The Moravians in Georgia, 1735-1740




Copyright, 1905,

In the life of any individual, association, or na tion, there will probably be one or more occurrences which may be considered as success or failure ac cording to the dramatic features of the event and the ultimate results. Of this the Battle of Bunker Hill is a striking example. On the morning of June I7th, 1775, a force of British soldiers attacked a small body of raw, ill-equipped American volun teers, who had fortified a hill near Boston, and quickly drove them from their position. By whom then was the Bunker Hill Monument erected? By the victors in that first engagement of the Revolu tion? No, but by proud descendants of the van quished, whose broader view showed them the in calculable benefits arising from that seeming defeat, which precipitated the great struggle, forcing every wan in the Colonies to take a position squarely for or against the American Cause, convinced the timid that only proper equipment would be needed to en able the American army to hold its own against the foe, and taught the British that they were dealing, not with hot-headed rebels who would run at first S1ght of the dreaded "red coats," but with patriots who would stand their ground so long as a charge of powder remained, or gunstocks could be handled as clubs.




Very much the same line of argument may be ap plied to the first attempt of the Moravian Church to establish a settlement on the American Continent. The story is usually passed over by historians in a few short paragraphs, and yet without the colony in Georgia, the whole history of the Renewed Church of the Unitas Fratrum would have been very different. Without that movement the Moravian Church might never have been established in Eng land, without it the great Methodist denomination might never have come into being, without it the American Moravian provinces, North or South, might not have been planned. Of course Provi dence might have provided other means for the accomplishment of these ends, but certain it is that in the actual development of all these things the "unsuccessful attempt" in Georgia, 1735 to 1740, played a most important part.
In preparing this history a number of private libraries, the collections of the Georgia Historical Society, the Congressional Library, the British Mu seum, were searched for data, but so little was found that the story, in so far as it relates to the Moravian settlement, has been drawn entirely from, the origi nal manuscripts in the Archives of the Unitas Fra trum at Herrnhut, Germany, with some additions from the Archives at Bethlehem, Pa,, and Salem, N. C. For the general history of Georgia, of the Moravian Church, and of the Wesleys, Steven's History of Georgia, Hamilton's History of the Moravian Church, Levering's History of Bethle hem, Pa., Some Fathers of the American Moravian

DEC 22 '45



Church, by de Schweinitz, Strobel's History of the

Salzburgers, Tyreman's Oxford Methodists, and

Wesley's Journal have been most largely used.

The history of the Moravian settlement in Geor

gia falls into that period when dates are much con

fused through the contemporaneous use of the old

style, or Julian calendar, and the new style, or Gre

gorian calendar. As the latter is now current every

where, except in Russia and the Orient, it is here

employed throughout, old style dates being trans

lated where they occur in the records.

Special thanks are due to Rev. A. Glitsch, Arch

ivist at Herrnhut, for courtesies extended while the

author was examining the invaluable collection of

papers entrusted to his care, and also for his super

vision of the copying of such documents as were

selected; to Mr. Isaac Beckett, of Savannah, for in

formation respecting the Moravian lands; to Mr.

John Jordan, of Philadelphia, for copies of deeds

and other papers relating to the settlement; to Mr.

W. S. Pfohl, of Salem, for assistance with the illus

trations; and to Mr. John W. Fries for suggestion

and inspiration for the work, and the constant en

couragement and sympathetic interest without

which the author's courage would have failed dur

ing the










pook, which is now presented to those who may find

in it something of explanation, something of inter

est, concerning the Moravian settlement in Geor

gia, and the broader history which the story touches on every side.

A.TJOTJST, 1904.


The Province of Georgia............ ............... . 13 The Salzburgers............................. ......... 18 Unitas Fratum ........................ ............... 21 Halle Opposition.......... ............................. 25
The Schwetikfelders ............... .................. 28 Preliminary Steps...... ....... .............. ......... 36 The "First Company" ........................ ..... 47
The Voyage.................. ............................. 57 Making a Start........ ................................. 65 Aim and Attainment................... ........ ...... 70
The "Second Company". ......... ................. 89 Four Journals............................................. 98 Organization..... ...................... ....... ......... 122
The English Clergymen...... ..... . ............... 143 Work Among the Indians......................... 147 The "Society"........ .................................. 155. Rumors of War............... .......................... 161



Spangenberg's Visit....... ........................... 169 A Closing Door.......................................... 181 Wesley, Ingram and Toltschig ..................... 190 The Negro Mission ...... ............................. 201

L,ater Attempts in Georgia................. ......... 221 The Savannah Lands....... ........... ....... ...... 229 Arrivals, Departures, Deaths.............. ......... 236 Summary ..................................... ............ 242


August Gottlieb Spangenberg................. Frontispiece

View of Savannah..........................opposite page 18

Nicholas L,ewis, Count Zinzendorf.... "

" 22

Ecce Homo........ .......................... " " 26

Gen. James Oglethorpe................... "

" 50

Plan of Savannah ......................... "

" 67

Province of Georgia........... ............. "

" 75

Gen. James Oglethorpe................... "

" in

David Nitschmann, Episc............... "

" 132

Tomochichi......... .......................... "

" 148

Count Zinzendorf, portrait bust........ "

" 160

Peter Bohler................................. "

" 190

Zeisberger Preaching to the Indians.. "

" 218

Savannah and Environs................. "

" 229

James Habersham.................... ..... "

" 231

It was in the year 1728 that the English Parlia ment was persuaded by James Oglethorpe, Esq. soldier, statesman and philanthropist, to appoint a committee to investigate the condition of the debtors confined in the Fleet and Marchalsea prisons. The lot of these debtors was a most pitiable one. for a creditor had power to imprison a man for an indefi nite term of years, and the unfortunate debtor, held within the four walls of his prison, could earn no money to pay the debt that was owing, and unless friends came to his rescue, was utterly at the mercy f the oft-times barbarous jailor. The Committee, consisting of ninety-six prominent men, with Ogle thorpe as Chairman, recommended and secured the redress of many grievances, and the passing of bet ter laws for the future, but Oglethorpe and a few associates conceived a plan which they thought would eradicate the evil by striking at its very root, the difficulty which many found in earning a living in the overcrowded cities.
In 1663 King Charles II. ha 1 granted to eight



"Lords Proprietors'' the portion of North America lying between the 3ist and 36th degrees of latitude, enlarging the boundaries in 1665 to 29 and 36 30'. By 1728 most of these Lords Proprietors had tired of their attempt to govern the colonies they had established in "Carolina," and in 1729 seven of the eight sold their interest to the English crown, the district being divided into "North Carolina," "South Carolina," and a more southerly portion, nominally included in the latter, which was held in reserve.
To this unused land the thoughts of Oglethorpe turned, and he and his friends addressed a memorival to the Privy Council, stating "that the cities of London, Westminster, and parts adjacent, do abound with great numbers of indigent persons, who are reduced to such necessity as to become burthensome to the public, and who would be will ing to seek a livelihood in any of his majesty's plan tations in America, if they were provided with a passage, and means of settling there." They there fore asked for a grant of land lying south of the Savannah 'River, where they wished to establish a colony in which these unfortunate men might begin life anew, and where Protestants, persecuted in some parts of Europe, might rind a refuge. The}' also offered to take entire charge of the affair, and their petition, after passing through the usual chan nels, was approved by the King, George II, a char ter was prepared, and the great seal was affixed June 9th, 1732.
This instrument constituted twenty-one noble men and gentlemfen a body corporate, by the name



and style of "The Trustees for establishing the Col ony of Georgia in America," and in them was vested full authority for the collecting of subscriptions and the expending of moneys gathered, the selection of colonists, and the making and administering of laws in Georgia; but no member of the corporation was allowed to receive a salary, or any fees, or to hold land in the new province. The undertaking was to be strictly for the good of others, not for their own pecuniary benefit. The charter granted to them "all those lands, countries, and territories situate, lying and being in that part of South Caro lina, in America" between the Savannah and Altamaha, gave them permission to take over any Brit ish subjects, or foreigners willing to become such, and guaranteed to each settler the rights of an Eng lish subject, and full liberty of conscience, Papists alone excepted. This apparently pointed exception was natural enough, since from a political stand point the new colony was regarded as a valuable guard for the Protestant English Colonies on the north, against the Indians and Roman Catholic colonists to the south, who had been keeping the border settlers in a continual state of uneasiness, even in times of nominal peace. Moreover England had not forgotten the terrible experience of the latter half of the preceding century, when it was war to the death between Catholic and Protestant, and the latter party being the stronger the former was subjected to great and unpardonable persecu tion, many were executed, and all holding that faith were laid under political disabilities which lasted for a hundred and fifty years.




The plans of the Trustees were very broad. They intended "to relieve such unfortunate persons as cannot subsist here, and establish them in an orderlymanner, so as to form a well regulated town. As far as their fund goes they will defray the charge of their passage to Georgia give them necessaries, cattle, land, and subsistence, till such time as they can build their houses and clear some of their land." In this manner "many families who would otherwise starve will be provided for, and made masters of houses and lands; * * * and by giving refuge to the distressed Salzburgers and other Protestants, the power of Britain, as a reward for its hospitality, will be increased by the addition of so many relig ious and industrious subjects."
Each of the emigrants was to receive about fifty acres of land, including a town lot, a garden of five acres, and a forty-five acre farm, and the Trustees offered to give a tract of five hundred acres to any well-to-do man who would go over at his own ex pense, taking with him at least ten servants, and promising his military service in case of need.
But there was a commercial as well as a benevo lent side to the designs of the Trustees, for they thought Georgia could be made to furnish silk, wine, oil and drugs in large quantities, the importing of wThich would keep thousands of pounds sterling in English hands which had hitherto gone to China, Persia and the Madeiras. Special provision was therefore made to secure the planting of mulberry trees as the first step towards silk culture, the other branches to be introduced as speedily as might be.



Filled with enthusiasm for their plan, the Trust ees proceeded to spread abroad the most glowing descriptions of the country where the new colony
was to be settled.

"The kind spring, which but salutes us here, Inhabits there, and courts them all the year.
Ripe fruits and blossoms on the same trees live At once they promise, when at once they give.
So sweet the air, so moderate the clime, None sickly lives, or dies before his time.
Heaven, sure, has kept this spot of earth uncurst, To shew how all things were created first."

So wrote Oglethorpe, quoting the lines as the best pen picture he could give of the new land, and truly, if the colonists found the reality less roseate than they anticipated, it was not the fault of their gener ous, energetic leader, who spared neither pains nor means in his effort to make all things work out as his imagination had painted them.
The Trustees having, with great care, selected thirty-five families from the number who wished to go, the first emigrant ship sailed for Georgia in November, 1732, bearing about one hundred and twenty-five "sober, industrious and moral persons,"
find all needful stores for the establishment of the colony. Early in the following year they reached America, and Oglethorpe, having chosen a high Muff on the southern bank of the Savannah River, concluded a satisfactory treaty with Tomochichi, the chief of the nearest Indian tribe, which was later ratified in a full Council of the chiefs of all the



Lower Creeks. His fairness and courteous treat ment won the hearts of all, especially of Tomochichi and his people, who for many years remained on the best of terms with the town which was now laid out upon the bluff.
The Salzburgers, referred to by name in the pro posals of the Georgia Trustees, were, at this time, very much upon the mind and heart of Protestant Europe. They were Germans, belonging to the Archbishopric of Salzburg, then the most eastern district of Bavaria, but now a province of Austria. "Their ancestors, the Vallenges of Piedmont, had been compelled by the barbarities of the Dukes of Savoy to find a shelter from the storms of persecu tion in the Alpine passes and vales of Salzburg and the Tyrol, before the Reformation; and frequently since, they had been hunted out by the hirelings and soldiery of the Church of Rome, and condemned for their faith to tortures of the most cruel and revolt ing kind. In 1684-6, they wTere again threatened with an exterminating' persecution; but were saved in part by the intervention of the Protestant States of Saxony and Brandenburg, though more than a thousand emigrated on account of the dangers to which they were exposed.
"But the quietness which they then enjoyed for nearly half a century was rudely broken in upon by Leopold, Count of Firmian and Archbishop of Salz burg, who determined to reduce them to the Papal faith and power. He began in the year 1729, and ere he ended in 1732 not far from thirty thousand

SAVANNAH, 1734. From Engraving in the British Museum.



had been driven from their homes, to seek among the Protestant States of Europe that charity and peace which were denied them in the glens and fast nesses of their native Alps.
"The march of these Salzburgers constitutes an epoch in the history of Germany. * * * Arriving at Augsburg, the magistrates closed the gates against them, refusing them entrance to that city which, two hundred years before, through Luther and Melancthon and in the presence of Charles V and the assembled Princes of Germany, had given birth to the celebrated Augsburg Confession, for clinging to which the Salzburgers were now driven from their homes; but overawed by the Protestants, the officers reluctantly admitted the emigrants, who were kindly entertained by the Lutherans.
"The sympathies of Reformed Christendom were awakened on their behalf, and the most hospitable entertainment and assistance were everywhere given them." Only a few months after the signing of the Georgia Colony Charter, the "Society for the Prop agation of Christian Knowledge" requested the Trustees to include the Salzburgers in their plans.
Trustees expressed their willingness to grant s, and to manage any money given toward their expenses, but stated that they then held no funds which were available for that purpose. n ^ay> !733> the House of Commons appropri ated 10,000 to the Trustees of Georgia, "to be apP ed towards defraying the charges of carrying ver and settling foreign and other Protestants in said colony," and over 3,000 additional having een given privately, the Trustees, at the suggestion



of Herr von Pfeil, consul of Wittenberg at Regensberg, wrote to Senior Samuel Urlsperger, pastor of the Lutheran Church of St. Ann in the city of Augs burg, who had been very kind to the Salzburgers on their arrival there, "and ever afterward watched over their welfare with the solicitude of an affec tionate father." On receipt of the invitation from the Trustees, seventy-eight persons decided to go to Georgia, and left Augsburg on the 2ist of Octo ber, reaching Rotterdam the 27th of November, where they wTere joined by two ministers, Rev. Mr. Bolzius, deputy superintendent of the Latin Orphan School at Halle, and Rev. Mr. Gronau, a tutor in the same, who were to accompany them to their new home. In England they were treated with marked kindness, and when they sailed, January 19, 1734, it was with the promise of free transportation to Georgia, and support there until they could reap their first harvest from the fifty acres which were to be given to each man among them.
They reached Charlestown, South Carolina, the following March, and met General Oglethorpe, the Governor of Georgia, who was intending an imme diate return to Europe, but went back to help them select a suitable place for their settlement, they pre ferring not to live in Savannah itself. The site chosen was about twenty-five miles from Savannah, on a large stream flowing into the Savannah River, and there they laid out their town, calling it "Ebenezer," in grateful remembrance of the Divine help that had brought them thither. Baron von Reck, who had accompanied them as Commissary of the Trustees, stayed with them until they had made a



good beginning, and then returned to Europe, leav ing Ebenezer about the middle of May.

But while the Salzburgers received so much sym pathy and kindness in Germany on account of their distress, other exiled Protestants, whose story was no le'ss touching, were being treated with scant courtesy and consideration.
On the 6th of July, 1415, the Bohemian Reform er, John Hus, was burned at the stake. But those who had silenced him could not unsay his message, and at last there drew together a little body of earn est men, who agreed to accept the Bible as their only standard of faith and practice, and established a strict discipline which should keep their lives in the simplicity, purity, and brotherly love of the early Apostolic Church. This was in 1457, and the movement quickly interested the thoughtful people m all classes of society, many of whom joined their ranks. The formal organization of the Unitas Fratrum (the-Unity of Brethren) followed, and its preaching, theological publications, and educational work soon raised it to great influence in Bohemia, Moravia and Poland, friendly intercourse being es tablished with Luther, Calvin, and other Reformers as they became prominent.
Then came destruction, when the religious liberty of Bohemia and Moravia was extinguished in blood, y the Church of Rome. The great Comenius went
rth, a^wanderer on the face of the earth, welcomed honored in courts and universities, introducing



new educational principles that revolutionized meth ods of teaching, but ever longing and praying for the restoration of his Church; and by his publication of its Doctrine and Rules of Discipline, and by his careful transmission of the Episcopate which had been bestowed upon him and his associate Bishops, he did contribute largely to that renewal which he was not destined to see.
In the home lands there were many who held secretly, tenaciously, desperately, to the doctrines they loved, "in hope against hope" that the great oppression would be lifted. But the passing of a hundred years brought no relief, concessions grant ed to others were still denied to the children of those who had been the first "protestants" against relig ious slavery and corruption, and in 1722 a small com pany of descendants of the ancient Unitas Fratrum slipped over the borders of Moravia, and went to Saxony, Nicholas Lewis, Count Zinzendorf, having given them permission to sojourn on his estates until they could find suitable homes elsewhere.
Hearing that they had reached a place of safety, other Moravians took their lives in their hands and followed, risking the imprisonment and torture which were sure to follow an unsuccessful attempt to leave a province, the Government of which would neither allow them to be happy at home nor to sac rifice everything and go away. Among these emi grants were five young men, who went in May, 1724, with the avowed intention of trying to resusciate the Unitas Fratrum. They intended to go into Poland, where the organization of the Unitas Fratrum had lasted for a considerable time after its


ruin in Bohemia, but, almost by accident, they de cided to first visit Christian David, who had led the first company to Hpi-ml-pit. Saxonv. and while there they became convinced thatGoci ^rneant them to throw in their lot with these refugees, and so re mained, coming to be strong leaders in the renewed Unity.
Several years, however, elapsed before the church was re-established. One hundred years of persecu tion had left the Moravians only traditions of the usages of the fathers, members of other sects who were in trouble came and settled among them, bring ing diverse views, and things were threatening to become very much involved, when Count Zinzendorf, who had hitherto paid little attention to them, ~Swoke to the realization of their danger, and at once set to work to help them. __It_was no easy task which he undertook, for the Moravians insisted on retaining their ancient disci pline, and he must needs try to please them and at the same time preserve the bond of union with the State Church, the Lutheran, of which, as his tenants, they were officially considered members. " is tact and great personal magnetism at last healed the differences which had sprung up between the settlers, the opportune finding of Comenius 1 Ratio Disdplinae enabled them with certainty to formulate rules that agreed with those of the an cient Unitas Fratrum, and a marked .outpouring of the Holy Spirit at a Communion, August I3th, 1727, sealed the renewal of the Church.



"They walked with God in peace and love, But failed with one another;
While sternly for the faith they strove, Brother fell out with brother;
But He in Whom they put their trust, Who knew their frames, that they were dust,
Pitied and healed their weakness.

"He found them in His House of prayer, With one accord assembled,
And so revealed His presence there, They wept for joy and trembled;
One cup they drank, one bread they brake, One baptism shared, one language spake,
Forgiving and forgiven.

"Then forth they went with tongues of flame in one blest theme delighting,
The love of Jesus and His Name God's children all uniting!
That love our theme and watchword still; That law of love may we fulfill,
And love as we are loved." (Montgomery.)
At this time there was no thought of separating from the State Church and establishing a distinct denomination, and Zinzenclorf believed that the Unitas Fratrum could exist as a society working in, and in harmony with, the State Church of whatever nation it might enter. This idea, borrowed proba bly from Spener's "ecclcsiolac in ccclesia" clung to him, even after circumstances had forced the Unit}'



to declare its independence and the validity of the ordination of its ministry, and many otherwise inex plicable things in the later policy of the Church may be traced to its influence.

In 1734 Zinzendorf took orders in the Lutheran Church, but this, and all that preceded it, seemed to augment rather than quiet the antagonism which the development of Herrnhut aroused in certain quarters. This opposition was not universal. The Moravians' had many warm friends and advocates at the Saxon Court, at the Universities of Jena and Tubingen, and elsewhere, but they also had active . enemies who drew their inspiration prinicpally from the University of Halle.
The opposition of Halle seems to have been largely prompted by jealousy. In 1666 a revolt against the prevailing cold formalism of the Luther an Church was begun by Philip Jacob Spener, a minister of that Church, who strongly urged the need for real personal piety on the part of each in dividual. His ideas were warmly received by some, and disliked by others, who stigmatized Spe ner and his disciples as "Pietists," but the doctrine spread, and in the course of time the University of Halle became its centre. Among those who were greatly attracted by the movement were Count Zinzendorf's parents and grandparents, and when he was born, May 26th, 1700, Spener was selected as "is sponsor.
Being o f a warm-hearted, devout nature, young



Zinzendorf yielded readily to the influence of his pious grandmother, to whose care he was left after his father's death and his mother's second marriage, and by her wish he entered the Paedagogium at Halle in 1710, remaining there six years. Then his uncle, fearing that he would become a religious en thusiast, sent him to the University of Wittenberg, with strict orders to apply himself to the study of law. Here he learned to recognize the good side of the Wittenberg divines, who were decried by Halle, and tried to bring the two Universities to a better understanding, but without result.
In 1719 he was sent on an extensive foreign tour, according to custom, and in the picture gallery oi Dusseldorf saw an Ecce Homo with its inscription "This have I done for thee, what hast thou done for me ?" which settled him forever in his determination to devote his whole life to the service of Christ.
Rather against his wishes, Count Zinzendorf then took office under the Saxon Government, but about the same time he bought from his grandmother the estate of Berthelsdorf, desiring to establish a centre of piety, resembling Halle. The coming of the Mo ravian and other refugees and their settlement at Herrnhut, near Berthelsdorf, was to him at first only an incident; but as their industry and the preaching of Pastor Rothe, whom he had put in charge of the Berthelsdorf Lutheran Church, began to attract attention, he went to Halle, expecting sympathy from his friends there. Instead he met with rebuke and disapproval, the leaders resenting the fact that he had not placed the work directly under their control, and apparently realizing, as he

ECCE HOMO von Domenico Feti geb. 1589 zu Rom ge*t. 1624 zu Venedig.




did not, that the movement would probably lead to the establishment of a separate church.
In spite of their disapprobation, the work at Herrnhut .prospered, and the more it increased the fiercer their resentment grew. That they, who had gained their name from their advocacy of the need for personal piety, should have been foremost in op posing a man whose piety was his strongest charac teristic, and a people who for three hundred years, in prosperity and adversity, in danger, torture and exile, had held "Christ and Him Crucified" as their Confession of Faith, and pure and simple living for His sake as their object in life, is one of the ironies of history.
Nor did the Halle party confine itself to criticism. Some years later Zinzendorf was for a time driven into exile, and narrowly escaped the confiscation of all his property, while its methods of obstructing the missionary and colonizing efforts of the Moravians will appear in the further history of the Georgia colony.


Among those who came to share the hospitali ties of Count Zinzendorf during the years immedi ately preceding the renewal of the Unitas Fratrum, were a company of Schwenkfelders. Their sojourn on his estate was comparatively brief, and their as sociation with the Moravian Church only tempo rary, but they are of interest because their necessi ties led directly to the Moravian settlements in Geor gia and Pennsylvania.
The Schwenkfelders took their name from Cas per Schwenkfeld, a Silesian nobleman contempo rary writh Luther, who had in the main embraced the Reformer's doctrines, but formed some opinions of his own in regard to the Lord's Supper, and one or two other points. His followers were persecuted in turn by Lutherans and Jesuits, and in 1725 a num ber of them threw themselves on the mercy of Count Zinzendorf. He permitted them to stay for,' a while at Herrnhut, where their views served to increase the confusion which prevailed prior to the revival of 1727, about which time he moved them to Ober-Berthelsdorf.
In 1732, Zinzendorfs personal enemies accused
L him, before the Saxon Court, of being a dangerous!

man, and the Austrian Government complained that he was enticing its subjects to remove to his estates. The Count asked for a judicial investigation, which was granted, the Prefect of Gorlitz spending three days in a rigid examination of the affairs of Herrnhut. The result was a most favorable report, show ing the orthodoxy of the settlers, and that instead of urging emigration from Bohemia and Moravia, Zinzendorf had protested against it, receiving only those who were true exiles for conscience' sake. In spite of this the Saxon Government, a few months later, forbade him to receive any more refugees.
In April, 1/33, a decree went forth that all Schwenkfelders were to leave the Kingdom of Sax ony. This, of course, affected those who were living at Ober-Berthelsdorf, and a committee of four wait ed on Count Zinzendorf, and requested him to secure a new home for them in the land of Georgia in North America. Probably Zinzendorf, whose atten tion had been caught by the attractive advertise ments of the Trustees, had unofficially suggested the idea to them.
Lest his opening negotiations with the English Company should foment the trouble at home, he sent his first communication to them anonymously, about the end of 1733.
A nobleman, of the Protestant religion, connect ed with the most influential families of Germany, as decided to live for a time in America, without, owever, renouncing his estates in Germany. But &s circumstances render it inadvisable for him to
such a step hastily, he wishes to send in advance number of families of his dependents, composed



of honest, sturdy, industrious, skillful, economical people, well ordered in their domestic affairs, who, having no debts, will try to sell such possessions as they cannot take with them in order to raise the funds for establishing themselves in their new
home. "This nobleman, on his part, promises: (1) To be governed by the King, and the Eng
lish Nation, in all things, matters of conscience alone excepted; that is, he will be true to the Prince, the Protestant Succession, and Parliament in every thing relating to the estates he may receive in this country, and thereto will pledge his life, and the property he may in future hold under the protection of His Majesty of Great Britain.
(2) To be surety for the dependents that he sends over, and to assume only such jurisdiction over them as is customary among English Lords on their estates.
(3) To carefully repay the English Nation such sums as may be advanced for his establishment in Georgia, and moreover, as soon as the property is in good condition, to consider it only as rented until the obligation is discharged.
(4) To assist the King and Nation, with all zeal and by all means in his power, to carry out His Majesty's designs for Georgia. He will bring to that all the insight and knowledge of a man of af fairs, who from youth up has studied the most wholesome principles and laws for a State, and has had personal' experience in putting them into execu tion ; but, on the other band, lie has learned such

self-control that he will meddle with nothing in which his services are not desired.
"In consideration of these things the nobleman asks that
(1) If more knowledge of his standing is de sired he shall be expected to give it to no one except a Committee of Parliament, composed of members of both houses, appointed by his Britannic Majesty, or to a Committee of the Collegii directoriatis of America, who shall be empowered to grant his re quests ; this in view of the fact that the petitioner is a German Nobleman, whose family is well known, his father having been Ambassador to England, and his kindred among the foremost statesmen of Europe.
(2) After the Committee has received sufficient and satisfactory information it shall be silent in re gard to the circumstances and his personality, as he has weighty reasons for not wishing to subject himself to criticism.
(3) He shall be given a written agreement, guar anteeing the following things:
a- That he shall receive enough land for a house hold of fifty to sixty persons, and for about a hun dred other dependents, most of whom have a trade or profession, and all able to help build up the coun try.
0- That his dependents shall be given free trans portation, and supplies for the voyage.
c- That they shall be taken directly to the place mentioned in the agreement.
. That he and his agent shall have certain sums advanced to him for the expenses of the removal



to Georgia, the money to be given them only when they are ready to embark in England, payment to be made several years later, a rate of interest having been mutually agreed on, and the estate in Georgia being given for security if necessary.
e. All that is needed for the building of a village for himself and his dependents shall be furnished them, but as an interest bearing loan.
/. That he, arid the colonists who will go with him, shall have full religious liberty, they being neither papists nor visionaries.
g. That if any of his dependents should fall into error no one should attempt to correct them, but leave him to handle the matter according to his own judgment; on the other hand he will stand surety for the conduct of his dependents as citizens.
h. That he and his descendents shall be taken under the protection of the English Nation if they request it.
-/. That he may be permitted to choose whether he will go himself to Georgia, or send a representa tive to set his affairs in order, and if the latter, then the representative shall receive the courteous treat ment that would have been accorded him.
;'. That those among his colonists who wish to preach the gospel to the heathen shall be allowed to do so; and their converts shall have the same re ligious freedom as his colonists.
k. That he and his dependents in Georgia shall be given the privileges in spiritual affairs which the independent Lords of Germany enjoy in tempo ral affairs.
/. That all his property shall be at the service of

the State in time of need, but neither he nor his de pendents shall be called on for military duty, in lieu whereof he will, if necessary, pay a double war tax."
Prom this document it appears that even at this early stage of the negotiations Zinzendorf's plans for the settlement in Georgia were well matured. A town was to be built by his colonists, where they should have all privileges for the free exercise oi their religion; they, as thrifty citizens, were to as sist in the upbuilding of Georgia; they were to preach the gospel to the heathen; they were not to bear arms, but in case of war to pay a double tax. His careful avoidance of the plea of religious perse cution was caused by the fact that his own King had ordered the exile of the Schwenkfelders, for Zinzendorf all his life sought to pay due respect to those in authority, and even when his conscience forced him to differ with them it was done with per fect courtesy, giving equal weight to all parts of the commandment "Honor all men; love the brother hood; fear God; honor the King."
A he proposals of the Count were forwarded through Herr von Pfeil, and were presented to the Trustees of the Colony of Georgia by a Mr. Lorenz. Who this gentleman was does not appear, ut a man bearing that name was one of the Ger mans, living in London, who in 1737 formed a so ciety for religious improvement under the influence f Count Zinzendorf.



Through the same channel the answer of the Trustees was returned:
"MR. LORENZ, The proposals sent by Baron Pfeil from Ratisbon (Regensberg) to the Trustees of Georgia have been read at their meeting, but as they see that the gentleman asks pecuniary assistance for the estab lishment he contemplates, they answer that they have absolutely no fund from .which to defray such expenses, but that in case the gentleman who sug gests it wishes to undertake the enterprise at his own cost they will be able to grant him land in Georgia on conditions to which no one could ob ject, and which he may learn as soon as the Trustees have been informed that he has decided to go at his own expense. You will have the kindness to for ward this to Baron Pfeil, and oblige,
your most humble servant J. VERNON/'
Whether this plea of "no fund" was prompted by indifference, or whether they really considered the money appropriated by Parliament as intended for the Salzburgers alone, is immaterial. Perhaps Zinzendorf's very proposals to consider any assistance as a loan made them think him able to finance the scheme himself.
The Schwenkfelders, being under orders to ex patriate themselves, left Berthelsdorf on the 26th of May, 1734, under the leadership of Christopher Wiegner (sometimes called George in Moravian MSS.) and at their request George Bohnisch, one of the Herrnhut Moravians, went with them. Their

i plan was to go through Holland to England, and thence to Georgia, but in the former country they changed their minds and sailed for Pennsylvania. In December of the same year Spangenberg was in . Rotterdam, where he lodged with a Dr. Koker, from whom he learned the reason for their, until then, unexplained behavior. Dr. Koker belonged to a Society calling themselves the "'Collegiants," the membership of which was drawn from the Re formed, Lutheran, and various other churches. Their cardinal principles were freedom of speech, freedom of belief, and liberty to retain membership in their own denominations if they desired. The So ciety was really an offshoot of the Baptist Church, differing, however, in its non-insistance upon a par ticular form of baptism. Twice a year the mem bers met in the Lord's Supper, to which all were welcomed whose life was beyond reproach. In Hol land they enjoyed the same privileges as other sects, and had a following in Amsterdam, Haarlem, Rot terdam, Leyden, etc.
It appeared that the Schwenkfelders had first ad dressed themselves to these Collegiants, especially to Cornelius van Putten in Haarlem, and Pieter Ko*er in Rotterdam, but when their need grew more pressing they appealed to Count Zinzendorf. When he was not able to obtain for them all they wanted, they turned again to the Collegiants, and were in conference with them in Rotterdam. The Collegi ants were very much opposed to the Georgia Coliny' '"the Dutch intensely disliked anything that *ould connect them with England," and although inornas Coram, one of the Trustees, who happened



i to be in Rotterdam, promised the Schwenkfeldersj

free transportation (which had been refused Zin-

zendorf), the Collegiants persuaded them not to go

to Georgia. Their chief argument was that the

English Government sent its convicts to Georgia, a

proof that it was not a good land, and the Schwenk-

felders were also told that the English intended to

use them as slaves.

Disturbed by this view of the case, the Schwenk-

felders accepted an offer of free transportation to

Pennsylvania, where they arrived in safety on the

22nd of September.

Spangenberg had wished to serve as their pastor

in Georgia, thinking it would give him opportunity

to carry out his cherished wish to bear the gospel

message to the heathen, and he felt himself still in

a measure bound to them, despite their change oi

purpose, and at a somewhat later time did visit them

in their new home. There was some idea of then

taking them to Georgia, but it did not materialize,

and they remained permanently in Pennsylvania,

settling in the counties of Montgomery, Berks and

Lehigh. Their descenclents there preserve the cus

toms of their fathers, and are the only representa

tives of the Schwenkfelder form of doctrine, the

sect having become extinct in Europe.


While the exile of the Schwenkfelders was the immediate cause which led Zinzendorf to open nego tiations with the Trustees of the Colony of Georgia, the impulse which prompted him involved far more

than mere assistance to them. Foreign Missions, in the modern sense of the word, were almost un known in Zinzendorf's boyhood, yet from his earli est days his thoughts turned often to those who lay beyond the reach of gospel light. In 1730, while on a visit to Copenhagen, he heard that the Luther an Missionary Hans Egede, who for years had been laboring single handed to convert the Eskimos of Greenland, was sorely in need of help; and Anthony, the negro body-servant of a Count Laurwig, gave him a most pathetic description of the condition of the negro slaves in the Danish West Indies.
Filled with enthusiasm, Zinzendorf returned to Herrnhut, and poured the two stories into willing ears,- for ever since the great revival of 1727 the Moravian emigrants had been scanning the field, anxious to carry the "good news" abroad, and held back only by the apparent impossibility of going forward. Who were they, without influence, with out means, without a country even, that they should take such an office upon themselves? But the de sire remained, and at this summons they prepared to do the impossible. In August, 1732, two men start ed for St. Thomas, in April, 1733, three more sailed for Greenland, and in the face of hardships that would have daunted men of less than heroic mold, successful missions were established at both places.
_ But this was not enough. "My passionate de sire, wrote Zinzendorf from Herrnhut in January, 735> my passionate desire to make Jesus known among the heathen has found a satisfaction in the blessed Greenland, St. Thomas and Lapp work, but



without appeasing my hunger. I therefore look into every opportunity which presents itself, seeking that the kingdom: of my Redeemer may be strength ened among men."
Nor did he lack ready assistants, for the Mora vians were as eager as he. "When we in Herrnhut heard of Georgia, of which much was being published in the newspapers, and when we realized the opportunity it would give to carry the Truth to the heathen, several Brethren, who had the Lord's honor much at heart, were led, doubtless by His hand, to think that it would be a good plan to send some Brethren thither, if it might please the Lord to bless our work among the heathen, and so to bring those poor souls, now far from Christ, nigh unto Him. We tried to learn about the land, but could secure no accurate information, for some spoke from hearsay, others with prejudice, and many more with too great partiality. But we at last decided to venture, in the faith that the Lord would help us through."
The needs of the Schwenkfelders gave a new turn to their thoughts, and suggested the advant ages that might accrue from a settlement in America to which they might all retreat if the persecution in Saxony waxed violent; but early in the year 1734* the question "Shall we go to Georgia only as Colo nists, or also as Missionaries?" was submitted to the lot, and the answer was "As Missionaries also."
The defection of the Schwenkfelders, therefore, while a serious interference with the Herrnhut plan, was not allowed to ruin the project. Zinzendorf wrote again to the Trustees, and they repeated their

promise of land, provided his colonists would go at their own expense.
After much consultation the decision was reached that Zinzendorf should ask for a tract of five hun dred acres, and that ten men should be sent over to begin a town, their families and additional settlers to follow them in a few months.
The next step was to find a way to send these men across the Atlantic. Baron George Philipp Fred erick von Reck, a nephew of Herr von Pfeil, who had led the first company of Salzburgers to Geor gia, was planning to take a second company in the course of the next months. He was young and en thusiastic, met Zinzendorf's overtures most kindly, and even visited Herrnhut in the early part of Octoker> i?34, when, as it happened, nine of the pros pective colonists were formally presented to the Congregation. Baron Reck was very much im pressed, promised to take with him to Georgia any of the Moravians who wished to go, and even sent to David Nitschmann, who was to conduct the party as far as London, full authorization to bring as many as desired to come, promising each man who Went at his own expense a fifty-acre freehold in
eorgia, and offering others necessary assistance when they reached London. This paper was signed at Bautzen, October 22nd, 1734.
'But Reck had failed to realize the force of the ' Halle opposition to Herrnhut, and soon weakened
r tne weight of persuasion and command laid uPon him by those whose opinion he felt obliged to J^Pect. On the 4th of November he wrote from
ndhausen to Graf Stolberg Wernigerode, "I have



hesitated and vexed myself in much uncertainty

whether or not I should go with the Herrnhuters to

America. And now I know that God has heard our

prayer at Halle and Wernigerode, and your letters

have decided me to stay in Germany this winter, in

the first place because my going would be a grief to

my dear Urlsperger, whom I love as a father, sec

ondly because the English will send over a third

transport of Salzburgers in the coming spring and

wish me to take them, and thirdly because I wish to ,

obey worthy and chosen men of God."

He wrote to the same effect to Zinzendorf, and I

the Count, though doubtless annoyed, replied sim- ^

ply: "Your Highness' resolution to accomodate

yourself to your superiors would be known by us .

all for right. You will then not blame us if we go I

our way as it is pointed out to us by the Lord."


A few days later Reck received a sharp note from '

the Trustees of Georgia, reproving him for his te

merity in agreeing to take the Moravians with him 1

to Georgia without consulting them, and reiterating ,

the statement that the funds in their hands had I

been given for the use of the Salzburgers, and could f

be used for them alone.


The young man must have winced not a little '

under all this censure, but while he yielded his plan (

to the wishes of the Halle party, he held firmly to

the opinion he had formed of the Moravians. He ,

wrote to Urlsperger and others in their behalf, de- ,

claring that they were a godly people, much misufl' ;

derstood, that it was a shame to persecute them and

try to hinder their going to Georgia, and he felt

sure that if their opponents would once meet the

Moravians and converse with them freely, confiden tially, and without prejudice, they would come to respect them as he did. He also suggested that there were many protestants remaining in Bohe mia, who would gladly leave, and who might be se cured for Georgia on the terms offered to the Salzburgers. The next year in fact, an "effort was made to obtain permission from the Austrian Government for the emigration of these people, and Reck was authorized by the Trustees to take them to Georgia, but nothing came of it.
Nor did his championship of the Bohemians and Moravians already in Saxony have any result. Urlsperger was offended that the negotiations from Herrnhut with the Trustees were not being carried on through him, "the only one in Germany to whom the Trustees had sent formal authority to re ceive people persecuted on account of religion, or forced to emigrate," and the Halle party were unable or unwilling to meet the leaders of the Moravians "without prejudice." The company of Salzburgers therefore sailed for Georgia in November with out Baron von Reck, and without the Moravians, Mr. Vat acting as Commissary. _ I he Moravians, meanwhile, were not waiting *dly for matters to turn their way, but even before Reck reached his decision Spangenberg had started !?r England to arrange personally with the Georgia
Trustees for their emigration.
August Gottlieb Spangenberg was born July I5th, 1 7 4, at Klettenberg, Prussia. In the year 1727, w e a student at Jena, he became acquainted with



the Moravians through a visit of two of their num ber, which won them many friends at that institu tion. Later, when he was Assistant Professor of Theology at Halle, he was required to sever his con nection with the Moravians, or leave the University, and choosing the latter he came to Herrnhut in the spring of 1733. He was one of the strongest, ablest, and wisest leaders that the Unitas Fratrum has ever had, and eventually became a Bishop of the Unity, and a member of its governing board. He was a writer of marked ability, and in his diaries was ac customed to speak of himself as "Brother Joseph," by which name he was also widely known among the Moravians.
Spangenberg left Herrnhut in the late summer or early fall of 1734, bearing with him Zinzendorf's Power of Attorney to receive for him a grant from the Georgia Trustees of five hundred acres of land, and to transact all other necessary business. He stopped for some time in Holland, where he made a number of acquaintances, some of whom gave him letters of introduction to friends in England and in America, and others contributed toward the neces sary expenses of the emigrants. From Rotterdam he wrote to Zinzendorf, saying that he heard no ship would sail for America before February or March, and that he thought it would be best for the colonists to wait until he wrote from London, and then to come by way of Altona, as the Holland route was very expensive. These suggestions, how ever, came too late, as the party had left Herrnhut before the arrival of his letter.
Spangenberg had a stormy voyage to England,

and on reaching London, rented a room in "Mr. Barlow's Coffee House, in Wattling's street, near St. Anthelius Church." He found the outlook rather discouraging, and a long letter written on the loth of January, gives a vivid picture of the English mind regarding the "Herrnhuters." Spangenberg had called on several merchants to see if he could arrange a loan for the Moravians, for Zinzendorf's means were already strained to the utmost by what he was doing for the Church, and he did not see how it was possible to provide the money in any other way. But the merchants declined to make the loan, saying: "We can not take the land (in Geor gia) as surety, for it is not yet settled, and no man would give us a doit for it; the personal security (of the emigrants) is also not sufficient, for they might all die on the sea or in Georgia, there is danger of it, for the land is warmer than Europeans can bear, and many who have moved thither have died; if they settle on the land and then die the land reverts to the Trustees, so we would lose all; and the six per cent interest offered is not enough, for the money applied to business would yield twenty per cent.*
Others objected to having the Moravians go at all especially Court Preacher Ziegenhagen, who be-
ged to the Halle party, and who, Spangenberg und, had much influence on account of his good judgment and spotless character. They claimed: ^ J I hat the Moravians were not oppressed in
On7, and had no good reason for wishing to eave; (2) that to say they wished to be near the eathen was only an excuse, for Georgia had noth-



ing to do with the West Indies where they had a mission; (3) the Moravians could not bear the ex pense, and neither the Trustees nor the Society for the Propagation of Christian Knowledge would help them; (4) they could neither speak nor understand English, and would therefore be unable to support themelves in an English colony; (5) their going would create confusion, for Herr Bolzius, the pas tor of the Salzburgers at Ebenezer, had written to beg that they should not be allowed to come; (6) if they went it would involve England in trouble with Saxony, and the Georgia Colony was not meant to take other rulers' subjects away from them, only to furnish an asylum for exiles, and poor Englishmen; (7) the Moravians could not remain subject to Ziiv zendorf, for they must all become naturalized Eng lishmen; (8) the suggestion that Zinzendorf's land could be cultivated by the heathen was absurd, for slavery was not permitted in Georgia and the Mo ravians could not afford to hire them; (9) ten or fifteen men, as were said to be on the way, would never be able to make headway in settling the for est, a task which had been almost too much for the large company of Salzburgers.
Some of these statements dealt with facts, about which the critics might have acquired better infor mation, had they so desired, others were prophecies of which only the years to come could prove or dis prove the truth, others again touched difficulties which were even then confronting Count Zinzendorf's agent; but in the light of contemporary writ ings and later developments, it is possible to glance at each point and see in how far the Halle party were

justified in their argument, (i) The treatment in Saxony, while not as yet a persecution which threat ened them with torture and death, had many un pleasant features, and the constant agitation against them might at any time crystalize into harsh meas ures, for those members of the Herrnhut commun ity who had left friends and relatives in the home lands of Bohemia and Moravia were already for bidden to invite them to follow, or even to receive them if they came unasked seeking religious free dom. (2) There was no idea of associating the missions in Georgia and the West Indies, for the heathen whom they wished to reach by this new settlement were the Creek and Cherokee Indians with whom Governor Oglethorpe had already es tablished pleasant relations, bringing several of their chiefs to England, and sending them home filled with admiration for all they had seen, much impressed by the kindness shown them, and willing to meet any efforts that might be made to teach them. (3) The money question was a vital one, and it was principally to solve that that Spangenberg- had come to England, where with Oglethorpe's "elp he later succeeded in securing the desired loan. (4) That they could speak little English was also a real difficulty; Spangenberg used Latin in his con ferences with the educated men he met in London, but that medium was useless in Georgia, and while the Moravians learned English as rapidly as they <*>uld, and proved their capability for self-support, he failure to fully understand or be understood by
eif neighbors was responsible for many of the



trials that were awaiting them in the New World. (5) The protest of Bolzius was only a part of the general Salzburger opposition, and to avoid friction in Georgia, Zinzendorf had particularly recommend ed that the Moravians settle in a village apart by themselves, where they could "lead godly lives, pat terned after the writings and customs of the apos tles," without giving offense to any; and he prom ised, for the same reason, that as soon as they were established he would send them a regularly ordained minister, although laymen were doing missionary work in other fields. (6) In order to avoid any dan ger of creating trouble between the Governments, the Moravian colonists carefully said nothing in London regarding their difficulties in Saxony, or the persecutions in Bohemia and Moravia, and in stead of proclaiming themselves exiles for the Faith as they might have done with perfect truth, they appeared simply as Count Zinzendorf's servants, sent by him to cultivate the five hundred acres about to be given to him, and by his orders to preach to the Indians. (7) A change of nationality would not affect the relation between Zinzendorf and his colonists, for their position as his dependents in Germany was purely voluntary, such service as they rendered was freely given in exchange for his legal protection, and1 his supremacy in Church affairs then and later was a recognition of the personal character of the man, not a yielding of submission to the Count. (8) That the Indians could not be employed on Zinzendorf's estate was quite true, not so much on account of the law against slavery, for the Count intended nothing of that kind, but their


character and wild habits rendered them incapable of becoming good farmers, as the American Nation has learned through many years of effort and fail ure. (9) Whether the ten or fifteen men, rein forced by those who followed them, would have been able to make a home in the heart of the forest, will never be known, for from various reasons the town on the five hundred acre tract was never be gun. In short, while the Moravians were risking much personal discomfort, there was nothing in their plan which could possibly injure others, and the cavil and abuse of their opposers was as un called for as is many a "private opinion publicly expressed " to-day.
Hearing of the many obstacles which were being thrown in their way, Mr. Coram, who was a man of wide charities, and interested in other colonies besides Georgia, suggested to Spangenberg that his company should go to Nova Scotia, where the climate was milder, and offered them free transpor tation and aid in settling there, but this proposal Spangenberg at once rejected, and pinned his faith on the kindness of Gen. Oglethorpe, whose return from Georgia the preceding July, explained the more favorable tone of the Trustees' letters after
date. Oglethorpe asked him numberless quesabout the doctrine and practice of the Mora, and their reasons for wishing to go to
and promised to lay the matter before the tees, using all his influence to further their designs.
Un the 14th of January, 1735, the first company



of Moravian colonists arrived1 in London. At their head was David Nitschmann, variously called "the III," "the weaver," "the Syndic," and Count Zinzendorf's "Hausmeister," who was to stay with them until they left England, and then return to Germany, resigning the leadership of the party to Spangenberg, who was instructed to take them to Georgia and establish them there, and then go to Pennsylvania to the Schwenkfelders. The other nine were
John Toltschig, Zinzendorf's flower-gardener. Peter Rose, a gamekeeper. Gotthard Dernuth, a joiner. Gottfried Haberecht, weaver of woolen goods. Anton Seifert, a linen weaver. George Waschke, carpenter. Michael Haberland, carpenter. George Haberland, mason. Friedrich Riedel, mason.
They were " good and true sons of God, and at the same time skillful workmen," with such a variety of handicrafts as to render them largely in dependent of outside assistance in the settlement which they proposed to make; and all but Habe recht were religious refugees from Moravia and adjacent parts of Bohemia.
Nitschmann and Toltschig were two of the five young men in Zauchenthal, Moravia, who had set their hearts on the revival of the ancient Unitas Fratrum. Toltschig's father, the village burgess, had summoned the five comrades before him, and strictly forbidden their holding religious services,

warning them that any attempt at emigration would be severely punished, and advising them to act as became their youth, frequent the taverns and take part in dances and other amusements. They were sons of well-to-do parents, and little more than boys in years, (Nitschmann was only twenty), but their faith and purpose were dearer to them than any thing else on earth, so they had left all and come away, commending their homes and kindred to the mercy of God, and singing the exile hymn of the ancient Unitas Fratrum, sacred through its asso ciation with those brave hearts who had known the bitterness and the joy of exile a hundred years be fore.
" Blessed the day when I must go My fatherland no more to know,
My lot the exile's loneliness;
" For God will my protector be, And angels ministrant for me
The path with joys divine will bless.
" And God to some small place will guide Where I may well content abide
And where this soul of mine may rest.
"As thirsty harts for water burn, For Thee, my Lord and God, I yearn,
If Thou are mine my life is blest."
Though holding positions as Count Zinzendorf's hausmeister and gardener, both Nitschmann and Toltschig were actively employed in the affairs of the renewed Unitas Fratum, and had been to Eng-



land in 1728 to try to establish relations with the Society for the Propagation of Christian Knowl edge, though without success. They were the better fitted, therefore, to conduct the party to England, and to share in the negotiations already begun by Spangenberg.
This " first company " left Herrnhut on the 2ist of November, 1734, traveling by Ebersdorf (where Henry XXIX, Count Reuss, Countess Zinzendorf s brother, gave them a letter of recommendation to any whom they might meet on their way), to Hol land, whence they had a stormy and dangerous voy age to England.
The day after they reached London they called on Gen. Oglethorpe and having gained admittance with some difficulty they were very well received by him, carrying on a conversation in a mixture of English and German, but understanding each other fairly well. Spangenberg coming in most oppor tunely, the Moravian affairs were fully discussed, and the new-comers learned that their arrival had been fortunately timed, for the Georgia Trustees were to hold one of their semi-annual meetings two days later, when Oglethorpe could press their mat ter, and a ship was to sail for Georgia the latter part of the month. Oglethorpe was disturbed to find that the colonists had failed to raise any money toward their expenses, but promised to try and as sist them in that also.
On the 18th the colonists were formally pre sented to the Trustees, heard the lively argument for and against their cause, and had the satisfaction


of seeing the vote cast in their favor. It was con trary to the custom of the Trustees to grant lands to any who did not come in person to apply for them and declare their intention of going to Georgia to settle, but Oglethorpe's argument that the high rank of Count Zinzendorf was entitled to consideration was accepted and five hundred acres of land were granted to the Count and his male heirs.

The Indenture bore date of Jan. 10, 1734, Old Style, (Jan. 21, 1735,) and the five hundred acres were "to be set out limited and bounded in Such Manner and in Such Part or Parts of the said Prov ince as shall be thought most convenient by such Person or Persons as shall by the said Common Council be for that Purpose authorized and appoint ed," there being a verbal agreement that the tract should be in the hilly country some distance from the coast, which, though less accessible and less easily cultivated, lay near the territory occupied by the Indians. Five pounds per annum was named as the quit rent, payment to begin eight years later; and such part of the tract as was not cleared and improved during the next eighteen years was to re vert to the Trustees. The Trustees also agreed that they would reserve two hundred acres near the larger tract, and whenever formally requested by Count Zinzendorf, would grant twenty acres each
to such able bodied Young Men Servants as should arrive and settle with him in the said Provice of Georgia."
In addition to the five hundred acres granted to wizendorf, fifty acres were given to Spangenberg,



and fifty acres to Nitschmann, although as the latter was not going to Georgia, and the former did not intend to stay, this alone was a departure from the custom of the Trustees. Each of the fifty acre grants was in three parts, a lot in the town of Sa vannah, a five acre garden, and a forty-five acre farm, and while their acquisition had not been a part of the Herrnhut plan the colonists readily yielded to the advice of their English friends, who pointed out the necessity of having a place to stay when they reached Savannah, and land that they could at once begin to cultivate, without waiting for the selection and survey of the larger tract. In fact, though they knew it not, these two grants, which lay side by side, were destined to be the scene of all their experiences in the Province of Georgia.
The Trustees seem to have been pleased with the appearance of their new settlers, and approved of their taking passage in the ship that was to sail the latter part of the month. Since the vessel had been chartered by the Trustees they promised to make no charge for such baggage as the Moravians wished to take with them, arranged that they should have a portion of the ship for themselves instead of being quartered with the other passengers, and of fered Spangenberg* a berth in the Captain's cabin. This he declined, preferring to share equally with his Brethren in the hardships of the voyage. Medi cine was put into his hands to be dispensed to those who might need it, and he was requested to take charge of about forty Swiss emigrants who wished to go in the same vessel on their way to Purisburg

in South Carolina, where they sought better ma terial conditions than they had left at home.
Land having been secured, Gen. Oglethorpe ar ranged that the Trustees should lend the "' First Company," 60, payable in five years, with the un derstanding that if repaid within that time the in terest should be remitted, otherwise to be charged at ten per cent., the usual rate in South Carolina. Of this 10 was spent in London for supplies, and 50 paid their passage across the Atlantic. The ten men (Spangenberg taking Nitschmann' pledged themselves jointly and severally to the pay ment of the debt, the bond being signed on Jan. 22nd, (Jan. nth, O. S.) the day after the grant of the land.
In addition to this Oglethorpe collected 26:5 :o, as a gift for the Moravians, 10 being presented to them in cash in London, and the rest forwarded to Savannah with instructions that they should be .sup plied with cattle, hogs and poultry to that amount. Oglethorpe further instructed Messrs. Toojesiys and Baker, of Charlestown, to honor Spangenberg's drafts on him to the amount of 20, so securing the settlers against possible need in their new home.
The next day Gen. Oglethorpe presented Span genberg to the Bishop of London, who received hm very kindly. Oglethorpe's idea was that the Moravians might ally themselves closely with the Church of England, and that the Bishop might, if hey wished, ordain one of their members from
errnhut. Spangenberg and Nitschmann were not orized to enter into any such agreement, but welcomed the opportunity to establish pleasant



relations with the English clergy, and several inter views were had which served as a good opening for intercourse in later years.
Until their vessel sailed, the Moravians found plenty to interest them in the " terribly great city," where they were regarded with much interest, and where they were greatly touched by the unexpected kindness they received.
They had interviews with the Trustees, with Mr. Vernon, and with Gen. Oglethorpe, who gave them much information as to what to expect in their new home, and many suggestions as to the best way of beginning their settlement. Spangenberg was pre sented to the " Society for the Propagation of Christian Knowledge," was courteously received, offered more books than he was willing to accept, invited to correspond with the Society, arid urged to keep on friendly terms with the Salzburgers, which he assured them he sincerely desired to do. Conversations with Court Preacher Ziegenhagen were not so pleasant, for a letter had come from Senior Urlsperger inveighing against the Mora vians and Ziegenhagen put forth every effort to re claim Spangenberg from the supposed error of his ways, and to persuade him to stop the company about to start for Georgia, or at least to separate himself from them, and return to the old friends at Halle. Oglethorpe smiled at the prejudice against the Moravians, and told them frankly that efforts had been made to influence him, but he had pre ferred to wait and judge for himself. " It has ever been so," he said, " from the time of the early Chris tians ; it seems to be the custom of theologians to

call others heretics. They say, in short, ' you do not believe what I believe, a Mohammedan also does not believe what I believe, therefore you are a Moham medan ;' and again ' you explain this Bible passage so and so, the Socinian also explains it so and so, therefore you are a Socinian.' " As for opposition, he, too, was beginning to find it since the Georgia Colony was proving a success.
Meanwhile new friends were springing up on every side of the Moravians. A doctor helped them lay in a store of medicine, another gave them some balsam which was good for numberless external and internal uses. A German merchant, who had be come an English citizen, helped them purchase such things as they would require in Georgia, and a cob bler assisted Riedel in buying a shoemaker's outfit. Weapons were offered to all the members of the party, but declined, as they wished to give no excuse to any one who might try to press them into military service. They yielded, ho\vever, to the argument that they would need to protect themselves against wolves and bears, and sent Peter Rose, the game keeper, with Mr. Verelst, one of the secretaries of he Trustees, to purchase a fowling piece and huntlng knives.
. ^tters of introduction to various prominent men !n America were given to them ; and, perhaps most "nportant of all in its future bearing, people dis covered the peculiar charm of the Moravian services.
eference is made in the diaries to one and an, er; fr m English clergyman to Germans resient m London, who joined with them in their de-



votions, and seemed much moved thereby. Neither was it a passing emotion, for the seed a little later blossomed into the English Moravian Church.
And so the month passed swiftly by, and the ship was ready to commence her long voyage.

In the year 1735 a voyage across the Atlantic was a very different thing from what it is in this year of grace 1904. To-day a mighty steamship equipped with powerful engines, plows its way across the bil lows with little regard for wind and weather, bear ing "thousands of passengers, many of whom are given all the luxury that space permits, a table that equals any provided by the best hotels ashore, and attendance that is unsurpassed. Then weeks were consumed in the mere effort to get away from the British Isles, the breeze sometimes permitting the small sailing vessels to slip from one port to another, and then holding them prisoner for days before an other mile could be gained. Even the most aristo cratic voyager was forced to be content with accom modations and fare little better than that supplied to a modern steerage passenger, and those who could afford it took with them a private stock of provisions to supplement the ship's table.
And yet the spell of adventure or philanthropy, gain or religion, was strong upon the souls of men, and thousands sought the New World, where their pagination saw the realization of all their dreams. Bravely they crossed the fathomless deep which heaved beneath them, cutting them off so absolutely



from the loved ones left at home, from the wise counsels of those on whom they were accustomed to depend, and from the strong arm of the Government under whose promised protection they sailed, to work out their own salvation in a country where each man claimed to be a law unto himself, and where years were to pass before Experience had once more taught the lesson that real freedom was to be gained only through a general recognition of the rights of others.
On the 3rd of February, 1735, the Moravians arose early in their London lodging house, prayed heartily together, and then prepared to go aboard their vessel, "The Two Brothers," Capt. Thomson, where the Trustees wished to see all who intended to sail on her. A parting visit was paid to Gen. Oglethorpe, who presented them with a hamper of wine, and gave them his best wishes. After the re view on the boat Spangenberg and Nitschmanri re turned with Mr. Vernon to London to attend to some last matters, while the ship proceeded to Gravesend for her supply of water, where Spangenberg re joined her a few days later. On the 25th of Febru ary they passed the Azores, and disembarked at Savannah, April 8th, having been nine and a half weeks on shipboard.
The story of those nine weeks is simply, but graphically, told in the diary sent back to Herrnhut Scarcely had they lifted anchor when the Moravians began to arrange their days, that they might not be idly wasted. In Herrnhut it was customary to divide the twenty-four hours among several members of the Church, so that night and day a continuous stream



of prayer and praise arose to the throne of God, and the same plan was now adopted, with the under standing that when sea-sickness overtook the com pany, ' and they were weak and ill, no time limit should be fixed for the devotions of any, but one man should pass the duty to another as circumstances require'd!
Other arrangements are recorded later, when, having grown accustomed to ship life, they sought additional means of grace. In the early morning, before the other passengers were up, the Moravians gathered on deck to hold a service of prayer; in the afternoon much time was given to Bible reading; and in the evening hymns were sung that bore on the text that had been given in the morning. Spangenberg, Toltschig, and Seifert, in the order named, were the recognized leaders of the party, but realiz ing that men might journey together, and live to gether, and still know each other only superficially, it was agreed that each of the ten in turn should on successive days speak to every one of his brethren face to face and heart to heart. That there might be no confusion, two were appointed to bring the food ' tne company at regular times, and see that it was properly served, the following being " the daily Alowance of Provisions to the Passengers on board the "Two Brothers," Captain William Thomson,
or/t-h\ e T,own of Savannah in Georg&ia. un the four beef-days in each week for every
ess f five heads (computing a head 12 years old, na under 12 two for one, and under 7 three for one, and under 2 not computed), 4 Ibs. of beef and 2
of fl ur, and lb. of plums.




" On the two pork days in each week for said mess, 5 Ibs. of pork and 21 pints of peas.
" And on the fish day in each week for said mess, 2-1 Ibs. of fish and ^ Ib. of butter.
" The whole at 16 ounces to the pound. " And allow each head 7 Ibs. of bread, of 14 ounces to the pound, by the week. " And 3 pints of beer, and 2 quarts of water (whereof one of the quarts for drinking), each head by the day for the space of a month. " And a gallon of water (whereof two quarts for drinking) each head, by the day after, during their being on their Passage." Another Moravian was chosen as nurse of the company, although it happened at least once that he was incapacitated, for every man in the party was sick except Spangenberg, who was a capital sailor, and not affected by rough weather. His endurance was severely tested too, for while the breeze at times was so light that they unitedly prayed for wind, "thinking that the sea was not their proper element, for from the earth God had made them, and on the earth He had work for them to do," at other times storms broke upon them and waves swept the decks, filling them with awe, though not with fear. " The wind was high, the waves great, we were happy that we have a Saviour who would never show us malice; especially were we full of joy that we had a witness in our hearts that it was for a pure purpose we sailed to Georgia," so runs the quaint record of one tem pestuous day. A more poetic expression of the same thought is given by Spangenberg in a poem written during the



voyage, and sent home to David Nitschmann to be set to the music of some "Danish Melody" known to them both. There is a beauty of rythm in the original which the English cannot reproduce, as though the wrriter had caught the cadence of the waves, on some bright day when the ship " went softly " after a season of heavy storm.
" Gute Liebe, deine Triebe Ziinden unsre Triebe an,
Dir zu leben, dir zu geben, Was ein Mensch dir geben kann;
Denn dein Leben, ist, zu geben Fried' und Segen aus der Hoh.
Und das Kranken zu versenken In die ungeheure See.
' Herr wir waren von den Schaaren Deiner Schaflein abgetrennt;
Und wir liefen zu den Tiefen, Da das Schwefelfeuer brennt,
Und dein Herze brach vor Schmerze, Ueber unsern Jammerstand;
O wie liefst du ! O wie riefst du! Bist du uns zu dir gewandt.
Als die Klarheit deiner Wahrheit Unsern ganzen Geist durchgoss, Und von deinen Liebesscheinen Unser ganzes Herz zerfloss, O wie regte und bewegte Dieses deine Liebesbrust, Uns zu hegen und zu pflegen, Bis zur siissen Himmelslust.



" Dein Erbarmeu wird uns Armen, Alle Tage wieder neu,
Mit was siissen Liebeskiissen Zeigst du deine Muttertreu.
O wie heilig und wie treulich Leitest du dein Eigentum;
O der Gnaden dass wir Maden Werden deine Kron' und Ruhm.

"Wir empfehlen unsre Seelen Deinem Aug' und Herz und Hand,
Denn wir werden nur auf Erden Wallen nach dem Vaterland.
O gieb Gnade auf dem Pfade, Der zum Reich durch Leiden fuhrt,
Ohn' Verweilen fortzueilen Bis uns deine Krone ziert.

"Unser Wille bleibe stille Wenn es noch so widrig geht;
Lass nur brausen, wiiten, sausen, Was von Nord und Osten weht.
Lass nur stiirmen, lass sich tiirmen Alle Fluthen aus dem See,
Du erblickest und erquickest Deine Kinder aus der Hoh'."

(Love Divine, may Thy sweet power Lead us all for Thee to live,
And with willing hearts to give Thee What to Thee a man can give;
For from heaven Thou dost give us



Peace and blessing, full and free, And our miseries dost bury
In the vast, unfathomed sea.

Lord, our wayward steps had led us Far from Thy safe-guarded fold,
As we hastened toward the darkness Where the sulphurous vapors rolled;
And Thy kind heart throbbed with pity, Our distress and woe to see,
Thou didst hasten, Thou didst call us, Till we turned our steps to Thee.

As Thy Truth's convincing clearness Filled our spirits from above,
And our stubborn hearts were melted By the fervor of Thy love,
O Thy loving heart was moved Us Thy righteous laws to teach,
Us to guide, protect and cherish Till Thy heaven we should reach.

Without merit we, yet mercy Each returning day doth bless
With the tokens of Thy goodness, Pledges of Thy faithfulness.
O how surely and securely Dost Thou lead and guard Thine own;
O what wonderous grace that mortals May add lustre to Thy throne.

In our souls we feel the presence Of Thine eye and heart and hand,



As we here on earth as pilgrims Journey toward the Fatherland.
O give grace, that on the pathway, Which through trial leads to heaven,
Without faltering we may hasten Till to each Thy crown is given.

Though our path be set with danger Nothing shall our spirits shake,
Winds may rage and roar and whistle, Storms from North and East may break,
Waves may roll and leap and thunder On a dark and threatening sea,
Thou dost ever watch Thy children, And their strength and peace wilt be.)
Before the vessel sailed the Trustees had followed up their request to Spangenberg by requiring the forty Swiss emigrants to promise submission to his authority, and consequently numerous efforts were made to be of service to them. It was disappointing work, in a way, for attempts to give them religious instruction were met with utter indifference, but their material needs were many. There was a great deal of sickness among them, and four died, being buried hastily, and without ceremony. The Mora vians themselves were not exempt, several being dan gerously ill at times, even Spangenberg was pros trated, from having, he supposed, stayed too long on deck in the night air, tempted thereto by the beauty of a calm night in a southern latitude. But having work to do among the Swiss on the following day, he roused himself, and soon became better. Two of



the Moravians were appointed nurses for the sick Swiss, and by the use of the medicine provided by the Trustees, supplemented by unwearying personal attention, they were made as comfortable as possible.
Nor were the crew forgotten. From the day when the Moravians helped lift the anchor as they sailed from the coast of Dover, they busied them selves in the work of the ship, always obliging, al ways helpful, until the sailors came to trust them absolutely, " even with the keys to their lockers." When the cook was suddenly taken sick they nursed him carefully, and then appointed two of their num ber to carry wood and water for him until his strength returned, and it is no wronder that such ac commodating passengers were well regarded.
Captain Thomson was disposed to favor them, but when they realized that they were receiving a larger share of food and drink than went to the Swiss, they courteously declined, fearing it would breed jealousy. His kindly feeling, however, continued, and when Toltschig was ill he brought a freshly killed fowl from which to make nourishing broth, and on another occasion, after a severe attack of sea sickness, they all derived much benefit from some strong beer which he urged upon them.
There were a few cabin passengers on the ship* and on one occasion Spangenberg was invited to dine with them, but their light jesting was distastelu.l to him, and the acquaintance was not pursued.
The vessel entered the Savannah River, April 6th, an4 the Captain, taking Spangenberg and Toltschig



into his small boat, went ahead to the town of Savan nah, the capital of Georgia, now the home of about six hundred people. Spangenberg had a letter of introduction to Mr. Causton, who received him and his companion in a friendly fashion, entertained them at supper, and kept them over night. Mr. Causton was one of the three magistrates charged with all civil and criminal jurisdiction in Savannah, and his position as keeper of the Store, from which all provisions promised by the Trustees were dis pensed, gave him such additional power that he was really the dictator of Savannah, ruling so absolutely that the people finally rebelled, and in 1738 secured his dismissal from office. On his return to England in 1739, he found great difficulty in trying to explain his accounts to the Trustees, was sent back to Georgia to procure some needed papers, died on the passage over, and was buried in the ocean. His treatment of the Moravians was characteristic, for he was courtesy itself to the new-comers who had money to spend, inconsiderate when hard times came, deaf to appeals for settlement of certain vex ing questions, and harsh when their wills were op posed to his.
The next morning, before sunrise, Spangenbers and Toltschig went apart into the woods, fell upon their knees, and thanked the Lord that He had brought them hither in safety. The day was spent in gaining information as to the customs of the place, Mr. Causton again claiming them as his guests at dinner, and in the evening they accepted the invitation of a merchant to supper. As they ate, the report of a cannon announced the arrival of their



vessel, and Toltschig went to spend the night aboard, Spangenberg remaining on shore to push the prep aration for the reception of the company.
Early on the following morning, April 8th, he had their town lots assigned, (Nos. 3 and 4 Second Tything, Anson Ward), in order that their baggage might be brought directly to their own property, for he had found that lodgings in the town were verv dear, and decided that a small cabin should be built at once and a house as soon as possible. Going then to the ship he guided the company to their new home, and the entire day was consumed in moving their belongings to the town, as it was some distance, and everything had to be carried by hand to the little hut which was hastily erected and roofed over with sacking. Evening came before they had really fin ished the arrangement of their possesions, but be fore they prepared and shared their evening meal, they humbly knelt and thanked God for His mercies, discussed the Bible text for the day, and joined in several familiar hymns. A New York merchant stopped and asked them to sing one of his favorites, which was done, and an Indian who had joined them near the river and followed them home, stayed through the service, and at parting beckoned them to come and visit him. Despite their fatigue, the
Hourly Intercession" was observed throughout the night, their slumbers rendered more peaceful by the knowledge that one and another in turn was watching and praying beside them.
On the following day two more Indians visited tn< - Moravians. Their faces were adorned with
feaks of red paint, and they seemed very friendly,



rejoiced over the gift of two pewter mug's, and on leaving made signs that some one should go with them, an invitation that could not then be accepted.
The loth of April, the first Sunday in America, Spaiigenberg attended service in the English Church, and heard a sermon on the text, " Be not overcome of evil, but overcome evil with good," well fitted to be the watchword of the Moravian settlers in the trials that were before them.
No unpleasant presentiments, however, troubled them, as they went busily about their work during the next weeks. Mr. Causton was very pleasant to them, selling them provisions at cost, offering them credit at the store, and promising Spangenberg a list of such Indian words as he had been able to learn and write down. He also introduced him to Tomochichi, the Indian Chief, and to John Musgrove, who had a successful trading house near the town. Mus grove had married Mary, an Indian princess of the Uchees, who had great influence with all the neigh boring tribes. At a later time, through the machina tions of her third husband, she made much trouble in Georgia, but during the earlier years of the Colony she was the true friend of the white settlers, fre quently acting as Interpreter in their conferences with the Indians, and doing much to make and keep the bond of peace between the two races.
On the nth of April the five acre garden belong ing to Spangenberg was surveyed, and work was im mediately begun there, as it was just the season for planting corn. Nine days later Nitschmann's gar den was laid out aside of Spangenberg's. By the 14-th the cabin on Spangenberg's town lot was fin*



ished. It was twenty feet long, ten feet wide, and fourteen feet high, with a little loft where they slept, their goods, with a table and benches being in the room below. At daybreak they rose, sang a hymn, and prayed together, breakfasted at eight o'clock, the daily text being read aloud, then worked until half past eleven, when they dined and read the Bible. More work, an evening prayer service, and such conference as was needed that each might engage in the next day's labor to the best advantage, prepared them for their well-earned repose.
With this simple program steadily carried out, much was accomplished. A fence was built around a small kitchen-garden on their town property, and a. chicken-yard was enclosed, while the neighbors came to look on and opine " that the Moravians had 4one more in a week than their people in t\vo years." As the gardens (the five acre lots) lay at some dis tance from Savannah, a hut was built there, to serve 3s a shelter against sun and rain, a heavy storm havmg chased them home one day soon after their ar rival.
Either from the noonday heat, or other conditions to which they were not yet acclimated, Gotthard Demuth and George Haberland became seriously ill, causing Spangenberg much anxiety, for he did not eel at liberty to send for a physician, as they could
afford to pay for medicine. So resort was had 0 b|eeding, then an approved practice, and to such medicine as remained from their voyage, and Rose as fortunate enough to shoot a grouse, which gave
em some much needed palatable meat and broth. ps the most serious case was Gottfried Habe-



recht's, who suffered for several days with fever re sulting from a cut on his leg. Finally oak-leaves were heated and bound about the limb, which induced free perspiration and quickly relieved him, so that he was able to return to work !
A day was appointed on which Spangenberg and several others were to ride out into the country to select the five hundred acre tract granted to Count Zinzendorf, and the additional two hundred acres which the Trustees had promised to hold in reserve, and grant to the Count's " servants " whenever he should request it, but there was rumor of a raid by hostile Indians, under Spanish influence, so the ex pedition had to be postponed, with the promise, how ever, that it should be made as soon as possible.
By the close of the third week in Georgia the in valids were better, and matters were in such a shape that the Moravians resolved " that on each Saturday work should stop early, and every Sunday should be a real day of rest." As an immediate beginning) they on Saturday evening united in a Lovefeast, where " we recalled much loving-kindness which God has shown us hitherto; Toltschig washed the feet of the Brethren; we remained together until very late, and were truly blessed."
When the " first company " left Herrnhut for Lon don and the New World, they took with them Count Zinzendorf's formal " Instructions " for the conduct of their affairs:
" I shall not attempt to tell you what you are to do from day to day. I know that in many ways Love will lead you, prepare the way, and point out



your path. I shall only bid you remember the prin ciples and customs of our Congregation, in which, if you stand fast, you will do well. Your one aim will be to establish a little place near the heathen where you may gather together the dispersed in Israel, patiently win back the wayward, and instruct the heathen tribes.
" You have and will ask nothing more than the opportunity to attain this end through your own labors, but you will request free transportation for yourselves and those who will follow you, if they receive your present small number the Lord will send you more.
" If you should be tempted to injure any work of the Lord for my sake, refrain from doing it, remem bering that I am under a gracious guardianship which nothing can disturb.
" You will take absolutely no part in the Spangenberg Halle controversy; you know the mind of the Congregation regarding it. If you find people prejudiced against you leave it to Him who has bid den you go to Georgia. Enter into no disputes, but, if questions are asked, give the history of the Con gregation, being careful not to censure our opposers, a-nd saying, which is true, that the Congregation at Herrnhut gives them little heed. Entire freedom of conscience must be granted you, but there may be points which you can yield without injuring the cause of Christ, if so vou will find them in due time.
^ *ou must live alone, establishing your own litan ,COrner' where your customs will irritate no one;
as soon as you are settled an ordained minister



will be sent you, out of consideration for the scruples of the Salzburgers, although our Brethren in other Colonies are served by laymen, as permitted by our ancient constitution.
" God willing, I shall soon follow you, and only wait until He opens the way for me. Our dear Elder (Spangenberg) will quickly return from America, and in his absence I commit you to the mighty grace of God. '
Your brother and servant, Lewis Count v. Zinzendorf.
" At this time one of the Elders at Herrnhut. November 2/th, 1734.
" ' He everywhere hath way, And all thing serve His might, etc.' "
That these sensible and liberal instructions were not fully carried out is at once apparent, especially in the two points of free transportation and settle ment in a quiet, secluded spot. The inability of the Trustees to grant their request for the first, burdened the Moravian colonists with what was, under the circumstances, a heavy debt, while the location of Zinzendorf's five hundred acre tract was respon sible for their failure in attaining the second.
When Gen. Oglethorpe planned the fortifications and defense of Savannah in 1733, he decided to erect a small fort on the Ogeechee River, some milS south, in order to command one of the trails by which the Indians had been accustomed to invade Carolina. This " Fort Argyle " was garrisoned with a detachment of rangers, and ten families were sen from Savannah to cultivate the adjacent land. T-^e tract selected in London for Count Zinzendorf, was



to lie on the Ogeechee, near Fort Argyle, an excel lent place from which to reach the Indians in times of peace, but the worst possible location for noncombatants when war was threatening.
Spangenberg urged the survey of the five hun dred acre tract as often and as strongly as he dared, but from various causes, chiefly rumors of Indian incursions, the expedition was deferred until Aug. 22nd, when Spangenberg, Toltschig, Riedel, Seifert, Rose, Michael Haberland, and Mr. Johnson, the Trustees' surveyor, prepared to start on their toil some journey, going by boat, instead of attempting to follow the circuitous, ill-marked road across the country, impassable to pedestrians, though used to some extent by horsemen.
At one o'clock in the morning of Aug. 23rd the seven men embarked, taking advantage of the ebb ing tide, and made their way down the Savannah River. It was very dark, the Moravians were unac customed to rowing, and Mr. Johnson, who steered, went to sleep time after time, so when they acci dentally came across a ship riding at anchor they decided to stay by her and wait for the day. When dawn broke they hastened on to Thunderbolt, where a fort had been built, and some good land cleared, and there they found two Indians, who claimed to know the country, and agreed to go with them as pilots. Toward evening they reached Seituah,*
ere a stockade was being built as a protection against the Indians, and the night was spent with a Captain Wargessen (Ferguson), who, with several

*On Skidaway Island, exact site unknown.



soldiers, was out in a scout boat watching the move ments of the Indians and Spaniards in that neigh borhood;
The next day they made their way among the islands until they reached the mouth of the Ogeechee, up which they turned, but night overtook them, and they were forced to drop their anchor. The Indians had been left behind somewhere, and with the return of day it became necessary to re trace their course for some hours in order to learn where they were. That night was spent at Ster ling's Bluff, with the Scotch who had settled upon it, and the next morning they proceeded to Fort Argyle. As they rowed up the river, a bear left one of the islands, and swam across to the main land. " He was better to us than we to him, for Peter shot at him twice when he came near us, but he left us in peace and went his way'."
The following morning Spangenberg and John son, accompanied by the Lieutenant from Fort Argyle and several of his rangers, rode out to in spect the land selected for the Moravians. The horses were accustomed to service against the Indians, and went at full gallop, pausing not foi winding paths or fallen trees, and the Universitybred man of Germany expected momentarily to have his neck broken, but nothing happened, and after looking over the tract they returned to Fort Argyle.
Despite the exertions of the morning Spangen berg then manned his boat, and started up the river to visit an Indian town, where he hoped to find Tomochichi. Much floating timber rendered the



trip dangerous and tedious, and it was not until early Sunday morning that they reached their des tination, only to find the place deserted, as the band had left a few days before for a hunting expedition, and, if fortune favored them, for a brush with the Spanish Indians, with whom they had a perpetual feud. Soon Johnson appeared, guided by some of the rangers, who, after a hearty meal with the Moravians, returned to the Fort, Johnson remaining behind.
Monday morning, August 29th, before the sun rose, the party repaired to the Moravian tract, which Johnson surveyed, the Moravians acting as chaincarriers. Spangenberg was much pleased with the tract. It had a half mile frontage on the Ogeechee, extended two. miles back into the forest, and gave a good variety of land, some low and damp for the cultivation of rice, sandy soil covered with grass for pasturage, and dry uplands suitable for corn and vegetables. A rapid stream furnished an abundance of pure water, and site for a mill, while the thick growth of timber guaranteed a supply of material for houses and boats. Near the river rose a high hill, where it had once been the intention to build a fort, and a house had really been erected. This the Indians burned, and later another site had been chosen for Fort Argyle, but the place retained the name of " Old Fort," and the hill would serve as the location for the Moravian dwelling.
^Indian tribes which were friendly to the English ivedat no great distance, and the trail to Savannah and Ebenezer led directly bv Old Fort, while the



opening of two roads would bring both those towns within a four hour's ride of the settlement.
Well content, therefore, with their new acquisi tion, the Moravians returned to Fort Argyle, whence Johnson rode back to Savannah, leaving them to follow with the boat. At the mouth of the Ogeechee they encountered a severe storm, against which they could make little headway, try as they would. Their anchor was too light to hold against the current, and there was a marsh on one bank and rocks on the other, but at last, after night-fall, in the face of a terrific thunder storm, they forced their way to a place where they could land, and where they passed the rest of the night, enduring as best they could the heavy rain, and the attack of insects, against neither of which they were able to protect themselves. "This place takes its name, 'Rottenpossum,' from an animal frequently found here, which they call a Possum. I am told that it has a double belly, and that if pursued it puts its young into one belly, runs up a tree until it reaches a limb, springs out on that until it is among the leaves, and then lays itself across the branch with one belly on each side, and so hides itself, and saves its life!" The rest of the journey was uneventful, and on Fri day morning, September 2nd, they reached Savan nah, having been absent ten days.
It seems a great pity that the Moravians were unable to establish themselves on this tract, where their industry would' soon have made an oasis in the wilderness, but one thing after the other inter fered, and the " second company" which arrived



early in the following year, found them still at Savannah.
In Savannah matters moved toward a fair degree of prosperity for the Moravians. About four acres of Spangenberg's garden were cleared in time for the first summer's crop of corn, which yielded them sixty bushels. They also raised some beans, which came to maturity at a time when provisions and funds were very low, so helping them greatly.
The two farm lots were laid out during the sum mer, Spangenberg assisting with the survey. By the close of the year twenty-six acres had been cleared, on the uplands this meant the felling of trees, and gradual removal of stumps as time per mitted, but on the rice lands it meant far more. The great reeds, ten to twelve feet high, grew so thick that a man could scarcely set foot between them, and in cutting them down it was necessary to go ' knee-deep " below the surface of the ground, and then the roots were so intertwined that it was diffi cult to pull them out.
Every acre of land that was cleared and planted had to be securely fenced in, for cattle roamed in the woods, and ruined unprotected crops. Indeed, the colonists in Georgia derived little benefit from their cattle, which ran at large, and when a few were wanted for beef or for domestic purposes, they were hunted and driven in. The Moravians had to wait Until midsummer before they could get their allot-
ent, and then they received a cow and calf, six gs and five pigs, with the promise of more. Be-



fore the others came the cows had again escaped to the woods, and the swine had been drowned!
In July Spangenberg wrote to Herrnhut that he had given his fifty acres of land, including the townlot, to the Moravian Congregation at Savannah, and that he would at once apply to the Trustees to vest the title in that body, and if he left Georgia before this was accomplished he would give a full Power of Attorney to Toltschig. From the first his land had been used as the common property of the party, and he desired that the nine men, wTho, with him, were bound to the repayment of the 60, borrowed from the Trustees, should have the use of it until that obligation was met, and then it should be used as the Savannah Congregation thought best.
Nitschmann's land seems to have been held in a different way, although granted at the same time, and under similar circumstances. July nth, Spangenberg sent him a detailed description of the town and garden lots, explaining the advantages and dif ficulties of cultivation, suggesting several methods by which it could be done, and giving the approxi mate cost, urging that instructions be sent as to his wishes. Later he wrote that the company had de cided not to wrait for Nitschmann's reply, but to clear the garden on the terms usual in Georgia, i. . that the man who cleared a piece of ground held it rent free for seven years, when it reverted to the owner. This had been done, and the garden was ready to plant and fence, and if Nitschmann ap proved they intended to clear the farm, and would build a small house on the town lot. Zinzendorf had suggested that negroes be employed on Nitsch-



mann's land, but at that time slavery was prohibited in Georgia, and any negroes who ran away from Carolina were at once returned to their masters.
The two farms lay side by side about lour miles from Savannah, the gardens, also adjoining, were about two miles from town, so it was necessary to build cabins at both places, as shelters from sun and storm, which the settlers found equally trying. Two additional cabins had been built in Savannah on Spangenberg's lot, and by the end of the year a house, thirty-four by eighteen feet in size, was under roof, though not yet finished. This gave an abundance of room, not only for themselves, but for the second company to whose arrival they were looking forward with such eagerness.
When this reinforcement came they hoped to move to Zinzendorf's tract, and then, as soon as they could be spared, Demuth, Haberecht, Waschke and the two Haberlands wished to claim the twenty acres apiece which the Trustees had promised to the Count's " servants." Riedel was of the same mind, but he did not live to see the arrival of the second company. Some months after reaching Georgia, he was dangerously ill with fever, but passed the crisis successfully, and recovered his full strength. He was one of the party who went to survey Zinzen-
s tract, but was taken sick again three days the boat left Savannah, and by the time they returned he was obliged to go to bed, and soon be came delirious. The other Moravians were greatly distressed, but could do nothing except nurse him carefully and pray for him earnestly, and toward the end his mind cleared, though his body had lost the



power to recuperate. He died on the 3Oth of Septembe*-, the first Moravian to " fall asleep " in the United States, though others had given up their lives for the mission work in the West Indies. His spiritual condition had at times caused much con cern to Toltschig, who was especially charged with the religious welfare of the first company, many of whom had been under his care in Germany, but in the main he had been an earnest man, a willing and industrious partaker in the common toil, and his death caused much regret. The burial customs in Savannah included the ringing of bells, a funeral sermon, and a volley of musketry, but learning that these ceremonies were not obligatory the Moravians declined the offer of the citizens to so honor their Brother, and laid him to rest in the Savannah ceme tery with a simple service of hymns and prayer.
As they were robing Riedel for his burial, a young man came to the door, and asked if he could not make them some pewter spoons. In the conversa tions that followed it developed that he was a native of Switzerland, the son of a physician, and after his father's death he had sailed for Pennsylvania, in tending there to begin the practice of medicine. But his fellow-passengers stole his books and every thing he had, he was unable to pay for his transpor tation, and forced to sell his service for seven years as a redemptioner. At the end of five years he had become quite ill, and his master, having waited six months for his recovery, heartlessly turned him out, to live or die as the case might be. Instead of dy ing, his strength returned, and then his former mas ter demanded 10: Pennsylvania currency, for his



unexpirecl term, although only 5 : had1 been paid for him, and he had served five years. The young man was obliged to promise to pay this, and Spangenberg encouraged him to push his spoon-making, in order to do it as speedily as possible. Meanwhile the Moravians were so much pleased with his ap pearance and speech, that they agreed to receive him into their company for as long as he chose to stay, and John Regnier soon became an important factor in their comfort. Spiritually he was somewhat at sea. At one time he had desired to be a hermit, and then he had drifted from one sect to another, seek ing something which he could not find, but acquiring a medley of odd customs. Spangenberg advised him to turn his thoughts from men to God, learning from Him " what was better and higher, Faith, Love, Hoipe, etc.," and under the Moravian in fluence he gradually laid aside his unwise fancies, giving them encouragement to believe that he would eventually come into the clearer light, as they knew it.
In material things John Regnier was of great as sistance, owing to his ability to turn his hand to al most anything. The shoes of the party were badly torn, but though they had brought leather and tools from England none of them knew the cobbler's trade. John Regnier had never made a shoe, but he took it up, and soon provided for them all, and then ne mended their clothing, and added new garments. ne also showed much aptitude for nursing, and Spangenberg put him in charge of several cases. A man from a neighboring village sent word that he had severed an artery and could not check the



bleeding, and asked for help. Regnier \v'-iu. .' ; iim, and was so successful in his treatment that in two weeks the man was entirely restored. Some one discovered a poor Scotchman, dying with dropsy, lying utterly neglected upon the floor of a miserable hut, and appeal was made to the Moravians to take him and care for him. They did so, moving him to one of their cabins, where they made him a bed, and. Regnier nursed him until death ended his suffer ings. Another man had high fever, and no friends, and him also the Moravians took, and cared for, the Trustee's agent furnishing food and medicine for the sick, but offering no recompense for the care they received.
Indeed, as the months passed by, the Moravians established a reputation for charity and for hospital ity. Not only had they kept free of dispute with the Salzburgers, but the friendliest relations exist ed, and the Moravian cabins were always open to them when they came to Savannah. Nor were they slow to avail themselves of the kindness. Gronau and Bolzius often lodged with them, and others came in groups of nine or ten to spend the night. During the evening stories would be exchanged as to their circumstances in the home lands, and their reasons for leaving there, and then sometimes the hosts would spread hay upon the floor for their guests, at other times give up their own beds, and themselves sleep upon the floor.
With their nearer neighbors in Savannah, they were also upon cordial terms, though they found few who cared for religious things. The Jews were particularly courteous to them, inviting Spangenberg into their Synagogue, and bringing gifts of



meat and fish on several occasions when help was sorely needed on account of the illness of some of their number, for Riedel was not the only one who was seriously ill, though no others died. All the conditions in Georgia were so different from what they were accustomed to in Germany that it took them some time to adapt themselves, and longer to become really acclimated, and they noticed that the same was true of all new-comers. All of the Moravians were sick in turn, many suffering from frosted feet, probably injured on the voyage over, but Spangenberg, Toltschig, Haberecht and Demuth were dangerously ill. Nearly all of the medi cine brought from Europe was gone, and what they could get in Savannah was expensive and they did not understand how to use it, so they were forced to depend on careful nursing and simple remedies. Turpentine could easily be secured from the pines, Spangenberg found an herb which he took to be camomile, which had a satisfactory effect, and with the coming of the cooler autumn weather most of the party recovered their health.
Probably the food was partly responsible for their troubles, though they tried to be careful, and cooked everything thoroughly. Rice and salt-meat were their chief articles of diet, for bread cost so much that they soon gave it up entirely, substituting cornmeal mush, and butter was so dear as to be entirely ut of the question. During the summer months which preceded the harvest, they could get neither c rn, rice nor beans at the store, so lived on mush, salt-meat, and the beans they themselves had plantca. Fresh meat was a great treat, particularly when \
ena-bled them to prepare nourishing broth for their



sick, and once Rose shot a stag, giving them several good meals, but this happened so seldom as to do little toward varying the monotony of their fare.
Drinking water was held to be responsible for the swollen feet and nausea from which many of them suffered, so they made a kind of sassafras beer, which proved palatable and healthful, and used it until they had become accustomed1 to the climate, when they were able to drink the water.
When the Moravians came to Georgia they brought with them a little ready money, the gift of I English friends, and their cash payments secured I them good credit at the Trustees' store. Other ; merchants sought their patronage, but they decided to run an account at one place only, and thought Mr. Causton, as the Trustees' agent, would give them the most liberal treatment. Their hardest time fmanciallv, as well as regarding health, was during the su*mmer, when credi. t came to be ac *" corded grudgingly, and filially Spangenberg, per sonally, borrowed 15: sterling, and applied it on ( their account, which restored their standing in Mr. j Causton's eyes. On Feb. 8th, 1736, they decided to ' buy enough corn, rice and salt-meat to last until i harvest, having learned by sad experience how very ' dear these necessities were later in the year. \ cry little work had been done which brought in ready money, for their time had been fully occupied w building their house and clearing the land, but all things were prepared for the coming of the second i company, with whose assistance they expected to accomplish much. In February the two carpenters . were engaged to build a house for Mr. Wagner, a. Swiss gentleman who had recently arrived, and I



rented one of the Moravian cabins temporarily, and this was the beginning of a considerable degree of activity.
The intercourse of the Moravians with the other residents of Savannah was much impeded by their ignorance of the English language, and it occurred to Spangenberg that it might be a good thing to take an English boy, have him bound to them ac cording to custom, and let them learn English by having to speak to him. About July a case came to his knowledge that roused all his sympathies, and at the same time afforded a good opportunity to try his plan. " I have taken a four-year-old English boy into our family. He was born in Charlestown, but somehow found his way to Savannah. His father was hanged, for murder I have heard, and his mother has married another man, and abandoned the child. A woman here took charge of him, but treated him most cruelly. Once she became angry with him, took a firebrand, and beat him until half his body was burned; another time she bound him, and then slashed him with a knife across the back, and might have injured him still more if a man had not come by and rescued him. The magistrates then gave him to other people, but they did not take care
f him, and hearing that he was a bright child, I decided to offer to take him. The Magistrates gladty agreed, and will write to his relatives in Charlestown, and if they do not claim him he will be bound to us. He is already proving useful to the Brethyen, as he speaks English to them, and they are rap idly learning to speak and to understand. I am Sending him to an English school, as I would rather



he would not learn German, but being bright he is learning a good deal of it from the Brethren."
On October 3ist a widow and her seven-year-old son were received into their household. The wo man was in destitute circumstances, and anxious to work, so after four weeks' trial she was installed as maid, and promised $14.00 a year wages. She proved to be quiet and industrious, but not very bright. On Dec. i/th another boy, six years old, was taken, his mother being dead, and his father a day-laborer who could not care for him.
Of the Indians the Moravians had seen a good deal, but no start had been made toward teaching them, except that some of their words had been learned. Spangenberg decided that the only way to master their language would be to go and live among them, and this J^ose^professed himself will ing to do as soon as he could be spared. With Tomochichi they were much pleased. "He is a grave, wise man, resembling one of the old Philoso phers, though with him it is natural, not acquired. Were he among a hundred Indians, all clothed alike, ons would point him out and say, ' that is the king.' " When the Indians came to the Moravian cabins they were courteously received, and supplied with food and drink, often remaining as silent list eners at the evening service. In turn their good will took the form of a gift of grouse or dried veni son, which the Moravians gratefully received.
The English were very anxious to keep the friendship of these Indians, on whom much of their safety depended, and when one of the nations came five or six hundred miles to renew a treaty with



them, they planned a spectacle which would at once please and impress them. All the settlers were put under arms, and led out to meet them, saluting them with a volley of musketry. With great pomp they were conducted into the town, presented with guns, clothing, etc., and then, through an interpreter, they were assured of the good will and faith of the Eng lish, and urged to be true to the treaty, and protect the settlement against those Indian tribes who were under French and Spanish influence.
Spangenberg was ordered out with the others, but excused himself on the ground of weakness from his recent illness, and when the officials offered to depart from their custom, and allow one of Zinzendorf's " servants " to take his place, he explained that the Moravians did not understand English, and knew nothing of military manoeuvres. During the first year the question of military service was not sufficiently prominent to cause real uneasiness, but Spangenberg foresaw trouble, and wrote to HerrnIIut, urging that the matter be given serious con sideration.
When the Moravians passed through London they had fully explained their position to Gen. Ogle; thorpe, who promised them exemption, but they had ,no written order from the Trustees to show to the local officials, and not even a copy of the letter in which reference to the subject was made. As Count ^ inzendorf's "servants" nine of them were ineli
gible, but Spangenberg, as a free-holder, was ex pected to take part in the weekly drill, which he quietly refused to do.
All free-holders were likewise expected to take



their turn in the Watch, composed of ten men, who patrolled the town by night and day. Spangenberg admitted that the Watch was necessary and proper, but decided that he had better not take a personal share in it, other than by hiring some one to take his place, which was permitted. As the turn came every seventeen days, and a man expected fifty cents for day and one dollar for night duty each time, this was expensive, doubly so because the officers de manded a substitute for the absent Nitschmann also. Twice had Spangenberg been before the Court, at tempting' to have the matter adjusted, but he found that this, like many other things, could not be set tled until Gen. Oglethorpe came. " All men wait for Gen. Oglethorpe, it is impossible to describe how they long for him." The Salzburgers especially wished for him, for they did not like the place where they had settled, and wanted permission to move to a more favorable location which they had chosen.
On the 14th of February, 1736, Capt. Thomson arrived, bringing letters from England, and one to Spangenberg announced that the second company of Moravians was on the way and might soon be ex pected. At three o'clock in the morning of Febru ary 17th, the town was roused by the sound of bells and drums. Thinking it meant fire, the Moravians rushed out, but learned that Gen. Oglethorpe's ship had reached Tybee, and the people were awakened to welcome him. Full of interest to learn whether the second company was with him the Moravians paused for a hasty meal before going to meet the ship, when to their great joy Bishop Nitschmann appeared before them, " and his face was to us as the face of an Angel!"

Before David Nitschmann, the " Hausmeister," left London, after the sailing of the first Moravian company for Georgia, he presented to the Trustees a series of propositions, the acceptance of which would open the way for a large increase of Mora vian emigration. The proposals were, in brief, that the Trustees should give credit to the Moravians to the extent of 500 sterling, which, deducting the 60 advanced to the first company, would provide passage money and a year's provision for fifty-five more of Count Zinzendorf's " servants," the loan to be repaid, without interest, in five years, and to bear interest at the usual rate if payment was longer de ferred. He also suggested that the money, when repaid, should be again advanced for a like purpose.
In addition he requested that each man of twentyone years, or over, should be granted fifty acres near Count Zinzendorf's tract.
The Trustees were pleased to approve of these Proposals, and promised the desired credit, with the ffiurther favor that . if the debt was not pt aid within nve years it should draw interest at eight per cent. Only, instead of ten per cent., the customary rate in South Carolina.
Uuring the summer, therefore, a second company prepared to follow the pioneers to the New World.



On the 5th of August, 1735, two parties left Herrnnut, one consisting of three young men, and the other of thirteen men, women and children, who were joined at Leipzig by Jonas Korte, who went with them to London. On August 8th, five more persons left Herrnhut, under the leadership of David Nitschmann, the Bishop, who was to take the second company to Georgia, organize their congre gation, and ordain their pastor.
This David Nitschmann, a carpenter by trade, was a companion of David Nitschmann, the "Hausmeister," and John Toltschig, when they left Moravia in the hope of re-establishing the Unitas Fratrum, and with them settled at Herrnhut, and became one of the influential members of the community. When missionaries were to be sent to the Danish West Indies, Nitschmann and Leonard Dober went on foot to Copennagen (August 2ist, 1732), and sailed from there, Nitschmann paying their way by his work as ship's carpenter. By the same handicraft he supported himself and his companion for four months on the island of St. Thomas, where they preached to the negro slaves, and then, according to previous arrangement, he left Dober to continue the work, and returned to Germany. In 1735, it was decided that Bishop Jablonski, of Berlin, and Bishop Sitkovius, of Poland, who represented the Episcopate of the ancient Unitas Fratrum, should consecrate one of the members of the renewed Unitas Fratrum at Herrnhut, linking the Church of the Fathers with that of their descendents, and en abling the latter to send to the Mission field minis ters whose ordination could not be questioned by other denominations, or by the civil authorities.



David Nitschmann, then one of the Elders at Herrnhut, was chosen to receive consecration, the service being performed, March I3th, by Bishop Jablonski, with the written concurrence of Bishop Sitkovius.
The three parties from Herrnhut met at Magde burg on August 13th, proceeding from there to Hamburg by boat, and at Altona, the sea-port of Hamburg, they found ten more colonists who had preceded them. Here also they were joined by Christian Adolph von Hermsdorf, who went with them to Georgia as " a volunteer." Apparently Lieutenant Hermsdorf wanted the position of Zinzendorf's Agent in Georgia, for the Count wrote to him on the I9th of August, agreeing that he should go with the Moravians, at their expense, but saying that if he desired office he must first prove himself worthy of it by service with and for the others, even as the Count had always done. If the reports from Georgia justified it, the Count promised to send him proper powers later, and to find a good opportunity for his wife to follow him. Rosina Schwarz and her child, who had come with them to Hamburg to meet her husband, returned with him to their home HI Holstein; and on account of Rosina Neubert's serious illness, she and her husband reluctantly agreed to leave the company, and wait for another opportunity to go to Georgia. In 1742 they carried
ut their intention of emigrating to America, though it was to Pennsylvania, and not to Georgia.
J-he second company," therefore, consisted of twenty-five persons:
. David Nitschmann, the Bishop.
Christian Adolph von Hermsdorf, a volunteer.



John Andrew Dober, a potter. David Zeisberger. David Tanneberger, a shoemaker. John Tanneberger, son of David, a boy of ten years. George Neisser. Augustin Neisser, a young lad, brother of George. Henry Roscher, a linen-weaver. David Jag. John Michael Meyer, a tailor. Jacob Frank. John Martin Mack. Matthias Seybold, a farmer. Gottlieb Demuth. John Bohner, a carpenter. Matthias Bohnish. Maria Catherine Dober, wife of John Andrew Dober. Rosina Zeisberger, wife of David Zeisberger. Judith Toltschig, Catherine Riedel, Rosina Haberecht, Regina Demuth, going to join their husbands already in Georgia. Anna Waschke, a widow, to join her son. Juliana Jaschke, a seamstress.* During an enforced stay of three weeks at Altona, the Moravians experienced much kindness, espe cially at the hands of Korte and his family, and Mrs. Weintraube, the daughter of a Mennonite preacher, who had come from her home in London on a visit to her father. By this time the Moravian settlement at Herrnhut was coming to be well and

* Fifteen of these colonists were originally from Moravia and Bohemia



favorably known in Holland, and every visit won new friends, many of whom came into organic fel lowship with them. A few years later, when the Unitas Fratrum was confronted by a great financial crisis, it was largely the loyalty and liberality of the Dutch members that enabled it to reach a posi
tion of safety. On the 9th of September, the company went
aboard an English boat, homeward bound, but con trary winds held them in port until the I3th, and it was not until Sunday, Oct. 2nd, that they reached London, after a long and stormy crossing, which gave many of them their first experience of sea sickness.
Nitschmann and Korte at once went ashore to re port their arrival to Secretary Verelst, and on Mon day a house was rented, and the twenty-five colo nists and Jonas Korte moved into it, to wait for the sailing of Gen Oglethorpe's ship, the General having offered them berths on his own vessel. The Gen eral was out of town when they reached London, but called on Monday evening, and showed them every kindness, "O'glethorpe is indeed our good friend, and cares for us like a father."
Nitschmann found a good deal of difficulty on ac count of the language, for he could not speak Latin, as Spangenberg had done, and knew no English, so that all of his conversations with Oglethorpe had to be carried on through an interpreter; nevertheless a number of important points were fully discussed.
On the question of military service he could reach no definite and satisfactory conclusion, and thought lt: a great pity that there had not been a perfect



mutual understanding between Zinzendorf and the Trustees before the first company sailed. That Zinzendorf's " servants " should be free from military service was admitted by all, but Oglethorpe thought three men must be furnished to represent Zinzen dorf, Spangenberg and Nitschmann (the Hausmeister), the three free-holders, and suggested that Lieutenant Hermsdorf might take one place. Nitschmann said that would not do, that the Mora vians " could not and would not fight," and there the matter rested. Nitschmann wrote to Zinzen dorf, begging him to come to London, and interview the Trustees, but advised that he wait for Oglethorpe's return from Georgia some nine months later.
On this account the members of the second com pany agreed that it would be better for them not to accept land individually, but to go, as the others had done, as Zinzendorf's " servants," to work on his tract. Oglethorpe suggested that an additional five hundred acres should be requested for Count Zin zendorf's son, and Nitschmann referred the pro posal to the authorities at Herrnhut. In regard to the five hundred acre tract already granted, the Gen eral said that it had been located near the Indians, at the Moravians' request, but that settlers there would be in no danger, for the Indians were at peace with the English, there was a fort near by, and besides he intended to place a colony of Salzburgers fifty miles further south, when the Mora vians would be, not on the border but in the center of Georgia.
Gen. Oglethorpe assured Nitschmann that there



would be no trouble regarding the transfer of title to the Georgia lands, for while, for weighty reasons, the grants had been made in tail male, there was no intention, on the part of the Trustees, to use this as a pretext for regaining the land, and if there was no male heir, a brother, or failing this, a friend, might take the title. (In 1739 the law entailing property in Georgia was modified to meet this view, and after 1750, all grants were made in fee simple.) He also explained that the obligation to plant a cer tain number of mulberry trees per acre, or forfeit the land, was intended to spur lazy colonists, and would not be enforced in the case of the Moravians.
Nitschmann told Gen. Oglethorpe of the wives and children who had been left in Herrnhut, and suggested the advisability of establishing an English School for them, that they might be better fitted for life in Georgia. Oglethorpe liked the idea, and, after due consideration, suggested that some one in Herrnhut who spoke French or Latin, preferably the latter, should be named as Count Zinzendorf's Agent, to handle funds for the English school, and to accompany later companies of Georgia colonists as far as London, his expenses to be paid by the x Trustees. Of this the Trustees approved, and donated 40 sterling, partly for Nitschmann's use in London, and the balance, about 4 it proved to be, for the Herrnhut school. An English gentle man also gave them 32, with the proviso that withxn four years they in turn would give an equal amount to the needy, which Nitschmann readily agreed should be done.
Various other gifts must have been received, for



when the company sailed, Nitschmann reported to Count Zinzendorf that, without counting a consid erable amount which Korte had generously expend ed on their behalf, they had received 115 in Lon don, and had spent 113. " This will seem much to you, but when you look over the accounts, and con sider the number of people, and how dear everything is, you will understand." Unfortunately the colo nists had left Herrnhut without a sufficient quantity of warm clothing, thinking that it would not be needed, but letters from Georgia gave them quite new ideas of the climate there, and they were forced to supply themselves in London, though at double what it would have cost in Germany.
In addition to these expenditures, the second com pany borrowed from the Trustees the funds for their passage to Georgia, and a year's provision there, binding themselves jointly and severally to repay the money, the bond, dated Oct. 26th, 1735, being for the sum of 453 17:6:, double the amount of the actual debt. This included
Passage for 16 men, 8 women and I boy, 25 persons, 24-! " heads "..... .122: 10: o
25 sets of bed-clothes............... 6: 5:0 i year's provisions in Georgia, being
12 bushels Indian Corn, 100 Ibs. Meat, 30 Ibs. Butter, i bushel Salt, 27 Ibs. Cheese, per head. .......... 64: 6:3 Advanced in London for necessaries. . . 33: 12: 6

226: 13: y
This was to be repaid in five years, drawing eight per cent, interest after three years, further security



to be given within twelve months if requested by the Trustees or their Agent; and any provisions not used to be credited on their account.
In the matter of forming new acquaintances in London, the second company was far less active than the first had been, Spangenberg's standing and education having given him access to many people, attracting their attention to his companions. The second company profited by the friends he had made, Mr. Wynantz especially devoting himself to their service, and while Nitschmann and his asso ciates did not reach many new people, they inspired the respect and confidence of those whom Spangenberg had introduced to the Moravian Church, and so strengthened its cause. A carpenter from Wit tenberg, Vollmar by name, who was attracted to them, requested permission to go to Georgia with them, although not at their expense, and to this they agreed. A number of Salzburgers who were to go to Georgia with General Oglethorpe, though not on the same ship, were under the leadership of the young Baron von Reck with whom Zinzendorf had corresponded during the early stages of the Mora vian negotiations, and the Baron called on the sec ond company several times, offered to assist them in any way in his power, and expressed the wish thaithe Moravians and Salzburgers could live together m Georgia. Nitschmann doubted the wisdom of the plan, but courteously agreed to refer it to Zin zendorf, who, however, refused his sanction.
On the 12th of October, the Moravians went aboard Gen. Oglethorpe's ship, the Simmonds, Capt. Cornish, where they were told to select the cabins



they preferred, being given preference over the Eng lish colonists who were going. The cabins contain ed bare bunks, which could be closed when not in use, arranged in groups of five, three below and two above, the five persons occupying them also eating together. The Moravians chose their places in the center of the ship, on either side of the main mast, where the ventilation was best, and there would be most fresh air when they reached warmer latitudes. " The number of people on the ship is rather large, for we are altogether one hundred and fifty who are going to Georgia, but besides our selves they are all Englishmen." " Many of them are like wild animals, but we have resolved in all things to act as the children of God, giving offence to no one, that our purpose be not misconstrued."
After seeing his companions comfortably settled on the vessel, Nitschmann returned to his numerous tasks in London. On the 24th, he came back to the ship, accompanied by Korte, who bade them an af fectionate farewell. By the 27th all of the passen gers, including Gen. Oglethorpe, were on board, but it was not until the afternoon of October 3ist, that the Simmonds sailed from Gravesend.

On the Simmonds, as she sailed slowly down the Thames on her way to Georgia, there were foui Englishmen, with whom the Moravians were to be come well acquainted, who were to influence and be influenced by them, and through whom a great change was to come into the religious history of England. These were John and Charles Wesley,



Benjamin Ingham and Charles Delamotte. The Wesleys were sons of Samuel Wesley, a clergyman of the Church of England, and while at the Univer sity of Oxford they, with two companions, had formed a little society for religious improvement, and-by their strict and methodical habits gained the name of "Methodists"; both brothers had taken orders in the English Church, and were on their way to Georgia, John to serve as rector at Savannah, and Charles as Gen. Oglethorpe's private secre tary. Benjamin Ingham was born in Yorkshire, and met the Wesleys at Oxford, where he joined their Methodist society. He, too, had been ordain ed in the English Church, and now, at the age of twenty-three, had yielded to John Wesley's per suasions, and agreed to go with him " to the Indians." Charles Delamotte, the son of a London merchant, met the Wesleys at the home of James Hutton, shortly before they sailed for Georgia, and was so much impressed by them, and by their object in seeking the New World, that he decided " to leave the world, and give himself up entirely to God," and go with them.
For the greater part of his life John Wesley kept a Journal, extracts from which were given to the public from time to time, and Benjamin Ingham's account of the voyage to Georgia was also printed, so that the story of those weeks is quite well known. Nevertheless, something of interest may be gained by comparing these two Journals with the Diaries kept by David Nitschmann, Bishop of the\Moravians, and John Andrew Dpber, one of the second company.



To avoid confusion it should be noted that the difference of eleven days in the dates is only appar ent, not real, for the Englishmen used the old style calendar, the Germans employed the modern one. In 46 B. C. the Roman Calendar had gained two months on the actual seasons, and a more accurate calculation resulted in the adoption of the so-called " Julian Calendar" (prepared at the request of Julius Caesar), the two missing months being in serted between November and December in that " year of confusion." By 1582, however, the Julian Calendar had fallen ten days behind the sea sons, so another calculation was made, and Pope Gregory XIII. abolished the Julian Calendar in all Catholic countries, dropped the dates of ten days from that year, and established the " reformed," or "Gregorian Calendar." This was adopted in Cath olic Germany, in 1583, in Protestant Germany and Holland, in i/oo, but in England not until 1752, by which time the difference had increased to eleven days. Following the ancient Jewish custom the Year, for many centuries, began with the 25th of March, but public sentiment came to favor the ist of January as the more appropriate date, and it was gradually adopted. In England, however, the legal year continued to begin with March 25th, until 1752, although many people were either using the newer fashion, or indicating both, and a date might be cor rectly written in four ways, e. g. January roth, 1734, old style, legal, January loth, 1734-5, or Janu ary loth, 1735, old style, popular, and January 2ist, I 735> new style, the last agreeing with the calendar now in general use.



Bishop Nitschmann gives the outline ot their re ligious services on almost every day, and in the translation which follows these are generally omit ted; in the same way some paragraphs are left out of the Wesley Journal. Extracts from Dober's and Ingham's Journals are inserted when they give
facts not otherwise noted.

Oct. 24th, 1735. I went to the ship, (the Simmonds, Captain Cornish). My heart rejoiced to be once more with the Brethren. In the evening we held our song service.
(We have all given our selves to the Lord, and pray that the Saviour may com fort our hearts with joy, and that we may attain our object, namely, to call the heathen, to become acquaint ed with those whom we have not known and who know us not, and to worship the name of the Lord. Let ter of Oct. 28.)

Oct. i 4th, 1735, (0. S.) Tuesday. Mr. Benjamin Ingham, of Queen's College, Oxford, Mr. Charles Delamotte, son of a merchant in London, who had offered himself some days before, my brother Charles Wesley, and myself, took boat for Gravesend, in order to em bark for Georgia. Our end in leaving our native coun try was not to avoid want, (God having given us plenty of temporal blessings,) nor to gain the dung or dross of riches or honor; but singly this, to save our souls, to live wholly to the glory of God. In the afternoon we found the Simmonds off Gravesend, and immediately went on board.
(We had two cabins al lotted us in the forecastle; I and Mr. Delamotte having the first, and Messrs. Wes ley the other. Theirs was



Nitschmann's Continued.
Oct. 27th. Bled Mrs. Toltschig and Mrs. Zeisberger. On deck one man was knocked down by another, striking his head on the deck so as to stun him. In the evening we held our song service at the same hour that the English had theirs. I spoke with Mr. Oglethorpe and the two Eng lish clergymen, who asked concerning our ordination and our faith. Mr. Ogle thorpe said he would be as our father, if we would per mit it.
Oct. 28th. -At our prayermeeting considered Eph. 1, how our election may be made sure; I also wrote to the Congregation at Herrnhut. Mrs. Zeisberger was sick, and Mr. Oglethorpe concerned himself about her comfort.
Oct. agth. Spoke with the Wittenberg carpenter con cerning his soul.
Oct. soth. We decided who should attend to vari-

Wesley's Continued. made pretty large, so that we could all meet together to read or pray in it. This part of the ship was assign ed to us by Mr. Oglethorpe, as being most convenient for privacy. Ingham's Jour nal.)
Oct. 17th. I began to learn German in order to converse with the Germans, six and tAventy* of whom we had on board.
* Twenty-five Moravians and the Wittenberg carpenter.



Nitschmann's Continued. ous duties during the voy age, and held our "Band" meetings. (The "Bands" were small groups, closely associated for mutual relig ious improvement.) An Eng lish boy fell overboard, but was rescued by a sailor.
Oct. sist. In the after noon we sailed twelve miles from Gravesend.
Nov. ist. The English clergyman began to spend an hour teaching us Eng lish. In the early service we read concerning new life in the soul; the preceding night was blessed to me, and the Saviour was near. At the evening service we spoke of earnest prayer and its answer. (David Nitsehmann, in the presence of all the members, formally in stalled certain of our mem bers in office, David Tanne-

Wesley's Continued.
Oct. 20th, Monday. -Be lieving the denying our selves, even in the smallest instances, might, by the blessing of God, be helpful to us, we wholly left off the use of flesh and wine, and confined ourselves to vege table food, chiefly rice and biscuit. In the afternoon, David Nitschmann, Bishop of the Germans, and two others, began to learn Eng lish. 0 may we be, not only of one tongue, but of one mind and of one heart.
Oct. 21st. We sailed from Gravesend. When we were past about half the Goodwin Sands the wind sudden ly failed. Had the calm con tinued till ebb, the ship had probably been lost. But the gale sprung up again in an hour, and carried us into the Downs.
We now began to be a lit tle regular. Our common way of living was this: From four in the morning till five, each of us used pri-


Nitschmann's Continued.
berger as overseer, Dober as teacher and monitor, Seybold as nurse for the breth ren, and Mrs. Dober as nurse for the sisters. -Dober's Di ary.)
(We have arranged that one of us shall watch each night, of which Mr. Oglethorpe approves. Letter of Oct. 18th.)
Nov. 2nd. We sailed fur ther. In the early prayer service we considered Eph. IV, the unity of the Spirit, and the means of preserv ing the bond of peace. In the song service many points of doctrine were discussed with the English clergyman, also the decline and loss of power.
Nov. srd. A dense fog and unpleasant weather, so we lay still at anchor.

Wesley's Continued.
vate prayer. From live to seven we read the Bible to gether, carefully comparing it (that we might not lean to our own understanding) with the writings of the earliest ages. At seven we breakfasted. At eight were the public prayers. From nine to twelve I usually learned German and Mr. Delamotte Greek. My broth er writ sermons, and Mr. Ingham instructed the chil dren. At twelve we met to give an account to one an other what we had done since our last meeting, and what we designed to do before our next. About one we dined. The time from dinner to four, we spent in reading to those whom each of us had taken in charge, or in speaking to them sev erally, as need required. At four were the Evening Prayers; when either the Second Lesson was ex plained (as it always was in the morning,) or the chil dren were catechised, snd instructed before the con gregation. From live to six we again used private prayer. From six to seven I read in our cabin to two or three of the passengers, (of whom there were about



Nitschmann's Continued.

Wesley's Continued.

eighty English on board),

and each of my brethren to

a few more in theirs. At

seven I joined with the

Germans in their public ser

vice; while Mr. Ingham was

reading between the decks

to as many as desired to

hear. At eight we met

again, to exhort and in

struct one another. Between

nine and ten we went to

bed, where neither the roar

ing of the sea, nor the mo

tion of the ship, could take

away the refreshing sleep

which God gave us.

Nov. 4th. I visited the Oct. 24th. Having a roll

other ship, (the London ing sea, most of the pas

Merchant, Capt. Thomas) sengers found the effects of

where the so-called Salz- it. Mr. Delamotte was ex

burgers are. I spend most ceeding sick for several

of my time studying Eng days, Mr. Ingham for about


half an hour. My brother's

Nov. sth. We prayed for head ached much. Hitherto

the Congregation at Herrn- it has pleased God the sea

hut, and also that we might has not disordered me at

be one with it in spirit. In all.

the evening we spoke of the During our stay in the

Lord's protection, how good Downs, some or other of

it is.

us went, as often as we had

There is no room for fear, opportunity, on board the

The world may shake and ship that sailed in company


with us, where also many

The elements may rage,

were glad to join in prayer

The firmament may shiver, and hearing the word.

We are safe-guarded.

Nov. 8th. An (English)

child died, and was buried

m the sea at five o'clock.



Nitschmann's Continued. Nov. nth. -The text was
"The Lord is with me, there fore I do not fear."
Nov. lath. (This after noon we came near Ports mouth, and anchored. To day Dober began to stxidy English, and learned the Lord's Prayer. Dober's Diary.)
Nov. isth. Hermsdorf visits Baron von Reck.
Nov. i4th. We lay at an chor at Cowes on the Isle of Wight, and some of us landed. I went with Baron von Reck to Newport, one mile distant, it is a beauti ful place. I conversed with Baron von Reck about the Lord's Prayer.
Nov. i8th. A great storm. To me the time is precious, and passes too swiftly. Tt is as though we were in the midst of wild beasts, which are bound and cannot harm us. We know the Saviour stands by us, and strength ens us through the Holy Ghost.

Wesley's Continued.
Oct. sist. We sailed out of the Downs. At eleven at night I was waked by a great noise. I soon found there was no danger. But the bare apprehension of it gave me a lively conviction what manner of men those ought to be, who are every moment on the brink of eternity.
Nov. ist, Saturday. We came to St. Helen's harbour, and the next day into Cowes road. The wind was fair, but we waited for the man-of-war which was to sail with us. This was a happy opportunity of in structing our fellow trav ellers. May He whose seed we sow, give it the in crease!



Nitschmann's--C ontinued.
Nov 2oth.--One older and two young Englishmen were whipped for stealing.
Nov. 2ist.--Conversed with Mr. Oglethorpe about our ordination, Baron von Reck acting as interpreter. He was well pleased when I ex plained our view, and that we did not think a Bishop must be a great lord as among the Catholics. He offered to give us anything we wished, but I told him we needed nothing.
Nov. 2srd.--The Man-ofwar (Hawk, Capt. Gascoine) joined us. A boy was beat en, and sent away from the ship.
Nov. 25th.--Spoke with Mr. Oglethorpe about Bohner and George Neisser, who are sick and must go ashore for treatment. Bohner has a sore arm, anu. Neisser a sore foot. An English friend gave us a guinea to buy some things we need.
Nov. 29th.--In the evenlng I prayed for a good wind, since we do not wish 10 lie in one place and be of no use.
Dec. ist.--The wind was good, we thanked God and
about eight o'clock, ong after the wind fell,

Nov. 2oth.--We fell down Yarmouth road, but the next day were forced back to Cowes. During our stay


and we anchored, but I could not believe that we were not to go. The wind rose agaih, and we sailed nine miles.
Dec. and.--About two o'clock we returned to Cowes.
Dec. 3rd.--The women went ashore to wash our clothes. The others went with them, because we do not wish to annoy any one, and desired to be alone that we might celebrate the Lord's Supper. I could not leave the ship, but was wTith them in spirit.
Dec. 4th.-- (Nitschmann and Dober spoke with sev eral of the Brethren con cerning their spiritual con dition. In the evening a storm sprang up which con tinued most of tne night. Mr. Oglethorpe is ill, which reminds us to pray for him, and the English preacher. John Wesley, has promised to do the same. This preach er loses no opportunity to be present at our *ong ser vice; he spares no pains to perform the dxitles of his office and he likes us. We wish we could converse free ly with him, so that we could more carefully explain

Wesley's--Continued. here there were several storms, in one of which two ships in Yarmouth roads were lost.
The continuance of the contrary winds gave my brother an opportunity of complying with the desire of the minister of Cowes. and preaching there three or four times.
Nov. 23rd, Sunday.--At night I was waked by the tossing of the ship, and roaring of the wind, and plainly showed I was unlit, for I was unwilling to die.



Nitschmann's--C ontinued.
the way of. God to him.-- Dober's Diary.)
Dec. yth.--A great storm, and we thanked God that we were in a safe harbor. Dec. loth.--All hands sum moned to lift the anchor. Mr. Oglethorpe called me, took me by the hand, led me into the cabin, and gave me 1 for the Brethren. Later the wind was again contrary, and we had to lie still.
Dec. i8th.--We lifted the ajichor at three o'clock, but as we got under sail the wind changed again. We must stay still, but what the Lord intends we do not know.
Dec. 2ist.--An east wind sprang up, and with the help of God we sailed at nine o'clock from Cowes. where we had been for five weeks and three days. (With us went two ships, the manof-war, and that which ear ned Baron von Reek and his Salzburgers. Two of the Salzburgers were on shore. and were left behind when the ship sailed, whereat their wives and children who were on board, were sorely grieved.--Dober's Diarv.)

Dec. 7th, Sunday.--Find ing nature did not require such frequent supplies as we had been accustomed to, we agreed to leave off sup pers; from doing which we have hitherto found no in convenience.
Dec. loth, Wednesday.-- We sailed from Cowes. and in the afternoon passed the Needles. From this day to the fourteenth being in the Bay of Biscay, the sea was very rough. Mr. Delamotte and others were more sick than ever; Mr. Ingham a little; I not at all. But the fourteenth be ing a calm day. most of the sick were cured at once.



When we reached the open sea many became sea-sick. There was so much to be done that we could not hold our prayer-meeting, for our people help in all the work, and therefore the sailors treat us well, no matter what they think of us. in their hearts. In the evening our song service was much blessed.
Dec. 22iid.--The wind was east, and we sailed nine miles an hour, but were all very sea-sick.
Dec. 25th.--As this was Christmas Day we read Matt. VIII. in our prayer service. The wind had died down, everyone felt much better, and it was a beauti ful day.
Dec. 27th.--At midnight there was a great storm, and the waves broke over the ship; the middle hatch was open, and the water poured in, running into our cabin, so that we had to take everything out of them until we could dry them.
Dec. soth.--The weather was again pleasant.

Dec. i2th.-- (In the fore noon we left the man-ofwar, lie not being able to sail as fast as our ships.-- Ingham's Journal.)
(Dec. igth.--Messrs. ley and I, with Mr. Oglethorpe's approbation, under took to visit, each of us, a part of the ship, and daily to provide the sick people

GENERAL JAMES OGLETHORPE. From a pen sketch in the Hevrnhut Archives.



Jan. i, 1736.--It was New Year's Day, and Mr. Ogle thorpe's birthday. (Br. Nitschmann asked us to se lect a number of verses, wrote them out and pre sented them as a birthday greeting to Mr. Oglethorpe, It was a beautiful day, warm and calm.--Dober's Diary.)
Jan. 5th.-- (To-day, accord ing to the old style, Christ mas was celebrated on our ship. Br. Nitschmann spoke on the words, "Unto us a Child is born, unto us a Son is given."--Dober's Diary.)
Jan< ioth.-- (We have been running for several days with the Trade winds. Here the day is two hours longer than it is in Germany at this season. The sailors wished to adhere to their custom of initiating those who crossed the Tropic of Cancer for the first time,

Wesley's--Continued. with water-gruel, and such other things as were neces sary for them.--Ingham's Journal.)
Dec. aist, Sunday.--We had fifteen communicants, wrhich was our usual num ber on Sundays.
(This being Mr. Oglethorpe's birthday, he gave a sheep and wine to the people, which, with the smoothness of the sea, and the serenity of the sky, so enlivened them that they perfectly recovered from their sea-sickness.
On Christmas Day, also, Mr Oglethorpe gave a hog and wine to the people.--
Dec. 2gth.-- (We are now past the latitude of twentyfive degrees, and are got into what they call the Trade winds, which blow much the same way all the year round. The air is balmy, soft, and sweet. The ship glides smoothly and quietly along. The



Nitschmann's--Continued. but Gen. Oglethorpe forbade it. The weak, the children, and the sick, are well cared for, so that the nine months' old child receives an egg and some goat's milk every day.--Dober's Diary.)
Jan. i2th.--To-day, ac cording to the old style, we celebrated the New Year.
Jan. 2oth.--An English clergyman asked us how often we celebrated the Lord's Supper, saying that he thought it a sacrifice which consecrated and im proved the life. We told him our view; he said he would like to visit Herrnhut.
(We re-crossed the Tropic of Cancer.--Dober's Diary.)
Jan. 2ist.-- (We are still in the Trade wind, and sail swiftly and steadily.) We cannot thank God enough that we are all well, only Mrs. Demuth is always sea sick when the wind rises.
Jan, asrd.--We saw a ship.
Jan. 27th.-- (As there was little good water left the passengers were given poor water, but when Oglethorpe

Wesley's--Continued. nights are mild and pleas ant, being beautifully adorned with the shining hosts of stars, "Forever singing as they
shine, The Hand that made us is
divine." --Ingham's Journal.)
Jan. 12th, 1736.-- (I began to write out the English Dictionary in order to learn the Indian tongue.- Ingham's Journal.)
Jan. i5th.--Complaint be ing made to Mr. Oglethorpe of the unequal distribution of the water among the pas-


heard of it, he ordered that all, in the Cabin and out side, should be treated alike, as long as the good water lasted. Mr. Oglethorpe and the preacher, John Wesley, are very careful of the pas sengers' welfare; the latter shows himself full of love for us.--Dober's Diary.)
Jan. 28th.--There was a great storm, the waves went over the ship, and poured into it. Then many who knew not God were fright ened, but we were of good cheer, and trusted in the Lord who does all things well. Roscher and Mack are good sailors and not afraid of anything.

sengers, he appointed new officers to take charge of it. At this the old ones and their friends were highly exasperated against us, to whom they imputed the change. But "the fierceness of man shall turn to thy praise."
Jan. 17th, Saturday.-- Many people were very im patient at the contrary wind. At seven in the evening they were quieted by a storm. It rose higher and higher till nine. About nine the sea broke over us from stem to stern; burst through the windows of the state cabin, where three or four of us were, and cov ered us all over, though a bureau sheltered me from the main shock. About eleven I lay down in the great cabin, and in a short time fell asleep, though very uncertain whether I should wake alive, and much ashamed of my un willingness to die. O how pure in heart must he be, who would rejoice to appear before God at a moment's warning! Toward morning "lie rebuked the wind and the sea, and there was a great calm."


Jan. zgih.--We read the 13th chapter of Mark at our early prayer service. The weather was a little better, but the wind was contrary. We also saw a ship which was sailing northeast. In the evening we read the ninety-eighth Psalm, the Lord was with us and we were blessed.
Feb. ist.--The weather was fine, and there was no wind until ten o'clock, when it came from the right quar ter. In addition to our usual allowance the Captain sent us fresh meat, which he has done thrice already, and we do not altogether like it, for we are content with what we have, and do not desire more.
Feb. 3rd.--There was a great storm, which lasted all night.
Feb. 4th.--The storm last ed all day, and the waves often swept over the ship. The storm rudder was lashed fast, and so we were driven.

Wesley's--Continued. Jan. 18th, Sunday.--We returned thanks to God for our deliverance, of which a few appeared duly sensible. But the rest (among whom were most of the sailors) denied we had been in any danger. I could not have believed that so little good would have been done by the terror they were in be fore. But it cannot be that they should long obey God from fear, who are deaf to the motives of love.
Jan. asrd, Friday.--In the evening another storm be gan. In the morning it in creased, so that they were forced to let the ship drive, i could not but say to my self, "How is it that thou hast no faith?" being still unwilling to die. About one in the afternoon, almost as soon as I had stepped out of the great cabin door, the aea did not break as usual, but came with a smooth full tide over the side of the ship. I was vaulted


Feb. sth.--In the early morning we had a fairly good breeze, but about ten o'clock, a storm rose, of such violence that the wind seemed to blow from all four quarters at once, and we were in danger of being overpowered. The waves were like mountains; the rudder was lashed fast, only one sail was spread, and we drove on, only the Lord knew whither. But we did not let it prevent us from holding our song ser vice. The text given to us was Psalm CXV. 14, which assured us that we were blessed of God,,--may He ever bless us more and more. During the service the ship was covered with a great wave, which poured Hi upon us, and on the deck there was a great cry that the wind had split the one sail which was spread. Tnere was great fright among the people who have

over with water in a mo ment, and so stunned, that I scarce expected to lift up my head again, till the sea should give up her dead. But thanks be to God, I re ceived no hurt at all. About noon oiir third storm began.
Jan. 25th, Sunday.---At noon our third storm began. At four it was more violent than before. The winds roared round about us, and whistled as distinctly as if it had been a human voice. The ship not only rocked to and fro with the utmost violence, but shook and jarred with so unequal, grating, a motion, that one could not but with great difficulty keep one's hold of anything, nor stand a mo ment without it. Every ten minutes came a shock against the stern or side of the ship, which one would think should dash the planks to pieces.
We spent two or three hours after prayers, in con versing suitably to the oc casion, confirming one an other in a calm submission to the wise, holy, gracious will of God. And now a storm did not appear so terrible as before. Blessed


no God; the English clergy man was much aroused, ran to them, and preached re pentance, saying among other things that they could now see the difference. I was content, for our lives are in God's hands, and He does what He will; among us there was no fear, for the Lord helped us. (There was a terrible storm which lasted till midnight. Dur ing the song service a great wave struck the ship with a noise like the roar of a cannon. The wind tore the strong new sail in two; the people, especially the Eng lish women, screamed and wept; the preacher Wesley, who is always with us in our song service, cried out against the English, "Now man can see who has a God, and who has none." During the lust eight days we have had so much eonl rary wind, and so many storms that we could not approach the land, though \ve were near it r'evoral timc^.---Dover's Diarv.)

be the God of all consola tion!
At seven I went to the Germans; I had long be fore observed the great seri ousness of their behaviour. Of their humility they had given a continual proof, by peri 01 m ing those servile ollues for the other pa-sengers, which none of the English would undertake; for which they desired, an<i would receive no pay, say ing "It was good for their proud hearts," and "ineir loving Saviour had done more for them." And every day had given them occasion of showing a meekness, which no injury could move. If they were pushed, struck, or thrown dc\vn, they rose again and ',\fcnt away; but no com plaint was found in their mouth. There was now an opportunity of trying whether they were deliv ered from the spirit of fear, as well as from that cf pride, anger, and re venge. In the midst of the p-vilrn \\here\vith their ser vice began, the sea broke over, split the mainsail in pieces, covered the ship, and poured in between the



Feb. 6th.--(The oldest sailors say they have never seen so fierce a storm as the one we had last night. The wind came from all sides at once, lifted the water from the sea, bore it through the air and east it on the other ship, where Baron von Reek and the Salzburgers were, and so flooded it that twelve Persons were kept at the Pumps all night.--Dober's Diary.)

decks, as if the great deep had already swallowed us up. A terrible screaming began among the English. The Germans calmly sung on. I asked one of them afterward, "Was you not afraid?" He answered, "I thank God, no." I asked, "But were not your women and children afraid?" He re plied mildly, "No; our wo men and children are not afraid to die."
From them I went to their crying, trembling neighbors, and pointed out to them the difference in the hour of trial, between him that feareth God, and him that feareth him not. At twelve the wind fell. This was the most glorious day which I have hitherto
Jan. 26th.--We enjoyed the calm. I can conceive no difference comparable to that between a smooth and a rough sea, except that wLich is between a mind calmed by the love of God, arid one torn up by the storms of earthly passion.



Nitschmann's--Continued. Feb. 8th.--(There was a
calm, and very fine weather, so that a boat could be low ered to visit the other ship. --Dober's Diary.)
Feb. gth.-- (The wind was again favorable to us, but there was much lightning.-- Dober's Diary.)
Feb. loth.--The whole day was stormy, and all night the waves broke over the ship.
Feb. lath.-- (We were obliged to drift, because we did not know how far we were from land. About noon we sighted three ships, sailed toward them, and saw they were English; our sailors lowered the boat, we

Jan. 28th.-- (Being a calm day, I went on board the other ship, read prayers, and visited the people. At my return I acquainted Mr. Oglethorpe with their state, and he sent them such things as they needed.-- Ingham's Journal.)
Jan. 2gth.--About seven in the evening we fell in with the skirts of a hurri cane. The rain as well as the wind was extremely violent. The sky was so dark in a moment, that the sailors could not so much as see the ropes, or set about furling the sails. The ship must, in all probabil ity, have overset, had not the wind fell as suddenly as it rose.
Jan, soth.--We had an other storm, which did us no other harm than split ting the foresail. Our bed being wet, I laid me down on the floor and slept sound till morning.
Feb. ist, Sunday.--(Three sails appearing, we mad<*_ up toward them, and got what letters we could write, in hopes some of them might be bound for England. One of them, that was bound for London,



wrote in haste, and sent let ters to Herrnlmt. The ships came from Charlestown, and told us we were thirty hours' run from Georgia.-- Dober's Diary.)
Feb. isth.--To-day we had another storm, and twice saw the ocean not far from us, drawn up like smoke, so that the water reached up to the clouds, and the ship would have been in great danger if it had struck us.
Feb. 14th.--Soundings to ward evening showed twen ty-eight fathoms of water, and we hope to see land to morrow.
Feb. i sth.--About two o'clock we saw land. I climbed the mast, and poured out my heart to God, thanking Him, and praying that He wTould care for us in our new home. We an chored for the night.

Feb. i6th.--It was a beau

tiful day, and the land

looked very fair. At two

o'clock we reached Tybee,

and were all verv happv.



Jri .--

-J- ne song service was

Messed, and we thanked

God with prayer and praise.

Wesley's--Continued. made towards us, and we put our letters on board her.--Ingham's Journal.)
Feb. 4th, Wednesday.-- About noon the trees were visible from the mast, and in the rilernoon from the main deck. In the Evening Lessen were these words, "A great door, and effect ual, is opened," 0 let no one shut it!
Feb. 5th,--Between two and thire in the afternoon God brought us all safe into the Savannah River. We cast anchor near Tybee Is land, \\heie the grove of pines, running along the shore, rcade an agreeable prospect, showing, as it were, the bloom of spring in the depths of winter.



Feb. iyth.--I went on shore with Mr. Oglethorpe, and we together fell on our knees and thanked God, and then took a boat to Savan nah. I went at once to the Brethren, and we rejoiced to meet again. I found the Brethren well, and looked with wonder at what they had accomplished, went with Tb'ltschig and Spangenberg to the garden, and also re ceived letters from Herrnhut. Spangenberg had to go immediately to Mr. Ogle thorpe to discuss many things with him.
Feb. i8th.-- (About six o'clock in the evening, Br. Spangenberg came from Sa vannah to us, which made us very glad and thankful. He told us of the death of Br. Riedel, and held the song service, praying and thank ing God for having brought us together again.--Dober's Diary.)
Feb. igth and 2oth.-- (We waited for the small vessel that was to come for us. Br. Spangenberg held the prayer and song services.-- Dober's Diary.)
Feb. 21 st.--(The small vessel came; we had much rain, and the wind Avas so

Wesley's--Continued. Feb. Clh, Friday.--About eight in (.he morning we first set foot on American ground. It was a small, un inhabited island, (Peeper Island), over against Tybee. Mr. Oglethorpe led us to a rising ground, where we all kneeled down to give thanks. He then took boat for Savannah. When the rest of the people were come on shore, we called our little flock together to prayers. Several parts of the Second Lesson, (Mark VI.) were wonderfully suit ed to the occasion. Feb. 7th.--Mr. Oglethorpe returned from Savannah with Mr. Spangenberg, one of the pastors of the, Ger mans. I soon found what spirit he was of; and asked his advice with regard to mv own conduct.
Feb. gth--I asked Mr. Spangenberg many ques tions, both concerning him self and the church ^ Herrnhut.



strong against us that we had to spend the night on the transport. -- Dober's Diary.)
Feb. 22nd.-- (In the after noon we reached Savannah, where .we were lodged in the house which the Breth ren who came a year ago have built in the town. The Lord has done all things well, and has turned to our good all that has befallen us, even when we did not understand His way, and has laid His blessing upon our journey,--thanks be unto Him.--Dober's Diarv.)

Feb. 16th. -- Mr. Oglethorpe set out for the new settlement on the Altamahaw River. He took with him fifty men, besides Mr. Tngham, Mr. Hermsdorf, and three Indians.
Feb. 24th, Tuesday.--Mr. Oglethorpe returned. The day following I took my leave of most of the pas sengers of the ship, in the evening I went to Savan nah.




The arrival of the " second company" was a marked event in the eyes of the Moravians already settled at Savannah. Hitherto all had been prepara tion, and labor had seemed less arduous and priva tions less severe because they were smoothing' the path for those who were to follow, and it was with well-earned satisfaction that wives and friends were lodged in the new house, taken to the garden and the farm, and introduced to acquaintances in the town. No doubt poor Catherine Riedel's heart ached with loneliness, and her tears flowed fast, when, at the close of that long and stormy voyage, she heard of her husband's death, and stood beside his grave in the Savannah cemetery;--but there was little time for grieving in the press of matters that required attention, for Spangenberg's long visit was now to end, Nitschmann was to remain only until the organization of the Congregation was complete, and there was much to be done before these two able leaders took their departure.
Scarcely had Bishop Nitschmann greeted the members of the " first company " in the dawn of Feb. 17th, 1736, when Spangenberg and Toltschig took him to the garden two miles distant, that they might have a private and undisturbed conference. All too soon, however, word was brought that Gen. Oglethorpe wanted to see Spangenberg at once, so they retraced their steps, and Spangenberg received a hearty greeting from the General, and many com pliments on what he and his party had accomplished. There is no record of the conversations among" the



Moravians on that day, but they are not difficult to ir/iagine, for the news from home and from the mis sion fields on the one side, and the problems and prospects in Georgia on the other, would furnish topics which many days could not exhaust.
That evening Spangenberg again called on Gen. Oglethorpe, who gave orders that a boat should take him next day to Tybee, where the ship lay at anchor, with all her passengers aboard. He also told Spangenberg about the English preacher whom he had brought over, and made inquiries about Nitschmamv's position, asking that the explanation be repeated to the English preacher, who was also interested in him.
The following clay Spangenberg waited upon Gen. Oglethorpe to ask about Hermsdorf, as he heard the General had promised to take him to the Altamaha, where a new town was to be built. He also begged Oglethorpe to help him arrange his departure for Pennsylvania as soon as possible, which the General agreed to do.
About six o'clock that evening Spangenberg reached the ship at Tybee, and was warmly wel comed by the Moravians, and at their song service he met the much-talked of English preacher, John Wesley. The two men liked each other at the first glance; Wesley wrote in his Journal, "I soon found what spirit he was of, and asked his advice in re gard to my own conduct," while Spangenberg paralleled this in his Diary with the remark, "He told me how it was with him, and I saw that true Grace dwelt in and governed him."
during the two days which elapsed before the



transport came to take the Moravians from the ship, Wesley and Spangenberg had several long conver sations, each recording the points that struck him most, but without comment. These discussions re garding doctrine and practice were renewed at in tervals during the remainder of Spangenberg's stay in Savannah, and the young Englishman showed himself eager to learn the Indian language so that he might preach to the natives, generous in his offers to share his advantages of study with the Mora vians, and above all determined to enforce the letter of the ecclesiastical law, as he understood it, in his new parish. He thought " it would be wrell if two of the Moravian women would dedicate themselves to the Indian service, and at once begin to study the language/' and " as the early Church employed dea conesses, it would be profitable if these women were ordained to their office." He was also convinced " that the apostolic custom of baptism by immersion ought to be observed in Georgia." " He bound himself to no sect, but took the ground that a man ought to study the Bible and the writings of the Church Fathers of the first three centuries, accept ing what agreed with these two sources, and re jecting all else." He requested the Moravians to use the Lord's Prayer at all their public services, " since this is acknowledged to have been the cus tom of the early Church," and since that early Church celebrated the Holy Communion every day, he thought it necessary that all members should partake at least on every Sunday. " He also had his thoughts concerning Fast days." Spangenberg promised to lay these matters before the congrega-



tion, but so far as Fast days were concerned, he said that while he would observe them as a matter of conscience if he belonged to a Church which re quired them, he doubted the wisdom of forcing them upon a Church in which they were not obliga tory.
On the 21st, the periagua (" so they call a rather deep, large boat") came to take the Moravians to Savannah, but it was necessary to call at the other ship, as some of their baggage had been brought in that vessel. Spangenberg went ahead, and found that for some reason the baggage could not be taken off that day. He was pleasantly received by " the younger" Reck, but the Baron was absent, having gone to see the site to which the Salzburgers wished to move their settlement, Gen. Oglethorpe having given his permission. About the time the periagua arrived, a heavy rain came up, and fearing the effect on the new-comers, Spangenberg obtained permission to take them into the cabin. When ten o'clock came they decided to wait no longer, and started for Savannah, with the result that they spent the entire night in the rain, in an open boat, and then had passed but half way up the river! Early in the morning Spangenberg took two men, and his small boat and went ahead, stopping at Capt. Thomson's ship to get some things Korte had sent them from London. They reached Savannah in the afternoon, and before daybreak on Thursday, Feb. 23fd, the periagua at last landed its passengers at Savannah.
That evening Spangenberg returned with Ogle thorpe to the ship, that various important matters



might be more fully discussed. They agreed, (i) that the five hundred acres already surveyed for Zinzendorf should be retained, and settled, but that it would be wise to take an additional five hundred acres of more fertile land nearer Savannah, where it would be more accessible, the grant to be made to Christian Ludwig von Zinzendorf, the Count's eld est son; (2) that no Moravian could accept a fifty acre tract without pledging himself to military serv ice, but land could be secured for a number of them at the rate of twenty acres apiece, without this obli gation. This land could be selected near Zinzendorf's estate, the town to be built on the Count's property. If any wished to leave the Moravian Congregation, he should receive twenty acres else where for himself. (3) Non-Moravians, like John Regnier, might live with them on the same condi tions. (4) If one of the Moravians died without male issue, the Congregation should name his suc cessor in the title to the land. (5) The promised cattle should still be given.
It was further arranged that Spangenberg should continue to hold the title to his fifty acres, but with the understanding that it was in trust for the Con gregation ; the same to apply to Nitschmann's land, if desired.
On the 25th and 26th, a number of Indians visited the ship, being received with much ceremony. " King " Tomochichi, and others, Spangenberg had often seen, and they were formally presented to Mr. Wesley, of whom they had heard, and to whom they gave a flask of honey and a flask of milk, with the wish that " the Great Word might be to them as



milk and honey." Tomochichi told of his efforts to keep peace among the tribes, in the face of rumors that the English meant to enslave them all, and of his success so far, but he feared the Indians were not in a frame of mind to give much heed to the Gospel message. Still he welcomed the attempt, and would give what aid he could, advising that the missionaries learn the Indian tongue, and that they should not baptize,--as the Spanish did,--until the people were instructed and truly converted.
On Feb. 2/th, General Oglethorpe started for the Altamaha. His journey to Georgia on this occa sion had been principally to protect the southern borders of the colony by establishing two new towns on the frontier, and erecting several forts near by. One company, which sailed direct from Scotland, had landed in January, and begun a settlement at New Inverness, on the north bank of the Altamaha, and a second was now to be established on St. Simon Island, and was to be called Frederica. Oglethorpe had expected to take the Salzburgers who came on the London Merchant, to the south ward with him, but nearly all of them decided that they preferred to join those of their number who were preparing to move to New Ebenezer, and the General did not insist, contenting himself with his English soldiers.
A. periagua had been started a little in advance of the sloop which bore the provisions, arms, ammuni tion, and tools, and in the evening Gen. Oglethorpe followed in a swift, ten-oared boat, called,--from the service in which it was often employed,--a scout boat.



With the General went Mr. Ing-ham, and Lieut. Hermsdorf. The latter assured Spangenberg that he had really meant little more than to compliment the General on the occasion when he remarked "that he would ask nothing better than to follow him through bush and valley, and see him carry out his wise designs," that he did not know at that time that Oglethorpe was going to the Altamaha, nor how far away the Altamaha was. But Spangenberg gravely told him that Gen. Oglethorpe had taken his word as that of an honest man, and that he would not attempt to hold him back, only he wished him to so demean himself as to bring credit and not shame to Zinzendorf and the Moravians, to whom he was at liberty to return when he desired. Herms dorf, therefore, went with Oglethorpe and his fifty men, was made a Captain and was given a position of importance in superintending the erection of the necessary fortifications on St. Simon.
Benjamin Ingham's visit to Frederica proved to be his first unpleasant experience in the New World. Like John Wesley, he came with the strictest ideas of Sabbath observance, etc., and as one said, in an swer to a reproof, " these were new laws in Ameri ca." The effect may be summed up in his own words: " My chief business was daily to visit the people, to take care of those that were sick, and to supply them with the best things we had. For a few days at the first, I had everybody's good word; but when they found I watched narrowly over them, and reproved them sharply for their faults, imme diately the scene changed. Instead of blessing, carne cursing, and my love and kindness were repaid with hatred and ill-will."



Oglethorpe remained on the Altamaha but a few days, and then returned to Savannah for the rest of his colonists. Meanwhile the Moravian Congrega tion was being fully organized. During Spangenberg's visit to Oglethorpe on his vessel, the Mora vians, including Bishop Nitschmann, met together, and John Toltschig was elected manager (Vorsteher), Gottfried Haberecht, monitor (Ermahner), and Gotthard Demuth to perform various minor duties (Diener). The name of the nurse (Krankenwarter) is not given, but he was probably John Regnier, who acted as physician, not only for the Moravians, but for many of their poorer neighbors. Andrew Dober was associated with Toltschig in the management of the finances, and all of these men were solemnly inducted into office, it being the cus tom to give a kind of specialized ordination even for positions not commonly considered ministerial.
Three " Bands " were formed among the men,-- smaller companies associated for religious improve ment, each Band electing a leader charged with spe cial oversight of the members. There was one among the married men, one among the unmarried men who were communicants, and another for the unmarried non-communicants, Toltschig, Seifert and Rose being the leaders. The women were or ganized in like manner, though being few in number there was probably but one Band among them, under Mrs. Toltschig who had been appointed Elderess before leaving Herrnhut. There is no reference to the celebration of the Holy Communion by the first company during their months of preparation in Savannah, nor had opportunity been given to the



second company since they left the English coast, but now, with Bishop Nitschmann to preside, they were able to partake together, finding much blessing therein. They resolved in the future to commune every two weeks, but soon formed the habit, per haps under Wesley's influence, of coming to the Lord's Table every Sunday.
When Spangenberg returned to them, a confer ence was held each evening, and on Sunday they had a Lovefeast, especially for those who had been selected to superintend the material and spiritual af fairs of the Congregation.
On the 1st of March, John and Charles Wesley called on them, and on the 6th, Charles Wesley came again, and " opened his heart " to them. The Diary calls him "an awakened but flighty man," who had come as Gov. Oglethorpe's secretary, and was now about to go to Frederica as pastor of that turbulent flock. From him Spangenberg learned of Ogle thorpe's return from Altamaha, and accompanied by Nitschmann went with him to the ship, where the Wesleys were still living. Two days were spent with Oglethorpe, who promised to give them ground containing a good bed of clay, where they could make brick, which should be sold to the Trustees' agent at 15 shillings per 1,000, two-thirds of the price to be applied on their debt, and one-third to be paid them in cash. Moreover several English boys should be apprenticed to them to learn the trade. Hemp and flax seed should also be given them, and he urged them to weave the linen, for they had men who understood the art, and cloth was scarce and dear in Georgia. He also advised them to buy oxen



to use in cultivating their land; and said that they should have one-third of the grape-vines he had brought over with him, another portion was to be given to Tomochichi, the remainder to be planted in his own garden.
On the 8th, Spangenberg and Nitschmann re turned to Savannah, and with Andrew Dober and John Wesley, (who had now moved from the ship,) proceeded up the river to Mrs. Musgrove's, about five miles distant. Wesley wished to select a site for a small house, which Oglethorpe had promised to build for him, where he and his companions might live while they were studying the Indian language, under Mrs. Musgrove's direction. Nitschmann wanted to visit and talk with the Indian " King," Tomochichi, and Dober was trying to find some clay suitable for pottery. The following day they returned to Savannah, and Mr. Wesley and Mr. Delamotte took up their abode with the Moravians, as Mr. Quincy, Wesley's predecessor in the Savan nah pastorate, had not yet vacated his house. Wes ley writes, " We had now an opportunity, day by day, of observing their whole behaviour. For we were in one room with them from morning to night, unless for the little time I spent in walking. They were always employed, always cheerful them selves, and in good humor with one another; they had put away all anger, and strife, and wrath, and bitterness, and clamor, and evil speaking; they Walked worthy of the vocation wherewith they were called, and adorned the Gospel of our Lord in all thing's/' The impression thus made upon John
was lasting, and even during the subsequent



years in England, when differences of every kind arose between, him and the Moravians, and his Journal is full of bitter denunciations of doctrines and practices which he did not understand, and with which he was not in sympathy, he now and again in terrupts himself to declare, " I can not speak of them but with tender affection, were it only for the bene fits I have received from them."
An event which occurred on March loth, is of more than local interest, in that it is the first un questioned instance of the exercise of episcopal functions in the United States. Prior to this, and for a number of years later, clergymen of the Church of England, and English-speaking Catholic priests, were ordained in the Old World, before coming to the New, remaining under the control of the Bishop and of the Vicar Apostolic of London, while the Spanish Catholics were under the Suf fragan of Santiago de Cuba, and the French Catho lics under the Bishop of Quebec. Tradition men tions the secret consecration of two Bishops of Pennsylvania before this time, but its authenticity is doubted, and the two men did not exercise any episcopal powers. Therefore when Bishop Nitschmann came to Georgia, and in the presence of the Moravian Congregation at Savannah ordained one of their number to be their pastor, he was uncon sciously doing one of the " first things " which are so interesting to every lover of history.
Whenever it was possible the Moravians spent Saturday afternoon and evening in rest, prayer, and conference, and on this occasion four services were held at short intervals.




At the first service the singing of a hymn was fol lowed by the reading of Psa. 84, a discourse there on, and prayer. The second was devoted to reading letters from Germany, and some discussion as to Hermsdorf and his relation to the Congregation. The third service was the important one, and the following account was recorded in the Diary. " When we re-assembled the question: ' Must not our Congregation have a Chief Elder (Aeltester) ?' was presented for discussion. All thought it neces sary, and were unanimous in their choice of Anton Seifert, and no other was even suggested. While his name was being considered, he was sent from the room, and when he had been recalled, we sang a hymn, and Nitschmann and Toltschig led the Con gregation in most earnest prayer. Then Nitsch mann delivered an earnest charge, setting before him the importance of his office, which made him the foremost member of the Congregation, espe cially in times of danger, for in the early Church, as well as among our forefathers in Moravia, the bish ops were ever the first victims. He was asked if he would freely and willingly give up his life for the Congregation and the Lord Jesus. He answered, Yes.' Then he was reminded of the evil which arose when bishops, seeing their power in a Congre gation, began to exalt themselves, and to make out ward show of their pre-eminence. He was asked whether he would recognize as evil, abjure, and at once suppress any inclination he might feel toward Pride in his position as Chief Elder, and his larger authority. He answered with a grave and thought-
1 Yes.' Then our Nitschmann prayed over him



earnestly, and ordained him to his office with the laying on of hands. Nitschmann was uncommonly aroused and happy, but Anton Seifert was very humble and quiet." John Wesley, who was pres ent, wrote "The great simplicity, as well as solem nity, of the whole, almost made me forget the seven teen hundred years between, and imagine myself in one of those assemblies where form and state were not; but Paul the tent-maker, or Peter the fisher man, presided; yet with the demonstration of the Spirit and of power."
Both Wesley and Benjamin Ingham refer to Sei fert as a "bishop," which is a mistake, though a nat ural one. Wesley was present at the ordination, and heard the charge, with example and warning drawn from the actions of earlier bishops; while Ingham, in the course of several long conversations with Toltschig concerning the Moravian Episcopate and Seifert's ordination, asked "is Anton a bishop?" and was answered, "yes, for our Congregation." This was in view of the fact that Bishop Nitschmann, in ordaining Seifert, had empowered him to delegate another member to hold the Communion, baptize, or perform the marriage ceremony in case of his sickness or necessary absence. At that time the Moravian Church was just beginning to form her own ministry, the ranks of Deacon, Presbyter and Bishop were not fully organized, and the definite system was only established by the Tenth General Synod of the Church in 1745. The exigencies of the case required large powers for a man serving in an isolated field, and they were given him, but



strictly speaking, Seifert was only ordained a Dea con, and never was consecrated Bishop.
The fourth and last service of the day was given up to song, a discourse, and prayer.
On Sunday, March nth, after morning prayers, Wesley went to Tybee for an interview with Gen eral Oglethorpe. At a general gathering of the Moravians later in the day, the second chapter of Acts was read, with special reference to the last four verses, and the description of the first congre gation of Christ's followers, when "all that believed were together, and had all things common," was taken as the pattern of their "Gemeinschaft." This plan, which had already been tested during the first year, proved so advantageous that it was later adopted by other American Moravian settlements, being largely responsible for their rapid growth during their early years, though in each case there came a time when it hindered further progress, and was therefore abandoned. In religious matters, the organization of the Savannah Congregation had been modeled after that at Herrnhut, so far as pos sible, but in material things the circumstances were very different. At Herrnhut the estates of Count ^inzendorf, under the able supervision of the Countess, were made to pay practically all the gen eral Church expenses, and many of the members were in the service of the Saxon nobleman, Nicholas Lewis, Count Zinzendorf, in various humble posi tions, even while in the Church he divested himself * his rank and fraternized with them as social equals. But the men who emigrated to Georgia had undertaken to support themselves and carry on



a mission work, and Spangenberg, with his keen insight, grasped the idea that a common purpose warranted a community of service, the labor of all for the benefit of all, with every duty, no matter how menial, done as unto the Lord, whom they all, in varying degrees, acknowledged as their Master. Later, in Bethlehem, Pa., with a larger number of colonists, and wider interests to be subserved, Span genberg again introduced the plan, and elaborated it into a more or less intricate system, which is de scribed in a clear and interesting manner in "A His tory of Bethlehem," by Rt. Rev. J. Mortimer Lev ering, which has recently been published. "v Not only on account of its successor the "Oeconomie," at Bethlehem, and others copied therefrom, but in view of the various modern attempts which have been and are still being made to demonstrate that the action of the early Church at Jerusalem can be duplicated and made financially successful, it is worth while to rescue the resolutions of the Moravian Congregation at Savannah from the obliv ion of the manuscript Diary, in which they have been so long concealed, noting the claim that this was the first time since Apostolic days, that a Con gregation had formed itself into such a "Society,"-- a "Gemeinschaft."
"In our gathering we read Acts II, and spoke of the Gemeinschaft, for we are planning to work, to sow and reap, and to suffer with one another. This will be very useful, for many a man who has not understood or exerted himself, will by this means see himself and be led to improve. Others also will see from it that we love each other, and will glorify



the Father in Heaven. There has been no "society" like that at Jerusalem, but at this present time it be comes necessary, for material reasons. Were we only individuals all would fear to give one of us credit, for they would think, 'he might die/ but nothing will be denied the 'Society,' for each stands for the other. Each member must work diligent ly, since he does not labor for himself alone but for his brethren, and this will prevent much laziness. No one must rely on the fact that he understands a handicraft, and so on, for there is a curse on him who relies on human skill and forgets the Divine power. No one will be pressed to give to the 'So ciety' any property which has hitherto belonged to him.--Each person present was asked if he had any remarks to make, but there were no objections rais ed. Moreover the brethren were told that if one should fall so low that he not only withdrew himself from the brethren, but was guilty of gross sin, he would be forced to work for another master until he had earned enough to pay his transportation here and back again, for we would not willingly permit such a man to remain in the land as an offence to the Indians."
It is interesting to observe that care for the poor Indians is the argument given for the course to be pursued in dealing with a recreant member! They had come to preach the Gospel to the Indians, and did not propose that evil should be learned through fault of theirs.
At his earnest request, John Regnier was now ad mitted to the "Society," his presence among them 80 far having been without distinct agreement



as to his standing. This did not make him a com municant member of the Church, simply put him on a par with the other non-communicants, of whom there were quite a number in the Congregation.
In the evening Anton Seifert, so recently ordain ed Chief Elder, or pastor, of the Congregation, offi ciated for the first time at a Confirmation service, the candidate being Jacob Frank. He had been in poor health when the second company left Ger many, and Count Zinzendorf had advised him not to go, but his heart was set on it, and he would not be persuaded. He grew worse during the voyage and was now very ill with dropsy, but in such a beautiful Christian spirit that no one could deny his wish for full membership in the Church. Hav ing given satisfactory answers to the searching questions put to him, the blessing was laid upon his head, and he expressed so great a desire to partake of the Lord's Supper that his request was imme diately granted, the Elders and Helpers (Heifer) communing with him. Two or three, days later he asked Spangenberg to write his will, and then his strength gradually failed, until on March I9th, he "passed to the Lord," leaving to his associates the remembrance of his willing and happy departure.
The term "Helpers" was used to express in a gen eral way all those, both men and women, who were charged with the spiritual and temporal affairs of the Congregation. Many of the words employed as official titles by the Moravians were given a special ized significance which makes it difficult to find an exact English equivalent for them, though they are always apt when the meaning is understood. Per-



haps the best example of this is "Diener," which means "servant," according to the dictionary, and was used to designate those who "served" the Con gregation in various ways. Until quite recently a Lovefeast, held annually in Salem, N. C., for mem bers of Church Boards, Sunday-School Teachers, Church Choir, Ushers, etc. was familiarly known as "the Servants' Lovefeast," a direct inheritance from the earlier days. It is now more commonly called "the Workers' Lovefeast," an attempt to unite "Helper" and "Diener" in 'a term understood 'by all.
At a "Helpers' Conference" held on March I3th, it was decided to have nothing more to do with Vollmar, the Wittenberg carpenter, who had crossed with the second company, had proved false and malicious, and had now joined Herr von Reek's party without the consent of the Moravians. More important, however, than the Vollmar affair, was the proposed departure of Spangenberg for Penn sylvania. Most faithfully had he fulfilled his commission to take the first company of Moravians to Georgia, and settle them there, patiently had he labored for and with them during their days of greatest toil and privation, controlling his own de sire to keep his promise and go to the Schwenkfelders, who were complaining with some bitterness of his broken faith; but now his task was ended, the Savannah Congregation was ready to be thrown on its own resources, Gen. Oglethorpe had provided him with letters of introduction, and the "lot" said, "Let him go, for the Lord is with him."
Final questions were asked and answered, Span-



genberg's Commission was delivered to him, and then Bishop Nitschmann "laid his blessing upon" him. In the Lutheran Church, to which he belong ed before he joined the Moravians, Spangenberg had been an accredited minister of the Gospel. The Church of England refused to acknowledge the val idity of Lutheran ordination, because that Church had no Episcopate, but the Moravians, influenced by Count Zinzendarf, himself a Lutheran by birth, broad-minded, liberal, and devout, did not hesitate to fraternize with the Lutherans, or even to accept the Sacraments at the hands of Pastor Rothe, in charge of the Parish Church of Berthelsdorf. At the same time they prized the Episcopate lately transferred to them from the ancient Unitas Fratrum, and while continuing in free fellowship with Christians of all denominational names, they now intended to so ordain their own ministry that no church could question it. When the three grades were established in 1745, a license to preach granted by the Lutheran Church was considered equivalent to the rank of Deacon, ordination in the Moravian Church making the minister a Presbyter.
Now fully equipped for his mission to the English Colony of Pennsylvania, Spangenberg left Savan nah on March I5th, going on Capt. Dunbar's ship to Port Royal, where he lodged with a man who was born in Europe, his wife in Africa, their child in Asia, and they were all now living in America! From Port Royal he went by land almost to Charlestown, the last short distance being in a chance boat, and from Charlestown he sailed to New York.



From there he proceeded to Philadelphia, and to the Schwenkfelders, making his home with Christopher Wiegner on his farm in the Skippack woods, where George Bohnisch was also living. Spangenberg worked on the farm that he might not be a burden to his host, and might meet the neighbors in a fami liar way, meanwhile making numerous acquaint ances, and gaining much valuable information.
Bishop Nitschmann remained in Savannah until March 26th, when he sailed to Charlestown. There he was detained ten days waiting for a northbound ship, and employed the time in delivering several letters of introduction, and learning all he could about Carolina, and the conditions there. On the 28th of April he reached New York, and left on the 9th of May for Philadelphia, going partly by boat, and partly on foot, reaching there on the I3th. Six weeks he and Spangenberg spent together, visiting many neighborhoods, and informing themselves as to the religious and material outlook in Pennsyl vania, and then Nitschmann sailed for Germany.
His report gave a new turn to the American plans, for both he and Spangenberg were much pleased with Pennsylvania. Quite a number of the settlers seemed open to the idea of mutual aid in the spiritual life, material conditions were very dif ferent from those in Georgia and better suited to the Moravian needs, the Quaker Governor was not likely to force military service upon people who held the same theories as himself in regard to warfare, and there were large tribes of Indians within easy reach, to whom the Gospel might be preached. As



troubles thickened in Savannah, therefore, the heads of the Church at Herrnhut began to look toward Pennsylvania, and ultimately sent thither the larger companies originally destined for Georgia.
In August, Spangenberg went to visit the Mora vian Mission on the island of St. Thomas, returning to Pennsylvania in November, where he remained until the following year.

The same day that Bishop Nitschmann left Sa vannah, John Wesley, moved into the parsonage which had just been vacated by his predecessor, Mr. Quincy. A week earlier he had entered upon his ministry at Savannah, being met by so large and attentive an audience that he was much encouraged, and began with zeal to perform his pastoral duties. He was the third Rector of the Savannah Parish, the Rev. Henry Herbert having been the first, and he preached in a rude chapel built on the lot re served for a house of worship in the original plan of Savannah,--the site of the present Christ Church.
The first word of discouragement was brought by Ingham, who returned from Frederica on April loth, with a message from Charles Wesley begging his brother to come to his relief. He told a woeful story of persecution by the settlers, and injustice from Oglethorpe to Charles Wesley, all unde served, as Oglethorpe freely admitted when he threw off the weight of suspicion laid upon his mind by malicious slanderers, and sought an interview with his young secretary, in which much was ex plained and forgiven. But poor Charles was in great straits when he sent Ingham to Savannah,



sick, slighted, and abused, deprived even of the ne cessaries of life, and so cast down that on one occa sion he exclaimed, "Thanks be to God, it is not yet made a capital offence to give me a morsel of
bread!" Wesley obeyed the summons, taking Delamotte
with him, Ingham caring for the Church andJDelamotte'sschool during their absence. There were poor school facilities in Savannah prior to Delamotte's arrival, and lie at once saw the need, and devoted himself to it. Delamotte seems to have been a quiet man, who took little share in the ag gressive work of his companions, and consequently escaped the abuse which wTas heaped upon them.'
On April 22nd, Ingham sent an invitation to Toltschig to visit him, and this was the beginning of a close personal friendship which lasted for the rest of their lives, and of such a constant intercourse between Ingham and the Moravian Church, that he is often supposed to have become a member of it, though he really never severed his connection with the Church of England. Toltschig speaks of him as "a very young man, about 24 or 25 years of age, who has many good impulses in his soul, and is much awakened." He had come to Georgia for the sole purpose of bearing the Gospel message to the Indians, and it was through him that the Moravians were finally able to begin their missionary work.
When Wesley and Delamotte returned from Frederica, the former resumed his association with the Moravians, continuing to join in their Sunday evening service, and translating some of their hymns into English.

In May two questions were asked of Toltschig, upon the answering of which there depended more than any one imagined. The Diary says,--"The 2Oth, was Sunday.--Mr. Ingham asked if we could not recognize and receive him as our brother; to which I replied, that he did not know us well enough, nor we him, we must first' understand each other better. On the 2ist, Mr. Wesley spoke with me, and asked me the selfsame question. I said to him that we had seen much of him day by day, and that it was true that he loved us and we loved him, but that we did not so quickly admit any one into our Congregation." Then at his request Toltschig outlined the Moravian view of conversion, and the requisites for church-membership.
A few days later Charles Wesley unexpectedly re turned from Frederica, and Oglethorpe sent word that either John Wesley or Ingham should come down in his place. The latter was by no means anxious to go,--his former experience had not been agreeable, but the reason he gave the Moravians was that a number of Indian traders were soon to visit Savannah, and he was very anxious to see them. They advised him to be guided by John Wesley's wish, which he agreed to do, and then found that Wesley had decided to go himself.
During the weeks that followed, Ingham and Charles Wesley were frequently with Toltschig, who answered as best he could their many questions regarding the history of the Moravian Episcopate, * a matter of vital importance to a strict member of the Church of England who was thinking of allying himself with them. Everything they heard con-



firmed Ingham in his intention, and when John Wesley returned in July he and Ingham again made ap plication "to be received as brethren in our Con gregation, and to go with us to the Lord's Table. We entirely refused to admit them into the Congre gation, and I (Toltschig) gave them the reasons therefor: (i) That we did not know them well enough; (2) and that they perhaps did not know us well enough, both things which we considered high ly important; and (3) that their circumstances and situation were such that it would be difficult if not impossible for them to comply with the requirements of such admission." The promises expected from a Confirmand,--to which they also must have bound themselves,--are thus summarized. "To give body and soul to the Lord now and forever; to devote and dedicate himself to the service of the Unity, accord ing to the grace and gifts bestowed on him by the Saviour; and willingly to submit to the discipline and regulations which the Unity has established for the welfare and improvement of souls." Could these two men, in the zeal and vigor of their youth, honestly have made these promises, the Moravian Church would have gained two invaluable co-work ers, but they seem to have accepted Toltschig's ar gument as conclusive, and dropped the matter, with no ill-will or disturbance of the existing pleasant relations.
Concerning the Communion "we assured them that we loved them, and would welcome them as honored guests at the Lord's Supper, for we believ ed that they loved the Lord." This invitation, how ever, the young clergymen would not accept.

On the 6th of August, Charles Wesley left for England, bearing dispatches to the Trustees, and with the hope of interesting others in the evangeliz ing of the Indians. He meant himself to return to Georgia, but feeble health prevented, and he re signed his office as Secretary to Gen. Oglethorpe the following May. His brother John accompanied him to Charlestown, and then went to Frederica to deliver certain letters to Gen. Oglethorpe. He found there was "less and less prospect of doing good at Frederica, many there being extremely zealous, and indefatigably diligent to prevent it," his opposers even attempting personal violence. One "lady" tried to shoot him, and when he seized her hands and took away her pistol, she maliciously bit a great piece out of his arm. Still he made two more visits to the place, and then in "utter despair of doing good there," took his final leave of Frede rica.
When the Moravians adopted the conversion of the Indians as their main object for settling in America, they were greatly influenced by the attract ive descriptions of the "wild people" which were being published. In a "Report," ascribed to Gen. Og lethorpe, it is stated that "nothing is lacking for their conversion to the Christian faith except a knowledge of their language, for they already have an admir able conception of morals, and their conduct agrees perfectly therewith. They have a horror of adultery, and disapprove of polygamy. Thieving is un known to them. Murder is considered an abomin-



able crime, and no one may be killed except an enemy, when they esteem it a virtue." This, like too many a description written then and now to ex ploit a colonizing scheme, was far too good to be true. The Indians proved apt learners, but of the vices rather than the virtues of the English, and drunkenness with all its attendant evils, was quickly introduced. Afraid of their dusky neighbors, anx ious to keep on good terms with them, distrusting their loyalty to the English under the bribes offered by French and Spanish, the Government tried to limit the intercourse between the Indians and the settlers as much as possible, treating the former as honored guests whenever they came to Savannah, but forbidding the latter to go to them without spe cial permit in times of peace, and not at all in time of war.
When the Moravians came the restlessness which presaged war was stirring among the tribes, becom ing more and more pronounced, and one of the Indian Chiefs said frankly, "Now our enemies are all about us, and we can do nothing but fight, but if the Beloved Ones should ever give us to be at peace, then we would hear the Great Word."
Tomochichi, indeed, bade the missionaries wel come, and promised to do all in his power to gain admission for them into all parts of his nation, but the time was not ripe, nor was his influence equal to his good-will. Though called a "king," he was only chief of a small tribe living some four or five miles from Savannah, part of the Creek Confeder acy, which was composed of a number of remnants, gradually merged into one "nation." The "Upper

oder Konig Von Yamacran und Tooanahowi Seines Bruders des Mico oder Koniges Von Etiehitas Sohn.
nach dem Londischen Original in Augspurg nachgestochen von Joh Jacob Kleinschmidt.



Creeks" lived about the head waters of the creeks from which they took their name, and the "Lower Creeks," including Tomochichi's people, were near er the sea-coast. Ingham, whose heart was set on the Indian work, was at first very anxious to go to the Cherokees, who lived near the mountains, at a considerable distance from Savannah, having been told that they had a desire to hear the "Great Word." On April 22nd, he spoke of his wish to Toltschig, inviting Seifert and, if they chose, an other Moravian to join him in the work. It was the best opportunity that had yet offered, and Sei fert wanted to go to the Indians, having already studied their language as best he could, but they hesitated to undertake the work conjointly with Ingham. After some time the Cherokee plan was abandoned. Oglethorpe objected on account of the danger that they would be intercepted and killed, it being a fourteen day land journey to reach the Cherokee country, and he positively refused to let John Wesley go because that would leave Savannah without a minister. Toltschig says Wesley's inter est in the Indian work failed, and another writer says he gave up the work because he could not learn the Indian language, but Wesley lays all the blame on Oglethorpe.
In January, 1737, the question of going to the Upper Creeks was submitted to the "lot," and the Moravians were bidden to wait for another opening. Meanwhile an actual beginning had been made among the Lower Creeks. On the 7th of May, Ingham and John Wesley went up the river to the home of Mrs. Musgrove, the half-breed woman who



at this time was of such great use as interpreter and mediator between the Indians and the English. Ar rangements were made by which Ingham should spend three days of each week with her, teaching her children to read in exchange for instruction in the Indian language. The other three or four days were to be spent in Savannah, communicating to Wesley the knowledge he had acquired, Anton Seifert sharing in the lessons.
On the igth of June, the Moravians held a meet ing to determine whether the time had come for them to take up the Indian work in earnest. The "lot" was appealed to, and the answer being that the language should be learned, Seifert, George Neisser and John Bohner-were appointed to make diligent use of Ingham's instructions. The fre quent visits of Tomochichi and his people to Savan nah gave them an opportunity to practice speaking, for the Moravan house was always open to the red men, and food and drink were theirs at any time of day, a fact of which the visitors were not slow to take advantage.
The "lot" had so great an influence on the prog ress of affairs in the Moravian Congregation at Sa vannah from this time on that it is necessary to un derstand how the institution was regarded. The use of the lot was common in Old Testament days; and in the New Testament it is recorded that when an apostle was to be chosen to take the place of the traitor, Judas, the lot decided between two men who had been selected as in every way suited for the place. Following this example the members of the ancient Unitas Fratrum used the lot in the



selection of their first ministers, and the Renewed Church did the same when the first elders were elected at Herrnhut in 1727. It was no uncommon practice in Germany, where many persons who de sired special guidance resorted to it more or less freely, and Count Zinzendorf, among the rest, had used it from his youth up. Gradually it came into general use among the Moravians, and at a later period in their history had its definite place in their system of government, though the outside public never fully understood it, and still holds erroneous views, despite the plain statements that have been made. By degrees its use became more and more restricted, and has been long since entirely abol ished.
In its perfection the lot was simply this,--human intellect solving a problem so far as earnest study and careful deliberation could go, and then, if the issue was still in doubt, a direct appeal for Divine guidance, in perfect faith that the Lord would plain ly answer his servants, who were seeking to do his will. This standard was not always maintained, but the leaders of the Moravian Congregation in Savannah had the early, absolute, belief that God spoke to them through the lot, and felt themselves bound to implicit obedience to its dictates. Their custom was to write two words or sentences on separate slips, representing the two possible anSweTs'To their question, and after earnest prayer to draw one slip, and then act accordingly, Somejtimes_a_hird slip, a .blank, was added, and if that was drawn it signified that no action should be taken until another time, and after further consideration.




Some time in July, Peter Rose and his wife, (the

widow Riedel) went to live among the Lower

Creeks, giving all their time to learning the lan

guage, and teaching what they could about religion.

On August 9th, Mr. Ingham went to the Mora

vians with a new plan. Gen. Oglethorpe had agreed

to build a schoolhouse for Indian children, near

Tomochichi's village, with the idea that it would

give opportunity also to reach the older men and

women with the Gospel message. The house was

to contain three rooms, one for Ingham, one for the

Moravian missionaries, and one to be used for the

school, and it was suggested that the Moravians un

dertake the erection of the building, the Trustees'

fund to pay them for their labor. The proposition

was gladly accepted, and preparations were at once

made to send the necessary workmen.

On Monday, the I3th, Toltschig and five others

went to the spot which had been selected for the

Indian Schoolhouse, usually called Irene. The site

of this schoolhouse has been considered uncertain,

but a short manuscript account of "the Mission

among the Indians in America," preserved .in the-

Herrnhut Archieves, says distinctly that it stood "a

mile above the town (of Savannah) on an island in

the Savannah River which was occupied by the


When the carpenters arrived the first act was to

unite in prayer for a blessing on their work, and

then they began to fell trees and cut down bushes,,

clearing the ground for the hut in which they were

to live while building the schoolhouse. The hut

was placed on the grave of an Indian chief. "The

Indians are accustomed to bury their chiefs on the spot where they died, to heap a mound some 24 feet high above them, to mourn them for a while, and then to abandon the spot," and this little elevation was a favorable site for their hut. Until the hut was finished the men lodged with the Indians, Tomochichi himself taking charge of their belongings. Toltschig returned the same day to Savannah, going back later with a supply of provisions. The Indians made them heartily welcome to their neighborhood, and the Moravians, even in the midst of their build ing operations, began to teach them the English alphabet, at the same time putting forth every ef fort to learn the Indian tongue, in which Rose was rapidly becoming proficient.
By the 2oth of September the schoolhouse was finished, and Ingham and the Moravians held a conference to plan the future work, and decide what duties each should assume, as he proposed to move thither at once, and, with the approval of the lot, Rose and his wife were to do the same. Morning and evening they were to read the English Bible, ac companied by silent prayer; morning, mid-day and evening an hour was to be given to the study of the Indian language; and Rose and his wife were to have an hour for their private devotions. Mrs. Rose was to teach the Indian girls to read, and the boys, who had already begun to read, were to be taught to write. In their remaining time they were to clear and plant some land, that they might not be too long dependent on the Congregation at Savan nah, and on the friendly Indians, who were giving them much.



The next day Mr. and Mrs. Toltschig escorted Rose and his wife to their new home, and at Ingham's request united with them in a little prayer service. Four days later fourteen of the Moravians went to the schoolhouse, which was solemnly conse crated by Seifert, the Chief Elder. That evening, in Savannah, Rose and his wife were formally set apart for their missionary work, and the next day they returned to "Irene," as the school was called, to enter upon their duties.
At first everything was encouraging. The chil dren learned readily, not only to read but some to write; they committed to memory many passages of Scripture, and took special delight in the hymns they were taught to sing.
The older Indians looked on with wonder and approval, which stimulated the missionaries to new zeal in mastering the language, and in taking every opportunity to make the "Great Word" known tc them. Zinzendorf wrote a letter from Herrnhut to. Tomochichi, commending his interest in their mes sage, and urging its full acceptance upon him; the Indians gave some five acres of land for a garden, which Rose cleared and planted, and everything looked promising, until the influence of the Spanish war rumor was felt. True to their nature, the fight ing spirit of the Indians rose within them, and they took the war-path against the Spanish, for the sake of their English allies, and perhaps more for the/ pure love of strife. Then Ingham decided to go to England for reinforcements, and Rose was left in charge of the work. He seems to have been a wellmeaning man, and much beloved by the Indians, but

he was not a man of much mental strength or exec utive ability, and the Congregation at Savannah soon decided that he and his wife should be recalled until the way opened for one or more of the others to go back to Irene with him.
In their personal affairs the Moravians were ex periencing the usual mingling of light and shadow.
Dober's effort to make pottery was a failure, for lack of proper clay, but through Gen. Oglethorpe's kindness a good deal of carpenter's work was given to them. They built a house for Tomochichi at his village, and a house in Savannah, both in the style of the Moravian house, and another town house in English fashion, as well as the Indian school, a large share of their wages being applied on account, so that their debt was gradually reduced, and their credit sustained.
Their manner of living remained very simple. Morning and evening prayers began and ended their days of toil, the company being divided, part living at the garden, and part in town during the week, all gathering in the town-house for Sunday's rest and worship. When the weather was very warm the morning Bible reading was postponed until the noon hour, that advantage might be taken of the cooler air for active labor. Once a month a general conference was held on Saturday evening, with others as needed, so that all might do the work for which they were best fitted, and which was most ne cessary at the time. "Who worked much gave



much, who worked less gave less, who did not work because he was sick or weak gave nothing into the common fund; but when they needed food, or drink, or clothing, or other necessary thing, one was as another."
On the 3rd of April, Matthias Seybold asked to be received into the communicant Congregation, which was done on the 5th of May, and he shared in the Lord's Supper for the first time June 3rd. John Bohner also was confirmed on January I2th of the following year.
On the nth of November two little girls, Anna and Comfort, were added to their household. The mother had recently died, and the father offered to pay the Moravians for taking care of them, but they preferred to have them bound, so they could not be taken away just when they had begun to learn, and so it was arranged. On the 28th, a man from Ebenezer brought his son, and appren ticed him to Tanneberger, the shoemaker.
The dark side of the picture arose from two causes, ill health, and matrimonial affairs. There was a great deal of sickness throughout Georgia that summer, and the second company became ac climated through the same distressing process that the first had found so hard to bear. Mrs. Dober, Mrs. Waschke, Mrs. Toltschig, Gottlieb Demuth, John Bohner and others were sick at various times, and David Jag cut his foot so severely that he was unable to use it for four months. Nor was this the worst, for three more of their number died. Roscher was sick when he reached Savannah, with consump tion, it was supposed, but Regnier suspected that

this was not all, and when Roscher died, March 3Oth, he secured permission to make an autopsy, in which he was assisted by John Wesley. The exam ination showed a large hematoma in the left wall of the abdomen, and other complications. The records say, "we have no cause to grieve over his departure, for he was a good soul," and died in peace.
The next to pass away was Mrs. Haberecht. Her health began to fail the latter part of March, but she did not become seriously ill until the 26th of May, when she returned from the farm, where she and others had been employed, and told her friends that the Saviour had called her, and her end was near. With joy and peace she waited for the sum mons, which was delayed for some time, though on several occasions her death seemed only a matter of hours. On the i6th of June she shared with the others in the celebration of the Communion, and on the following evening "went to the Saviour."
Matthias Bohnisch's illness was of short duration, lasting only from the 27th of September to the 3rd of October. He had had a severe fall on the ship coming over, from which he continued to suffer, and now. a hard blow on the chest injured him mortally. Some of his companions found it hard to under stand why he should be taken, for he was a good man, who gave promise of much usefulness in the Lord's service. It is an old question, often asked and never fully answered, but Bohnisch, conscious almost to the last, was perfectly willing to go, and his associates felt that the influence of his life "would be a seed, which would bear fruit" in others.



It was a serious mistake that sent Juliana Jaschke to Savannah with the second company. A seam stress was badly needed, and had she been so minded she might have been very useful, but in a list giving very briefly the standing of each one in the "So ciety," it is curtly stated that she was "ill-mannered, and obstructing everything." Soon after her ar rival it was suggested that she marry Peter Rose, but the lot forbade and he found a much better help meet in the widow of Friedrich Riedel. Waschke thought he would like to marry Juliana, but she re fused, even though Bishop Nitschmann, Mr. and Mrs. Toltschig pled with her. Her preference was for George Haberland, and the result was an un comfortable state of affairs, which disturbed the leaders of the "Society" not a little, for living as they did as one large family it meant constant fric tion on all sides. They did not know whether to force Juliana to submit to their authority, (as a member of the "Society" she had pledged herself to obedience to the duly elected officers), or whether they should wait and hope for a better frame of mind. At last they referred it to the lot, which read "Juliana shall not marry any one yet." This, set tled the question for the time being, but did not im prove the spirit of the parties concerned. A few of the others were homesick, and lost interest in their work and the cause for which they had come over. Hermsdorf returned from Frederica, sick and de pressed, and was kindly received by the Moravians in Savannah, though their first favorable impression of him had been lost on the voyage across the

Atlantic, when he complained of the fare, and lay in bed most of the time.
The leaders of the party, trying to pacify the dis contented, comfort the sick, and strengthen those that were left as one and another was called away; planning the daily routine to the best advantage so that they might repay their debt, and still have the necessaries of life for their large company; seeking to teach and convert the Indians, and help the poor about them;--these leaders were further tried by the non-arrival of answers to the letters sent to Germany. Feeling that they must know the will of those at home if they were to be able successfully to continue their work, they at last decided to send a messenger to Count Zinzendorf, and the lot desig nated Andrew Dober.
A ship was lying at anchor, ready to take Gen. Oglethorpe to England, and he readily agreed to take Dober and wife with him, and on December 2nd, they embarked, Dober carrying a number of letters and papers. Mrs. Dober was quite ill when they left, but rapidly improved in the sea breezes. January 2Oth, the ship reached London, and Mr. and Mrs. Dober went at once to Mr. Weintraube, who was to forward the letters to Herrnhut. As they were talking Bishop Nitschmann walked in, to their mutual great astonishment. He reported that Count Zinzendorf had just arrived in London, and had sent to inquire for letters, so those brought from Georgia were at once delivered. Zinzendorf rented a house, the Countess arrived a few days lat er, and Dober and wife remained in his service dur ing the seven weeks of his stay.



The Count's object in visiting London at this time was .fourfold: to confer with the Georgia Trustees about the Moravians in Savannah; to ex tend acquaintances among the Germans in London and do religious work among them; to discuss the Episcopate of the Unitas Fratrum with Archbishop Potter of Canterbury; and if possible to revive the "Order of the Mustard Seed." This order had been established by Zinzendorf and several companions in their early boyhood, and grew with their growth, numbering many famous men in its ranks, and it is worthy of note that even in its boyish form it con tained the germs of that zeal for missions which was such a dominant feature of the Count's manhood.
Archbishop Potter not only fully acknowledged the validity of the Unity's Episcopate, but urged Zinzendorf himself to accept consecration at the hands of Jablonski and David Nitschmann, and en couraged by him Zinzendorf was consecrated bishop at Berlin, May 2Oth, 1737.
The Count held frequent services during his stay in London, and before he left a society of ten mem bers had been formed among the Germans, with a few simple regulations, their object being "in sim plicity to look to these three things:--to be saved by the blood of Christ; fo become holy, or be sanctified by the blood of Christ; to love one another heart ily."
With the Trustees it was agreed: "That the Count's men" might remain for two years longer at Savannah, without cultivating the five hundred acre tract, "and be exempt from all forfeitures arising from such non-cultivation;" but if they chose they

NICHOLAS LEWIS, COUNT ZINZENDORF. Portrait Bust by Reichel, Berlin.

might move to the tract any time during the two years. They might go to Tomochichi's Indians whenever they saw fit and he consented. Other Indians could not be visited in time of war, but in peace four Moravians should be licensed to go to them, on the same footing as the English ministers. Those living with Tomochichi were not included in this number. "As the Moravian Church is believed to be orthodox and apostolic" no one should inter-, fere with their preaching the Gospel, or prevent the Indians from attending their services in Savannah, or elsewhere. The title to their five hundred acre tract was secured to the Moravians, even in case the Count's male line should become extinct.
Reference to military service is conspicuous by its absence, and at the very time that these resolu tions were being framed, assurance on that one. point was being desperately needed in Savannah.
In February, 1737, that which Spangenberg had feared came upon the Moravians,--military service was peremptorily demanded of them, the occasion being a fresh alarm of Spanish incursions.
The feud between the colonists of Spain and Eng land was of long standing, dating back to rival claims to the New World by right of discovery. The English asserted that through the Cabots they had a right to the greater part of North America, and a grant to the Lords Proprietors of Carolina, in 1663, named the 31 degree of latitude as the southern boundary. Another patent two years later set the line at the 29 degree, but that availed nothing as it



included the northern part of Florida, where the Spanish were already settled in considerable num
bers. No other nation questioned the English claim to
the sea-board as far as the 31 degree, which was well south of the Altamaha, but the Spanish greatly resented the settlements in Carolina, as encroach ing on their territory, though successive treaties be tween the two Governments had virtually acknowl edged the English rights. With the two nations nominally at peace, .the Spanish incited the Indians to deeds of violence, encouraged insurrection among the negro slaves, welcomed those who ran away, and enlisted them in their army. Now and then the Governor of Carolina would send a force, which would subdue them for a time, but the constant un certainty made Carolina welcome the Georgia colony as a protection to her borders.
The settlement of Georgia gave further offense to Spain, and her subjects in Florida burned to exter minate the intruders, as they considered them, though nothing was done so long as operations were confined to the Savannah River. But when towns and forts were planned and begun on the Altamaha their opposition became more outspoken. Oglethorpe did all he could to preserve peace without retreating from his position, and in Oct. 1736, he concluded a treaty with the Governor of St. Augus tine.
Only too soon it became apparent that this treaty would not be respected, for the Captain-General of Cuba disapproved, and Oglethorpe sailed for Eng land, in November, to urge the immediate and suf-

ficient fortification of the frontier. The Trustees and the Government approved of the course he had pursued, but Spain recalled and executed the Gov ernor of St. Augustine, for presuming to make such a treaty, and so plainly showed her intention to make war on Georgia that the English Govern ment authorized Oglethorpe to raise a regiment for service there, and in July, 1738, he sailed for America, commissioned to take command of all the military forces of Carolina and Georgia, and pro tect the colonies.
During the nineteen months of his absence, the Georgia colonists were in a continual state of un easiness, which now and then became sheer panic at some especially plausible report of imminent danger.
On February I7th, 1737, Mr. Causton received a letter from Charlestown, in which the Governor in formed him that he had news of the approach of the Spaniards, and Savannah at once became excit ed, and prepared for defence. On the 2Oth, officers went through the town, taking the names of all who could bear arms, freeholders and servants alike. Three of them came to the Moravian house and requested names from Toltschig. He an swered " there was no one among them who could bear arms, and he would get no names from them." They said, "it was remarkable that in a house full of strong men none could bear arm's,--he should hurry and give them the names, they could not wait." Toltschig answered, "if they wanted to go no one would stop them, there would be no names given." They threatened to tell Mr. Causton,



Toltschig approved, and said he would do the same, and they angrily left the house.
Ingham accompanied Toltschig to Mr. Causton, who at once began to argue the matter, and a spir ited debate ensued, of which the following is a re sume. Causton. "Everybody must go to the war and fight for his own safety, and if you will not join the army the townspeople will burn down your house, and will kill you all."
Toltschig. "That may happen, but we can not help it, it is against our conscience to fight."
Causton. "If you do not mean to fight you had better go and hide in the woods, out of sight of the people, or it will be the worse for you; and you had better go before the enemy comes, for then it will be too late to escape, the townspeople will certainly kill you."
Toltschig. "You forget that Gen. Oglethorpe promised us exemption from military service, and we claim the liberty he pledged."
Causton. "If the Count, and the Trustees and the King himself had agreed on that in London it would count for nothing here, if war comes it will be fight or die. If I were an officer on a march and met people who would not join me, 1 would shoot them with my own hand, and you can expect no other treatment from the officers here."
Toltschig. "We are all servants, and can not legally be impressed."
Causton. "If the Count himself were here he would have to take his gun on his shoulder, and all his servants with him. If he were living on his estate at Old Fort it would make no difference, for

the order of the Magistrates must be obeyed. If the English, to whom the country belongs must fight, shall others go free?"
Toltschig finally yielded so far as to tell him the number of men in their company, "it could do no harm for we could be counted any day," but their names were resolutely withheld, and service firmly
refused. Then the townspeople took up the cry. Should
they fight for these strangers who would not do their share toward defending the land? They would mob and kill them first! They only injured the colony at any rate, for they worked so cheaply that they lowered the scale of wages;'and besides they received money from many people, for their services, but spent none because they made every thing they needed for themselves!
Still the Moravians stood firm in their position, in deed they could do nothing else without stultifying themselves. The instructions from Zinzendorf and the leaders of the Church at Herrnhut, with the ap proval of the lot, were definite,--they should take no part in military affairs, but might pay any fines in curred by refusal. To Oglethorpe and to the Trustees they had explained their scruples, making freedom of conscience an essential consideration of their settling in Georgia, and from them they had re ceived assurances that only freeholders were liable to military duty. Therefore they had claimed no. land as individuals, but had been content to live, and labor, and be called "servants," paying each week for men to serve in the night watch, in place of the absent owners of the two town lots. In Savannah



their views were well known, and to yield to orders from a Magistrate, who openly declared that prom ises made by the Trustees, who had put him in of fice, were not worth regarding, and who threatened them with mob violence, would have been to brand themselves as cowards, unworthy members of a Church which had outlived such dire persecution as that which overthrew the ancient Unitas Fratrum, and recreant to their own early faith, which had led them to abandon homes and kindred in Moravia, and seek liberty of conscience in another kingdom. That Georgia needed armed men to protect her from the Spaniards was true, but equally so she needed quiet courage, steady industry, strict hon esty, and pious lives to develop her resources, keep peace with her Indian neighbors, and win the re spect of the world, but these traits were hardly rec ognized as coin current by the frightened, jealous men who clamored against the Moravians.
On the 28th, it was demanded that the Moravians help haul wood to the fort which was being built. They replied that their wagon and oxen were at the officers' service without hire, and that they would feed the animals, but personally they could take no share in the work. This angered the people again, and several of the members began to wonder wheth er they might perhaps comply so far as to assist, as a matter of friendship, in hewing logs for the fort, re fusing the wages paid to others. The lot was tried, and absolutely forbade it, which was well, for it developed that the people were watching for their answer, having agreed that if they helped on the fort it would be a proof that they could do what

they chose, and were simply hiding behind an ex cuse in refusing to fight.
But the tension was not relaxed, and on the 2nd of March, the Moravians met to decide on their further course. Should they keep quiet, and wait for times to change, or should they go away? It was referred to the lot, and the paper drawn read "go out from among then*." This meant not mere ly from the city, but from the province, for Mr. Causton had told them that they would be subject to the same requirements if they were living in the adjoining country.
On the strength of this they wrote a letter to Mr. Causton, rehearsing their motives in coming to Georgia, and the promises made them, reiterating their claim for liberty of conscience, and concluding, "But if this can not be allowed us, if our remaining here be burdensome to the people, as we already perceive it begins to be, we are willing, with the approbation of the Magistrate, to remove from this place; by this means any tumult that might ensue on our account will be avoided, and occasion of offense cut off from those who now reproach us that they are obliged to fight for us."
When it came to this point Mr. Causton found himself by no means anxious to drive away some thirty of his best settlers, who stood well with Oglethorpe and the Trustees, and had given him all their trade for supplies, so he began to temporize. "They trusted in God, and he really did not think their house would be burned over their heads." Toltschig said that was the least part of it, they had come for freedom, and now attempts were made



to force them to act contrary to the dictates of their consciences. Then he declared that he had no power in the matter of their leaving, that must be settled between the Count, the Trustees, and them selves, but he could not permit them to go until he received an order from the Trustees. Meanwhile he would do what he could to quiet the people's dissatisfaction with them.
As their debt to the Trustees was not yet fully paid, Causton's refusal bound them in Savannah for the time being, according to their bond, so they had to turn elsewhere for help. Early in February, they had heard of Spangenberg's return to Pennsyl vania from his visit to St. Thomas, and had written to ask him to come and help them for a while, but being busy with other things he did not go. On the 5th of March, Ingham suggested that he and one of their number should go to England to the Trust ees. They thought it over and decided that George Neisser should go with him as far as Pennsylvania, where the case should be laid before Spangenberg, with the request that he go to London, arrange mat ters with the Trustees, and get permission for them to leave Georgia. Ingham was going, with the ap proval of Wesley and Delamotte, to try and bring over some of their friends to help in the work of evangelizing the Province.
A ship was ready to sail for Pennsylvania on the pth, so Ingham and Neisser took passage on her, and sailed, as the event proved, never to return.

After Spangenberg had decided not to comply with the request contained in the letter from Sa vannah, but to stay and prosecute the work among the Schwenkfelders, where a door seemed to be opening, he became conscious of a feeling of uneasi ness, an impression that he was needed in Georgia. This was increased by news of the expected Spanish outbreak, for so general was the alarm that all the war-ships in the northern harbors were ordered to Carolina, and the selling of supplies to the Span iards was absolutely prohibited, -u.
At this point George Neisser and Benjamin Ingham came, bringing word of the pressure on the Moravians, their decision to leave Georgia as soon as it could be arranged, and their request that Span genberg should go to England with Ingham to see the Trustees, and secure their consent. Of this plan Spangenberg did not approve, for he thought the war would ruin everything, or else the danger would be over, before he could make the long journey to England, and return. Ingham professed himself ready to carry letters to the Trustees, and do his best to influence them to grant the Moravian re quests, so Spangenberg decided to entrust that er-



rsnd to him, and himself go at once to Georgia, to see whether he could not help matters there.
John Eckstein, a resident of Germantown, a mid dle-aged man who was in entire sympathy with Spangenberg's plans for religous work in Pennsyl vania, resolved to accompany him on his trip to Georgia. They sa(iled from Philadelphia) on the 22nd of May, 1737, and had a long and very trying voyage. The Captain and crew were evil men, giv en to cursing and swearing, and more than once they threatened to murder the two passengers, whom they called sorcerers, and accused of bringing the continuous head winds and frequent storms upon them. Seventy-seven long days the voyage lasted; twice they sailed southward past Cape Hatteras, and twice were they driven back to north and east, tak ing weeks to recover the distance lost; and the Cap tain finally discovered that not only were the ele ments against him, but his helmsman was slyly hindering their progress all he could, for some ma licious purpose of his own.
To the mental strain of the long journey was added physical discomfort, for firewood gave out, so that no cooking could be done, and for a month the crew lived on hard tack, dried cherries soaked in water, and raw fish,--dolphins caught as need re quired. Spangenberg and his companion had brought provisions to supplement the ship's fare, but long before the voyage was ended their store of but ter and sugar was exhausted. Dried ham and tongue had a tendency to increase their thirst, but by soaking tea in cold water they, made a beverage which bore at least a fancied resemblance to that



brewed on shore. Then the supply of water ran low, each man's allowance was reduced to a pint a day, and even this small amount would have failed had they not been able occasionally to catch rain water to replenish their casks. The Captain at last opened a keg of beer found in his cargo, and sold his passengers enough to relieve their thirst, for which they were very grateful.
But unkind words, delay, uncooked food, thirst, were not all that Spangenberg and his companion had to bear, for actual danger was added to their experience from time to time. High waves broke over the ship, winds tore away the sails, and a water-spout threatened total destruction. So late was the ship in reaching port that she was given up for lost, and word was sent to Pennsylvania which caused much grief,--needless grief, for Spangenberg's days of service were not to be ended thus. It sounds almost trivial to say that in the midst of trials of body, mind and soul Spangenberg occu pied himself with making buttons, but no doubt the homely, useful labor did its part toward rendering endurable the seemingly endless days.
At last, on the 7th of August, the ship ran on a sandbank near Tybee, and the Moravians, hearing that Spangenberg was on board, took a boat and brought him to Savannah. They had asked him to go to England, he had disregarded their request and come to Georgia, but he was dear to them through many months of united service and mutual help, and they gave him a hearty welcome, ignoring all cause for complaint, and taking him at once into their ull confidence. He and Toltschig sat up all



of the first night carefully discussing the condition of affairs and what could be done to remedy them. Their views were very different, for Spangenberg thought they had been too hasty in deciding to leave Georgia, while Toltschig felt that it was a re flection on the lot to try and hold them in Savan nah, when the lot had said "go." But Toltschig possessed the rare art of seeing a disputed question through the eyes of those who did not agree with him, as well as from his own standpoint, and now, with no petty self-assertion, he quietly awaited de velopments, and told Spangenberg all that had hap pened since Neisser's departure.
As the alarm concerning an immediate invasion by the Spanish had died away, the inhabitants of Savannah had regained their composure, and the wild outcry against the Moravians gradually ceased. The wagon and oxen which had been taken for work on the fort had been returned to their owners, after seven or eight weeks of hard usage, and the hope that starvation would shake the resolution of the non-combatants had signally failed of fulfillment. The ship which was to bring the town supplies had been twelve weeks late in coming, and the stock in the store-house w*as almost exhausted. The au thorities therefore had announced that provisions would be sold only to those who were helping build the fort. This entirely excluded the Moravians, but instead of suffering from hunger they had been able to share with some of their neighbors. The prices charged at the store in Savannah were always high, so, as he was passing through New York on his re turn from St. Thomas, Spangenberg had asked a



friend to send the Moravians two thousand pounds of flour and salt-meat, for which they were to pay. The merchant at that time knew of no ship sailing for Savannah, so in Philadelphia, Spangenberg had arranged that two thousand pounds of meat should be sent from there at once on a year's credit. Mean while the New York merchant found an opportunity to send what was ordered from him, so the Mora vians had been surprised by a double quantity, which proved to be just what they needed during the general scarcity. When the friends in Pennsylvania heard that provisions had been sent, but not enough to last until the next harvest, they gave thirty-six hundred pounds of flour to Spangenberg to be taken, as a present, to the Georgia Moravians, and when word was received that Spangenberg's ship was lost, they sent an additional eighteen hundred pounds, so the "Society" was well supplied with this necessary article of food for some time to come.
In their household affairs the Moravians had had various experiences. Hermgdorf had been so thor oughly frightened by the demonstrations against the Moravians that on the i6th of May he had sailed for Germany, regardless of Toltschig's efforts to persuade him to wait, as his wife might even then be on her way to join him. Not only did he fear the townspeople so greatly that day and night he stayed in his room "as in a prison," but he was still more afraid to face Gen. Oglethorpe, who, it was said, would soon return. Only once had he joined in the devotional exercises of the household after his re turn from Frederica, and it was rather a relief when




he left for home, having first repaid the amount of his passage to Georgia. He seems to have retained his connection with the Moravian Church, for he was in Herrnhut when Wesley visited there, and showed him many courtesies; and he is mentioned in 1742, as bearing letters to the "Sea Congrega tion," then about to sail 'for Pennsylvania.
On the 6th of June a four-year-old English boy had been taken into their household. He was an orphan, and they meant to bring him up, but the little fellow died on the 23rd of July.
On the loth of June the matrimonial troubles of George Waschke and Juliana Jaschke had been hap pily terminated by their marriage. Waschke had been one of the discontents ever since the arrival of the second company, but when his marriage was finally arranged he professed himself contrite, and promised all obedience to the rules of the "Society," so long as he stayed in Savannah, though he retain ed his desire to leave as soon as possible. Juliana also had greatly improved in her behaviour before the wedding.
This marriage was the cause of a very interesting discussion among the Moravians, as to who should perform the ceremony. "In the afternoon the Brethren met to decide who should be appointed to marry Waschke and Juliana. Properly Br. Peter (Rose) should have been ordained by Br. Anton (Seifert) to the office of a "Diener" in the Congre gation, that he might marry and baptize, but the Brethren did not think it necessary to ordain him on Waschke's account, and voted that Toltschig should marry them. He objected, but they said Toltschig



had been made a 'Diener' of the Congregation at Herrnhut. He protested that he had not been sent to Georgia to marry and baptize, and did not wish to do it. The others insisted, and asked that the lot be tried; Toltschig agreed to submit to their wish, and the lot drawn read 'he shall marry these two,' " which he did the next day.
Parallel with this is the baptism of Rose's twin daughters, Anna Catherina and Maria Magdalena, who were born on the i6th of September, 1737,-- Anna Catherina dying later in the same year. Of this Toltschig wrote: "I, at the request of the Brethren, baptized them in the name of the Father, the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, after Br. Anton (Seifert) had ordained me a "Diener" in the Con gregation."
It frequently happens that a puzzling action be comes clear when it is considered from the stand point of the man who has done it, but when the mo tive can not be fathomed many things are hard to understand. That Seifert had been empowered to delegate to another member a duty usually reserved for the clergy, was reasonable, though unusual, for his serious illness or death would have left the Con gregation without ministration until word could be sent to Germany, and some one else could come to take his place,--a matter of months,--but, when the "Aeltester" was present, in full health, in entire accord with his Congregation, and when he in per son confirmed candidates for Church membership, why did he not marry and baptize directly, instead of ordaining a "Diener" especially for those two of fices ? There must have been some regulation in the



Congregation at Herrnhut which led to it, for the idea that Seifert himself should marry Waschke and Juliana, and baptize the Rose children, evidently did not occur to them, but the rule can not now be found, and there is no clue to the strange proceed
ing. Soon after the Waschke affair had been settled to
the satisfaction of all parties, serious trouble had arisen with Jag and Haberecht. It was reported to the Moravians that Jag had engaged himself to a Swiss woman living in Savannah, and when ques tioned he admitted that it was true. They argued with him, and pled with him, but to no avail, and finally told him plainly that they would not allow him to bring the woman to their house, and more than that, if he persisted in his determination he would have to leave them; and angry and defiant he did take his departure the next day, July the loth.
That "troubles never come singly" was exempli fied, for the very day that Jag left, Haberecht went to Toltschig, and asked if some way could not be found so that he could marry that same Swiss woman! Toltschig was almost stunned by this sec ond blow, and gave a stern answer, whereupon Haberecht applied to Seifert, the Aeltester, who was equally as unyielding in his condemnation of the acquaintance already made, and his refusal to coun tenance further steps. Poor Haberecht, less reso lute than Jag in his rebellion, drank deeply of the waters of Marah during the next weeks; promising to give up the woman, who was really unworthy of his regard, and then trying to draw Toltschig into a discussion of his possible marriage; despairingly



making his way to the garden to hide himself among the swine, feeling he was fit for no better company, and then going to the woman and asking her to marry him, to which she consented, having already thrown Jag over; again bitter repentance, confes sion, and a plea that his associates would forgive him. Either he was really in earnest this time, or Sp'angenberg's arrival had a* salutary effect, for after that the Swiss woman disappears from the story, and two months later Jag returned, promised good behaviour, and humbly asked for readmittance to the household which was at once accorded him.
The first days of his visit to Savannah, Spangenberg spent in acquainting himself with the condition of affairs, and in interviews with the members singly and' collectively, trying to persuade them to con tent themselves in Georgia. The "bands" were re organized, but he was unable to re-establish a feel ing of unity among them, and even those who were willing to stay, and work, and try whether their plan might not still be carried out, felt that it would be unwise to hold the rest, for as Toltschig wrote, almost with a groan, "it is a blessed thing to live with a little company of brethren, who are of one heart and one soul, where heart and mind are dedi cated to Jesus, but so to live, when many have weak wills and principles, and there must be a community of goods, is rather difficult, especially when many seek their own ends, not the things of Christ."
Spangenberg was forced to see that his arguments were futile, and wisely yielded to the inevitable. At a general conference each man was called upon to



state his wishes. Several desired to leave at the earliest possible moment, others as soon as the debt was fully paid; two or three wanted to return to Europe, others preferred to go to Pennsylvania to Spangenberg; some longed to live among the In dians as missionaries, while quite a number were con tent to stay in Savannah, unless absolutely forced to leave, or definitely called to labor elsewhere. How ever, no immediate steps were taken toward break
ing up the settlement. On the 12th of August, Spangenberg and Wesley
visited the Salzburgers at Ebenezer, by the invitation of Bolzius, the senior pastor. They, too, had had their troubles without and within, and Gronau had mourned over the fact to the Moravians, who deeply sympathized with him. At this time Gronau and Bolzius differed greatly in their feqling for the Moravians. Gronau was openly and honestly on the best of terms with them, but Bolzius, while oc casionally accepting their hospitality in Savannah, sent complaints to the Trustees, in keeping with his original protest against their coming to Georgia. The English friends of the Moravians heard of these let ters, and were much puzzled, as the reports from the Savannah Congregation spoke only of pleasant rela tions with the Salzburgers, and requests for union of the two forces. Probably Bolzius was fretted by their refusal to join him, even as the leaders at Halle resented the independence of Herrnhut, and after Gronau's death, in 1745, the pastors of Eben ezer steadily opposed the efforts of the Moravians to recommence a mission work in Georgia.



Apart from the friction with their fellow towns men and the lack of united purpose among their own number, Spangenberg found the Moravian colony in good condition. Their devotional hours were stead ily observed, the Lord's Supper was celebrated reg ularly, and a weekly conference kept the many in terests of the "Society" running smoothly.
By the aid of the second company, various im provements had been made, so that their lots and garden presented a prosperous appearance. "They have a house in town (on Spangenberg's lot) with a supply of wood for the kitchen. Behind the house is a well, with a pump, on which almost the whole town depends, for it not only never goes dry, as do all the others, but it has the best water to be found in the town. From early morning to late at night the people come with barrels, pails and pitch ers, to take the water to their homes. Once some one suggested that strangers should be charged so much a pail for the benefit of the orphans, but Frank said 'they have so far received spiritual water from us without price, let them also have this freely.' Be tween the well and .the house is a cow shed. They have a cow, which is pastured out during the day, but comes back in the evening, and they use the milk and butter for the sick. Near the shed is a kitchen and bake-oven, and on the other side a hut for their provisions. Behind the well, on Nitschmann's lot, stands on one side Tanneberger's and on the other Rose's cabin, with a roof between, under which the leather is stored, which is to be made into shoes.
"Two English miles from the town they have



cleared ten acres, (the garden) and planted corn and rice, which is growing nicely. They have set out mulberry, peach, and apple trees, which are doing well; in the middle of the garden, which is enclosed with a fence and ditch, they have built a corn-house, a cabin in which to live, and a stable." Another cabin, the first erected in the garden, had been burned in January, at which time Mrs. Waschke was living in it, though she was away when it caught fire, and returned too late to give an alarm and save it. The farm four miles from town was prov ing unsatisfactory, requiring much labor and yield ing little return, and they had about decided to stop cultivating it, and give all their effort to the gar den, which was paying well.
From the i4th to the i7th of August, Spangenberg busied himself with the account between the Moravians and the Trustees. In addition to the bonds signed by the first and second companies for their passage to Georgia, and provisions to be de livered on arrival, it had been necessary to get a great deal at the store on credit. On the other hand the men had done a considerable amount of carpen ter work and hauling for the Trustees and for others. The account on the books at the Trustees' store was all in confusion, and as everybody at the store claimed to be too busy to unravel it, Spangenberg obtained permission to do it himself, and found that in addition to the bonds, (60: and 226: 13: 9,) the Moravians had taken supplies to an amount which gave them a total debt of some 500: ($2,400.oo). Against this they had a credit which entirely



paid their current account at the store, and reduced their debt to the Trustees to 12112:9, ($580.80).
On the igth, a Lovefeast was held in honor of Spangenberg and Eckstein, and on the 2ist of August the two visitors sailed for Pennsylvania, landing there safely in due time.
With the month of September letters began to come from England and Germany in response to Dober's report, and the communications sent by Ingham, who presented the Moravian request to the Trustees, (receiving "a sour answer,") and also sent a full account of their circumstances to Count Zinzendorf. The Count had already written to his distressed brethren, giving his advice on various points, and this letter, which was the first to arrive, gave them little comfort. They had once hoped for reinforcements, earnest men and women who would strengthen their hands for the work among the Indians, and even now it was disappointing to hear that Zinzetidorf had decided not to send any more colonists to Georgia. He argued that it would take very few men to supply teachers for Tomochichi's little village, and that as the Trustees would only permit four missionaries among the more distant tribes, that number could easily be spared from the company already in Savannah.
Regarding military service he repeated his for mer definite instructions, "you will not bear arms either defensive or offensive." He said that he had tried to secure from the Trustees a formal "dispen sation," either verbal or written, exempting the Mo ravians entirely from military duty, but they refused



to give it, insisting that the Moravians must at least employ two men to represent the two town lots in defense of the country. Zinzendorf had agreed to this, so far as the night watch was concerned, since such a watch was necessary for civic peace and wellbeing, and the Moravians were authorized to pay the necessary sums therefor, but he considered it in consistent to refuse to fight as a matter of con science and then hire others to do it, and so, as he said, "there is nothing to do but to say no, and wait."
Although Spangenberg had hoped it would not be necessary for the Moravians to leave Georgia, he had sent the Trustees their request for permission to go, adding, "Nor indeed is there any reason why they should be detained, since it is their full inten tion and design to pay every farthing of their debt before they stir a foot; and they have never yet sold their liberty to any man, neither are they bound to any man by any writing or agreement whatsoever. I doubt not therefore but ye will readily shew the same clemency towards innocent and inoffensive men, which any one may expect from your Honors, whose business is not to destroy but to save and benefit mankind. May it please you therefore to send orders to the Magistrate of Savannah that these people may have leave to depart that Province. I do assure your Honors they always thought it a great favor that ye were pleased to send them thith er; but now they will think it a greater to be dis missed."
In reply the Trustees wrote to Mr. Causton, for bidding the introduction of martial law without their



express order, and reproving him for having re quired more than two men from the Moravians, but in that very reproof practically insisting that two must serve. The Moravians thought they had defined their position clearly at the outset, and be lieved they had the Trustees' promise that all should be as they desired, and if the Trustees realized the construction placed upon their words they had taken a most unfair advantage of the Moravians by offer ing them the two town lots as a special favor, and then using the ownership of those lots as a lever to force unwelcome service. On the other hand the Trustees claimed that Zinzendorf had tacitly agreed to furnish two fighting men when he allowed Spangenberg and Nitschmann to take the two freeholds, and one can hardly imagine that the gentlemen who served as Trustees of Georgia would stoop to a sub terfuge to gain two soldiers. Probably it was an honest misunderstanding for which neither side was to blame, and of which neither could give a satisfac tory explanation, each party having had a clear idea of his own position, and having failed to realize that in the confusion of tongues the other never did grasp the main point clearly.
Regarding the Moravian request for permission to leave, the Trustees declined to give instructions until- after an exchange of letters with Zinzendorf; but in a second letter to his Congregation, the Count wrote, "If some do not wish to.remain, let them go," and "if the authorities will not do what you de mand it is certain that you must break up and go further; but whether to Pennsylvania, or New York or Carolina, the Lord will show you." Carolina



would be no better than Georgia for their purpose, for the military conditions were identical, and Bish op Nitschmann's advice that they go to Pennsyl vania, together with Spangenberg's residence there, decided them in favor of that location.
Zinzendorf's permission having cleared the way for departure, they resolved to wait no longer on the Trustees, and a general conference was held on September i8th, in which definite arrangements were made for the assumption of the debt by those who were willing as yet to remain in Georgia, free ing the four who were to go first. A recent letter had informed Tanneberger of the death of his wife and children in Herrnhut, and the news shattered his already weak allegiance. Without them he cared little where he went, or what became of him, if only he could get away, and Haberecht was more than ready to join him. His young son went as a matter of course, and Meyer, another member who had been lazy and unsatisfactory, completed the party, which sailed for Pennsylvania on the i6th of October. Jag also intended to go, but for some reason waited for the next company.
Haberecht settled at Ephrata, and the two Tannebergers at Germantown. In 1741, Haberecht join ed the Moravians who were building in "the forks of the Delaware," and became one of the first mem bers of the Bethlehem Congregation. In 1745, David Tanneberger married Regina Demuth, who had lost her husband the previous year, and they ultimately moved to Bethlehem also. Meyer never renewed his association with the Moravians.



Before the four started to Pennsylvania, another member had taken the longer journey, and had been laid beside his brethren in the Savannah cemetery. This was George Haberland, who died September 3oth, from flux, a prevalent disease, from which al most all of the colonists suffered at one time or an other. He had learned much during his life in Georgia, had been confirmed in June with his brother Michael, and had afterward served accept ably as a "Diener" of the Congregation.
On the 7th of October, Seifert and Bohner moved to Tomochichi's village to perfect themselves in the language, and begin their missionary work. As some of the congregation had already left Savannah, and others were soon to follow, Seifert thought that he could be spared even though he was "Aeltester," especially as at first he returned to Savannah every Saturday to hold the Sunday services. In Novem ber he and Bohner spent several weeks in town help ing the carpenters raise the frame of a large house they were building, and when they returned to the Indians in January, 1738, Peter Rose, his wife, and surviving daughter went with them.
Friday, December I3th, John Wesley left Savan nah, to return to England. His popularity had long since waned, in the face of his rigid insistance on ecclesiastical rules, and it was said "the Brethren alone can understand him, and remain in love with him." He was unfortunate enough to provoke a spiteful woman, a niece of Mr. Causton, the Magis trate, and so greatly did the persecution rage under her influence, that Wesley's chance of doing further good was ruined, and nothing was left but for him




to withdraw. The Magistrates forbade him to } leave, (secretly rejoicing that they had driven him away,) but he boldly took his departure, without molestation, making his way to Beaufort, where Charles Delamotte joined him. Together they went to Charlestown, where he parted from Dela motte, and on the 2nd of January, 1738, sailed from the continent that had witnessed the shattering of so many fond hopes and ambitions.
Forty-seven years later Brierly Alien settled in Savannah, the first minister there to represent the great denomination which grew from Wesley's later work in England, and the first Methodist Society in that city of his humiliation was organized in 1806.
During the preceding summer Zinzendorf had written to the Trustees, asking once more for (i) entire exemption from military service for the Georgia Moravians, for (2) permission for them to leave Georgia if this could not be granted, and (3) that at least four might remain among the Indians as missionaries.
In answer the Trustees (i) repeated their former decision regarding freehold representation, (2) gave consent for the Moravians to leave if they would not comply with this, and (3) refused to let them stay as missionaries. "The privilege of going among the Indians was given to your people out of consid eration for Your Excellency, and also on account of their good conduct, they being citizens of this col ony; buf if they cease to reside there, this'privilege will not be continued to any of them. To employ them as missionaries to instruct the Indians would be a reflection on our country, as if it could not fur-



nish a sufficient number of pious men to preach the Gospel of Jesus Christ. Therefore your people may continue among the Indians, only so long as they are citizens of the colony."
This was the death-blow to the Moravian settle ment in Georgia. Had the Trustees exemplified their much-vaunted religious toleration by respect ing the conscientious scruples of the Moravians, there were enough members of the Savannah Con gregation who wanted to stay in Georgia to form the nucleus of the larger colony which would surely have followed them, for while they were willing to give up everything except religious liberty, they were human enough to regret having to abandon the improvements which they had made at the cost of so much labor and self-denial. The Church at large shared this feeling, and for many years watched and waited for an opportunity to re-open the work in Savannah, but without result. If the Trustees had even permitted the Moravians to stay as mission aries it might have saved the settlement to Georgia, for within a decade the English Parliament passed an Act granting-the Moravians the very exemption for which they now asked in vain, and had there been a promising work begun among the Indians during the intervening years it would inevitably have drawn more laborers, as it did in Pennsyl vania. But the Trustees shut the door in their faces, other promising and more .hospitable fields opened, and the Moravian efforts were thereafter given to the upbuilding of other commonwealths.
In the latter part of January, 1738, eight more of the Moravian colonists left Savannah,--Gotthard



Demuth and his wife, George Waschke, his wife and mother, Augustin Neisser, Gottlieb Demuth, and David Jag, those who remained giving them money and provisions for their journey to Pennsyl vania. Gotthard Demuth and wife settled in Germantown, later moving to Bethlehem and joining in the organization of that Congregation. In 1743 they were again living at Germantown, where Gott hard died the following year. Regina subsequently married David Tanneberger and moved once more to Bethlehem. Gottlieb Demuth lived at several places, but finally married, and settled in the Mora vian Congregation at Schoeneck. Jag, who located at Goshenhopper, and the Waschkes and Augustin Neisser who went to Germantown, never rejoined the Church.
On the 28th of January, the Moravians in Savan nah received an unlooked-for addition to their num ber. Toltschig wrote to Spangenberg, "Yesterday two boys, who belong to Herrnhut, came unexpect edly to our house. They ran away from the Breth ren in Ysselstein and went to Mr. Oglethorpe in London, begging him to send them to the Brethren in Georgia. He did so, but we will have to pay their transportation. One is Zeisberger's son David, about 17 years old, and the other John Michael Schober, about 15 years old. Both are bad boys." It appears that when Zeisberger's parents went to Georgia he was left in Herrnhut to finish his educa tion. From there Count Zinzendorf took him to a Moravian settlement near Utrecht, Holland, where he was employed as errand boy in a shop. He was treated with well-meant but ill-judged severity, and



finally after a particularly trying and undeserved piece of harshness in October, 1737, -he and his friend Schober decided to try and make their way to his parents in Georgia. In this they succeeded, and though their story was received with disappro bation, they soon made a place for themselves. Schober did not live very long, but Zeisberger, from the "bad boy" of Toltschig's letter, became the as sistant of Peter Bohler in South Carolina, and later the great "apostle to the Indians."
During this Spring the Moravians strained every nerve to do an amount of work sufficient to balance their account with the Trustees. It took a little longer than th^y expected, but at last Toltschig was ready for his journey to England, the lot having previously decided that he should go as soon as financial affairs made i proper. His wife remained in Savannah, it being uncertain whether he would stay in Germany or return to America. John Regnier took his place as financial agent of the Mora vians.
On March I2th, Toltschig went aboard a ship, bound for Charlestown, sailing from Tybee two days later. On the i8th, he reached Charlestown, whence he sailed April 1st, bearing with him the record of their account with the Trustees, and com missioned to tell the authorities at Herrnhut all about the Georgia colony. On the 3Oth of May, the vessel touched at Cowes, where Toltschig land ed, making his way overland to London which he reached on the 2nd of June.
On the nth of June, Toltschig, accompanied by




Richter, went to present the account to the Trustees. They asked him many questions concerning Geor gia, all of which he answered frankly, receiving most courteous attention. Three days later a settlement was reached. The written accounts showed that the Moravians were short 3 : 5 : '5, which Toltschig of fered to pay in cash, but the Trustees said they realized that the supplies provided for in the second bond had been rated at a higher price in Georgia than in England, and they were content to consider the obligations as fully discharged, interest includ ed. Toltschig answered "I am very glad," a short sentence which spoke volumes !

During the days which elapsed between his ar rival in London and the meeting of the Trustees, Toltschig had many interviews with those who had been "awakened" by the two companies of Mora vian colonists, by Count Zinzendorf, and by Peter Bohler .and George Schulius. The last two were even then at Portsmouth, on their way to America, and the interest caused by their visit was very mani fest.
John and Charles Wesley had been particularly attracted to Bohler, the former especially finding great relief in laying his many spiritual perplexities before him. Wesley complained that when he con versed with Spangenberg in Georgia, and they could not agree on any point, Spangenberg would drop the subject and refuse to discuss it further, but in Boh ler he found a clearness of argument, and power of persuasion which convinced without irritating him.




Having passed through many stages with the guidance, sympathy and encouragement of Bohler, Wesley at last found the assurance of salvation he had sought for so many years, and three weeks after Bohler left London, he records that at a meeting of their society "I felt I did trust in Christ, Christ alone for salvation, and an assurance was given me that he had taken away my sins, even mine, and saved me from the law of sin and death." A few days previously his brother Charles had made the same happy experience, and this gave to their reli gious life the warmth and fervor which, added to the zeal, industry and enthusiasm that had always characterized them, made their labors of so much value to England, and founded the denomination which has grown so rapidly in America, still bearing the name once given in derision to the little group of Oxford "Methodists."
But Wesley's mind was not one of those which can rest contentedly upon one vital truth, he must needs run the whole gamut of emotion, and resolve every point raised by himself or others into a defi nite negative or affirmative in his own life. Once settled in a position to his entire satisfaction, he was as immovable as a mountain, and this was at once the source of his power and his weakness, for thou sands gladly followed the resolute man, and found their own salvation therein, while on the other hand the will which would never bend clashed hopelessly with those who wished sometimes to take their turn in leading. So he became an outcast from the Church of England, alienated from Ingham, Whitefield, and other friends of his youth, estranged from



the Moravians, even while he was one of the great est religious leaders England has ever produced.
At the time of Toltschig's sojourn in London, however, he was in the early, troubled stage of his experience, rejoicing in what he had attained through Bohler's influence, but beset with doubts and fears. And so, as he records in his Journal, he determined "to retire for a short time into Ger many, where he hoped the conversing with those holy men who were themselves living witnesses of the full power of faith, and yet able to bear with those that are weak, would be a means, under God, of so establishing his soul, that he might go on from faith to faith, and from strength to strength."
Ingham, meanwhile, informed of Toltschig's ar rival in London, had hastened "over one hundred and forty miles" to see his friend, a fact that seems to have touched Toltschig deeply, and arranged to go with him to Herrnhut, as they had often planned while still in Georgia. John Wesley joined them, and the three young men sailed on June 24th, land ing at Rotterdam two days later. Wesley's Jour nal does not mention Toltschig by name, but on leav ing Rotterdam he says, "we were, eight in all, five English and three Germans," and there is no doubt that Toltschig went with them to Marlenborn to re port to Count Zinzendorf, who was living there dur ing his temporary exile from Herrnhut.
In Rotterdam, Dr. Koker showed the party much kindness, while at Baron von Watteville's in Ysselstein, they were received "as at home." At Amster
dam, they joined in the meeting of the "societies" established under Moravian influences, and from



there proceeded to Cologne, and up the Rhine to Frankfort. Having neglected to supply themselves with passports, they experienced much difficulty whenever they reached a walled city, sometimes be ing refused admittance altogether, and at other times being allowed to enter only after much delay, which caused Wesley to "greatly wonder that com mon sense and common humanity do not put an end to this senseless, inhuman usage of strangers." When any of their number had an acquaintance in the city to which they had come they sent in a note to him, and he would arrange for their entrance, and at Frankfort they applied to Peter Bohler's father, who entertained them "in the most friendly man ner."
On Tuesday, July I5th, they reached Marienborn, where Wesley remained for fifteen days, and Ingham for about seven weeks.
From Marienborn, Wesley went to Herrnhut, stopping at Erfurt, Weimar, Jena, Halle, Leipsig and Dresden on the way. He remained at Herrnhut twelve days, and then returned by the same route to Marienborn, and to England.
This trip to Germany has been given as the begin ning of the breach between Wesley and the Mora vians, but it is doubtful whether such was really the case. In the "Memoirs of James Hutton" it is stated that Wesley was offended because Ingham was admitted to the Communion at Marienborn, while permission was refused him, and that he secretly brooded over the injury, but Wesley him self does not mention the occurrence, and refers to Marienborn as a place where he met what he



"sought for, viz.: living proofs of the power of faith," and where he stayed twelve days longer than he at first intended. The tone of his account of Herrnhut is also distinctly friendly, though he did not unreservedly accept two or three theological statements made to him, but the long conversations he records prove his joy at finding sympathy, and confirmation of what he wanted to believe concern ing justification by faith, and the fact that a weak faith was still a real faith, and as such should be cherished and strengthened, not despised. He could not have been greatly influenced against the Mora vians by his visit to Halle, for each time he stayed but one night, and on the first occasion Professor Francke was not at home, nor were their arguments new to him, that they should have impressed him deeply.
It frequently happens that when a controversy has arisen between friends, both parties look back ward and read into former words and deeds a mean ing they did not have at the time they transpired, and most probably this is what has happened in re gard to the trip to Germany and its effect on Wesley.
Immediately on his return to England, Wesley began an active religious campaign, drawing such crowds of all kinds of people that the various churches in turn closed their doors upon him, and eight months later he followed Whitefield into open air preaching, after consultation with the Fetter Lane Society. This Society had been organized at the time of Bohler's visit to London, and was com posed of members of the earlier Methodist societies,



Germans residing in London, and English who had been interested in salvation by Zinzendorf and the Moravian companies bound for Georgia. It had met in the home of James Hutton until it outgrew the rooms, and was then transferred to the Chapel at 32 Fetter Lane. It was an independent Society, with no organic connection with the Moravian Church, and the religious work was carried on under the leadership of John Wesley, and, in his frequent absences, by James Hutton and others who leaned strongly toward the Moravians, some of whose cus toms had been adopted by the Society. The Hutton "Memoirs" state that Wesley made an effort to break off intercourse between the Society and the Moravians soon after his return from Germany, but failed, and matters continued to move smoothly un til about the time that Wesley began his field preach ing. During the subsequent months disputes arose among the members, largely on account of views in troduced by Philip Henry Molther, who at that time had a tendency toward "Quietism." Molther was detained for some time in England, waiting for a ship to take him to Pennsylvania, he having receiv ed a call to labor in the Moravian Churches there, and being a fluent speaker he learned English rap idly and made a deep impression on many hearers.
Wesley was much hurt by the dissensions in his Society, and entirely opposed to Molther's views, and after several efforts to bring all the members back to his own position, he, on Sunday, July 3ist, 1740, solemnly and definitely condemned the "er rors" and withdrew from the Fetter Lane Society, adding "You that are of the same judgment, follow



me." About twenty-five of the men and "seven or eight and forty likewise of the fifty women that were in the band" accepted his invitation, and with them he organized the "Foundry Society." Into the Foundry Society and the many others organized among his converts, Wesley introduced lovefeasts and "bands" (or "classes,") both familiar to him from the Fetter Lane Society, which had copied them from the Moravians. When his societies grew so numerous that he could not personally serve them all he selected lay assistants, and then "became con vinced that presbyter and bishop are of the same order, and that he had as good a right to ordain as to administer the Sacraments." He, therefore, ordain ed bishops for America, and Scotland, and register ed his chapels in order to protect them, according to the Act of Toleration. This gave the Methodist body a separate legal status, but Wesley always claimed that he was still a member of the Church of England, and would not allow the preachers of his English societies to administer the Sacraments, a right which was finally granted them by the Metho dist Conference after his death.
When Benjamin Ingham returned from Georgia he commenced to preach the Gospel in Yorkshire, his native place, and at the time of his journey to Germany a promising work was begun there. From Herrnhut he wrote to Count Zinzendorf asking that Toltschig be permitted to visit him in England, and the request was granted a few months later. Mean while Ingham's work prospered mightily, so that in June, 1739, he was forbidden the use of the



churches, and forced to imitate Wesley and preach in the open air. Some forty societies were formed, and in November, Toltschig went to him, making many friends among the people, repeating his visit at intervals during the following months.
The intimacy between Ingham and the Moravians became closer and closer, and in July, 1742, he form ally handed over the care of his societies in York shire and Lascashire to the Moravian Church, him self going into new fields, and then giving new so cieties into their keeping. It has often been stated that Ingham was a Moravian, but this is a mistake. During these years he worked with them shoulder to shoulder, but there is no record of his having been received into their Church as a member, nor did they reordain him into their ministry. The sit uation would be more strange to-day than it was then, for there was apparent chaos in England, the Spirit of God moving upon the face of the waters be fore "light shone, and order from disorder sprung," and the Moravians did not care to emphasize their independence of the Anglican Church lest it injure their usefulness. In 1744, when England was threatened with a French invasion, a number of loyal addresses were presented to the King, and among them one from the "United Brethren in England, in union with the ancient Protestant Episcopal Bohe mian and Moravian church," a designation se lected after long and careful discussion as to a true term which would avoid placing them among the Dissenters from the Church of England.
When the Moravians took over the Yorkshire So-



cieties in 1742 they established headquarters at Smith House, near Halifax, but this not proving permanently available, Ingham, in 1744, bought an estate near Pudsey, where the Moravians planted a settlement which they called "Lamb's Hill," later "Fulneck." In 1746 and 1749 Ingham presented to the Moravians the ground on which the Chapel and two other houses stood, but for the rest they paid him an annual rent. The property is now held of Ingham's descendents on a lease for five hundred years.
In 1753 Ingham withdrew from his close associa tion with the Moravians, and established a new circle of societies, himself ordaining the ministers who served them. These societies flourished for a while, but about 1759 Ingham became imbued with the doc trines of a certain Sandeman, and the result was the almost total wrecking of his societies. This broke Ingham's heart, and affected his mind, so that his last days were very sad. He passed away in 1772, and his societies gradually merged themselves into other churches.
John Toltschig, Ingham's friend in Georgia and his co-laborer in Yorkshire, came to England in No vember, 1739, in company with Hutton, who had been to Germany to form a closer acquaintance with the Moravians. After the debt to the Trustees was paid, Toltschig had eagerly planned new things for Georgia,--extension of work among the Indians, a settlement further up the Savannah River, the strengthening of the Savannah Congregation, from which missionaries could be drawn and by which they should be supported while laboring among the



heathen tribes. He offered to return to America at once, ready for any duty, but requesting that he might not be sole financial manager again, as he had found it most difficult to attend to those duties, and at the same time share in the spiritual work.
The elders of the Church, after carefully weighing all the circumstances, decided not to send him back to Georgia, but that he should go to England, to labor in the Fetter Lane Society, and among its friends.
The first step was a visit to Ingham in Yorkshire, and the reception given him was so cordial and the field so promising that he went again, and yet again. Bohler and Spangenberg returned to England and traveled hither and thither in response to the calls that came from every side, other members aided as they could, and the societies under their direction grew apace. Fetter Lane Society was organized in to a congregation in November, 1742, and the others followed in due time. The Moravian Church was introduced into Ireland, and took a firm hold there. In England its successes were paralleled with much opposition, and in 1749, after several years of prep aration, an appeal was made to Parliament for recognition as a Protestant Episcopal Church, with lull liberty of conscience and worship throughout Great Britain and her colonies. General Oglethorpe warmly championed their cause, and after a thor ough investigation of Moravian history and doctrine, ic bill was passed, May i2th, 1749, and the Mora-
right to liberty of worship, freedom from miliservice, and exemption from oath-taking was ireservedly granted.



While not involved in these Parliamentary pro ceedings, Toltschig played an important part in the development of the Moravian Church in England and Ireland. Although he had great success as a preach er, his especial talents were as an organizer, and as leader of the "bands," as might be expected of a man with a judicial mind, executive ability, and great tact. He was Elder of the "Pilgrim Congregation" formed at Fetter Lane in May, 1742, a congregation composed exclusively of "laborers" in the Lord's vineyard, and he was also one of the committee charged with the oversight of the general work.
In February, 1748, he went to Ireland, as superin tendent of the societies there, some of which had been organized by Wesley, but now wished to unite with the Moravians. In 1752 he conducted a company of colonists to Pennsylvania, but the next year went back to Ireland, where certain troubles had arisen which he could quiet better than any one else.
After Zinzendorf's death in 1760, Toltschig was one of that company of leading men who met in Herrnhut to provide for the immediate needs of the Moravian Church, whose enemies prophesied disinr tegration upon the death of the man who had been at its head for more than thirty years. These pre dictions failed of fulfillment, and "it was demon strated that the Lord had further employment for ^ the Unitas Fratrum."
Less renowned than many of his confreres, Tolt* schig was a type of that class of Moravians who car? ried their Church through slight and blight into t' respect and good-will of the world. Industrie and scrupulously exact in business affairs, courteout'

, /




^ and considerate in his dealings with others, firm and

J fearless in matters of conscience, bold to declare his

5 faith, and witness for his Master, energetic and "con-
f servatively progressive" in promoting the growth of his church, he took little part in the controversies
of his day, but devoted himself unreservedly to

preaching the Gospel as it was read by John Hus, by

the founders of the ancient Unitas Fratrum, by the

renewers of that Church in Herrnhut, "Salvation by

faith in Christ and real Christian living according to

the precepts of the Bible."


John Toltschig had been the diarist of the Mora vian Congregation in Savannah, as well as their treasurer and most able member, and after he left very little record was kept of the daily occurrences. A few stray letters have been preserved, but little of interest appears therein, beyond the facts that the summer of 1738 was hot and dry, and that the Mora vians were not molested, although always conscious of the under-current of antagonism.
Some time during these months Matthias Seybold left for Pennsylvania, where he married, and was one of the company that established the settlement at Bethlehem. He returned to Europe in 1742, and died at Herrnhut in 1787.
In May, the Rev. George Whitefield reached Geor gia, "authorized to perform all religious offices as iDeacon of the Church of England, in Savannah and frederica," in the place of John Wesley. The povperty of the people touched him deeply, he distributed
the most needy such sums as he had brought for



their relief, and with James Habersham, who had come over at the same time, he agreed upon the erec tion of an Orphan House. Whitefield visited Ebenezer, and acquainted himself with conditions there and elsewhere, and then returned to England, in August, to raise funds for his Orphan House, Hab ersham meanwhile beginning to collect and instruct the most neglected children.
During his stay in Georgia, Whitefield lodged with Charles Delamotte, who was still carrying on the little school. During the winter Delamotte had boarded for a while with the Moravians, and when he returned to England in the autumn, he at once as sociated himself with the English members. Tyerman in his "Life and Times of John Wesley," says, "On his return to England, Charles Delamotte be came a Moravian, settled at Barrow-upon-Humber, where he spent a long life of piety and peace, and died in 1790."
On the 16th of October, Peter Bohler and George. Schulius arrived in Savannah, accompanied by the lad, Simon Peter Harper. They came as mission aries to the negroes of Carolina, the hearts of various philanthropic Englishmen having been touched by reports of the condition of these half wild savages recently imported from the shores of Africa to till the fields of the New World.
The plan originated during Count Zinzendorf's visit to London, in February, 1737, when it was sug gested to him that such a mission should be begun by two Moravian men, under the auspices of "the as sociates of the late Dr. Bray."



Thomas Bray, an English divine, was born in 1656, made several missionary trips to America, and in 1697 organized a society for the propagation of the Gospel in the English Colonies. He died in 1730, but the work was continued by his "asso ciates," many of whom were also interested in the Georgia Colony.
As this mission was to be under their direction, "the associates of the late Dr. Bray" wished to be very sure that the doctrine and rules of the Unitas Fratrum did not conflict with the Church of Eng land, but being assured by the Archbishop of Can terbury that he considered them as agreeing in all es sential points, they closed an agreement with Zinzendorf whereby the Count received 30: with which to prepare "two Brethren to reside for the instruc tion of the Negroes at such place in Carolina as the said associates shall direct." The missionaries, when they had entered upon their work, were to receive a salary, "not exceeding thirty pounds a year," from the "associates."
For this missionary enterprise, so much to his lik ing, Zinzendorf appointed "one of my chaplains, master Bohler," and "Schulius, a Moravian brother," I who with Richter and Wenzel Neisser arrived in London, February i8th, 1738. At the house of their friend Wynantz, the Dutch merchant, they met John Wesley, who offered to secure them a pleasant, inex pensive lodging near James Hutton's, where he was staying.
Peter Bohler had been a student at Jena when Spangenberg was lecturing there, and was himself a professor at that seat of learning when he decided to



accept Zinzendorf's call to mission work, and join the Moravians, with whom he had been for a long time in sympathy. Like Spangenberg he was a highly educated man, and an able leader, fitted to play an important part in the Church of his adoption. In December, 1737, he was ordained at Herrnhut by the bishops, David Nitschmann and Count Zinzendorf, and in later years he, too, became a bishop of the Unity.
On the 22nd of February, Bohler and his compan ions called on Gen. Oglethorpe, who at first supposed they were simply going over to join the Savannah congregation. Bohler explained that Richter, who spoke French as well as German, had come as the Agent of the Moravians, in accordance with the sug gestion made by the Trustees to Bishop Nitschmann in 1736; that Wenzel Neisser was going on an offi cial visitation to America, especially to the West Indies; and that he and Schulius were the mission aries promised by Count Zinzendorf for work among the negroes in Carolina. The General courteously invited them to confer with him further, either by letter or in person, and offered to take them with him, as he expected shortly to sail for Georgia with his regiment.
Later, when they wished to come to a definite agreement with Oglethorpe, who represented the "associates of Dr. Bray," they experienced some difficulty, owing to the fact that a letter of introduc tion Oglethorpe expected to receive from Count Zinzendorf had failed to arrive, but the exhibition of their passports, and Richter's explanation that Zin zendorf thought (from newspaper notices) that



Oglethorpe had already left England, enabled Bohler and Schulius to establish their identity. So soon as Zinzendorf heard that his word was needed, he sent them a formal letter of introducton to Ogle thorpe, which was gladly received as corroboration of their statements. The Moravians were at their own expense while waiting in London, but Ogle thorpe promised that they should be provided with Bibles, grammars, and other things they might need fcr the negro school.
Being detained in London for three months, in stead of three weeks as they expecte'd, Border and his friend had ample opportunity to make acquaint ances in the metropolis. They sent word of their ar rival to those Germans who had learned to know Zinzendorf and the earlier Moravian emigrants to Georgia, and on the first Sunday "the brethren," (as they affectionately called all who, like themselves, were interested in living a Christian life,) came to them, and a series of meetings for prayer, confer ence, and instruction was begun. Bohler was a man of attractive personality, and convincing ear nestness, and in spite of his slight knowledge of their language many English also became interested and formed a society similar to that begun by Zinzen dorf, the two soon uniting in the Fetter Lane So ciety.
Ten days after Bohler reached London he accepted an invitation from the two Wesleys, and went with them to Oxford. There he was most kindly receiv ed, preached in Latin once or twice each day, and had many private conversations with inquirers.



Among those with whom he became acquainted was the Rev. John Gambold, who later became a bishop in the Moravian Church, and many others were mightily stirred to seek the salvation of their souls.
Noting how little English Bohler and Schulius knew, Gen. Oglethorpe offered them a boy who was bright and intelligent, could speak both English and German, and understood some French, and they found him so serviceable that they asked and obtain ed permission to take him with them to Carolina.
Through Wesley, Bohler heard that Gen. Ogle thorpe was much surprised at the speed with which he acquired English, and that he had asked whether Bohler would consent to serve as Minister of the Church of England in Savannah, if that Congrega tion remained without a pastor. Bohler expressed his willingness to preach at any time, but declined to administer the Sacraments for any denomination ex cept his own, so the appointment was not made.
On the 28th of April, the baggage of the Mission aries was put aboard the Union Galley, Capt. Moberley, with instructions that Bohler and his compan ions should join her at Portsmouth. Neisser was to go with them to Georgia, and from there, as op portunity offered, to St. Thomas, but while the ship lay at Portsmouth other instructions reached him, and Oglethorpe kindly made no objection to his withdrawing his box and staying behind, though he did not quite understand it.
On the 15th of May, Peter Bohler, George Schulius, and the lad Simon Peter Harper, left Lon don, but finding the ship not yet ready to sail, they,



by Oglethorpe's instructions, went to Southampton where some of the vessels were lying.
Returning to Portsmouth they embarked on May 22nd, and soon found they were "to dwell in Sodom and Gomorrah" during their voyage. On the 3Oth the fleet sailed to Southampton for the soldiers, and when they came aboard four days later "Sodom and Gomorrah were fully reproduced." As the ships lay off Spithead a conspiracy was discovered,--the sol diers on one vessel had planned to kill their officers, take what money they could find, and escape to France. During the voyage there were several fights among the soldiers, or between them and the sailors, and in one drunken riot a soldier cut off a young girl's hand. "The Lord was our defense and shield, and we were among them like Daniel in the midst of the lions," wrote Bohler, for the quiet, Bible-reading Moravians found little to like in their rough associates, who cared for them just as little, and wished they could be thrown overboard.
The ships put to sea July i6th and reached the Madeiras on the 29th, where they were detained un til the 8th of August. Bohler and Schulius went on shore a number of times, were courteously treated by the most prominent Catholic priest there, climbed a mountain for the exercise, and particularly enjoyed their escape from turmoil and confusion. The cap tain, who had taken a dislike to them, tried to pre vent their leaving the ship, but Oglethorpe stood their friend, and ordered that they should have entire liberty. For Bohler, as for many who had preceded him, Georgia and Carolina were to be a school where great life lessons would be learned. Fresh from the




University halls of Jena, he had met the students of Oxford on equal footing, quickly winning their re spect and admiration, but these soldiers and sailors, restless, eager for excitement, rude and unlettered, were a new thing to him, a book written in a lan guage to which he had no key. Later he would learn to find some point of contact with the unlearn ed as well as the learned, with the negro slave and the Yorkshire collier as well as the student of theo logy, but just now his impulse was to hold himself aloof and let their wild spirits dash against him like waves about the base of a lighthouse which sends a clear, strong beam across the deep, but has few rays for the tossing billows just beneath.
On the 18th of September land was sighted, and on the 29th the fleet anchored in the harbor of St. Simon's Island, and with grateful hearts the Mora vians watched the landing of the "soldiers. On the 4th of October they transferred their baggage to a sloop bound for Savannah, which sailed the 6th, but on account of head winds did not reach Savannah until the i6th. The Moravians still at Savannah came in a boat to welcome them, and take them to their house, but Bohler was anxious to see the scene of his future labors, anil stayed in town only a few days, leaving on the 2ist for a tour through Carolina. Schuliua accompanied him all the way, and several others as far as the Indian town where Rose was liv ing with his wife and child. Here they talked of many things regarding the Savannah Congregation, but on the following afternoon the missionaries went on their way, Zeisberger, Haberland, Bohner and Regnier accompanying them to Purisburg.



There Bohler and Schulius lodged with one of the Swiss who had come to Georgia with Spangenberg and the first company. His wife expressed the wish that the Moravians in Savannah would take her thir teen-year-old daughter the following winter, and give her instruction, for which she would gladly pay. Bohler took occasion to speak to the couple about salvation and the Saviour, and they appeared to be moved. Indeed this was the main theme of all his conversations. To the owners of the plantations visited, he spoke of their personal needs, and their responsibility for the souls of their slaves; while to the slaves he told the love of God, filling them with wonder, for most of them were newly imported from the wilds of Africa, and suspicious even of kindness, many knew little of the English tongue, and the few who could understand his words had not yet learned that there was a God who cared how they lived or what became of them. Their masters, as a rule, thought the missionaries were attempting an almost hopeless task in trying to lift these negroes above the brute creation, but were quite willing to give permis sion and an opportunity to reach them, and on this tour Bohler found only one land-owner who refused his consent.
Purisburg had been named as the location of the negro school, but Bohler found there were very few negroes in the town, which had been largely settled by Swiss, who had not prospered greatly and had bought few slaves. The nearest plantation employl- ing negroes was five miles distant, and only seven lived there, so the outlook was far from encouraging at that point.



Bohler and Schulius then made their way from one plantation to another, until they reached Charlestown. The Rev. Mr. Garden, to whom they had a letter of introduction, advised that the school should be begun in Charlestown, where there was a large negro population, perhaps a thousand souls. This was more than could be found on any single planta tion in Carolina, and as the slaves were strictly for bidden to go from one plantation to another it would hardly be possible to find another place where so many could be reached at the same time. Bohler and Schulius were much impressed with the advantages offered, especially as Mr. Garden promised all the as sistance he could give, and they debated whether Schulius should not stay and begin at once, while Bohler returned to report to Oglethorpe. The lot was finally tried, and the direction received that they should carefully study the situation but wait until later to commence work. Therefore on the ist of November the two companions set out for Savannah, which they reached in eight days.
The following weeks were a sore trial for the mis sionaries. With a promising field in sight, and eager to commence work in it, they were obliged to wait for Oglethorpe's permission, and Oglethorpe was very busy on the frontier establishing the outposts for which his regiment had been brought over. When he did return to Savannah, it was only for a few hours, and he was in no frame of mind for a long ar gument of pros and cons. He told Bohler rather testily that they should not go to Charlestown with his consent; that if they were not willing to follow the plan for Purisburg he would have nothing more



to do with them; and that if they wanted to talk further they must wait till he came again.
Bohler and Schulius wished themselves free to proceed without his consent, wished they had not en tered into an agreement with "the associates of the late Dr. Bray," but under the circumstances felt themselves bound to give the work at Purisburg a fair trial. In December, Schulius went to Purisburg to look over the field, and make acquaintance with the people, while Bohler waited at Savannah for Oglethorpe, and finally, when his patience was quite exhausted, followed the General to St. Simons. Ogle thorpe persisted in his intention to have the school at Purisburg, and when he learned that his wishes would be obeyed he gave instructions for the renting of a large house and two acres of ground, and for supplies to be furnished from the store at Savannah.
In February, 1739, therefore, Bohler and Schulius settled in Purisburg. Young Harper seems to have been with them in Purisburg on some of their earlier visits, but was sent temporarily to Savannah, and as he does not reappear in the records, he probably went back to his English home. David Zeisberger, Jr., joined Bohler and was his willing helper in many ways.
At first the outlook was rather more promising than they expected. There were very few colored children for the school, but "daily more were bought and born," there was some interest aroused among the older negroes, and the owners were disposed to be friendly, and allow the missionaries free access to their slaves. The German and Swiss settlers were unaffectedly glad to have the Moravians in their



midst, and begged for religious services, and instruc tion for their children, so Bohler and Schulius agreed on a division of labor, the latter to devote himself to the white residents and their little ones, while Bohler spent most of his time visiting adjoin ing plantations.
But when the warm weather came Bohler was taken with fever, and from June to October he suf fered severely. From time to time he was able to be up, and even to visit Savannah, but he was so weak and his feet were so badly swollen that walking was very difficult, and of course missionary tours were impossible.
On the 4th of August, George Schulius died, after an illness of eighteen days' duration. Bohler was in Savannah when he was taken sick, but returned in time to nurse him, to soothe him in delirium, and to lay him to rest amid the lamentations of the Purisburg residents. At his death the school for white children was given up, for Bohler was too weak to shoulder the additional load, and felt that his first duty was to the negroes. In September, Oglethorpe was in Savannah, and after much difficulty Bohler obtained speech with him, and succeeded in convinc ing him that a negro school at Purisburg was hope less. He approved of Border's plan to itinerate among the plantations and promised that both his own and Schulius' salaries should be paid him, that he might be supplied for traveling expenses. In No vember, when his health was restored, Bohler wished to make his first journey, but the storekeeper declin ed to pay him any money until the expiration of the quarter year. When he went again at the appointed



time the storekeeper refused to pay anything without a new order from Oglethorpe, except the remainder of the first year's salary, now long overdue. Border concluded that the man had received 'private instruc tions from Oglethorpe, and that his services were no longer desired by the representative of "the asso ciates," so in January, 1740, he gave up further thought of obligation to them, and prepared to go on his own account. He planned to go by boat to Purisburg and from there on foot through Carolina to Charlestown, but on the way up the Savannah River the canoe was overtaken by a severe thunder storm, and forced to land. Knowing that a sloop would sail in two days he returned to Savannah, meaning to go to Charlestown on her, but on trying the lot he received direction to wait for the present in Savannah.
While Bohler was making his attempt among the negroes, some changes were taking place in the Sa vannah Congregation. He had been very much dis tressed by the condition he found when he arrived, for owing partly to their many difficulties and partly to Seifert's absence among the Indians, no Commun ion had been celebrated for a year, and the "bands" had been dropped. The Bible and prayer gatherings were steadily observed, but it seemed to him there was a lack of harmony among the members, and they were by no means ready to take him at once into their confidence. Seifert, too, was not well, and had been obliged to leave the Indians, and return to Savannah.
The Indian work was most discouraging, for the men were careless and drunken, and in January,



1739, even Rose gave up, and moved back to Savan nah with his family. In October, Tomochichi died, and was buried with great pomp in Percival Square in Savannah. The Moravians were asked to fur nish music at the funeral, but declined, and it was hardly missed amid the firing of minute guns, and three volleys over his grave. After his death his lit tle village was abandoned, and the question of furth er missionary efforts there settled itself.
During the winter John Regnier became deeply in censed at some plain speaking from Schulius, and decided to leave at once for Europe, the Congrega tion paying his way. He probably went to Herrnhut, as that had been his intention some months pre viously, and later he served as a missionary in Suri nam. In after years he returned to Pennsylvania, where he joined those who were inimical to the Moravians.
Peter Rose, his wife and daughter left for Penn sylvania soon after their withdrawal from Irene. They settled in Germantown, and there Peter died March I2th, 1740. Catherine married John Michael Huber in 1742, who died five years later on a voyage to the West Indies. Being for the third time a widow, she became one of the first occupants of the Widows' House in Bethlehem, and served as a Dea coness for many years, dying in 1798. Mary Magdalena became the wife of Rev. Paul Peter Bader in' 1763.
On August loth, 1739, John Michael Schober died after a brief illness, the ninth of the Moravian colo nists to find their final resting place beside the Sa vannah River.



In September, General Oglethorpe received in structions to make reprisals on the Spanish for their depredations on the southern borders of the Georgia Province. He rightly judged this to be the pre cursor of open hostilities, and hastened his prepara tions to put Carolina and Georgia in a state of de fense. In October the British Government declared war on Spain, and November witnessed the begin ning of fighting in the Colonies. Of course this meant a re-opening of the old discussion as to the Moravians' liability for service, a repetition of the old arguments, and a renewal of the popular indigna tion. Oglethorpe was fairly considerate of them, thought Zinzendorf ought to have provided for two men, but added that he did not want the Moravians driven away. Still the situation was uncomfortable, and the Moravians began to make arrangements for their final departure.
By this time Bohler had won his way into the con fidence of the Savannah congregation, and had learn ed that he was not the only one who had the Lord's interests at heart. With Seifert again in charge of affairs, the religious services had taken on new life, and on October iSth, John Martin Mack was con firmed. Judith Toltschig, however, gave them great concern, and her brother Michael Haberland sided with her, so that the company gladly saw them sail for Germany in the latter part of January, 1740. There Michael married, and returned to America in May, 1749, as one of the large company which came to settle in Bethlehem, where he died in 1783. Judith joined her husband in England, and in 1742



was serving as "sick-waiter" of the Pilgrim Congre gation in London.
This left only six Moravians in Savannah, for John Bohner had already started for Pennsylvania on January 2Oth. He had a very sore arm which they hoped would be benefited by the change, and he was commissioned to try and gather together the members who had preceded him, and to make ar rangements for the reception of the remnant which was soon to follow. He aided faithfully during the early days of the settlement at Nazareth and Bethle hem, and in 1742 went as a missionary to the island of St. Thomas, where he labored earnestly and suc cessfully for the rest of his life, and died in 1787. Nothing now remained for the members still in Savannah, but to so arrange matters that they might leave on the first opportunity. Oglethorpe had al ready bought their trumpets and French horns at a good price, but they needed to sell their rice and household furniture to provide sufficient funds for their journey. This was happily arranged on the 2d of February, when George Whitefield, who had reached Savannah for the second time a few days before, came to see them, promised to buy all they cared to sell, and offered them free passage to Pennsylvania. This offer they gratefully accepted, receiving 37 for their household goods, and on April I3th, 1740, they sailed with Whitefield on his sloop the Savan nah, Captain Thomas Gladman. Their land and im provements were left in the hands of an Agent, and the town house was rented to some of Whitefield's followers for a hospital.



With the Moravians went the two boys, Benjamin Somers and James . .. ., who had been given into their hands by the Savannah magistrates in 1735, and a young woman, Johanna Hummel, of Purisburg. The two lads gave them much trouble in Pennsyl vania, and Benjamin was finally bound out in 1748, while James ran away. Johanna married John Bohner, and sailed with him to the West Indies in 1742, but died at sea before reaching there.
Bohler and his company expected to find Spangenberg and Bishop Nitschmann in Pennsylvania, and were much disappointed to learn that both were absent. They scarcely knew what to do, but Bohler held them together, and when Whitefield decided to buy a large tract of land and build thereon a Negro school, and a town for his English friends of philan thropic mind, and when the Moravians were offered the task of erecting the first house there, Bohler and his companions gladly accepted the work. Bethle hem followed in due time, and all were among those who organized that congregation. David Zeisberger, Sr., died there in 1744, his wife in 1746. Anton Seifert was appointed Elder, or Pastor of the Bethle hem Congregation, married, and took an active part in the Church and School work there and at Naza reth, the latter tract having been purchased from Whitefield in 1741. April 8th, 1745, he sailed for Europe, laboring in England, Ireland and Holland, and dying at Zeist in 1785.
John Martin Mack became one of the leaders of the Moravian Church in its Mission work among the Indians in New York, Connecticut and Ohio until 1760, when he was sent to the negro slaves on St.



Thomas, preaching also on St. Croix and St. Jan, and the English West Indies. He was ordained ,to the ministry November I3th, 1742, and was conse crated bishop October i8th, 1770, during a visit to Pennsylvania, this being the first Episcopal consecra tion in the American Province of the Moravian Church. He was married four times, his last wife passing away two years before his departure. He died June 9th, 1784, and was buried in the presence of a great concourse of people,--negro converts, planters, government officers and the GovernorGeneral.
David Zeisberger, Jr, lived a life so abundant in' labors, so picturesque in experiences that a brief out line utterly fails to give any conception of it. "The apostle of the Western Indians traversed Massachu setts and Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania and Ohio, entered Michigan and Canada, preaching to many nations in many tongues. He brought the Gospel to the Mohicans and Wampanoags, to the Nantlcokes and Shawanese, to the Chippewas, Ottowas and Wyandots, to the Unarms, Unalachtgos and Monseys of the Delaware race, to the Onondagas, Cayugas and Senecas'of the Six Nations. Speaking the Delaware language fluently, as well as the Mo hawk and Onondaga dialects of the Iroquois; fami liar with the Cayuga and other tongues; an adopted sachem of the Six Nations; naturalized among the Monseys by a formal act of the tribe; swaying for a number of years the Grand Council of the Delawares; at one time Keeper of the Archives of the Iroquois Confederacy; versed in the cus-




toms of the aborigines; adapting himself to their mode of thought, and, by long habit, a native in many of his ways;--no Protestant missionary and few men of any other calling, ever exercised more real influence and was more sincerely honored among the Indians; and no one, except the Catholic evange lists, with whom the form of baptism was the end of their work, exceeded him in the frequency and hardships of his journeys through the wilderness, the numbers whom he received into the Church of Christ, and brought to a consistent practice of Chris tianity, and conversion of characters most depraved, ferocious and desperate." "Nor must we look upon Zeisberger as a missionary only; he was one of the most notable pioneers of civilization our country has ever known. * * * Thirteen villages sprang up at his bidding, where native agents prepared the way for the husbandman and the mechanic of the coming race." "He was not only bold in God, fearless and full of courage, but also lowly of heart, meek of spirit, never thinking highly of himself. Selfish ness was unknown to him. His heart poured out a stream of love to his fellowmen. In a word, his character was upright, honest, loving and noble, as free from faults as can be expected of any man this side of the grave."*
He died at Goshen, Ohio, Nov. I7th, 1808, hav ing labored among the Indians for sixty years.
Like Spangenberg, Peter Bohler's story belongs to the whole Moravian Church, rather than to the Georgia colony. His time was divided between
*"Life and Times of David Zeisberger," by Rt. Rev. Edmund de Sehweinitz.



England and America in both of which spheres he labored most successfully. Jan. loth, 1748, he was consecrated bishop at Marienborn, Germany. After Zinzendorf's death he helped frame the new Church constitution, and in 1769 was elected to the govern ing board of the entire Unitas Fratrum. He died in London, April 2Oth, 1774, having been there for a year on a visitation to the English congregations of the Moravian Church.

May 18th, 1740, John Hagen arrived in Savan nah. He had come over intending to go as mission ary to the Cherokees, and his disappointment in finding that the Moravians had abandoned Georgia is another example of the enormous difficulty under which mission work was conducted in those days, when the most momentous events might transpire months before the authorities at home could be ap prised of them.
Hagen had become very ill on the way from Charleston to Savannah, and with none of his own people to turn to he bethought himself of Whitefield's offers of friendship, and went to his house. He was kindly received by those who were living there, and though he went down to the gates of death the portals did not open, and he rapidly re gained his health.
Visiting Irene he found only a few Indian wo men, for Tomochichi was dead, and the men were all on the warpath. The opportunity of going to the Cherokees seemed very doubtful, for there were none living nearer than three hundred miles, and distances looked much greater in the Georgia for-



ests than in his own populous Germany. So he con cluded to accept the kind offers of Whitefield's household, and stay with them, making himself use ful in the garden, and doing such religious work as he was able. Several Germans living in the town, who had learned to like the Moravians, asked him to hold services for them, to which he gladly agreed.
He was much pleased with the prospect for work in Savannah, where the people had been greatly stirred by Whitefield's preaching, and he wrote to Herrnhut urging that two married couples be sent to help reap the harvest, a request warmly seconded by Whitefield, who had returned to Savannah on June i6th. Whitefield reported the Moravians busily engaged in erecting a Negro school-house for him in Pennsylvania, and told Hagen he would like to have the two couples come to assist him in carry ing out his large plans for Georgia.
But by the I4th of August this invitation had been withdrawn, Hagen had left Whitefield's house, and had been refused work on Whitefield's plantation, for fear that he might contaminate the Whitefield converts. The trouble arose over a discussion on Predestination,--not the first or last time this has happened,--and the two men found themselves utterly at variance, for Whitefield held the extreme Calvinistic view, while Hagen argued that all men who would might be saved. Hagen therefore went to the home of John Brownfield, who shared his views, and made him very welcome, and from there carried on his work among the residents of Savan nah and Purisburg.
Whitefield returned to Pennsylvania in Novem-



her, 1740, nursing his wrath against Hagen, and finding Bohler to be of the same mind, he peremp torily ordered the Moravians to leave his land. Neighbors interfered, and cried shame on him for turning the little company adrift in the depth of winter, and he finally agreed to let them stay for awhile in the log cabin which was sheltering them while they were building the large stone house. The opportune arrival of Bishop Nitschmann and his company, and the purchase of the Bethlehem tract, soon relieved them from their uncomfortable posi tion, and later the Nazareth tract was bought from Whitefield, and the work they had begun for him was completed for their own use.
Whitefield, in after years, rather excused himself for his first harshness toward the Moravians, but a letter written by him to a friend in 1742, is a good statement of the armed truce which existed among the great religious leaders of that day. "Where the spirit of God is in any great degree, there will be union of avail, tho' there may be difference in senti ments. This I have learnt, my dear Brother, by happy experience, and find great freedom and peace in my soul thereby. This makes me love the Mora vian Brethren tho' I cannot agree with them in many of their principles. I cannot look upon them as will ful deceivers, but as persons who hazard their lives for the sake of the Gospel.- Mr. Wesley is as cer tainly wrong in some things as they, and Mr. Law as wrong also. Yet I believe both Mr. Law and Mr. Wesley and the Count Zinzendorf will shine bright in Glory. I have not given way to the Mo ravian Brethren, nor any other who I thought were



in the wrong, no, not for one hour. But I think it best not to dispute when there is no probability of convincing."
Hagen remained in Savannah until February, 1742, when he went to Bethlehem, accompanied by Abraham Biininger, of Purisburg, who entered the Moravian ministry in 1742, and labored among the Indians, the white settlers, and in the West Indies.
Nine more residents of Georgia followed the Mo ravians to Bethlehem in 1745, John Brownfield, James Burnside and his daughter Rebecca, Henry Ferdinand Beck, his wife Barbara, their daughter Maria Christina, and their sons Jonathan and David, all of Savannah, and Anna Catharine Kremper, of Purisburg. All of these served faithfully in various important offices, and were valuable fruit of the efforts in Georgia.
John Hagen was appointed Warden of the Naza reth congregation, when it was organized; and died at Shamokin in 1747.
General Oglethorpe was much impressed by the industry of the Moravians in Savannah, and was sorry to see them leave the Province. In October, 1746, therefore, he proposed to Count Zinzendorf that a new attempt should be made further up the Savannah River. He offered to give them five hun dred and twenty-six acres near Purisburg, and to arrange for two men to be stationed in Augusta, either as licensed Traders, for many Indians came there, or as Schoolmasters.
Zinzendorf thought well of the plan, and accepted



the tract, which Oglethorpe deeded to him Nov. 1st, 1746, the land lying on the Carolina side of the Sa vannah River, adjoining the township of Purisburg, where Bohler and Schulius had made many friends.
No colonists, however, were sent over, and the title to the land lapsed for lack of occupancy, as that to Old Fort, on the Ogeechee, had already done.
Early in 1774 Mr. Knox, Under-Secretary of State in London, asked for missionaries to preach the Gospel to the slaves on his plantation in Geor gia. He offered a small piece of land, whereon they might live independently, and promised ample store of provisions.
This time the plan was carried into execution, and Ludwig Miiller, formerly teacher in the Pedagogium at Niesky, with John George Wagner as his companion, went to England, and sailed from there to Georgia. They settled on Mr. Knox's plantation, and at once began to visit and instruct the slaves, and preach to the whites living in the neighborhood. "Knoxborough" lay on a creek about sixteen miles from Savannah, midway between that town and Ebenezer. The land had been settled by Germans, Salzburgers and Wittenbergers, and Mr. Knox had bought up their fifty acre tracts, combining them into a large rice plantation. The homes of the Ger mans had been allowed to fall into ruin, the over seer occupying a three-roomed house, with an out side kitchen. Miiller was given a room in the over seer's house, preaching there to the white neigh bors who chose to hear him, and to the negroes in



the large shed that sheltered the stamping mill. Wagner occupied a room cut off from the kitchen.
In February, 1775, Frederick William Marshall, Agent of the Unitas Fratrum on the Wachovia Tract in North Carolina, (with headquarters at Salem) visited Georgia to inspect the Moravian property there, accompanied by Andrew Brosing, who joined Muller and Wagner in their missionary work. It had been suggested that the Moravians preach in a church at a little place called Goshen, near "Knoxborough," a church which had been built by subscriptions of Germans and English liv ing in the neighborhood, and had been used occa sionally by a preacher from Ebenezer.
At this time the Salzburgers were in a very bad condition. Bolzius had died in 1765, and Rabenhorst and Triebner, who shared the pastorate, were greatly at variance, so that the entire settlement was split into factions. Dr. Miihlenberg, "the father of Lutheranism in Pennsylvania," had come to settle the difficulties, and heard with much displeasure of the plan to have the Moravians preach at Goshen. He declared,--"I doubt not, according to their known method of insinuation, they will gain th most, if not all the remaining families in Goshen, and will also make an attempt on Ebenezer, for their ways are well adapted to awakened souls. I have learned by experience that where strife and disunion have occurred in neighborhoods and congregations among the Germans in America, there black and white apostles have immediately appeared, and tried to fish in the troubled waters, like eagles which have a keen sight and smell."



Dr. Miihlenberg was too much prejudiced against the Moravians to judge them fairly, for he belonged to the Halle party in Germany, and in Pennsylvania had clashed with Zinzendorf during the latter's resi dence there. The Lutheran Church was in no way endangered by the preaching of the missionaries, for their instructions were explicit: "If you have an opportunity to preach the Gospel to German or Eng lish residents use it gladly, but receive none into your congregation, for you are sent expressly to the negroes." "You will probably find some of the socalled Salzburgers there, with their ministers. With them you will in all fairness do only that to which you are invited by their pastor. You will do noth ing in their congregation that you would not like to have another do in yours." Dr. Miihlenberg, there fore, might safely have left them free to preach the Gospel where they would, even to his own distracted flock, which was weakened by dissensions, suffered severely in the Revolutionary War, and gradually scattered into the adjoining country.
In accordance with his instructions, Miiller at once gave up all idea of using the Goshen church, and occupied himself with those who heard him gladly at Knoxborough. After a careful examina tion of the land, the Moravians decided not to build a house for themselves, but to continue with the overseer, who was kind to them, and gave Miiller the use of a horse for his visits to adjoining planta tions.
James Habersham, who had come over with George Whitefield in 1738, was one of the most prominent men in Savannah at this time. In 1744



he had established a commercial house in Georgia, the first of its kind, to ship lumber, hogs, skins, etc., to England, and this business had been a suc cess. He had taken a great interest in Whitefield's Orphan House, and had been active in governmental affairs, having served as Secretary of the Province, President of the Council, and Acting Governor of Georgia. For many years he had been the Agent in charge of the Moravian lots in and near Savan nah, and now, in failing health, and a sufferer from gout, he asked that one of the missionaries might be sent to his three estates on the Ogeechee River, partly as his representative and partly to instruct the slaves. It was decided that Wagner should ac cept this invitation and go to "Silkhope," while Miiller and Brosing remained at Knoxborough, Miiller preaching at "Silkhope" every two weeks. '
Marshall was much pleased with the reception ac corded him and the missionaries, and hoped the time was coming for again using the lots in Savan nah, but the hope again proved to be fallacious. The missionaries all suffered greatly from fever, always prevalent on the rice plantations in the summer, and on Oct. nth, 1775, Miiller died. The outbreak of the Revolutionary War made Wagner's and Brosing's position precarious, for the English Act ex empting the Moravians from military service was not likely to be respected by the Americans, and in 1776 Brosing returned to Wachovia, where the Mo ravians had settled in sufficient numbers to hold their own, though amid trials manifold. Wagner stayed in Georgia until 1779, and then he too left the field, and returned to England.

SAVANNAH AND ENVIRONS. Town, Gardens, and Farms,



In January, 1735, fifty acres of Savannah land was granted by the Trustees of Georgia to August Gottlieb Spangenberg, who was going to Georgia as the leader of the first company of Moravian colonists. Spangenberg had the habit of speaking of himself as "Brother Joseph" in his diaries, and in the rec ords he sometimes appears as Joseph Spangenberg, sometimes as Joseph Augustus Gottlieb Spangen berg, and sometimes by his true name only. Accord ing to custom, the fifty acre grant embraced three lots,--Town Lot No. 4, Second Tything, Anson Ward, in the town of Savannah, Farm Lot No. 2, Second Tything, Anson Ward, in the township of Savannah, and Garden Lot No. 120, East. (Office of the Secretary of State of Georgia, Book D of Grants, Folio 208.)
A few days later a similar grant was made to David Nitschmann, "Count Zinzendorf's Hausmeister," generally known as the Syndic from his office in later years, who had conducted the first company from Herrnhut to London. This grant consisted of Town Lot No. 3, Second Tything, An son Ward, in the town of Savannah, Farm Lot No. 3, Second Tything, Anson Ward, in the township of Savannah, and Garden. Lot No. 121 East. (Office of Secretary of State of Georgia, Book D of Grants, Folio 207.)
When the Moravians left Georgia in 1740, these lots were placed in the hands of an Agent, probably
James Habersham, who was acting as Whitefield's assistant in his hospital and charity school, the Mo ravian house being rented for the former purpose.



When the Trustees of Georgia surrendered their Charter to the English Crown in 1754, it was found that no formal deeds had ever been made for many of the tracts granted by the Trustees, and it was de creed that any who could legally claim land under grant from the Trustees should have their rights confirmed by royal grant upon application to the Governor and Council of Georgia, within a specified time, the land otherwise to be considered forfeited. In June, 1761, Habersham wrote to Bethlehem that the time for entering claim had expired, but that he had asked for and obtained six months grace for the Moravians, who had previously sent him a full power of attorney, which had failed to reach him.
A new power of attorney was at once sent, and on September 7th, 1762, royal patents .were issued to Nitschmann and Spangenberg, for the Town Lots and Farm Lots above mentioned. (Register's Office, Book D, Folios 207 and 208.)
Meanwhile the two Garden Lots had been sold to Sir James Wright for 10, and deeds, bearing date of March I5th, 1762, were made to him by Spangen berg and Nitschmann. The deeds to the Town and Farm lots were deposited in Bethlehem, and the Agent took his instructions from the Manager there.
In 1765 Bishop Ettwein went from Bethlehem to Savannah to look after the property. He found that the large house on Spangenberg's lot had been con demned as ruinous and pulled down. Some one had built a small house on the other end of the same lot, and it was supposed to pay 4 a year ground rent, but the family living there was very poor, and Ha bersham had been unable to collect anything. By




permission a poor woman had fenced in the Nitschmann lot, and was using it as a kitchen-garden, rent free. The title to the farm lots was in jeopardy, for a certain Alderman Becker. in London claimed that the Trustees had given him a tract, including these and many other farms, but the settlers thereon were making a strong fight to hold their property, in which they were finally successful.
At the time of Frederick William Marshall's visit to Savannah in 1775, the two farm lots were re ported to have some good timber, even if they were not of much use otherwise, and the town lots had in creased in value with the growth of the town. Marshall thought the latter could again be used for residence, and as a centre for such missionary work as was already begun by Mtiller, Wagner and Brosing, but the Revolutionary War put an end to their efforts.
At this point in the records appears a peculiar un certainty as to the identity of the owner of the David Nitschmann lots. The fact that there were three David Nitschmanns in the active service of the Moravian Church during a number of years after its renewal in Herrnhut affords ample oppor tunity for confusion, but one would not expect to find it in the minds of their contemporaries. But even such a man as Frederick William Marshall wrote, "The Deeds to these two lots, Nos. 3 and 4, are kept in Bethlehem (one stands in the name of Brother Joseph, the other of Bishop D'd Nitsch mann, who passed away in Bethlehem) and it would be well if something were done about them. I do not know what can be arranged with the son of the



latter; but Brother David Nitschmann, who is now in Zeist, said when he was in America that he him self was the David Nitschmann in whose name the grant was made, because he was the one who had shared in the negotiations with the Trustees of Georgia." Bishop David Nitschmann had died in Bethlehem, Oct. 9th, 1772, where his son Immanuel lived until 1790. The David Nitschmann residing in Zeist was the Syndic, formerly Count Zinzendorf's Hausmeister, the leader of the first company to London, where he and Spangenberg had arranged matters with the Trustees, and had each received .fifty acres of land in his own name. The Bishop had had nothing whatever to do with the matter, and this was the conclusion reached, for the title to the Town Lot No. 3 passed at the Syndic's death, March 28th, 1779, to his son Christian David Nitschmann.
June I4th, 1784, August Gottlieb Spangenberg and Christian David Nitschmann by deed transfer red their title to the Savannah property to Hans Christian Alexander von Schweinitz, Administrator of the estate of the Unitas Fratrum in Pennsylvania.
The Revolutionary War had come and gone, and Von Schweinitz began again to investigate the con dition of affairs in Savannah. Their Agent, James Habersham, had died in 1775, but his son James had kept up the taxes, so the title was intact. "But there is a matter," he wrote, "which it is necessary you should be made acquainted with. When the British Troops took possession of Savannah, they had occasion for a lot belonging to a Mr. George Kellar, for the purpose of erecting a fort on, it be-



ing situated in the outskirts of the town, and in order to satisfy this man they very generously gave him your two lots in lieu of the one they had taken from him, but very fortunately for you, our Legis lature passed a Law rendering null and void all their acts during the time they held this country, and notwithstanding Mr. Kellar is perfectly well acquainted with this matter, he has moved a house on one of the lots, and on the other he has lately built another house, which he rents out, and holds possession--in defiance of me, as I am possessed of no power of attorney to warrant any proceeding against him." A power of attorney was at once sent Habersham, with instructions to evict the intruder, and rent, lease or sell the property.
A suit against the trespasser was won in 1794, but in 1801 his tenant was still in possession, poor, and refusing to pay rent. Habersham had meanwhile died, and John Gebhard Cunow, acting as attorney for Von Schweinitz, who had returned to Germany in 1798, requested Matthew McAllister to take charge of the matter; but McAllister, having made some inquiries, reported that the man named John Robinson, who lived on the premises, was likely to make trouble, and that as he himself was the only Judge in the district it would be better to put the case into the hands of some one else, and leave him free to hear it. Cunow therefore asked George Woodruff to act as attorney, to which he agreed, re questing that John Lawson be associated with him, which was done the following year.
Hans Christian Alexander von Schweinitz died Feb. 26th, 1802, the title to the Savannah Lots pass-



ing by will to Christian Lewis Benzien, of Salem, North Carolina, who however requested Cunow to continue to look after them.
The Agents had no light task in ejecting John Robinson and his wife from their abode, for he was "a foolish, drunken man," and she "a perfect virago, and the Sheriff is really afraid of her," but on July 5th, 1805, Lawson wrote to Cunow,--"I am happy to inform you that after great trouble and difficulty we have this day obtained possession of Mr. Benzien's lots."
Feb. 17th, 1807, Christian Lewis Benzien, by his attorneys Woodruff and Lawson, conveyed Town Lot No. 4, Second Tything, Anson Ward, to Charles Odingsell, the consideration being $1,500, one hundred dollars in cash, the rest secured by bond and mortgage, payable in one, two, and three years, with 8 per cent interest from date.
In the same manner Town Lot No. 3 was sold to Worthington Gale, March I4th, 1807, for $1,450.
Owing to "the distress of the times," payment of these bonds was slightly delayed, but by June, 1811, both were cancelled.
Although the two Town Lots thus brought $2,950, they had cost a good deal in taxes and at torney's fees, and it is doubtful whether the general treasury profited greatly by the investment, and cer tainly the men who had lived and labored and suf fered in Georgia were in no financial way enriched thereby.
Christian Lewis Benzien died Nov. I3th, 1811, and the two Farm Lots were transferred by will to John Gebhard Cunow of Bethlehem, Pa., who in



March, 1822, deeded them to Lewis David de Schweinitz of Bethlehem, Pa.
And here the two Farm Lots disappear from the records. They had never been available for farming purposes, and by degrees the timber was stolen from them, so that it became wiser to let them go than to keep up the taxes with no prospect of re turn. In course of time the title lapsed, and the land passed uncontested into other hands.


April 6th, 1735. August Gottlieb Spangenberg ............................. From Germany.


John Toltschig ........................................... "

7th, " Peter Rose ..:............................................ "

Gotthard Demuth ....................................... "



Gottfried Haberecht ...................................... "



Anton Seifert ........................................... "




" " Michael Haberland ...................... ................ "




" " George Haberland ........................................ "




" " George Waschke ......................................... "



Friedrich Riedel .......................................... "



Oct. llth, " John Regnier ........................................... .From Pennsylvania.


Feb. 17th, 1736. David Nitschmann, (the Bishop) ......................... .From Germany.


" 23rd " Christian Adolph von Hermsdorf . ......................... "




" " Henry Roscher ........................................... "




" " John Andrew Dober. ...................................... "




" " Maria Catharine Dober, (wife of Andrew D.) ............... "


George Neisser .....................

Augustin Neisser ...................

David Zeisberger ...................

Rosina Zeisberger, (wife of David Z.) .

David Tanneberger .................

Feb. 23rd, 1736. John Tanneberger, (son of David T.)....................... From Germany.


" " David Jag ................................................ "



" " John Michael Meyer...................................... "


" " Jacob Frank ............................................. "



" " John Martin Mack ....................................... "'


Matthias Seybold ........................................ "

" " Gottlieb Demuth ......................................... "



" " John Bohner .............................................. "


Matthias Bohnisch ....................................... "

" " Regina Demuth, (wife of Gotthard D.) ..................... "


Judith Toltschig, (wife of John T.)... ........:............ "


" " Catharine Riedel, (wife of Friedrich R.).................... "



" " Anna Waschke, (mother of George W.) .................... "



" " Juliana Jiischke .......................................... "




" " Rosina Haberecht, (wife of Gottfried H.) ................... "




Sept. 16th, 1737. Anna Catherina Rose, >

u M Tvr ari a M TV/Tagdj aliena R-r>ose, )i (dauge hters of Peter R.) .

Jan. 28th, 1738. David Zeisberger, Jr. ..................................... From Holland.


" " John Michael Schober ..................................... "


Oct. 16th, " Peter Bohler, (missionary to negroes) ...................... From Germany.


" " George Schulius, (assistant missionary).................... "






Oct. 16th, 1738. Simon Peter Harper ......................................From England.


May 18th, 1740. John Hagen .............................................From Germany.

Autumn, 1774. Ludwig Miiller ........................................... "



" John George Wagner ...................................... "



March 5th, 1775. Andrew Brosing ..........................................From North Carolina. jjjj

DEPARTURES FROM GEORGIA. March 15th, 1736. August Gottlieb Spangenberg ..............................To Pennsylvania.


March 26th, 1736. Bishop David Nitschmann ................................"



Dec. 2nd, 1736. John Andrew Dober ....................................... To Germany.



" " Maria Catherine Dober ..................................."



March 9th, 1737. George Neisser ...........................................To Pennsylvania.

May 16th, 1737. Christian Adolph von Hermsdorf. ..........................To Germany.

Oct. 16th, 1737. David Tanneberger .......................................To Pennsylvania.


" " John Tanneberger ........................................"




" " John Michael Meyer ......................................"


Gottfried Haberecht ......................................"

End of Jan., 1738. Gotthard Demuth ......................................... "


Regina Demuth ........................................... "


George Waschke .......................................... "


End of Jan., 1738. Juliana Waschke .........................................To Pennsylvania.

Anna Waschke ........................................... "


Augustin Neisser ......................................... "


Gottlieb Demuth .......................................... "

David Jag ................................................"



March 12th, 1738. John Toltschig ............................................To Europe.



" Matthias Seybold ........................................To Pennsylvania.


Winter, 1738-39. John Francis Regnier .....................................To Germany.


1739. Peter Rose ...............................................To Pennsylvania.

" Catherine Rose............................................ "



" Maria Magdalena Rose...................................."



" Simon Peter Harper ......................................


Jan. 20th, 1740. John Bohner ............................................. To Pennsylvania.


1740. Judith Toltschig .........................................To Germany.


" Michael Haberland .............,........................." "


April 13th, 1740. Peter Bohler .............................................To Pennsylvania.


" Anton Seifert ............................................"



John Martin Mack ........................................ "


" " David Zeisberger ......................................... "


" " " Rosina Zeisberger ........................................ "


David Zeisberger, Jr. ....................................."





1742. John Hagen ............................................ .To Pennsylvania.

April 13th, 1740. Benjamin Somers ........................................."



James ........ .........................................."




" " Johanna Hummel ...............,........................."




1742. Abraham Biininger ......................................."



1744. James Burnside ..........................................."


" Rebecca Burnside ........................................"



1745. John Brownfield ........................................."


" . Henry Ferdinand Beck ...................................."


>53 to

Barbara Beck .......

Maria Christina Beck

Jonathan Beck ......


David Beck ..................................................

" Anna Catherina Kremper ................................."



1776. Andrew Brosing ......................................... .To North Carolina.

1779. John George Wagner .................................... .To England.


Oct. llth, 1735. Priedrich Riedel .......................................... In Savannah.

March 19th, 1736. Jacob Frank ............................................. " "

March 30th, 1736. Henry Roscher ........................................... " "

June 17th, " . Rosina Haberecht ........................................ " "

Oct. 3rd. " Matthias Bohnisch ....................................... " "

Sept. 30th, 1737. George Haberland ........................................ " "


Anna Catherina Rose ...................................... " "

Aug. 4th, 1739. George Schulius ..........................................In Purisburg.

Aug. 10th, " John Michael Schober ..................................... In Savannah.

Oct. llth, 1775. Ludwig Miiller ...........................................At Knoxborough.




From Europe .................................. 43 " Pennsylvania .............. ............. 1
Born in Georgia ............................... 2 From North Carolina .......................... 1
---- 47 Deaths. At Savannah ................... .............. 8 At Purisburg .......... ....................... 1 At Knoxborough ...................... ........ 1
---- 10 Departures. To Bethlehem, Pa. ............................. 18 To other Moravian Congregations in America.... 3 To Moravian Congregations in Europe .......... 8 Scattered ..................................... 8
---- 37 ---- 47
Following the Moravians from Georgia to Bethlehem... 13




Act of Parliament ......................... 187, 199, 228 Aeltester ......................... 133, 138, 154, 175, 185 Alien, Brierly ...................................... 186

Altamaha River ......... 121, 123, 127, 128, 129, 130, 162 Anna .............................................. 156 Anthony ........................... ................ 37 Altona ..................................... 42, 91, 92 Arrivals in Georgia .................... 236, 237 V 238, 242 Associates of the late Dr. Bray..... 202, 203, 204, 211, 213

Augsburg ....................................... 19, 20 Augusta ................... ........................ 224

Bader, Paul Peter .................................. 214 Bands ....................... 103, 129, 177, 196, 200, 213 Beck, Barbara ...................................... 224 Beck, David ........................................ 224 Beck, Henry Ferdinand .............................. 224 Beck, Jonathan ..................................... 224 Beck, Maria Christina .............................. 224 Benzien, Christian Lewis ............................ 234 Berthelsdorf .................................... 26, 140 Bethlehem........ 136, 184, 188, 201, 214-217, 223, 224,
230, 231, 235 Bohemia ................... 21, 23, 29, 41, 45, 46, 48, 92 Bohler, Peter .... 189-192, 194, 199, 202-213, 215, 217,
219 220 223 226 Bohner, John ........ 92, 107, 150, 156, 185, 208, 216, 217 Bohnisch, George ................................ 34, 141 Bohnisch, Matthias .............................. 92, 157 Bolzius, Martin .................. 20, 44, 46, 82, 178, 226 Bray, Thomas ...................................... 203 Brosing, Andrew ........................... 226, 228, 231 Brother Joseph................ ............. 42, 229, 231 Brownfield, John ............................... 222, 224 Biininger, Abraham ................................. 224 Burnside, James .................................... 224 Burnside, Rebecca .................................. 224

Calendar ........................................... 100 Calvin, John ..................... .................. 21 Carolina . . 14, 72, 79, 141, 161, 162, 163, 183, 203, 210, 213 Causton, Thomas .. 66, 68, 84, 163, 164, 167, 168, 182, 185



Charles II........................................... 13 Charles V........................................... 19 Charleston ...... .20, 140, 141, 147, 163, 186, 189, 210, 213 Cherokees ...................................... 149, 221 Chief Elder .............................. See Aeltester. Christ Church ...................................... 143 Church of England .... 53, 99, 132, 140, 144, 145, 191,
197, 206 Collegiants ..................................... 35, 36 Comenius, John Amos................................ 21 Comfort ........................................... 156 Committee for relief of Debtors. .................. 13, 14 Confession of Faith, .Moravian....................... 27 Coram, Thomas ................................. 35, 47 Cornish, Capt. .............................. 97, 101, 114 Creek Confederacy .................................. 148 Cunow, John Gebhard. .......................... 233, 234
Deaths ........................................ 241, 242 Delamotte, Charles ....... 99, 101, 104, 105, 109, 131,
144, 168, 186, 202 Demuth, Gotthard ............... 48, 69, 79, 83, 129, 188 Demuth, Gottlieb ........................... 92, 156, 188 Demuth, Regina ....................... 92, 112, 184, 188 Departures from Georgia. .............. 238, 239, 240, 242 Diener ........................... 129, 139, 174, 175, 185 Dober, John Andrew. ...... 92, 99, 101, 103, 106, 108,
129, 131, 155, 159, 181 Dober, Leonard ................... ................. 90 Dober, Maria Catherine. ................ 92, 103, 156, 159 Dunbar, Capt. ...................................... 140 Diisseldorf ......................................... 26

Ebenezer, New ................... 127, 178, 202, 225, 226 Ebenezer, Old ....................... 20, 44, 75, 88, 125 Ebersdorf .......................................... 50 Ecce Homo ......................................... 26 Ecclesiolae in ecclesia. .............................. 24 Eckstein, John ................................. 170, 181 Egede, Hans ....................................... 37 Elders ............................................. 138 England.............. See Moravian Activity in England. English School at Herrnhut. ......................... 95 Ephrata ......................... .................. 184 Episcopate of Unitas Fvatrum. ... 22, 90, 91, 107, 133,
134, 140, 145. 160, 218



Ermahner .......................................... 129 Ettwein, John ...................................... 230 Exile Hymn ........................................ 49
Farm Lots ...... 16, 52, 77, 78, 79, 180, 229-232, 234, 235 Fetter Lane Congregation....................... 199, 200 Fetter Lane Society .......... 191, 194, 195, 196, 199, 205 Fifty Acre Tracts..................... 51, 52, 78, 126, 229 Financial affairs .... 30-34, 38, 43, 44, 45, 50, 51, 53,
71, 72, 78, 84, 89, 95, 96, 107, 109, 129, 135, 136, 137, 155, 105, 168, 173, 180, 181. 182, 184, 189, 190, 216, 230, 234. First Company ................... 47-56, 67, 70, 139, 229 Five Acre Lots..........................see Garden Lots. Five Hundred Acre Tract.................... see Old Fort. Five Hundred Acre Tract (2nd) ................... 94, 126 Five Hundred and Twenty-six Acre Tract. ........... 224 Florida ............................................ 162 Foreign Missions .................... 37, 38, 43, 160, 221 Fort Argyle ..................................... 72--76 Forty-five Acre Lots....................... see Farm Lots. Foundry Society ................................... 196 Frank, Jacob .............................. 92, 138, 179. Frederica ...... 127, 128, 130, 143, 144, 145, 147, 158, 201 Fulneck .......................... ................. 198
Gale, Worthington ............... .................. 234 Gambold, John ..................................... 206 Garden Lots. ....... 16, 52, 68, 69, 77, 78, 79, 122, 180,
229, 230 Gascoine, Capt. ..................................... 107 Gemeinschaft ....... 135, 136, 155, 158, 173, 174, 177, 179 George II........................................... 14 Georgia. .... 13-18, 20, 29, 30, 33, 35, 36, 38, 43, 44, 68,
77, 83, 95, 96, 127, 128, 162, 163, 166, 182, 210, 215, 227, 230. Germantown .............................. 170, 184, 188 Gladman, Capt. Thomas ............................. 216 Goshen ....................................... 226, 227 Goshenhopper ................... ................... 188 Greenland .................... ..................... 37 Gronav, Israel Christian...................... 20, 82, 178
Haberecht, Gottfried ........ 48, 69, 79, 83, 129, 176, 184 Haberecht, Rosina .............................. 92, 157 Haberland, George .................. 48, 69, 79, 158, 185

Haberland, Michael ............. 48, 73, 79, 185, 208, 215 Habersham, James, Jr. ......................... 232, 233 Habersham, James, Sr. ....... 202, 216, 227, 229, 230, 232 Hagen, John ................................... 221-224 Halle ..................... 20, 25, 39-43, 71, 193, 194, 227 Harper, Simon Peter. ...................... 202, 206, 211 Hawk, The ........................... 106, 107, 109, 110 Heifer ...................................... see Helpers. Helpers ....................................... 138, 139 Herbert, Henry .................................... 143 Hermsdorf, Christian Adolph von. ... 91, 94, 106, 121,
123, 128, 133, 158, 173 Herrnhut. ..... 23, 25-29, 37, 39, 42, 43, 45, 58, 71, 90,
92, 95, 105, 120, 135, 150, 165, 176, 188, 192, 193, 194, 200, 201. Holland................ see Moravian Activity in Holland. Hourly Intercession ............................. 58, 67 Household Affairs ...... 69, 83-86, 131, 132, 135, 136,
155, 156, 158, 172, 173, 174, 179, 201, 216 Huber, John Michael................................ 214 Hummel, Johanna .................................. 217 Hus, John ...................................... 21, 201 Button, James .................... 99, 193, 195, 198, 203
Indian School House ........................... see Irene. Indians in Georgia...... 15, 32, 45, 46, 67, 68, 70-75,
86, 94, 99, 112, 124, 126, 127, 131, 137, 141, 144, 147-155, 161, 162, 181, 185, 186, 187, 198, 213. Indians in Pa.................................. 217, 218 Ingham, Benjamin..... 99, 101, 104, 105, 109, 110, 112, 121, 128, 134, 143-146, 149, 150, 152, 153, 154, 164, 168, 169, 181, 190-193, 196-199. Instructions ...................... ................. 70 Ireland.................. see Moravian Activity in Ireland. Irene ................................ 154, 155, 214, 221
Jablonski ................................... 90, 91, 160 Jag, David ................... 92, 156, 176, 177, 184, 188 James ............................................. 217 Jaschke, Juliana ....................... 92, 157, 174, 176 Jena .............................. 25, 41, 193, 203, 208 Jews .............................................. 82 Johnson ........................................ 73--76 Journal, John Wesley's. ................. 99, 101-121, 192





Kellar, George ................................. 232, 233 Knox, Mr. ......................................... 225 Knoxborough .................................. 225-228 Koker, Pieter ................................... 35, 192 Korte, Jonas. ..................... 90, 92, 93, 96, 98, 125 Krankenwarter ..................................... 129 Kremper, Anna Catherine. ........................... 224

Laborers ........................................... 200 Lamb's Hill ........................................ 198 Lancashire ......................................... 197 Land titles .................... 95, 126, 161, 225, 229-235 Lawson, John ................................. 233, 234 Leopold, Archbishop of Salzburg..................... 18 London .............. ........ 43, 47, 50, 54, 55, 93, 159 London Merchant, The ............ 105, 109, 117, 118, 127 Lords Proprietors ............................... 14, 161 Lorenz . .,. .................... .................. 33, 34 Lot, The ....... 139, 149, 150, 158, 165, 166, 167, 172,
175, 189, 210, 213 Lovefeasts .............. ............. 130, 139, 181, 196 Lower Creeks .............................. 18, 149, 152 Lutheran Church ............ 19, 23, 25, 28, 140, 226, 227 Luther, Martin .............................. 19, 21, 28

Mack, John Martin .................... 92, 113, 215, 217 Marienborn ............................... 192, 193, 220 Marshall, Frederick William................ 226, 228, 231 Matrimonial affairs ................... 156, 158, 174, 176 McAllister, Matthew ............... ................ 233 Melancthon ..................... ................... 19 Methodists .......... .............' 99, 186, 191, 194, 196 Meyer, John Michael ............................. 92, 184 Military affairs ..... 33, 87, 88, 93, 94, 126, 141, 161,
163-167, 172, 181, 182, 183, 186, 199, 215, 228 Moberley, Capt. ................................ 206, 207 Molther, Philip Henry .............................. 195 Moravia. ............... 21, 22, 29, 45, 46, 48, 90, 92, 166 Moravian Activity in England.... 41, 49, 56, 97, 160-
163, 190, 194-200, 202, 205, 217, 220 Moravian Activity in Holland. ........ 35, 42, 93, 192, 217 Moravian Activity in Ireland. .............. 199, 200, 217 Moravian Congregation in Fetter Lane...... see Fetter
Lane Society. Miihlenberg, Henry Melchior. ................... 226, 227 Miiller, Ludwig ............................ 225-228, 231



Musgrove, John .................................... 68 Musgrove, Mary ............................ 68, 131, 149 Music .......!................................. 214, 216
Nazareth ............................. 216, 217, 223, 224 Negro Mission ...... 201, 202, 204, 209-213, 225, 227, 228 Neisser, Augustin .......................... ^.... 92, 188 Neisser, George ................... 92, 107, 150, 168, 169 Neisser, Wenzel ........................... 203, 204, 206 Neubert, Rosina .................................... 91 New Ebenezer ........................ see Ebenezer, New. New Inverness ..................................... 127 Nitschmann, Christian David ........................ 232 Nitschmann, David (Bishop) ........ 88, 90, 91, 93-99,
101, 103, 108, 111, 120, 122, 123, 129-134, 139, 141, 158, 159, 160, 184, 204, 217, 223, 231, 232. Nitschmann, David (Hausmeister, Syndic).... 39, 48, 49, 52, 53, 58, 61, 68, 78, 88, 89, 90, 94, 126, 183, 229-232. Nitschmann, Immanuel ............................. 232 North Carolina ..................................... 14 Nova Scotia ....................................... 47
Ober-Berthelsdorf ........................... 28, 29, 34 Odingsell, Charles .................................. 234 Oeconomie ......................................... 136 Ogeechee River .................. 72, 73, 74, 76, 225, 228 Oglethorpe, James ..... 13, 14, 17, 20, 45, 47, 50, 51,
53, 54, 58, 72, 87, 88, 93, 94, 95, 97, 98, 99, 102, 104, 107-113, 118, 120-123, 125, 128, 129, 130, 135, 139, 143, 145, 147, 149, 152, 155, 159, 162-165, 167, 173, 188, 199, 204-207, 210-213, 215, 216, 224, 225. Old Fort .... 39, 42, 47, 51, 70, 72, 73, 75, 76, 79, 94,
126, 160, 161, 164, 225 Order of the Mustard Seed........................... 160 Orphan House ................................. 202, 228 Oxford .................................... 99, 205, 208
Peeper Island (Cockspur)............................ 120 Pennsylvania ..... 35, 36, 91, 140, 141, 142, 168, 173,
183, 184, 187, 195, 200, 201, 214, 216, 218, 223, 227, 232. Periasjua ...................................... 125, 127



Pfeil, von ................................ 20, 33, 34, 38 Pietists ............................................ 25 Pilgrim Congregation ........................... 200, 216 Poland ..................................... 21, 22, 90 Port Royal ......................................... 140 Potter, John, (Archbishop of Canterbury) ........ 100, 203 Province of Georgia. ........................ .see Georgia. Pudsey ............................................ 198 Purisburg ................ 52, 208-213, 217, 222, 224, 226 Putten, Cornelius van. .............................. 35
Quincy, Samuel ................................ 131, 143
Ratio Disciplinae .................. ............ 22, 23 Reck, George Philipp Frederick von, 20, 39, 41, 97, 100,
107, 117, 125, 139 Reck, the younger .................................. 125 Regensberg ..................................... 20, 34 Regnier, John .,... 80, 81, 82, 126, 129, 137, 156, 189,
208, 214 Religious affairs. . . 32, 33, 69, 70, 71, 101-108, 110, 112,
124, 127, 129, 130, 132-135, 138, 146, 155, 156, 161, 167, 174, 175, 179, 185, 187, 199, 213, 215. 218, 222, 223. Reuss, Henry XXIX ................................. 50 Revolutionary War ............... 227, 228, 231, 232, 233 Richter, Abraham Khrenfried. .............. 190, 203, 204 Riedel, Catherine ........................... 92, 122, 158 Riedel, Friedrich ......... 48, 55, 73, 79, 80, 120, 122, 158 Robinson, John .........'....................... 233, 234 Roman Catholics .............. 15, 21, 107, 132, 207, 219 Roscher, Henry ........................ 92, 113, 156, 157 Rose, Anna Catherina ............................... 175 Rose, Catherine (Riedel) ...... 152-155, 158, 185, 208, 214 Rose, Maria Magdalena. ............... 175, 185, 208, 214 Rose, Peter.... 48, 55, 69, 73, 74, 84, 86, 130, 152-155,
158, 174, 179, 185, 208, 214 Rothe, John Andrew............................. 26, 140 Rotterdam ....'.............................. 20, 35, 42 Rotten-possum ..................................... 76
Salem ......................................... 226, 234 Salzburgers .... ..16, 18-21, 34, 39, 40, 41, 44, 46, 54,
72, 82, 88, 94, 97, 105, 109, 117, 125, 127, 178, 225, 226, 227.

250 "


PAGE. Savannah. ... 18, 20, 52, 66, 72, 75, 80, 82, 87, 99, 120,
125, 163-167, 182, 186, 201, 206, 214, 222, 224 Savannah Congregation, (Moravian) .... 78, 122, 126,
129-136, 139, 145, 146, 150, 151, 153, 160, 161, 164-167, 172, 176, 177, 184, 186, 187, 198, 201, 208, 213, 215, 216 (Savannah Cemetery .................... 80, 122, 185, 214 Savannah River .................... 17, 65, 119, 162, 224 Savannah, The ..................................... 216 Saxony ............................... 18, 22, 43, 45, 46
Schober, John Michael ..................... 188, 189, 214 Schoeneck ........................ ................. 188 Schulius, George .................. 190, 202-212, 214, 226 Schwarz, Rosina .................................... 91 Schweinitz, Hans Christian Alexander von........ 232, 233 Schweinitz, Lewis David de.......................... 235 Schwenkfeld, Casper ................ ............... 28 Schwenkfelders ... 28, 29, 33, 34, 35, 38, 48, 139, 141, 169 Second Company ......... 76, 79, 84, 88-98, 101, 122, 125 Seifert, Anton. . 48, 59, 73, 130, 133, 134, 135, 138, 149,
150, 154, 174, 175, 176, 185, 213, 217 Seituah ................. .......................... 73 "Servants" of Zinzendorf.... 30, 31, 46, 51, 70, 79, 87,
89, 94, 160, 164, 165 Seybold, Matthias ..................... 92, 103, 156, 201 Shamokin .......................................... 224 Sickness ..... 69, 79, 83, 138, 156, 157, 158, 185, 212,
213, 214, 221, 228 Silkhope ........................................... 228 Simmonds, The ................... .......... 97, 98, 101 Sitkovius ....................................... 90, 91 Skidaway Island ................. .................. 73 Smith House ....................................... 198 "Society" ............................. see Gemeinschaft. Society for the Propagation of Christian Knowledge..
19, 44, 50, 54 Somers, Benjamin .................................. 217 South Carolina ...................... 14, 15, 53, 89, 226 Spangenberg, August Gottlieb ...... 35, 36, 41-43, 45,
47, 48, 50-54, 58, 59, 60, 64,
65, 66, 68-75, 77, 78, 81-88, 94, 97, 120, 122-126, 128-131,
136, 138-142, 168-173, 177-
184, 190, 199, 203, 217, 229, 230, 232. Spangenberg's Hymn ............................... 61 Spaniards ................. 70, 75, 148, 161, 162, 163, 166 Spanish War ..................... 154, 161-169, 172, 215

Spener, Philip Jacob ............................ 24, 25 Sterling's Bluff ..................................... 74 St. Simon's Island..................... 127, 128, 208, 211 St. Thomas .................... 37, 90, 142, 206, 216, 218 Swiss Emigrants .................... 52, 64, 65, 209, 211
Tanneberger, David ........... 92, 103, 156, 179, 184, 188 Tanneberger, John .............................. 92, 184 Thomas, Capt. ...................................... 105 Thomson, Capt. ....................... 58, 59, 65, 88, 125 Thunderbolt ........................................ 73 Toltschig, John ..... 48, 49, 59, 65, 66, 67, 70, 73, 78,
80, 83, 90, 120, 122, 129, 133, 134, 144, 145, 146, 149, 152, 153, 154, 158, 163, 164, 165, 167, 171-177, 188, 189, 190, 192, 196, 197, 198, 200, 201. Toltschig, Judith .... 92, 102, 130, 154, 156, 158, 189, 215 Tomochichi...... 17, 18, 68, 74, 86, 126, 127, 131, 148,
150, 152-155, 160, 181, 185, 214 Town Lots.... 16, 52, 67, 68, 69, 78, 79, 179, 183, 228-234 Trades .... 48, 81, 84, 92, 130, 153, 155, 156, 180, 185, 217 Triebner ........................................... 226 Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia in
America. ..... 15, 16, 28, 29, 33, 34, 40, 47, 50-54, 58, 64, 78, 87, 89, 94, 95, 96, 147, 160, 163-169, 178, 181-184, 186, 187, 190, 204, 230.
Tubingen .......................................... 25 Two Brothers, The .............................. 58, 59 Two Hundred Acre Tract..................... 51, 70, 79 Tybee ............................. 88, 119, 123, 171, 189
Union Galley, The .................................. 206 Unitas Fratrum . . . 21-25, 28, 42, 48, 49, 90, 140, 146,
150, 166, 197, 199, 200, 201, 203, 218, 220, 226 Upper Creeks ...................................... 149 Ulsperger, Samuel ....................... 20, 40, 41, 54
Vat, Mr. ........................................... 41 Verelst, Secy ................................... 54, 93 Vernon, James .............................. 34, 54, 58 Vollmar ................................... 97, 102, 139 Vorsteher ................................9......... 129 Voyages..... 56-65, 93, 97-121, 159, 170, 171, 189, 207, 216

252 fy




Wachovia Tract ............................... 226, 228 Wagner, John George ................. 225, 226, 228, 231

Waschke, Anna ........................ 92, 156, 180, 188 Wrasehke, George .............. 48, 79, 158, 174, 176, 188

Waschke, Juliana Jaschke. ................. 174, 175, 188 Weintraube, Mrs. ............................... 92, 159 Wesley, Charles. ...... 98, 99, 101, 103, 105, 108, 110,
130, 143, 145, 147, 190, 205 Wesley, John .... .98, 99, 101, 108, 110, 113, 123, 124,
126, 128, 130, 131, 134, 135, 143-147, 149, 150, 157, 168, 173, 178, 185, 186, 190-196, 200, 201,

203, 205, 206, 223. Wesley, Samuel .................................... 99 West Indies. ................. 37, 44, 45, 90, 204, 217, 218

Whiteneld, George. ........ 191, 201, 202, 216, 217, 221,

222, 223, 227

Wiegner, Christopher (George)................... 34, 141

Wittenberg ..................................... 20, 26 Woodruff, George ................................... 233 Wright, Sir James ................................. 230 Wynantz ....................................... 97, 203

Yorkshire .............. ............... 99, 190-199, 208 Ysselstein ..................................... 188, 192

Zeisberger, David, Jr. ............. 188, 189, 211, 218, 219 Zeisberger, David, Sr. ....................... 92, 208, 217 Zeisberger, Rosina .......................... 92, 102, 217 Ziegenhagen ................................... 43, 54 Zinzendorf, Christian Ludwig von. ................... 125 Zinzendorf, Erdmuth Dorothea von. .......... 50, 135, 159 Zinzendorf, Nicholas Lewis von. ..... 22-31, 33-40, 42,
46, 51, 70, 71, 72, 78, 91, 94, 97, 135, 138, 140, 150, 154, 159, 160, 165, 181-184, 186, 190, 192, 200, 202-205, 223, 224, 227.