. All traders were ob liged to take out licences from their refpective gover nors for carrying on commerce with Indian nations.

SUCH regulations were in many refpe&s u&ful and

Bcceflary ; for the French and Spaniards being ex-





eluded, it only remained to guard the provinces againft the danger arifing from Indians. And as they were liable to much abufe and oppreffion from private tra ders, it was thought neceffary that the office of a fuperintendant mould be continued for the fouthern as well as the northern diftricT: of America. AcJohn cordingly this office was given to Captain John made fu- Stuart, who was in every refpeft well qualified for perinten- the truft. Attakullakulla had fignified to the GoverJndiapr nor anc^ Council, after the Cherokee war, that the affairs. province would receive no moleftation from Indians were this officer appointed to refide among them, and to advife and direct them. The Aflembly had not only thanked him for his good conduct and great perfeverance at Fort Loudon, and rewarded him with fifteen hundred pounds currency, but alfo recom mended him to the Governor as a perfon worthy of preferment in the fervice of the province. After his commiffion arrived from the King, the Carolineans rejoiced, and promifed themfelves for the future great tranquillity and happinefs. Plans of lenity were likev.'ife adopted by government with refpecl: to thofe Indian tribes, and every poffible precaution was taken to guard them againft oppreffion, and prevent, any rupture with them. Experience had {hewn that i'igorous meafures, fuch as humbling them by force of arms, were not only very expensive and bloody^ but difagreeable to a humane and generous nation, and. feldorn accompanied with any good effeds. Such ill treatment rendered the favages cruel, fufpicious and diftruftful, and prepared them for renewing hoftillties, by keeping alive their ferocious and warlike fpirit. Their extirpation, even though it could eafily be cofnpleated, \vould bs a cruel aft, and all the white

the growth and proipefity of the fettlements would be much retarded by the attempt. Whereas, by treat ing Indians with gentlenefs and humanity, it was thought they would by degrees lofe their favage fpirit, and become more harmlefs and civilized. It Was hoped that by eftablifhing a fair and free trade with them, their rude temper would in time be foftened, their manners altered, and their wants in*creafed ; and inftead of implacable enemies, ever bent on deftruction, they might be rendered good allies, both ufeful and beneficial to the trade of the nation.

IT has been remarked, (hat thofe Indians on tkc Decreafe

continent of America, who were at the time of its aonfs,Inadnldj difcovery a numerous and formidable people, have the caufes

fince that period been conftantly decreafing, and ^ lt*

melting away like fhow upon the mountains. For

this rapid depopulation many reafons have been af-

figned. It is well known that population every where

keeps pace with the means of fubfiftence. Even ve

getables fpring and grow in proportion to the rich-

nefs of the foil in which they are planted, and to the

fupplies they receive from the nourifhing rains and

dews of heaven; animals flourish or decay according

as the means of fubfiftence abound or fail ; and as all

mankind partake of the nature of both, they alfo mul

tiply or decreafe as they are fed, or have provifion in

plenty, luxury excluded. The Indians being driven

from their pofleffions near the fea as the fettlements

multiplied, were robbed of many neceffaries of life,

particularly of oyfters, crabs, and fifli, with which the

maritime parts furnilhed them in gneat abundance,


and on which they muft have considerably fubfifted,





as is apparent from a view of their camps, ftill re maining near the fea-fb^te. *Ths \vomen are not only much difregarded and defpifed, but alfo naturally lefs prolific among rude than poliflied nations. The men being often abroad, at hunting or war, agricul ture, which is the chief means of fubfiftence among a civilized people, is entirely neglected by them, and looked upon as an occupation worthy only of women or flaves. That abftinence and fatigue which the men endure in their diftant excurfions, and that gluttony and voracioufnefs in which they indulge themfelves in the times of plenty, are equally hurtful to the conftir tution, and productive of difeafes of different kinds. Now that their territories are circumfcrited by nar rower bounds, the means of fubfiftence derived even from game is lefs plentiful. Indeed fcanty and limited are the provifions they raife by planting, even in the belt feafons; but in cafe of a failure of their crops, or of their fields being deftroyed by enemies, they perifli in numbers by famine. Their natural paffion for war the firft European fettlers foon difcovered; and there fore turned the fury of one tribe againft another, with a view to fave themfelves. When engaged in hoftilities, they always fought not fo much to humble and conquer, as to exterminate and deftroy. The Britiih, the French and Spanifh nations, having planted co.lonies in their neighbourhood, a rivalftiip for power over them took place, and each nation having its al lies among the iavages, was zealous and indefatigable in inftigating them againft the allies of its neighbour; Hence a feries of bloody and deftruftive wars has been carried on among thefe rude tribes, with all the rage and rancour of implacable enemies.




BUT famine and war, however deftruct'rve, were not the only caufes of their rapid decay. The fmallpox having broke out among them, proved exceed ingly fatal, both on account of the contageous na ture of the diftemper, and their harm and injudici ous attempts to cure it by plunging themfelves into cold rivers during the moft violent ftages of the diforder. The peflilence broke out among fome nations, particularly among the Pemblicos in North Carolina^ and almoft fwept away the whole tribe. The prac tice of entrapping them, which was encouraged by the firft fettlers in Carolina, and felling them for flaves to fhe Weft-India planters, helped greatly to thin their nations. But, of all other caufes, the introdu&ion of fpirituous liquors among them, for which they difcovered an amazing fondnefs, has proved the moft deftru&ive. Excefs and intemperance not only undermined their conftitution, but alfo created many quarrels, and fubjefted them to a numerous lift of fatal difeafeSj to which in former times they were en tire ftrangers. Befides thofe Europeans engaged in commercial bufinefs with them, generally fpeakirig* have been fo far from reforming them, by examples of virtue and purity of manners, that they rather ferved to corrupt their morals, and render them more treacherous, diftfuftful, bafe and debauched than they were before this intercourfe commenced. In fhort, European avarice and ambition have not only debafed the original nature and ftern virtue of that favage race, fo that thofe few Indians that now re main have loft in a great meafure their primitive, charafter; but European vice and European difeafes, the confequences of vice, have exterminated this people, snfomuch that many nations formerly populous are to tally extincl, and their names entirely forgotten.
TH -i

Prefent THE principal tribes around Carolina that now Indian remain are, the Cherokees, the Catabaws, the Creeks, nations the Chickefaws, and Cho&aws, and a few others fouthern ^at fcarcety deferve to be mentioned. In 1765 the
Cherokees, who inhabit the mountains to the north of Charleftown, could fcarcely bring two thoufand men to the field. The Catabaws have fifteen miles fquare allotted them for hunting lands, about two hundred miles north of Charleftown, with Britifh ietrlements all around them; but they are fo muchreduced by a long war with the Five Nations, that they could not mofter one hundred and fifty warriors. The Creeks inhabit a fine country on the fouthrweftj between four and frve hundred miles diftant from Charleftown, affO the number of both the Upper and Lower nations does not exceed two thoufand gun-men. The Chickefaw towns lie about fix hundred miles due weft from Charleftown, but the nation cannot fend three hundred warriors to the field, owing to the in fceffant wars which they have carried on againft the French, by which their number has been greatly diminiflied. The Choftaws are at leaft feven hundred miles weft-fouth-weft from Charleftown, and have be tween three and four thoufand gun-men; and as their fettlements border on Weft Florida, the greateft part of them till the late peace remained allies of France. But as thefe artful and insinuating rivals were removed 6ut of the way, and the Britifli government had adop ted prudent plans of civilizing and managing thofe bar barous nations, the colonies for the future were in a great meafure freed from al! apprehenfions of danger from them. I mail therefore conclude my obfervations refpeUng Indians with a fpeech of Mr. Stuart the fuperintendant, delivered at a general congrefs held



in Mobile, at which Governor Johnftone and many Britifh officers and foldiers attended. For as he was fo well acquainted with the humours, tempers and characters of thefe tribes, this fpeech, in which is ex hibited a good fpecimen of the language and manner proper for addreffing barbarous nations, may not be unworthy of the reader's attention.

" FRIENDS and brothers, the Supreme Being who Mr. Stu" .made the world and all its inhabitants, has been f'gesch r^Q " pleafed to permit many great warriors of the Britiih the Indi" and Indian nations to meet together in peace. The !?"s , .** " great Krr i. ng , .w,ho i.s th, e frath, er orr alli w1hite peopl,e m. Mobile. " Great Britain and America, and defends them from " danger, this day flretches out his arms to receive " his red children into favour. He has been pleafed to *' appoint me fuperintendent of the affairs of all Indian " nations to the fouthward of Virginia. In his name " I fpeak to you, and as the words you hear are his *' words, I hope you will liften to them with attention, " and allow them to remain deeply impreffed on your " minds. They are calculated to promote not only " your happinefs, but that of your children and " childrens children for ever.

*' WHEN the great kings of Britain and France

" were at variance, the florins of war raged through

" this great foreu^ the Indian nations were divided,

" brothers againft brothers, and your country was

" ftained with blood Malice and revenge went forth,

" all paths were made crooked, and your land was

*" covered with darknefs Now that it has pleafed the

" Author of life to reilore the bleffings of light and


^ peace, it is our duty to make a proper ufe and im-



" provement

" provement of them. As . y$ gathered in the night " are difperfed by the fifing . in, fo words dictated by " the rage of war mould be forgotten in the time of " peace. The great King, full of wifdom and magna" nimity, knows the frailty of his red children, and " forgives their difobedience and rebellion. He ex" tends his love to them all, even to thofe that lifted " up the hatchet againft him. To render them fecure, " he has refolved that the EngHfh and French {hall " be for ever ieparated by the great river Mifliffippi, " and that all nations on this fide of it fhall have " him for their common father. He commands all " ftrife and enmity between his white and red chil" dren to ceafe, and expefts that the allies of Britain " will take thofe Indians, the former allies of France, "by the hand, and live together like brethren " of one family. That his white and red children " may be near one other, and mutually fupply each " other's wants, he has ordered fome of his good " fubje&s to come over the great waters, and live *' an the fruits of this land, which the Supreme " Being made for the ufe of mankind in general. " To open this friendly intercourfe, I have invited " you all to meet me at this place, and I rejoice that " fo many brothers are come to accept of the royal ** favour and protection.
" YE Chickefaw warriors, I fpeak firft to you, and te I know your ears are open to my words. The great " King regards you as children brought up in. their " father's houfe, v/ho from their in-fancy have been " dutiful and obedient, and .by that means merited " what you have always enjoyed, his particular care " and affecYion. While darknefs furrounded you on-
" every



* every fide, he has defended you from all thofc fnares " and dangers to which you were expofed. Now " the day Is clear and unclouded. Your father conti" nues to love you. The paths from your towns to all " nations fhall be made ftraight and plain, and nothing " {hall be permitted to'hurt your feet. Your children " {hall rejoice and grow up in fafety, and your houfes " {hall be filled with abundance of corn and venifon. " I am come to tell you the good news, and to fee that " juftice be done you in all commercial dealings.

'* IN the next place I fpeak to you, ye warriors of " the great party of the Choftaw nation. You were " like fons feparated from their father, and removed " at a great diftance from his protection; but by " perfiiling in obedience you were entitled to his " love. The great King always acknowledged you, " but now he receives you into his family, and offers '*' you all the favours and privileges of fons. While yon " continue dutiful and obedient, the eye of your fa" ther mall be upon you, and his hand mail be open " to relieve your wants. Under his care you /hall " enjoy all the blefiings of peace and fafety. You " {hail receive no injuries from friends, nor be ex" pofed to any dangers from enemies. Your arms " {hall be kept bright, your hunting lands no man (halt " be permitted to take from you, and there mall be " abundance of corn about your villages.

" BUT as for you, ye Choftaw warriors of the Sis

" Villages, you were like children early loft. While

" you were wandering out of the way, without know-

"- m S ynur brothers you blindly (truck them. You


" found a father, indeed, who adopted yon, and you

Nn 2

" have



" have long fcrved him with zeal, and ihewn " proofs of your courage. You have received from " your French father fuch poor rewards for your fer. " vices as he could beftow; but all the while you re. " mained under his care you were hungry, naked " and miferable. He gave you many fair words and " promifes, and having long deceived you, at laft is " obliged to leave you in your prefent forlorn and " wretched condition, Now your true father has " found you, and this day ftretches forth his arms " to receive you under his prote&ion. He has for" gotten all your pall offences. He knows your weak" nefs, and forgives your errors. He knows your. " wants, and is difpofed to relieve them. 1 have " but one tongue, and always fpeak the truth; and " as I bring you good news, I hope my words {hall " not be blown away by the wind. The great King " is wife, generous and merciful, and 1 flatter myfclf " with the hopes that you will never forget your ob" ligations to his goodnefs.

" IT is my duty to watch over Indians, and " protecl them againiV all manner of danger and op". prtffion. For this purpofe my ears mall be always " open to your complaints, and it ihall be my ftudy " to redrefs your grievances. I mult warn you to " beware of all quarrels and outrages, by which you " will certainly forfeit the royal favour, and plunge " yourfelves again into mifery. I hope you will al" ways obferve my advice, and conduct yourfelves " accordingly, that I may be able to tranfmit good " accounts of your behaviour to England. It is only " by the perrniffion of the great King that your wants " can be fupplied, and that traders can come into
" your,



" your villages with guns, powder, balls, knives, " hatchets, flints, hoes, clothes and other neceffaries. " Thefe things you cannot make for yourfelves, and " no other nation will be allowed to furnifh you with " them. Therefore the great King has a right to " expecT: your gratitude and obedience, for all he re(t quires is with a view to your own tranquillity and " happineis.

" As you are all received into the family of the " great King, it is expe&ed that Indians will not on" ly live in friendfliip and peace with white men, bat *' alfo with one another. In imitation of his Majefty's " good example, you muft forget all injuries and of"' fences, and throw afide all national jealoufie$ and " antipathies. The King expects that the great chief" tains, to whom he has given medals and gorgets, will " confider them not merely as ornaments, but as em" blems of the high offices they bear, and the great " truft repofed in them. All prefents made you are " in confideration of the good fervices expefted from *" you. Therefore, ye wife and great leaders, I expect " you will ufe your authority like fathers, and reftrain " your young men from all acts of violence and injuf" tice, and teach them that the only way to merit ho" nour and preferment is to be juft, honefl and peace" able, and that difgrace and punifljment will be the " confequences of diforderly practices, fuch as robbing " plantations, and beating or abufmg white people.

" YE warriors who have no commiilions, I fpeak " to you alfo in name of the King, and 1 hope you " will reverence his authority and love your brethren.
*' Lifteti at all times to your wife rulers, and ,be care" ful

" ful to follow their advice and example. By their " wifdom and juftice they have arrived at an high " pitch of preferment, and ftand diftinguiflied by " great and fmall medals. If, like them, you wi(h " to be great, like them, you ir.uft firft be good. " You muft refpedt them as children do their father, " yielding fubmiffion to their authority, and obedi" ence to their commands. Without the favour of " your chiefs you will neither get your wants fup" plied nor reach the ftatton of honour. An ar" mourer will be fent into your nation to clean and " repair your rifles, but he will have inftruftions to " mend arms to none but fuch as (hall be recom" mended by their chiefs, it being proper that fuch " leaders mould have it in their power to diftinguifh " thofe that are peaceable and obedient from the ob<[ ftinate and perverfe.
" I AM to inform you all, that I will fend a belo" ved man into your towns, who will be -veftedwith " authority to hear and determine all differences be" tween you and the traders, to deliver all meilages " from me to you, and all talks from you to me. " And as he will come to promote your welfare and " tranquillity, I hope you will receive him kindly, " protecl Bim again ft all infuks, and affift him in the " execution of his office,
" WHEN the French governor took his leave of you, he advifed you to look upon yourfelves as c< the children of the King of Great Britain. The advice was good, I hope ycu will remember it for ever. The great King has warriors numerous as the trees of the fore'ft, and ftands in no need of
" your

S O U T H C A R O L I N A.
" your affiftance; but he defires your friendfhip and " alliance to render you happy. He loves peace and " juftice, but he will punifli all murders and rebel" lion. Be careful, therefore, to keep your feet far " from the crooked and bloody path. Shun all com" munication with Indian tribes who lift the hatchet " againft their white brethren. Their talks, their " calamets, their belts of wampum, and their tobac" co, are all poifonous. If you receive them into " your towns, be aflured you will be infected with " their madnefs, and be in danger of rufhing into " deftruftion. Be cautious, above all things, of " permitting great quantities of rum to be brought " into your villages. It poifons your body, enervates " your mind, and, from refpectablc warriors, turns " you into furious madmen, who treat friends and " enemies alike. Mark thofe perfons, whether they " be white or red, that bring rum among you, for " bad men,, who violate the laws, and have nothing " elfe in view but to cheat, and reader you defpi" cable and wretched.
" LASTLY, I inform you that it is the King's or" der to all his governors and fubjecls, to treat Indi" ans with juftice and humanity, and to forbear all " encroachments on the territories allotted for them. " Accordingly, all individuals are prohibited from " purchafing any of your lands; but as you know that " your white brethren cannot feed you when you vifit " them unlefs you give them grounds to plant, it is ex" pefled that you will cede lands to the King for that " purpofe. But whenever you {lull be plea fed to fur" render any of your territories to his Mi\jefly, it rnuft " be done for the future at a public meeting of your
" nutlon,



" nation, when the governors of the provinces, or " the fuperintendent fhall be prcfent, and obtain the " confent of all your people. The boundaries of " your hunting grounds will be accurately fixed, and " no fettlement permitted to be made upon them. " As you may be affured that all treaties with you " will be faithfully kept, fo it is expected that you alfo " -will be careful ftri&ly to obferve them. I have now " done, and I hope you will remember the words I " have fpoken. Time will ftion difcover to you the " generofity, juftice and goodnefs of the Britifh na" tiori. By the bounty of the King, and a well-or" derei trade with his fubjecls, your houfes mall be ** filled with plenty, and your hearts with joy. You " itlll fee your men and women well clothed and fed, * and yotif children growing up to honour you, and * lidd ftfength to your nation; your peace and prof" perity fhall be eftablifhedj and continue from ge** neration to generation."

HAVING now endeavoured to give fome account

of the rife and progrefs of this colony for the firft cen

tury after its fettlement, or rather from the time the

Proprietors received their fecond charter in 1665 to the

year 1765, we {hall add a general view of its prefent

ftate and condition. I have purpofely delayed fpeaking

of feveral things, particularly of the temper, manners

and chara&er of the people, until this period, when

they come more immediately under my own notice;

and fuch obfervations as I have made fhall now be

fabmitted to the public view for the ufe of ftrangers,

(raving all men acquainted with provincial affairs to

judjg* for themfelves, according to the different lights

hi' Which matters may have occurred to them,





WITH refpeft to the towns in Carolina, none of

them, excepting one* merit the fmalleft notice.

Beaufort, PurHburgh, Jackfonburgh, Dorchefter,

Camden, and George-town, are all inconfiderable

villages, having in each no more than twenty, thirty,

Or, at moft, forty dwelling; houfes. But Charleftown, A dethe capi. tali of,- th, e provi nce, may ibe ranki edj withu tht-e fOcfncphtiaora-

firft cities of Britifli America, and yearly advances in les-town.

fize, riches and population. It is fituated upon a neck.

of land at the confluence of Aihley and Cooper rivers,

which are large and navigable, and wafh at lead two

third parts of the town. Thefe rivers mingle their

flreams immediately below the town, and, running fix

orfeven miles farther, empty themfelves at Sullivan's

ifland into the Atlantic Ocean. By means of fuch

broad rivers the fea is laid open from eaft to fouth-

eaft, and the town fanned by gentle breezes from the

ocean, which are very refreshing to the inhabitants

during the fummer months. The tide flows a great

way above the town, and occafions an agitation in

the air which is alfo productive of falutary effe&s.

So low and level is the ground upon which Charleftown

is built, that the inhabitants are obliged to raife bank*

of earth, as barriers, to defend themfelves againft the

higher floods of the fea. The flreets from eaft to weft

extend from river to river, and, running in a ftraight

line, not only open a beautiful profpecl, but alio afford

excellent opportunities, by means of fubterranean

drains, for removing all nuifances, and keeping the

town clean and healthy. Thefe itfeets are interfeft-

ed by others, nearly at right angles, and throw the

ibwn into a number of fquares, with dwelling houfes

on the front, and office-houfes and little gardens be-





hind them. Some of the fireets are broad, which in inch a climate is a neceffary and wife regulation, for where narrow lanes and alleys have been tolerated, they prove by their confined fituation a fruitful nurfery for.difeafcs of different kinds. The town, which was at firft entirely built of wood, as might be ex pected, has often fuffered from fire ; but fuch cala mities, though they fell heavy on individuals, have given the inhabitants frequent opportunities of ma king confiderable improvements in it. Now moft houfes are built of brick, three ftoreys high, fome of them elegant, and all neat habitations ; within they are genteelly furnifhed, and without expofed as much as poflible to the refrefhing breezes from the fea. Many of them are indeed encumbered with balconies and piazzas, but thefe are found convenient and even neceffary during the hot feafon, into which the inhabi tants retreat for enjoying the benefit of frem air, which is cbmmonly occafioned, and always increafed, by the flux and reflux of the fea. Almofl every family have their pump-wells, but the water in them being at no great diftance from the fait river, and filtered only through fand, is brackiih, and commonly occafions fevere griping and purging to every perfon not accuftomed to it. The town confided at this time of, at leaf!, twelve hundred dwelling houfes, and was in an advancing fiate. The public buildings are, an Exchange, a State-Houfe, an Armoury, two churches for Epifcopalians, one for Prefbyterians^ two for French and Dutch Proteftants ; to which may be added, meeting-houfes for Anabaptifts, In dependents, Quakers and Jews. Upon the fides of the rivers wharfs are built, to which all {hips that come over the bar may lie clofe j and having {lores



and ware-houfes created upon them, are exceeding ly convenient for importing and exporting all kinds of merchandife.

THE harbour is alfo tolerably well fortified, the King having at different times prefented the province with great guns for that purpofe. Towards Cooper ri ver the town is defended by a number of batteries, infomuch that no {hips of an enemy can approach it without confiderable hazard. Befides thefe, the paffage up to it is fecured by Fort Johnfon, built on James's Ifiand, about two miles below the town. This fort {lands in a commanding fituation, -within point-blank {hot of the channel, through which every {hip, in their way to and from Charleftown, muft pafs. The com mander of Fort Johnfon is commiffioned by the King, and has authority to ftop every {hip coming in until the mafter or mate mall make oath that there is no malignant diftemper on board. It has barracks for fifty men ; but, in cafe of emergency, it obtains affiftance from the militia of the ifland. During the late Cherokee war a plan was alfo formed for forti fying the town towards the land, with a horn-work built of tappy, flanked with batteries and redoubts at proper diftances, and extending from river to river ; but, after having fpent a great fum.of money on this wt'rk, peace being reftored, the defign was dropt.

IN 1765 the number of white inhabitants in Thenum-

Charleftown amounted to between five and fix thou- *>er ( its

fand, and the number of negroes to between feven tants.'"

and eight thoufand. With refpeft to the number of

white inhabitants in the province we cannot be cer

tain, but we may form fome conjecture from the





militia roll; for as all male perfons from fixteen, to fixty are obliged by law to bear arms and mufter in, the regiments, and as the whole militia formed a body of between feven and eight thoufand, reckon ing the fifth perfon fit for military duty, the whole inhabitants in the province might amount to near forty thoufand. But the number of negroes was not kfs than eighty or ninety thoufand. As no exac\ regifter of the births and funerals has been kept at Charleftown for feveral years, we cannot afcertain the proportion between them. Formerly, when bills of mortality were annually printed, the common compu tation was, that, while no contagious diforder prevail ed in town, one out of thirty-five died yearly, or one out of each family in the fpace of feven years. How ever, the lift of deaths is often increafcd by the failors and tranfient perfons that die in the town, and by ma lignant diftempers imported into it. It is generally, believed, that the number of births among the fettled inhabitants exceeds that of funerals; but we fhall af firm nothing with refpecl: to this matter without better authority than common obfervation and conjecture.

Ageneral WITH refpecl: to temper and charade^ the inhaview of bitants of Carolina differ little from thofe of Great ners, &c. Britain and Ireland; I mean, fuch as derived their of the origin from thofe iilands, for the defcendents of oPeP e- t{jer nations ftill retain fomething of the complexion,
manners and cuftoms of thofe countries from whence they came. In ftature, the natives of Carolina are about the middle iize; for in Europe we meet with men both taller and fliorter. They are, generally {peaking, more forward and quick in growth thari
the natives of cold climates. Indeed we may fay, there.



there are no boys or girls in the province, for from childhood they are introduced into company, and affume the air and behaviour of men and women. Many of them have an happy and natural quicknefs of apprehenfion, efpecially in the common affairs of life, and manage bufinefs with eafe and difcretion; but want that fteadinefs, application and perfeverance ne- , ceffary to the higheft improvements in the arts and fciences. Several natives who have had their education in Britain, have diftinguifhed themfelves by their know ledge in the laws and conftitution of their country ; but thofe who have been bred in the province, ha ying their ideas confined to a narrower fphere, haye as yet made little figure as men of genius or learning. Agriculture being^more lucrative than any other em ployment, all who poffefs lands and negroes apply their chief attention to the improvement of their fortune, regardlefs of the higher walks of fcience. They com monly marry early in life, and of courfe are involved in domeftic cares and concerns before their minds have had time to ripen in knowledge and judgment. In the progrefs of fociety they have not advanced beyond that period in which men are diftinguifhed more by their external than internal accompHlhments. Hence it hap pens, that beauty, figure, agility and ftrength form the principal diftinftions among them, efpecially in):he coun try. Among Englifh people they are chiefly known by the number of their flaves, the value of their annual produce, or the extent of their landed eftate. For the moft part they are lively and gay, adapting their drefs to the nature of the climate in which they live, and difcover no fmall tafte and neatnefs in their outward ap pearance. Their intercourfe and communication with Jkitain being eafy and frequent, all novelties in fefhien,
drefs 20



drefs and ornament are quickly introduced; and even the fpirit of luxury and extravagance, too common in England, was beginning to' creep into Carolina. Almoft every family kept their chaifes for a fingle horfe, and fome of the principal planters of late years have im ported fine horfes and fplendid carriages from Britain. They difcover no bad tafte for the polite arts, fuch as mufic, drawing, fencing and dancing; and it is ac knowledged by all, but efpecially by itrangers, that the ladies in the province confiderably outfhine the men. They are not only fenfible, difcreet and virtu ous, but alfo adorned with moft of thofe polite and elegant accomplifhments becoming their fex. The Carolineans in general are affable and eafy in their manners, and exceedingly kind and hofpitable to all ftrangers. There are few old men or women to be found in the province, which is a fure fign of the unhealthinefs of the climate. We cannot fay that there are many in the country that arrive at their fixtieth year, and feveral at thirty bear the wrinkles, bald head and grey hairs of old age. As every perfon by diligence and application may earn a comfortable liveli hood, there are few poor people in the province, except the idle or unfortunate. Nor is the number,of rich people great; moft of them being in what we call eafy and independent circumftances. It has been remark ed, that there are more perfons poffefied of between five and ten thoufand pounds fterling in the province, than are to be found any where among the fame num ber of people. In refpeft of rank, all men regarded their neighbour as their equal, and a noble fpirit of benevolence pervaded the fociety. In point of induftry the town was like a bee-hive, and there were none that reaped not advantages more or lefs from theflou-



ri/hing ftate of trade and commerce. Pride and am

bition had not as yet crept into this community; but


the province was faft advancing to that ftate of pow

er and opulence, when fome diftincYions among men

neceflarily take place.

WITH rdpecYto the manner of living in Charles- And of town, it is nearly the fame as in England; and many ^eir w circumftances concur to render it neither very diffi cult nor expenfive to furnifh plentiful tables. They have tea from England, and coffee, chocolate and fugar from the Weft Indies, in plenty. Butter is good, efpecially at that feafon when the fields arq cleared of rice, and the cows are admitted into them j and it is fo plentiful that they export a good deal of it to the Leeward Iflands. The province produces fomc flour for bread ; but it being of an inferior quality, the inhabitants chiefly make ufe of thai- imported from New York and Philadelphia. In the market there is plenty of beef, pork, veal, poultry and venifon, and a great variety of wild-fowls and fall-water fifli. The mutton from the low lands is not fo good as that from the hills in the interior parts, but as the back country is now well fettled, it is hoped that the mar ket in time will be likewife well fupplied with mutton from it. They have alfo a variety of the fined fruits and vegetables in their feafon. Their principal drink is punch, or grog, which is compofed of rum well diluted with water. With, refped to wine, Madeira is not only beft fuited to the climate, in which it im proves by heat and age, but alfo moft commonly ufed by the people in general, though French, Spanifh and Portuguefe wines are likewife prefented at the tables of the moft opulent citizens. Befides thefe,



they have porter and beer from England, and cyder and perry from the northern colonies. Where rum is cheap, excefs in the ufe of it will not be uncom mon, efpecially among the lower clafs of people; but *he gentlemen in general are fober, induftrious and temperate. In fhort, the people are not only bleifed with plenty* but with a difpofition to ihare it among friends and neighbours; and many will bear me witiiefs, when I fay, that travellers could fcarcely go into any city where they could meet with a fociety of peo ple more agreeable, intelligent and hofpitabfe than that at Gharleftown.

The arts THOUGH the arts and fciences had been long neand fcien- gleted, and have as yet made no great progrefs in the lcaetseonelny^of pro.vince, yet ofr,late years th.ey,have met witht great couragecL encouragement. The people in general ftand not only
much indebted to an ingenious bookfeller, who intro duced many of the moft diftinguiflied authors among them, but feveral of the moft refpeclable citizens alfo united and formed a fociety for the promotion of lite rature, having obtained a charter of incorporation for that purpofei All the new publications in London, and many of the moft valuable books, both ancient and modern, have been imported for the ufe of rhis fociety^ the membersof which were ambitious of proving themfelves the worthy defcendants of Bricifh anceftors, by tranfporting not only their inferior arts of induftry and agriculture, but alfo their higher improve ments in philofophy and jurisprudence. Their defign was not confined to the prefent generation, but ex tended to pofterity, having the inftitution of a college in view, fo foon as the funds of the fociety fliould admit of it. News-papers were alfo printed, for fup-



plying the province with the fremeft and moft ufeful intelligence of all that paffed in the political and com mercial world. For amufemem the inhabitants of Charleftown had not only books and public papers, but alfo affemblies, balls, concerts and plays, which were attended by cotripanies almoft equally brilliant as thofe of any town in Europe of the fame fize.

CHAR.LESTOWN had its armoury, magazine, and The nii-

tnilitia, and eyery citizen, like thofe of ancient Sparta,

joined the military to the civil character. The officers ftrength

of the militia are aprrpointed byJ the Governor,' w.ho of *he commonly nominates fuch men from among the in

habitants to command the reft as are mod diftin-

guiflied for their courage and capacity. All men

of the military age being regiftered in the militia

roll, each perfon knows the company to which he

belongs, the captain who commands it, and is obli

ged to keep his arms in order, and to appear proper-

ly equipped in cafe of any alarm or other emergency.

We cannot fay that the militia in general made a

good appearance, or feemed expert at the ufe of

arms ; but the companies of grenadiers, light in

fantry, and artillery, were extravagantly gay, and

jtolerably well difciplirted. As moft of the men were

equally independent as their officers, that prompt

obedience to orders, neceflary in a regular army,

could not be expected from them ; but being con-

fcious that union of ftrength was neceflary to

the common fafety, on all emergencies they ap

peared under arms with alacrity and expedition.

By the militia law the merchants and tradefmcn of

the city were fubjecled to fome temporary inconve-






niencies and interruptions of bufmefs; but as agri culture was chiefly carried on by flaves, and nature brought the fruits of the earth to maturity, the planters in the country had abundance of time to fpare for military exercifes. Their rural life, and the conftant ufe of arms, promoted a kind of mar tial fpirit among them, and the great dangers to which they were always expofed, habituated them to face an enemy with refolution. Fortunately a natu ral antipathy fubfifted between Indians and negroes, and prevented the two from uniting and confpiring the deftrucYion of the colony. Therefore, while Indi ans remained quiet and peaceable, it was not the inte* reft of the province to have them removed at a great diftance; for had they been driven over the Miffiffippi, or extirpated, their place would probably have been fupplied by fugitive flaves, who, by taking fhelter in the mountains, would have proved an enemy equally, if not more, cruel and formidable to Carolina than the Indians themfelves; or had the favage nations given encouragement to flaves to fly to them for liberty and protection, fatal maft the confequences have been to the fettlement.

THUS expofed to barbarians, the members of this little community knew that union of ftrengtb was not only requifite to the common fafety, but both intereft Of itsfo- and duty naturally led them to eltablifh focieties with formed a particular view of railing funds for relieving each fornuitu- others wants. Though every perfon was obliged by alfuppovt j aw to contribute, in proportion to his eftate, for the and relief. relief or the poor or< th, e provi nce, yet, .bet/i.d,es this,
there were fcveral focieties formed and incorporated for the particular purpofe of affifling fuch families be



longing to them as might happen to be unfortunate in

trade, or in any other way reduced to an indigent (late.

Among thefe there is one called The South-Carolina

Society, which merits particular notice. At firft it

confided not of the moft opulent citizens, though

many of thefe afterwards joined it, but of perfons in

moderate ftations, who held it an efiential duty to

relieve one another in fuch a manner as their cir-

cumftances would admit; accordingly they united,

elefted officers, and, by trifling weekly contribu

tions, donations and legacies, together with good

management, in procefs of time accumulated a con-

fiderable ftock. A common fcal was provided, with

the device of a hand planting a vine, and the motto

Pofteritati. The Heavens fmile on humane and ge

nerous defigns. Many obferving the great ufeful-

nefs of this fociety, petitioned for admiffion into it;

and as its numbers increafed its ftock enlarged.

In 1738, their capital amounted to no more than

L. 213:165.; but, in 1776, it had arifen to a

fum not lefs than L. 68,787 : 10 : 3, current money.

All the while their works of charity have likewife

been confpicuous and extenfive. Many unfortunate

and finking families have been fupported by them

in a decent and refpe&able manner. Many help-

lefs orphans have been educated, and prepared for

being ufeful members of fociety. Several other fo-

cieties in Charleftown have been founded upon the

fame plan, and on many occafions the inhabitants

in general, (it may be mentioned to their honour),

have difcovered a benevolent and charitable fpirit,

not only to poor people in the province, but alfo to

unfortunate ftrangers.


Pp 2


Of its ^"HE merchants in Carolina are a refpeclable body merchants of rtcn, induftrious and indefatigable in bufinefs, and trade. reCj Open an(j generOus in their manner of con
ducting it. The whole warehouses in Charleftown were like one common ftore, to which every trader had acccfs for fupplying, his cuftomers with thofc kinds of goods and manufactures which they wanted. The merchants of. England, especially fince the late peace, observing the colonies perfectly fecure, and depending on the ftrength of the Britifli riavy for the protection of trade, vied with each other for cuftomers in America, and ftretched their credit to its utmoft extent for fupplying the provinces. Hence every one of them were well furnifhed with all kinds of merchandife. But as the ftaples of Carolina were valuable, and in much demand, credit was extended to that pro vince almoft without limitation, and vaft multitudes of negroes, and goods of all kinds, were yearly fent to it. In proportion as the merchantsof Charleftown received credit from England, they were enabled to extend it to the planters in the Country, who purchafed ilaves with great eagernefs, and enlarged their culture. Though the number of planters had of late years much increafed, yet they bore no proportion to the vaft extent of territory, and lands Were ftill eafjly procured, either by patent or by purchafe. According to the number of hands employed in labour, agriculture profperedand trade was enlarged. An uncommon circumftance alfo attended this rapid progrefs, which was favourable to the planting intereft, and proved an additional incen tive to induftry1. The price of ftaple commodities arofe as the quantity brought to .market mcreafed. In 1761 fice fold at forty fhillings per barrel, and indigo at two



{hillings per lib.; but in 1/71, in fo fiouriming a ftate was the commerce of this country, that rice brought at market three pounds ten {hillings per barrel, and indigo three {hillings per lib. At the fame time the quantity increafed fo much, that the exports of Ca rolina amounted, upon an average of three years af ter the peace, to L. 395,666 : 13 : 4 ; but, in 1771, the exports in that year alone arofe to a fum not lefs than L. 756,000 fterling. How great then muft the imports have been, when the province, notwithftandjng this amazing increafe, flitl remained in debt, to the mother country.

To this advanced ftate had Carolina arrived ia Of its point of improvement. Agriculture, beyond doubt,; Pia"ter* is of fuch importance to every country, that, next to| culture, public fecurity and the distribution of juftice and'| equity, it is the intereft of every government to en-| courage it. Nothing could more manifeftly promote induftry an agriculture, than that fair and equitable divifion of lands among the people which took place in this province. Immenfe trafls of ground in pofleffion ' of one man, without hands to cultivate and improve : them, are only unprofitable deferts : but when lands are jud'tciomly parcelled out among the people, induf try is thereby encouraged, population increafed, and trade promoted. The lands firft yield abundance for the inhabitants, and then more than they can confume. When this is the cafe, the overplus can be fpared for procuring foreign articles of ex- ' change, and the province is thereby furni/hed with the conveniences and luxuries of another climate and country. Then the planter's views are turned to the * advantages of trade, and the merchant's, in return,



I to the fuccefs of hufbandry. From which time a mutual dependence fubfifts between them, and it is the ituerefl of the one to encourage the other. For when the merchants receive nothing from the pro vince, it is impoffible they can afford to import any thing into it. Without cultivation commerce muft always languifh, being deprived of its chief fupplies, the fruits of the earth. Without credit from the merchant there would have been little encourage ment to emigrate to Carolina. A fingle arm could make little impreffion on the foreft. A poor family, depending for fupport on the labour of one man, would have long remained in a ftarving condition, and fcarcely ten of an hundred emigrants, obliged to work in fuch a climate, would have furvived the tenth year after their arrival. To what caufes then mail we afcribe the profperity of the province ? The anfwer is plain, Under the royal care the people, being favoured with every advantage refulting from public fecurity, an indulgent government, abundance of land, large credit, liberty to labour and to reap the whole fruits of it, protection to trade, arid an excellent mar ket for every ftaple, laboured with fuccefs. Thefe were powerful motives to emigrate, ftrong incentives to induftry^ and the principal caufes of its rapid ad vances towards maturity. No colony that ever was planted can boaft of greater advantages. Few have, in the fpace of an hundred years, improved and flou* rilhed in an equal degree.

NOTWITHSTANDING the favourable fituation for agriculture in which the Carolineans flood, they remained flovenly hufbandmen, and every ftranger was aftonifhed at the negligent manner in which all



eflates in the province were managed. Thofe planters j who had arrived at eafy or affluent circumftances em- \ ployed overfeers ; and having little to do but to ride \ round their fields now and then, to fee that their affairs were not neglected, or their Haves abufed, indulge themfelves in rural amufements, fuch as racing, muttering, hunting, fifhing, or focial enter tainments. For the gun and dog the country affords foine game, fuch as fmall partridges, woodcocks, rabbits, <&c. but few of the planters are fond of that kind of diverfion. To chace the fox or the deer is their favourite amufement, and they are forward and bold riders, and make their way through the woods and thickets with aftonifhing fpeed. The horfes of the country, though hardy and ferviceable animals, make little figure; and therefore, to improve the breed, many have been of late years imported from England. The planters being fond of fine horfes, have been at great pains to raife them, fo that they now have plenty of an excellent kind, both for the carriage and the turf.

IN every plantation great care is taken in making ' dams to preferve water, for overflowing the rice-fields in fummer, without which they will yield no crops; In a few years after this pond is made, the planters find it flocked with a variety of fifties ; but in what man ner they breed* or whence they come, they cannot tell, and therefore leave that matter to philofophical in quirers to determine. Some think that the fpawn of fifhes is exhaled from the large lakes of frefh water in the continent, and being brought in thunder-clouds, falls with the drops of rain into theferefervoirsof water. Others imagine that it muft have remained everywhere



among the fand fince that time the fea left thefe mari time parts of the continent. Others are of opinion, that young fifli are brought by water-fowls, which are very numerous, from one pond to another, and there dropt, by which means the new-made pools re ceive their fupply. But be the caufe what it will, the effecT: is vifible and notorious all over the country. When the ponds are flocked with fifties, it becomes an agreeable amufement to catch,thrift, by hawling a fene through the pool. Parties of pleafure are form ed for this purpofe, fo that the young planters, like gentlemen of fortune, being often abroad at thefe rural fports and focial entertainments, their domeftic affairs by fuch means are much neglefted, and their plantations carelefsly managed.

BUT even among the1 mod diligent and attentive

planters we fee not that nice arrangement and order

in their fields obfervablp in molt places of Eu

rope, probably owing to the plenty and cheapnefs

of land. In every country where landed eft'ates

iare eafily procured, they engrofs not that care and

attention requifne for making them yield the great-

cft returns. The freeholds in Carolina are not on

ly eafily obtained by patent or purchafe, but alfo

all alienable at pleafure ; fo that few of the prefent

generation of planters regulate their fyftem of huf-

bandry upon any eftabliflied principles or plans, much

lefs with any views to pofterity. In no Country have

the fined improvements been found in the firft ages of

cultivation. This remains for a future day, and when

lands fhall be more fcarce and valuable, and the coun

try better peopled; then, it is probable, Carolina will





cover, like other countries, the effs&s of the nice

art and careful management of the huibandman.

AT prefent the common method of cultivation is '

as follows. After the planter has obtained his traft j

of land* and built a houfe Upon it, he then begins td

clear his field of that load of wood with which the land

is covered. Nature points out to him where to begin

i!| his labours j for the foil, however various* is every

where eafily diftinguifhed, by the different Rittds

of trees which grow Upon it; Having cieared his

field, he next furrounds it with a wooden fence, i

to exclude all hogs, flieep and cattle from it. This ;

field he plants with nee or indigo, year after year,

until the lands are exhaufted of yield not a crop fuf-

ficient to anfwer his expectations. Then it is. forfa-

ken, and a frcfti fpot of land is cleared and planted,

which is alfo treated in like manner, and in fuccef-

fion forfaken and neglt&ed. Although there are vaft

numbers of cattle bred in the province, yet no ma#-

nure is provided for improving the foil. No trials of

a different grain are made. No grafs feeds are fown

in the old fields for enriching the pafturesj fo that ei

ther fhrubs and bufhes again fpring up in them, or they

are overgrown with a kind of coarfe grafs, grateful or

nourifhing ro no animaL Like farmers often moving

from place to place, the principal ftudy with the plant

ers is the art of making, the large ft profit for the pre-

) ient timCj, and if this end is obtained, it gives them little :

concern how much, the land may be exhaufted. The I

emulation that takes place among the prelent genera- I

tiori, is not who (hall put lus eftate in the moft beautiful |

orderj who ihall manage it with moft {kill and judg- I

ment for ppfterity 5 but who fhall bring the? krgeft |






crop to the marker. Let their children provide foi1 themfelves. They will endeavour to leave them-plen ty of labourers, and they know they can eafily obtain abundance of lands; vain and abfurd, therefore, would it be to beftow much pains and time in pre paring this or that landed eftate for them, and laying it out in fine order, which they are certain will be deferted fo foon as the lands are exhaufted.

SUCH is the preFent method of carrying on agriculture in Carolina, and it may do for fome time, but \ every one muft clearly fee that it will be prtfdu&ive \ fef bad effects. The richnefs of the foil, and the vaft quantity of lands, have deceived many, even thofe men who had been bred farmers in England, and made them turn out as carelefs hufbandmen as the natives themfelves. Wherever you go in this province, you may difcover the ignorance of the people with refpecl to agriculture, and the final! degree of perfec tion to which they have yet attained in this ufeful art. This witt not be thexafe much longer, for lands will become fcarce, and time and experience, by unfolding the nature of the foil, and difcoverrng to the planters their errors, will teach them, as circuinftances change, to alter alfo their prefent rules, ana carelefs manner of cultivation. In every country improvements are gra dual and progreffive. In fuclra province as Carolina, where the lands are good, new ftaples will be introdu ced, new fources of wealth will open; and, if we riiay judge from what i paft, we may conclude, that, if no mifunderftandings or quarrels fh'al-1 interrupt its future progrefs, it certainly promifes to be one of the moft flouriihing fettlements in the world. We have feen that its exports are already very great, even while the



lands are negligently-cultivsred and ill managed $ but how much greater will they be. when the art ot agri culture fhall have arrived at the fame degree, of per- fedion in that province as in England.

SUCH, at this period, was the happy fituatipn o*

the people and province of South Carolina -t faff -.un

der the royal care and protection, and advancing to-art

opulent ftate by the unlimited credit and great indul

gence gfanted by Britain. However, if we proceed a An inter-

little farther, we fliall fee the face of .things gradually of1*'"^

changing. ^We (hall behold the mother country, aa harmony

the wealth of her colonies increafed, attempting fome ^e*w^en

alteration in their political and commercial fyftem; and her

and the different am.b.i.tion, af,,ds,epiennfed,cetnecde.withLT eptriudso-t^ank. de

cwlon'es> caanudfesthoef

a flight view of the caufes of that unhappy -quarrel >t

which at this time began between them, an4 after

wards proceeded to fuch a degree of violence as to

threaten a total diflblution of all political union and

commercial intercourfe.

IT might have been expected that thofe colonies

would not foon forget their obligations to the mother

countryj by which they had been fo long cherifhed

and defended. As all the colonies were iq themfelves

fd many independent focieties, and as in every ftate

protection and allegiance are reciprocal and infeparar

ble duties, one would have thought that fubjeds would

yield obedience to the laws, and fubmiffion to the au

thority of that government under which they claimed

protection. Such was the conftitution of the pror

vinceS;, that each, by its own legiflature, could only

regulate the internal police within the bounds of its

Qjl 3




territory. Thus far, and no farther, did its authathority extend. Not one of them could either make or execute regulations binding upon another. They had no common council, empowered by the conftitution, to act for and to bind all, though perhaps good policynow required the eftablifhment of fuch a council, for the purpofe of raifmg a revenue from them. Every member of the vaft empire might perceive, that fome common tax, regularly and impartially hnpofed, in proportion to the ftrength of each divifion, was necek fary to the future defence and protection of the whole. In particular, the people of Great Britain, when they looked forward to the poffible contingency of a new war, and confidered the burdens under which they groaned, had a melancholy and dreadful profpe& be fore them ; and the parliament confidered it as their indifpenfible duty to relieve them as much as poflible, and provide for the fafety of the ftate by a pro portionable charge on all its fubjedts. F^r as the exemption of one part from this equal charge was unrealonable and unjuft, fo it might tend to alienat^ the hearts of thefe fubjedts refiding in one corner of the empire from thofe in another, and deftroy that union and harmony in which the ftrength of the
whole confifted.

SUCH were probably the views and dcfigns of the parliament of Great Britain at this juncture, with refpect to America. At the fame time, if we confider the genius, temper and circumftances of the Americans, we will find them jealous df their liber ties, proud of their ftrength, and fenfible of their importance to Britain. They had hitherto obeye4 the laws of the Britifh parliament j but their great



diliance, their vaft extent of territory, their numefous ports and conveniencies for trade, their increafing numbers, their various productions, and confequently their growing power, had now prepared and enabled them for refifting fuch laws as they deemed inconfiftent with their intereft, or dangerous to their liberty. Some of thefe colonjfts even inherited a na tural averfion to monarchy from their forefathers, and on all occaiions difcovered a ftvong tendency to wards a republican form of government, both in church and ftate. So that, before the parliament began to exert its authority for raifmg a revenue I from them, they were prepared to fliew their impor tance, and well difpofed for refifting that fupreme power, and Joofcning by degrees their conne&ion with the parent ftate.

AMERICA was not only fenfible of her growing ftrength and importance, but ajfo of the weaknefs of
the mother country, reduced by a tedious and expenfive war, and groaning under an immenfe load of national debt. The colonies boafted of the afiiftance I they had given during- the war, and Great Britain, J fenfible of their feryices,, was generous enough to I reimburfe them part of the expences which they had incurred. After this they began to over-rate their im portance, to rife in their demands, and to think fo highly of their trade and allianqe, as to deem it in> poflible for Britain to fupport her credit without them. In vain did the mother country rely upon their gra titude for paft favours, fo as to expeft relief with refpeft to her prefent burdens. We allow, that the firfl generation of emigrants retained fome affeclion for Britain during their lives, and gloried in calling

3 io


her their home and their mother country ; but this natural impreflion wears away from the fecond, and is entirely obliterated ia the third. Among the plant- | ers in all the colonies this was manifeftly the cafe; the ions of Englishmen in America by degrees loft tfaeis affecUon for England, was remarkable, (hat the moft violent enemies tot Scotland were the
of Scotchmen.

BUT among mcrdhants, the attachment to any particular -country is ftill fooner lo'ft. Men whofe great object is money, and whofe bufinefs is to gather it as faft ajs poffible, in faft retain a predile<ftion for any longer than it affords them the greateft ad vantages. They are qitizens of thejworld at large, ^and provided they gain money, it is 2 matter of indifc ference to them to what country they trade, and from what quarter of the globe it comes. Jngland is the i beft country for them, fo long as it allows them to reap the greateft profits in the way of traffic; and when ifaatJs not the cafe, a trade with France, Spain, r Holiand will anfwer , betfer. If the laws of Great Britain interfere with their favourite views and interefts, merchants will endeavour to elude t&em, and fttotiggle in fpitc of legal authority. Of late years, although the trade of the colonies with the mother country had increafed beyond -the hopes of the moft fanguioc politicians, yet the American merchants could not 1>e confined to it, but carried on a contra band trade with the colonies of France and Spain, in defiance of all the Britifh k\vs of trade and navigation. This illicit trade the people had found-very advantage ous, having their returns in fpecie for their provifions and goods, and the vaft number of creeks and rivers

in America proved favourable to fuch fmugglers. Du ring the late war this trade had been made a treafonable praftice, as it ferved to (upply thofe iflands which Britain wanted to reduce; but, after the conclufion of the war, it returned to its former channel, and increafed beyond example in any paft period.
To prevent this illicit commerce, it was found ne- The newctffary, footi after the peace, to eftabliilh fome new re^ularegulations in the trade of the colonies. For this- made ;n purpofe fome armed floops and cutters were Rationed the trade on the coafts of Atnerica, whofe commanders had ^J^ authority tcr ac\ as revenue officers, and to feize all .great offtips employed io that contraband trade, whether belonging to foreigners or fello-w-fubjeds. And to ren der thefe commercial regulations the more effectual, courts of admiralty were erected, and inverted with a jurifdiSion more extensive than ufual. I-n confequence of the reftriciions laid on this trade, which the fmug glers found fo advantageous, it fuffered much, and, fcotwithftanding the number of creeks and rivers, was almoft an-Rihiiated, This occafioned fome very fpirited reprefentations to be fent acrofs the Atlantic by merchants, who declared that the Americans bought annually to the amount of three millions of Britifh commodities i That their trade with the French and Spanifli colonies took off fuch goods as remained an incumbrance on their hands; and made returns in fpecie, to the mutual advantage of both parties concerned in it, They complained, that the Britifh mips of war were converted into Guarda Coftas, arid their coeimanders into cuftom-houfe officers ; ah employment utterly unworthy of the exalted .character of the Britiih navy: That naval officers were very unfit for this bufi-



nefs in which they were employed, being naturally im perious in their tempers^ and little acquainted with the various cafes in which fhips were liable to penalties* or in which they were exempted from detention: That that branch of trade was thereby ruined, by which alone they were furnifhed with gold and iilver for making remittances to England; and that though the lofs fell firft upon them, it would ulti^ mately fall on the commerce and revenue of Great Britain*

SOON after this an aft of parliament was paffedj

which, while it in fome refpeds rendered this com

mercial intercourfe with the foreign fettlements le

gal, at the fame time loaded a great part of the trade

with duties, and ordered the money ar'ififig from

them to be paid in fpecie to the Bfitifh exchequer.

Inftead of giving the colonifts any relief, this oc-

cafioned greater murmurs and complaints among

them, as it manifeftly tended to drain the provinces

of their gold and filver. At the fame time another

aft was paffed, for preventing filch paper bills of credit

as might afterwards be iffued for the conveniency of

their internal commerce, from being made a legal ten

der in the payment of debts. This ferved tb multi

ply their grievances, and aggravate their diftreis. Btit

that the provinces might be fupplied with money

for their internal trade, all gold and filver ariiing

from thefe duties were to be referved, and applied to

the particular purpofe of paying troops ftationcd in

the colonies for their defence. Several new regula

tions for encouraging their trade with Great Britain

were alfo eftablifhed. In confequence of a petition

for opening more ports for the rice trade, leave was



granted to the provinces of South Carolina and Geor gia to carry their rice for a limited time into foreign parts, on its paying Britifli duties at the place of ex portation. A bounty was given on hemp and, un~ drefled flax imported into Britain from the American colonies j and a bill was paffed for encouraging the whale-fifhery off the coafts of America: which advan tages, it was thought, would amply compenfate for any lofs the colonies might fuftain by the duties laid on their foreign trade. But the colonifts, efpeeially '"* thofe in New England, who had advanced to fueh a degree of ftrength as rendered troops unnecefiary for their defence^ were too much foured in their tem pers, to allow that Great Britain had any other than felf-interefted views in her whole conducl: towards them. They murmured and complained, and refolved on a plan of retrench merit with refpecl to the purchafing of Britifli manufactures.; but ilill they prefutned not openly to call in queftion the authority of the Britifti legislature over them. But the time was at hand when their affection to the mo.ther country, which was already confiderably weaned, fliould under go a greater trial, and when their real difpofitions with refpect to ths obedience due .to the Britim par liament would no longer be concealed. A Vote paf- A vote fed in the Houfe of Commons, and very unani- chargin nioufly, *' That, towards the farther defraying of tjie ftarap" neceffary expences of protecting the colonies, it fh1"" " may be proper to charge certain ftajiip-duties up- ricans. " on them."

WHEN the news of this determination reached Ame

rica, all the colonies were in fome degree uneafy at .the


thoughts of paying taxes ; but the colonifts of New






England, as if ripe for fame coi unction, were alarmed xvith the moft terrible apprehenfions and fupicionss openly affirming, that the King, Lords and Commons had formed a defign for enflaving them, and had now Upon begun deliberately to put it in execution. Immediately people of *hey entered into afibciations for diftreffing the mother New- country, from a principle of refentment, as fome England thougiltj agreeing to purchafe as ftw clothes and their dif- goods from her as poffible, and to encourage manuaffe<aion f^uires of all kinds within thetnfelves. They pretendmfnt. r ] ed that they were driven to fuch meafures by neceffity; bilt in reality they had nothing lefs in view than their favourite plan of independence^ for the aecomplimment of which it required time to fecure the union and help of the other colonies^ without which they plainly perceived all attempts of their own would be vain and fruitlefs. Accordingly they eftablimed a correfpondence with fome leading men in each colo ny, reprefcnting the conduct of Great Britain in the moft. odious light, and declaring that nothing could prevent them and their pofterity from being made {laves but the firmed union and moft vigorous oppofkion of every colony, to all laws made in Great Bri tain on purpofe to raife a revenue in the plantations. A few difcontented perfons, who are commonly to be found in every legislature, joined the difaffecled colonifts of New England; and though at this time the party was inconfiderable, yet being more firmly ce mented together by the profpeft of a ftamp-aft, which equally affected the intereft of all, it by degrees gam ed flrength, and at length became formidable.

SUCH meafures, however, did not intimidate the Britifh minifters, who imagined that an affociation



entered into from a principle of refentment would be of fliort duration, and that the colonies in general I would be averfe from any ferious quarrel with the mo ther country, upon which they depended for fafety and protection. And although they were well apprifed of this fullen and obftinate difpofuion of the colonifts before the bill was introduced, yet they took HO tneafures for preventing that oppofition, which they had reafon to believe would be made to the execution of their law. On the contrary, time was imprudent ly given to. found the temper of the colonies with refpecl: to it, and to give them 'an opportunity of offer- An a compenf-ati. on fror .it i. n t,hei. r own way, i.n caife ^porr?tnunttt^sr they were diflatisfied with that method of raifing a colonies revenue for their defence. The minifter even fign'ified ^n^pea-* to the agents of the colonies his readinefs to receive fation for propofals from them for any other tax that might be theft^mP' equivalent to the (lamp-duty. This he did although * : he thought that the parliament not only had a right to tax them, but alfo that it was expedient and proper to exercife that right. For as the colonies had no, common council empowered by their conftitution to, J bind all, their taxing themfelves equally and imparr J tially would be a matter of great difficulty, even al| though they mould be difpofed to agree to ir. But the colonies, ihftead of making any propofal for rai fing a revenue by a ftamp-duy or any other way, fent home petitions to be prefented to King, Lords, an4 Commons, queftioning, in the moft direct and pofitive terms, the jurifdicYion of Parliament over their properties."

IN this fituation of affairs, the Parliament, fenfible

of the heavy burden which already lay on the people

Rr 2


of Great Britain, and of the addition to it which another war muft occafion, thought it their indifpenfable duty to exert that authority, which before this time had never been called in queftion, for relieving this opprefied part of the nation, and providing for the common fafety, by a charge impartially laid upon all fubje&s, in proportion to their abilities. The tend^r indulgence exercifed by a parent over her children in their infant ftate, was now confidered as both unreafonable and unnecefiary in that ftate of maturity to which the colonies had advanced* All were obliged to confefs, that the people of America were favoured with the fame privileges and advantages with their fellowfubje&sof Britain, and juftice required that they fliould contribute to the neceffary expences of that govern ment under which they lived, arid by which they were protected. A revenue' was neceffary to the future feeurity of America ; and on whom mould it be raifed, but thofe colonifts who were to enjoy the benefit of fuch protection. Therefore the bill for laying a ftamp. duty upon the colonies was brought into parliament 5 ftrparlia* which, after much debate, and many ftrorig argu ment, ments urged on both fides, pafled through both houfe$, and received the royal affent by cbmmiffion, on the 22.d of March, 1765. At the fame time, to compenfate for the operations of the flamp-aiEt, another was made to encourage the impoftaticm of all kinds of timber from the colonies into Britain: an'd as the eftimated produce of the ftamp-acl amounted only i tb L- 60,000 per annum^ and timber was fo plentiful 1 over all the .plantations, it was thought that the great advantage which the colonies muft reap from the latter aft, would be an ample recompenfe,for the lofs they might fuftain from the former.



IN the mean time the inhabitants of New England pfere induftrious in fpreading an alarm of danger over all the continent, and making all poffible preparations for refiftance. They had turned a jealous eye towards the mother country, where they had many friends em ployed to watch her conduct, who failed not to give them the earlieft intelligence of what was doing in parliament. While they received the news that the ftamp-act had paSed, they at the fame time had intel ligence of that violent oppofition it had met with from a ftrong faction in the Houfe of Commons. And if their friends in Britain had the boldnefs to call in que- v;0]ent ftion both the right of the Britiih legiflaturc: to impofe meafures taxes on the colonies,' and the expl ediencyJ of e. xerci- prevenen*t fing that right, they thought that they had much bet- itsexecuter reafon to do fo ; and that none deferved the blef- t'onfing of liberty who had not courage to aflert their right to it. Accordingly, no means were neglected that could inflame and exafperate the populace. Bold and feditious fpeeches were made to ftir up the people to refinance, by reprefenting the act ir. the moft odi ous light, and affirming that it would be attended with confequences fubverfive of all their invaluable rights and privileges. They declared that filence was ^ a crime at fuch a critical time, and that a tame fubmiffion to the ftamp-act would leave their liberties and properties entirely at the difpofal of a Britifh par liament. Having obtained a copy of the act, they publicly burnt it. The mips in the harbours hung out their colours half-maft high, in token of the deepeft mourning; the bells in the churches were muffled, and fet a-ringing, to communicate the melancholy iievvs from one parifli to another. Thefe flames, kin- died in New England, foon fpread through all the ca-,

3 i8


pital towns along the coaft; fo that there was fcarccly a fea-port town in America in which combinations were not framed for oppofing the introduction of ftamp-paper.

WHEN the veflels arrived which carried thofe ftamppapers to America, the captains were obliged to take fhelter under the ftern of fome mips of war, or to furrender their cargoes into the hands of the enraged populace. The gentlemen appointed to fuperintend the diflribution of ftamps, were met by the mob at their landing, and compelled to refign their office. All men fufpecled of having any defire of complying with the aft, or of favouring the introduction of ftamps into America, were infulted and abufed. The gover nors of the provinces had no military force to fupport civil authority. The magiftrates connived at thefc ir regular and riotous proceedings of the people. The aflemblies adopted the arguments of the minority in parliament, and took encouragement from them to refift the authority of the fupreme legifiature. Though each colony in refpedl; of another was a feparate and independent fociety, without any political connection, or any fupreme head to call the reprefentatives of the people together, to act in concert for the common good; yet in this cafe almoft all, of their own autho rity, fent deputies to meet in congrefs at New York, who drew up and figned one general declaration of their rights, and of the grievances under which they laboured, and tranfmitted a petition to the King, Lords and CommonSy, imploring relief.

AMONG the reft a party in South Carolina, which province at this time, from inclination, duty and in-



tereft, was very firmly attached to the mother country, entered warmly into the general opposition. Lieu- ""^ I tenant-governor Bull, a native of the province, rnanitefted a defire of complying with the act, and flipporting the legal and conftitutional dependency of the colony on the crown and parliament of Great Britain; but wanted power fufficient for maintaining the digni- \ ty and authority of his government, and carrying that act into execution. Several old and wife men joined him, and declared that they had formerly taken an active part in bringing the province under his majefly's care, but would now be very cautious of refill ing the authority of parliament, and robbing it of that protection whkh it had fo long and fo happily enjoy ed. The members of affembly, finding the Lieutenantgovernor determined to tranfact no public bufinefs The afbut in compliance with the act of parliament, began em Y to deliberate how they inight belt elude it. For this ftudy purpofe they addrefled him, begging to be informed ways an' whether the (lamp-act, faid to be paffed in parliament, eluding had been tranfmitted to him by the Secretary of State, ^e &&the Lords of Trader or any other authentic channel, fmce he confidered himfclf as under obligations to enforce it. He replied, that he had received it from Thomas Boone, the Governor of the province. The affembly declared, that they could confider Mr. Boone* while out of the bounds of his government, in no other light than that of a private gentleman, and that his re ceiving it in fuel? a channel was not authority fufficient to oblige him to execute fo grievous an act. But Mn Bull and his council were of opinion, that the ehan,nel in which he had received it was equally authentic v/ith that in which he had formerly received many * laws, to which they had quietly fub.Ti'uted. Upon



which the afiembly came to the following refolutions, which were figned by Peter Mariigault their fpeaker, and ordered to be printed; that they might be tranfmitted to pbfterity, in order to fliew the fenfe of that hoofe with refpet to the obedience due by America to the Britifll parliament.

Their re- " RESOLVED, That his Majefty's fubjects in Cafolutions roTma owe the fame allegiance to the crpwn of 'inJ^thc " G^eat Britain tilat is due from its fubjects born obedi- " there. That his Majefty's liege fubje&s of this to" I"6 " Province are envied to all the inherent rights,and Britifli " liberties of his natural born fubjecls within the iparlia- " kingdom of Great Britain. That the inhabitants
"of this province appear alfo to be confirmed in all " the rights aforementioned, not only by their char" ter, but by an at of parliament, .ijth George lit ** That it is infeparably eflential to the freedom of a " people, and the undoubted right of Englishmen, '* that no taxes be impofed on them but with their " own confent. That the people of this province.are " not, .and from their local circurnftances cannot be " reprefented in the Houfe of Commons in Great " Britain ; and farther, that, in the opinion of this " houfe, the feverill powers of legiflation in America " were confthuted in ibme meafure upon the ap" prehenfion of this impracticability. That the *' only reprefentatives of the people of this pro*' vince are perfons chofen therein by themfelves; " and that no taxes ever have been, or can be* con" ftitutionally impofed on them but by the legiflature " of this province. That all fupplies to the Crown " being free gifts of the people, it is unreafonable *e and ihcohfiftcnt with the principles and fpirit of
" the


3 2r

*** the Britifh conflitution for the people of Great

*? Britain to grant to his Majefty the property of the

(t people of this province. That trial by jury is the

" inherent and invaluable right of every Britifh ifub-

" jeft in this province. That the acl of parliament,

*'- entitled, An aft fpr granting and applying certain

" ftamp-duties and other duties on the British colo-

" nies and plantations in America, 6 c. by impofing

" taxes on the inhabitants of this province; and the

" faid ac~l and feveral other acbs, by extending the

" jurifdi&ion of the courts of admiralty beyond its

" ancient limits, have a manifeft tendency to fubvert

" the rights and liberties of this, province. That the

"duties irnpofed by feveral late ads of parliament

" on the people of this province will be extremely

" burdenibrne and grievous; and, from the fcarcity

" of gold and filver, the payment of them abfolute-

*e ~lyimpracticable. That as the profits of the trade

" of the.people of this province ultimately center in

'"Great Britain, to pay for the manufactures which

" they are obliged to take from thence, they even-

" tually contribute very largely to all the fupplies

" granted to the Crown ; and befides, as every in-

" dividual in this province is as advantageous at leaft

" to Great Britain as if he were in Great Britain,

" as they pay their full proportion of taxes for the

" fupport of his Majefty's government here, (which

" taxes are equal, or more, in proportion to our

" eftates, than thofe paid by our fellow-fubjects in

" Great Britain upon theirs), it is unreafonable for

" them to be called upon to pay any further part of

" the charges of government there. That the aflTem-

" blies of this province have from time to time,

** whenever requifitions have been tnade to them by



" his

" his Majefty, for carrying on military operations* " either for the defence of thcmfelves or America " in general, moft cheerfully and liberally contribu" " ted their full proportion of men and money for *" thefe fervices. That though the reprefentatives of " the people of this province had equal affurances " and reafons with thbfe of the other provinces, to " expet a proportional reimburfement of thofe im" menfe charges they had been at for his Majefty's " fervice in the late war, out of the feveral parlia" mentary grants for the ufe of America; yet they " have obtained only their proportion of the firft of " thofe grants, and the fmall funi of Li 285 fterling *' received fince. That, notwithftanding, whenever his ** Majefty's fervice mall for the future require the aids *' of the inhabitants of this province, and they mall " be called upon for this purpofe in a conftitutional " way, it (hall be their indifpenfible duty moft cheer" fully and liberally to grant to his Majefty their ** proportion, according to their ability* of men and " money, for the defence, feeurity, and other public " fervices of the Britilh American colonies. That " the reftri&ions on the trade of the people of this " province, together with the late duties and taxes " impofed on them by a& of parliament, muft ne*' ceffarily greatly leffen the confumption of Britifh x< manufactures amongft them. That the increafe> " profperity and happinefs of the people of this prb" vince, depend on the full and free enjoyment of " their rights and liberties, and on an afte&ionate " intercourfe with Great Britain. That the readinefs " of the colonies to comply with his Majefty's requi" fitions, as well as their inability to bear any addi" tional taxes beyond what is kid oft them by their
" rcfpeftivc



" refpecYive legiflatures, is apparent from feveral " grants of parliament, to reimburfe them part of " the heavy expences they were at in the late war in ** America. That it is the right of the Britifh fub" je&s of this province to petition the King, or either " houfe of parliament. Ordered, That thefe votes " be printed and made public, that a juft fenfe of the " liberty, and the firm fentiments of loyalty of the " reprefentatives of the people of this province, may *' be known to their conftkuents, and tranfmitted to pofterity."

NOTWITHSTANDING thefe refolutions, few of the

inhabitants of Carolina, even the moft fanguine, en

tertained the fmalleft hopes of a repeal 5 but expect

ed, after all their ftruggles, that they would be ob

liged to fubmit. Indeed a very {mall force in the

province at that time would have been fufficient to

quell the tumults and infurre&ions of the people, '

and enforce obedience to legal authority. But to the /

imprudence of minifters, the faction in parliament,

and the weaknefs of the civil power in America, the

refiftance of the colonies may be afcribed. Had the

ftamp-duty been laid on them without any previous

notice of the resolution of parliament, it is not im

probable that they would have received it as they had

done other acts of the Britifh legiflature. Or had the l-,,he peoparliament been unanimous in pafling the aft, and pie be

taken proper meafures for carrying it into execution, come . thi ere is li-ittlie dioubi t bi ut'tht e coilonies woul1d,1have f,-u.b- imenortienovipo*-

mitted to it. For however generally the people might pfitiont

be indifpofed for admitting of that or any other tax,

yet a great majority of them at this time were averfe

fro,m calling in queftion the fupreme authority of the

Sf 2




Britim parliament. But a fmall. flame, \vhich at firft is eafily extinguifhed, when permitted to fpread, has often been produdive of great conflagrations. The riotous and turbulent party, encouraged by the mi nority in England, fet the feeble power of govern ment in America at defiance. The better fort of people mingled with the rioters, and made ufe of the arguments of their friends in England to inflame and tfxafperate them. At length, they not only agreed to adhere to their former illegal combinations for diftrefling and ftarving the Englilh manufactures, but alfo to with-hold from Britilh merchants their juft debts. This they imagined would raife fudi com motions in Britain as could not fail to overturn the miniflry, or intimidate the parliament.

Is confequence of thefe difturbanees and combipations in America, great evils brgan to be felt irj England, and ftill greater to be feared. The tem porary interruption of commercial intercourfc between the mother country and the colonies was very preju dicial to both. That large body of people engagedhi preparing, purchafmg and fending out goods tothe continent were deprived of employment, and confequently of the means of fubiiflence; than which nothing could be conceived more likely to excite commotions in England. The revenue fullered by the The resr- want f tne export and import duties. Petitions flowed chants into parliament from all quarters, not only from the '""ufaftu1" cl onies '" America, but alfo from the trading and rcr-, in manufacluring towns in Great Britain, praying for fuch England rc |;e f as to t llat houfe might fee in expedient, at a juncmionln^" ture fo alarming. The miniftcrs having neg 11-diet! to se : relief, take the proper mcafures to enforce their law, v/liile

jlhc matter was eafy and practicable, were now obliged jto yield to the rifling current, and refign their places, jBy the iriterpofitipn of the duke of Cumberland, fach a change in the adminiftration took place as- p^omifecl'an alteration of meafures with refpeel to America. I Mr. Pitt, who highly difapprpved of the fcheme for jraifing a revenue from the colonies, having long been jdetained by indifpofition from parliament, had now f& 'much recovered as to be able to attend'the hcarfe.--r The hiftory of what follows is difgraceful to Great Bri? tain, being entirely compofed of lenient eonceffions in (favour of a rifing ufurpation, and -of fuch fhameful jweakncfs and timidity in the miniftry, as afterwards ^rendered the authority of the Britifh parliament in 'America feeble and contemptible.

No fooner had this change in adminiftration taken

place, than all papers and petitions relative to the-

ftamp-aft, botW from Great Britain and America^

| were ordered to be .laid before the Houfe of Com-

| mons. The houfe refolved itfelf into a committee, to

' confider ofthofe papers, about the beginning of the

t1 year 1766. Leave was given to bring in a bill for re- The

^ pealing an acl of liift feff.on of parliament, entitled, **

J An al for granting and applying certain {lamp-duties

and other duties, in the British colonies and planta^

tions in America, towards defraying the expences of

i protecting and fecuring the fame. When this bill

came into parliament a warm debate enfued, and Mr.

j Pitt with feveral more members ftrongly urged the

neceffity of a repeal. He made a diftinftion between

external and internal taxes, and denied not only the

right of parliament to impofe the latter on the colo-

r/icsj bur a lib the justice, equity, policy and expedi-

2 2


nn TT



eney of exercifing that right. Accordingly, while it was declared that the King, by and with the confent of the Lords ipiritual and temporal, and Commons of Great Britain in parliament aflembled, had, have, and of right ought to have, full power and authority to make laws and ftatutes of fufficient force and vali dity to bind the colonies and people of America, fubjecls of the crown of Great Britain, in all cafes whatfoever; the (tamp-aft was repealed, becaufe it appear ed that the continuance of it would be attended with many inconveniencies, and might be productive of confequences detrimental to the commercial mtereft of thefe kingdoms.

Which THIS conceffion in favour of the rifing ufurpation, proves fa- infteacj o f proving favourable to the commercial intejurifdic- fefts of the nation, had rather the contrary effect, and tionofthe ferved to fet the colonies in fome meafure free from, parli'a- ^e ^egiflatlve authority of Britain. It gave fuch imaaent in portance to. the licentious party in America, and fuch
menca. fuperjorj ty over th e good and loyal fubjefts as had a manifeft tendency to throw the colonies into a flate of anarchy and confufion. It ferved to promote a doc trine among them fubverfive of all good government, which plainly implied, that the obedience of fubje&s was no longer due to the laws of the fupreme legiflature, than they in their private judgqients might think them agreeable to their intereft, or the particular no tions which they may have framed of a free conftitution. While it gave countenance and encouragement to the riotous and turbulent fubjefts in America, who at that time were neither an opulent nor refpectable party in the colonies, it expofed the real friends of government to popular prejudice, and rendered their affections;



lections more cool, and their future endeavours in pport of government more feeble and ineffectual, or after repealing the ftamp-act, without any previous ibmiffion on the part of the colonies, how could it be xpected that any gentleman would rifque his domeftic eace, his fortune, or his life, in favour of a diftant go|jfrnment ready to defert him, and leave him fubjectjtd to all the infults and outrages of future infurgcnts? " flow could it be imagined that thefe colonieSj that had fet the power of Great Britain at defiance, and obtained what they aimed at by tumults and infurrec|tions, would afterwards remain quiet ? As they had joppofed the ftamp-aet, affigning for reafon that they ivere not reprefented in parliament, was it not evi dent that the fame reafon would extend to all other laws which .the parliament might enact to bind them jln times to come, or had enacted to bind them in limes paft ? The repeal of the (tamp-aft upon fucli a principle, and in fuch circumftances of tumult, un questionably ferved to encourage the colonies in difobedience, and to prepare their minds for afierting their independence.

j WHEN the news of the repeal of this act reached j America, it afforded the colonifts, as might have been . expected, matter of great triumph. The mod extrava- umph to jgant demonftrations of joy, by bonfires, illuminations ^es^0"

] and ringing of bells, were exhibited irt every capital.

I The Carolineans fent to England for a marble ftatue of Mr. Pitt, and erected it in the middle of Cliarleftown,

in grateful remembrance of the noble (land he had

^ftiade irv<(fc|^hce of their rights and liberties. Addrefles wwe fent home to the King, acknowledging

the wifdom and jiiftice of his government in the re-


.. Peai


peal of the grievous act, and cxpreffing their happi-

nefs thdt their former harmony and commercial in-

tercourfe, fo beneficial to both countries, were re-

ftored. But loon after it appeared that the power of

Great Britain in America had received a fatal blow*

fuch as fhe would never be able to recover without

the fevereft Itruggles and boldeft exertions. For

whatever fair profeflions of friendship feme colonies

might make, the ftrongeft of them retained their na

tural averfion to monarchy, and were well difpofed for

undermining the civil ertablifhments, and paving the

way for thdr entire fubverfion. The Britilh govern

ment, formerly fo much revered, was now deemed

t3ppreffive and tyrannical. The little, ifland, they faidj

had become jealous of their dawning power and fplen-

dour, and it behoved every one to watch her condijcfc

with a ifharp eye, and carefully guard their civil and

religious 'liberties. Accordingly j for the future, we

will find, that the more Great Britain feemed to'3-

void, the more the colonies feemed to feek for^

grounds of quarrel; and the more the former ftudied

to unite, by the ties of common imereft, the more

the latter ftrove to diflblve every political and com

mercial connexion. Their minds and affections be

ing alienated froni the mother country, they next

; difcovered an -uneafmefs under the reftraints of legal

authority. They quarrelled almoft with every go^

vernor, found fault witli-all inftruclions from Eng

land which clafhed with their leading paffions and

'interelts, and made life of every art for weakening

the hands of civil government. Their friends in Bri

tain had gloried that they had refitted ; and now

fubjection of every kind was called flavery, and the

fpirit of diforder and difobedience which had broke





j out continued and prevailed. At length, even the jnavigation-a& was deemed a yoke, which they wiftij ed to {hake off, and throw their commerce open to | the whole world. Several writers appeared in Ameirica in defence of what they were pleafed to call their I natural rights, who had a. lucky talent of feafoning I their compofitions to the palate of the bulk of the ] people. Hence the feeds of difafieclion which had *" fprung up in New England fpread through the other I colonies, infomuch that -multitudes became infecled j wkh republican principles, and afpired after indepeni dence, we (hall Hop. for the prefent time, "j and leave the account of their farther druggies to
wards the accomplishment of this: favourite plan to fdme future opportunity.




i "" " --'.v.\ "~

/rTL nxfr