The Colonial Records of the State of Georgia: Original Papers, Correspondence to the Trustees, James Oglethorpe, and Others, 1732–1735, Volume 20 
The Colonial Records of the State of Georgia 
 
VOLUME 20 
 
The Colonial Records of the State of Georgia 
 
Original Papers, Correspondence to the Trustees, James Oglethorpe, and Others 17321735 
 
VOLUME 20 
 
Edited byKenneth ColemanandMilton Ready 
 
Copies Made from Original Records in England and Compiled under Authority of Allen D. Candler, 1902 
 
Sponsored byThe Georgia Commission for the National Bicentennial CelebrationandThe Georgia Department of Archives and History 
 
The University of Georgia PressAthens 
 
Copyright 1982 by the University of Georgia Press 
 
All rights reserved 
 
Most University of Georgia Press titles are available from popular e-book vendors. 
 
Printed digitally 
 
Reissue published in 2021 
 
ISBN 9780820359205 (Hardcover) 
 
ISBN 9780820359199 (Paperback) 
 
ISBN 9780820359182 (eBook) 
 
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data 
 
Original papers, correspondence to the trustees, James Oglethorpe, and others, 1732-1735. 
 
(The Colonial records of the state of Georgia; v. 20) 
 
Copies made from original records in England and compiled under authority of Allen D. Candler, 1902. 
 
Includes index. 
 
1. Georgia--History--Colonial period, ca. 1600-1775--Sources. 2. Oglethorpe, James Edward, 1696-1785.I. Coleman, Kenneth.II. Ready, Milton, 1938-III. Georgia Commission for the National Bicentennial Celebration.IV. Georgia. Dept. of Archives and History.V. Series. 
 
F281.C71 vol. 20 [F289]975.8′0282-2573 
 
ISBN 0-8203-0598-7AACR2 
 
Transcripts of Crown-copyright records in the Public Record Office appear by permission of the Controller of H.M. Stationery Office. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 
Foreword to the Reissue 
 
 
vii 
 
 
Preface 
 
 
xiii 
 
 
Introduction 
 
 
xv 
 
 
Original Papers, Correspondence to the Trustees, James Oglethorpe, and Others, 1732-1735 
 
 
1 
 
 
Index 
 
 
495 
 
The Volumes are for Georgias Archivists and Librarians 
 
This Volume is for SUSAN FRANCIS BARROW TATE 
 
FOREWORD TO THE REISSUE 
 
The significance of the multivolume Colonial Records of the State of Georgia cannot be emphasized enough, but volume 20 occupies a special place among all others. Until the early 1980s, it only existed in disorganized pieces in different archives and in various states of decay and was therefore inaccessible, and even incomprehensible in places, to most historians of colonial Georgia.1 Once it was made available, however, it became one of the most important sources for scholars in search of information about those inaugural years. 
 
Within this volume are the few letters that James Oglethorpe wrote to his fellow Trustees back in London about their new colony. Oglethorpe had been a key player from the very beginning of the Georgia enterprise. He contributed to the idea of creating a place where worthy poor Englishmenhardworking men who found themselves in financial straits through no fault of their owncould start anew. He also helped to obtain the necessary support among other aristocrats and within the British government and to secure approval from the Privy Council and King George II. He surprised his colleagues by volunteering to join the first group of immigrants to the new colony, and he unofficially served as their leader when he was there. Oglethorpe was notorious for his lack of correspondencemuch to the frustration of the other Trustees, his biographers, and colonial historians in generalso the inclusion of his few letters in this volume is noteworthy. 
 
While Oglethorpe inevitably takes top billing, the other material contained herein is even more fascinating because it offers an inside and in-depth look into nearly all aspects of Georgias first three years. The people who composed the documents in this volume vary widely in terms of their political, social, economic, and cultural positions, and most if not all were ordinary individuals who aspired to start a new life in a new place and thought little about the historical footprint they were leaving when they wrote these letters. 
 
Inevitably, when creating a new community of any size, an effective political infrastructure represents an essential ingredient for success. Even though the Trustees administered the colony, they knew that some residential oversight would be necessary. To fulfill this demand, they appointed various persons whom they judged to be trustworthy and reliable to take on different tasks. They created formal posts such as bailiff, recorder, storekeeper, gardener, and surveyor (just to name a few), and they expected these men to uphold the Trustees regulations as well as write to them regularly about the situation in Georgia. Men like Thomas Causton, Thomas Christie, Noble Jones, Peter Gordon, and others fulfilled this obligation admirably and created a plethora of detailed material for future historians to plumb for information about those inaugural years. In addition to official issues such as creating a local government and justice system and establishing relations with neighboring Indians, these correspondents also described unofficial matters including interpersonal relationships. Scholars can also begin to discern the fractures that started to form between pro-Trustee and anti-Trustee factions about topics such as land distribution and usage, labor practices, and perceived abuse of authority that would prevent the colonists from working together for their own common good and that would help undermine the Trustees overall objectives for their colony. 
 
The new colony of Georgia also obviously opened up a wide variety of economic opportunities, and colonists sent an assortment of business proposals to the Trustees in an effort to make a personal profit as well as to help Georgia develop financial stability. No one was quicker to get on board than Samuel Eveleigh, a Charlestown merchant and entrepreneur, who wrote lengthy missives during that first year about not only his own commercial prospects but also the general situation in the colony at the time. He offered his honest opinion, and as an outside observer with substantial marketing experience and success, he earned the Trustees attention and confidence. Other South Carolinians like Hugh and Jonathan Bryan, William Bull, Isaac Chardon, and Robert Johnson also provided material assistance to the new outpost in addition to looking for new business ventures. 
 
These men were not the only financiers who sought to take advantage of the economic opportunities that were appearing in Georgia, though. As a brand-new colony, Georgia needed everything, so various men stepped up to fill those needs as shipping coordinators, shopkeepers, and tavern owners, among other skilled trades. Most engaged in farming since that was what the Trustees expected of their subjects, and many attempted to grow the exotic crops such as olives and grapes that everyone thought would thrive there but that only led to frustration and failure. Others like Patrick Mackay expanded their commercial interests beyond the community and into the backcountry to establish relations and trade with the neighboring Indians. All of these men sought the Trustees support for their endeavors, however, which meant letters to and from London to work out the details. Those who failed in their attempts to turn a profit and cultivate a stable living asked the Trustees for relief and assistance while they figured out how to recover their losses. Indeed, this volume offers a treasure trove of material for projects begging to be written. Much of the evidence required to write a detailed economic history of early Georgia, for example, can be found in these pages. As readers will find, King Cottonwhich had yet to make an appearance in Georgiawas not an option for farmers who therefore had to find other produce to grow but with only varied success. 
 
Scholars often forget that these colonists were real people with real lives and real problems, and the letters contained in this volume remind them of that reality. Many common men, and even a few women, wrote letters to the Trustees about their situation, and the stories that they told reveal the diversity of the people who came to Georgia and the complex lives that they led in the colony. They truly faced what was to them a new world, one that simultaneously offered opportunities for them to start anew and a myriad of challenges that hindered their path to success. This volume illuminates the everyday troubles that colonists had with other people such as family members, servants, neighbors, and local officials and reveals the complicated society that was developing in this new community. These letters allow us to watch as sickness claimed the lives of many or caused setbacks on the road to success. Readers see how religion offered comfort in time of need but also served as a source of contention when different viewpoints collided on specific religious practices or broad theological doctrine or when a minister intentionally or inadvertently caused offense. At times, no minister resided in the colony at all, leaving its residents without an official place to seek spiritual refuge. Ordinary colonists shared all of these concerns with the Trustees, and this volume contains many of those letters and shows the desperation that these early immigrants sometimes felt. 
 
Not everything went wrong in colonial Georgia, however. Historians are quick to condemn the Trustees for their lofty expectations and their micromanagerial approach to administration. They also criticize them for not adjusting their vision in light of the real circumstances that existed in coastal Georgia and for not listening to the logical suggestions of their subjects for reform. But some colonists did succeed, and they were grateful for the opportunity that the Trustees had given them. There are several instances throughout this volume where individuals present a positive portrayal of the current state of affairs that runs counter to the prevailing historical narrative. Others simply share their observations about their situation without judgment. This sort of material provides historians with the opportunity to glimpse what daily life looked like during those inaugural years. 
 
Georgia also became a place of refuge for persons from outside of the British Empire, making it an international safe haven for certain religious sects. Not only did the Trustees want to offer opportunities to the worthy poor of England, but they also sought to create a place where persecuted Protestants from mainland Europe could find sanctuary and practice their faith free from discrimination. Most notably, Lutherans from the Catholic Archbishopric of Salzburg (in twenty-first-century Austria) established Ebenezer, which became a thriving township and one of the true success stories of early Georgia, but other groups like Moravians from present-day Germany came to build a new community based on their particular faith as well. In addition, the Trustees sought outside expertise in silk manufacturing and exotic agricultural products such as citrus fruits and brought experts from Italy and France to get those trades started. Taken together, all of these foreign voices give Georgia a whole other dimension that few have studied thoroughly (the Salzburgers being the notable exception).2 More important, no one has taken a global approach to Georgia and integrated it into the grand narrative of world history. Scholars living in the early twenty-first century need to recognize how Georgia contributes to that broader story and bring it into the fold. This volume will help them add these voices to the others that make up the global experience. 
 
The possibilities for research that lie within this volume are so vast that it is impossible to catalog them all in this brief foreword. I personally have used and continue to use this volume for all of my research on early Georgia, and I am always fascinated that there are new stories to tell and new perspectives to take. Making this volume in particular available to more scholars and interested general readers will not only enrich Georgia history but also larger histories. The correspondence contained herein tells the human story and teaches us all lessons that are applicable to any era. 
 
Julie Anne Sweet 
 
Notes 
 
1. This volume, xiii-xiv. 
 
2. George Fenwick Jones has written several books on the Salzburgers, including The Salzburger Saga: Religious Exiles and Other Germans along the Savannah (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1984) and The Georgia Dutch: From the Rhine and Danube to the Savannah, 17331783 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1992), as well as edited the fifteen volumes of detailed reports that the administrators of that community kept during its inaugural decades. 
 
PREFACE 
 
The history of Georgias colonial records has been a varied one. Her customs records were destroyed in early 1776 when the vessel upon which they had been stored for safekeeping was burned during the Battle of the Rice Boats at Savannah. During the Revolutionary War, Georgia sent many of her records as far north as Maryland to protect them, and some of these never found their way back to Georgia. Many old records were left at Milledgeville when the states capital was moved to Atlanta in 1868. As late as the twentieth century colonial records were destroyed in Savannah to make room for current records. Normal loss and destruction through improper use and storage over the years have taken their toll as well. 
 
With all this loss and destruction, it is not surprising that most of the colonial records which survived are the letters, reports, and other documents sent to London by colonial officials and now deposited in the Public Record Office. Georgia first had these records copied in the 1830s and 1840s and they were used by several historians before being burned accidentally in the late nineteenth century. Early in the twentieth century the Georgia volumes (mainly P.R.O., C.O. 5/636-712) were copied a second time by the state. 
 
Between 1904 and 1916 twenty-five volumes of these transcripts were published as The Colonial Records of the State of Georgia (Volumes 1-19, 21-26). Allen D. Candler began compiling and printing these volumes, and William J. Northen and Lucian Lamar Knight assumed the work after Candlers death in 1910. Essentially Candler, Northen, and Knight arranged the transcripts and printed the volumes with no further editorial apparatus. 
 
Immediately the published volumes had an influence upon the writing of Georgias colonial history. The unpublished transcripts, arranged in fourteen volumes in the state archives, have been used considerably less. 
 
Volume XX was not published in its correct order by Compiler or Records and ex-Governor Allen D. Candler because a fire in the printing establishment destroyed much of the volume. It existed in a mutilated form until State Historian Louise F. Hays worked on the unpublished volumes and had them typed in the 1930s. She sought to get Vol. XX into order, sending to the Public Record Office for some mutilated or missing documents. Through the use of the Egmont Papers at the University of Georgia and of microfilm of C.O. 5/636 and 637 from the Public Record Office, it has been possible to further correct this volume. 
 
In comparing the documents in this volume from the Public Record Office and the Egmont Papers in the University of Georgia Library, it became evident to the editors that they all belonged together. Although many of the documents are in both places, others are filed in only one collection. The editors decided that the actual location of many letters in one or the other collection or both was often a matter of chance rather than any real plan of separation in the eighteenth century. Hence it was decided to add letters only in the Egmont Papers to the PRO material, which made up the original manuscript of this volume, to give as full coverage as possible from available documents. The internal arrangement of this volume by Governor Candler, probably following the PRO volumes, seemed strange to the editors. Hence it was decided to put the material in chronological order throughout. 
 
Athens, Georgia 
 
Kenneth Coleman 
 
Milton Ready 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
This volume is concerned with the actual founding of Georgia and covers the years 1732-1735. It gives some background of the actual settlement and a great deal about the arrival of the colonists and the conditions that they found in the virgin wilderness that they would make into the colony of Georgia. It chronicles the sicknesses, heartbreaks, adjustments, deaths, and successes which were an inevitable part of the settlement of any colony. 
 
Most of the letters of this volume were written by the colonists to the Trustees or an individual Trustee and concern individual or collective problems in the colony. There are letters by Oglethorpe while he was in Georgia and many to him after his return to England in May 1734. There are numerous letters by Thomas Causton, Thomas Christy, and other Trustee officials in Georgia on broad or specific topics. There are letters from officials and merchants in South Carolina about their interests in Georgia. Finally, there are a few letters from Germans and Swiss about proposed settlers for Georgia and from Trustee Botanist Robert Miller about his searches for useful plants to grow in Georgia. 
 
Among the topics which stand out because of wide coverage are the Trustees garden and the argument between gardners Paul Amatis and Joseph Fitzwalter, the Red String Plot which frightened a number of Georgians, the accusations against magistrate Thomas Causton and something of his problems and abilities, early Indian relations and the development of the argument with South Carolina over the control of the Indian trade, and the desire of many Georgians for Oglethorpe to return to the colony. 
 
Many of the writers were not used to writing letters, as is obvious from their strange spellings and grammatical constructions. There are visible ink stains on the letters and almost visible strains as they compose their complaints about bad usage from fellow colonists or officials or show pride in their accomplishments. In baring their souls, these colonists often tell us a great deal more about early Georgia than better educated people who were more accustomed to writing letters. 
 
In many respects, the charm of this volume lies in its diversity of topics discussed and of the people who wrote the letters. Often it takes the reader behind the scenes and introduces him to the colonists as individuals. 
 
Editorial Guidelines 
 
The original volume divisions created by Allen D. Candler and Lucian Lamar Knight, the original compilers of this series, have been retained. This will facilitate references in works already published which used these volumes in manuscript. 
 
Original spellings are retained unless the meaning is not clear. (Note. The Old English thorn th was usually written and printed as y in the early eighteenth century. This has been kept throughout this text. Thus ye is the, yt is that, and ym is them. ) All raised letters have been lowered, abbreviations that are not clear have been expanded, and slips of the pen have been corrected silently. A single word may be explained in brackets immediately after its appearance in the text. More lengthy explanations will be given in footnotes. Punctuation, often absent in eighteenth century manuscripts, has been supplied for the sake of clarity, though many sentences are long by modern standards. No attempt at uniform spelling, even of proper names, has been attempted; rather the original text has been followed. For proper names, a single most common spelling has been used in the index. 
 
Each document is given a short introduction which contains the name of the writer and recipient, place written, date written, date received/or read where indicated, Public Record Office location, Egmont Papers location, and the topic or topics treated in the document. 
 
The Colonial Records of the State of Georgia 
 
VOLUME 20 
 
ORIGINAL PAPERS, CORRESPONDENCE TO THE TRUSTEES, JAMES OGLETHORPE, AND OTHERS, 1732-1735 
 
Governor Robert Johnson1 to James Oglethorpe, Sept. 28, 1732, Charles Town, received Dec. 1732, Egmont 14200, pp. 1-3, concerning the settlement of Georgia. 
 
Sir: 
 
I have the favour of Yours of May the 15th. I rejoice that Your indefatigable Industry in Acts of Charity and benevolence to Mankind has met with Success. 
 
You are too good in the Sentiments You have conceived of me; neither my Capacity or Ability enables me to be very usefull to the Publick, but my Endeavours Shall never be wanting, in being observant & usefull to those of more extensive Knowledge and Abilitys to do good. It was with that view that I prevented the Lands in that part of the Province that the Trustees have obtained from being Surveyed and purchased till I knew the Success of the Corporations Applications; which although I had no advice of I flatterd my self would Succeed, from the Nobleness of the Intention and Ability of the Undertakers. Some few People had Surveyed small Quantitys of Land on the South Side of Savannah River before my Proclamation issued, but I have granted them no Titles, but tell them I suppose upon Application to the Trustees, when Affairs are Settled they may obtain Grants from them and probably may have a Preference in Consideration of the Charge they have been at in the Survey they have made. 
 
I do believe it would have been of great Service to the Design if such a Person as Mr. St. Julian2 could have been prevailed upon to have taken the Direction of the first Transport, one who knows the Country and the manner of new Settling, and who has Capacity, Integrity, Honesty and Constitution, being Seasoned to the Climate, to undergo the fatigue that will attend it; for I assure You I know by Experience that Undertakings of this nature require the Management here of those who know the Climate and manner of Settling. I write this of my own head for Mr. St. Julian had no thought of being employed further, as he says himself, in any other manner than to assist them all he can when they arrive. I hope the first Transport wont be given to the Management of a Stranger to these parts and Settlements. 
 
This Town has been visited with a malignant Feaver, brought in from the Islands which in about two months carried off 130 whites besides a great Number of Blacks. I thought my Duty required my Presence in Town, and I have lost a Son and three Servants out of my Family, but my greatest Affliction is the Loss of the best of Wives just before by a fall from her Horse. The Distemper is almost over. 
 
There are Letters from Mr. Purys Correspondent in London inform us that we may expect him with two hundred Souls from Switzerland in a very short time.3 We are likely to have great Quantity of Corn and Rice this year, which will be well for new Comers. 
 
I have ordered my Correspondent by this opportunity to Subscribe  50 towards your Undertaking, which the Trustees will please to accept, only as a Token of my good Wishes to the Design. 
 
A great Consideration is where You first design to Set down and build your Town. The Goodness of the Harbour and Land are chiefly to be considered, and I am advised that Alatamaha River is the best and the properest Place. You must by all means order your Ships and People directly there, and not to come a Shore here; a hundred Inconveniencys will ensue, and I think You should employ Agents here to build convenient Houses, and provide fresh Provision for them. All this will require a years time at least, So I dont Suppose You will make any Imbarkation till this time twelve months. I must likewise take the Liberty to advise You to send none but People used to Labour and of Sober Life and Conversation, for others will never be governd nor make good Settlers. For much hardship, Sickness and Labour will attend their first Settling, which will not be born by People used to Idleness or Luxury, and So far from being thankfull for the Bounty bestowed upon them, will be discontented and mutinous. 
 
In whatever the Society instructs me I can be serviceable to them in, I shall with pleasure obey. 
 
 
James Oglethorpe to the Trustees, Nov. 18, 1732, on board the Ann off Deal, Egmont 14200, pp. 5-6, concerning the sailing of the Ann and the Amatis brothers. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
We Sailed from Gravesend on Thursday 17th Novr. about 9 in the morning falling Down with the Tide, but came to an Anchor at night between the Nore and the Downs the Pilot not chusing to venture over the Flats in the night time. We weighd Anchor again early this morning the Wind blowing very fresh at N. N. E. So that we got to Deal about 11 oclock and the Wind being very fair to carry us through the Channel we stay only to take in fresh Provisions and send away our Dispatches. Before We Sailed we dismissed William Gainsford one of the Sawyers, he desiring it because his family is taken ill with the small Pox at home and Sent for him. All the Colony are very well except Sea Sickness, which the Doctor and I have escaped hitherto. We take as much fresh Provision as we can Stow for the People at Deal. As Gainsford is taken off at  4 Mr. Amatis4 is to be added at  6 to the List. Dr. Cox and Mr. Fitzwalter have behaved remarkably well and all the rest are very orderly and patient. The Agreement with Mr. Amatis is that his Brother bring with him 2 Men and 4 Women who understand the whole of the Silk Business; and he is to have after the rate of  10 p Head in Discharge of all Expences whatsoever from Turin to London and  10 more to be paid to him for 4 1b. Silkworms Eggs and a Copper for boiling and a Machine for Winding, the whole amounting to  80 to be paid in the manner settled with Mr. Simond vizt.  60 in France and  20 in London. As Soon as ever they arrive please to let them be sent in one of Mr. Simonds Ships where they will find Some People that can Speak French and Care Should be taken to keep them as private and let them stay as little as possible in Town for those Persons Mr. Vernon mentioned will endeavour to Seduce them, and every body knows their Industry. When Mr. Nicholas Amatis arrives I would desire the Trustees to advise with him what Measures are farther proper to be taken and to excuse his Brothers going away before his Arrival. 
 
[P.S.] Dr. Herberts Respects attend all the Society. 
 
 
William Houstoun5 to James Oglethorpe, Dec. 21, 1732, Kingston in Jamaica, Egmont, 14200, p. 9, concerning his botanical finds. 
 
Sir 
 
I wrote to You from the Madera the 9th of Novr. that I was carrying from thence two Tubs full of Cuttings of Vines. I arrived with them here in good order yesternight, for most of them are budding and Some have put out Shoots of an inch or two long which is something Surprizing considering that they were taken off just after they had exhausted themselves in the Production of Grapes and Leaves. I went this morning to wait upon Mr. Pratter the S. S. [South Sea] Companys Agent in this place, who has very kindly granted me Leave to go over in a Snow which is to Sail in a few days for Carthagena.6 I have given one of the Tubs to him, which he is to plant out in a Garden he has near the Town, and the other I shall commit to the care of a friend of my own, who has a Plantation a few miles off. So that when I am to Set out for Georgia I hope I Shall receive my own with Usury. 
 
My former Letter went by way of Lisbon, & lest You Should not have received it I shall repeat here that Messrs. Rider and Chalmbers have promised me to Send Cuttings to Mr. St. Julian by the first Ship that should go for Carolina; & that there is but one Cinnamon Tree in the Island of Madera. 
 
I shall endeavour to behave my self So as to give Satisfaction to You and the rest of the Honble. Trustees. 
 
 
James Oglethorpe to the Trustees, Jan. 13, 1732/3, on board the Ann off Charles Town, Egmont 14200, p. 13, concerning the voyage to America. 
 
Gentlemen: 
 
We just now discover the Coast of America and it proves to be the Land which lyes off Charles town. We are now within nine Miles distant and can from the Deck with the naked Eye discover the Trees just above the Horrizon, No disagreeable sight to those who for seven weeks have seen nothing but Sea and Sky. We have had a very favourable Passage considering that we passed the Tropick of Cancer and Stood to the Southward till we came into 20 Degrees and then Stood back again to 32 where we now are. By this means we lengthened our Navagation from England above a third which was done to avoid the fury of the North west Winds that generaly rage in the Winter season on the Coast of America. We have lost none of our People except the Youngest Son of Richard Cannon aged Eight Months and the Youngest Sone of Robert Clarke Aged one Year and an half both of whome were very weakly when I came on Board and had indeed been half Starved thro want before they left London, as many others were who are recovered with Food and Care, but these were so far gone that all our Efforts to Save them were in vain. Doctor Herbert and all on Board are in perfect health except Mr. Scott who was bruised with a Fall in the Last Storm. At present we are all in a hurry so must beg leave to refer you for a fuller account to my next Letters. We intend to take in a pilot at this place for to conduct us to Port Royal where we shall hire Imbarkations to carry us to Georgia. 
 
[P.S.] I have seen the Governour who came to meet me on my Landing and the Speaker of the Assembly also came to pay his Compliments to the Trustees. They have promised all assistance. I am just going to return on board 2 of the Clock in the Morning. 
 
 
William Houstoun to James Oglethorpe, Jan. 25, 1732/3, Carthagena [Cartagena], Egmont 14200, p. 17, concerning botanical finds. 
 
Sir 
 
I had the Honour to write to you from Madera and afterwards from Jamaica, in the Last of which I informed you that I had brought to that Island two Tubbs full of Vines in good Condition and of the opportunity I had met with of coming to this place. I arrived here the 3d instant and am very well received at the Factory on account of one Gentleman who is my Relation and Some former acquaintance I had of the rest. But the Governor of the place, who is extreamly severe, makes us all uneasy. 
 
The Ipecacuantia7 plants grows at a place called Mampex about a weekes Journey up the Countery. I cannot possibly be allowed to go there my self but a Spanish Gentleman who sets out for that place to Morrow has engaged to send me down some plants of it in potts, and there are no less then three different persons there besides from each of which I have reason to expect it upon Letters I have procured to be wrote to them. I shall also use my utmost endeavours to get the Seeds of the Trees that produce the Balsam called Capivi8 and of Tolu9 but these being still further up the Country are Consequently harder to be come at. I shall as Soon as possible inform you of my Success. 
 
 
Governor Robert Johnson and his council (Thomas Broughton, Arthur Middleton, Alexander Skene, Francis Yonge, James Kinloch, John Fenwicke, Thomas Waring, and John Hammerton) to James Oglethorpe, Jan. 26, 1732/3, Charles Town, Egmont 14200, pp. 21-25, concerning South Carolina aid to Georgias settlement. 
 
Sir 
 
We cant omit the first opportunity of congratulating You upon your safe Arrival in this Province, wishing You all imaginable Success in your charitable and generous Undertaking in which we beg Leave to assure You any Assistance we can give shall not be wanting in promoting the Same. 
 
The General Assembly having come to the Resolution inclosed, We hope You will accept it as an Instance of our sincere Intentions to forward So good a Work and of our Attachment to a Person who has at all times so generously used his Endeavours to relieve the Poor and deliver them out of their Distress, in which You have hitherto been so successfull that we are persuaded this Undertaking cant fail under your prudent Conduct which we most heartily wish for. The Rangers and Scout Boats are ordered to attend You as soon as possible. 
 
Colonel Bull a Gentleman of this Board and who we esteem most capable to assist You in the Settling your new Colony is desired to deliver You this and to accompany You, and render You the best Services he is capable of, and is one whose Integrity You may very much depend on. 
 
 Enclosure  The Committee of His Majestys Honble. Council appointed to confer with a Comittee of the Lower House, on His Excellencys Message relating to the Arrival of the Honble. James Oglethorpe Esqr. 
Report 
 
That agreable to His Majestys Instructions to His Excellency sent Down together with the said Mesage gave are unanimously of Opinion, that all Due Countenance and Encouragement ought to be given to the Settling of the Colony of Georgia. 
 
And for that and Your Committee apprehend it necessary, That his Excellency be desired to give Orders and Directions that Capt. McPherson together with 15 of the Rangers do forthwith repair to the new Settlement of Georgia to cover & protect Mr. Oglethorpe and those under his Care from any Insults that may be offered them by the Indians, and that they continue and abide there till the new Settlers have enforted themselves, & for such further time as His Excellency may think it necessary. 
 
That the Lieutenant and four men of the Apalachucola Garrison be ordered to march to the Fort on Cambahee to join those of the Rangers that remain: That the Commissary be ordered to find them with Provisions as usual. 
 
That His Excellency will please to give Directions that the Scout Boat at Port Royal do attend the new Settlers as often as His Excellency shall see occasion. 
 
That a Present be given to Mr. Oglethorpe for the new Settlers of Georgia forthwith of an hundred head of breeding Cattle and five Bulls, as also Twenty Breeding Sows and four Boars, with Twenty Barrels of good and merchantable Rice, the whole to be delivered at the Change of the Publick at such Place in Georgia as Mr. Oglethorpe shall appoint. 
 
That Pettiauguas be provided at the Change of the Publick to attend Mr. Oglethorpe at Port Royal in order to carry the new Settlers arrived in the Ship Ann to Georgia with their Effects, and the Artillery and Ammunition now on board. 
 
That Colonel Bull be desired to go to Georgia with the Honble James Oglethorpe Esqr. and to aid him with his best Advice & Assistance in the Settling of that Place. 
 
 
William Kilbury10 to Francis Harbin, Feb. 6, 1732/3, Yamacraw Bluff, Egmont 14200, pp. 29-30, concerning the arrival in Georgia of the first colonists. 
 
Dear Friend 
 
We arrived at Port Royal Jany. 21st where we landed our People in perfect Health to Refresh them and prepare for their Passage to Georgia where the Town is to be built. The People arrived here the 1st of this Instant, and I Landed here (from a Sloop of 70 Tuns which was hired to bring the dry Goods) the 3d of this Instant. As to giving You a particular Account of the Water, it is out of my Power as yet not having a Man on board that knows the River nor how the Channel is. The Bluff where the Town is designed to be built has a fine fresh Water runs by it within 10 foot, where the Sloop can float too at an Hours flood. The Country promises to be very good and the Indians are very kind & the People of Carolina are very generous and have presented the Colony with upwards of 200 head of Cattle besides Hogs and Rice and every thing looks with an extraordinary good face. I have a great Satisfaction in my Coming having pleased my Master11 and likewise the People but with a great Deal of Pains hardly have time to write to You. I dont expect to be otherwise till I see You again which please God will be the latter end of the Year. In about a Week more I shall go down the River to Sound and likewise the Bar. I have made the best as I could a Coming up which will be some help to my second Proceeding. My Service to your family and all friends. My Master is in good Health but indefatigably exposes himself to all cold and Hardship imaginable and extream kind more than ever I could expect. Pray let me hear from You all Opportunitys. I conclude with the hearty Service and the well Wishes for the good Success of your Sincere Friend. &c. 
 
[P.S.] Dr. Herbert is well & Sends his Service to You and desires You will do the same to Mr. Verelst. And pray my Obedt. Service to Mr. Verelst. 
 
 
James Oglethorpe to the Trustees, Feb. 10, 1732/3, Camp near Savannah, Egmont 14200, pp. 33-34, concerning arrival in Georgia and the work at Savannah. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
I gave you an Account in my last of our arrival at Charles Town. The Governour and Assembly have given us all possible encouragement. Our people arrived at Beaufort on the 20th of January where I lodged them in Some new Barrachs built for the Soldiers whilst I went my self to view the Savannah River. I fixed upon a healthy situation about ten miles from the Sea. The River there formes a half Moon along the South side of which the Banks are about 40 foot high and upon the top a flat which they call a Bluff. The plain high ground extends into the Country Five or Six Miles and along the River side about a Mile. Ships that draw twelve foot water can ride within ten Yards of the Bank. Upon the River side in the Center of this plain, I have laid out the Town. Over against it is an Island of very rich land fit for pasturage which I think should be Kept for the Trustees Cattle. The River is prety wide the water fresh, and from the Key of ye Town you See its whole course to the Sea with the Island of Tybe which forms the mouth of the River and the other way you may See the River for about Six miles up into the Country. The Land skip is very agreeable the Stream being wide and bordered with high Woods on both sides. The whole people arrived of the first of Febty. At Night their Tents were got up. Till the 7th wee were taken up in unloading and making a Crane which I even then could not Get finished so took off the hands and set some to the Fortification and begun to fell ye Woods. I marked out the Town and Common. Half of the former is allready cleared and the first House was begun Yesterday in the afternoon. Not being able to get Negroes I have taken Ten of the independant Company to work for us for which I make them an allowance. I send you a Coppy of the Resolutions of the Assembly and the Governour & Councills Letter to me which you may Judge whether it will not be proper to print. Mr. [John] Whitaker has given us one Hundred head of Cattle. Collonel [William] Bull, Mr. Barlow, Mr. [Peter or James] Julian, and Mr. [Samuel] Woodward12 are come up to assist us with some of their own Servants. Our people are all alive but ten are ill with the bloody Flux which I take to proceed from the cold and their not being accustomed to lye in Tents. I am so taken up in looking after a hundred necessery things that I write now short but shall give you a more particular Account hereafter. A little Indian nation the only one within fifty miles is not only at amity but desire to be subject to the Trustees to have land given them and to breed their Children at our Schools. Their Cheif and his beloved man who is the Second man in the Nation desire to be instructed in the Christian Religion. 
 
 
Governor Robert Johnson to Benjamin Martyn, Feb. 12, 1732/3, Charles Town, Egmont 14200, pp. 37-39, concerning South Carolina aid to Georgias settlement. 
 
Sir 
 
I have recd the favour of yours dated the 20th of October and the Duplicate of the 24th. I beg You will assure the Honble. Trustees of my most humble Respects, and that I will attach myself to render them and their laudable Undertaking all the Service in my Power. 
 
Mr. Oglethorpe arrived here with his People in good Health the 13th Decr. I ordered him a Pilot, and in ten hours he proceeded to Port Royal, where he arrived safe the 19th and I understand from thence, that after refreshing his People a little in our Barracks he with all Expedition proceeded to Yamacraw upon Savannah River about twelve miles from the Sea, where he designs to fix those he has brought with him. 
 
I do assure You that upon the first News I had of this Imbarkation I was not wanting in giving the necessary Orders for their Reception, and being assisted at Port Royal, altho they were here almost as soon as we heard of their Design of Coming, not knowing whether Mr. Oglethorpe designed directly there or would touch here. I am informed he is mighty well Satisfyed with his Reception there and that he likes the Country, and that he should Say things Succeed beyond his Expectation; but I have not yet received a Letter from him since his being at Port Royal. 
 
Our General Assembly meeting 3 days after his Departure, I moved to them their assisting Mr. Oglethorpe in this generous Undertaking; both Houses immediately came to the following Resolution, that he should be furnished at the Publick Expence with one hundred and four heads of breeding Cattle, 25 Hogs and 20 Barrels of good Rice; that Boats should be provided also at the Publick Charge to transport the People, Provisions and Goods from Port Royal to the Place where he designed to Settle, that the Scout Boat and 15 of our Rangers, who are Horsemen and always kept in Pay to discover the motions of the Indians, should attend Mr. Oglethorpe and obey his Commands, in order to protect the new Settlers from any Insults, which I think there is not manner or Danger of; and I have given the necessary Advice and Instructions to our Out Garrisons and the Indians in friendship with us, that they may befriend and assist them. 
 
I did propose the Subsisting them with Provisions for a twelve month, but the Charge has been so great already with the Purisburgers, who have also begun their Settlements, that the Assembly thought the Expence too large, & hope what they have done will be favourably accepted, as being adequate to the Circumstances of the Province which is but poor. 
 
I have likewise prevailed upon Colonel Bull a Member of the Council and a Gentleman of great Probity and Experience in the Affairs of this Province, the Nature of Land and the method of Settling, and who is well acquainted with the manners of the Indians, to attend Mr. Oglethorpe at Georgia with our Compliments, and to offer him his Advice and Assistance; and had not our Assembly been sitting, I would have gone my self. 
 
I received the Trustees Commission, for the Honour of which I beg You will thank them. Thereupon I published the inclosed Advertisemt, but our People are so poor I fear little will be got; I have received nothing as yet. I hope my Agent has paid the Trustees the  50 I have ordered towards this good Work, to which I heartily wish all imaginable Success. 
 
P.S. Since the above I have had the pleasure of hearing from Mr. Oglethorpe who gives me an Accot. that his Undertaking goes on very Successfully. 
 
 
Thomas Penn13 to James Oglethorpe, March 6, 1732/3, Philadelphia, Egmont 14200, pp. 41-42, wishing Georgia well and promising a contribution to help. 
 
Esteemed Friend 
 
I reced. with much pleasure thy letter of the 31st of August by way of Maryland and by Lord Baltimore. As well as its begining a Correspondence with a Gentleman I have so great a regard for as on Subject to me truly deserving the Notice and Assistance of all well disposed persons. I reced. allso with thy Letter a Comision from the trustees of Georgia to my self which I esteem a particular mark of thy Regard and of those Gentlemans who with thee have the Satisfaction to think themselves engaged in a design to render to many poor unfortunate fellow subjects happy. What contribution I intend towards it should have Come by this Ship but wee having had a severe winter which fastned up our River and the ships in it from 17th November till the first of this Month, has put a stop to much of our Merchants Trade So that I could not Get a Bill of Exchange and have since that time considered that no Corn is raised in Carolina (or at least very little) and the Inhabitance supplyed from this place and New York whether it might not be more serviceable to supply those who come first with Bread and flower from this from whence I could send a Smal Slope on purpose. But if no other advice from Carolina, which we soon hope for, that will not be Serviceable I shall enclose thee a Bill for one Hundred pounds Serling from my self and think it my duty to procure what I can from others towards so good a work. 
 
I send by this Ship to a friend of mine in London a Smal quantity of Potash made by a person I have got to teach it the Country people. As soon as I have any Account of what quality it will prove and have settled him on some where he and some others are to worke all the Summer in order to get a large quantity from the different Sorts of wood that I may know which is the most proper for that purpose. I give the Trouble of this because I am sensible of thy regard to the Brittish Colloney and that the Importation of any thing from them to England not interfering with the Manufactures at home must Consequently be much to thy Satisfaction. I desire the to be assured that as I shall allways be ready to do any Service here to the Collony of Georgia, every opportunity also shall be embraced to convince thee that I am with sincere regard. 
 
P.S. Running over my Lre I find some mistakes which by the Captains intending to go to morrow are only interlined, he not allowing me time to dispach all my Ires. On looking over the Commition I find the Sumes Collected are to be remitted to the Trustees and therefore I shall [send] the above mentioned Sum. 
 
 
James Oglethorpe to the Trustees, March 12, 1732/3, Savannah, Egmont 14200, pp. 45-46, describing Georgia and its settlement. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
I have been obliged to make many expences here, the Price given by the Assembly not being near sufficient. I was forced to buy a considerable Quantity of Provisions as also to make up the Arms which was burnt in the Fire and also the Tools many of which were so bad as to be useless. Besides which I have thought it necessary to make several Expences in Gift to the Indians, for Intelligence, Rewards for taking Outlaws and Spies. All which with many other Articles of Expence You will receive as soon as we can get time to make out Copies of our Books. 
 
I have drawn upon You for  400 part of which I have paid away and the rest I have by me. 
 
This Province is much larger than we thought it, being 120 Miles from this River to the Alatamaha. This River has a very long Course and a great Trade is carried on by it to the Indians, there having above 12 Trading Boats passed by since I have been here. 
 
There are in Georgia on this Side the Mountains three considerable Nations of Indians, one called the Lower Creeks consisting of nine Towns or rather Cantons making about 1000 Men able to bear Arms. One of these is within half a mile of us and has concluded a Peace with us giving up their Right to All this part of the Country, and I have markd out the Lands which they have reserved to themselves. The King comes constantly to Church and is desirous to be instructed in the Christian Religion and has given to me his Nephew a Boy who is his next Heir to educate. 
 
The other two Nations are the Uchees and the Upper Creeks the first consisting of 200, the latter of 1100 men. We agree so well with the Indians that the Creeks and Uchees have referred a Difference to me to determine which otherwise would occasion a War; and one of them has informed me of a Silver mine on the River Side, the Earth of which being washd away the Ore lyes bare, of which he promised to bring me a Sample. 
 
Our People still lye in Tents there being only two Clapboard Houses built and three Sawd Houses framed, our Crane, our Battery of Cannon and Magazine finished. This is all we have been able to do by reason of the Smallness of our Number of which many have been sick and others unused to Labour, though thank God they are now pretty well and we have not lost one Soul since our Arrival here. 
 
I desire some of You will be so kind as to frank the inclosed and send them as directed, being the Natural Thoughts of our whole Colony. 
 
 
Samuel Parker14 to the Trustees, March 12, 1732/3, Savannah, Egmont 14200, p. 49, recommending friends to come to Georgia. 
 
Hond. Sirs 
 
Your honours have been So good as to promise that those who came in the first Embarkation should have a friend or two sent after us whom we should recommend. And myself being acquainted with two or three that I know have burthensome familyes for whom they can make no provision in future and finding that in all humane probebility they may have an opportunity of doing well here I do hereby recommend them as fit & proper objects of Yor. Honrs. relief. They Signifyed to me their intention of coming after me if I could give them suitable encouragement after my arrival here and having done that by Letters bearing equal date here with. I expect they will two if not three of them attend your Honrs. Thereupon their names are Isaac Spring of East Smithfeild, Victualler, William Perry a plaisterer and house painter of St. Pauss Shadwell, Avery, Ingenious and necessary man here, and Benjamin Manning of Chelmsford in Essex Husband man. Being willing they should come as soon as possible. I humbly hope if they attend your Honrs. upon the [sic] that they will be inrolled in the next Imbarkation. Abundance of our Collony Joyn with me in renewing our humble thanks for the feavours Reced from your Honrs. And its with great pleasure I acquaint your Honrs. that every occurreince seeminly promises a feavourable aspect and every way conduces to answer Your Honrs. good and Laudable Intentions to promote our wealfare in General. That your Honrs. future proceeding in the same designs may succeed and prosper to Gods Glory, Your Honrs. and our Advantage is and shall be the hearty prayer of him who is Your Honrs. most Humble and obedient Servant. 
 
 
Thomas Causton15 to his wife, March 12, 1732/3, Savannah, Egmont 14200, pp. 53-56, describing Savannah and its settling. 
 
My Dearest 
 
I wrote to You on the 12th of Jany. last from Charles Town Bar which I hope came safe to hand. I had then the favour of Mr. Oglethorpes Packet; And promised to write again when we should arrive at our Place of Settlement. We were just a week in our Passage from Charles Town to Port Royal where we Landed and were Lodged at some new Barracks that are there intended for a new Fortification about 3 miles from Beaufort Town. At our Landing Mr. Oglethorpe ordered me to take all the Stores into my Care and to keep an Account of them. And in that Office I shall continue which takes up my whole time. In this Circumstance I could not so much as go to See the Town or Stir half a mile from the Place. But the Accot. I have from other People is enough for me to believe that the Houses there are all of Timber and very few have Glass Windows or Brick Chimneys. But notwithstanding that the People are very Gallant and generous &c seem to live in a very plentifull manner. Some of our Company who went to the Town were entertained in a very elegant manner and every one found some body to entertain them in some Shape or other. We have five or six familys amongst us that are deserving a Gentlemans Conversation. We continued in those Barracks Ten days, Sailed from thence in Six large Boats, and the Country Scout Boat and the Garrison Boat with 12 Soldiers attending us. We had a very fair Wind and safe Passage being 2 days and then arrived at this place then called Yamacraw and now Savannah. This Place is very high Ground being about 30 Yards upright from low Water mark, about 10 miles from the Sea, and I believe that Ships of 200 Tun will be able to come within 3 miles of us. It is impossible to give a true Description of the Place because we are in a Wood, but I cant forbear Saying it is a very pleasant one. We have about 100 Indians just by us, and a Trader with them that speaks English and sells almost every thing to them at what Rates he pleases. Mr. Oglethorpe has behaved towards them with so much good Conduct and prudent generosity, that tho Some amonst them were ready to Grumble at our Coming yet he has both gaind their Love & encreased their fearfull Apprehensions of us. They have always Parties out in hunting and they bring us Venison, for which Mr. Oglethorpe pays at a very moderate Rate. They seem to be sober judicious men, Straight and strong almost naked. But the King and the Chiefs wear Coats and Drawers and a piece of Cloth tied about their Legs like Boots. The Queen and her Daughters wear Common printed Calicoe, Jacket and Petticoat without any Head Cloaths. They maintain very little Distinction. At our first Landing, they came to bid us welcome and before them came a Man dancing in Antick Postures with a spread Fan of which Feathers in each hand as a Token of friendship, wch. were fixd to small Rods about four foot long, Set from Top to Bottom with small Bells like Morrice Dancers which made ajingling whilst the King and others followed making a very uncouth Hollowing. When they came near, Mr. Oglethorpe walked about ten Steps from his Tent to meet them. Then the man with his feathers came forward dancing and talking, which I am informed was repeating a Speech, the Acts of their Chief Warriours, and at times came close and moved his Fans over him & Strokd him on every Side with them; this continued more than a Quarter of an Hour. Then the King & all the men came in a regular manner & Shook him by the hand; after that the Queen came and all the Women did the like. Then Mr. Oglethorpe conducted them to his Tent and made them Sit down; the next day he made them some Presents to make them Cloathing. This being the 1st of February and of our Landing here We began to pitch our Tents the same Evening, and Set four large Tents Sufficient to hold the greatest part, I lodged in one of them with one Mr. Overend who came out of Aldersgate Street and did live in Coxs Court. He is a married man, has lived well in the Marcery way [mercer], and has left his Wife in England. But since that the Stores wanting a pretty Deal of Care I lye in the Storehouse by myself. 
 
We have had very little Illness amongst us, having buried none, whilst the Switzers16 (we hear) have buried a great many; We are 20 miles from them. And the chief Reason I believe is that we are on a higher Ground and in dryer Air than they. We are plentifully provided with Victuals, and the Men have a Pint of strong Beer every night after work besides other frequent Refreshments, as Mr. Oglethorpe sees Occasion. Indeed he is both great & Good, and I am certain our Success is owing to his good Conduct only. There is no Room to doubt but that we shall be a flourishing People and hope to be a Thousand men before the Year is ended. We have had very great Assistance from the Gentlemen of Charles Town, have always some of them with us who bring us Workmen to help forward with our Works; they have assisted Mr. Oglethorpe in laying out most of the Lands already. We are according to a Plan directed to be drawn by Mr. Oglethorpe as I mentioned in my last building the Town, have got up three Houses, are Planting and Sowing, and have Sowed about ten Acres in all of different kinds of Seeds. The Houses are made of Timber of one Floor, only a Cock loft over it Sufficient to hold two Beds. The lower part will make one large Room and two small ones and stands in a piece of Ground which with the intended Garden is 20 Yards broad in front and 30 Yards long in depth. We shall have a fine Prospect when the Woods are clear. 
 
As to our Government we are divided into four Tythings each maintaining eleven Men able to bear Arms, of which one is Tythingman, I am one of them; And according with my Ten other men keep Guard every fourth night. Our Situation is indeed very pleasant, and tho we want for nothing we have some Grumbletonians here also. 
 
I wish You had wrote to me by the Ship that followed us. She is just now arrived having been 11 weeks in her Passage. We made our Passage in eight weeks and Weather good enough to have made it in five weeks had we not gone so far to the Southward, which we did for the Safety of us all. I defer writing to any one else at present hoping to hear from You. You must needs think I long to hear how Affairs stand and how You do in Health, and how my little Boy does, whether he grows and how he reads. And think likewise, That as my Heart is immoveably fixed on the well doing of Miss Sophia and my Dear Jacky. I long to hear from them and till then am betwixt Hope and Despair. 
 
You may bring any furniture with You, and we may have two or more Apprentices; And the Trustees will send them to Us if our friends will procure them. But the Point will be Settled when Mr. Oglethorpe returns to England. I shall want Thread or Cotton Stockings, Some good Checqued Linnen of a dark blew and a strong Linnen for Waistcoats and Trowsers. Last Christmas Day was the hottest day I ever felt in my Life being then in the Latitude of 19 Degrees. We have very heavy Rains sometimes but tho it rains a whole Day and Night it makes no Dirt. We are much pestered with a little Fly they call a Sand Fly. I have seen it in England about the Horse Dung. But every Insect here is stronger than in England. The Ants are half an inch long and they say will bite desperately. As for Alligators I have seen several but they are by the Sides of Rivers, Our Town is too high Ground for them to Clamber up. We have killed one. I find the Camphire very good against the Stings of the Flies. I now begin to be something hardened against them. The Gentlemen of Charles Town have given us 50 head of Cattle. We had some Hogs but they are run wild and left us. Pray present my humble Service as You think proper. I dont fear doing very well &c. 
 
 
The Rev. Henry Herbert17 to Mr. Simond, March 27, 1733, Carolina, Egmont 14200, p. 57, concerning his health. 
 
Sir 
 
I am extremely obliged to You for the favour of sending me my Letters and should be fond of an opportunity of returning it in any way that would be agreeable to You. I have been ill for some time and am but just now recovering, so have Thoughts of embarking for England in May. Therefore what Letters You receive for me after this comes to hand I beg may be kept till You hear farther. 
 
[P.S.] Our Friend was well when I heard from him a few days ago, & goes on to his Wishes; but I was obliged to come Northward near two months ago on Accot. of my Health. 
 
 
Samuel Eveleigh18 to the Trustees, April 6, 1733, Charles Town, Egmont 14200, pp. 61-62, concerning Georgias possibilities and the need of slaves. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
About three weekes since did my self the honour to go down and Visit Mr. Oglethorpe. What I here remarked I caused to be published in the Carolina Gazette and sent it to Mr. Samuel Baker Merct. in London and desired him to get it incerted in the London newspapers which suppose by this time you have had the sight of. There are several other things which the printer for want of room could not put in. I carried down with me a great bundle of Asparagus and as Soon as he reced it he ordered it to be given the women with Child without reserving any for himself. Theres about all foot at high water on the Bar which I look upon to be of advantage to a young Settlement for in case of war no Vessell of force can enter to disturbe them. While I was there Mr. Oglethorpe gave Captains Commissions to two of the Chief Indian Warriors together with some presents at which they Seemed well Satisfyd and promised to do him what service they could. Excuse me Gentlemen if I take the Liberty to make one remark. Mr. Oglethorpe told me that by their Constitution they were to have no Negroes Amongst them which I think will be a great prejudice if not a means to Overset your Noble design. For there is a vast Quantity of extraordinary fine Land which plentifully stored with large trees which I cant think can be felled by persons that are not used to Worke and they cant there live without Corn. Besides it will be very difficult for White people to hoe and tend theyr corn in the Hot wether. For I do assure you I think tis equally as hot as ever I felt it in Jamaica in the Sumer Months, which I compute to be from the Middle of May to the Middle of September. Mr. Oglethorpe once a week puts up a Turkey or Some other thing of Value to be Shot for by his men which has allready had good effect bringing them acquainted with armes which some of them before were Ignorant of. He Sent me Down a Small Cask of Skins which I have shiped on Board the Volant Edmund Smyler and consigned to my friend Mr. Samuel Baker with some of my own who will enter them and deliver them to you which will save you some trouble and Charge. When I was at Georgia I acquainted Mr. Oglethorpe that there was on the Island and on the Main next the Sea such vast quantities of live Oake trees as is not to be seen in any part of the World besides. Sufficient to Build more Ships then the British Navy consists of, which for its durableness and Crookedness of Growth suitable for all difficult Timbers is preferrable to English or any other Oake whatsoever, as one Mr. Barry who was Bred in his Majesties Yard if alive can inform you. He Married Bella Ash the Daughter of John Ash Esqr. formerly of this province. Shes a Relation as I have been informed of the Lord Townsends and St. Paul Methwen. I wrote you this that you may know how to find her. I design in three weekes time to Get Some Carpenters to cut Several pieces of these Teimbers and Send you Some for a Tryal. Since I wrote the above I am informed the said was living within these three Years and was Forman of of his Majesties Yard of Deptford. 
 
 
James Oglethorpe to the Trustees, May 14, 1733, Charles Town, Egmont 14200, pp. 65-66, concerning finances, conditions in Georgia, and the desire of Carolinians to have a monopoly of Georgias Indian trade. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
I have but just time to let you know that we are at peace with all the Indian Nations that there is great hopes of one towns being Converted to the Christian Religion since they allready desire to be instructed in our Faith and their Chief man is with me. We have reced the stores and men that came with Vanderplank as I advised you in my last.19 The James I left at Port Royal from whence she is to proceed up to the new town upon the Savannah River.20 I have taken all the Masters Cargo and have agreed to give him One Hundred pounds Sterling to deliver it in his Ship at our Town for which I have drawn upon you. I thought the getting a Ship up to the Town well worth the expence. I have also drawn upon Mr. Symonds for one Hundred Ninety and Eight pounds of which fifty is upon my Account. As these two Sums seem more perhaps that at this time you will have Cash to except I have desired Mr. Symonds to accept of any Bills that you shall not think fitt to pay and to pay them upon my account. I have ordered him money for that purpose. Doctor [William] Cox is dead. [Samuel] Parker is ill of a Consumtion which he had contracted before he left England. All the rest of our people are in perfect health, we having not lost one Soul but Dr. Cox since our landing. I have been in this town twelve days and have obtained from the Assembly Two Thousand pounds Currency Money for the assisting of our people this Year. The Committe for Supply have voted 12000 pounds Currency for Supplying the Colony next Year and the Resolution will be reported after the Hollydays so I return till then to Georgia. Some Merchants have proposed to hire the Liberty of trading with the Indians in our province. That liberty I believe is well worth 2000  Sterling a Year. They Seem to think that one Thousand pound Sterling a Year is much as it is worth. I shall do nothing in it but continue the Trade upon the footing it is now and will carry over all the proposals with me for yor determination. I have brought all our people to desire the prohibition of Negroes and Rum which goes much against the Grain of the traders in these Comodityes in this town. But if either of them are allowed our whole design will be ruined. The Inhabitants of this Town have allread Subscribed 1000  currency of which they have paid me 500  to bye Cattle. Ther will be great contributions all over the province. I found and seized an Irish Roman Chatholick who was the man mentioned by Herbin. Our Indians Stopt and the Scout boat took two others of the same nation and Religion who were sent by him with Intelligence from our Town to St. Augustine. I retained their principal till the others were taken. In the meantime fortifyed our town then shewed them our workes, our Cannon, and our Men under arms who being Strengthned by several Carolina people were pretty numerous. I then sent them to Charles Town and told them they might give an Account to the Governour of Augustine of what they then Saw. 
 
[P. S.] I desire you would not apply for any men of war on our Station for they rather hurt than do Service wherever they come. I sent you a cask of Seeds which was a presant from the Indians, some Bear Oyle, and some druggs as the first fruits of this Country. 
 
 
Samuel Eveleigh to the Trustees, May 18, 1733, Charles Town, Egmont 14200, p. 69, concerning plants and trees for and in Georgia. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
All the men of war Stationed here are now a Cruising so that I am not able to Get any Carpenter to Cut the Timber as mentioned before by order of Mr. Oglethorpe. You have inclosed two of the Carolina Gazetts, and have Shiped on Board the William Gaily Capt. Francis Baker one Smal Cask of Druggs and three Quart Bottles of Bears Oyle which will be delivered to you by my friend Mr. Sam Baker. Mr. Paul Amythis took a Small House and Garden in this Town in which he has planted a quantity of Virginia white Mulberry Trees nigh 3000 of which grows very well. Theres about five Hundred orange Trees planted most of which grows, and four Hundred and fifty of the Vines you send are in a flourishing condition. Besides a quantity of peach and other Fruit Trees all for the use of Georgia where they are to Be transplanted in due season. Some time since I carried Mr. Amythis over the River to my Brothers plantation where Grew some white Mulberrys and he doubts not of getting three Thousand Mulberry Cuttings from them. Hes now very Busie feeding his Wormes some of which have worked themselves into Balls and he proposes a second Cropt and is in expectation of getting a quantity of Silk Not far from Savannah. There is a large quantity of Choice Cedar and very nigh it Quantities of Red Barr which will be very usefull for Joyners and Cabinet makers. Mr. Oglethorpe has made a tour ten miles back as far as black River now by him called Vernon in which Rivers as I am Informed by a Credible person are great Quantities of live Oake and other valuable Timber. He has got twenty odd p. of Sawyers and his Building goes on Briskly. I hope in a few Years will be a very flourishing Colony. 
 
[P.S.] The Tea Seed is sown in Mr. Amythiss Garden and hope twill grow. 
 
 
James Oglethorpe to the Trustees, June 9, 1733, Charles Town, Egmont 14200, pp. 81-83, giving a report on conditions in Georgia. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
When I left your new town of Savannah there were then nine framed Houses finished the sides covered with feather edged Board and the tops with shingles. Besides the Smith forge and two other clapboard Houses the Framd Houses are 24 foot in length upon 16 foot in Breath. They have one Story eight foot high with Garrets over them. They are raised upon Loggs two foot above the Ground and are floored with Inch and half plank. There was upon the place when I left it One Hundred and 60 heads of whome Seventy bare Arms. There were two blockhouses Musket shell proof and very defensible with four port holes for Cannon and one piece of Cannon ready to be put into each. There was a Battery of Six pieces of Cannon upon the Water side and a Guard house of 36 foot long upon 24 foot wide the sides covered with thick Slat and the top with bark. There was also a larg Stout Crane, four ground Saw pitts supported all round with Timber, and one Hundred and forty yards on the East side of the Town was fortified with pallicadoes Seventeen foot long. The Trees all round the Town within on Hundred Yards thereof was cleared. Before I came away there were fifty head of Cattle the Gift of Jno. Whitaker and his friend and fifty head more the Gift of Mr. Odingsell and the people of Distow landed. Several of them being wild run away into the Woods, the remainder were decided by lot amongts the people. Every family in which there was a woman had a Milch Cow and every single man a Heifer or Steer. I have left with them also 4 Horses and two Canoes which I left with them on account of the Trust. 
 
With respect to the Indian affairs, I had also two Company of Tomo-chi-chis men and gave at their desier a Commission to Tuskenca Istinnocecheby the name of the Captain of the first Militia Company of the Indian allies. And at their desire also appointed Skee captain of the Second Militia Company of the Indian allies. The two Companies consisted of Forty very Clever Men. Their pay is one Bushell of corn pr. month for each man while we employ them in War or hunting, a Gun at their first listing and a Blanket p Ann. We have concluded a peace with the lower Creeks who were the most Dangerous Enemys to South Carolina and formerly friend to the French and Spaniards. The maner in which I gained them to our Interest is to long now to relate. You will receive a pretty faithfull account of their conferrence with us in the Inclosd Gazette. Inclosed is also a coppy of ther Treaty concluded with them21 which if you approve of you will order to be engrossd and Sent over with your Seal. The progress we have made and the Measures we have taken are so universally approved of that private people have not only contributed largely in money labour of Slaves and Cattle but the Assembly have passed an Act the Coppy which I have ordered to be sent to you for granting unto us 8000 lb. I have bought a Sloop with all her Rigging good and Cable Anchors Sails Boat &c for 50  Sterling. She cost her owner 200  Sterling. She mounts 6 Swivel Guns and is prime Sailor. A Great deal will be saved by her in carrying things from this Town. She will be usefull in fighting, going up the River, and piloting in of Shipping if occation shall happen. The Assembly arose this day and I Shall set out tomorrow for Savannah. 
 
The Land in Georgia becoming to Grow valuable by reason of our Settlement several have applied to me for grants. And those who have served the Collony and are willing to take them upon the Trustees terms I have promised to recommend to you for 500 Acres of Land. First Mr. Walter Augustine who has been long in this Country and behaved well in the Indian War. He with four men is already settled upon a Lott Six miles distante the Town up the River. He has built a house and Cleared Seven Acres of Land which he has planted with Indian Corn, a little Barly, and other European Grain which comes up finely. For the next lot above him I promised to recommend Lieutenant Watts. For the next above Mr. Fennygall and for the next lot behind them Mr. Reves, all of them being Officers of his Majesties Independant company. I have promised to recommend Mr. Bryan, a very brave young man who himself with four of his Negroes worked for us greitis some Months. I also promised to recommend Ensign Farrington and Capt. Thomas for Lotts upon the Sea Coast. Besides these as I said before upon finding the land grew valuable others applyed to me for large tracts of Land from 3000 to 12000 Acres each in order to menopolize the Country and Offered to give me considerable presents for to bring the Trustees into making these grants and to continue at their putting Negroes upon them. I treated as you may think with contempt and had it not been necessary to carry things with great temper here I should kicked the proposers into the Bargain. Upon this I have had intillegence that these same people are trumping up forfieted Titles and old pretentions to the lands in Georgia. I give you notice of this that you may be prepared if any applycations are made. I should advise also that you would get Lord Carteret to sign the conveyance of which the Attorney General perused the Draught and not mention one word of any claim till it is done.22 You may Judg of the value of Your lands here by the price of those on Trenchs Island which lyes at the Mouth of the Savannah River on the Carolina side. They were sold at 5 S an Acre Carolina money when I first landed here and about 10 days ago a large parcel of the same land was sold at 40 S an Acre. I would also desire you not to Surprized into anything relating to the Indian Trade. For if that matter is ill managed it may draw on a War but if it is well managed it will bring in 2000  Sterling a Year and secure the Indians in our Interest. 
 
As soon as I have divided the Lands, held the Court of Records, and put every thing in order which I hope to do in less than a Month I shall leave Georgia and set out for England. 
 
 
William Brownjohn and Thomas Gapen to the Trustees, June 18, 1733, the Downes in the English Channel, Egmont, 14200, pp. 89-90, concerning conditions on a vessel going to Georgia.23 
 
Right Honble. and Honble. Gentlemen 
 
This morning we came to Anchor in the Downs in 6 fathom water the Wind blowing very fresh at S. West; we are all in good Health free from Distempers. The Women were sick by the motion of the Ship but having Served them with Sage and Sugar they are now much better. Mr. Sacheverel is not come on board. John Barnes, Samuel Dudly, and Lewis Bowen came on board at Gravesend. Robert Hainks was Seized with a violent fit of the Apoplex and fell down the Ladder but by speedy Application & Mr. [Samuel] Pensyres Assistance by bleeding him he is Recovered. We this day washed the Ship and afterwards read Prayers in very good Order; we then broachd the Barrel of strong Beer that Your Honours were pleased to send us. Every Mess being Served in Proportion we drank the Healths of their Royal Majestys and His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales and all the Royal family, then the Healths of all our Honble. Benefactors and well Wishers to our Undertaking and the Healths of all the Honble. Trustees to whom we are all in general so much obliged and return our most hearty Thanks, and the Health of the Honble. James Oglethorpe Esqr. wishing a happy Sight of him. We are all in general pleased with the Capt. and he is very carefull and tender of us. The Provision gives an universal Content. We shall endeavour to write to your Honours by every opportunity of our Welfare. Our utmost Endeavours shall be to obey your Honrs. Directions. 
 
P. S. I am at a great Loss for the Paper and Pens Your Honours were please to promise me. 
 
 
Governor Robert Johnson to Benjamin Martyn, July 28, 1733, Charles Town, Egmont 14200, p. 93, concerning South Carolina aid to Georgia and Oglethorpes work in Georgia. 
 
Sir 
 
I am favourd with yours of the 24th of Jany. last. I should have answered it sooner but that I was willing to endeavour the doing some Service to the Design of Georgia before I wrote. I have employed my best Interest with the Assembly & people of this Province, to promote their contributing to the Support of the Undertaking; and it is with Pleasure I can acquaint You, that by Mr. Oglethorpes Address and lively Representation of the Necessity of it, the General Assembly of this Province have exerted themselves almost beyond their Abilitys in assisting that Colony. What they have done will amount to about  2000 Sterl. without which Support I dont find they would have been able to Subsist. But I leave it to Mr. Oglethorpe to give the Trustees an Accot. of these Affairs; he is indefatigable in his Endeavours, and without his Industry, Prudence and Resolution I apprehend the Spirits of the People unused to such Hardships and fatiques, as must necessarily attend new Settlements, must have sunk under them. But his good Example enables them to Surmount all Difficultys, and I hope the Undertaking will Succeed if His Absence dont discourage & dispirit them. He is shortly expected in Charles Town in order to take the first opportunity of embarking for England. Nothing shall be wanting in me to render the Trustees all the Service in my Power to whom I beg You will make my most humble Respects agreable. 
 
 
Extract of a letter from Governor Robert Johnson, July 28, 1733, Charles Town, Egmont 14200, p. 97, concerning help for Georgia. 
 
The General Assembly have contributed to the Georgians about  2000 Sterling, which I hope will prove very agreable to the Honble. the Trustees, and will induce them to believe that the Assembly are desirous of giving them all the Assistance they are able. Besides this I should add that there are several private Subscriptions. I employed my best Interest with my Friends on this occasion, and I may without Vanity say that it had some weight. 
 
Mr. Oglethorpe talks of returning shortly to England. As he has been indefatigable in Settling the People, so I fear hell be much wanted. Some Hardships must be undergone and I am fearfull lest the People should grow disorderly and incline to desert into our Settlements which I shall be [do] all I can to prevent. If Provision is not made for them by this Province for another year, I am almost sure they must desert us for they came too late to plant any Corn this year. 
 
We cannot fathom the Design of sending forty Jews to Georgia. They will never I believe make Planters, and if not Supported by their Friends in England must Starve, for I am told they are not Subsisted by the Trustees. 
 
 
James Oglethorpe to the Trustees, Aug. 12, 1733, Savannah, Egmont 14200, pp. 105-110, concerning sickness and death, widows and orphans, defense, and new arrivals in Georgia. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
I have not been able to write at length since I left Charles Town. When I returned hither from thence I found the People were grown very mutinous and impatient of Labour and Discipline. This Petulancy was owing chiefly to several of them having got into drinking of Rum, and to Some more artfull, who had a mind to buy the little things they had for Liquor; And in order to bring that about, Stirred them up to desire that they might have all their Provisions delivered into their own hands, and then to have bought that Provision from them. Some of the Silly People desired their Provisions that they might be able to gratify their Palates by Selling a large Quantity of wholesome food for a little Rum Punch. 
 
I found that Gray24 who pretended to understand the Silk, had been one of the busiest in preaching up Mutiny, and whilst I was at Charles Town had in a bare faced manner insulted all Order and threatned the Chief People here. For which Mr. Scott a Justice of the Peace for this place whom he insulted in the Execution of his Office, ordered him to be Set in the Stocks. He complained to me when I came back again and told me that (amongst our People) he had a great many friends, and a great many Enemies who had Sworn his Destruction, and would have had me have brought them face to face to have sworn against each other, & told me that if I would not give him Satisfaction he desired Leave to go out of the Colony. I told him I would give him Leave provided he went away within twelve hours; which he accordingly did. There were two boys (for whose Passage the Trustees has paid) came in the same Ship with him, These he askd to take with him pretending they were his Servants. I told him that if he would pay the Passage for them and would give Security that he would not sell them he should have Leave for them also to go with him; he said he could not pay for them but would pay at Charles Town. Upon which I wrote to Mr. Chardon That if he did pay the Money to him and give him such Security he might then have Leave to take the Boys. He never paid the money, but at Charles Town raised several Lyes against this Colony and the People of it. Mr. Chardon for this ordered him to be prosecuted, on which he went out of the way. 
 
By Degrees I brought the People to Discipline, but could not revive the Spirit of Labour, Idleness and Drunkenness were Succeeded by Sickness. To remedy the first I sent away the Negroes who Sawed for us, for so long as they continued here our men were encouraged in Idleness by their working for them. To remedy Drunkenness I gave a moderate Allowance of Wine, prohibited Rum and Staved such as I could find in the Town. But found that the Indian Trading house about  a mile from us, in spite of all my Prohibitions, sold Rum to our People. I did not care to disoblige them because they are the only Interpreters we have to the Indians. However at present I must either Suppress them or our People must be destroyed, we having lost twenty People within a month since the Drinking of Rum was come into fashion; whereas we lost but one Person in five months whilst I was here and kept the People from excessive Drinking. 
 
Thomas Millidge our best Carpenter is dead of a burning Feaver which on his Deathbed he confessed he contracted at the Indian Trading House; he drank there Rum Punch on the Wednesday, on Thursday was taken ill of a burning Feaver and on the seventh day, the Crisis of that Distemper, dyed. Poor Overend who was recommended by Mr. Laroche is also dead with Rum; to which most of the rest owe their Deaths. But the Illness being once frequent became contageous. It appeared chiefly in burning Feavers or else in bloody Fluxes attended by Convulsions and other terrible Symptoms. Dr. Cox being dead [Noble] Jones lookd after the Sick. The Indian Root Diascordium, Rhubarb, Laudinum and all other Applications usually used on that Occasion were of no Effect. Almost every one that was taken ill at first dyed. Jones himself fell sick and some of the Women (most handy about the Sick) dyed; So that we had neither Doctor, Surgeon nor Nurse, and about the 15th of July we had above 60 People sick, many of whose Lives we despaired of. At which time Capt. Hanton arrived here with some Jews and amongst them a Doctor of Physick [Dr. Samuel Nunis] who immediately undertook our People and refused to take any Pay for it. He proceeded by cold Baths, cooling Drinks and other cooling Applications. Since which the Sick have wonderfully recovered, and we have not lost one who would follow his Prescriptions. Next to the Blessing of God and this new Regimen I believe one of the greatest Occasions of the Peoples Recovery has been, That by my constant watching of them I have restrained the Drinking of Rum. 
 
I have been so taken up, what with tending the Sick, what with Viewing the Country, marking our Lands, getting Provisions and Treating with the Indians that I have not had time to write. I intended to have left this place long ago but the general Sickness of the People made me think, That if I abandoned them in that Condition it would throw them into Despair and make the Distemper fatal. So that I thought it was better to neglect my own Affairs and take my chance of Standing the Sickness here, than by quitting the People at such a time expose them almost to certain Death. 
 
There are several People passed by here for Purysburgh to whom I gave what Assistance I could. [Joseph] Hetherington, [Philip] Bishop, [Henry] Fletcher, [John] Pennyfather and Mr. [Samuel] Quincy the Minister are arrived with their Servants; I have been forced to lend them Provisions out of the Store, otherwise they must have Suffered for want. 
 
I have agreed with Mr. [James] Macpherson Captain of the Rangers to build a Fort upon Hogatchee [Ogeechee] River, wch. I have named Argyll. It is already begun and in good forwardness and I have Supplied him from hence with Provision Cannon and Ammunition. 
 
Hetherington and Bishop with their Servants have undertook to build a Fort upon a Creek called Thunderbolt, upon which they are to begin to work on Tuesday next. 
 
And Ferguson Captain of the Carolina Scout Boat has undertaken to do the same at Skidoway Island. The two latter in Consideration of Lands and the former of two hundred pounds Curcy. So that by this means all the Passages to this Town both by Land & Water are covered. And by the Map which I shall soon Send You will see That by these forts, If we can Set up another at Tybee, no small Bodys either of Spaniards or Indians can approach this place at all, nor any large one without a timely Discovery. 
 
On the 7th of July I held the first Court and administred the Oaths of Allegiance Supremacy and Abjuration named the several Wards and Streets & put each family into Possession of an House Lot, on twenty one of which framed Houses are built; The other nineteen the Carpenters undertook to build for themselves. But alas! five of them dyed within one week. The Lots of those who have no Children are put into the hands of other working men who are capable to assist in building the remaining Houses. One is a Soldier belonging to the Independent Company for whom I shall procure a Discharge; He is a sober hard working man. The other is Tibbitt who was sent by Capt. Coram. We proceed first on the houses of those who have Widows or Children here (that is to say). 
 
Millidge, who has left a Widow and five Children here, the eldest but eleven years old, and the Widow just ready to lye in of another. 
 
[James] Goddard who with his Wife are both dead, has left two Children, the eldest [ten] years old, who I have put Apprentice to Fitzwalter the Gardiner. The youngest five years old whom I have put to Nurse to James Carwall and his Wife, to whom I give three pounds a year, whilst we allow Subsistance, and then five pounds a years. 
 
[William] Little has left a Wife and one Child. 
 
Michael Jermain and John Mackay dyed without Wife or Children here. 
 
I send You inclosed the Proceedings of the Court on Overends Death, together with two Boxes containing his things. I believe his Lands and House here, which is built, is worth  30 Sterling, or upwards, money having been offered for it but I would not dispose of it till I heard her25 intentions. In the mean while tis let after the rate of  10 p Ann. The  2.4.4 being the Balance should be paid by You, for the Persons that are the Buyers will pay into the Store here what they are Charged with. I hope in about a month from this time I shall set out for England when I shall be able to give You a more full Accot. 
 
 
Records of the court, July 28, 1733, Savannah, Egmont 14200, pp. 101-103, concerning the death and property of Joshua Overend. 
 
At a Court held on the 28th of July Anno Dom 1733 for the Township of Savannah in the Colony of Georgia. 
 
 Absent  Peter Gordon  1. Bailiff 
   Wm. Waterland  2. Bailiff 
 Present  Tho. Causton  3. Bailiff 
   Tho. Christis  Recorder 
It was presented by Joseph Fitzwalter Constable for Darby Ward in the Town of Savannah That Joshua Overend late one of the Inhabitants of the said Ward departed this Life on the 28th of June last past. Therefore humbly prays the Direction of this Court in the Premisses. 
 
At which Court a Jury was immediately impanneld and Sworn being all Freeholders of the said Township. vis. 
 
Jury 
 
Samuel Parker 
 
Thomas Young 
 
Joseph Coles 
 
John Wright 
 
John West 
 
Timothy Bowling 
 
John Millidge 
 
Henry Close 
 
Walter Fox 
 
John Gready 
 
James Carwell 
 
Richard Cannon 
 
Upon a full hearing of all the Witnesses upon Oath that could be found touching the Premisses. The said Jury upon their Oaths Do find. 
 
That the said Joshua Overend dyed on the 28th day of June last past and was legally Intituled unto one built Dwelling House with a Garden thereto belonging Situate within Darby Ward in the said Township of Savannah. As also to one parcel of Land containing 5 Acres, and one other Parcel of Land containing 45 Acres making in the whole 50 Acres not yet cleared or any ways cultivated. 
 
And that he has a Wife named Mary Overend being in England. 
 
And do not find that he hath any Children. 
 
That the said Dwelling House and Garden together with one moiety of the said 50 Acres of Land Do legally descend to Mary Overend Relict of the said Joshua Overend for and during the Term of her natural Life and no longer. 
 
That the other moiety of the said Land doth immediately descend to the next Heir Male of the said Joshua Overend together with the said other moiety and Dwelling House and Garden after the Decease of the said Mary Overend according to the Tenure of the said Township. 
 
That the several goods and things mentioned in the Inventory to be contained in a Chest No. 1 and a Box No. 2 together with the Cow and Calf & Steer therein mentioned are all the Effects of the said Joshua Overend. 
 
Copy of the Inventory 
 
A Razor, Wash Ball, a Dozen & half brass mettle Buttons, a worsted Damask Night Gown, a pr. of black Stockings, 7 Stocks and a Womans Handkerchief, a white Cloth Coat, a black Velvet Cap, a Linnen Cap, a Handkerchief, a Daybook, a Bible, a Common Prayer book, the whole Duty of Man, 3 Paper Books of Accots., a printed Interest book, a black coat, one light Tye Wig, one Bob Do, a Scarlet great Coat, a Cloaths Brush, a small red Pocket book, a pr. of Scisors & old Gloves, a black Waistecoat and Breeches, one Sailors Jacket, 2 Linnen Bags, a red Rug Coat, a Clasp Knife, a Woollen Cap, a pr. old Slippers, a Linnen Handkf., a pr. of ordinary Sheets of different Sorts, a pr. of grey Stockings, a pr. of Woollen Breeches, a Pillow without Pillowbear, one old Speckled Shirt, 5 Ruffled Shirts, two pr. Silver Buckles put up in a Leather Bag in the Chest. A Steer sold to the Stores for 20 Shillings and a Cow and Calf. 
 
That the said Cow and Calf being lyable to hazard ought to be sold. 
 
That the said Joshua Overend is indebted to diverse Persons as hereinmentioned amounting in the whole to the Sum of  1.17.8 which they advise to be paid out of the money arising from the Sale of the said Cow, Calf and Steer. 
 
It is therefore ordered by this Court That the Cow and Calf of the said late Joshua Overend be forthwith sold for the most money that can be got, and that the amount thereof be applied to the discharging of the said Sum of  1.17. 8 due to the several Persons herein mentioned. And that the Overplus together with the several Goods & things contained in No. 1 & 2 be by the first opportunity transmitted to England by Mr. Tho. Christie to the said Mary Overend Relict of the said Joshua Overend together with all the Proceedings touching the Premisses and an exact Accot. Dr. & Cr. of all monys recd by virtue of the said Cow and Calf & Steer. 
 
 
 
Mr. Cochrane to Philip Millar at Chelsea, Sept. 11, 1733, Kingston in Jamaica, Egmont 14200, pp. 109-110, concerning the death of William Houstoun. 
 
Sir 
 
Understanding You to be a Gentleman with whom Mr. Wm. Houstoun kept a strict Correspondence and for whom You used to transact some Affairs, I thought proper to acquaint You that after a long and severe Illness he dyed here the 14th of last month, much and very deservedly regretted by all who knew him, and if he had lived a few years longer he would have proved an Honour to his Country. He left some Manuscripts of Botany which may be of Service to the Curious in that way, and as I find he was sent out by some Gentlemen on Purpose to make Discoveries. I think fit that all the Observations which he has committed to writing ought to be sent to those Gentlemen with a few Collections he has made of dryed Plants, all which are now in my Possession and am resolved to transmit them to You after I have heard from his Cousin at Carthagena who is the only Relation he has in these parts, and tis fit he should be first consulted before I dispose of any of his Effects. I expect Advices from him about a month hence by the Return of a Vessel which this morning Sailed from this place to Carthagena, and then shall write You further. In the mean time I must desire You to acquaint my Lord Petre of his Death and that I have found a Mem. of his Lordships to him for some things to be sent from this Country, which I shall take particular Care and transmit his Lordship as soon as possible. Some of the things such as Trees growing cannot be sent till the Spring, but others shall be sent by the next opportunity wch. will be about three weeks hence, when I shall do myself the Honour to write to his Lordship, for whom I have a very great Esteem for the kindness I find he has shewn to my worthy deceased friend, for whose memory none can have a greater regard. 
 
 
James Oglethorpe to the Trustees, Sept. 17, 1733, Savannah, Egmont 14200, pp. 113-115, concerning conditions in Georgia, defense, and deaths. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
I recd. the agreable News, of the Approbation Your Designs have met with from Parliament, by the Georgia Pink Capt. Daubus Commander. The People on board him are all arrived safe, Daniel Preston excepted who was washed overboard in a Storm. His Widow [Mary] the Day after She landed was taken picking of the Pockets of a Drunken man of Eight shillings Sterling. The Man was put into the Stocks for being drunk, and a Bill was found by the Grand Jury against her for Felony. Upon her being examined before a Justice of Peace her Defence was that She was drunk and did not know that She took the Money, nor did intend to keep it. Upon Petition and proving that She was with Child, the Tryal before the Petty Jury was put off till her Delivery and in the mean while She was admitted to Bail. 
 
We have taken a Man that had Stole an Horse in Virginia; he was tried before the Court, pleaded guilty was condemned and sentenced to hard Labour during the Space of three Years at Argyll Fort on Ogeeche River, was delivered to Capt. Mackpherson and sent away instantly. The Horse is ordered to be sent to the Owner in Virginia. 
 
In a former I gave You an Accot. of my having agreed with Capt. Mackpherson for him to build Fort Argyll for  200 Currency. The Trees that fell into the River and were carried down by great Floods stopd the Passage below the Fort in such a manner, as to prevent any possibility of getting up there by Water without immence Labour in cutting away the Trees. The Fort being about half finished when he represented this, I ordered him to begin another 10 miles lower and allowed him  50 Currency for the Work already done. He has finished the New Fort, the Guns are mounted, the Houses built and six Familys Settled there besides the Garrison. Boats of fifteen Ton burthen have been there. I have Settled Mr. Bishop, Hetherington &c on a Point called Thunderbolt, which commands the Channel that comes up from St. Augustine to this Place; they have some Guns there and a Fort in pretty good forwardness. I have ordered 10 men to be settled upon the Island of Tybee which commands the other Passage from Augustine, and when that is fortified I take this place will be pretty safe. A Beacon upon Tybee for to direct Ships on their making Land is very necessary, I have therefore thought that You would not be displeased at my ordering one to be begun which I hope will be finished at an Expence which will be but small, if compared to the great Usefullness of it. 
 
Many of the new Comers, in spite of all I can do, drink very hard; so that I fear a Mortaility will soon happen amongst them. Our Peoples being unhealthy forced me to Stay here lest it might seem that I left them in distress and for fear of Sharing the Sickness; which some People construed the Consequence of the Climate into which I had brought them. The Place being now grown healthy, the Authority of the Court being well established, I shall so soon as the Fort at Tybee is begun, leave this place which I am in hopes will be in a few days. As it is probable that I shall See You near as soon as this arrives I shall not enlarge but only mention, that I have been obliged to give pay to several of the People to engage them to work upon the Magazine and other Publick Buildings. 
 
[P.S.] I send You inclosed a Bill of Parcels of Goods for which I had occasion and received from the Captain over and above what I received from You. Besides the Powder mentioned in the Invoyce, he delivered to me four hundred weight, which he said came from You. 
 
I have received no Bill of Lading with the Ship which puts us very much in the dark. Robert More one of the new Comers, has left behind him Tools &c; to the value of  10. in pawn for a Guinea, which if You will pay to Wm. Andrews and forward the Tools &c. by him delivered, More will repay it in Work, being a very handy Man. I send You inclosed a List of those who have been born and died here; We have now four hundred People upon the Place. [John] Warren26 on his Death bed desiring his Wife might have her Passage to England I have accordingly sent her with her Children. Her House here is preserved for her eldest Son and likewise her Stock of Cattle. She was very desirous to stay but her Health being bad and thinking She can only Recover in England She insisted upon my giving Leave to go back. She is an object of Compassion and believes that with some little assistance and countenance from You She can do very well in London. She has lost her Husband and two Children and had all her Goods burnt when the Guard House was fired. I find on further Enquiry that the four hundred weight of Gunpowder was put on board by Mr. Simond. I have taken it we having occasion for it. You will know whether it was put on board by You or him. 
 
I have allowed Capt. Daubuz a Reward as being the first Ship that came from Europe directly. As I have before informed You I have bought all other things as were necessary for the People at Charles Town. I have also taken some necessarys from Daubuz and other Ships that have come in here, and drawn upon You for the Amount. The Particulars of which I shall bring over with me. 
 
 
James Oglethorpe to the Trustees, Sept. 27, 1733, Savannah, Egmont 14200, pp. 117-119, concerning land grants to Scots gentlemen. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
I recommend to You the following Persons for Grants of Land herein Specified and desire the Grants may pass your Seal with the utmost Expedition. That is to say Five hundred Acres of Land to Patrick Mackay Esqr. of Cyder Hall in the County of Sutherland to him and to the Heirs Male of his Body and in case of failure to the Heirs Male of the Body of Catherine Mackay Daughter of the said Patrick Mackay Esqr. And Five hundred Acres to James Bullock of Will Town in South Carolina and to the Heirs Male of his Body and in case of failure to the Heirs Male of the Body of Jean Bullock Daur. of the said James Bullock. And Five hundred Acres to George Dunbar of the County of Inverness and to the Heirs Male of his Body and in case of failure to Wm. Dunbar Brother to the said George Dunbar. And also Five hundred Acres to a Person to be recommended by them or the majority of them and to the Heirs Male of his Body. To be bounded as expressed in a Plan herein inclosed. The same to be held as Gentlemens Tenour with Power to erect a Town. 
 
1st. They are to pay Ten shillings of lawful money of Great Britain for every hundred Acres to commence Ten Years after the Date To be paid within six months after the Day of Payment. 
 
2d. To settle a Town within the Space of one year after the Date of the Grant consisting of forty men either free, Tenants or Servants. 
 
3d. That a Number not less than forty shall continue within the said Province during the Term of Three Years from the Registering of the Grant and in five Years build forty Houses. 
 
4th. That each of them shall clear and cultivate Twenty Acres for each Hundred within the Space of Ten Years and plant upon the same Two hundred white Mulberry Trees and maintain them and One hundred upon every other Ten Acres. 
 
5th. That they shall not alienate any part of the said Five hundred Acres without License. 
 
6th. That they shall not enter into a company to Manufacture Pot Ash, but each seperately may Manufacture the same. 
 
7th. That they shall not lodge, board or employ any Black or Negroe within the said Province of Georgia. 
 
8th. If the Persons mentioned in the Grant shall dye without Issue Male or they or their Successors shall be guilty of Treason or Felony then the said Lands shall revert to the Trust as if the Grant had never been. 
 
9th. As they will be at great Charges in establishing the said Town and that these Persons are joined in a Partnership for that purpose and the Design will suffer of any of them should decease and their Successors refuse to carry on the Partnership They desire that their Heirs on Refusal of carrying on the same shall be obliged to sell and that the Trust will renew a Grant to the Purchaser in as ample manner as the first Grantee enjoyed. And that on decease of any of them the Widow may be intitled to the Mansion House and one equal half of the Land with its Improvements for her Life or of the Purchase Money in case of Sale. 
 
For the Encouragement of People to come over with them I desire there may be a Grant of Five hundred Acres in Trust as to Christie That they may be transferred as Five Acres p Family to such Persons as they shall think proper. 
 
I further desire they may have a Court of Record to consist of a Provost and three Bailiffs. The first Provost to be Patrick Mackay Esqr. and James Bullock and George Dunbar to be first and second Bailiffs, and the third to be such Person as they shall recommend. The Provoship to be one year and to descend annually to the Bailiffs according to their Seniority. The Court to be final in all matters of one hundred pounds and under and in all Crimes where the Sentence extendeth not to Life or Limb. 
 
 
James Oglethorpe, to the Trustees, Nov. 15, 1733, Savannah, Egmont 14200, p. 121, concerning expenses and his anticipated trip to England. 
 
Gentlemen: 
 
I am now making up of all the Accots. in some parts of which I find a great deal of Perplexity, Mr. Hughs27 being dead and I not being able to find out one of the Books which I left in his Custody. I have since 5th of October drawn upon You for the inclosed Sums. The Expences have been very largely increased by the raising the Prices of Provisions in Carolina occasioned partly by our Demand and partly by the failure of this Years Crop. Besides I was obliged for encouraging of the People to pay them for building the Storehouse &c. as also (several of our People being disabled by Sickness) to take in People of this Country for opening of Communications, sending Messages by Land and Water, giving Gratifications for fetching Intelligence from amongst the Spaniards, giving Rewards for taking of Thieves and Runaways. I shall be obliged to draw for farther Sums to pay the Negroes who were employed upon my first coming here for Sawing. The Maintenance of the Garden as a Nursery for Mulberry, Orange Trees, Vines &c at Charles Town has been also an Article of large Expence, but which I believe You will think very well bestowed, since a Sample of thorough fine Silk has been there made which shews what may be done in this Country. And we have gaind one Years Growth upon the Mulberry and Orange Trees which is inestimable in a new Settlement. I think every thing here is now so well Settled that I can leave it without Danger of the Colonys miscarrying. As I doubt not to See You soon & perhaps before this Letter I shall say no more. 
 
 
James Oglethorpe to the Trustees, about Dec. 1733, Savannah, Egmont 14200, pp. 125-130, giving his yearend report of Georgia. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
I cannot but congraulate You upon the great Success your Designs have met with being not only approved of by all America but so strongly supported by His Majesty and the Parliament of Great Britain. Providence it self seems visible in all things to prosper your Designs calculated for the Protection of the persecuted, the relief of the poor and the Benefit of mankind. 
 
A Year being above expired since I set out from England I believe You will be impatient to have a short Account of which has been done towards the Settlement of this Colony which seems to have been conducted to its present successfull Situation by the manifest Interposition of God. 
 
We landed here on the 1st of February last with but 40 Persons able to bear Arms; notwithstanding our Weakness the Spaniards did not attack us. The Indians were most surprizingly inclined towards friendship with Us. The People of Carolina assisted us with the Rangers and Scout Boat the Guards of that Province and sent up Cattle. Colonel Bull a man of extraordinary Abilities came up himself with a Number of his Negroe Servants, and not only instructed the People in the nature of the Seasons & the manner of Clearing, Building and Cultivating but laid out the Timber and made his Slaves work us. We were some time before we could get any other Assistance from Carolina, The People refusing to hire out their Negroes though we offered Security for them. But God was pleased to provide for us by preserving in health our labouring hands so that We advanced considerably in our Works so long as our People continued sober and obedient. When I was obliged to go to Charles Town to meet the Assembly who generously gave  8,000 Currency towards maintaing our People a second year, some of the People begun to be intemperate and then disobedient so that at my Return I hardly knew them. Their excessive Drinking was followed with Sickness which raged for some time most terribly amongst us but though Individuals suffered the Colony it self increased and flourished by your Supplying them continually with timely Succours from Europe and the accession of many People which the Reputation of this Undertaking drew from several parts of America to settle here insomuch That the Colony increased notwithstanding our Sickness. And we were very well supplyed with all necessarys for our Money from Charles Town, for we had also 20 pair of Sawyers from Carolina for hire and Colonel Bull and Mr. Brian28 came up again in the midst of the Sickness to assist us with 20 Slaves whose Labour they gave as a free Gift to the Colony. Finding our People increase fast I enlarged our Quarters by new Settlements and covered this place to the Southward by building Fort Argyle at about 20 miles distance. Mr. Bishop and his People were settled at Tunderbolt five miles to the South East and by that means guarded the most dangerous Water Passage from the Spaniards. About six miles farther to the Southward on another Water Passage is settled a Colony of 10 familes to keep open the Passage with Fort Argyle. Whilst by Land from that Fort we marked a Road about 40 miles in length to Pallackucola Garrison in Carolina, in marking of which we found a River at about 12 miles from this place to which we gave the Name of Abercorn. It rises near the Ogeeche and divides this part of the Province from the Western Country. 
 
This River has great falls very convenient for Mills. At two miles distant from where it falls into the Savannah the Colony of Abercorn consisting of 10 families is settled. The Abercorn at its Conflux with the Savannah forms an Island about two miles in breadth, beyond which on Carolina Side stands Purysburgh. So that this County if You think fit to make it such is on the West secured by the River Abercorn on the North and North East it is bounded by the Savannah upon which there is this Town and four Out Settlements already made. On the East and South East it is bounded by Augustine Creek which is a branch of the Sea that divides it from Wilmington Island on which the Settlements of Thunderbolt and Skidowa lye & on the South it is divided from the rest of the main by the Ogeeche a River little inferiour to the Savannah which arises in the Apalatian Mountains. Within Land at 3 miles distant from the Town upon two Hills are situated Hempstead and Highgate two Villages of 10 familys each. Over against the Town lyes Huthinsons Island one of the most delightfull Spots of Ground I ever saw, about 3 miles in length and one wide; a great part of it is natural Meadow the rest covered with tall Trees many of which are Bays above four score foot high. In that Island on the farther Side which commands the Northern Branch of this River opposite to the Town there is a House built and an Overseer lodged with four Servants belonging to You with Orders to cut a Walk through the Wood in a strait Line the breadth of this Town which will serve as a Meadow for feeding of Cattle and give a beautifull Prospect of the other River. 
 
A Sloop loaded with Servants was forced in here through Stress of Weather and want of Victuals many of them were dead, 40 only remaind as they were likewise ready to perish through Misery. I thought it an Act of Charity to buy them which I did giving  5 a head. I gave one of them to each of the Widows which will render them able to cultivate their Lands and maintain their families. I let each of the Magistrates have one at prime Cost that they might not be behind hand in their Gardens and Plantations by reason of their spending much of their time in the publick Service. Of the rest I have allotted Mr. Lafond five to help him in building a Saw Mill, Four to the Gardens and four to the Island. I have drawn  200 on You being the Payment for them. 
 
We go on with building the Beacon at Tybee. The People who work upon it have two shillings p Diem and [William] Blythman the Master Workman has the same Wages as he could have in Carolina. The Timber is already cut and squared and the Upper & Lower Floor framed. They reckon it will be finished in March. It is an Octogone of 90 feet high, 25 feet wide at bottom and 12 feet wide at Top, Weather Boarded 26 feet high and the rest open. It is all framed here of the best of Light Wood and to be carried down and set upon the Point of Tybee; The Foundation will be secured with Cedar Piles. 
 
There are 50 Houses of framed Timber & covered with Shingles which are Tiles made of Wood and tarrd over already built. 
 
Three Wards and an half are taken up and the People to whom they belong are all at present at work either at building their Houses or clearing their Lands so that before the Year is round there must be 120 Houses built in the Town or their Lots forfeited. 
 
The Bricks You sent were partly employed in building the Smiths Forge, an Oven and a Well 20 feet deep which affords excellent Water, the rest in the Chimneys belonging to the Widows. 
 
The Orphans are fed and cloathed from the Publick Stores and the Care of them is intrusted to three of our best Persons appointed for that Purpose. 
 
The Militia is exercised and commanded by Tything men and Constables. The Civil Government is in the Court appointed by the Grant under your Seal and property as regularly recovered and Criminals punished as in any Court in Europe. Every man pleads his own Cause. The fact is tryed by the Jury and Sentence pronounced by the Court. 
 
We feed 259 Souls in Town, in Hampstead and Highgate in the four Colonys 184 besides Indians and Strangers. 
 
The Supplying such a Number of People besides Forts, publick Buildings, Boat hire, Sloops Wages, Indian Presents, Intelligence from amongst the Spaniards and several other necessary Expences make Charges amount high which has forced me to draw very largely upon You. I have not been able to settle the exact Expence of each Person; some People having occasion for more or deserving better than others. The Death of Mr. Hughes who kept the Cash Book which we have not yet been able to find amongst his Papers puts us under great Difficulties in settling the Accompts. I have drawn two Bills of  150 each payable to Mr. [Isaac] Chardon for Goods had of him. I lent to most of our People Money to enable them to set up in their different Callings. If you approve of it they may be charged to the Publick, but if not I will take it on my own Account the Sums being small and the People able to repay them. 
 
The Creek Indians adhere firmly to Us, and those of them who guard the Southern Passages have informed me That a Spanish open Boat full of armed Men attempted to come through the narrow Passages between the Islands about 40 miles to the Southward of us. They would have spoke to them but the Spaniards refusing and fireing upon them They by their Ambushes secured the narrow Passages so well that the Spaniards was forced to put out to Sea. They say farther they believe the Spaniards have begun to Settle on this Side the Alatamaha and that the Boat which fired upon them belonged to that new Settlement. I cannot believe the Spaniards would venture it but at the same time will not be too secure, so set out to morrow for the Alatamaha to see the Truth of it and have sent to the Governor of Carolina to give him notice of what I have heard. 
 
I have staid till now expecting the Saltzburghers but hope You will excuse me staying any longer, if they do not come within seven days after my return from the Alatamaha. I shall then set out for England where I hope soon to have the pleasure of seeing You. 
 
[P.S.] I have also drawn on You  288 for Goods delivered by Captain Yoakley being Blankets, planes &c. necessary for the Settlers & Indian Presents. 
 
I must recommend to You Mr. [Hector] Beaufin for a Grant of a Gentlemens Lot. Mr. Symonds Brother for another and Capt. Yorkley for a third being the first Capt. that came to this Port. 
 
Mr. LaFond who owes his Passage to Mr. Simond is at work for You upon the Mills. 
 
 
Extract of a letter from Peter Flower, Jan. 7, 1733/4, Purysburgh, Egmont 14200, p. 133, concerning outlying defenses of Savannah. 
 
There are already 600 Persons in Georgia. Mr. Oglethorpe has dispersed several along our River which will render it more commodious and very agreable to Travellers. There are 10 Familys at Tybee, where they are going to build a Tower of Wood of a prodigious Height, that the Ships that are bound to Georgia may know the Bar they are to pass through to go up the River Savannah, a thing very necessary to a new Settlement. There are likewise 10 Familys at Thunderbolt, it is 6 miles up St. Augustines Creek which is 4 miles below Savannah and it is but 4 miles from Savannah by Land. I suppose You are not unacquainted that the Principal Town in Georgia is Savannah. They have 10 Familys at Augutchy [Argyle] it is 40 miles by Land behind Savannah and more than 80 by Water. There are 10 Families at Corn House Creek which is 8 miles below Purysburgh. At Cape Bluff they have begun to build a Village which will consist in 40 Houses, it is one of the prettiest Places in Georgia and is to be calld Oglethorpe. It is 10 miles below Purysburgh. There are 10 Familys at Highgate. It is 4 miles in the Country about Savannah. They talk of building another Village of 40 Houses above Purysburgh, all which is very agreable to us. They are so many Barriers against the Enemy. 
 
 
Isaac Chardon29 to Harman Verelst, Jan. 17, 1733/4, Charles Town, Egmont 14200, pp. 137-138, concerning conditions in Georgia. 
 
Sir 
 
I received your favour of the 17th Septr. last p Capt. [John] Thomas with the Inclosed Invoyce of what was Shippd on board his Ship called the London Merchant. The Goods all came in very good Order and I shall take Care to send them as Occasions offer to Savannah in the same manner. Mr. Oglethorpe could not send the Sloop Heathcote for them since poor Kilbury was dead. 
 
The Colony has lost a very brisk active man for he was constantly stirring & making some Discoveries of the Coast and Channel, and diligent in whatever he was employed in. I dont know what they will do for want of this Fellow, for they have now no body that they can trust to Send the Sloop round to this Port. He is very much regretted by Mr. Oglethorpe for I saw that he was much concerned. He died the 8th of last month. 
 
Every thing goes forward to admiration & the first People seem now to work very quietly & with Courage, being sensible that the Interest they have there is not of little value, which will consequently give great Encouragement to those that come after. 
 
There was then forty odd Houses up, thirty of them all boarded and shingled and one whole Chimney, but that was fixed to the Revd. Mr. Quincys Habitation. There is now three quite finished, and there is also a glorious large Oven which convinces all Travellers that there is no want of good Bread. They are also pretty forward with the Look out or Lighthouse which is to be 90 feet high. 
 
Mr. Oglethorpe has agreed with Capt. Dejean of Purysburg for a pretty large Quantity of Bricks which they understand making very well. For those that I saw there were extraordinary good. 
 
Capt. [Lionell] Wood and Yoakley are both safely arrived there and by this time I suppose are Discharged. 
 
Mr. Oglethorpe with Mr. Beaufain embarked at Georgia for Purysburg last week. 
 
We are daily expecting Capt. Fry and wish to have a good Sight of him. 
 
 
Thomas Causton to the Trustees, between Jan. 12-20, 1733/4, Savannah, Egmont 14200, p. 141, concerning ship arrivals and expenses. 
 
May it please Your Honrs. 
 
Mr. Oglethorpe having occasion to go to Abercorn River; He has commanded me to acquaint Your Honours That Capt. Lionell Wood Master of the good Ship Savannah arrived here on the 15th day of December, having conducted the Passengers, according to his Invoyce, very safely and in good Health except two Children who dyed in the Voyage. And has, upon a thorough Examination, behaved very well both in his Voyage & here, as well towards the Passengers in particular as the Colony in general. 
 
Mr. Oglethorpe has drawn Bills upon You for  200 Sterling, which he paid for 40 Servants; and  78 which is the Amount of the inclosed as bought of Capt. Wood. 
 
I beg Leave to acquaint Your Honours That the People here are generally in good health. That Capt. [Francis] Scott died here the 2d. Instant. To assure You of my diligent Obedience to all your Honours Commands. 
 
 
Hector de Beaufain30 to Peter and/or J. C. Simond in London, Jan. 23, 1733/4, Purrysburg, Egmont 14200, pp. 149-152, concerning his trip into upper Georgia with Oglethorpe and conditions at Purysburgh. 
 
Dear Sir 
 
I have wrote two Letters to You since I arrived in Carolina, one of which I left at Charles Town to be sent You by the first opportunity. I intended to make but a short Stay there for I was impatient to See Georgia and Purysburgh but my Illness detained me. I embarked (tho not perfectly recovered) on board of a small scooner the 2d. Instant and having met with contrary Winds arrived only the 7th at Savannah. We entered the River at Tybee Island without a Pilot, Mr. Oglethorpe had been so kind as to send one to meet us but the Weather being foggy he missd us at Sea. I had the pleasure to see your Ships the two Brothers and the Savannah at Anchor before the Town. The Commanders of them will give You an Accot. of the Coast and the fine River. I landed on the 7th at night, Mr. Oglethorpe received me in the most obliging manner and next day did me the favour to shew me the Town, the Publick Garden and the Plantations, all which is Situated in the pleasantest part of the Country and laid out to the best advantage. As You have seen Accots. of the Particulars by Mr. Oglethorpe himself it would be Presumption in me to attempt one. I was Surprized at the Progress made already, it is carried on with good order and Dispatch; there is no Doubt but this Colony will soon be very considerable. It has the happiness to be Settled by Gentlemen who tho Proprietors of the Country claim no other Share in it than that of procuring the Welfare of its Inhabitants; So generous an instance of Humanity must affect the People with the deepest Sense of Gratitude, and Mr. Oglethorpes Example must give them Spirit to overcome all Difficulties. The settling of Georgia is what Mr. Oglethorpe has so entirely at heart that every Thought and Action of his is directed to that favourite Object. He is taken up when in Town with the Political and Civil part of the Administration, the business of Grants, the Settling and providing new Inhabitants, keeping a good order among the People, he enters into every particular and hears with the greatest Patience and good nature any one who applys to him. When Affairs are ordered in Town so that he may be absent for some time then he visits the Out Settlements, lays out new ones, examines the nature of the Soil, appoints proper Places for Forts, Mills and other publick Works, searches into Inlets of Rivers hitherto unknown, by means of which the Inland Navigation may be improved and even the great Rivers made to communicate with one another. I leave You to judge my dear Friend what Care Activity and Resolution is required to go through such a Multiplicity of Work. I have had the Satisfaction to attend Mr. Oglethorpe in one of the Country Expeditions, and to see him exert that generous Spirit which makes all this fatigue more delightful to him than the Pleasures which a man of his merit and Fortune might enjoy in England. Before I leave Savannah Town I must not forget to tell You who are concerned in the Navigation of the River that there is a fine Lighthouse making by Mr. Oglethorpes Order to be erected upon a Point in Tybee Island. 
 
After having been five days at Savannah with Mr. Oglethorpe I waited on him in his Scout Boat to Purysburgh which is but 24 miles from Savannah Town by Water and much less by Land. We passed by a new Settlement upon Savannah River made by several Scotch Gentlemen of good Families. It is about 11 miles above the Town. There is a strong Timber Building for a Fort and there will be fixd a Battery of Cannon to command the River; the Situation is very agreable. We might have reached Purysburgh in less than half a day, but Mr. Oglethorpe would visit some familys which he has settled upon Abercorn River. The River is large and joyns the Savannah at about 6 miles below Purysburgh. We found the People very busy; they were extremely pleased with the Honour Mr. Oglethorpe did them. We passed the Night in the Boat and next Evening proceeded to Purysburgh. Mr. Oglethorpe was received there with all the marks of Distinction and the Demonstrations of publick Joy the Town could afford; we Suppd at the Colonels where Mr. Oglethorpe took his Lodging, mine was at Capt. Lafittes. 
 
Next day we continued our way up the River. We made a Progress of 5 days lying at Nights either in the Boat or in the Woods. We had for 2 nights a very hard Frost. This way of Travelling I was an entire Stranger to. I believe it would disagree with most People. We saw upwards of Purysburgh no human Creature excepting an Indian Warrior who was coming down with his Family in a Canoe. He was mightily pleased to meet with Mr. Oglethorpe who has found means to keep a good Correspondence with the Indians of these parts. The Current of the River is very strong above Purysburgh. We went not only along the Savannah but turned into several fine Creeks or Lagunes they are called so here tho some of them are Rivers. We landed on all Places likely for Settlements. I had much ado to follow Mr. Oglethorpe for he walks the Wood like any Indian. The Georgia Side seems to be by much preferable to the other; there are more rising Spots of Ground fit for Habitations. That on the Carolina Side is low and overflown in Winter. It is good for Rice Land but there is too much of it. This puts me in mind of Mr. Purrys 48000 Acres. I have got the Governors Warrant for running of them out and he is to be put in possession of 12000. I asked Mr. Oglethorpes Advice. He told me that tho the Land below Purysburgh is better Situated he was for running it above that Town to avoid Disputes which might prejudice the Interest of Purysburgh in this Province, adding that as new Settlements are intended above Purysburgh on the Georgia Side, some of our Settlements the same way would be agreable to the Gentlemen in the Trust. We therefore concluded to take the 12000 Acres above Purysburgh and Mr. Oglethorpe is to send me a Surveyor for that purpose. Mr. Oglethorpe staid one day at Purysburgh at our Return and then went down again to Savannah. 
 
You have had, my dear Friend, so many Descriptions of Purysburgh already that it is needless to trouble You with one. I wish I could give You an agreable Account of the poor Peoples Condition. I know how wellcome it would be to You who have always shewn so tender a Concern for them. The Truth is they are in great need of assistance. They have some from the Province who is very sensible of the Usefullness of this Colony, but the Country is in Debt and cannot raise new Funds. The Hardships and Difficulties attending new Settlements are such as require great helps. They are not wanting to themselves, they are an industrious and brave Peoples. Some notice taken of them at home would spirit them up and encrease their number so as to make this a strong fence against the Incursions of the French or Spanish Indians and even of the French or Spaniards themselves. This Colony may be no less usefull to Georgia if not more. It prevents their being Surprized from this Side, and in case of an Attack they are within Call in a manner of Savannah and may be there with Arms and Provisions in less than a day. They showd their Readiness to assist their Neighbours last Summer when it was thought that the Spaniards were going to make an Attempt upon Georgia. As they had their Provisions given them by the Province they lookd upon themselves as a Garrison and thought they could not leave their Town to meet the Enemy at Savannah without the Governours order. They applyed to have a general Leave which the Governour gave them by telling them they were not restrained upon those Exigencies. Mr. Oglethorpe is a very good friend to Purysburgh, and where he is a friend he is a usefull one. He has promised to recommend that Colony to the Gentlemen in the Trust. I have great hopes that some way will be found for the Relief of the poor People. I have received a Letter from Mr. Oglethorpe who does me the favour to let me know that he has recd a Grant from the Governour for the Lands below Onefurkee Creek. He is going to visit the Alatamaha River. I have paid today  60 Sterling to Mr. Dejean which the Major will repay. I long to hear from You and our Friends, to whom pray give my hearty Service. 
 
 
Extract of a letter dated as Purrysburgh, Jan. 26, 1733/4, Egmont 14200, pp. 153-154, concerning Savannah marriages. 
 
Sir 
 
I have but very little to add to my last in which I acquainted You with the Agreement made between four Couples of our People to enter into the State of Matrimony which seems at present very well adapted to the Taste of the Young Men and Maidens of our Colony. Since there are now six Couples instead of four, all very fit for Propagation I am told that some of these Wives will hardly Stay the nine months out to Create a Progeny, whether by reason of the fruitfullness of the Air or of some Tryal of Skill beforehand I do not determine. As we have no Parson to perform the Ceremony of the Marriage (being by the Grace of God rid of that base Mr. Bugnion) the above six Couples together went to Georgia for that Purpose. The Attendants were very numerous and the Major of our Fortress was at the Head of this Nuptial Band for the better Security and good Order of the Voyage. They landed at Savannah Town and Mr. Oglethorpe received them in the most obliging manner and with much Generosity. He ordered presently a fine Hog to be killed for the Entertainment of the Company. Beer, Wine, Rum and Punch was very plentifull. They were all very merry and dancd the whole Night long. The next day they went to Mr. Oglethorpe to take their Leave and thank him for all his Kindnesses, and as their Boats were passing the River they were Saluted from the Fort by a Volley of the great Guns. They all returned safe here. I cannot express how much our People were pleased with their Journey and how many times they blessd Mr. Oglethorpe. There is now two Couple more desiring to go to Savannah as the others did; Peter Roche designs to marry a young German Girl of 15 Years of Age. She is the prettiest Maid of our Colony; the other Couple is Francis Buche with the Widow Franks. But her first Husband being lost no longer than ten months ago She is to Stay according to the Laws of Carolina till one Year and one Day be over before She can take a second Husband; tis very likely the first has perished in the Forests, having heard of him in no manner at all. 
 
Every thing goes on very well in our Colony, our Gardens are plentifull, our Cattle encreases, our Lots in the Town are almost Cultivated and we are in hopes of a pretty good Harvest. 
 
 
Robert Parker31 to Harmon Verelst, Jan. 1733/4, Savannah, Egmont 14200, p. 145, concerning his sawmill in Georgia. 
 
Sir 
 
I make use of Mr. Gordons Departure to return You my hearty Thanks for all your Favours. I shall retain a due Sense of them. I am now in Georgia where I have undertaken to make a Mill for Sawing of Wood & another for grinding of Wheat which will be finished in a few days. I have agreed with Mr. Oglethorpe who allows me  60 Sterling a year, my Victuals and 5 P C p Ann. on the Profits of the first Saw Mill. If I had People to help me I could build several Mills. If we had half a dozen we could employ them all. I have resolved to build all my Mills upon the little Rivulets we have in Georgia. I am building a Mill which will be very strong and will move upwards of thirty Saws. My Reasons for building them on the Rivulets are several. First The continual Supply of Water which I can depend on night and day. Secondly Because we are not at the Charge and Trouble of bringing the Trees by Carriages. I have them cut down and thrown in the Water then they come down with the Current from upwards of 4 or 5 Leagues distance into a Repository that I have made near the Mill. 
 
 
Extract of a letter from South Carolina, Feb. 1733/4, Egmont 14200, pp. 157-158, concerning possible Cherokee troubles. 
 
We have here a very great Expectation of an Eruption with the Cherokee Indians. They have for some time behaved in a very insolent manner, but more particularly about fifteen days ago; there went a hundred of them to a Traders Store with their Arms and plundered his Store taking away every thing from him, and told the Trader if he was angry they would kill him. The Principal Actors in this Affair was those Indians that Sr. Alexander Cummings carried over lately to England; we find notwithstanding the good Treatment they met with there that they are more insolent than the others and say that we are all Slaves to the Great George, and all the Goods carried to their Nation are his and he sends them over as Presents to them, and therefore we impose on them by demanding any Consideration for the Goods. It would be tedious for You to read were I to relate their repeated Insolencies we have had from those Indians since their Return from Great Britain; and am sure it will be for the Service of this Province never to Suffer any more of them to go there; the Treaty of Alliance Settled between them and the Lords of Trade they now despise. We are under such Apprehensions from the Indians that the Assembly are now considering of two Forts to be erected immediately, one amongst the Cherokees and the other amongst the Creeks in order to put a Check to their Insolence as well as to secure our Trade, and without that be done a War with the Indians will be unavoidable. For the French have to the Southward at least Twelve thousand Indians that they may easily bring against us, without mentioning the great Numbers they have at Canada and up the River Mississippi. These to the Southward are the Nations called the Choctaws & Blewmonths32 who they may march from their Settlements to Charles Town in Twenty days. Tis true we have two new Settlements making to the Southward on Savannah River, that is the Swiss Settlement under the Conduct of Mr. Purry and the other called Georgia under Mr. Oglethorpe; but these tho in time may be good Frontiers, at present will be of little Service in case of an Indian War because those Strangers would make but a poor Stand in our Indian method of fighting. The Swiss Settlemt. goes on very well and the People very industrious, the others are not so laborious. 
 
 
James Oglethorpe to the Trustees, Feb. 26, 1733/4, Savannah, Egmont 14200, pp. 161-162, recommending 500 acres for Joseph Watson. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
I recommend to You Mr. Joseph Watson of Grantham in Lincolnshire for a Grant of Land herein Specifyed and that the Grant may pass your Seal with the utmost Expedition. That is to say Five hundred Acres of Land to the said Mr. Joseph Watson and to the Heirs Male of his Body and in case of failure to the Heirs Male of the Body of Susannah Watson Daughter of the said Joseph Watson and that his Widow on his Decease shall be intitled to the Mansion House and to one third of the Land during her Life. The same to be held as Gentlemans Tenour and bounded by the Trust Lands, dividing the same Tract from the Lands of John Musgrove Gent. and by the Trust Lands divided from the Indian Creek. On the following Conditions. 
 
1st. To Pay Ten shillings of lawfull money of England for every hundred Acres to Commence Ten Years after the Date of the Grant, to be paid within six days after the Day of Payment. 
 
2d. To Settle himself with four white Men Servants upwards of eighteen Years of Age each upon the said Lands and to continue with the same Number of four men in the said Province for the Space of three Years from the Date of the Grant. 
 
3d. To clear and cultivate for each hundred Twenty Acres within the Space of Ten Years and Plant upon the same Two hundred white Mulberry Trees and maintain them, and one hundred upon every Ten Acres which he shall clear. 
 
4th. Not to alienate any part of the said Five hundred Acres without Licence. 
 
5th. Not to enter into a Company to Manufacture Pot Ash, but may Manufacture the same separately. 
 
6th. Not to hire, lodge, board or employ any Black or Negroe or any Slave within the said Province of Georgia. 
 
7th. If the said Joseph Watson shall dye without Issue Male, or himself or Successors shall be guilty of Treason or Felony then the said Lands shall revert to the Trust as if the Grant had never been made. 
 
 
Isaac Chardon to the Trustees, March 14, 1733/4, Charles Town, Egmont 14200, p. 165, concerning the arrival of the Salzburgers. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
You have here inclosed the News Papers which our little Country affords that Esqur. Oglethorpe desired me to send You, and is what You may expect so long as we can keep our Printer alive. 
 
Mr. Oglethorpe was sent for the 22d last month by the Publick to be consulted with on certain Indian Affairs, to Ward against the Incroachments of the French on the back of the Upper Creek Nation in the Province of Georgia, and to six certain Forts by the Assistance of the Publick as will tend to the Safety of this Province so well as that. And being very much hurried while he was here and more so on the Arrival of Capt. Fry off our Bar with the Saltzburghers and other Passengers who were in good health, he set out again for Georgia the 11th instant without having any spare time to write to You. He told me that he should return again a fortnight hence, but there is now so much fresh Work cut out for him that I do not expect to see him until the latter End of next month. 
 
 
James Oglethorpe to the Trustees, April 2, 1734, Charles Town, Egmont 14200, pp. 169-171, concerning the settlement of the Salzburgers Georgias expences, and fear of the French among the Creek Indians. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
The Ship with the Saltzburghers came in sight and Mr. Van Reck [Baron Georg Philipp Friedrich von Reck] landed here just as I was going to imbark for England. I found it necessary to go down to Georgia to place them there and make a Disposition for their Subsistence. I put on board them a Pilot and got Mr. [George?] Dunbar, a Gentleman of fashion, who is a very good Seaman and knows the Entrance of the Savannah River perfectly well, to go with them. I was, for haste, not able to write to You, because I sat out instantly and arrived at Savannah on the 14th of March. I settled the Saltzburghers in the Situation which they desired, though it occasions an additional Expence we being obliged to buy Horses to carry up their Provision by Land for they are six miles from the great River, and the Ebenezer is so choaked up with old Trees that Boats cannot go till they are removed. I therefore hired a Packhorseman and have ordered him Ten Horses to attend them. I have bought a Sow, a Cow, two Fowls, Ducks and Geese for each of them, which will be delivered as soon as they can be got up. The Commissary [Von Reck] is a good natured Man, the Ministers are very devout and the eldest is a very wise Man; the whole are a religious, industrious and cheerfull People and in all probability will succeed very well. 
 
The Assistance the Assembly voted us last year of  8000 Currency is not yet paid so that our Colonys daily Expences obliged me to draw upon You for the Supply of them. The Money is to be raised upon the Duty on Rum, which is a very good Fund and You by that means may be reimplaced. The above Expences together with the Saltzburghers and other Expences occasioned by the vast Increase of our People, and the Price of Rice rising from between 30 and 40 shillings  hundred weight, which it was last Year, to  3. and  3. 2. 6 which it is this Year, and all other Provisions proportionably together with the Ship Load of Servants which I bought, who must otherwise have perished and who are now grown very usefull to the Colony; has occasioned my Drawing for the inclosed Sums upon You. 
 
The Orders for a Man of War to cruise off the Georgia Station are come, but we are in very little Apprehension of the Spaniards we being much more able to dislodge them from Augustine than they us from Savannah. But the French are much to be apprehended from the Westward, and several Soldiers pretending themselves to be Deserters, whom I take for Spies, have come into Carolina over Land from the Mississippi. They have lately attacked the Chickasaws and almost extirpated the Notchees and Foxees, Nations in friendship with Carolina. Before I came here they had encroached into the Upper Creeks Country, where they had built a Fort called Albamuse and were going to build another in the Lower Creeks when I arrived, but such Measures have been taken that they did not venture to do it; And the Creeks have resolved not to let them encroach any further. The People of Carolina are of opinion that the French will strive by force to settle amongst the Creeks; the Post which they did intend to fortify being of that consequence that they think, if the French are once well established there, Carolina will be lost upon the very first War. They would fain have had me built a Fort there, and the Creek Indians (fearing to be overpowered by the French) have applied to the same purpose, though they would never admit of a Fort and Garrison from Carolina. The Expence being very great though the Necessity is much greater, I have not concluded any thing with them being very cautious of imbarking in new Expences; those which are absolutely necessary for the Subsistence of the People being already so great. 
 
 
Anonymous letter to Lord Percival (Earl of Egmont), April 6, 1734, Savannah, Egmont 14200, pp. 173-174, concerning the writers desire to leave his property for missionary work among the Indians. 
 
My Lord 
 
I know I need make no Apology, your known Zeal for the Christian Religion is sufficient for me. I have my Lord from my Birth in a peculiar manner acknowledged the Divine Providence over me and particularly in the settling the Colony of Georgia. The great God therein hath blessed my Labours to whom I am desirous to dedicate the first Fruits of them. 
 
I have no Children nor am like to have and on failure of Issue I have after my Death given my Town Lot Garden Lot and Farm Lot with the House Warehouses Buildings and Appurtenances whatsoever in the said Town of Savannah now of the Value of  25 Sterling p Ann, towards the Maintenance of a Missionary to be recommended by Your Lordship and Your Successors & approved of by the Trustees for the Colony whose only Business shall be the Conversion of the Indians in this Province to the Christian Religion. I beg Your Lordship will take care to see the same confirmed at home by those Honble. Gentlemen. 
 
My Lord the Indians near us are desirous of Instruction which they have hitherto refused to receive; there is nothing wanting to their Conversion but one who speaks and understands well their Language to explain to them the Mysterys of the Christian Religion, for as to the Morals of Christianity they understand and assent to it and indeed by strict Justice and good Usage Mr. Oglethorpe has so endeard them to him that they are ready to hear and receive any thing he shall propose. They seem to be Masters of true Eloquence making allowance for what they suffer through the badness of Interpreters. Many of their Speeches are equal to those we admire in Greek and Roman Writings; They generally in Set Speeches use Similies and Metaphors. I beg Leave my Lord to mention one spoken by their Chief Tomo Chachi to Mr. Oglethorpe. Sir, says he, here is a little Present, giving him a Buffloe Skin painted on the inside, with the Head and Feathers of an Eagle That the Eagle signifyed Speed the Buffloe Strength. That the English were so swift as the Bird and strong as the Beast since like the first they flew from the utmost parts of the Earth over the great Seas and like the second nothing could withstand them. That the Feathers of an Eagle were soft and signifyed Love the Buffloe Warmth signifyed Protection; therefore he hoped we would love and protect them. 
 
I beg Leave my Lord to take notice that this Province will with Pain and Care produce both Wine and Silk and deserves his Majestys particular regard. They are very loyal and on all publick Occasions drinking their Majestys healths. I have ordered a Copy of a Poem made by a Georgian (the Perusal of which I hope will be agreable to Your Lordship) to be delivered to You. 
 
 
Extract of a memorial of the South Carolina Assembly to the King, April 9, 1734, Charles Town, Egmont 14200, pp. 183-184, concerning Indian relations and defences for South Carolina and Georgia. 
 
We therefore beg leave to inform Your Majesty, that the Building and Mounting some Forts also among the Cherokees, and making them presents will be highly necessary to keep them steady in their duty to your Majesty, least the French may prevail in Seducing that Nation, which they may the more readily be inclined to from the prospect of getting considerable Plunder in Slaves, Cattle, & Commodities, which they very well know they have among us. Several other Forts will be indispensably necessary to be a Cover to your Majestys Subjects, settled backwards in this Province, as also to those of the Colony of Georgia, both which in length are very extensive. For tho the Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia by a Particular Scheme of good Management painfully conducted by the Gentleman [Oglethorpe] engaged here in that Charitable Enterprize have put that small part of the Colony which he has been yet able to Establish in a Tenible Condition against the Spaniards of Florida which lie to the Southward, yet the Back Exposition of those Colonys to the vast number of French & Indians which border on the Westward must in case of a War cry greatly aloud for your Majestys gracious & timely Succour. The expence of our Safety on such an Occasion We must in all humility acquaint your Majesty either for Men or Money can never be effected by Your Majestys subjects of this Province, who in Conjunction with Georgia, do not in the whole amount to more than three Thousand five Hundred Men that compose the Militia, and wholly consist of Planters, Traders, and other Men in Business. 
 
 
Samuel Eveleigh to James Oglethorpe, May 7, 1734, South Carolina, Egmont 14200, 76-78, concerning Cherokee troubles. 
 
Sir 
 
According to my promise I shall endeavour to give You as full an Account of all those Occurrences which shall happen in this Province that I think to be most material and which I believe will be most acceptable to You; and that I may not omit any thing material I shall do it by way of Journal. 
 
7th May. This Day came to Town Mr. Thos. Brown from the Cautabas and informed me that the Sinnacas had fallen upon that nation and killed two Persons, but that a parcel of Cautabas to the Number of 20 in the Woods discovered 26 Indians whom they supposed to be French, Surprized them, killed 13 and brought as many entire Scalps into their Nation with the Loss of only one Man. 
 
9th. I sent to Georgia by Mrs. Musgrove some Date Stones and Cottaquinteda33 seeds and desired Mr. Causton to put them into the Ground immediately, and acquainted him that the Cottaquinteda came up like a Water Melon and that the Leaves resemble one the other. 
 
About the same time came to Town Saml. Brown and other Indian Traders from the Cherokees who say those Indians were very insolent & threatend to take away the Lives and Effects of the Traders as will appear by the Following Account Mr. Beane has given me in Writing (vizt.) about the 1st of September the little Warrior who is the Governors friend came to my house and told me that he had much ado to Save the white mens Lives for at the meeting at J. Oree the Consultation was held the whole night and twas to kill all the white Men that was there, and that a Runner was to go all over the Nation where any white Men was and kill them. In the morning he came home drest in his Leather Shirt and the other Warrior called Major Fitch took notice and askd him what was the matter, and he said nothing for he believed there would be no meeting that day. The Major told him to go and talk to them and he would stay another day. Accordingly the little Warrior went and askd them where he should go to get Powder and Bullets for that he had been every Path but could find none but amongst the English and told them further if they were upon that Design he woul dye along with them. Febry. the 6th the little Warrior came to my house again and told me that twas good for the white men, meaning the Traders, to Stay down among the English and not to come up here for one or two years and then their young men would know what the Want of Goods was. For You white People will not believe the Danger till You feel it and if You white People will stay below I think it is very good and then they will want me to go down & bring up the white People again and then that will be the time for me to talk with them. When the Warriors heard that the Indians had taken away Horsfords Goods he said this is the beginning of my Peoples bad thoughts, for my part I shall not see it for I will go to the English and live with them I and all my Children and to morrow I shall go. To which I made him answer that he must not go and leave all the white men so he was contented to stay and see all the white men go out of the Valley. I then went to the Town house and desired the beloved men to persuade him to stay, at another time they said the Governour was a Rogue for stopping the Path and that they would go down in a body without his Leave. 
 
13th May. Came to Town Goodall and several other Creek Traders who say that those Indians are very peaceable and quiet with them. And with them came down two of the men that belonged to Capt. Pointsets Sloop that sailed hence in September last for Moville [Mobile?] and gives an Account that as soon as the Vessel arrived at Masackt at the mouth of the said River she was Seized and confiscated one half to the King the other half to the Governour, and the Capt. fined a 1,000 Livres. And tis here believed that the two Vessells that lately Sailed from hence to that place will meet the same fate which News is very agreable to the Indian Traders and many others no way concerned therein, it being a Trade that would have been attended with very mischevious Consequnces to this Province. And this Disappointment will put a Stop to this Trade and probably be a means to Extend our Trade to the Choctaws which will be a great Advantage not only to Trade but to this Province by bringing those Indians into our Interest which might have been affected some time since had not Capt. Glover obstructed it, induced thereunto by some private Views. 
 
The Governour did design to prorogue the Assembly to a further day but upon this News from the Cherokees he ordered them to meet and they are now setting. 
 
16th May. Yesterday arrived Capt. Paul Capt. Greg from Leith with 67 Passengers and a Vessel from Dublin with Servants. 
 
 
Paul Hamilton to Thomas Causton, May 27, 1734, Edisto Island, S.C., C.O. 5/636, p. 296, concerning presents of livestock to Causton and others and the desire for a Georgia land grant. 
 
Sir 
 
Haveing an oppertunity by Capt Odingsell have Sent you these few lines wth my Humble Service, & to acquaint you yt I depend very much upon your kind promiss made me just before parting, of writeing in my behalf by the first oppertunity to yt worthy Gentleman mr Oglethorp, about the five hundred acre Island upon Augusteen Creek oppesite to a neck of Land cald Hendrix neck, which he promisd he wood take Special care to give orders to be marked out for me. And more than that for my Incouragement to get a Settlement there told me that I Shud have it upon the first Conditions, which was a hundred acre to a Servant, which I doubt not but he will readily remember when you write to him about it. Which thing not being don I impute to his forgetfulness ocasioned by being in a hurry of business at that time. Sir these are also to acquaint you that mr wm Edings, & mr James Lardant, two of the Gentlemen that were with me at Georgia, have made a present of three Cows & Calfs more, one to your Self, another to mr Vanderplank, & the third to the Gentlemen where we were drinking a glass together that night we were with you whose name we know not. I desier youl accept also of a Small present from me to your Self, of a Splaid mair [mare] for your rideing & two Cows & Calfs & a young bull. Also two Cows & Calfs I make a present of to mr Jones. I desier you to Send a Petteauger for them to mr Joseph Sealys Landing as Soon as Possible before the weather grow too warm. Pray do me the favour as to give my Humble Service to mr Oglethorp when you write, which is all that offers at prest. 
 
P.S. I hope that Cattle last sent went safe to you. My service to Mrs. Hodgges. 
 
Endorsed on address side of letter: 
 
 Blethman  7  2 
 Barns  17  6 
 Cadman  4  8 
 Pensyne  1  11 
Baron von Pfeil34 to [?], June 14, 1735, Ratisbonne (Regensberg), C.O. 5/637, p. 110, concerning Moravian settlers for Georgia. Translation from French. 
 
Sir, 
 
Having received through His Majestys Minister of Great Britain the declaration of Messrs, my very honourable Trustees of Georgia in America upon the propositions of a South German made by me to the above said illustrious society, I have the honour of rendering you by this his response, and asking you humbly to inform concerning it Mesars. the Trustees. 
 
[P.S.] Not having any address to Mr Lorenzi, I take the liberty of rendering you this response. very humbly. 
 
 
Extract of a letter from Rev. Samuel Quincy35 to James Oglethorpe, June 20, 1734, Boston, New England, Egmont 14200, p. 205, concerning his going to Georgia and new arrivals there. 
 
I am now I thank God pretty well recovered of my Indisposition and intend to set out with all possible Expedition for Georgia and hope to be there before this can arrive in England. Since your Departure from Charles Town I am informed there is a Vessel arrived there from Leith in Scotland with 7 Gentlemen and about 60 inferiour Persons, Servants and Dependants with Design to settle in Georgia. My Friend writes me Word that some People there have endeavoured to dissuade them from going further but that he believes he shall prevail with 6 of the Gentlemen with their Servants &c. to go up. I heartily wish You Sir all imaginable Happiness and Satisfaction in your Return to your Native Country amidst the just Applauses of your Friends, and above all I wish You that calm Satisfaction & inward Pleasure which is the sure Reward of virtuous and good Actions and is infinitely preferable to Popular Applause. 
 
 
Rev. Samuel Quincy to James Oglethorpe, July 22, 1734, Charles Town, Egmont 14200, p. 206, relating of his arrival and New England help for Georgia. 
 
Sir 
 
Since the Writing of this I have been disuaded by my Friends from undertaking so long a Journey by Land as from Boston to Philadelphia this hot Season of the year; and therefore have took the opportunity of a Vessel belonging to my Relations bound to Charles Town where I am now arrived after a short and pleasant Passage of 15 Days. Mr. Van Reek arrived in Boston a few days before I came away, I had the Pleasure of seeing him there and we Sailed out of the Harbour at the same time, I hope he is now arrived in London. The Governor of New England has promised to propose to the Council and Assembly to Send a Sloop with Sawd Boards and Provisions for the Use of our New Colony. I have heard that they are at present in pretty good health at Georgia & go on very well. 
 
 
Patrick Mackay36 to Thomas Causton, July 8, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 315-316, Egmont 14200, pp. 211-212, concerning a proposed Choctaw visit and Indian trade. 
 
Sir 
 
An Express from Captain Mcpherson for his Excellency Governor Johnson delivered me yours of first of July. I judged on receipt of yours that he had comed from you for his Excellency and therefore waited of him to hear the News it being reported in Town that you had taken 30 Spaniards prisoners. But his Excellency told me he had only a Letter from Captain [James] Mcpherson with advice of the Chactaws Indians Arrivall in Georgia with some of the Chiefs of the upper Creeks. Tho it would be very inconvenient for me to be sooner with you as towards the latter end of this Month, yet I should endeavour to be with you sometime this week, but that his Excellency with some of his Counsell are of opinion that the Chactaws Should come here. I am not my self averse to their coming here for this reason, that as the Chactaws have never been in any of our British Settlements before therefore they should see the best appearance we can make, that they may give a better report of us than they can do from Seeing our Infant Colony only. His Excellency therefore desires that if you Join in Opinion with him, the Scout Boat may be sent down wth. them the upper Creeks and [Thomas ?] Jones, or that, if they Choose to travel by Land you send them by Purrisburgh. I shall take care of them while here and return with them to Savannah where Ide have us enter into treaties with them and you should make them the proper presents on that occasion. If you join with me in Opinion pray send them down and let me know if you have in the Store Such things as are proper to be offered them as presents when they return, that if you have them not I may carry them from here, which I should be Satisfied to have your Directions about. 
 
But if you should be of a different Opinion pray keep them in diversion there untill I am got Clear here, which will take me at least fourteen days yet. For tomorrow I go to buy 30 or 40 horses into the Country and as I cant tell where to find them it may consume more time than I can presently foresee. But how soon I have got the Horses bought I shall be after ordering them up over Land to the Patachocolas Ready to leave this place in a few days, for I have got all the presents ready. Wither you keep them there or that they come here I shall endeavour to perswade them to return with me to the Creek Nations. 
 
If the Indians come here It will have this advantage that not only they shall entertain better Notions of the British in General but it will cause as much of the Presents which this Province will be at the Expence off if they come here. 
 
Pray tell Tommy Jones not to apply to Carolina for a Licence to trade with the Chactaws. If he comes here let him see me first & I shall Satisfie him in what he shall desire. Tell him to Acknowledge to those of this Province that shall ask the questions that it was by Mr. Oglethorpes possitive orders he undertook that Voyage for which he had a Promise of that Trade for 3 or 4 years, which tell him to insist upon if any Occasion is for his So doing. 
 
 
Rev. John Martin Bolzius to James Vernon, July 13, 1734, Ebenezer, Egmont 14200, pp. 215-217, concerning arrival and conditions in Ebenezer. 
 
Most Honoured Sir 
 
The many favours and benefits You have laid upon me and all your Saltzburghers have occasioned my Writing to You, and I hope your generous good nature will excuse it when these humble Lines cause any hindrance in the urgency of your Affairs. For that would render us worthy of blame if we did not let You understand that we account ourselves happy in your favour and tender Care of us, and our Prayers are daily for your Health and Welfare. We have it already cast in our minds to bring to our father in Heaven many Sacrifices of Thanksgiving, so soon as we are informed You have finished your Sea Voyage in good Health and Prosperity. God reward You a thousand times for all your Goodness presented to us in the former time and let all your good Counsels and weighty Affairs redound to the publick Good & Welfare of many poor People. We will make it the future business of our Life by the Grace and Assistance of the Holy Ghost to be no ways behind in Gratitude towards God and all our Benefactors. I cannot but let you know by this, that through your fatherly Care and Order Mr. Causton has sent for the Saltzburghers very sufficient Provisions and gives us most daily several Testimonies of his tender Regard to us, which is as we see and hear very tedious to the People at Abercorn & Savannah; wherefore they spread out very much Lies and ill things from your Saltzburghers, vizt. they were all given to Laziness, Drunkenness and several Disorders and were for all that not worthy of so many benefits. I and all Persons which are much conversant with this People are obliged to report well of them, that they dwell in the fear of God, practise Soberness and other Christian Virtues, and labour so earnestly that some of them have by the much Troubles and heavy Works Sickness and Death upon themselves. Five men and two Wives are deceased and some have been till now deadly sick. Therefore seeing that we do not find a great Abatement in our Congregation, we pray You will after your beloved kindness be carefull that more Saltzburghers come to our place so soon as it is possible; because a greater number of hands will ease their burden and very difficult works. Until this time they are constraind to do several Works which hinder them very often in building their own Houses and tilling the Ground. They have put in the Ground some Indian Pease, Corn and other Seed which they received from Mr. Causton in abundance, but no more as the said Pease and some English Beans and Cucumbers grow up. I believe the seasonable time of Sowing was past or the Seed is superannuated. As for mine and Mr. Gronaus healths, thanks be to God they continue as heretofore; and of our Livelihood we have no reason to complain. The Indians haunt us and tell us several Words of their Language which we note and learn by heart. So soon as we can quit the business, which is without our Vocation, we will do our utmost Endeavours to learn the said Language after which we have a hearty Desire and Delight. We wish earnestly that some family might dwell among us in Ebenezer, and rest in hopes our Wishes shall be by your and Mr. Caustons Care successfull. I have no more to add then that my Colleague Mr. Gronau gives his humble Respects to You, and so with my heartiest and best wishes I close up this. 
 
P.S. Mr. Rolf gave me the inclosed Letter to send it to You and desire that You, Sir, grant him Leave and Licence to return to Germany, by reason he cannot work in the Ground after the testimony of all your Saltzburghers. 
 
 
Mary Musgrove to James Oglethorpe, July 17, 1734, Savannah, Egmont 14200, pp. 219-221, concerning Choctaw and Creek relations. 
 
Honoured Sir 
 
I make bold to acquaint You that Thos. Jones is returned from the Choctaws and according to your Honours Desire he has brought the Choctaws down and they have received great favours from Col. Bull and Mr. Causton and all the rest of the Colony, and a great deal of Respect shewd them which they are wonderfully pleased at. And when they came down Mr. Jones brought with him some of the Heads of the Tallooposes which is called the Upper Creeks; The Dog King of Uphalais Chauaway by name went with Mr. Jones up to the Choctaws to make peace, and he is mighty glad that he and Mr. Jones did persuade them to come down which is more than ever Carolina could do to get them down before. And the Choctaws are so glad that some white People whom they calld their Masters has taken such Care of them as to send for them and they was very glad of the opportunity to come for they lived very poor before and now they are in good hopes to live as well as the other Indians do, for they had nor have no Trade with the French and their Skins lye by them and rot. When Mr. Thos. Jones came to them at first there was thirty Towns only that had the notice. Before Mr. Jones came away all they gave their Consents for their Coming, but Notice was still sent on farther. And they say that they like the English better than the French, and that they will stand by the English as long as they have one left alive. There was some of the Caupahauches and the Hulbaumors came with them. The Choctaws are all amazed to see the Creeks drink as they do, and they think the Creeks are saucy to the white People. The Choctaw King thinks they are obliged to the white People and thinks they cannot do enough for the white People especially the English. And since they have been here there has not one of them been disguished in Liquor or any ways saucy upon any Account. They have been here 21 Days for Mr. Causton thought it proper to send for Col. Bull and that was the Reason of their being Detained so long here. Govr. Johnson has sent for them to come to Carolina but Thomas Jones was not willing they should go to Carolina for fear of disobliging your Honour, and as he was sent for them for the Colony he did not Care they should go any where else. Your Honours Name is spread very much amongst them and they say that when your Honour comes back to Georgia they will be bound to raise a thousand or two at your Honours Command if desired, and they design to leave the French entirely and then they will come down and pay their Respects to You, and to Govr. Johnson if your Honour desires they should go to Carolina but not without your Honours Consent. Mr. Thos. Jones does insist of the Trade amongst the Choctaws as your Honour did promise him, and the Choctaws have so very great Respect and Value for Mr. Jones that they had rather have him to trade among them than any body else because he ventured his Life to bring them down to the English. 
 
Honoured Sir, There has been a great Dispute about the Lot that You was pleased to give the Grant of to Thomas Jones, and since You have given it to Mr. Parker Gent. and since to me. Jones is returned home. He finds he had lost it so there has been a Court Business about it, for Mr. Jones does insist upon that very Lot or else none; and the Court has considered upon it and was so good as to give it to him again. The Colony is in good health and I hope your Honour and all your family is in good health and my Husband is the same, and I beg your Honour will take great Care of him, he being in a strange place and not able to take Care of himself and to send him home as soon as possible.37 Capt. Mackay is not gone up as yet to the Creeks nor I do not know when he will. The Indians has expected him these three months ago. The Talloopose King has made great Complaints of the French building Forts amongst them and they did not know where or who to go to so they came to see if the English would protect them. 
 
 
Isaac Chardon to James Oglethorpe, Aug. 1, 1734, Charles Town, Egmont 14200, pp. 223-224, concerning a visit of some Choctaw Indians to Savannah. 
 
Sir 
 
I have since my last unto the Honble. Trustees of the 6th last month recd Advice from Mr. Thomas Causton that Thomas Jones who went to the Choctaw Nation arrived at Georgia on the 1st July last with one of the Chief men amongst them and six other Warriors representg. five Towns, and with them came several of the Upper Creeks who were neve there before that greatly assisted Mr. Jones in this Affair. 
 
The Choctaws seemed very much rejoyced at their good fortune in falling under your Protection and they made very heavy Complaints of their ill Usage by the French who Starved them for want of Trade and Surrounded them with their Forts. 
 
Mr. Causton received them very graciously and in the best manner he could suitable to the Occasion, well knowing what benefit it would be to the British Interest and therefore did not spare to make them such Presents as were most necessary, the greatest part of which he purchased at Musgroves. The Honble. Col. [William] Bull was there at the time and furnished him with his best Advice, the Indians are since all returned. I Suppose the Col. will give You a more just and particular Detail thereof. They are all in good Health at Georgia for we have had good Seasons and daily fresh Showers of Rain which has very much contributed to the making our Summer so moderate as it has been. I hope that You are very hearty and in good health. You have my best Wishes for a Continuance thereof. 
 
[P. S.] 2d. August. I recd a Letter from Mr. Causton this day with an Accot. of some Spaniards & Indians coming to drown the Settlemts. but I refer You to our Gazette for the Particulars. 
 
 
Thomas Penn to James Oglethorpe, Aug. 4, 1734, Philadelphia, Egmont 14200, p. 227, concerning aid and good wishes for Georgia. 
 
Esteemed Friend 
 
I had the pleasure of receiving thy Letter from Charles Town dated the 12th of April but I have not seen any thing of the two Letters thou mentions. 
 
The Account thou gives of Georgia seems to forebode its Success and indeed from the great pains thou hast taken there can be no room to doubt it unless the Climate should disagree with the People. I wish You may find the Prohibition of Rum not disserviceable. Most of the Colonies on the Continent are indeed in the use of it to a very great Excess, but I am from frequent Observation well assured that the moderate use of it mixed with Water in the very hottest Weather is very necessary. 
 
The Sloop thou mentions did not arrive here till lately when I ordered some Flour, Bread and Butter, of which last Mr. Van Reck told me there was great Scarcity, to be Shipped to the Care of Isaac Chardon and that it may be known whether the Account sent You is right I enclose thee a Copy of the Invoice. 
 
If I can be of any use to the Colony here my Endeavours shall never be wanting, or to thy self of which I had some hopes of assuring thee here, pray lay thy Commands on. 
 
 
Samuel Eveleigh to James Oglethorpe, Aug. 5, 1734, South Carolina, Egmont 14200, pp. 231-234, concerning Spanish and Indians to the south and too many Negroes in South Carolina. 
 
Sir 
 
By our Gazette of Saturday last I am informed that four Spaniards and Seven Indians were met with on St. Simons by our friendly Indians who enquiring what business they had there declared it was on the Crowns Affairs in Search of Settlements. From whence I am apprehensive that their Design was to Settle and infort themselves at the mouth of the Alatamaha River and You may remember that I was fearfull before You went hence that the Spaniards would do some such thing. You may also remember that I told You that I have been informed that the French about 14 Years ago had a Design of settling that River which was discovered by Sr. Martin Bladen when he was in France. 
 
If the Spaniards or French should make a Settlement and erect a Fort there they soon would erect a Fort up at the Forks so called because the Oakmulgy and Ocony Rivers meet at that place where the name of that River is altered to that of Alatamaha. 
 
If the Spaniards should get that place and infort themselves it would intirely put a Stop to all our Trade with the Creeks, Chickesaws or Choctaws both from Carolina and Georgia. For I am informed tis but 35 miles from the Forke (to which place its navigable for Pettiauguas) up to the fording place in the lower Path on the Ocony and Oakmulgy Rivers at which most of our Traders pass to go to the Creeks. 
 
For the above Reasons I think it adviseable that Orders be immediately given to build a good Fort at the mouth of that River, and according to my former Proposals I will immediately build a Fort at the Forks and place in it Seven Soldiers and mount Eight Guns two on each Flanker and keep it constantly provided with Arms, Ammunition and Provisions; the Fort shall be built as strong and good but not so large as Fort Moore on Savannah River at my own Cost and Charges. 
 
I propose that Mr. Musgrove shall be concernd l/3d part therein and I have in my Eye a very proper Person who is a sober carefull man and has been a long time acquainted with the Indian Trade and Traders to be concerned another third & my self the other third. All which I shall do on this Condition that we have the Sole Trade of that River both above and below it with the Indians, the Creek, Chickesaw and other Traders for 3 or 5 Years. 
 
If the Trustees agree to my Proposals I have ordered Mr. Samuel Baker the Bearer hereof to send me eight great Guns about one hundred and quarter each being of the Size or weight of those I think are at Fort Moore, and I will engage in the same immediately as soon as I receive your Directions. 
 
I have desired Mr. Baker to discourse with You on this Subject and to agree with the Trustees, which Agreement I shall stand to but must observe that I think five years to be as short a time as can be expected considering the Charge we shall be at and I dont doubt but that the Trade shall be carried on with more Satisfaction to the Indians and greater Security to Carolina & Georgia and hope Youll not expect any thing for Licences since the Trustees will be at no Charge for this Fort. 
 
I have prevailed with most of the Merchants of this place except those concerned in the Negroe Trade to write home to their Correspondents in London to joyn together in a Petition to the King in Council and to pray that Orders may be sent over to His Excellency to pass a Law to prohibit the Importation of Negroes for three Years which I think is highly, nay absolutely, necessary. Here is lately arrived in less than a months time three Ships from Guinea with upwards of Six hundred and fifty Negroes and there is several other Vessels more expected and I do believe the Number that may arrive will be very considerable because the Vessels that went last year to the West Indies from Guinea made generally speaking looseing Voyages and those that came here made profitable ones. 
 
I take notice both from the English Prints & those from the Northward that the Negroes at the Jersays have attempted an Insurrection and we have abundant more reason to fear on that Accot. when we have ten Negroes to their one. 
 
Here is a Gentleman lately arrived from the North Side of Jamaica in order to buy a Settlemt. and remove himself and family upon that very Account, he tells me they are there very apprehensive of a General Rising. The Planters of this Country are very considerably in Debt and should such a Law be permitted they would soon extricate themselves out of it. 
 
Mr. Day, Clifford and several others have sold and are about selling their Plantations and design to carry off their Negroes to Cape Fear, to which place abundance of our Planters are already gone, and I am sensible that the Reason of their so doing is chiefly owing to the Quantity of Negroes that have been imported. 
 
I lately moved this Affair to the Governor who seemed mightily pleased therewith & thought it was the best thing that could be done for the Good of this Province. I have talkd with some of the Council on the same Head and they are of the same Opinion and do earnestly entreat You that You would use your best endeavours that an Instruction to that purpose may be immediately sent over from the King to His Governour, and I doubt not but it would here pass notwithstanding the Opposition that may be made against it by the Negroe Factors and their Friends. 
 
Three Days since arrived Capt. Craigg from London and has brought an Accot. that a Person Supposed to be Humes had printed Articles and delivered them to the Lords against the Governor; and I am told by a Person that has seen them that several of them are false and that an Answer may easily be made wherein he levels his Artillery solely against him and that in it are several malicious Insinuations. I am afraid to add least I should tire You so conclude. 
 
 
Patrick Mackay to the Trustees, Aug. 10, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, p. 16, concerning equipment and supplies for his company of rangers. 
 
Honourable Gentlemen 
 
Since my last I have been in the Country to the first of this Month bringing up horses for your Service, where I might continue twise as long before I could find Such a Number of horses, & fitt for present Service, as I wanted, had not one of the Cherokee traders dyed whose gang I bought up. I found neither the Numbers or prices Mr Oglethorp allowed me would doe, So was obliged to advance in both & took of Jenys & Baker  599 Currency, more as the 620 I had an Order for. How soon I can find time to Copie over the Accompt, you Shall Know the Number & prices of the horses. 
 
Had I not been frequently advised by the Lieutenant that most of the Company38 had been Sickly ever Since I left them, & yt himself had received a dangerous wound in the body from a Cane, Cutting a Path from Josephstown to the post road, by which he was Confined when he wrote me ye 20th of last Month. I say had I not received Such reports from the Company, I would have been Still more chagreend than I am, at the Stop I mett with here, after being So long & unexpectedly detaind in the Country. Its incredible what difficulty I had for these ten days past to find 1000 wtt powder & 2000 lead in all this place; tho Mr Eveleigh, (to whom I told when I arrived from Georgia in June, that the publict Store there could not Spair me Such a quantity of powder & bullot,) promised to Supply me. I scarcely believe I left 1000 wtt lead behind. 
 
This day the periagua39 Saild wt the presents &c for which according to orders I gave recepts to Mr Eveleigh, & Munday the 12th I sett out with the horses for Palachocola. In my way I hope to meet wt one Prestoc that I purpose to hire as linguister. Daniel Savage haveing refused all the Offers I could make him, & Jehue Barton who I seed at his plantation on Cambahe river in my way hither, asking no less than  35 per Month & 2 horses; wages I could not think of allowing him, till I found I could not be other ways Servd. 
 
My nixt will be from the Palachocolas. 
 
 
Samuel Eveleigh to James Oglethorpe, Aug. 12, 1734, South Carolina, C.O. 5/636, pp. 12-13, giving an account of affairs in Georgia, especially the Indian trade. 
 
Sir 
 
Inclosed You have your Acct as it stood when you departed this Province. Ballance in your favour was then  649. 1. 6 as likewise an Acct of Sundrys delivered Captn Patrick Mackay for Provisions for himself & Men Amounting to  100 Sterling or  725 this Currency.40 You have likewise another Acct of Sundrys delivered Said Mackay for Presents to the Indians Amounting to  2287. 17. 6. One Hundred Wt Bullets I had of Messrs Jenys & Baker which they said they would Pass to Your Debit themselves but after I had Settled the Acct wth Mr Mackay they then chargd em, to me. So Youl find em chargd Accordingly in the Account Currt inclosed; the Ballance thereof being  2372. 16. 5 for which I have drawn on the trustees a Bill of Exchange for  327. 5. 8 Sterling of this date Payable to Mr Saml Baker ten days after Sight Which I doubt not will find due Honour. 
 
I have delivered Mr Mackay for the Provisions but  362. 10. but have given him my Promisary note on demand for the remainder and have writ to my store keeper at Savanna Town41 to deliver Mr Mackay whatever goods he shall Write for. 
 
We found a great deale of dificulty to get the Quantity of Bullets and Powder (there not being a Sufficiency at Georgia to Supply him therewith). 
 
The Presents are Extraordinary Good & hope they will have the desired Effect. 
 
Mr Mackay has had a great deale of trouble in getting horses; the Goods are gon two days Since to the Pallachocolas42 by water, and Mr Mackay proposes to Morrow to go by land & meet them. 
 
The Choctaw Indians have been at Georgia wth Jones43 and as I am informd went away Very well Satisfied. 
 
I was yesterday at Mr Amatiss Garden44 which I found Clean and in good order. He has Sowed a great quantity of Mulberry Seeds and believes he shall have One Hundred thousand trees. The Grape Vines there flourishes Extraordinary well. 
 
I heare that you are Chosen Member of Paliament for Haslemere on wch Acct I Congratulate you and hope by that means youl be Serviceable both to this place and Georgia. 
 
Here is a dismal Accots from New York Province & Jamaica dureing the Government of the late Mr Hunter. Certainly we are here Very Happy in a Governour if we did not know our own happyness. 
 
Here is Still great talks of a Warr. In Such a case tis absolutely Necessary that we should have as early advice as possible. I have been informd by a Gentleman that was in Martineco when the last Warr was Proclaimd, which was the Same day it was Proclaimd at Parris, I heare that there was no less than thirty Sail of Sloopes ready to push from thence as Privateers and I am Senceable we are more Dangerously Scituated should a Warr happen than any other Place. 
 
I Remember I formerly told you that I had read Proposals for intercepting the Spanish Galleons. I believe tis Near Thirty Years Since so I cant remember much of it yet as farr as I can I will again inform you. The Rendevouze of our fleet was to be at Port Royal and to keep themselves in readyness. There was two Nimble Sloopes to be Employd. They were to Cruise off the Havanna, one to Windward and the other to Leeward and in the Night time to go ashoar and take a prisoner and from him or them to be informd of the time the Galleons were to Sail so to return to Port Royal & give an Account thereof. When they found the Galleons were ready the fleet were to go out and place themselves at due distance on the Bahama Bank, but whither to lay by or at an Anchor I cant say. At that place the Gulph is Narrowest and almost impossible for the fleet to go by without being Disernd. 
 
I was two nights ago in Company wth Captn Barns who was lately at Georgia and went in there in the Night time & he tells me that a Hundred Sail of Men of Warr may ride Securely behind Tybe an does believe that there is no less than twenty four foot at low Water. 
 
 
Richard Woodward to Patrick Mackay, Aug. 16, 1734, Beaufort, S.C., C.O. 5/636, pp. 70-71, concerning Daniel Savages refusal to be linguister for Mackay. Enclosed with Mackay to Oglethorpe, Nov. 20, 1734. 
 
Sr 
 
Yours of the 4th Instant Came to hand, but being from home when the man brought it mist that Opportunity of Answering the Same, he goeing away Imediatly. I have According to your Request Spoke to Mr Savage, in Regard of goeing up wth you as Linguister to the Creeks, and Told him Everything that you wrote me, and perswaded him all that Lay in my power, but to Little purpose as youll find and Told what advantage it would be to him, but as I take him to be no Soloman, he would here to nothing, no further, then he Told me that he Would not goe under Eighty pounds per month and Could get nothing Else out of him. Neither Could I perswade him to meet you at Georgia, withought I would promiss to See him paid at the Rate of  80 per month as beforementiond. I cant Imagin how Mr Oglethorpe Could pitch on Such a Thick Scull Bitch of a Fellow as this is, to goe as Linguester. I thinck I never met wth the fellow to him, to make Short of him he Swore he would not go. 
 
In my Oppinion you ought get a much propper a man at Savanah Town or amongst the Creeks. I wish you a Safe and pleasant Journey to Your fort, and hope you may meet wth all the Incouragmt & Suckcess in Trade you possible Can Desire. 
 
 
Samuel Eveleigh to James Oglethorpe, Aug. 21, 1734, South Carolina, C.O. 5/636, p. 14, giving an account of trade with Pennsylvania, the current rice crop, and slaves from Africa. 
 
Sr. 
 
Above is Copy of my last per Capt Povey45 who stil waites for a faire wind. Yesterday arrived three vessells from Philadelphia one of them is fully laded with flower bread &c. as a present from Mr. Penn46 to the province of Georgia, to which place the Sloope is bound and the Brigga has some goods in upon ye same Account. And I am informed that he designes a  1000 sterling to be shipt in presents to said place by degrees. The master of sd vessells gives an account that they have had Extraodinary Cropts of wheate pease &ca not only there but in all the Northern Collinies. 
 
Much rain has fallen here within this 4 or 5 dayes after a long spel of dry weather which has don some damage to our rice; however tis Concluded that we shall make this Year 60 or 70 thourand barriells. Had ye rains fallen 14 days sooner tis believed we should have made a greate maney thoushand bbs more. 
 
About a fortnight Since Mess Jeneys & Baker made sale of 340 slaves out of Capt Mcnut and the groce sale as I am informed Came out to  175 per head, So that my Calculation was modest. And four dayes since arrived Capt Gordon 30 dayes from Gambo [Gambia] with 200 and od slaves Consigned to the same Gent and doubt not but theyle sel for as much if. not more. The Capt informs me that he attempted to get Some gum from ye windward Coast but was drove awaye by a French Man of Warr. And he informs me that three or 4 large ships laded at Gore & have on board nigh 400 slaves Each bound to Missipi. 
 
Mr McCaye [MacKay] went out of Town two dayes after my last letter in order to Carrey his horses to the Pallacholous. I wish him success. 
 
 
William Dalmas47 to James Oglethorpe, Aug. 23, 1734, Skidaway Island, C.O. 5/639, p. 19, Egmont, 14200, p. 235, asking for a servant and describing Skidaways defenses. 
 
Sr 
 
At yr departure from this place You was so good as to procure me a Servant, wch I have not Yet recieved, nor endeed can hear any thing for certain off. I think it My Duty to acquaint You with it, it being a very great hardship upon Me in My weak Condition to be without one. I most Humbly begg yt you would be so good as to give directions yt He may be procured or some other in His Stead. All our Setlement is in tolorable good Health, but have been a litle alarmd with a report of 50, or 60, Spaniards & Spanish Indians being Seen in a Boat on our frontier to ye Southward, wch made me assist & give directions to our People in erecting a Square redoubt upon our Point, with an Intrenchmt on ye Inside, & a possee without. We have 4 Swivell & a Carriage Gun Mounted wch both comands ye River & the Aproaches to our Hutts, So that if any thing Should hapen I do not in ye least doubt but we Shall be able to Stand a good argument against a farr Superiour Number. I cant help but take notice that we were but Six to carry on the aforesaid work, ye rest refusing to do any thing without being paid for it. You may issure Yr Self that I shall make it My Chief Study to deserve the favours that You have all ready bestowd upon Me, & begg yt You would believe me with ye Utermost Gratitude. 
 
 
Mayeux de Lormaison to Benjamin [?] Godin, Aug. 28, 1734, New Orleans, C.O. 5/637, pp. 209-210, containing a request to Godin, a Charles Town merchant, about the cost of a vessel Lormaison desired to buy. [The editors have not included this letter because it has no connection with Georgia.] 
 
 
William Bateman48 to [?], Sept. 3, 1734, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 21-22, Egmont 14200, pp. 239-240, giving a favorable description of Savannahs progress contrary to the malicious lies spread by Carolinians. 
 
Hond Sr 
 
I made Bold to write to you from Charles Towne South Carolina. I there took the Liberty to acquaint you of what the People of that Towne spoke Concerning Georgia. I at the same time told you I hoped and did not doubt but I should be able to give you a quite different Description of Georgia than what those People strove so much to make not only me But every Person believe concerning this place. There could be no description of any Place (without the malice of Hell it self) be made so dismall as the People of that Towne endeavor to make Georgia. Tho in short a Person may soon see thro their Artifice and that it is fear only of the great Progress that has already been made in Georgia in so short A space of time will greatly damage their Trade and force them to be more Industrious and more Diligent than what they really are at Present. For of all the places I have ever yet been at I never see the Inhabitants, so indolent, so Proud, nor so malicious as themselves. 
 
I Arrivd here on Wesnesday the 28th of last month (I thank God in good Health as is at Present the whole Colony) when instead of finding what I heard at Charles Towne I found more ground Cleard, more Houses Built and in a more Regular manner then it was Possible for me to Conceive or Believe, more especially when I Consider the short space of time it has been entred on, and that the Majority of the People were not before used to any hard Labour. They tell me that all America never could Boast the like before and I have reason to believe it; And that Philadelphia was 10 or 12 years before it could boast of such a Towne as Georgia is at Present. 
 
As for a further Description of the Place your Honnour has had it by far better hands than myself. It stands on a High hill which they call here A Bluff, Scituate on a fine River. The soil, as far as I am Capable of discerning extraordinary good, and see no Doubt but in a short time All The worthy Gentlemen the Trustees will have the Pleasure of seeing their Laudable and Generous undertakings Answer greater and sooner then they could reasonably expect. Which God Almight of his Infinite goodness Grant. 
 
I delivered the Letter Your Honr was Pleasd to Favour me with, to Mr Causton the Gentleman that Acts in Mr Oglethorps Absence. I had one also from Mr Leigh which I deliverd also. He never made mention to me about the Contents of them, But has used me very courteous and Civill. My Man run away from me at Charles Towne, So Mr Causton says I can have but a Private Lot at Present, and which will indeed be enough now I am without a Servant. I Chose a Country Lot and am going to settle at a Place calld Hampsted about 4 miles out of Towne. 
 
If there should be any little Place Your Honour should think me Capable of in Savannah, I Hope and Trust your Honr will think of me, and hope You will allways Think me as I Really Am. 
 
 
Isaac King Clarke49 to the Trustees, Sept. 3, 1734, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 22-24, Egmont 14200, pp. 243-244, complaining of conditions in Georgia and asking for help in his condition. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
I hope Yor Honrs will excuse the freedom I have taken in writing which is to inform You that sevral matters relating to my self are so disagreeable that I hope your Honrs will consider of an Amendment. 
 
I am obligd to attend the Guard upon all occasions, to mount Guard, to do Day Duty, to releeve Guard &c, and those Days I am upon Duty there are so many Complaints made against me to Mr Causton (for not attending the sick) that tis intollerable. 
 
It was agreed that a House should be built for my attendance on the Sick for one whole Year, and ever since I have been here I have been in a Hutt which is so exposd that I have nothing left but what is rotten & spoild. I have mentiond the building sevral times to Mr Causton whose answer was generally this, or to the like effect, viz. Wee have so many things to be done for ye Publick that it cant be gon about, or that he expects Sawyers from Charles Town and then hell see whats to be done. Ever sinc my arrival here either my self, Wife, or Servt have been ill occasiond by laying wett, ye ill consequences of which wee daily find, and according to a moderate Estimate, with what Monies I have recd and the injuries I have sustained 280 pounds this Currency will not excuse me. 
 
It was orderd that Mr Watkins50 of Abercorne shoud not Practice here in Town that I might reap such small advantages as might accrue by such Persons as come on their own Accot as I had the fatiegue of the Town. Here is now no less than Seven or Eight Professors to Physick,51 all which assume a Prerogative very much to my detriment without any contradiction from Mr Causton. There are besides these many complaints too tedious for Yr Honrs perusal. 
 
I hope Gentlemen you will take into Consideration my present Condition. 
 
Tis a great hardship to be subject to ye Guard and taxd with omission of Duty. 
 
Tis a greater hardship to be exposd to ye injuries of Weather in which not only (that which is most dear) Health is concernd, but what I brought with me here is rotten and spoild both of which will render me incapable of any Performance I am by agreement to do. 
 
Tis a hardship that Others shoud be sufferd to incroach on that which might tend to my future Support, for I am to have no Pecuniary satisfaction for my trouble exclusive of a House which is not to this day begun. 
 
Honble Gentlemen my request is this, that an Amendment may be made to what precedes, or that you woud grant leave for my return to England. If what I object against cannot be obtaind I will willingly resign my right to any thing here, and if I have done any thing worthy of Merrit to ye Colony, tis at yor Honrs Service. I humbly beg pardon for my prolixity, and hope Yor Honrs will excuse this trouble given You. 
 
 
Jenys and Baker to the Trustees, Sept. 6, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 25-26, Egmont 14200, pp. 251-252, giving particulars of the aid set up by the South Carolina Assembly to Georgia. 
 
Honble Sirs. 
 
The Honble James Oglethorpe Esqr before he left this Province empowered and authorizd us, to receive for accot. of the Honourable the Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia in America, the Duty of 3d per Gallon on Rum, granted for the Speedier relief of his Majestys Subjects of Georgia, by an Act of the General Assembly of this Province. And pursuant thereto, we have received from the Publick Treasurer and account of the Dutys for two Quarters, ending the first of June last, amounting to the Sum of  921. 19. 9. for which we shall Credit the Trustees for accot of the Independent Company [Rangers], pursuant to the Direction of Mr Oglethorpe, by whose order we have opend an account for the said Company; and shall out of the Duty on Rum, duely pay such orders. Mr Causton shall draw on us for the use of that Company, according to the written order given us the 3d of may last by Mr Oglethorpe, by whose orders and Mr Caustons, we have already laid out, and paid the Sum of  987, 19. 8, as per accot of particulars inclosed. 
 
We have pursuant to Mr Oglethorpes order paid Captain Patrick Mackay  620 for purchasing of Horses for the Colony of Georgia, and delivered to him, Eighteen Colours, being presents for the Creek Towns, which are three more than Mr Oglethorpe had any Account of. But Mr Wiggan a Principal Trader among those Indians assured us there was that Number of Chief Towns, and we having received directions a get a Flagg for the Several Towns, orderd that Number to be made, the Cost of which, together with Tick for Tents you find in the Inclosed accot. 
 
We have also paid Captain Mackay  599, which he also has laid out in Horses having been obligd to purchase more, and at a higher Price than Mr Oglethorpe calculated, of which he Promised to send a Particular Accot by the Amoretta, for what weve Supplyed him with; his receipt is inclosed, being  1219. 
 
For the Amount of Your accot Currt herewith sent, we drew on you the 5th Instant, in favour of Messrs Paul Fisher & Thomas Jenys for  238. 9. 8 at  600 Advance persuant to Mr Oglethorpes order. By our last advice the Colony of Georgia was in good Health; Captn Mackay is we Suppose now on the Road to the Creeks, who have for some time been expecting a beloved Man with Presents from Your Colony. We shall be very glad to receive Your Commands, and proud to Serve your new Settlement. 
 
 
Jenys and Baker to James Oglethorpe, Sept. 6, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 27-28, Egmont 14200, pp. 247-248, informing him of affairs in the Indian country and of Mackays dealings with the Creeks. 
 
Sir 
 
This accompanys our letter to the Trustees, with our Several Accounts and advice of our having drawn on them for  238.9. 8 for particulars of which we referr you to those Gentlemen. 
 
We have this day Settled with Col Parris for the Duty of Rum, for the two first Quarters ending the 1st June, particulars of which we have also transmitted the Trustees. 
 
The Cherokees not having yet made any Submission to this Government for their Several Insults ot our Traders, no one is yet Permitted to carry any Goods to that Nation; who being attackd from Several Quarters, & in want of Amunition, will we Suppose very shortly apply to us for a Supply, and desire a Trade with us. 
 
Mr Wiggan in June last inform Us, that the Creeks expected a beloved Man from your Colony, that Capt Mackay would be very kindly received in that Nation, and that Silk Colours would be a very acceptable Present to the Several Chief Towns. Our P. Jenys told him, that you had orderd fifteen to be made, which he said were not enough, that there would be an Occasion of at least Eighteen, on which we gave Directions for that Number, knowing twas your design, that each principal Town should have One. You have by this time heard of the Success [Thomas] Jones met with among the Creek Towns; which we congratulate you on, and doubt not that your Colony will by prudent Management draw them from the French. The French Soldiers at the Albama Fort52 are poorly paid, and very inclinable to desert. But of this, no doubt Captain Mackay, will after he has been some time, in the upper Creeks give the Trustees, a full and perfect Accot. By our last from him, we conclude hes now on his Journey. He found much difficulty to get men and Horses, which much retarded him, and if a Cherokee Trader had not dyed in our Settlements on his Road to Town, who had some good Horses at Goose-creek, which on his Death were for Sale, and which Mackay afterwards bought; We believe he would have been provided to this Day. And those Tho he bought them as they were appraisd, exceeded Your Price; but of this, He, himself has, (we believe) advised you, (as he promised us) he should. 
 
It gives us the Utmost concern to advise you, that Captain Phips, with whom he had agreed to Send your Canoe, was, on Accot of the Crankness of his Ship, obliged to disappoint us, and Since you sailed, there has not been a Vessel capable of Carrying her. Weve usd our best Endeavour to send her, and to no Purpose offered Twenty Guyneas for the Freight of her; Shes so long that very few Vessels that use this Trade can carry her. 
 
 
Isaac Chardon to the Trustees, Sept. 20, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, p. 29, giving account of  152,15. 8 drawn on the Trustees account. 
 
Gentn 
 
I have of this days date drawn upon you a Sett of Bills Exchange for One hundred and fifty Two pounds fifteen Shills and Eight pence half penny Ster. payble unto Coll. Alexander Parris Or Order which he pleased to honour. It is the ballance of his Account for the hire of his Boats for the use of the Colony. 
 
 
Isaac Chardon to the Trustees, Sept. 28, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, p. 31, commenting on Georgias healthy state and saying that accounts will be transmitted later. 
 
Gentln 
 
This comes to you (Via Winyaw) but this opportunity being very uncertain, & not knowing whether the Vessell is still there, that was bound for London, about 3 Weeks ago, I shall only acquaint you that your Colony have possessd, and do still keep, their Health most bravely. (But at Purrysbourge their Neighbours) they are in a miserable condition, being much Afflicted with Feavours & Empty Stomachs, and yet we have the most plentifull Crops now, that has happend perhaps this Ten Years past, for Grain and Roots. 
 
I would have sent you Your Accounts by this occasion, but fearing to be disapointed, shall stay and transmitt them to you, by Two Vessells which will Sail hence for some of the English Ports in Ten days, or thereabouts, at which time I shall Begg leave to draw upon you for the Ballance in favour of Mr Peter Simonds. 
 
N.B. The 20th Inst I drew upon you in favour of Coll Alexander Parris for  152. 15. 8 Ster. for Pettyagua hire. 
 
 
Viscount Tyrconnel53 to [?], Oct. 6, 1734, Belton, C.O. 5/636, p. 3, recommending Barsabas Simpson and his wife as emigrants to Georgia.54 
 
Sr 
 
The Bearers of this Mr Barsabas Sympson & Sarah his Wife were Recommended to me by Mr Viner, & Capt. Richardson of this Country as persons Desirous of goeing over to ye New Colony of Georgia. They are Both Descended from ye Clergy, & are Recomended by several worthy Clergymen of this County. He Sayes he has about 80 lbs worth in Money & Effects, & is willing to go upon his own foot. I have Advisd him to take 3 Servants, in which Case he will be entitled to 150 Acres of Land. If he has yr Approbation, & that of ye Board of Trustees, he will think it a great Advantage to go over with ye Indian Kings, if it can be permitted him. 
 
 
John West55 to James Oglethorpe, Oct. 12, 1734, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 37-38, Egmont 14200, p. 255, expressing his gratitude at being allowed to settle in Georgia and praying that he could return to England and bring his relations over. 
 
Honoured Sr 
 
I have mad bould to trobell your Honnor with thes Leattor to a quaint you that wee are All in a good State of helth. Wee have nott bureyed three of our pepell for thes Seaverall months past. The pepell was all in genorell veary much reejoysed to heare that your Honnor was Seaufe arifed in Englan. The most of our pepell are Vearey indosttros & goos on Vearey well with thayor belding & Colteyvating [cultivating] thayor Lands. And as to my own part I have my health heare beattor than Ever I had in England, & Soo Sayes a maney more. I know nott hoow too Expreas my Self with gratitud a nofe [enough] to your Honnor & the reast of ye Honnorobell & worthey gentlemen the trosttees for the grate faver Doon me to Send me heare wheare I ingoye [enjoy] both pease & Plentey. Our gard Hous is feneshed [finished] & is vearey tite. Thare is a Strong fortt belt round itt & 13 guns mounted beefore itt. Wee have had no Shepe arived heare Since your Honnor Left us, butt we are in Expecktasion Everey Day thow. We want for nothing but to See Some of our mesorobell [miserable] Contorey [country] men Com & jngoye [enjoy] thayor freedom & teast of ye Comforts we now ingoye [enjoy]. This is all att preasent. 
 
P. S. If your Honnor pleas to give me Lebortey [Liberty] I thenck if I Leve to Come for England in ye Spreng to Setell som besnes with my releasions in ordor to reetorn Vearey soone. 
 
 
Elisha Dobree56 to the Trustees, Oct. 17, 1734, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 33-34, Egmont 14200, pp. 263-265, proposing commercial schemes for Georgia. 
 
My lords & Gentlemen 
 
I have taken the Freedom (this day) to write you on my private Affairrs. I shall now begin on the publick. 
 
My Study is Continually how & wch way I can promote the good of the Colony & Considering the present Circumstances of the Inhabitants I most humbly Lay at your feet the Following Proposal. 
 
That I am Informd by Mr Foord the Deputy Surveyor who has made great discoveries on this Coast, that he has found where one of the Largest Men of War could come not far from this Town at Low Water. Much more Easyer might a Large Pink Such as were Employd by the South Sea Company for the Greenland Trade. Such Large Vessels require but few men & draws but little Water by reason of their built. 
 
Such being freighted by Your Honourable Board might Carry a greater Number of Passangers & proper English Goods &c. of little Value & Cumberson, easier than commonly is done by Ships bound for this place or Carolina. And as for Returns They might carry the Largest Mast, a great Quantity of our best Timber at a Cheaper freight than any other Ships to pay from 40/ to  3. 5 Stg per Ton. As from Carolina it would not be worth while for us to Send White Oak Cedar Cypress or Live Oak & hardly to afford for Red Bays Laurel or Green Yallow Wood. But its my humble Oppinion that Your Honourable Board could afford us Freight in Such Large Vessells at 20/ to 25 or 30/ per Ton & Loose nothing by it; but rather get a Profit thereby, if dispatched Imediately. 
 
By this means it would be a great Encouragement for us to Clear our Lands Seeing that the Clearing of them would be overpaid by the Net produce of the Timber. 
 
One thing more I have to propose is this that most, I may Say all, the people here wants Servants Especially to Cut their Timber & Clear their Land. If your Honble Board or any of your Friends would Supply us with a Certain Number of them (for a Servitude for 4 years) delivered free to us of all Charges but to pay for each at the rate of Four pounds Sterling per Annum to be paid Monthly or Quarterly to prevent arrears, this would be more easy to the People than buying Servants at  10 Stg ready money down. This would Enable the Freeholders to go on briskly in Clearing their Lands & Cultivating the Same for it does not yet appear to me what great Improvement One man by himself Can do in Such a Forest as this is & its out of their power to buy any Servants. 
 
The Profit gained by these Servants might Enable Your Honl board to Transport hither many Distressd Families in England. 
 
Supose 2500 Servants were thus brought to this Colony, I take it that their Passage &c. in large Ships as I have mentioned would not amount to above 57 Stg & to gain  4 Stg per Ann on each (except Deaths &c.) would produce  16 Stg on each Servant & thereby Amount to  40,000 Stg Clear of all Charges 58 Net proceed. 
 
1st This would be a Large Sum gaind either by private persons in Case your Honle board Did not think to be Concernd therein. 
 
2dly & be very Advantageous to Vagabonds Idle Vagrants &c who would be put in a way to Live in plenty & wth Expectation of Lands after their Servitude. 
 
3dly This project would greatly Contribute to the Ease & quietness Security of House Keepers &c in Great Britain by draining the Land of So many Idle Vagabonds. 
 
4tly It would be of vast Service to the people here in Cultivating their Lands &c. 
 
5tly It would be to the whole Kingdom of Great Britain for as much if this province Succeeds in Dying Stuffs, Vines, Olives & Silks, & Pot-ashes (wch last some is making) the Less demand there will be from Foreigners who take few or none of the produce or manufacture of Great Britain. Whereas as this Colony Encreases in Number of people & Riches will have all their wants from Europe Supplyd by Great Britain even by those very people who were before a burthen to the Nation. 
 
I most humbly & respectfully beg pardon for the Freedom I take for wch I can give no other reason than the Earnest desire I have to See this Colony flourish & prosper. 
 
I wish that as in our Humane Bodies God placed every one for the Use of the whole, that all of us would have the Same Regard for its usefulness & wth the Same Union as Every one Member of Human Bodies Acts for the Support & benefit of the whole. However (tho others there be and too many) that are Unconcernd at their own or the publick Welfare, I will by all possible means Act for the Interest & Benefit of both & Leave the Issue & Success to God. 
 
 
Elisha Dobree to the Trustees, Oct. 17, 1734, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 35-36, Egmont 14200, pp. 259-261, proposing the planting of hemp, flax, vines, mulberries, olives, and provision crops, and asking that the Trustees help send his family from London. 
 
My lords & Gentlemen. 
 
Mr Causton & I talking the other day we both agreed in our Oppinion that Madder59 would grow well in this Province, Especially in our Swamps or moist Lands, of wch we have Enough. 
 
As I am resolvd to try whether Madder will grow here I humbly beg that your Honble Board would be pleased to procure me the Root or Seed from Holland & to order that care may be had that it may be Sound, well packd & taken care off in the passage. I have about an Acre fit & will be ready for it against its Arrival, & if it Succeeds Shall find more land for that purpose. 
 
I will also try a Small Spot of ground for Hemp & Flax. I have about Two Acres ready for Vines, Mulberries & Olives. I only wants the Seeds & plants wch Mr Amatis tells me heell not be ready to deliver me this year. 
 
I have put few Limes Seeds to try if theyll produce here, tho I have no very great hopes of em. 
 
As for Oranges Mr Eveleigh of Charles Town has promised me to help me wth many wch together with the help of other friends hope to raise up a Nursery of 1000 Trees to plant in my 45 Acres, wch I have reason to think may as well produce as those in Carolina Especially in Charles Town, where a good Tre produce about 5 St. per Ann. 
 
I find the people here backward in planting, wch far from discouraging me prompts me to go forward in hopes of Reaping the Benefit of my Industry by Profit (tho not Imediatly) & the Approbation of mankind & Especially of Your Honourable Board who as Fathers are pleased to See that their Adopted Sons are Industrious. And it may be that my Example may Induce & prompt Drones to rouse themselves & Improve the Blessing that God has put into their hands. 
 
Most of the people here have been sadly afflicted with a Sort of an Itch & boils. I thought it might perhaps be occasioned or at Least increased by eating Salt Beef without greens or Roots. I have therefore Sowed & planted about 2 Acres of Cabage Seeds & Cabage plants Salett, Onions, Turneps, Carrots, Spinage, Leeks &c, That any Family in the Colony may be Supplyd therewith at a reasonable price. The Seeds from your Store proving bad, I have been obligd to write to Old Savanah Town, Port Royal, & Charles Town for fresh Seeds & even to Philadelphia. 
 
I cannot help observing that Mr Eveleigh was very well pleased with my Garden & found it to be the very best private garden in the Colony. Tho but a Wood three Months Since, I have many Seeds coming up & a House built thereon by my Servants where they Live & are at hand to guard ye Same from Theives of wch we have too many here. As it is but three quarters of a Mile from the Town Its a pleasure to walk there & give proper & sutable Directions. 
 
I beg your Honnle board Assistance to my poor Family in London in Such a manner as may bring them quickly here. For tho with the Blessing of God I may do well & prosper yet, at present its not in my power to help them. Every thing being taken from me I am obliged to hire Lots of others. The Rent thereof a Gardners wages & paling 5 Acres draws all the money & Credit I can at present raise, but I hope it may not be Long before I do reap Some Small Profit. However in the mean time they may be great Sufferers. I dread to receive Letters from them. If your Honle board would please to Advance them any money sufficient to Enable them to come to me I will readily pay it to whom you please to order. A few Servants withem would be of great Service to me, wch I humbly Leave to your Generous Consideration. 
 
I am now preparing Staves, Hoops, Red Bays & yallow Wood (or rather Green Yallow Wood) for Charles Town & London. I hope to be the first Merchant Adventurer from this Province of its produce Tho wth a trifle. 
 
[P.S.] My Family may be heard of at Mrs Horn in Love Court Love Lane Aldermanbury London. 
 
I begin to have Small Consignments on my Acct from Charles Town but the Credit is very Short, & money very Scarce here. 
 
Mr. Eveleigh being lately come here from Charles Town for a Large demand he had on Mr Watson ye Indian Trader, the Same was agreed to be put to ye Arbitration of Mr Fallowfield & mySelf, wch we determined in two days to the Seeming Satisfaction of both parties. 
 
 
Samuel Eveleigh to James Oglethorpe, Oct. 19, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 252-254, Egmont 14200, pp. 267-272, giving his report on a recent trip to Georgia. 
 
Sr 
 
The Inclosed Letter was designed You by Capt Taylor Who Saild So Suddingly that I could not gett it on Board. Since which I have been informed of Severall persons, that came indebted into this Province That have paid their Original debts (being considerable Sums) and wch they (in reason) could not be Expected to do, had they tarried in England. 
 
On Thursday the third of this Instant I went on Board in A Canoe, at Six of the Clock in the Morning, with a fair Gale of Wind, and Stopping for the Tide at Bear Bluff, Otter Island and Port Royall about seven Hours, I arrived in the Mouth of Savannah River about Six of the Clock on Fryday Evening, being the Shortest Passage that has Yet Ever been made that I can hear of. But looseing our Way it was next morning before wee could gett to Savannah, Where I was very handsomely received and treated by Mr Causton and the Other Gent of that place, being invited Every day to Dinner by one or the others. When I first came ashore they told me, that when ever I saw a Chimney to House, I may depend, that it did or does belong to a Widdow. And Seeing Some Gentlemen at a Distance with laced Hatts on, I askt who they were. They told me they were Scotch Men; for that no other wore laced Hatts (but the Gentn of that Nation) on that Bluff. 
 
I found a great alteration Every way for the better, from what it was, when I was last there. 
 
There are about fourscore Houses built and forty more goeing forward besides Severall Additions makeing to their former Ones. [James] Muir is building a two Storey house, joyning to his former One and Mr [John] West (they Say) designs to build a House. 
 
A Single House letts out for fifteen pounds Sterlg per Annum, and One five Acre Lott, for five Pounds of the Like money. 
 
While I was there was the Quarter Sessions, When appeared a Great many Gentlemen, being Summond as Grand jury Men from all parts of the Settlement, to Whom Mr Caustin gave a very handsome Charge and then proceeded to business. Where Causes were tryd (and in my Judgement) very impartially, without the Jargon or the confused Quirks of the Lawyers and without any Cost or Charges, and Yet (in my Opinion) consonant to reason and Equity, wch I take to be the foundation of all Laws. 
 
Its true there were Some persons, Who did complain but that is common with Such who have lost their Causes. 
 
Mr Caustin has there a great deal of Buissness, and is very much fateagued from Morning till Night, by the Impertinances of Some people, and who Seem to Exclaim against him tho I believe without a Cause. 
 
The Irish Convicts give him a great deal of Disturbance. They are constantly playing their Roguish Tricks, Stealing from their Masters and carrying the Goods to Some Others, wch gives him trouble, for he punishes both the Thief and the Receiver. Tis the General Vogue; That the buying of these Convicts, was the worst Action you did whilst there, and the Opinion is as General, That you did it with a good design. 
 
Watson has been drunk almost ever Since You went away. I was credibly informed, that he has been so three Weeks Successively. But yet whilst I was there He kept himself Sober, Especially in the day Time. He rails very much against you, myself and the whole Province of Georgia, and Says He has Seen the Ruin of two New Collonys and doubts not but he Shall see the Third. He kept Sky [Skee] drunk in his Store for fortnight together, and when he went away, publickly said, That he had done his bussness for him, and he dyed Soon after. 
 
This came to the Ears of Stitchee, Who came to Yamecraw with a design to kill him, but he made his Escape, by breaking thro the End of his Store, and he in his Rage killed Justice, Musgroves Slave, and Still persists in his resolution of killing Watson (if he can find him). 
 
Mr Causton has had a difficult Card to play, [I] do believe heel do Musgrove, mySelf and Watson too Justice, But is resolved Either by fair or foul means to drive Watson off the Bluff. For it will be of ill and very dangerous Consequence, if he should be killed by Indians. 
 
I carried down with me Some Liquorish and Hops Roots, and gave them to Mr Amathist, with directions to plant them, as I had advised. And the first place I went to See with him was the publick Garden, But could not find that any of the Coffee Berries, Date Stones and Colloquintida Seeds, which I sent down Sometime agoe had been planted. 
 
The Orange and Mulberry Trees, Sent from Town, look very well, and Mr Amathist had Sowne all along the Fence next to the Town, above Six foot deep with white Mulberry Seeds, wch came up very thick, and doubt but there will be one hundred thousand Trees if not more. 
 
I went also down to See the Brickmakers, where I found made about One hundred thousand, and the Workmen tell me, that they doubt not, but by March they shall have three hundred thousand. And they expect their Chimneys up to all their Houses by Christmas. 
 
The people there Seem to be dissatisfyd That they have not Liberty of getting Negroes. I could wish the Trustees would Oblidge them in this two Points, and as the Latter to Limmit it to Two of a family. 
 
I went down to Thunderbolt wch I found to be a place very pleasantly Scituated, and Where Mr Ethrington [Joseph Hetherington] and [Roger] Lacey had made very considerable Improvements, considering the Time they had been there. They have built their Houses; Erected a good Fort and Guns mounted thereon that commanded the Criek, also cleared fenced and planted a good quantity of Land with Corn, pease Rice &ca and were cleareing and fencing more Land Against next Year. 
 
I went with Mr Lacey down to his House where he designed to make pottash, wch I found to be in very good Order. The fatts fixed and the Receivers under them, a Pump also that conveyed water into the Fatts by a Spout; A Kittle to boil the Lixivium into a Consistency, and an Oven to bake it in well fixed also. And he Seems very possitive, That He can make very good Pottash. He designs this or the next Week to begin his Work, Haveing a Quantity of Ashes by him, and has promised to Send some down to me as Soon as it is made, which I shall Send to You. Here I had a Sight of Skideway Where are Ten familys Settled, But was informed they were discouraged from makeing Improvements, because they had no Title to their Lands. 
 
This Place is Eight Miles Distance from the Mouth of Wassaw River, against which lies little Tybee, and has been lately Surveyed by Mr [Christopher] Ford, Who told me that he could bring a Vessell into A Place of Security, thro a Channel where there was four foot and an half at Low Water. And there is one place between that and Thunderbolt, where there was but three and an half fathom at Low Water. But at High Water could bring up to Thunderbolt almost any Man of Warr Where the Vessell would be Entirely Land lockt Haveing Willmotton and other Islands to Secure it, and which place is Exeraordinary fitt and Convenient for Creaning of Men of Warr; there being four fathom and an half Water, within Sixty foot from low Water Mark. The Bluff is right up and down, and in the Channel there is Nine fathome. 
 
At the Savannah I met with Tom Jones, Who told me that the Chocktaws were very well pleased with the prsents made them by Mr Caustin, and that he was in hopes of getting them remove up to the Cohawhabee Hatchee or Petticah Hatchee being forty and Six Miles from the Coosah River. He tells me that he was very credibly informed, That the french were sending up Eighty or an Hundred Men to the Albama Fort, With a design to build three Forts on the White Ground (as they call it) Haveing lately purchased that Land of the Indians. 
 
The Euchees have lost three of their Nation lately and two wounded, about nine Miles from the Parracholes fort, but by Whom is uncertain, Whether it be the Yamesees or the Cricks. But there are nine men gone out from thence to make a Discovery. 
 
Wee had this Week an Account, That the Cherrokees to the Number of Sixty were comeing down, and its Supposed they may be now at Capt Russells. 
 
The Scotch have built a fort at Sterlings, and have cleared (as I have been informed) a good Quantity of Land, at the places I have already menconed. Together with Fort Arguile, Abicorne, Hempstead and other Settlements, and will in my Opinion Securely defend Savannah Town from any Surprize, Where, I was informed were no less than Six or Seven hundred persons. 
 
Comeing back Homewards I toucht one Night at Port Royal to see Mr McCoy [MacKay?] Who has been Extreamly ill, but is at prsent much better, and designs in a Short Time to proceed. But his Horses are at present very poor, four of which were drowned as he went over The River. I arrived upon Wednesday the Sixteenth Current. 
 
In the foregoeing you have an Acct of what Observacons I made, whilst at Georgia, Wherein I omitted to informe you, That upon my Arrival there, I found the people to be in good health and so have been all this Summer. 
 
I heard Mr Quinsey preach two very good Sermons, but the place was but indifferent. However are in Hopes of a New Church being built Speedily. 
 
I am Sensible That you may have had more perfect Accompts from some other people. So that if you intend to Imprint what I have wrote, You may alter or omitt as you think fitt. I confess I have been Somewhat large, But knowing your Affections for those people to be great, is that which induced me to it, and hope will be Acceptable. 
 
Yesterday arrived Capt Sandwell from London, and Capt Loyd appeared off the Barr, Sent in his Lieutenant, who informs me That they were on board the James Capt Yoakley off of Georgia Who had Seventy Passengers on Board, and Saw him goe in that River. 
 
P.S. In my former Letter instead of being the Bohemia it should have been the Abrmany Bank. And about a Musquett Shott from Thunderbolt fort, is as fine a Spring of fresh Water, as I have tasted this long Time. 
 
 
Isaac Chardon to the Trustees, Oct. 24, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 32, 39-40, Egmont 14200, p. 275, sending accounts and news of Uchee Indian murders. 
 
Gentln 
 
According to my last of the 28th Sepr. I do herewith send you the Accounts of what has been disbursd for the use of the Colony of Georgia for these last Six Months Ending the 24th Sept. The Ballance in my favour being  1012.4.2 Sterlg and I have agreably thereto drawn upon you for that Sum Payable unto Messrs. Peter & J. C. Simonds a Sett of Bills bearing date with the said Accounts, which I hope you will be pleased to Honour and Debit me therewith. I shall be Obliged to draw upon you again in a few days for moneys Disbursed since for Provisions &c. 
 
I have lately been informed by Capt. Macpherson of the Palachuculaw fort, that on the 28th Sept. upon Ogechee River was killd, three of the Uchee Indians, Two Women and one Man. This Murther is supposed to be committed by some of the Yamasees and Spaniards. Mr Causton doubtless will inform you more particularly thereof when he writes. I expected to have sent you his Account of disbursments by this opportunity, but I suppose that he has not finished them yet. 
 
[P.S.] Capt Yoakley arrivd at the Colony last Week. 
 
The following Accounts are Inclosed 
 
Esqr. Penns Acct flour &ca 
 
Paul Amatiss two Accounts 
 
Alexr Parris Treasr his Acct 
 
Endorsed, Octobr 28. 1734 
 
This Serves to Advise you that I have this day drawn upon you payble unto Mr francis Watts a Sett of Bills of Exchr for forty Eight pounds Sterl wch be pleased to honr and Charge to the Account of Isaac Chardon. 
 
 
Isaac Chardon to James Oglethorpe, Oct. 26, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 41-42, Egmont 14200, pp. 279-280, sending accounts, telling of post between Savannah and Charleston, Indian murders, and James Carwell. 
 
Sr 
 
Of the 24 Inst I wrote to the rest of the honble Trustees and at the Same time I Sent all the Accounts which I hope will prove right and Agreable. The ballance is in my favour  1012 Ster .4.2 which I desire Should be paid unto Mr Peter & I C Simond and Make no Doubt but my drafts will meet with due honour. 
 
All the news Which I have now to Acquaint is that we have Again Settled and fixed a Post Man and as there is a great many traders from hence to Georgia so well as those that resides there, Mr Causton has thought proper to fix a Postage on the Letters for Encouragement to the man and to make it the More Easy for people to Convey their Letters. All persons who have any to Send Carrys them to the Box at the Georgia & Purrysbourg Coffee house here. 
 
Capt McPherson informed me that on ye 28 Septr. Last upon Ogeechee river there was Killd three Uchee Indians, two of them Women and One Man. He Supposes them to be Yamasees & Spaniards that has committed those Hostilities for to revenge themselves of the like that the Uchees Served them in June Last pretty far to the Southward, McPherson was at Georgia when this Happend. 
 
I have Credited James Carwell One of the first men that Came to Georgia to Encourage him. He bought his dry goods here in Town of whome he pleased, and I paid for them to the Value of  205 our Currency, and he has Since made Shift to convert them all into Wett and Drunk them up. He Ought if he had the Least Gratitude to have Drank my health Since that is all I could Expect for my Mony. 
 
As there is nothing further that Offers at Present, I beg leave to Assure you that I am with the Utmost respect possible. 
 
P. S. I Just now receivd A Letter of The 21 from Mr Causton Who Confirm me of the Safe Arrivall of Capt Yoakley at Georgia with 60 passengers for Purrysbourge but there is no Other News. 
 
 
John Lyndall to James Oglethorpe, Oct. 29, 1734, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 43-44, telling of David Montaguts arrival and housing. 
 
Honoured Sir 
 
I Reed your orders by Mr Mountagut60 to put him and his family into the hous wherein you lodged. 
 
I must therefore beg leave to acquaint you that about the beginning of September Mr Amatis came up from Charles Town with his Servants and in your honours name, demanded the hous, for him Self and family. I asked Mr Caustons advice who Said it was your order, I immeadiately delivered the things belonging to your honour, into Mr Caustons Care by an invoice of Mr Brownfields writeing, with which I received them. 
 
I had hardly time to pack up my own few trifles before I was obliged to take up my lodgings in my own lot tho then Exposed to the open air. 
 
As Soon as I recd your letter I went to Mr Causton who immeadiately had Mr Amatis dislodged and the hous prepared for the Reseption of Mr Mountagut. 
 
These and all others of your honours orders I Shall think my Self happy to comply with. 
 
[P.S.] Since your honours departure I have imployed myself in Sawing very much against my will, for my mind is Still bent upon Planting but the Surveyor hath not run any more of my land than the town lot. 
 
 
J. Stanley to Benjamin Martyn, Oct. 29, 1734, Liverpool, C.O. 5/636, pp. 4-5, giving an account of monies for Georgia from Liverpool. 
 
Sir, 
 
On the other side you will see a Merchants bill for the money we had in our hands, and indeed a little more; for I have advanced, besides my collection at Preston, 15s of my own in order to make up the sum  100. The other 50  I have before said You will receive from our members of Parlt, being Corporation-money. I must desire you will please to give us Your receipt for this money as soon as the bill is accepted, and in the mean time a line that the bill is come to hand by the return of the Post. 
 
In Your last You did not expressly say whether those that go upon Charity shall have the same encouragement as those who bear their own charges, which I shoud be glad to know. As also about what time our people here must prepare to come up, and whether they will be provided with tools of husbandry. When I know this I will send You their names &c. 
 
Endorsed - 2 Nov. 1734. 
 
Left Bill with Mr. Boileau to be accepted. Is done. 
 
Wrote to Mr. Stanley the 9th. acquainting him therewith. Desired a list of the Contribs. making the 100  answerd his Inquiry abt. Persons going on the Charity & at their own Expence. Referrd the Consideration of the Liverpoole People to be sent till the Parliament sitts when the Trustees would speak with the Liverpoole Members abt. it. 
 
 
Samuel Eveleigh [?] to [?],61 Oct. 30, 1734, South Carolina, C.O. 5/636, pp. 45-46, Egmont 14200, pp. 283-286, concerning items which may be produced in South Carolina and Georgia. 
 
Sr 
 
In Obedience to their Lordships Commands, transmitted to me by You, to Inquire what further Encouragements may be necessary to engage the Inhabitants of this Province, to apply their Industry to the Cultivation of Naval Stores of all Kinds, and likewise of Such other Products as may be proper for this Soil and Climate, That do not interfere with the Trade and Product of Great Brittain. I have duly considered thereof, and taken the Advice of Such Others as I thought capable. 
 
Hemp.The General Assembly of this Province did the last Sessions pass A Law Whereby they gave unto Mr Richd Hall One hundred pounds Sterlg per Annum, and sent him to Holland to procure two hundred bushells of Hemp seed, and Twenty bushells of flax Seed. But was so unfortunate as to Ship the Said Seeds on board of Capt Paul, who stayd so long in London, and afterwards detained Nine Weeks in the Channell by Contrary Winds, that he did not arrive here till the fifteenth day of May, too late (as it was found by Experience) to plant the Same. And it is generaly concluded that the Seed is Spoilt. But the Assembly meets the next Month, When I shall Streniously recommend the Affair of Hemp to their Consideracon, and to Send to Philadelphia and New York to procure Seed for that Purpose. The Said Mr Hall is Obliged by the Law, to instruct our Planters to manure cultivate and manage Hemp till it is fitt for the Markett, for wch he is Extreamly well quallified. The Law that now Subsists in Great Brittain, That allows A Bounty on the Importaton of Hemp, expires in a few Years Time and if the Parliament will continue the Same for a longer Term of Years, it would mightily encourage our industruous Planters to proceed thereon wth Vigour. 
 
Flax.  Mr Hall is of Opinion That flax also would do Etraordinary well in this Country, and if a bounty was given thereon, it might much encourage the Propagation thereof. 
 
Live Oak.  Here are Such vast Qtys of live Oak Timber Trees grow in this Province and in his Majties Province of Georgia as is not easily to be conceived. Which Oak by reason of its durableness, crookedness of Growth Suitable to the most difficult Timbers in building of Man of Warr, is Superior to any English Oak, wch is the Opinion of men of good understanding, whom I have conversed with, particularly of one Berry, who was lately Master when I was in England (if not now) of his Majties Yards in Deptford, Who built a Ship thereof in this Province. 
 
Cypress.Wee have in this Province a vast quantity of Cypress Timber, almost inexhaustible, Which is extraordinary good and durable, free from Knotts and very proper (as Men of understanding do affirm) for Decking his Majties Men of Warr, because of its durableness and Lightness when dry and Men of Judgement are of Opinion, That it would make very good Masts for His Majties largest Shipps, some of them are five foot thick at the Bottom, and carry a good thickness all along as farr as Eighty feet without Limb or Knott. There are a great many of those Trees, That are thirty Six Inches and upwards thorough and Seventy five feet long; its true they grow in deep Swamps, and are very heavy when cutt down green, but being Squared and put upon Loggs a considerable way from ye Ground, I am informed will grow very light and they may be easily brott out of the Swamps in flood time, wch is generally twice or more in a Year. This Timber in mye Opinion deserves yr Consideracon. 
 
Thers this great advantage that attends both live Oak and Cypress. The former grows upon Continent and Islands near the Sea, The latter in Swamps adjoyning to fresh Water Rivers, so that there will be but very little Occasion for Cartage. Cyprus Plank I presume to be the best for Lineing between decks, because it wont Splinter as your Oak will, which Splinters in the time of engagement does more damage than ye bulletts. Wee have not that Quantity of white Oak in this Province as they have to the Northward, but I am informed it is superior in quality. For Capt Austin built a Large Ship for Mr Wragg about twenty Years Since, and the Indian Warr oblidged them to Send to Virginia and Rhode Island for plank, and he informed me That what came from Virga was better than that wch came from Rhode Island and some that he had cutt here was better than Either. I dont mention pitch tar & turpentine because thers already a Bounty. 
 
Boards Planks &c.I have been informed that the Swedes and other Northern Countrys have risen the price of their Boards Plank &c to almost double to what they were Sixty Years Since. But the Distance is so great from this to Great Brittain, and the freight consequently so high that wee cant pretend to goe thereon, without encouraged by a Premium. 
 
Pot & Pearl. There is in this Province a Swedish Gentn 
 
Ashes } (who as I am informed) has Sent for a person that understands the makeing of Pottash in order to proceed thereon. And there is now in Georgia a Person that has fixed his Works in order to make Pottash, some of wch will be Speedily Sent home to Mr Oglethorp, who undoubtedly will communicate the Same to their Lordships. And if the Duty of sd Commodity (as comeing from America) be taken off, it will be a great Encouragement for many others to proceed thereon, as also on Pearl Ashes, wch Mr Hall is of opinion may be easily made in this Province. 
 
Druggs.  Here is a Design formeing to introduce (if possible) several valuable Druggs &c from Natolia & Syria and other Places in the Streights. These two Provinces lye pritty near the Latitude of this Place for which Reason those Commoditys may probably be produced here; and if the Parliamt wont [would] grant Some Encouragement for the importation thereof into Great Brittain, it would quicken and forward the design. 
 
Silk.  Silk is another Comodity which this Country does produce, (as appears by divers Samples which have been Sent Home) have been extraordinary well approved of by Men of good understanding in that Commodity. Divers Planters have lately propagated a Considerable Quantity of White Mulberry Trees, and I hope theyl apply Their Industry that Way. And it would be a Great Encouragement if the Parliament would take off the Duty on Importation thereof into Great Brittain. 
 
The Advantages wch Great Brittain has by Experience found by a late Act, that gives us Liberty to Transport our Rice directly to any part of Europe to ye Southward of Cape Finister are So great (as may be plainly made appear) That I doubt not But that His Majty and Parliamt will prolong the Same. And if that Liberty were extended to the Dutch, french & Spanish Islands and Continent in America, it would be an Additional Advantage to Great Brittain. 
 
I begg leave to give my Opinion, That his Majties Settlements on this Continent particularly this Province and the Province of Georgia ought at this Time to be Encouraged; Because I am informed That the French increase very fast at New Orleans and are Extending their Limitts by building forts. So that, his Majties Brittish Empire in America is more than one half Surrounded by the French from the Mouth of the River Messasippe to the Mouth of that of St. Lawrence. Nay! further from Moveile to Cape Britton. 
 
 
Isaac Chardon to the Trustees, Nov. 4, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 47-50, inquiring about drafts not honored. 
 
Gentn 
 
I have Lately received a Letter from the honble James Oglethorpe Esqr bearing date of ye 3 September Last relateing intirely to the Affaires of the Colony of Georgia and Agreably thereto I have wrote him an Answer as ample as I could, unto which I begg leave to refer you. It is certain the Severest Shock that ever I mett with in my Life to hear that my drafts were not honoured. If the Colony had been Broke up, I presume there might have been Some reason to refuse payment but it is very plain Since that worthy Gentns departure that the Colony is Still Subsisting, and therefore they must have been furnished with Necessarys ever Since for to Subsist. If I could not get the Accounts required from Mr Thomas Causton, Store Keeper at Savannah, I think that I am no ways Chargeable with any evil consequence that Might attend it, Especially Since I am not invested with proper Authority to demand them of him. All the Accounts relateing to that part which I transacted are gone home, but I perceive If those Vessels are lost in which I have transmitted them, I must Expect to be lost too, because neither advice nor accounts will appear. I pray you Gentlemen for the future So long as you are pleased to continue me in your Service, to Let me have Such full and Ample directions as the Necessity of the Colony affaires will require that I may not Ignorantly fall into any Errors, that may in any wise prove disagreable unto you or prejudicial to the Said Colony. 
 
 
Isaac Chardon to James Oglethorpe, Nov. 4, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 51-54, about his bills not being honored and supplies for Georgia. 
 
Sir 
 
I have recd your Letter of the 3d Sepr 1734 and observe you do not take any notice whether you have reed any of mine which I have wrote you of 25th May & 1st & 12th Augst also several Letters that I wrote to the rest of the Honble Trustees. Altho the Vessells whereby I sent them are arrived; and you have greatly Astonished me when you tell me that the drafts which I have made upon the Honble the Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia you have desired Mr Simonds to keep them in his hands untill advice and Accounts comes from me of Mr Caustons drafts and transactions. (But Mr Simonds actually tells me they would all have been protested, if he had not Honored them) Good Sir you must be Sensible of the Evil consequence that attends Protesting of Bills, unto any Person whatsoever, but more especially to those in Trade; its no less than the destruction of his Character and Credit, which is the most valuable and precious Jewell in the World. I never imagined that my fortune and Credit, depending upon Mr Caustons not sending me His Accounts. It does not appear to me by your Orders of the 25th April 1734 that Mr Causton must send me his Accounts, neither do you give me Authority to demand them of him, notwithstanding I have always taken care to write to him for them that I might transmitt them with mine. And if he will not send them, but answer me that he has a multitude of business upon his hands, must my Credit suffer for his delays? You may remember that you have not Specifyd any time in your Orders when I should transmitt the Accounts of what I disbursed for the Colony of Georgia. Therefore I concluded (from the faith and confidence that you and the rest of The Honble Trustees put in me upon Mr Simonds recommendation) that every six Months was a proper time. And I am still in a very unfortunate condition, if the Vessells should be lost, in whom I have sent all the Accounts, and of course must break, if Mr Simonds does not support my Credit. All these affairs are gone too farr for me now to look back. Therefore I shall still continue to support the Credit of the Colony, by disbursing Cash for to supply their necessities, and leave my self entirely to the Mercy of the Trustees to be ever reimbursed. 
 
You farther mention in your Letter that for the future when you draw for to satisfy Mr Caustons Orders, that you would send advice, together with Mr Caustons account of the manner in which he employs the money, for which he gives Orders upon you, so that I must still remain under the same Dilemma as before, or else Mr Causton must send me an Account with every Draft that he makes upon me, or he and I must agree to send our Accounts Quarterly, or every Six Months and then I must draw upon the Trust for the Amount of those accounts at the same time as I send them. I cannot see that there is any other method to be followed. If I pursue your last directions, and I must then be in Advance for that Three or Six Months to send Accounts and draw at the same time, a thing not usual or Customary, and do suppose it to be a matter of indifferency to the Trust, whether I draw upon them immediately when I disburse any money for the Colony, or whether I stay Six Months. But you are very sensible it is not the same to any Person who has not a Stock to comply with such terms. Therefore I hope I shall give no Offence, if I continue to draw as before, for I have always hitherto been in Advance; and you will find by the Accounts, that I never drew for any money, before I had paid the Value thereof here. 
 
In your former instructions you have orderd  100 Sterl. for contingencs. There is already several Accidents happened that has taken up the greatest part of that Sum, and there will be no more left for that use without you think it convenient to give further directions. 
 
As you did not think it proper to acquaint me with the Orders and directions, which you left Mr Thomas Causton, it was impossible for me to know whether he complyd with them or not. However I imagined once from the Orders you gave me, that he trespassd a little upon his, because he wrote unto Messrs Jenys & Baker for supplies for the Colony of the same Quality as you directed me to Send, which was sent up in the same Pettiagua that I employd, and I have his receipt for the same given me by the Patroon of the Boat. Upon which I wrote a Letter to acquaint him with the inconveniences that must attend the Supplying the Colony in that manner, both with the same Provisions. And his answer was, that he had your Orders for so doing, and therefore I was Obliged to Submitt. I have endeavoured by this to sett the Colonys affairs, with regard to myself, in so clear a light as possible; and I do assure you, that so long as I shall be continued with the Honour of your Service, in respect to the Colony or any otherwise, that I will discharge the same, with the utmost fidelity. 
 
 
George Dunbar62 to the Trustees, Nov. 5, 1734, on board the Prince of Wales, Downs, C.O. 5/636, p. 18, Egmont 14200, p. 287, describing conditions and passengers on the ship. 
 
Right Honbles 
 
Our voyage hither was detarded by a profound calme which contenoud from thirsday till this morning when I thank God we were favourd with a faire wind and likely to contenow [continue]. 
 
The Indian King Queen and the others are well and chearfull (remembering their Inglish benefactors) except the Prince whos coaid conenous [cold continues?] but was much easier last night than any Since he came on board. 
 
The other passingers Seem pleasd and are well except Sir Frances Bathorst bad of an oald wound on his Shin & Mrs Fly whos a litle mended. 
 
Msrs Gordon and Vate63 manage their pople with So much proudence and good Seence that every thing is as orderly as coud be expected and I think myself extreamly happy in both. 
 
The only way I can hope to return in any mesure the confidence you have reposd in and the honour done me is by a due care of the Indians & other passingers, which I do assure you was it conterer [counter] to my inclinations Id Sacrifis them to the return I owe to so many favours. 
 
When it pleases God I arraive at Georgia Ill execute your other commands with my outmost indeavours. 
 
 
Samuel Eveleigh to James Oglethorpe, Nov. 7, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 55-56, Egmont 14200, pp. 291-293, defense against the Spanish and removal of South Carolinians to Cape Fear. 
 
Sr 
 
My last to you was by Capt Serjeant Via Lancaster wherein I gave you an Accompt of what was most Observable whilst I was at Georgia. But therein omitted to Acquaint you, That I was informed by Mr Causton, that a Spanish Officer and Souldiers had been mett in the Woods and do Suppose they had been to view the Place Where Fort Alatomaha64 was built (According to Custome). Upon wch Accot I am apprehensive, That they have a Design to build a fort that way, and in Order to prevent them I am of Opinion its necessary, That a fort should be immediately built, And that the indipendant Company may be removed to that Place to garrison the Same. 
 
I am of Opinion you ought to gett leave of his Majty to build the Said Fort or Forts on the South Side of that River; For! Should you build it on ye No Side (wch is within the Limitts of Georgia) The Spaniards may build on the South side and thereby render the Forts almost useless. 
 
Sr dont you think it advisable That his Majesty should build a fort on the North Side of ye River St Jeuan, (which River is Thirty Miles distance from St Augustn) in Order to Ascertain the Southern Limitts of His American Empire. 
 
Capt Walker was drove in by Stress of Weather behind the Island of St Simone, Where he observed, in a Small Space of Ground So much live Oak Timber, as was sufficient to build five Hundred Sail of Shipps (as he told me) And that too! So near the Water Side, that there was no need of Cartage a Quarter of A Mile. 
 
The Spaniards have of late Years built Several fine Ships at ye Havannah, and are now building more. And did they know (as perhaps they do) the Value of the Live Oak Timber that grows in those parts, I believe theyd Struggle hard for it, and could wish that his Majty or the Trustees would Send over two or three Persons of good Understanding, to view and make Report of the Quantity and Quality of that Timber wch may be had in these two Provinces. And I will at my own Cost and Charge Provide a Boat, Hands and Guide and other Necessarys to Shew what Quantitys there are of Sd Timbers, and am confident the Report I shall make will be very Surprizeing. 
 
I had forgott to acquaint you, That Mr Walker informed me, that whilst he was on the Island of St Simons, He Saw Severall fine Pine Trees (wch would carry thirty Inches through) fitt for Masts. 
 
Yesterday I reced yr acceptable favour of the twenty Seventh of July, and return you my hearty thanks, for what favours you have Shewn me in Respect to Sr John Bruce hope, and in a perticular manner, for what Services you have done for this Province And the Governour. 
 
Thers one thing I must observe, wch (I am afraid) has not yet been thought of wch will take of a great deal of the blame that may be laid to the Govrs Charge, on Accot of his passing the Appropriation Law. When he arrived here as Kings Governr He found the Province very much in Debt, occasioned by Palmers Expedition against St Augustine and Coll Glovers to the Crick Nation, So that the Governr was under a sort of Necessity of Issueing out more Orders. 
 
The Taxes of this Province (as I formerly observed) are very great, upon which Account it is, That Several People are leaveing it to goe to Cape Fear. 
 
Mr Clifford and Mr Dry have Sold their Plantacons, and have Sent their Negroes away to Cape fear in order to goe there. Mr Wright, Mr Eagle and Some Others, have Advertised their Plantations to be sold, for that Purpose; and divers others (I am told) will follow them. And I am Sensible, That the Taxes and want of a Sufficient Currency, are the Principal Reasons, that has induced them so to do. The Governr Some Time Since recd a Letter from Mr Popple, a Coppey of wch he gave me, and desired I would draw out my thoughts thereon, which accordingly I did, and last Week gave it to him, but he was so weak and Low, that he could not consider of it. (What Conditions and Amendments he may make thereto, I cant tell, but you have inclosed a Coppy thereof.) Please to take Notice, That the Last Paragraph may be made use of as An Argument for continueing the Liberty granted to Rice and the extending of these Limits. 
 
I heartily wish you Success on your Undertakeing for the Good of Georgia and this Province. 
 
 
Beale and Copper to Elisha Dobree, Nov. 9, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, p. 57, concerning Dobrees debts. 
 
Sir 
 
We duely received yours. And for Answer, We assure you that the Misfortunes which have attended you has given us no small Concern And that We were ever farr from being Enclind to distress any one, Especially Mr Dobree Who We alwayes Esteemd a Man Justice and honour. And what you had of us was purely to Serve you as such. We are sure upon a Second thought you will think We were Obliged in Justice to our Selves as well as those Gentlemen that Employ us to act as We did When we apprehended that their Intrest was at Stake. And we now further assure you We desire no more than common Justice in coming in with ye Rest your Creditors (proportionably) And hope you will serve us therein. We shall Notwithstanding this affair Be ready to afford any further Assistance in our Power. 
 
 
Copy of Thomas Causton to Isaac Chardon, Nov. 9, 1734, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 64-65, concerning funds for Georgia. Enclosed with Chardon to Oglethorpe, Nov. 18, 1734. 
 
Sir 
 
By my Letters from the Trustees wch came to my hands the Simonds &c. They order me to receive of Mr Jenys such moneys as I have Occasion to pay on their Acct. He having reced Powers from Mr Oglethorpe to Receive moneys for their use. And Consequently forbid me to draw on you any farther till their further Orders. I thought it Proper to Advise you of This, and that I shall Next send you the Totall Account of Cash drawn on you, and the Payments I have made thereby. 
 
 
Isaac Chardon to the Trustees, Nov. 12, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 58, 60, saying that he has drawn on the Trustees for  100 sterling. 
 
Gentn 
 
I have of this days date drawn upon you a Sett of Bills in favour of Mr John Baker payble for One Hundred pounds Sterling it being for Necessarys to Supply your Colony Which please to honour & Charge to the Account of. 
 
 
Isaac Chardon to James Oglethorpe, Nov. 18, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 62-63, saying that accounts have been sent, his methods of business, and a method to prevent silk worm seeds from hatching. 
 
Sir 
 
My last to you was of the 4th Inst and to the rest of the Honble the Trustees, of the same Date, with Duplicates thereof sent since. But before that (upon the 24th October) I transmitted the Colonys Accts by Capt Mcnutt Via Bristoll, & per Capt Ballent Via South Hampton. For want of more suteable oppertunity I embraced those Two, which were the first that offerrd since the 24th Sept last, and I hope will get safe to their hands very Soon, that my drafts upon them may be Honoured. I am very uneasy that I did not transmitt the accounts sooner, since I find you expected them. For it was the same thing to me, and you must think that I would not by any means have neglected an affair that is like to be of such fatall consequence. 
 
It is a happiness for me that I have Gentlemen of Honour to deal with, which makes me very easy under my present circumstances, and I make no doubt, but everything will go right upon the examing my Accounts, in which I hope you will find no Errors. 
 
I begg leave to inform you of one thing, which perhaps might have slipt your thoughts, in respect to the sending the Accounts or Services for what Sums I drew. Sometimes Mr Causton would send me down a List or Memorandum not of the particulars, but only specifying that he had drawn upon me Several drafts, Amounting to large Sums, which I have often received, a long while before the drafts themselves came. For they were dispersd about the Province as Current money and you are sensible, that I was Obliged to make provision to answer his drafts, by drawing upon the Trust. This will very plainly appear by my Accounts sent you, and shows that I could not always (when I drew upon the Trust) send an Acct of the Services, for which such drafts were made. 
 
Inclosed I send you a Copy of one of Mr Caustons Letters,65 which will confirm what I wrote you before, that I have not yet got his Accounts. 
 
I have received yours of the 14th Sepr last, and you may depend that I shall observe your directions to a tittle, if I do not misunderstand any of them. To my knowledge I never drew but for the Provissions which I Supplied here, & to pay Mr Paul Amatis Accounts for the necessarys required for the Italian family, & for supporting the Nursery to raise plants to be sent to Savannah. All other Sums were to Pay Mr Caustons drafts. 
 
Since your departure I am become acquainted with the method to prevent the Hatching of Silk Worm Seed, or Eggs, to any time I please. I have spoke to Mr Amatis of his Method. Whether he is afraid to divulge any Secret to me upon that Subject, he knows best, but I do not find that he can prevent their Hatching, nor has he made use of means that are any ways like mine. When it will prove Serviceable unto your Colony, I shall acquaint you therewith, if not found out before. 
 
 
Samuel Eveleigh to James Oglethorpe, Nov. 20, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 66-67, 76-77, Egmont 14200, pp. 295-299, concerning South Carolina Indian trade regulations and his desire to move to Georgia and help its development. 
 
Sr 
 
I have Several Times formerly been discourseing with Some of Our Assembly Men; Wherein I plainly Shewed them, the Disadvantage that Accrues to Trade & this Province, By the Duty they have put on 6d per Skin at the Exportation and the Charge of the Lycense. By wch means Wee cant Trade with the Cherrokees & Cattabahs on Such good Terms, as those of Virginia doe. Besides our Traders are limitted to Towns, and their Packhorsemen are not to trade (wch the Virginians do). Notwithstanding the Assembly lately mett, and made a Law, which was ratifyd last Saturday, (Inclosed you have a Coppy thereof)66 Wherein they have putt a Duty on all Skins and furrs (Light as well as heavy) of Six pence per Skin; And an Addition of fifty one Pounds per Head per Lycenses, wch is a Burthen too great for them to bear. 
 
I Endeavoured, Whilst the Bill was passing to Shew them the Dissadvantage it would be to this ProvinceThat it would drive the whole Trade to Virga Cape Fare [Fear] & Georgia, And for that reason no Law made in this Country could have any Effect there. 
 
I demonstrated that it would be fifty Thousand Pounds or more out of this Provinces way, and do believe it will be as much in the way of Georgia. 
 
This Government (whilst the Indians were down) purchased of them A Neck of Land, (wch youl find markt with redd in Coll Herberts Draft of the Cherrokee Nation Inclosed). They tell me its good Land. But it so happened, There was not one Indian in Town That lived in those parts. So that the purchase is thereby void. 
 
However plausible the introduction of this Act may appear, Yet I can assure you the Design of it was levelled against me and other Persons concerned in the Trade. And they did Expect to run the Traders So that they may take the Indian Trade into a Company. For I can assure you, That the Cherrokee Traders (for these Ten Years past) have not cleared fifty Pounds per Annum. 
 
There are Six of those Indian Traders are resolved not to take out a Lycense, But will goe and take out their Goods at Savannah Town, and So goe up to the Cherrokees and come down the So Side of Savannah River. And this comes to desire you to apply to the Trustees, That I may have Two hundred and fifty Acres of Land at Kinyans Bluff; which is on the So Side of Savannah River aforesd Six Miles above ye Garrison. And That I may have the Liberty to purchase of the Yamecraw Indians Twenty Acres of Land Somewhere by Musgroves Which I design to clear, build a House upon and make Gardens &c for I do design to goe thither and live. 
 
I have Already wrote to Mr Causton to take on Shoar what Leather [skins] comes down the Savannah River, and on Monday next I shall Send my Young Man to build a Press, carry Screws with him and pack my Leather there. And as Mr Sherdone [Chardon ?] Says There are Some Vessells expected, which may come here, Ill put them on Board (if bound for London). For Ime informed, That thereby I may Save both Dutys (as it wont be Landed). 
 
If you comply with my request, I desire youl Signify the Same to Mr Jeffries, for by this conveyance I have ordered him to charter a Vessell from Bristoll and Send her to Milford Haven and there take in what Servants and Passengers he can get and two hundred bushells of Malt, and See if the Old Brewer can make beer thereof. And I propose to Send down Some more Hopp Roots to Georgia, and will plant ym in my own Garden, and desire youl Speak to Some Welch Gentn in those parts, to Assist in procureing Passengers and Servants. 
 
Since the passing of that Act I have Spent a great many thoughts how to promote and encourage Georgia, Some of wch I shall communicate to You. I have already Spoak to A Hatter, who has promised to goe down there, and I have promised to Supply him wth Beaver, and all other Necessarys for his Trade. I shall also endeavour to gett a Cooper, a Shooemaker, A Gold Smith and other Tradesmen, and will Supply them with what ever they shall want to carry on their Trades. 
 
I have a Scooner of about Seventy Tons which I will employ to bring in there Rum Shugar Melasses &ca from the West Indies, and probably I may gett another Sloop to goe to Pensilvenia to bring Flower &ca from thence. 
 
There are two Men who lately come from No Carolina, and by my Encouragement are now Settled at a Township up at the Congarees. They are both very carefull and industruous Persons and they design in the Spring to goe back to No Carolina with two Men more. I promised to furnish them with as many goods as will come to five or Six hundred pounds, with wch they propose to purchase one hundred head of Cattle, and I will Endeavour to persuade them to drive them to Kynians Bluff and there to have A Cowpen and Hogg Crawl, and from thence they can Easily drive them down to Georgia. 
 
I am at this juncture considering of a Method to make The ballance of Trade between this and that in the favour of Georgia which doubt not Shall Effect (please God to Spare my life and health). The greatest difficulty that will occur, is, how to Load the Vessells back. But if you can procure a Premium upon live Oak Timber, Pine and Cyprus Board and Plank, I doubt not, but that it will be of vast Advantage, and very much increase Navigation. 
 
Whilst I was at Georgia Mr Parker told me that he was building of a Saw Mill, and Spoak with Something of an Assurance that it would do. 
 
I desire you will order Mr Causton to grant Lycenses to the Traders, and that you write him (to yt purpose) by the first Oppertunity, That they may be ready by ye time the Traders come down, wch will be in Aprill. 
 
The Governour has of late been very much indisposed, and is at prsent in a dangerous Condition. If he should die, Ill Endeavour to give you the first Account thereof. For I will persuade the Capt to putt my Letter into the first Port he comes to, and to keep the rest till he getts up to London. 
 
I am now to the 3d Decr and have Since the above wrote to Mr Causton and given him an Accot of what our injenious Assembly has been doeing. 
 
I understand the Govr and Council were against passing the Late Act, but the Assembly were So violent and the Govr So Sick, That it was Ratifyd on a Saturday Night after twelve o Clock, and read twice that very day in both Houses. 
 
I Spoak to Mr Middleton last Week on this Affair, who happened at that Time to be out of Town. He told me had he been there He Should have opposed it, And believe (so Soon as the Assembly Sitts again) the Act will be repealed. 
 
If Mr Jeffries Sends me A Vessell to be here the latter End of May next.67 You may have Liberty to putt anything on Board. And I propose to be at Georgia about that Time, and there to continue Two or Three Months. I am Still of the Same Opinion and will promote Yr Darling Province of Georga to the Utmost of my Power. 
 
 
Patrick Mackay to the Trustees, Nov. 20, 1734, Uchie Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 72-73, Egmont 14200, pp. 303-305, concerning Indian trade and his purchase of horses for his rangers. 
 
Honourable Gentlemen 
 
I doe not think it proper to trouble You with a detaile of what Stopd me till now, from goeing into the Creek Nation, but begs leave to referr You to Mr Oglethorp to whome I wrote of this date. 
 
But Im fond I can say we have enterd so farr as to the Uchie Town on our Journey, and that I waite but for one fair day to leave it Again. 
 
In my first from Charlestown I told you what the Commissioner of the Indian trade for that Province expressd in way of Advice to the Creek traders, against your Agent and what were the Sentiments of the Merchants and most of the Carolina Gentlemen. I in like manner told You to what little purpose I had Complaind to the Governour, but that I expected a letter from his Excellency to the Creek traders declairing I had been Appointed Agent and to respect me as Such. But as I left Charlestown, his Excellency in a handsome manner shifted [refused] giveing the letter tho I demanded it. And now I beg leave to observe to You, that its to no purpose (I fear) for you to appoint me Agent, without you likewise nominat a Commissioner to grant licences, for the traders only respect the Province that gives the licence. Carolina now finding that by all appearance they will loose the trade to the Creek Nation are become Indifferent how its regulated in the Natione, and by that means they grant licences to every person that demands it, which may be attended with a dangerous consequence, if not timely adverted to. For if too many traders are thrown into the nation of necessity, the One will under Sell the other, and then theyle begin to Cheat, and play tricks with the Indians, and by this means ruine the trade; and may be Incense the Indians to a Rupture. What will much conduce to a Discord is the large quantities of Rum now Imported among the Indians, And winkd at by Carolina; Since they find they are to loose the Benefite of Their Trade. I advised as many as I seed of the traders to carry no Rum into the Natione, but they plainly told me without the whole they neither could nor would. For, say they, if we have no rum and our Neighbouring Traders have, the Indians of our towns will lay out none of their Skins, but will travele if it was an hundred Miles to the traders Store that keeps the Rum. Yet all agree that rum is a pernicious thing to be carryed into the Natione, for they Say, they never have discords with the Indians but when the Indians and traders get drunk. And that scarcely its possible to disoblige an Indian if Sober. This I hope Youle take into Consideration, and give timely Instructions for Next Year, before the traders Shall Renew their licences in Carolina. Tho I had no particular Instructiones about it, Yet I ventured to Renew the licenses to the two traders in the Uchie Town, but took noe money from them, as is the practice in the Neighbouring Province. 
 
In my last of 10th Agust I promised to Send you a particular Accompt of the horses I had bought for the Service of the Company and carrying the presents into the Indian Natione. And now Youle please receive it, by which Youle find the  1219, I had of Jennys & Baker was exhausted to  35.10 which how expended I Shall Accompt. 
 
I shall be glade to have Your orders how I shall Dispose of what horses the Company does not Require. 
 
P.S. Gentlemen, I hope you will pardon the Coarse & Nasty paper, & the indifferent & give allowance for the little conveniences we have here. 
 
 
Patrick Mackay to James Oglethorpe, Nov. 20, 1734, Uchie Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 74-75, Egmont 14200, pp. 307-310, concerning the sickness of his rangers and his hopes for the future. 
 
Sir 
 
When I wrote my last, I thought I should be able to performe what I had promised in my first, Vizt to be in the Natione, tho not the latter end of Agust yet of September. Yet I mett with Such unexpected Cross Accidents in Carrying the horses from Carolina to this place, as effectually Stopd me till now. I sett out the 15th of Agust with the horses three Packhorsemen and a Servant I had bought at Charlestown. The first Night the Servant was taken down with fever and Ague, And I was oblidgd to leave him in Ponpon and have not Seen nor heard of him Since. The 2d Day two of the Packhorsemen were taken so ill with a fever, that they Scarcely could Sitt on horseback. The third day all the three were taken ill, And I was oblidgd to lye by two days there looking for their recovery. But they Continued so Weak they were of little Use or help to me, So was oblidgd to hire A Man to Assist me to the Pallachocolas from Ashipoo river. But before I reachd so farr, I was oblidged to drope two of my Sick men in the path at least ten Miles from Any Settlement, and lost some horses in the Journey and others in July finny Swamp by being weak handed. The 26th day of Agust I got there with most of my horses and Imployed two of Captain Mclntoshes Men to tend them untill my Packhorse men recovered, or that I returned from Savannah with the Company. In the Mean time does the Periagua with the presents arrive, so Stayd two days more to Unload & Secure her Cargoe, and then I Sett down the River in the Periagua. But when I arrivd at Josephstown I was truely Confounded to finde my Carpenter and two other white Servants had dyed, All my men either down of the fever or but So Weakly Recoverd the One could not help the Other; and told Leiut Parker lay ill in Savannah, And the Doctor68 Reduced so Weak with fevers that he could not Attend the Men. This was so dull a Schene that I stayed but two Nights there. I went down to Savannah, where I found both the Lieut and Surgeon much worse then I exspected, and the Leiutenant then notifyed to me he would not if in health goe into the Indian Natione, And therefor desired I would look out for any other would Accept of the Commissione. That verry Night I was taken so ill myself with the fever that in less then three hours, as the Doctors told me thereafter, I was delirous, and Continued So Some days. The Delirium then ceasd, but the fever continued till toward the end of September, and left me reduced to a Skelet. I was advised to go to Port royall for the benefite of fresh provisiones and the Sea Air, and there I relapsed into the fever which held me twenty days more, and was reduced so low that Captain Massies Surgeon (who attended me) dispaird of my Recovery. However (it pleasd God) that I got the better of the fever (tho then the Ague Attackd me) that I pickd up a little and truely but little Strength, and left Beaufort the last day of October and came to Savannah. This Season has been mighty Sickly all over the Province of Carolina, but few dyed in the Countrey, tho Ime told a good many in Charlestown. 
 
In one of my former letters, I told that Daniel Savage flatly refusd to go as Linguister, which made me in my way to Charlestown in June last to Call at one John Bartons who, Demanding  35 per month I refused, expecting to get one Prestoe, but being disappointed of him likewise, I wrote to Richard Woodward in July to plead with Savage Again, whose Answer,69 to which I beg leave to referr You, will Satisfye You that I was under a Necessity of Complying with Mr Barton. In the time I was at Beaufort I sent twise for John Barton before he would condescend to Come to me, at last he did Come, and finding I had Applyed to Severall others and could finde none, he rose his demand from  35 to  40 currency, which I was obliged to agree to, and now he goes linguister. But tho he has the Character of being the boldest linguister in the Province of Carolina, Yet I shall keep him no longer then Ive deliverd the talk to the Indians, and that I can find one on easier terms. Before I left Josephstown Mr [John] Gray Indian trader in this town who had the Over Sight of the horses and charge of all the goods, advised me, that the horses instead of Improveing continued Still In so low condition that he was affraid theyd Scarcely Some of them travele into the Nation, which with Mr Wiggans Advice (to carry wt me but One half of the Company untill I delivered the talk to the lower Creeks and found thereafter how they relishd things, or if theyd Agree to build a house for me) made me leave the Leiut and ten men behind. If I find my talk acceptable, and that the lower Creeks will agree to my Staying Among them, I shall return the horses for the Lieutt and his men and to carry up what I must now leave. I conferd on my return from Port royall with Mr Caustone about a Leiutt and we differd in Opinion. I inclind for Mr [James] Burnsile [Burnside] at Fort Argyle and he recomended Mr [Adrain] Loyer who once served in the Store, & because Mr Caustone told me he could not be answerable nor would he Allow Any that had a Settlement, to leave it, I contented myself with Mr Loyer, tho its my Opinion he is one, no more of a Warlick disposition then his predecessor. He has Six months pay appointed him, And Mr Parker got the other Six Months. I shall expect fresh Orders before March next, whither I shall continue in the Natione And if I shall keep up the Company, for most of the men I now have are positive to leave the Service, when the twelve months are expired, but if they should I shall Support the Company till further Orders. I hope the Trustees will Appoint Some person as Commissioner to grant licences; Otherways its to no purpose to Send Ane Agent, for I find the traders only respects the Province that Grants the licence. 
 
Nothing now Stops my setting off from here, but the dayly Constant rains. The first fair day we hope in God to enter upon our Journey. In the mean time I beg leave to assure You that it is my outmost desire to Approve myself. 
 
P.S: Haveing lost all my Servants this last Summer I took the liberty to leave 2 of the Company to take care of my house. If this gives offence, I shall not doe it again. 
 
 
Isaac Chardon to James Oglethorpe, Nov. 23, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, p. 68, concerning trade to Georgia and his bills being protested. 
 
Sir 
 
I here inclosed70 send you the Accounts of what Provision I have Furnished from this and other Places Since the 25th March Last unto the 29th October Last by which youl see what Quantity of each Sorts have been Suplied & what not. And as to the Quantity Mr Hugh Brian furnished I do Assure you that I advanced him  700 the 30th September Last by all which Accounts, it will Appear that I Drew for no money, untill I first Paid the Value thereof here. 
 
P. S. Notwithstanding Mr Simond is so good as to honour my Drafts upon the Trust, it is still in a great Measure hurtfull to my Crediti for People have taken Notice of it here So well as with you. 
 
 
John Tuckwell to Harman Verelst, Nov. 24, 1734, Wallingford, C.O. 5/636, pp. 6-7, listing nails, blankets, knives, and axes for the Georgia settlers. 
 
Sir, 
 
I have as above sent you a Bill with a Receipt for ye 9 M 10d nails that you may settle yr Acounts which I should have done Before But Could not speak with Mr. Wells till now about ye Blankets, who is sorry they happned to be too fine for yr. purpose; but will however Reduce them to preaty near ye price you paid for ye Course Sorte by taken of [taking off?] 2/6 a peice so that his Bill is now  21. 17. 6 which is sent up this post to his Brother Law Mr. Waller at ye White heart in ye Ould Chainge. I am well pleased the long knives comes preaty near ye mark which we shall be able to complete in ye next [shipment]. The prices I shall Charge are 12d ye small 15d ye Mid and 18d. ye Large knife. The addition to ye handle and allteration in ye paynt will make no ods. Therfore I think it will be well worth while to send ym from hence, Since as Mr. Oglethorpe informed they were at 5/ value in Carolina. As to ye Axes [in] yt markt, No 1 is ye Same wee have Sent Before Under ye name of Lopping Axes onley Somethinge heaveier. The other No 2 as Mr Oglethorp Observ is made Something longer and heaveier with Some Other little improvements will I doubt not answare ye End and prove as well as those Meade in Newengland. I think I knew what would please verey Well Butt its a Dificall thing to Mack a Workeman Senceable what one Would have By letter So well as if present, which Before see Shall have Ocation for ym I Shall Be thear. 
 
P.S. Pray lett me Know if this Comes to yo free Under this Direction. I Should think it ought to Do Sence Ye [are] Clark to So Maney Members of Parliment. If Not pray Charge it to me. 
 
 
Lord Harrington71 to the Georgia Trustees, Nov. 26, 1734, Whitehall, C.O. 5/636, p. 8, asking if Swiss families are to be sent to Georgia. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
You have inclosed herewith an Extract of a Letter which I have received from His Majestys Ambassador at the Hague, relating to a number of Swiss Familys who are coming over hither in order to proceed to the West Indies. You will please to acquaint me, for his Majestys Information, whether You have any Intention of conveying these People to the Colony of Georgia, that in case You have not any thoughts of that Kind, the King may consider in time what may be proper to be done with them upon their Arrival in this Kingdom. 
 
 
Extract of a letter from Horatio Walpole72 to Lord Harrington, Nov. 30 N.S., 1734, The Hague, C. O. 5/636, p. 10, enclosed with Harrington to the Georgia Trustees, Nov. 26, 1734, warning that a number of Swiss families were embarking for England. 
 
There are fifty Familys of Protestant Swizzers come to Rotterdam out of the Canton of Zurich, with a design to go over to England and to be from thence transported to the English Plantations, and I dont hear that they have had any particular Invitation, or made any Agreement with any body for that Voyage, and they are destitute of all Subsistance and Means, besides their own Craft and Industry, to get their Living, or to carry them forward. I have been spoken to about them, but as I have no Orders upon this head, I have absolutely refused to concern my self any ways in the Affair. In the mean time I find, they are at present supported by the Charity of the Magistrats & Burghers of Rotterdam, and as they are determined not to continue here, but by a sort of Enthusiasm seem resolved to proceed to ye West Indies, and as they have since their Arrival very much ingratiated themselves into the Good Will of this People, I am told, that a Collection will privately be made for them, to enable them to transport themselves into England, with which I thought fit to acquaint Your Lordship, that it may be considered what is to be done with them upon their Arrival there. 
 
 
Robert Millar73 to the Trustees, Dec. 10, 1734, Kingston, Jamaica, C.O. 5 /636, pp. 80-81, Egmont 14200, pp. 311-313, concerning his search for plants in South and Central America. 
 
May it Please your Honours 
 
I embarked at Gravesend on ye 19th of May According to the Orders I Received from the Common Council to Proceed on My Voyage to Jamaica Wher I arrived on the 25th of July. I went nixt Morning to Doctor Cochrans and Demanded the Observations Made in Botany by Doctor William Houston together with the Collection of Dryed Plants Which was left in his hands. He told me he had Sent them all home already by one Mr Houston Surgeon a Relation of the Deceased Doctor William Houston and ther was now nothing in his Possession but a Parcell of Books Wc he would only be accountable for to the heirs & Executors of his Deceased freind. 
 
I waited afterward on Mr Prather the South Sea Companys agent here who Immediately Give me Liberty to go Passenger to any Place on the Continent Where we had factories. And at that Time he hired the very Vessel in which I came from England to go to Portobello, I embraced that Opportunity and arrived there on the 30th of August. After a Short Stay at Portobello I went to Panama by way of the River Chagre, wch goes up within Six Leagues of that City. I had a tedious Passage by Reason of the Great Current wch alwise Runs down into the North Sea. After My arrival at Panama I made a Particular Inquiry into the Trees wch yields the Jesuits Bark and the Balsam Fern, wch are the only two Drugs brought from thence. The former is a large Tree growing wild in the Mountains about 10 days Journey from Lima. There is 3 different Sorts of it one with a White flower the 2d with a Purple and the 3d with a Red Colour. The bark of the Trees Differing as Much in the Colour, as the flower, but as the two first are not so good as the latter they export none else. 
 
The Balsam Fern is falsly Called So, for most of that wch is made use of at Panama, and all wch is exported from thence is the Balsam of a Tree growing Wild in the Mountains in Niauragua, Which is of a Mutch finer Colour and Consistence than what Comes from Fern. 
 
Both these Valuable Drugs might have been Cultivated in our Plantations long before now had ther been any Gentlemen of the least Curiosity in any of our factories of Panama or Portobello. I have used the outmost of My Endeavour to the Purchasing them and to perswade the Gentlemen of the factories to use thers. Several Spanish Gentlemen who goes to each of these Places yearly have Promised to procure for me Some Seeds, Plants, and Specimens of Both Trees, as also the Chief factor of Panama has Promised to Send them to Jamaica. 
 
During My Stay on that Side of the Continent I made a little Voyage to the Island of Tobago wch is about 7 or 8 Leagues from Panama, Wher I found the Contrayerva74 and with a great deal of Pleasure I now acquaint your Honours of having a Dozen of Plants alive at this Present of them, and in very good Order. 
 
I have made as good a Collection of Specimens of Plants and Seeds as the Season of the Year and My Time would allow of, it being then Winter when I was there, all wch I have Sent to Mr Miller at Chelsea. Ther being at Present no Vessel going to Carolina from this Place, I thought it the Mutch Better way to Send them Directly to him that he might forward them for Georgia as he can never want an Opportunity from London. 
 
I would Willingly have stayed longer both at Panama and Portobello to have examined these feilds more narrowly, But the Rainy Season being Sett in at Both these Places I found I could do but little. And then Considering the Different Places your Honours has Ordered me to go to and the Shortness of time allotted me I thought I had stayed My full Proportion of it there. So the Vessel in wch I came being ready to Sail I was obliged to Make the Best of My Way down to Portobello, and the Road being So very bad with the Rains that had fallen I Returned the Same way wch I went up. We Embarked at Portobello on the 3d of Nov. and arrived here on the 29th where I shal stay till an Opportunity offers of Going to Carthagena75 to enquire after the Ipecacuauna and the Balsam Capivi. These Drugs being the Produce of that Country I have Reason to hope of being more Successfull in this Voyage than I have been in My last, Concerning Which This is all I thought worth acquainting your Honours of. 
 
 
Samuel Eveleigh to James Oglethorpe, Dec. 11, 1734, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 78-79, Egmont 14200, pp. 315-318, concerning his hopes for Georgias trade. 
 
Sr 
 
Inclosed you have Coppy of one of my last Letters wch I have transcribed, because I think it an Affair of very great Importance to Georgia.76 I Still continue in my Resolution of makeing a Settlement there, by your Permission; I cant tell whether I Shall goe my Self (if not) I Shall Send my Son and Daughter, which probably may be of more advantage to Georgia being both Young may have Children to Strengthen that Province. I am now constantly applying my thoughts how to promote Georgia. Whilst you were here I divers Times have thought of communicateing a Scheme to you, wch would be very profitable. And in confidence that you will not discover it to any other person to be concerned therein without me, I Shall make the Same known to you, and am willing to be concerned therein with you a thousand or fifteen hundred pounds Sterling, and by that means may be introduced into this Country Several of the Druggs mentioned in my former Letter from the Streights.77 The Act of Parliament made in the fifteenth Year of King Charles the Seconds Reign, Entituled an Act for the Encouragement of Trade Sec. 8the Sixth Says That no Commodity of the Growth, production or Manufactory of Europe Shall be imported into any of His Majties Plantations Asia Africa or America, but what Shall be first imported into England. 
 
I examined Some Time Since Carcasses Book of Rates, and cannot find but we may bring directly to this Place from those parts in the Streights that lye in Asia & Africa any of their Commoditys, as Striped Cottons, Burcketts, Silks, Rhubarb, Senna, Seammony, Wormseed, Coloquintida, Gauls, &ca. I cant tell what Wines they make in those Countrys, but do believe some may be found very good and very cheap, wch would turn here and other parts in the West Indies to a very good Account. 
 
I have been informed that Cypress makes very good Wine, wch Gordon Addition the 12th Page 245 Says is in Asia. I desire youl consider of this Scheme and write me your Opinion thereon. 
 
I have read (I think) in Suetomius,78 That when the Romans made a new Colony, they endowed it with Several Immunitys and Privileges, by which means they quickly grew to a formidable Body, and I hope the Trustees will follow their Example, and give what Encouragement they can to Trade. This will be a great Encouragement to me and others to Settle your Colony. Marseilles is grown of late a very populous and rich City, and is one of the Principal Citys in Europe for Trade. The King of France has made it A free Port, open to Vessells of all Nations and for any Goods with out any Duty (Tobaccoe, Salt & Gunpowder Excepted which are prohibited). No Goods pay any duty there, except Goods from the Levant and Barbary wch pay only two per Cent and it is remarkable that the Port Charges of a Ship of an hundred Tons amounts to little more than Twenty Shillings Sterling. 
 
The Burthen this Province lies under on Acct of Port Charges is very great and very pernicious to Trade. Heres a Ship now in this Province from Rhoad Island of an hundred and fifty Tons, the Master Assures me That his Port Charge there (in and out) cost him three pounds this currency, wch is about twelve Shillings and Six pence Sterling. 
 
Mr Hill loaded a Small Vessell wth four hundred barrells of Rice and the Port Charges cost ninety one pounds ten Shillings, wch is about thirteen pounds Sterling. 
 
I have a Scooner now, I propose to send to Jamaica, wch I shall order into Georgia and land there Some Shugar Melasses &ca. If your Store has occasion for any, Mr Causton may have what he pleases at the Price it is Sold at in Charles Town. 
 
Thomas Brown a Trader amongst the Cattabahs [Catawbas] (formerly mentioned to you is now here, Wee have had some talk about moveing those Indians to the Okemulgah River, and he believes it may be done), haveing lived a long Time amongst, and being very well beloved by those Indians. 
 
I desire youl read the late Act passt Here and advise me whither he may not carry his Leather over to Kinyans Bluff for I am willing to bring that Trade to Georgia too. 
 
The people of New England carry on a very valuable Trade from thence to No Carolina with Rum, Shugr Melasses and dry Goods, for wch they import Pitch, Tarr and Turpentine, wch helps to load their Vessells for great Brittain, Beef and Pork in great plenty, wch they Sell to the Fishermen, Wheat Corn and pease for their own Use, Tallow and Myrtle Wax they make into Soap and Candles, wch they Ship off again to the West Indies. They likewise import Hides, Feathers and Deer Skins. In Short, they have A very great Trade (and as I have been informed) there goes there every Year, about Sixty or Seventy Sail of Vessells from fifty to Eighty Tons. 
 
Our Wise Assembly did Several Years Since pass a Law, by which they laid a Large Duty upon Pitch, Tarr, Beef and Pork, (So large) That it amounts to a Prohibition, for wee have not had a Vessell from No Carolina Since that Time. I am Satisfied wee have not had fifty Barrells from thence Since. I do design to carry on that Trade from Georgia, and hope to make it answer for the Advantage of that Place, In Proportion as it now does for the Advantage of New England. Nay! I think better; because No Carolina is a great deal nigher to Georgia than it is to Boston, and the Trade may be carried on in the Winter Season Which they cannot do in Boston. Sr I cant tell how acceptable my long Letters may be to A Gentleman That has so great Affairs of Importance on his Hands. I could Enlarge, but Shall at prsent Subscribe my Self. 
 
 
Thomas Christie to James Oglethorpe, Dec. 14, 1734, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 91-94, Egmont 14200, pp. 319-326, concerning happenings and possibilities in Savannah. 
 
Most Worthy Sir 
 
My Last to you (dated ye 15th July Last) I hope came Safe to hand. My Ill State of health together wth the Multiplicity of business which is greatly increased on my hands hath prevented me from writing So often as I might have done & I hope it may be Excused. 
 
Herewith you have the Journal of the Proceedings of our Court, Warrants & their Returns, Publick orders I issued out, the Copy of our Licences for Publick houses &c with the List of those who takes most pains in Cultivating their Lands.79 
 
I have often Spoke to Mr [Noble] Jones to Send you the Plan & keep a Journal of the Lands that he runs out wch I could never obtain. Indeed I dont wonder at it for I believe little has been runnd out Since your departure till very Lately. The People have greatly Complaind of Late for want of knowing the Bounds of their Lotts, for want of wch they have neglected Fencing So that most of the Crop that was Sowed last Summer have been Eat up by the Cows & horses. Another thing I must not forget to mention, The Corn & Seeds that was in the Storehouse when you went away was given to the people was Musty Damaged or Spoilt So that it never came up. And it was So Long & Late in the Year before they got fresh Seed that it baulked Some & others did not Sow it till it was too Late in ye year. I think if I had not represented this you might have been too Severe in blaming your Peoples Neglect. And indeed we have Some people who never were Masters of any Land and whose heads are turnd no ways but to the Ale house and others are So Idle to think of nothing but Selling & running away. Notwithstanding all wch I have found means to keep up Lands & houses at a good price & people lately begin now to fence in & set a value upon em So that I hope to advise you of Some fine Improvements made this year. Its certain that people being baulked as I said before in the Cultivation of their Lands did mostly turn upon Building & Improving their Lotts in Town. So that there is few Town Lotts but what are built or are building. The Town is greatly Encreased So that Whereas at first I could hardly See any thing but Trees I can now Scarce see any Trees for Houses. 
 
The People are going Some upon Planting Corn, Some on Silk, on Vineyard, Some on Pitch & Tarr. Others on Fruit Trees as Oranges Limes Olives Figgs & other Fruits & Cotton also, according to their own Genius & Inclination. But all those productions will be a Considerable time before they are brought to any Perfection and we Shall be always poor & needy till we are able to make Exports of our own. We dont want either Shipping or Provisions if we have but money to pay for them, for they pour in upon us from all Places. Those that Seemed ready at first to Starve us with bad Provissions are ready now to undo us with Superfluities. 
 
This Place might easily be made a Mart between North America & England & England & the Antilles, & the Spanish West Indies, which might prove of a prodigious Advantage to this Place and I dare Say when once the Lighthouse is Finished this Trade will Entroduce it Self. But in the mean time it Seems to me nothing can keep us alive but the Building of a Church & other Publick Buildings, the Raising of our Fortifications, The Indian Trade & the Fresh Embarkations of moneyd men. 
 
We raise the Envy of the people of Carolina by whom we Suffer many Aspersions & false Reports altho we Serve them for a Bullwark against the Indians, a Curb to their Negroes, raise the price of their Markets & the Value of their Lands, & they get all our Money into the Bargain. They are Settling on the River May and all about us, & with the Advantage of their Negroes Report that we need not Sow any Corn or Rice for they will always under sell us. I could wish the Trustees would oblige all persons to whom they give any Grants, to Transport their Persons & Effects directly to this Port. And I hope on our Side we Shall in a little time find Loading back for the Ships that comes here without being obliged to go the Tedious Tour to Carolina. 
 
I am fully persuaded that the Indian Trade & the Reserved Rents & Fines for Trust Lands will bring in the Trustees a Considerle Fund towards the Support of this Colony & to Defray its Charges. But I must Acquaint you that the People at Purisburg Thunderbolt & Fort Argyle have been all Indian Traders Since you have been gone. We have Smartly forbid our People & Settlements as Soon as we heard it & indeed tho they Seem to Like the Trade much they readily Submitted to our Orders. I dont Question but the Trustees will Endeavour to Regulate & Secure that Trade to themselves as Soon as possible. 
 
[Joseph] Watson has behaved very Ill Since your departure and hath Committed Several Irregularities, has beat the Indians, presented a Gun at Mrs Musgroves, proved very dissaffected to the Colony & unfit for a Trader. 
 
The Indian Ske offering one day to break open his Storehouse in order to kill him, Watson Escaped out backwards & they finding him gone in their Mad Freak fell upon Justice Musgrove Slave & Killed him. He is since gone up in ye Country full of Mallice. 
 
The Indians are full of resentment against him and have Petitioned us that Mrs Musgrove may have the Trade for whose Sake they Settled here or at Least that Some other Persons be Joind with her. Youll See the Proceedings of the Town Court and we have found it absolutely Necessary to order Mr Watson to Confine himself in his house in Town till we know the Trustee & your pleasure on that head. 
 
I Likewise Send you herewith the Reception & talk of the Chaktaw by which youll See the Disposition of that Nation & how Easily a Trade may be Carried on with great Advantage between them & us. I could have Wishd that Capt Mackoy might have been present that we might have had the Opportunity to have Introduced him. We writ to him to Charles Town on their Arrivl but did not Receive an Answer (till the Indians who were very Earnest to return back) were going away instead of coming. Then he writ word that the Governour was desirous that the Indians might come down to Charles Town, but we neither could Encourage it nor would the Indians consent to it. Cap Mackoey is Since gone up into the Country but has Left part of his Men behind to bring up Provisions. Mr Causton said he would fully Inform you of that matter, as also the Expedition of our Men to the Southward & the reason of Thomas Jones bringing a Writ of Ejectment for his Lot wch was possessed by Mr Robert Parker. That Gentlemen has been at a Vast Expence in Endeavouring to Errect a Saw Mill wch is not yet brought to work & is believed by Workmen will never answer. We are in great want of Boards by reason of so many Buildings that are on foot & Contracted for. 
 
We have Finished the New Guard house, mounted four peices on New Large Carriages handsomely painted besides five peices fixt in a Platform & designed for a Salute, besides four others on ye old Carriages. I will in my Next Send you the Draft of it. We have likewise Paled all the Strand in and new built the Stairs down ye Bluff & paled it in, wch together wth the Chimneys being almost all Finished give a good Grace to the Place. 
 
We have Cut a Path through Hutchinsons Island, fronting the Main Street by wch we can See the River on the other Side. We have likewise made a Path a Considrable way between the Town & Musgrove Cowpen. 
 
Coll. Bull & Mr Bryan having Since your departure Examind ye Swamp between Hutchinson Island & Mr Bryan on the Road going to Purysburgh find that the Swamp is hard, without any appearance of overflowing, that it is not above two days ride from thence down to ye River opposite to Hutchinsons Island. So that the Road might with some Additional Contribution be brought down thither. The Cutting a Path between Purysburgh & Charles Town goes on & we have by a Subscription among our Selves Established a Messenger for one year between this place & Charles Town, wch will by that means Secure a Communication not Easily Cut off. 
 
Christopher Ford the Surveyor has been to the Southward to discover the Coast & finds by ye great dept of the Sound & Barr with the Clearness of the Coast from Shoals he could bring any Men of Warr with Safety within a Mile and a half of Thunderbolt. I hope that in Case of a Warr the Trustees will Endeavour to have Some of his Majesties Ships Stationed here. 
 
There is a way to go from this Town to the River Vernon without passing through any Swamps & as that River is Large & Deep and the Land very good it Seems a pass proper to be Secured by the first Settlers. 
 
Mr [John] Vanderplank hath not yet been able to get up the Peoples Cattell according to your Last Instructions. So they are by this time Almost turnd wild and instead thereof Mr Causton now buys Beef of the Indians or Mrs Musgrove; So that we have little hopes of Seeing them any more. 
 
Its true we have now Compleated a very Large Cowpen Contg near 45 Acres about a Mile from the Town on a Pine Barren but little or no Cattell to put in it. 
 
The Publick Gardens have been hitherto of very little Use to the Town & Seems rather a Private property, & those people that have had the most need of it have had the Least Benefit. 
 
Mr [Paul] Amatis arrivd here the first of October last & has Sowed Some Thousand Mulberry Trees which comes up very well & those that were there before as well as the rest of the Trees that remain were Likewise prund & Flourish very well. Mr Amatis & Mr [Joseph] Fitzwalter have had Some Differences together concerning their Authority wch we have had Some Difficulty to Reconcile. 
 
The People of Purysburgh have Sevll Italians there & Endeavr to be aforehand with us in the Silk Manufacture. 
 
Coll. Pury with his people are all Safe Arrived before this Town the [blank] as likewise did Capn Yoakley who remain here Still but is almost ready to Depart. The two other Ships are Sailed for Lisbon these 14 days. 
 
Mr [Samuel] Montagut & his wife are in good health. He hath built a Store house Adjoyning to your House & is Retailing his Goods for ready money himself. 
 
We make here very good Bricks in which Manufacture they Seem every day to Improve. 
 
I have introduced a Fishing Trade by which means we begin to be Supplyd with great Quantities of Fish, Variety of which as well as Fowls our Rivers abounds. 
 
I have Set up a Brew house wch Seems to be the only way to bring the people off from Drinking Spirituous Liquors. 
 
You have Inclosed an Account of the Death & Marriages of Severall People here as likewise those who Left any Wills or Substance behind them, all the rest dying Insolvent. The Trustees will be able to Send you the Orphans Accot in a very little time and as the Constables are made Administrator to the People in their Respective Wards for which they are to give Security to be Accountable to the Court. I have no Effects at all in my hands. 
 
Mr [Lewis] Bowen80 upon having raised his Frame and given Security had Leave to go to Charles Town where it is Computed he Carryed above  500 Currancy in order to buy Goods for this Place but Unfortunately died there about Septembr Last at the House of David Allen who Administred to  300 Currency little of wch I am afraid we shall be able to Recover, His Effectts here amounting to about  40 Stg. 
 
Ambrose Vicary81 died the 2d April Last without a Will but believe he Left a Wife at Topsham in ye West of England. His Effects amount to about  38. 17.0 Stg. They have both of them made Improvements towards building their Lotts wch we have ordered to be built & Finished by those Workmen Indebted to the Estates as youll See by the Inclosed Petition. 
 
Mr Lewis Bowen made no Will but by the Inclosed Copy of a Letter found in his Chest we do Suppose that he has made a Will in England. 
 
The Unfortunate Mr Wise82 his Effects was Sold Except Papers & Manuscripts remaining in a Trunk in ye Store & those things mentioned to be Left with Your Honnour remain in the Store house till farther Orders. Ye Amount of his Effects Sold was about  20 Stg. No doubt great many were Stolen by that Villian that Murdered him wch we never could find out. The manner of his Murder was thus, wch you have no doubt been Acquainted wth. He Lay over in the Island a Considerable time in a very weak Condition and kept his Bed. He Used to Call for Some Water in the Morning to Wash himself and White Used to Assist him in Combing out his hairs in which he took a great deal of Pride & Used to lay his head Leaning out of the Bed to have it Easier done. Alice Riley by ye Direction & Influence of White brought a pail of Water wch She Set down by his Bed Side. White came in also pretending to Assist him in Combing his hairs. He Usually wore a handkerchief about his Neck, & while he was Leaning over the Bed Side, instead of Combing his hairs White took hold by that handkerchief which he twisted till he was almost Suffocated, Alice Riley at the Same time took hold of ye Pole of his head & plunged his Face into the Pail of Water & he being very weak it Soon Dispatched him. As to the rest I reffer to the Proceedings of the Court. 
 
I am So Afflicted with the Rheumatism In my right Side & right Arm that I am not able to write & am obliged to have Mr Dobree to assist me, whose Capacity & Ability in Business makes him very Usefull to this Colony & I do Assure your Honnrs worthy of your Consideration of Some Publick Employment here. 
 
I return your Honnr many thanks for Conferring on me the Honle Office of Recorder of the Town of Savannah but my present Indisposition renders me Incapable to Attend Public business. I most Earnestly Entreat Your Honnr would dispose of that Place to Some more able Person. I shall always rely on your Honnrs Favour and Protection. 
 
P.S. Mr Evely [Eveleigh] desires Leave to Set up a Store a little above Old Savannah Town, a little this Side of the River as Likewise Licences for all his Traders. We Shall Endeavour not to Discourage him but cannot do any thing of our Selves without further Instructions which we beg may be dispatched as Soon as possible. He Offers to bring down all his Skins & Ship em off at this Place and as the People of Charles Town have Laid a Considerable Tax on the Indian Trade this will be the only time to push the thing on to Advantage for this Province. 
 
 
Robert Potter83 to James Oglethorpe, Dec. 16, 1734, Savannah, received Nov. 9, 1735, C.O. 5/636, pp. 82-83, concerning his payment for his Irish transport servant. 
 
Sir 
 
Necessity forces me, to lett your Honour know, ye wrongs wch I sufferd Since your departure, & all fathered, on your Honr or on, an order wch your Honour Sent to mr Coston [Causton] to yt purpose. I presume, you remember, when you gave me, Mary ochy,84 ye transport Servt. You told me, I should have her, att first cost, & yt I should have, three years time for ye payment, So yt it would be, easy to me, to pay it, by litle, & litle, as I grew in Substance. I went off well Satisfied, & returnd your Honour thanks, not doubting, but yt your Honours word, would be performd Soon after. I went for her indenture, to Mr Coston who gave it me, but drew a bond paible in a twelmonth time, notwithstanding he was present, when your Honour was pleased to give, three years time, for ye payment of it. I objected against ye bond, but he told me it was your Honours order and yt he cold do no other. I willingly Signed it, not thinking I should have any more afterclaps; but in fouer months time, after passing ye bond Mr Coston Sent for me, and told me he had an order from your Honour to call in yt money & thretnd me wth executions if I did not, imediately pay him, a case not to be parraleld might overcoming right. Tis certaine ye wicked & vile behavior of ye Servt ocationd me to sell her. I could not endure her, in my house, wch was ye handle, mr Coston took hold of, to vindicate his caling in of yr mony. Mr Coston & Mr Cristy, ware both privy, to my Selling of her. Why did they not then demand ye money, no, but they left it three months in my hands, until ye most part of it was laid out, part in improving my lott, part in Supporting me in a desperate fit of Sickness. Then how to make up ye Sume, I knew not. I was in a very great Straite. I had no way left me, but to sell what litle linin I had, & Cocks, & hens turkies & gees, part of wch ware your honours bounty to me, & all Sold att an underrate and for halfe value. If ye greatest pollitick, in ye world studied my downfall they could not have hit., on a more redy method. And now to crown all, ye Store provisions are Stopt from me. I appeale to your Honour whether I was given to riot or drunkennees during your abode in ye Colony. No, tis evident I brought my five acre lott to yt perfection yt no man has yet don ye like. I have cleard it & fenced it & last march I planted three thousand hills of potatoes on wch, I Spent all my litle Substance, & Strenth, not doubting of a plentyfull harvest. But I was greatly disappointed; not accationd by ye badness of ye land; but by my neibours not clareing theire lots, joyntly with me, ye Squerrils distroyed all. Worthy Sir, when I came here, I insisted on ye promis yt ye Honourable Trustees made, id est: if ye lands did not produce Suffitient maintainence, ye first yeare: yt provisions should be continued, till Such time as it did. Now tis manfest, yt I used all ye means & industry yt was in ye power of man, & all has faild: & if now, your Honour, & ye rest of ye Honourable trustees failes me, in theire promis, I Shall be of all men in this collony, ye most miserables. I dont doubt but mr coston will do me yt justice, to certifie your Honours, of my industry & labours if he has not don it allredy. I ask pardon for troubling your Honour wth this two tedius an epistle of complaint, but, it is ye greatest necessity has pressd me to it, & it will be an act of ye greatest charrity to relieve me in it all wch I leave to your Honours charritable disposition. 
 
Endorsed: 
 
Sr 
 
Mr Potter desires me to join wth him in his humble Request to you as above. And I really think that it will be adding to the many charitable & good Deeds you have already done, to consider his particular Case. His Son has left him, & the rest of his Family are uncapable of Assisting him but very little in ye Way of Clearing & Planting, tho their Dependence must be upon him. He has himself been long Sick & therefore not able to keep his Land wch he had cleared in proper Order. So that unless the Worthy Gentlemn the Trustees are so good as to grant him an Allowance from ye Store till his Lands are able to produce, he cannot possibly subsist. You are Sr your self a Witness to his Industry whilest we were so happy as to have you here. He had intirely cleared his 5 Acres, and fenced it, wch is more than any one else has done. But I am sure I need not urge a Matter your own Goodness will readily prompt you to, I am Sr 
 
Yr most Obedt 
 
S. QUINCY 
 
 
Robert Potter to Viscount Percival, Dec. 17, 1734, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 84-85, concerning his need for help to live in Georgia and having cleared his garden lot. 
 
My Lord 
 
This goes to return your Lordship thanks, for ye many favours, your Lordship was pleased to bestow, on me, during my abode, in London, & perticularly ye bounty your Lordship was pleased to favour me with when I was coming of, & farther, to lett your Lordship know ye hardships, I now lie under, & like to be under, for ever, if not relived by your Lordship, & by ye rest of ye honorable trustees, for establishing this Collony. My Lord when I enterd att ye office, ye Honorable trustees were pleased to tell us, yt, if ye land wth our industry, did not produce sufficient, for our Support: yt provisions should be continued, untill it should. My Lord I appeale to James Oglethorpe Esqr. for a carracter during his abode here & now unto ye revernd minister of God, Samuel Quincy Mr Coston Mr west &c who can certifie yt I have used all ye industry yt was, or, could be, in ye power of one man, to cultivate, & improve my lott, wch I have brought to greate perfection, but not so as to afford me any reasonable maintainence as yet. My provisions are now stopt, att ye Store. I can no longer, improve my lot, it must turn to its old wild nature againe, &, I must turn porter in ye Streets to get bred for me, & my poor charge, if ye Honrble trustees, are not pleased to grant me a second years provisions. 
 
My Lord I never was brought up, to any other calling but that of improving & cultivating ye land, wch, if, I am by necessity driven from it, to follow portering in ye streets I, & my charge, I shall be, of all families, ye most miserable. I will not tyre your your Lordship wth any more on this hed, but I leave all to your Lordships charritable consideration who has heretofore amply relived me in my greatest distress. And I doubt not, but your Lordship will att this time as redily assist, in procuring me a second years provision being my last request, & as great an act of charity as your Lordship can contribute to. This being granted I shall for ever pray & remaine, your Lordships most obligd, most, obedient & most Humble Servt to comand. 
 
Endorsed: 
 
My Lord 
 
Mr Potter desires me to give my Testimony to what he has above written, wch I most readily do. I can assure your Lordship that he has applyd himself wth great Diligence to the Clearing of his Land, & behaved himself in every Respect like a Sober Man, and a good Christian; & I believe every one in the Colony if they were desired would be ready to give him such a Character. 
 
He has cleard, & fenced his Garden Lot, containing 5 Acres of good planting Land; but as he has no Assistance but Himself to go on wth the Work, & tho late Sickness has been disabled from keeping his Land in proper Order, & has a family of three Children to provide for. It is impossible for him to subsist, as he has now no Provisions from the Store, unless the Worthy Gentn the Trustees will be so good as to grant him some Allowance till his Land will be able to Produce. He has indeed been more industrious abt Cultivating his Lands than any Man in the Colony besides; for no one else, even they that have ye largest Assistances, have yet cleared their Five Acres. It will be an Addition to the many charitable & good Deeds Your Lordship has already done to ye Distressd, to grant this Favour. And yt the Divine Being who never fails to Reward Virtuous Actions, may bountifully Reward your Lordship, is the hearty Prayer. 
 
Saml Quincy 
 
Savannah Decr 18. 1734. 
 
 
Samuel Montaigut to James Oglethorpe, Dec. 17, 1734, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 86-87, Egmont 14200, pp. 327-329, concerning his business in Savannah and ideas for the development of the port. Translated from the French. 
 
Sir, 
 
I should consider myself wanting in appreciation, should I longer neglect to thank you for all the favors which you have shown me, and in particular that of having recommended me to Mr Causton. That last favor makes plain the respect and esteem that is here entertained for you, in that Mr Causton has received me with marks of distinction and has not ceased to render to me all the services that were in his power. Again, it is to you, Sir, that I owe all these things, and I render you therefor my very humble thanks. I should like all the days of my life to find occasions wherein I can give you evidences of my appreciation. 
 
I have had built a little store by the side of your residence. There I have put some merchandise, and have commenced to sell to the satisfaction of the inhabitants of Savannah. I ask of you, Sir, the honor of your protection and that of the Gentlemen, the Honourable Trustees, for the continuance of the little business which I have here commenced conjointly with the Messrs Simond, who will not fail on their part to make apparent the advantages of a business very agreeable to the inhabitants of this place, by the modification of the price of the goods which they will send here, as they have found by those which I have brought. Since under your good pleasure and that of the Gentlemen, the Trustees, I intend to make here my principal residence, I pray you, Sir, to be so good as to give me a town lot before the Bay or Strand, wherever there are vacant ones, with the grant which I ask you to accord me with all the privileges and prerogatives of a member of the Corporation, and the 5 acres nearest the city possible, and the 45 acres which go with them. This would encourage me to make my residence at Savannah. 
 
It appears that the Savannah River is one of the best in America. 
 
Its bar is three fathoms of water at low tide, consequently of sufficient water for the largest vessels. Off its bar in this place there is only Yoakley bank, which could easily be deepened at small expense. Vessels anchor here at 5 fathoms of water, and in fresh water (which is marvelous). It is desirable that there should be cut here a descent at the Bluff and that a little wharf be constructed along the river, which would avoid a great distance for the discharge of vessels, and much expense which would necessarily raise the price of Merchandise. I take the liberty of expressing my opinion on this subject, as it appears to me. You can judge of it, Sir, much better than I. 
 
I had intended to go up to Purysburgh on my other business. But your Birthday, which is to be celebrated here next Saturday, detains me, when I hope to have the honour of drinking to your health, together with all the inhabitants of this city, who love and honour you as their Father. Although I did not have the same honour of being brought into this country by you, I should resent that any one should question the esteem and consideration which I entertain for you. 
 
 
Robert Parker to Robert Hucks, Dec. 24, 1734, Mill Bluff [on Savannah River], C.O. 5/637, pp. 4-6, Egmont 14200, pp. 335-339, telling of building a mill, Oglethorpes objections to him, mail to Georgia, and his inability to trade with Indians. 
 
Sr. 
 
As you are the Gentleman among the Trustees that Sr Robert Walpole was so kinde in so Affectionate a Manner to recommende me to makes me take the liberty now to address to you. As he was acquainted with my Former condition of Life induct him in so perticular a manner to recommende me. As I dont question but the Letter is yet regularly in the Office I could desire it might be once more read over, if any regarde will be payd to that great Mans Recommendation. 
 
As I have formerly upon my own foundation as a Mercht Employed almost as many People as is in the Collony, I thought some little regarde or difference would have been shown so indeed it was while Mr Oglethorpe stayd. And I Exspehtd he would given some directions accordingly, but instead of that I have founde Worse usage yn any body ells. Mr Oglethorpe gave me a Lott for House &c wch I inclosd in built a Large Workshop Saw Pitts &c at a very great Exspence for my Workmen about the Mill, wch since has been regularly taken away by our Court to gratifie one that went up to the Indian Nation. So I am disposest without any Equivolent, so that the Publique is served at a Private Mans Exspence. 
 
Mr Oglethorpe gave, if confirmed by the Trust, a Trust Lott marked K in the Draft of the Towne Plot in the Large Book, wch in a Letter that I desired might be delivered to him to reminde him upon his Arrivall, wch Letter Mr Brownfielde he had orders to lay before the Boarde. I should be glad to be confirmed in it and hopes the Termes will be made verey easey to me. 
 
I had liberty before Witness from Mr Oglethorpe to Erect my Mill Worke either in the Salts or up the River where I pleas for my Own conveniency, where I have pitcht upon is remote from any Setlement the Nearest is two Milde by Land above Abercorne and 3 milde in a direht line from Purisburgh. I hope the Gentlemen will allow me a large scope of Land in Consideration of my Large Family of Eleven Children besides what I may Possibly have should my Wife be induct to Come over wch is her desire and as soone as I can make her a Suitable reception will be as agreable to me, and likewise in consideration of the Usefullness of my Undertaking, wch now I have the pleasure to tell you wch plese to informe the Gentlemen is at Worke. And I hope in a few daye to Cut Eight Hundred or a Thousand Foott of Timber a Day and when I make an addition hope more than to double it. After furnishing the Demand at Savanah and the other Settlements & Purisburg hope to ship off large quantiteys for the Suger Islands. Besides I expect to furnish London with Thousands of Foott for Floring of the finest Cleare stuff that ever was imported. One Branch of my business was the Norway trade so that I pretende to understand it as well as anybody. I expect in my grant a Liberty to have one or two Negro Servants for every 50 Achres, the charge of White Laborers being so extravigently Deare there is no such thing as bearing it. As also as I have Severell Children a Power as in England to make my Will to leave what it may Please God to Bless me with as I shall see fitt as an Incouridgment to the more Dutifull. 
 
Mr Oglethorpe might probably speake about two hogsheads of Rum. He was tould by a Person that hapned to be in my House when I received the Letter they was sent up without my knowledge and Immediately went out and Acquainted Mr Cawston and Mr West of them before they came a Shore. One Hogshead I took for my Own Use and Workmen the other I sold to Musgroves Stores. 
 
As to my bearing Armes while I had Sons they would not permitt it while they could do it for me. The Duty was never neglected. Another Objection Mr Oglethorpe had, wch was the Revrend Mr Dising coming up to Officiate for Mr Quinsey. I had a little acquaintance with him at Charles Towne and being destitute of a House to go to (the Saltzburgers having Mr Quinseys) he was at my House while he stayd in Towne but I knew nothing of his coming neyther had he any invitation from me further than taking him in for 3 Weeks while he stayd without the least thing allowed him from the Store not so much as a bottle of Wine. One thing I will say none of the Ministers behaved better nor gave more Satisfaction to the People than he did while he stayd. I have troubled you with these three things wch dwelt mightily upon Mr Oglethope before he went away that he wrote me an angry Letter from Charles Towne and did not therein use me well being inosent of either but as I have now represented them. 
 
My Coming over into these perticular parts at first it was the good Opinion I had of the Lawable undertaking hoping it might be in my power likewise of doing a great deale of good Heare among the Persons sent over, but all that is now frustrated. Any other place would be as well for me. I have large offers made me from boath North & South Carolina if I am inclinable to moove, but if I am well used I confess I like my Pressent Scituation verey well. I was recommended to the Mr Heathcoats by Mr Trafford yr Relation. Plese to give my Humble Service and by them to Mr Trafford also to Mr Virnon, and if youll be so good to give my Duty to the Rt Hon Sr Robt Walpole and Sr Charles Turner my Relation youll much Oblidge me. If you can procure freight cheape, as no doubt you may, plese to sende me Twenty Hogsheads of your Best Beer. I will make a returne to your Satisfaction and if youll spare so much time to give me two or three Lines in answer by the first Ship to Charles Towne direhted for me at Mr Richard Hill Mercht youll exseedingly Oblidge me. 
 
[P.S.] One thing I forgot to incert but it being so materiall it will be the ruin of all the Business in these parts if not carefully rectified. That is the care of Letters. None is wrote for England that can be hapned on but what are opened and often secreated as also letters from thence. I dont doubt but I have had severall served so myself and perhaps some with Bills wch cant yet learne. Letters from these parts should not long be detained in the Office if direhted thither but forwarded by the first Ship to Charles Towne to be sent hither with a Scedule of the Number and who they are direhted for with out upon coming to the store to be fixt upon the Dore that every one may demand yr own. Some Letters have been delivred dated 9 Months before wch is a prodigious Hindrance and would destroy all negotiation. 
 
I have severell Indians that comes and vissitts me for the sake of Rice &c. They bring me yr Skins wch not to offende the pressent orders I am Oblidged to turne away and so they go and sell them at Purisburgh. It might be 40 or  50 Sterling in my way, and why should not I and the rest that Ventures ourselves among them make the Propper advantages. But see it go to Carolina. Plese to let me have your Opinion of this for my Own Satisfaction as well as others. 
 
Youll think me Long & Troublesum. But being Christmas Eve, my People desired Leave to go out this morning to provide themselves a Dinner tho we have good Beeff Porke Cheese Flower &c. They are now come home and have brought 3 Coople of Ducks 1 paire of Doves one Turkey and a fine Buck together with a fine young Pig. But the latter they had at Abercorne. 
 
We are not altogether destitute of Provissions when we have time to seeke for it, Esspessialy Turkeys & Venison Ducks &c in plenty but very shy. 
 
I have one thing to Crave that nothing from my Letters may be communicated to the Publique with my Name, unless upon absolute occasion and then shant disowne anything I have advanst. I have sent also a Copey of the Letter delivred to Mr Oglethorpe after his Arrivall, wch Mr Brownfielde advised his Master had ordered to be la yd before ye Board. 
 
 
Samuel Eveleigh to James Oglethorpe, Dec. 30, 1734, South Carolina, C.O. 5/636, pp. 95-96, concerning conditions in South Carolina and Georgia. 
 
Sr 
 
My last to you was of the 27th Instant per Capt Goffe. Since wch Sevll things have occurd, which I think worthy of communicating. 
 
I do believe (with defference to yr own Judgement) That it may be necessary for you to make a proper Application (as you Shall judge best) Either to the Commissioners of the Customs or to the Treasury to Abridge the Port Charges between this place & Georgia, That so wee may Trade from thence to this Place upon a better footing. I think to demand the full Port Charges here on so Contiguous A Colony is very Extravegant, when its very apparent a Voyage may be made by a proper Sloop in two Weeks Time. A Shugar Drogarr85 in Jamaica may and does make four Voyages in Six Months Time and Some times more and pays but one Port Charges. The Reason that induces me to write you this, is, because here has been a Perriaugoe or two who have lately gone from hence to Georgia And the Goods on Board of One of them (being in an open Boat) have Suffered Two hundred pounds Damage by the Rain. Whereas had they been Shipt on Board A Small Deckt Sloop, it might have been prevented and more Expeditious. 
 
I have lately recd a Letter from Mr William Jeffries, whereby I find that Strong Materials have been drawn up against the Govr [Robert Johnson] on Accot of the Affair of Mr Hazle; That the Govr is very innocent in that Affair, I am Satisfied you must be a competent Judge. If any body Suffered illegally in that Affair (According to the best of my judgment) it must be Mr Hazle. Its true, I do believe Mr Jeffries is a very considerable Looser by him, and am very Sorry for it as much as any Man in England or in this Place. But! this I know, That Mr Whitaker and Mr Humes were both freed on the like Occasion, and both Said they could not prosecute, and I dont believe there was A Lawyer in this Province would have done it (Except Mr Graham). Nor would he, had he not been encouraged by his Father the Chief Justice. 
 
Its matter of Astonishment to me, That he Should make this a matter of Complaint Against the Govr from whom he has recd so many Civilitys. 
 
I have by this Opportunity again wrote Mr [William] Jeffries to Send me a Vessell to be in Georgia the latter End of May, and if thers anything that you think you Shall have Occasion for from thence for the Service of that Colony, Please to lett Mr Jeffries know it and I am Sure you and I shall not dissagree in the price, when they come there. I shall desire Mr Jeffries to write you on this Head. 
 
Theres a Vessell now in this Harbour bound for Bristoll, that mounts twelve Guns That I believe I Shall agree with on Condition that Mr Jeffries has not Supplyd himself before he getts Home. She Sails well and has everything necessary for A defence in Case of A Warr. I must again desire the favour that youl Speak to yr friends of So Wales to procure what Servants and Passengers they can from thence, for I have made it my Observation Several Times Since I have been in America That the Welch are a Laborious, diligent, Sober and Industrious people (generaly Speaking) and I Shall use both Passengers and Servants so well that I doubt not but shall ingage them to write Home to their friends to Encourage great Numbers to come over. And dare believe, That you and the Trustees will in your Parts Use them in like civill manner. 
 
I have by this Oppty of Capt Loyd Sent you a Small Cask of pottash, wch I recd this Day from Mr [Roger] Lacey, and have shewn it to Mr Halls Bror lately come in, Who does not very well approve thereof. However hope it may be of Some Use, Either to the Dyers or Soap Boilers. 
 
He informes me That he understands the Method of makeing that Commodity, and I do propose He Shall make A Tryall if possible I can. 
 
About this day Sevennights a Vessell thats Since come in informs me, He Spoak with Capt [George] Dunbarr off of this Barr bound for Georgia, Where I hope hees arrived. 
 
I am now writeing to Mr Samuel Lawford of Providence to know at what price heel deliver me Eight Hundred or a Thousand Bushells of Salt at Georgia. 
 
I have lately been in Company with a N. England Master of A Vessell That has used the No Carolina Trade Twenty two Voyages. I have been very perticular in my Inquiry about A Trade thither, And find it will do very well from Georgia to that Place. And he believes thers not less than One hundred and forty Vessells from New England, Piscataway [New Jersey?] and other Northern Colonys that enter in and clear out in one year. And he is of Opinion with me, That this and Georgia are Scituated much better for That Trade than New England is. 
 
It gave me a great deal of Satisfaction when I was last at Georgia to hear of the Depth of Water there was in Was saw River up to Thunderbolt. I have been Speaking to Mr Midelton the Pilote to goe down at my Charge and resurvey it. But its So buissie a Time now, That he cannot do it. But I believe in May next, I may persuade him to it. 
 
I am now Sending some Effects to Bermuda, and would have ordered for Some Negroe Carpenters from thence in return, If So I thought the Trustees would Admit thereof. 
 
I have Spent a great many Thoughts on the Affair of Georgia and it would be of vast Satisfaction to me, Should I live to See A good Constitution Settled there, That the Government was Easie both in civil Society and Trade and upon Such A Basis as was not to be Altered. And Should take a Pride, If [I] could any Way Assist therein. 
 
Mr [Joseph] Wardrope is now here, and tells me that they Enjoy at Present in Georgia A great Measure of Health. 
 
 
John West to James Oglethorpe, Dec. 30, 1734, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, p. 97, Egmont 14200, pp. 343-344, concerning conditions in Georgia. 
 
Honnored Sr 
 
I mack bould to trobell you with this with my heart full of grateytude & thankfullness for your Deesmesing [dismissing] me of Soo trobellsom & Chargobell a ofess [office].86 I will ashowor [assure] your Honnor I have nott Spard my time nor Substance in keeping ye pease & Creaditt of ye Colloney & have indeaverd to beehave my Self in Such a manor that I have ye good will of a most all that have aney Knowleg of me. Ye pepell in genrell Semed att fust too be vearey oneasey att my Quetting ye bench, but I towld them itt was my own Deesior to tbe Descharged & now I beeleve they will be Vearey well satefied. The pepell in genorell are pushing forward thayor [their] beldings & Colteveatting [cultivating] thayor Lands & we was all in Genorell in gratt reegoiseing [recognizing] on your Honnors beath [birth] Day & Every one Seme to Expres a Deale Satesfackion in itt. Ye Enjion [Indians] arifed [arrived] heare all in good health & Expres a Deall of Satisfackion in the Exsepion in England87 & now I Doutt nott butt we Shall be a Vearey Easey & Quiott [quiet] & a indosttross pepell & Shall answar ye Ends of your gratt [great] pains & kare that you have tacking for us. So I Concloud Hoping this will find your Honnor & all ye Honnorebell Trosttees in good health as I & all my famoley is att preasent. I thanck god My wife is brought to bead with a Sone on ye 28 of this Enstont [instant]. 
 
P. S. I should be vearey glad of Leve to Com for Englan for a Small time in ordor too Seatell Sum afayors & gett Sume of my Contorey men for Sarvents for me. I know them to be Sume of ye best in all Englan for Contorey worck. Theare is a gratt Deale more as I Could inform you of butt mr Costin & mr Crestey [Christy] both have towld me thay Shall right in Larg to you of all trancacons that have hapened heare. Ye pepell are all in genorell vearey healthey & well. 
 
 
Robert Parker to the Trustees, undated, no place,88 C.O. 5/637, pp. 1-2, Egmont 14200, pp. 331-334, complaining that people are to be taken off public provisions, too frequent courts, too savage punishments, and conduct of officials and free masons. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
As Benevolence Charity & the good of Mankind are the Motives You Act by, in so Laudable an undertaking as the Setling the Colony of Georgia, Youll sooner forgive what the same Influence obliges me now to Informe you off. Should You differ from my Way of Thinking I offer no harme, should what ever I Advise be rejected. 
 
Mr Oglethorpe that wth the thinking Part of Mankind will for Ever be had in a Gratefull Remembrance of the People here, that were Witnesses of His Generous Actions, Indefatigable Pains & Industry is now with us no more. We feel the Wants & I Dayly Hear the Cry of the Multitude, for being without a Worthy Head, which doubtless will be soone supplyd out of Your Laudable Body. 
 
I am informed that Orders are come over to allow no more than a Years Provissions to those Passengers by Yoakly Dawbus [Henry Daubuz] & Wood.89 Gentlemen I profess I have neither spoke about to those People, nor am I my self affected, nor no body knows of my Writing but I cant help setting their Case before You in the light it appears to me. First severall of these & most of the first Fourty90 that are alive have been Employd in the Publick Works. They have had no opportunity of getting their Lands in proper Order for Culture but at the same Time I must needs say the Land itself comes far short of the Praises bestowd upon it, wch was the inducement that brought over the Honest People & must needs think they cant be made amends [but?] by receiving Yet one or two Years Provisions longer. They have had some of them seed out of the Stores both English & Carolina. I cant Account how it hapned, but it produced nothing, or next to nothing. They have had the same a Second Time, wch did like the former. Some the Third Time, and they have had their Labour for their Pains or their Crops consumd by Squirrells. Shoud such people as these be Cut off from Yr Provissions! God forbid. 
 
I am sure when You was at so much Pains & Charge to send them hither You wont suffer them to Perish, wch they must inevitably do if they are shut out of the Store. The Settlements at Abercorn & Skedeway, for Want of their Lands being run out, to know Where to clear & Plant, have had nothing to do but bemoan themselves so coud not Possably have any Provissions coming up. The former Place was but the last Week run out by the Surveyer, but whether Skedeway be yet done, I am a Stranger to, but have heard very lately great Complaints for want of its being allotted. Another thing that I think Pleads strongly for them is their so often attendance at Court. I have heard some reckon 10 Days out of 30. It must needs be, when the Recorder has told me, he has granted Thirty Warrants in a Day. When at Purrisbourgh (to its Praise be it spoken) only one Warrant has been served since its first setling. I have offerd my self to take Pains, & endeavour to make up Differances but that Method is not approvd off. I am sorrey there shoud be such a Spirit among Those People. The People from the out Settlements have been obligd to give their attendance frequently at the loss of 3 or 4 Days Worke at their own Expence & not so much as a Bed to lye on, the Publick Houses having none to Spare so are exposd to the inclemency of the Weather. They Complain Heavily & wth too much Reason. 
 
I am sorrey its not in my Power to Redress the severall grievances sprung up since the Departure of Mr Oglethorpe. I shall Point out to You wherein they Consist, & leave them to Your better Consideration to give Proper Orders for their amendment. I am at my Works up the Country have Time to Consider things, & I shoud think my Self inexcusable in being Silent & keeping You in Ignorance, when by Your Prudence things may be amended. What Thanks I shall get from those at Savannah, You may Imagine, but I think it my Duty to do what Good I can to those that Deserve it wch is a Sufficient Recompence to me. 
 
(1) The too frequent Courts wch are a great hardship upon the People as I observe before, but especially to those of the out Settlements since they are so often adjournd. Those of Abercorn were Summond to attend the Court on Satturday Last. They went down on Friday to be ready, then the Court was adjournd in the Afternoon. While next Wednesday the Poor People the Tide not Serving were obligd to come away in the Night & so wth Hunger & Rowing returnd on Sunday Morning. They return next Wednesday & expect most of the Week to be Lost. Besides the loss of their Time are from their Familys at their own Expence wch they can Ill Afforde. 
 
(2dly) The Punishments come next into Consideration, wch in a New Colony in my Humble Opinion ought to be used very tenderly & as seldom as Possable, but at Savannah they are frequent & Shocking, even to Disgust the Neighboring Provinces. I have seen a women Sit in the Stocks for 3 Hours when it Raind hard, (& the only Dairy Wife we have to Supply the Colony wth Butter) a Servant of Musgroves, & tho She interseaded for Her. She was taken out of the Stocks & Carried on Board a Sloop & Ducked. In Ducking Her they Bruisd her so against the Vessell she was lame for 2 or 3 Months after. The Crime had Mr Oglethorpe been here, had not been taken Notice off. 
 
One Poor Gentleman wth the Terrors & Frights of Whipping Stocks &c went Distracted in Town thro the Terror. He went away but Died before He reacht Port Royall. He was one that had been a Good Benefactor. 
 
(3dly) There is such an alteration of People especially amongst them that have to do wth the Store, Mr Oglethorpe Himself would not know them. He has been Witness of their Poverty, but now no Sign remains, [they] never appear wth out their Ruffles, & their Houses are well Furnished wth Plenty of everything to Profuseness. 
 
(41y) We have about 30 or 40 Free Masons they have a fine Supper every Satterday Night & often 2 or 3 in the Week besides. Where such an expence can be born I am at a Loss to know. One Night amongst other Disorders they went to the Guard, Cut the Capt down the Head & Disarmd the rest carrying the arms away. When they came to Reflect ont on the Morrow to make things up they Calld a lodge at Night & admitted Goff the Capt a Free Mason, so I suppose the thing Dropt. 
 
I might on to other perticulars but have allready said enough to fill you with Indignation at wt Passes at Savannah. If I have Time to Spare I can go up to Purrisbourg & Spend a Day or Two wth Mr [Hector de] Beaufin & other good Company agreably but Savannah is not a Place at Present I take Pleasure in. I Wrote to Mr Oglethorpe wch I Hope he Communicated to Your Honourable Board. I Hope I shall have the Honour of an Answer. 
 
 
Arthur Johnston91 to James Oglethorpe, Jan. 1, 1734/5, Savannah, received March 29, 1735, C.O. 5/636, p. 98, requests servants and offers to oversee land for Oglethorpe and Trustees. 
 
Sr 
 
I make use of this oppertunity to reminde you of ye Services you promised you would do me in England. I have Compleatly Improved my Town Lott & now Intend for ye Country had I ye Assistance of a few Servants. I have writ a Letter to ye Honble ye Board & begg you will be Assisting to me in getting my humble requests granted. 
 
You were pleased to give me a grant for a farme of 200 Acres wch I was to hold by Lease so begg you will Confirm ye Same. 
 
If yr Honr or any other ye Honble Trustees wants a House Built & Plantation Cleared, if Servants be sent to me Ill perform it Effectually According to direction. 
 
 
Arthur Johnston to the Trustees, Jan. 1, 1734/5, Savannah, received March 29, 1735, C.O. 5/636, p. 101, requesting servants so that he may farm his land. 
 
Gent 
 
Tis abt 16 Months since I first Came from Carolina to this Province, & at my Arival Mr Oglethorpe Imployd me in ye Publick Works. He afterwards granted me a Lott in Town, upon wch wth great Difficulty I have built a House, much Larger than is Comon & sunk a Well 35 foot together wth all other Necessary Improvements. 
 
My five Acre Lott is of no service to me, being one Intire Swamp, nor am I capable of Improveing it for want of Servants. My 45 Acre Lott is farr distant from Town, and haveing no Assistance Can make little or no Improvement thereon, wch is Cause of great trouble to me, haveing been from my Youth a Planter. 
 
Tis Impossible for a Town to Subsist without a Country, so would willingly (as my Genious lyes Chiefly in Tillage) Sell my House in Town,92 had I three or four Servts & apply my selfe thereto, & hope yr Honrs will grant me Such supply as may Inable me to prosecute my Intended purpose, & hope in 3 or 4 Years to be Capable of makeing such return as yr Honrs shall require. 
 
Tis Impossible for me to mentain my family without Servants, & not being Able to purchase at present hope yr Honrs will grant my above request, & a sense thereof with former obligations shall never terminate but with ye Life. 
 
 
George Symes93 to James Oglethorpe, Jan. 2, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, p. 100, requesting a servant and complaining that he cannot get payment for his cures. 
 
Honred Sr 
 
I Disser [desire] a Small faver from youre honor. If you please to Send Me one Man Sarvant or a boyer it will be of a greate youce [use] to Me in My Agge. I have no more att preasent. But I Return you harty thanks for all favors. I am in good health att this time ixceapte My Rupter that will be on me whill in this world. 
 
Sr. I though proper to aquinte that I have poade [paid] five pounde Starling towardes Belding [building] of My houes and fore pounde More thay Demand of Me More and I Cante Not gett aney Monny for all the Cores [cures] that I have don. 
 
 
William Calloway94 to Harman Verelst, Jan. 4, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, p. 102, reporting his arrival in Georgia, and the commencement of his house. 
 
Sr 
 
I Make bold to aquaint you of our safe arivall & through Marcy all in Good health. I hope the Country Will prove as healthfull and plentyfull as it is pleasant. It Requires a Great Deale of industerry Which Shall Nott be Wanting in Mee. My Savant & Self are Bilding a Good hutt and Cutting Down Timber for My House. I find Carpenters Labor is Very Dear. Sr if you Would bee So Good as to Give my Duty to the Trustees and if thir Honors Would please to Order Mee Som Beer to Sell in my Hutt to the Workmen While the House is Buildin it Would Bee of verry Great Sarvis to Mee. I hope I Shall behave Myself so as allways bee Desarveing of their Honors faver & in Curidgment [encouragement]. 
 
 
Samuel Penseyre95 to James Oglethorpe, Jan. 7, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 104-105, concerning his marital problems and his lack of income for professional services. 
 
Honorable Sir 
 
I received ye Message, that yr Honor Desired Mr Henry Lloyd to Deliver to me, by words of Mouth, and tells me that ye Honor is very Angry with me to which I should be very Sorrow to incur yr Honors Displeasure, upon any accounts be whatever. Sir in few Lines I will acquaint you of ye whole truth of it, for why I did so, what I have done. Having been Maried to that woman about ten years, and Lived very happy for about Seven years, Butt She got acquainted with Some people that was Debauched in ye way of Drinking that Cursed Liquor Called Geneva [gin]. And when She once got in that way of Drinking She Could not Leave it off, and Generally Got Drunk almost every Day. And all that I Could do to hinder her of that abominable way of Drunkness still was in vaine to me to pretend any Such a thing. At Last my life began to be very Troublesome to me, and I was ashamed of her, both for her Drinking and Curssing and Swearing that I Could not bare it any Longer that I was, in a manner forced to go away from her, on purpose to find peace and Rest in my mind. After a while meeting with this woman Now at present in Georgia with me, Seeing her of Good Beheaviour, and Sober woman, apperceiving no ill Course in her, and by that mean wee Concluded both to go to Georgia. Where Sir I Can assure yr Honor, that She has Caried her Self as Sober and Cheast [chaste] as any woman in Georgia ever did, or ever will do. For I found that I had nothing but Contentions, and strife, and that I was in Capable of getting my Bread, or either to serve God, or men. Butt if yr Honor will have her to Come to me, I Shall Receive her, I Cannot say willingly receive her, by Reason I Know very well that She will never Keep her Self from Drinking, and when Shes Drunk She is also mad. Butt in Case that She Come I will send this present woman away, altho She has two fine Boys. Then I am Sensible that I Shall not be Capable of doing what I have been oblige to do, that is to take Care of ye Sick people in Savanah as I have done either to, for all the Honorable Trustees Servants and Mr Coston Servant, without any profit to me, but ye Contrary for I have been obliged to buy my one Medicines at Dear Rate, and never had any thing allowed to me for it. But More than that Mr Coston has tooke away frome me what yr Honor was please to allow me from Tybee, that was two Shillings a Day for taking Care of them. For he Sends Most every Body, when Sick, to me, and when I have done ye Cure he will not pay me. So I been Serve ever Since yr Honor has been Gone from us. As for Mr King Clark he has been uncapable of Doing any thing, by Reason of his been ill Most part of ye time that he has been in Georgia, but never the Least he has the profit, and I have the Labour for my paine. 
 
As to my Lott at Tybee I Can no way improve it by Reason that I have Nothing but a Salt Marsh that is overflowd at every spring tide, and in Savanah I have no Lott. I hope yr Honor will take these in to Consideration, that I have not been ye Least useful person in Savanah Town Butt rather Most usefull of any one, that is of my imploy. 
 
As Concerning my wife, and Reason afore said because I Left her, I thought in my self that I Should not offend God as much, as if I had remained with her and be fore ever contending and querrelling with her about her abominable way of Drunkness, which it is well Known about London. And More over She has been so tempted to Destroy her Self that She went to a Drugster and bought one ounce of Liquid Laudnum and took it on purpose or in order to Destroy her Self. Had I not then took Greate Deal Care of her to Give her a vomit, and other Necessary in that Case, She would been a Dead woman. Sir as to my part, it is well Known, that my Caracter, was never stained in any things be whatever, before this present time, nor did I ever Deserve it but always behaved my self like an Honest man. 
 
As yr Honor has seen My Certificats in Georgia and do still Cary my self at present, both in Diligence and Good Behaviour that there is hardly any one in Georgia but what will speak well of me, and Respect me. I apperceive that there has been a Letter sent to my wife in my name, as to go to sand [?] which after one Captain pickering, after a present that was or Should been sent by me. But I assure your Honor that I never sent her any Such Letter nor do I Know any Such as Captain Pickring. As I have Soul to be Saved I write you no false things. Yr Honor is very sensible that no Body would Leave his native Country if they had not som Crosses or Misfortune to venter their lives in Crossing ye ocean, tho at present I like Georgia Extraordinary well, and Should be very happy was it not for this present purpose. For ye Collonie improves very well and Expect that it will be a plentyfull place in litle time. I thought I Should been happy in it and live a sober life, but my mind is very Much Disturb, tho there is no Body without falt, at willin farling that has Showed yr Honor a note of Hand for Seven and twenty Shillings. I have Left him two Receipt one for it Chollick, the other for the fever and Ague ye which they are worth above ten Guineas. I hope yr Honor will take this in to Conssideration. 
 
 
Samuel Hill to John Pine,96 Jan. 10, 1734/5, Clarendon in Jamaica, Egmont 14200, pp. 415-421, concerning his desire to move to Georgia. 
 
Sir 
 
I make no question but it may give you a small Surprize to see my name at the bottom of this Epistle, not having done my Self the pleasure of the same kind since my arrival here, but if the length of this can be any Compensation for that Omission, then I shall stand fair for your forgiveness. Having never any mention been made by my Sister of any Sickness, or Death, to have visited your family, I from thence have hope of your enjoying Still the same good health as when I left you. And if it would be any Satisfaction to you to know how it has fared with me since then in a Country so branded for Feavers, Belly-achs, and Mortality, I can (with Gratitude to our Common Preserver) acquaint you, that I have had as Continued a Share of health as I have been happy in at any time heretofore, except a little Giddiness in my head, from a fullness of Blood, by the lessening of which I have been relieved. But I keep to my accustomary Temperance, which is one of the best Preservatives in every Climate. 
 
Last year (having before taken notice of an Advertisement of Reasons for Settling Georgia) I wrote to my Sister to send them to me, for from my first hearing of that intention, I possessd my Self with very favourable Impressions of the Undertaking from the temperature of its Latitude the fertility of its Soil, and the abundant plenty of food wch. the Woods and the waters cant fail to yeild, being never ransacked by a great number of Inhabitants. Therefore perswaded my Self that it would very rationally answer the expectations of those who by their Industry are desirous of providing for their familys, or improving their fortunes, and might in few years become one of the most flourishing Colonys in our Western World, if the Settlers by their imprudence in defrauding, or ill treating the Neighbouring Indians (on one side) dont make them their Enemys (and which if they do they will never be safe till the others have an opportunity amply to take their Revenge). As on the other side, if our Government dont fail to give them all necessary Support and Protection against the Spaniards at St. Augustine, and the Savage Indians inhabiting Florida, whom they may be very apt to Spirit up against a Colony which they cannot but look on with umbrage for this being our nearest Settlement to the Gulph, thro which all their Wealth from their New World must pass. Nothing to me seems more plain, than that by a Squadron of our Men of War to intercept and take every Sail of their flota or Galeons, when they leave their Rendezvouz at the Havannah, without the fatal Circumstances that must unavoidably befall our blocking them up in their own Harbours. For here our Ships will lie in a Safe Port, without their Bottoms being eat out, our Sailors will retain their Healths and Vigour, by a plentifull Supply both of Fresh water and fresh Provisions, in a Salutary Clime. Our light Vessell too (while Cruising about for intelligence of their approach) will prove a Security to that part of the Continent against Pirates or Privateers, by which means it will be allways in the Power of England to prescribe Laws to Spain, by keeping in all their hopes of money from thence, and without this they will never be able to carry any thing on to our prejudice. If this then be the case (and to me it seems as undeniable as that twice 2 makes 4) I shall not be Surprised to hear that the Spaniards by all Attempts either of Power or Subtlety, leaves nothing untried to give us all possible molestation to make us uneasy in it. If he may not have Strength to root us out, when it appears so much his interest to Compass it, as it will be ours to be maintained at all points in our Possession of it. And altho for prudential Reasons it might not be judged necessary to publish this as one motive that might promote its Settlement, yet I cannot imagine that our Gentlemen at the Helm could possibly overlook an Advantage of so prodigious a nature. For if Gibraltar proves so uneasy a Thorn in the Spaniards Sides in Europe, This Georgia may be a Spear thro the very heart of him in America. On this acct. I read the other day in one of yr. News Papers that was transmitted hither, that Sr. Charles Wager had presented the Plan of a Fortification for it, and that her Majesty had approved ont. This with great pleasure I perused, as likewise that the produce hitherto so well answers to Expectation, and the people go on so Successfully. One more advantage comes in mind as I am writing this, of our lying in wait for the Galeons as aforesaid, is, that the Northern Colonys would Supply the Fleet with Masts and Naval Stores, and any number of Seamen (should they be wanted) for so good an occasion, or Land men with small Arms for boarding, nothing giving greater Joy to them than the Gutting of a Galeon, and revenging the many injuries received by them. 
 
But to come a little nearer to my first purpose, I am to acquaint you that for Some time I have had an Inclination of Changing this Torrid Clime for one more temperate, on the Northern Continent, and this Colony in particular having inclined me to move thither could I have a Considerable inducement thereto. I would readily Set about it, and the advantage of the first Inhabitants of a Country who risque their lives and health against Intestine Foes; or Sickness of the Country, (and all new Countrys are more or less so, till the land is cleared of its Woody Incumbrances and the Air finds a free and uninterrupted passage). Among other Encouragements [they] should have their Choice of Land, as for the Commodious Situation for their Dwelling, so in its fertility in Manuring. 
 
Should I form a Satisfactory Encouragement determine to go thither I would carry a few hundred pounds along with me in Rum, Sugar, Molasses, or whatever else might be vendible there. And when Settled, I propose to trafick with my fellow Georgians for their Boards, Shingles, Staves, Ox-bows, Truss-hoops, Flower, Biskett, Wine &c, to Ship to Jamaica. Likewise I would provide them from London with tools for their Work, Cloathing for themselves, Furniture for their Houses, or other necessarys which they may have occasion for, and in Exchange take the in Silk, Pot-ashes &c that may be proper for an European Markett; as also with our friendly Indians for their Furrs and Hides &c. 
 
Having thus far let you into my present Scheme, and recollecting that you by a frequenting that end of the Town where the Gentlemen who have the direction of the lower Orbs Inhabit, that there was a very good probability some of the Trustees for Georgia might be known to you in Person, or might by the means of others easily become so, and Negotiate the manner of my Settling there, on better terms than the Group of those who go thither, as I Shall put the Trustees to no Expence in fitting me out, or in the furniture for my house when arrived there, and yet these will cost me no very Small matter. If there are any Posts of Profit, or Credit unsupplyed, One of them might be of Service by my not only being looked on as of some Consequence among them, but also on a supposition that a better Dwelling house Lands, with more conveniences or Priviledges are anexd to such, for keeping up a good Decorum among them. To such a Post I may have some Pretence from being a Man of worth, when brought into a Comparison with most of the present Inhabitants. If any Enquiry should be made with regard to my Person or Character, your Self or any other of my Friends I depend will not be wanting in giving me a true one, and that I am in no doubt of its being Satisfactory. By gaining an acquaintance with one of the Trustees Clerks, or other Officer in that Direction, you may possibly Come at a more Effectual or Expeditious method of dispatch, and by Chatting together over a Glass of Wine you may be let also into the Knowledge of Some things that may be of use for me to be acquainted with, any Small expence of this kind, or little feer I would readily Reimbuse you in, and will write to my Sister accordingly. 
 
I am not unapprized that it may prove a very Forlorn uncomfortable life for want of suitable Conversation, which I have always been accostomed to, but that I must endeavour to supply with Books. 
 
As to the Article of servants I should be glad to have some information (Negroes being with right Judgment prohibited) for I am both too Old for much Bodily Labour, and too unskilld in the making a Bed or boiling the Pot. 
 
I suppose in this Case of mine, the Trustees will give some Instrument in writing directed to the Governing Power for a ready admittance, and Recital likewise to what Possessions and Priviledges, otherwise no man would care to leave his present Settlement, for one that is uncertain, or that can give him any delays. Therefore shall expect somewhat of that kind to be sent me, or without such kind of assurance shall Continue as I am. 
 
I imagine it needless to trouble you with any thing farther on this Subject. My Conclusive Request will be, to intreat you will be so good as to do this Friendly Office for me, and to give it all the dispatch that your own Affairs (and the nature of This) will admitt of, because, if it were possible I might set out before the Wintery, or windy weather should come on, wch. we look for in August, and to that end shall bring my Concerns here into as Close a Compass as may be, that they maynt be a Cause of delay herein. 
 
Its no matter whether you let my Sister know whats on foot, till we see whats like to be the Issue. I should be glad of an Occasion to requite the favour I now ask; if any there either is, or may be, pray lay your Commands on. 
 
Pray my due respects to all friends. 
 
[P.S.] If my good Old Friend Mr. Phil. Overton has (or can make) an acquaintance with any of the Gentlemen concerned, I perswade my Self of his readiness to do me a Service, therefore may please to consult him in it, if necessary. 
 
Pray let me hear from you as soon as possible if but a line or two, for much may be said in a few words. The Cover of your letter Directed To the Honble. Henry Dawkins Esqr. in Clarendon (Jamaica) and the enclosed For Saml. Hill. If there is any Plans lately taken of this particular Colony, & the Country contiguous only (for I have already 2 or 3 Maps of New America in General) with relation to the Situation of the Towns as intended, the Roads laid out, The Rivers Mouth with its forts &c, for its defence or any thing of this kind to give me a farther insight as the number of people already gone, and if healthy. Pray fold them up as a Packett and dispatch them by the first Ship directed as aforesaid. 
 
I am not without thoughts of Planting a Vineyard, if our Young friendly Indians (or other Servts.) are to be hired, and I find the Soil and Climate indulgent to the Grape, both for Wine, and the Raison kind. 
 
 
Isaac Chardon to James Oglethorpe, Jan. 10, 1734/5, Charles Town, received March 29, 1735, C.O. 5/636, p. 116, concerning various business affairs and arrivals in Georgia. 
 
Sir 
 
Since my last Ive heard from Georgia that Captn [George] Dunbars Safely Arrived since the 27th last month where he is Discharging his passengers who are all in Health. 
 
Capt Yoakley has got his seized by the port Royal Collectr who lived on board him thirty days, and until his Ship was almost Loaden and then Quarriling with the Capt, Seized his Vessel for the Liquors (remainder of Stores) which he daily drank Plenty of, all the while he remained on board. Mr [George] Saxby the Surveyor of his Majestys Customs hearing for certain that it proceeded from a drunking frolic has advised the said Collectr to make up this affair. But I doubt that he will not accept of good Advice. Mr [John] Vanderplank came down express and is returned to Georgia again on this very Affair since which Ive heard nothing further. 
 
Ive this day drawn upon the Honble Trustees for  200 Sterlg payable unto Messrs Simonds which I hope will be duly Honourd. 
 
P.S. Ive bot 1646 gall Molases at 9/6 per Gall  781.17. for the use of the Colony. This Commodity is very scarce that there is now no more to be had. 
 
 
Isaac Chardon to the Trustees, Jan. 11, 1734/5, Charles Town, received March 29, 1735, C.O. 5/636, pp. 118-120, sending accounts and informing them he has drawn upon them for payment. 
 
Gentn 
 
This is to Acquaint you of the Safe Arrival of Capt [George] Dunbar at Georgia Since the 27 of December Last where he Has Safely Landed all his passengers in good Health. 
 
I Send you here inclosed your Accounts of the Supplys furnished to your Colony Since the 25 Septr (which is Agreeable to the Last Account Sent you) to this Day & which I hope will prove to your Satisfaction and have Drawn upon you for the ballance  258. 16. 9 Sterling in two Separate Drafts both payable unto Messrs Peter & J. C. Simond or order which I make no doubt but will meet with due honour. The first of those Drafts is of the 10 Instant for  200. Ster and the Second is of this days date for  58.16.9 Ster. You may Assure your Selves, Gentlemen that I Shall always Use my Utmost care and diligence for the Wellfare and Interest of your Colony and purchase all the Necessarys at the best and Cheapest rates possible. 
 
 
Paul Amatis to the Trustees, Jan. 12, 1734/5, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, p. 114, concerning the removal of the Trustees garden from Charles Town to Savannah. Translated from French. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
This being my first that I write to you in all truth to have the honour of assuring you of my very humble respects, and at the same time to inform you that I arrived in the city the 2nd of the current month, where, since the said time, I have done nothing but see to the removal of trees and plants from this garden to send them to Georgia. I am counting on setting out in three days to return to Savannah with two perioguas loaded with trees and plants. I should like with all my heart that you had the sight of them. It is very certain that one has never seen so beautiful a tree nursery as you will have in your garden in Georgia. I am certain of having there more than one hundred thousand trees and plants. And I will not quit the garden without the whole lot being transplanted and put in the best order possible. I shall commence to raise, or rather feed, the silk worms in three weeks, so that I can make a little trial in Georgia like that which I made here last year, and which I sent you by Captain Yoakley, being addressed to Mr Symond, for placing it in the very hands of Mr Oglethorpe in order that he might have the goodness to present it for himself to you other gentlemen. I hope that, when you shall have received the said little piece of silk, consisting of three qualities, ordinary, fine and superfine, in all nine pounds and ten ounces; I hope that you will find [it] to your satisfaction. I count on setting out for London at the end of the month of July next, not being able to remain longer here in the same situation as before, the more as Mr Oglethorpe has given me no order on Mr Isaac Chardon to pay all the expense that I have been obliged to incur for establishing your manufacture of superfine silk. I am obliged from today to cease and undertake nothing else for that which concerns the said erection of the factory. You will find here added a memorandum of the expense which I have been obliged to incur for the enterprise of the manufacture of superfine silk, and which I have paid out of my own money, or rather from that of a friend of mine who furnished it to me for the payment of interest to him, until you other gentlemen, the Trustees, have the kindness to send me a remittance for the said sum. Otherwise I shall be compelled to have all my little effects sold to satisfy my friend. I pray of you mercy to consider my condition and that which I have done for your new colony. I leave all to your generosity. I am only sorry that I can no longer make myself useful to the advancement of your colony, having at present my arms tied so that I can no longer make an advance of money. I doubt not that Mr Oglehtorpe will have the goodness to communicate to you my letter, which I have written to him by the means of Captain Yoakley, in order that you may be informed of all that I have done since his departure from this city. As also you should be well persuaded, Gentlemen, that one cannot have erected, or rather have manufactured any thing without money to pay the said expenses. I have entirely quit this garden, (except a quarter that I have yet to pay for), so that I may have more time to be able to put your garden in Georgia in good order during the whole time that I shall remain in Savannah. Gentlemen, have the goodness to inform yourselves by such persons as you shall judge proper, in what condition your garden will find itself; a nursery of trees and plants that you will there have before I depart from here for London. The more, Gentlemen, have the goodness to inform yourselves in what condition the garden was at the end of August, and in what condition it was at the beginning of January, so that you may see that, if I have spent money, my only purpose was solely that I might be able to put all things in good order so as to transplant 30,000 plants that I carry with me from this garden. I have no doubt that it depends entirely upon you other Gentlemen, the Trustees, to recompense me for the whole English nation for the enterprise that I have here carried on, that I might make a success of spinning the fine silks to the last stage of perfection so I hope that the whole English nation will derive from it great advantages in the course of time. Gentlemen, you ought therefore to be persuaded how generous I have been in your regard, never having been willing to accept anything for my wages except maintenance alone, until I have shown you evidences of my capacity. Therefore, Gentlemen, if you find me capable in my enterprise, I abandon myself entirely to your gracious generosity; I close awaiting always your orders. 
 
 
Thomas Young97 to James Oglethorpe, Jan. 13, 1734/5, Georgia, C.O. 5/636, p. 124, concerning his duties in Georgia, his need of assistance, and his personal life. 
 
Sr 
 
I Have Mounted all the Cannon and I have the Town Besness in Looking after the Streets. Whereof I have No Servant at all to Look after My Bussness. And as for the House, Because you did Not Leeve it in Writing I am Not Implauyd [employed] About It Nor No Body Else At Present and for Working from ye Begining of the Colony. And So I Still Remaine for ye Good of the Coloney in Working. My Humble Duty to all the Lords and Gentlemen of the Trust, Hopeing that the Honble Board will Take It Into Consideration to Allow Me Something Quarterly, As What ye Honble Board Shall Think Proper. I Have Receve Nothing at all for all My Trouble and Care. My Grandson Thomas Egeton He is With Me. He Gives his Humble Duty to You Hopeing that ye Honble Board will Take it Into Consideration in Coting of the Stoff for his House Because I My Self am not Able to Do it my Self By Resene [reason] Because I am Maried to Mary Box the Widdow of Wm Box. There Is 2 Children of Hern as your Honours Pleasure Was to Setle Them at Abbercorne. Whereof I am Not Able to Bild a House for them There, Without Support from ye Honble trust. As for the Widdows I Was Willing to Obey Your Honours Orders in Bilding There Houses and Went Thourer [through?] With Them. And for Want of Assistant I am Behinde Hand of My Owne. To haveing No Moe at Present from your Humble Servant to Command tell Death. 
 
 
Joseph Richardson to Hermon Verelst, Jan. 13, 1734/5, Chelsea, C.O. 5/636, p. 88, concerning arms, supplies, and swans for Georgia. 
 
Sir, 
 
Yrs directed to me in Lincolnshire shoud not have been so long without an answer but my Servant having put the Arms & Accoutrements on Ship board without taking an Inventory I coud not get the Particulars till my Arrival in London when I had them all cleaned and delivered at the Office directed to you and am glad they were Acceptable to the Trustees being desirous of forwarding to the utmost of my Ability so good an undertaking. Mr Miller having informd me some Swans woud be agreeable I wrote to have some taken but it being rather past the Season coud only get a couple wch I expected woud have been in London on Saturday but suppose the Waggon is prevented getting to town by the Badness of the Ways. As soon as they arrive if Living I will send them to the Office. Their Food is only some Oats in a Tub of Water & if, as Sometimes happens, they prove Sullen & refuse Meat a Goose put to them will bring them to eat by Example. I reed the Books & return due Thanks. 
 
[P.S.] I have a couple of Good Drums in the Country if of any Use to the Trustees I will order them up. 
 
 
Henry Lloyd98 to James Oglethorpe, Jan. 14, 1734/5 Savannah, C.O. 5/636, p. 123, telling of his troubles and asking a licence to sell beer and wine. 
 
Sr 
 
I beg that your Honr will be so good as to grant me leave of a leisence [licence] for in a way of silling of beer & wine as you did propose for me to do at first. For ye Crosscutting of Timber there is now [no] call for it at all. And that makes my wife very onesey to think yt I brought or her finding none of that she was told by my brother & me in London so as she which [wish] herself back again so to contint her to be easay till I write to your Honr about my house being begon, when I came made her a great deal more easay. Wch being in good hopes your Honr will give me letters recommendation to all people to give me Creadit a lettel as well as ye reast of them. Tell [Til] such time you please to be so good as to send word I will strive to do ye very best I can, & ye very most a day starling [sterling?] that I & my man Can make is three shillings & that not Constant. So that I beg that your Honr will please to give me that greant [grant] as you have give the rest. 
 
 
Adrian Loyer99 to James Oglethorpe, Jan. 15, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 126-127, thanking Oglethorpe for a lieutenancy in Capt. Patrick Mackays company of rangers. 
 
Honourable Sir 
 
May it please your honour To Receive my humble & hearty thanks for the great favour I Receivd here according to your orders. The Lieutenancy in Capt. Mackays independent Company being Vacant by the yielding up of the said Commission granted by your honour to Mr Robt Parker Junior some day in October last I was presented with it and the Commission deliverd to me the 5th of November Ensuing by the said Capt Mackay who set out the 10th of the same Month for the Indians Creeks with 12 Men, leaving the Rest with me in Town wherein We are Waiting for his orders to follow him which I Expect Every day. I will do all my Endeavour by my Diligence & Courage to deserve your protection & that of all the Honourable Trustees, humbly desiring them and your honour to Ratify the said Commission & send one directec to me. 
 
Give me leave, honourable Sir, to wish your honour an happy New Year & great many more and I pray to God Allmighty to Keep you in good health and Joy, desiring heartily with all your Children in the Colony to see your honour again in this place. 
 
 
John Scott100 to Alderman Candall, (London), Jan. 15, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, p. 112, concerning his desire to be gunsmith in Georgia. 
 
Hond Sr 
 
This comes wt my humble duty to you & my Hearty prayers to God for yr Health & prosperity. I Humbly beg Leave to trouble you with This My Second Letter to Acquaint you of ye Great disapointment i have met with. For upon Furnessis Acquainting me of yr desiring Mr Gregory To gett a Good Gun Maker to come to Georgia under ye Honbl Trustees i Accordingly applied my Self from Mr Gregory to you & ye Honbl Trustees & they Thinking proper to Send me. And as i thought to be ye Gun Smith in ye Colinie and i belive they Know no Other waise [wise] but i am. I humbly beg The Favior of you to Stand my friend if it is possible that i May be Gun Smith to ye Colonie in which place i shall be Glad to do all ye Service i Can, Or otherwise that i may be Permited to gett bread at my Trade for my familie Elswhere. Not but i Shall Think my Self happy in Staying here Under the Honbl Trustees Care. I not pretending to be a Carpenter Nor a Sawyer, i am not able to be so that i must work at Other Labours for 1 Shilling Sixpence per day which is nott Sufficient to Support us. Ther fore i humbly beg yr Honrs intrest in my be half. I Conclude with my Harty Prayers to God Almighty for yor Wellfare. 
 
[P. S.] Sr pray give my Humble Servess to Mr Gregory And his Man Jo. Furniss. 
 
 
John Scott to the Trustees, Jan. 15, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, p. 113, concerning his desire to be gunsmith in Georgia. Enclosed in Scott to Candall, Jan. 15, 1734/35. 
 
Worthy Gentle Men this comes with my humble thanks to you all for ye great faviors i have received from you. It being my Second Letter Not having any Answer to ye first i humbly beg Leve to acquaint you of ye Great Sorrow i ly under being a Gun Maker & Coming from Yr Hons to act as Such in this Colinie. To my great Sorrow Esqr Oglethorp was on his departure from hence & i had not ye happiness to have any in Structions [instructions] from Yr Hons to him to Settle me Gun Maker. He advised me to go to work upon my Lot which i did wt all dilligenc & having got it fenced in & built a house 13 by 22 foot which is More then Some that was 6 Months before Me. I applied my Self to Mr Causton for Sume tools & work of my Trade but to my great Sorrow he had no Orders to let me have any but told me that Esqr Oglethorp had fixed a Sallery on Mr West ye Black Smith to do ye Indian Guns & that ye freholders must pay for Their guns to be Kept in order. Which work im unable to do because i have Nither Anvell iron Steell Coals Oyle Nor emery. And the black Smith cannot Mend them, So that our Arms are in a very bad order. And in Releivig 10 Men on Guard Every Night is Sildom a bove 5 Guns discharged, which if we should be attacked by any Enimie will be but a poor defence. This worthy Gentle men is ye True case, which I am desirous you Should Know before any Misfortuines do fall upon us which i hope The Great God of heaven will protect us from Honbl Gentle Men. I hope you will Consider that as Mr West hath as Much Black Smiths work as he and three Sart can do I humbly beg ye favour of you all to Lett me have yor Gun Work to do that i may be able to Support My family & to Carry on The work of my Lots. I and my family at this time are allmost Nacked & for want of your work i am denied any Thing out of the Store house to Cover our Nackedness which dubles [doubles] my Sorrow. Worthy Gentle Men i beg for Christ Jesusis Sake That you will be pleased to Consider This my distress and ye bad State of ye Colinies arms Which Might be the Loss of all our Lives & your great Labours. I humbly begg Some Lines of Comfort wt Speed from Yr Honrs. 
 
 
Elisha Dobree to the Trustees, Jan. 15, 1734/35, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 106-107, Egmont 14200, pp. 347-349, complaining of Caustons treatment and telling what he has done by way of agriculture and trade for Georgia. 
 
My Lords & Gentlemen 
 
I take the Freedom to Inform your Honr Board of Some matters relating to this Province wch may not have been writ by any person from hence. But before I begin I beg Leave humbly to Represent the great Damage I Suffered & Still am like to Suffer by Mr Caustons Advertisement in the Carolina Gazette wherein it looks as my Design in coming here was with an Intent to defraud my Creditors. The Discredit & Ill Character of Persons thus Advertised is a Barbarous way of Murthering a Man in his Reputation the Loss of which is one of the greatest Loss a person can Suffer in this World. I Challenge all the World to prove that my Intent was to Cheat My Creditors & to this very day neither Mr Causton nor any others have been able to prove any thing like it against me. All the amends that is made me is that Your Honble Board has been writ to by the Magistracy in a more Favourable manner, but as to the Loss of My Reputation Publickly Exposed twill never be in Mr Caustons Power to make me amends. 
 
I have been chosen Arbitrator in Servl Affairrs here & Some of the greatest Consequence. I am Generally Foreman of the Jury. The Body of Free Masons have Accepted me as a Brother. I have been Employed to Assit the Recorder & to his Satisfaction have performed what time would permit. 
 
I am now Assisting Mr Causton in the Publick Store in Stating the Accounts in the manner he would have em & wch I find in a very Confuse manner Ex: troublesome & difficult to State & Adjust. 
 
Was I So great a knave it would not be prudent to have any thing to do wth me, Especially if any Reflected on the Advertisement in ye Carolina Gazette wch Spreads through all America. These disapointments & Ill Usage at my first coming might have prevented me from Improving Lands here. Whereas I have quite the Reverse, Paled in the finest Garden of any in the Province & tho it is inferior to the Publick in Somethings it Surpasses in others (Tho It Consist but of Five Acres). By the help of an Old Servant of Mine a Gardner & Some Indented Servants and hired men I am now ready to take in Mulberry Trees & Vines &c. when Mr Amatis will please to Lett me have em. 
 
 
Some few Olives & Limes Besides Cabages Onions Sallett & other Garden Seeds of wch this Collony is in great want & is very necesary to Eat wth Salt Meat wch is all we Eat here. And am Fencing a Cowpen of ten Acres fit to keep Cattle near the Town wch I design to Feed with Grains Young Canes &c. wch will be very Advantageous to the whole Town who Seldom or ever See the Cattle & therefore can have no Benefit of the Milk wch is Extreamly Scarce & Dear here. 
 
As Soon as I can get men I will Employ 10 Acres more for ye Benefit of hoop Poles & Staves to Send to Charles Town. It is a great Uneasiness to me that None have the Industry & Courage here to make Something of their Timber wch might besides the Clearing their Lands provide em wth Sevl Necessaries from Carolina. 
 
Our People are not to be brought over from Drinking Tea &c Punch by violence. I have in order to draw em off from it persuaded Mr Christie & another wth whom I am Concernd to Brew good Small Beer for Ten Shills per Barl wch is as good as most I have tasted in London for that price. And for Tea I have planted a great deal of Sage wch grows very well here & wch will Save a great deal of money to Such as have little or none to Spare & indeed not Enough for the Necessaries of Life. 
 
I have persuaded a Friend to Undertake a Trade to Savannah Town the Chief place for the Indian Trade & to bring down in return Skins & Such Provisions as are Cheaper than from Port Royal. 
 
Finding the Messenger making his Journeys to Charles Town & back to Consist of 15 or 20 days I have hired a passage boat to go & back from Charles Town every week by wch means we may have an answer in Less than 7 days. 
 
Although most people mind only their Private Advantage, My thoughts are Continually how to find Something for the Publick good, in doeing of wch I hope I Shall receive no discredit. I Refer what I Shall farther write to another Sheet & now beg Leave to subscribe my Self wth due Respect. 
 
 
Elisha Dobree to the Trustees, Jan. 15, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 108-109, Egmont 14200, pp. 351-354, concerning conditions in the colony, his bankruptcy, and his desire to enter into trade. 
 
My Lords & Gentlemen 
 
I beg Leave to Add to the Inclosed 4 pages That Mr Parkers Saw Mill near this Town (& Musgroves Cowpen) goes on Successfully & will fully make him amends for the great Charges he has been at in Errecting the Same. God grant the Like Success to all that under take Such Publick Affaires. 
 
I Design by Capn [George] Dunbar to Consign Your Honl Board Some of this Country produce. 
 
I am Sorry to find that we have no money here. People never were so short of money as they are now. They cant pay 5 Shillings without a Warrant & when one is granted they are obliged to make it up without payment. A Currency is very much wanted here. For at this time we may almost Say that all Payments are Stoped from one Freeholder to another, but if hogs or Fowls arrive here from Carolina they are generally bought up for ready money by wch means all the Cash is draind from hence by the Carolina Planters. A Small boat Load will generally Carry off about 2 or  300 Currancy from hence & take little or nothing at all from us. 
 
I hope Your Honl Board will take our Case into Consideration & if a War break out Enable us to make a good Deffence in Case of an Attack. 
 
As it is Likely we may have a Share in the Indian Trade, I beg your Honl Board will not forget me in That Employment & if possible to help & Assist my Family to Come over to me. The Charges &c I would readily pay here. 
 
As to Religious Affairrs here I am Sorry to Observe that out of all the Inhabitants not above thirty most Commonly Assist at Divine Service & of Late Seldom or ever can we See there our Chief.101 Mr Gordons102 proceedings seem to please the People. His Courteous & good Nature are vertues which often gains the good Esteem & respect of all mankind & was at Church Sunday Last when another was Absent That for Some Reasons might have been there. 
 
We have found Some Stones wch by the Owners are thought to be of great value & some thing Like Iron Oar upon the Surface of the Ground, but none here can resolve what it is nor have not time or Courage enough to Dig Low & deep to find out more. 
 
I beg pardon for writing this Letter in a great hurry. 
 
[P.S.] Butter is Sold here at 12d Stg per pound wch is an extravagt price for Salt Butter. I wish a Small Cargo would arrive from Irland. 
 
Besides Logwood for our dyers I wish I could have Madder Seeds from England or Holland. Mr Causton is of Oppinion that it would do well in our Swamps here. I beg yt yor Honl Board would please to procure me Some of that Seed, to which please to Add any other Foreign Seeds that you might have fit for this Climate with which I will Endeavour to make the best Use I can. [I] Wish [I] Could get Ten or Twenty pounds of Clover Seeds and as much of Lucerne. Our Cattle wants greatly good Feeding, wch had they near the Town we Should not have em Run away to Such Remote places as cant be found which in case of a War would be of Evil Consequence to this Province. 
 
Before I Conclude I beg Leave to Inform Your Honl Board that Provissions have been Stopt to the few Servants I have tho bought but about three Months & who never have had above Six Months Provissions all the time they have been in this Province. My own Provisions were Stopt after three or four Months till at Last Speaking to Some purpose to Mr Causton he was pleased to have the Same Continued till the 12 Months were Expired. My Servants Provisions are Still Stopd from them tho I can hardly find Money enough to keep em. 
 
As to my Effectts Seized here wrongfully without Law Court of Justice or Jury, I have tamely Submitted to every thing that has been required of me; but I find (as I thought at first) that My Creditors are not pleased with those who have had the Management of disposing the Goods receiving the Money & rendring Accounts. I could have paid in three Months whereas theyll not be paid in Twelve & well for them If they are paid in that time. They Repent (& with a great deal of Reason) that ever they gave full power to Mr Causton to do what he did. Tho out of 12 persons that I owd in Charles Town not above two or three desird him to Use me as he did & I may Say that to this very day he has little Comfort for what he did, but I would rather think that he has remorse now of having Ruined an Inocent man. 
 
Inocent I call my Self Since I came here with no other Intent than finding I could neither get Accounts nor Remittances for the great Quantities of Goods I had Sent here to Mr [Francis?] Lynch nor from Mr Harris whom I Sent Afterwards to call the Former to an Account. And Could any body blame me after Acquainting most of My Creditors in Charles Town & they persuading me to come here in order to Call those to reason whom no Letters could persuade So to do. Why might not I come here as well as any others? In Short, I am not willing to tire Your Honours Patience. Mr Recorder has writ without my Soliciting ye Same to Mr Oglethorp to Favour me with his Interest to your Honl Board for a Publick Employ. I desire no Honour or Title, only Some Place or other wherein I may be Usefull in the way of Trading, wch I am vain to think I understand as well as any without excepting one in this Province. Mr Causton asks often my Advice wch I always give him Bone Fidae. Tho when I think on ye harm he has done me I think I act the part of a Superior Soul than his who Lately told me that he had rather 40 or 50 Should Suffer than he, far from my Sentiments for the Publick Good for wch I would freely Sacrifice my private Interest! To Conclude, I wish he may appear in his Accounts to your Honl Board as Honest a Man as I am now Lookt upon by the people in this Town & Colony. 
 
 
Joseph Fitzwalter103 to James Oglethorpe [?], Jan. 16, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 110-111, Egmont 14200, pp. 355-358, telling of the improvements in the garden and conditions in the colony. 
 
Honnered Sir 
 
After My Most Humble Duty is presented to your Honnour and the Rest of the Honnourable Trust my Masters, Is to Acquaint Your Honnours That I have not been wanting of Doing what lay in my power for the Service of the Colony By Night or day even to very Risk of my Life which I have done three Times Since Your Honnour left the place. When I send my Journall by Captain [George] Dunbarr will Inform Your Honnour Farther. By Mr Caustons Desire I went with A Boat and four Servants to below Augustine Creek and Brought Mr [Peter] Gordon and Spouse with Indian King [Tomo-ChiChi] Queen and Chiefs with Mr [John] Musgrove and were Saluted with Thirteen peices of Cannon by Mr Caustons Order who Gladly Received them. And the Inhabitants of the Township Expressed them selves with a great Deal of Joy of their Safe Arrivall, and the Indians in Generall was glad to see us. 
 
The Garden I have made great Improvements in. Most the Trees Stumps I have Root up, planted the front walk with Trees of Oranges Six foot Hight which will Bear fruit some This Year; and all in Generall Thrive. Some Oranges Trees this last Season Shott in the Nussary four Foot and the least Shott Two foot. I have a Thousand of them. Of Mulberry plants I have Eight Thousand. Some of them this last Season Shott fairly fifteen foot, and this Season will be capable of feeding Abundance of the Worms. The Olive Trees like the Soile and Situation. For I have Some of them Shott Six foot this Season. I have meet with Some Cotton Seeds from Guinea which from it I have Raised a Thousand plants, som of which have Shott Eight foot in highth and The Second Season will Come to its Bringing forth Fruits in Abundance so that I shall be Able to send a Large Quantity of Cotton to the Trustees Use. As for the Kitchen Garden Every thing thrive as well as ever in Europ. And As for Wheat, Barly, Rye, Oates, Tares,104 Beans, pease, Rye grass, Clover, Traifoil, Sinque foil,105 and Lucern Seeds, Never Seen finer than this Countery produce. Hemp and Flax will do as well here as in any part of Europe. Rice I have had, very good Indian Corn, and pease in great plenty. The last Seeds as Came Received Damage by the petiaugre Receiving Damage Coming Over the Sound. 
 
Mr Amatis hath been hear and at Puries Burgh Since the Beging of September and is not for planting of any thing of Kitching Stuff att all in the Garden, which I always Aprehended was to be Carried on Both by Your Honnour and Trust and Likewise Botany. But Mr Amatiss is More for the Merchant than Any thing Else. For Severall Hoggshead of Rumm and wine, Barrels flower hath Landed and sold here to my Knowledge and have Takeen the Servants out of the garden both to Crane them Upp and to Carry himself and goods Severall times to Puries Burgh and was for Displacing me out of the Gerden, who had gone through the Heat Burden of All the Improvements in it. Mr Causton Out his wise Judgement would not Adhear to him. 
 
Since [William] Wises Death I have had the Management the Servants over the land and was the Chief Instrument of Finding Out that Cruell and Barboruss Muder. The Vistoe [vista] from the Town to the other Side of the Island [Hutchinsons] is Cutt Through and Looks Extream pleasant. The Road from the Town to the Westward of five Acre lotts Going to Musgroves Cow penn is made good. Mr [Peter] Gorden Brought word from your Honnour that the sd Wises Servants Should go to Mr [John] Vanderplanks Management to the Crane and what else he should put them to, which I Delivered to him the sd Servants. 
 
I Thank God our Town is in very good Health and Increases Mightily, for that place which was Nothing But Pine Trees when We Came is become almost as Many Housses. And as Williams Burg which is the Metropoliss of Virginia we Exceed them in Number of Houses though been Settled Near a Hundred Years, Though not our Buildings Quite so Magnificent.106 In a word I take it to be the promised Land, Its Lands Rich and Fertile, Its Trees Large and good for Building both for Land & Sea, Various Sorts of Gum and them as good as Comes from East Indies, Various Sorts of Druggs, flowring Shrubbs and plants of Various Kinds, Fruits wild of Different Species and very good, when Cultivated will be Much finer. Clays of Different Kindes both for the Moulder and potter, Mindes [mines] of Different Species, Stones of Various Colours and them Transparent. Fine Springs and Some of Them Minerall. Fine Rivers and them plenty who Affords us Multitudes of Fish and the Best in the world Salmon Trouts, Sturgeons of which I Caught one weighed Upwards of Three Hundred weight, Mullets Bass &c. Our woods Affords us great plenty of Dear and bear who Meat is extream good. Turkeys in great plenty, I have Shott Six of a Day and them very Large Some weighing Twenty Five pounds each. Wood Pidgeons Innumerable and of other Sorts of fowles Abundance to tedious to mention. Our Rivers afford Us abundant of Water fowles as for Geese, Ducks, Mallard, Teal, and Widgeons. I have been one of the Four that have Shott Thirteen Dozen in one Day. 
 
Abundance of the Inhabitants have Cultivated their Lands and have had very great Cropps both in Town and Settlements. Cattle Thrive hear better than in Carolina. I hope in a Little Time to Make my Town lott be as good as Thirty pounds Sterling a Year. 
 
I Should be very Much Obliged To Your Honnour and the Rest of the Honnerable Trustees To Order me the payment of my Salary that I Agreed with Your Honnour for and what ever Your Honnours thinks fitt for the Boy [John] Goddard my prentice. I have had of Mr Causton About Ten stg pound, and Mony I Could Convert to a good Use In Improving my Estate. 
 
Sir I hope that the things that I sent by Captain Daubus Captain Wood and Capt Yoakley, Captain Fry, Arrived safe to ye Trustees hands. I Shall Always make it my Business every Opertunity to Send something of the produce of Georgia to their Honnours. This Season their was Not an Acorn [or] Walnutt Seen but as soon as their is Any I will Send some Bushells. 
 
 
James Burnside107 to the Trustees, Jan. 16, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, p. 128, Egmont 14200, p. 371, requesting the permission to instruct the youth in Georgia. 
 
Gent: 
 
Tis above 12 Months since I arived in this Province and have done as much as in me Lay not so much for my Own but ye Service thereof in return for ye Great favours receed from ye Honrs. But haveing no Servts, not being Bread to Labour, nor haveing any Experience in Country Affairs, they not Agreeing wth my Genious, renders Life a Burthin to me and also deprives me of any hopes (by my Land) of makeing Provisions. 
 
There has been no Instrucr of Youth here since Mr Waterland went to Carolina. Tis a Business I had Eight Yers Experience in, 4 an Apprene & 4 a freeman. The People in Genl like my Performance. So begg yr Honrs will not only for my Benefitt but theirs Grant me ye priviledge of Practiseing in Town & in so doeing you will lay fresh obligations on ye Province in Genll but in a particular manner on [me]. 
 
N. B. I am Settled at Fort Argyle Near 100 Miles from Town by Watter at wch place I have Built a House & Cleard Near two Acres of Land. 
 
 
Elizabeth Stanley108 to James Oglethorpe, Jan. 16, 1734/5, [Savannah], C.O. 5/636, pp. 130-131, reporting on her activities as midwife and asking for a servant or servants. 
 
Onored Sr 
 
I hope you will exquis [excuse] me for giveing you this trubel, itt being ye frste time. And I Rely think My Salf in Dutey bond to aquainte you whou [how] My afars stand in Savana. I thank god I have Discharged My Duty both to ye onorabel trustes and ye peopel and Can Jastly make itt a pear yt all ye wemmen I have Led none have Don a mis, which ar fifte nin in number. Ye Resion why I intmet [intimate] this to you now is to intret ye faver of you to Crush ye noshion of all falls [false] protandrs [pretenders] in my way of pratis [practice]. For I have Jaste [just] Resion [reason] to thinke thay will sun [soon] gro [grow] to a grate head. We have had one gentel womman has atamted [attempted] itt, and ye 2d womman She Delivered She Died and Lifte her infant behind har [her]. It was Mrs Coke of Ogaetche. I Depand upon your goodness in Rackemnding [recommending] My Cas [case] to ye onorabel bord of trustetes yt sum publek mathord may be fond to Lett whate popel Coms over for ye futer [future] Know My name. You was so Cind befor you Lafte ye tone [town] to promas [promise] to Sand me 5 ponds Starling Which faver when you was gon was Deniged [denied] Me. Mr Stanley naver has niglected his Dutey Cance [since] he Cam to ye plas [place] and he humble hopes you will be So good as to gite his Sextons fees setled. We have naver had a Sarvent yett so if your onor Is so Kind as to a Loue [alot] me aney I shall estime itt as a grate faver and further more if your goodness wold extand so far in my behlf as to Lett me have a Copel [couple] of tradsmen of my one [own] frands [friends] procuring by your ships I will pay thar paseg in Savana in a years time after I Recve them. Your tander behaver amonkst us incoreges me to think you will Conseder my Cas with a fatherly Car and I in Dutey Bond Shall allways pray for your onors halth and hapeness. 
 
 
William Calloway to Alderman [Robert ?] Kendle, Jan. 16, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, p. 132, arrival reported and houses begun. 
 
Sr 
 
I Make Bold to Acquaint your Honor of our Safe Arrivall hear on ye 29 Decr and all in Good health Through Marcy, Which I hope your Honor & all your Good Famaly in Joy. I hope this Climent [climate] Will Agree With Me very Well. Wee have had Frost as Cold as in England Butt very Good Weather to Work in Which i Did as Soon as I Could Gett Tools Which I Mett With Sum Difecalty to do for Want of a Line or 2 from your honors and I have none Now butt What is Deliverd to the tithing So that I & my Sarvant Can have them butt now and then. But however I have Built me a very Large Good hutt 21 futt [feet] by 14 Do and 5 of us have agreed to build Our Houses to Gether. Sum to felling Sum to Sawing Others to Framing & Shingle Making, and Wee hope to have all our houses up in 4 or 5 Mounths att Farthest. As your Honors Ware pleasd to Grant Me A Lycance I hope You Will forther Bestow your favers on me by Ordoring me Sum Beer out of the Stores to Draw in My hutt Wile Our houses are Building, Which Will bee a very Great Sarvis to me. And I Will Take Care faithfully to pay for and to Do all that in me Lyes towards the peace and prosperity of the Colana [colony] Which Shall allways Bee the Industryes Care of Your Honors. 
 
 
Thomas Causton to the Trustees, Jan. 16, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 255-257, Egmont 14200, pp. 359-368, continuing a general report on Georgia with special reference to the affair of Joseph Watson and the Indians. 
 
May it please Your Honours, 
 
It has been my greatest Concern, That I have not been able to discharge my Duty of writing as I ought. Neither have I any thing to plead for Excuse, but my constant application to all the necessary affairs of the Province here. And if it shall appear, that my Endeavours for the publick good have Succeeded and was necessary, I shall hope for your favour. 
 
I shall Send by Cap. Dunbar my Cash Accounts to Xmas last; And a Transcript of the Register which I have hitherto kept. A Journall of the Stores is also near finished and will be sent. As I would use my utmost Endeavours punctually to execute the Trustees Comands, I found it necessary to hire Assistance in Matters of Account before their Orders for it came to my hands. 
 
We have had thro out the whole Province the particular Blessings of God with regard to our healths, when our Neighbours of Carolina were generally afflicted with almost universal Sickness (for the most part Intermitting Fevers) of which many Died. 
 
The Overseer to Mr [Paul] Jenys109 Negros died here on the 13th of May and Mr Von Reck left us on the 20th. Mr Mugridg [Francis Mugridge] had Orders from Mr Jenys to take care of his Negros, and he went to Eben-Ezer. But having other business to mind, soon returned. And in this Case, I Strenuously urged the Care of them to Mr [Robert] Bunyan and Mr Clark Subject to the Ministers Advise. The Negros soon grew disatisfyed and one of them, Murdered one of his Fellow Negros, And Mr Jenys soon after sent for them away. 
 
When Mr Von Reck went, Mr Boltsius went with him to Charles Town; and on his Return desired, That one Frederick Reinlander and Family, should Settle with the Saltzburghers (being of the same Comunion). He is accordingly with them; He has lived some time in Philadelphia & Carolina, and understands planting. 
 
I went to that place [Ebenezer] on a Saterday Evening, and returned on the Sunday follg to See how the Work went forward and took Mr [Noble?] Jones with me. 
 
I found that most of the Negros time had been Spent in making a Road to Abercorn, having, laid Seven Bridges. That they had fruitlessly planted on the most barren ground. I blamed Clark for not advising better, but he says they were obstinate. 
 
Some ill designing people took an Oppertunity to make them uneasy, with their Scituation, and they much desired to be removed. I perswaded them, That tho the Land in the Town did not seem to answer the present purpose of planting, It would soon Enrich itself, and for their Imediate use, They might plant on any good Land they could find near them. They have got ready (by joint Labour) for this Season of planting above 20 Acres. Bunyan goes on with their buildings, and has finisht two of their Houses, besides one Double House. I pay him as he goes on, being first Surveyed by Mr Jones. 
 
[Walter] Augustin found a Water passage to Eben-Eazer & conducted the Scout Boat within three Miles of the Town. The entrance Of that River is 16 Miles beyond Cornhouse Creek, and about 24 Miles from thence to Eben-Eazer. The good people were much rejoyced to See him here, But Augustine could not undertake to clear the way to the Town for the  50 Currency which Mr Oglethorpe was pleased to Order; So that I have paid him nothing on that Head. 
 
Dr Zwifler110 was lost for twelve days, when I heard it, I sent some Indians to find him. They brought him safe home, and he is very well. 
 
The people at Abercorn are in good health. Piercy Hill has [Barbara] Rivetts Lott, And She is removed to this Town. [George] La Fond married her Daughter, and he went to Charles Town to Serve the Governour and Died. 
 
Widow [Mary] Box after her husbands death much desired to return to England, But I promised her some assistance here, and did her some little Kindnesses. In a little time she altered her Mind and married Mr [Thomas] Young the Wheelwright. 
 
Mr [Thomas] Antrobus having buried his wife has married the Widow of Joseph Taylor. The rest of the people are also in good health. They planted last year abt ten Acres, of which Mr Hughs111 had the greatest Share. He is indeed a Very Industrious man. 
 
Mr [Will] Watkins sometime Since, askt my Opinion about an Agreemt in writing which he had made for the Lease of a Lott in Town. I told him, That indeed The people (for Improvement Sake) might Lease their Lands for Seven yars, But that Lycense for Leasing was not to be understood, to alter the Intentions of the Trustees With respect to the Settlements. For if the Outsettlers should, (under that pretence), remove from their place of Settlement, The remaining body would be thereby weakened and exposed to Danger. 
 
Because I am mentioning Occurrences in this part of the Province, I must not Omitt Mentioning That Mr Robert Parker Senr has fixt his Mill about 8 miles up this Creek where is a Bluffe of about 12 feet high and plenty of Pine, and within 3 Miles of Abercorn by Land. When I knew it, I advised Mr [Noble] Jones to go and See it, who told him. That he must not meddle with the Timber without Lycense, And I suppose he has petitioned Your Honours for Such Lycense. I believe he has been at great Charges and is in Debt about it. It has begun to work, But whether it will Answer his Ends, is I find a question. He has make some Demands upon me, As appears by the Enclosed, Which I could not Comply with. And indeed, his Demands for Workmens provisions have been so very large, That I have been forct to Stop, Till Your Honours pleasure be known. 
 
The Independant Company having been on the Store Acct for Six Months went for the Uchee Town about the tenth of November, But the Capt when he went from thence left his Lewtenant and eight of his Men behind him. I have perswaded them to work for their Victualls, and leave their pay untoucht, with which State they Seem well Satisfyed. I often told Mr [Patrick] Mackay That I had no Instructions to provide for his Company, And that he must Answer for it If not approvd off. Robert Parker Jun having married the Widow [Elizabeth] Sale gave up his Commission and Mr Adrian Loyer is made Lieutenant. 
 
Mr Thomas Jones with 19 Indians arrived here on the first of July, Some Creeks and Some Choctaws. The names as Enclosed. Upon their Arrival I ordered the people under Arms, and we Welcomed them to this place, in the best manner we could. And having provided them provisions, desired them to tarry about 14 days and we would give them a Talk. I dispatcht a Letter to Colonell [William] Bull, and another to Capt Mackay at Charles Town desireing their Company at the time appointed. 
 
Colonell Bull came without receiving my Letter, and Mr Mackay sent the Enclosed Answer.112 The Chactaws seemed exceeding well pleased with the presents a particular of which is for the most part sett down in the Enclosed List which was Setled by Collonell Bulls advise. There are much better pollisht than the Creeks, and The Chief man seemed to be endued with many Comendable qualifications. 
 
Mr Paul Hamilton of Edisto with two other Gentlemen, arrived here and after a Stay of 2 Days returned. I endeavoured to Shew them the Respect due to a Benefactor. And at his Return home sent the Cattle by way of Present to the within mentioned, which favour we acknowledged in writing. I thought I could not better represent his Request to you, Than by sending his own Letter113 to which, If Your Honours will be pleased to direct an Answer I will carefully send it him. 
 
Captain Tuscany the Beloved Indian died here about the later end of May and Captain Skee died the beginning of September. 
 
[Joseph] Watson, the Trader, as soon as Mr Oglethorpe went hence, gave himself to drinking, and was so seldom Sober That it was hard to Guess if he was not Mad. He would be naked with the Indians, Drunk with them lye down with them, and sometimes pretended to Baptize them. He made Skee his Chief Companion, and he seemed to apprehend some Danger from him; Therefore wanted to make him his particular friend. They were drinking every day together in this mad way for about a Month. Skee got the Flux and went to the Cow-pen and died. When Skee was thus ill, Watson made publick Talk, That he had done Skees business, and that he would dy. This way of behaviour was generally lookt on as Drunken Talk. But when Skee was Dead, and the same Talk not only Continued but persisted in, I took an Opportunity one day in the Store to Reprove him, and tell him of the danger of such Speeches. I said, That if such Talk should come to the Indians Knowledge, it would be a Difficult matter to perswade them to the Contrary. He answered Skee was dead & he alive; and that they had both of them the like Distemper. I then went further, and told him perhaps (as misfortunes of the world were Various) he had lately turned his Thoughts on something which made too great an Impression on his Mind. At which the poor Man wept and did not choose to say any more. 
 
Sometime before Skees Death, [Mary] Musgrove and Watson quarrelled and she would not be perswaded from bringing an Action against him for calling her Witch. The Cause was tryed August 13th and 6s. 8d for Damages given against him as you will See by the Recorders Report. 
 
On the 24th another Action was tryed for an Assault whereby he was charged with Endeavouring to Shoot Mrs Musgrove. And it appeared very plain that he had Shott her, If she had not overpowered him in her own Defence, And took it from him and broke it. A Verdict went against him for five pounds Sterling Damages, and he was Ordered to be bound for his good Behaviour. 
 
The Next day he was tryed on an Indictment prefered against him by the Grand jury for Beating Esteeche the Indian and Defrauding him of his Goods. Which upon Tryall appeared to be true, and he was found guilty, and ordered to pay 13s. 4d Sterl fine and make the Indians Satisfacion for their goods. On which Occasion I publickly reprimanded him; and gave him Cautions of the great Danger of Such proceedings. I then Spoke to the Indians and desired, That Esteeche would forgive Watson, and pass it by, for that he had now benn tryed, found Guilty and fined. He would be paid for his Goods, And Care should be taken That he would do so no more. You will see by Mr Recorders Report, That this was a Trifling Assault. However, It appeared afterwards very plain, That Esteeche, and all the Indians had reced so Strong a hatred against him That Esteeche said his Heart would never be Streight towards him. 
 
Tallahummee Spake next, and Said I Desire all the beloved men here present will take notice of what I say. We brought our wives and our Children here, and thought to have trade with Musgrove, That the Esquire promist it. 
 
That when he went he left his Talk with Mr Causton, that if any thing happened to them, it should be redressed. Sometime since, I was out Stripping of Bark, and Watson came and presented a Gun at me, I was going to arise, but considered of it. 
 
That we thought to be here and to be Civill, and kind to one another, but we find the Contrary by Watson, and I dont know what to make of it. 
 
I askt them if they had any Complaints to make. He answered We all desire That another man might trade with us, or that Musgrove may trade by herself. There were present Tallahummee, Skee, Esteeche, Tallafoleeche, Whilustee, and Erowake who all joyned in that desire. 
 
Mr Eveleigh, by a Letter acquainted me, That he heard Watson had differed with Musgrove; That he had reced no Skins since Mr Oglethorpe went. That there was a Considerable ballance due to him, That he had given James Muir a Letter of Attorney to Settle the Account, and demand the money, But had Subjected him to my Advise. 
 
In pursuance of this, Muir applyed to Watson and Watson perswaded him to bring an Action against him for a jury to decide it. I could not approve of this till I knew how Eveleigh was prepared to make his Case good, Therefore chose to try other amicable methods. The Recorder and I went to Musgroves for this purpose and soon found That this Enquiry would be the Unraveling of all Watsons behaviour. That under pretence of managing the Trade, he had bought and Sold without Musgroves knowledge, and was carrying the Trade into another Channell; which was contrary to the Agreement with Eveleigh, and the express words of the Articles between Musgrove and Watson. 
 
I askt him to give me his objections to the Acct in writing, but he refused it. I acquainted Mr Eveleigh of the matter and desired That somebody might come to make good his Charge. I judged, That, As Watsons Case seemed to be, In Respect of Eveleighs Demand, The Indians Complaint and Musgroves Uneasiness, It would be well, if he could be perswaded to withdraw from the Stores, Let his affairs be managed by another person to be approved of by both, and a perfect Inventory be taken. To this he consented; But having changed his mind, he went frequently away, and lockt up the Store. Mrs Musgrove one day found only the Servant there, and She turned him out of Doors & lockt it and took the Key herself with intent (no doubt) of keeping Sole possession. But he soon found means to regain it, and then for severall days refused to open the door to any one. 
 
He was one day lockt in, when the Indians came to weigh there Skins. They found that Watson was in the Stores and would not open the Door, therefore they endeavoured to break it open. 
 
Mrs Musgrove begged of him to Escape for if the Indians got in She feared that they would murder him. Accordingly Watson got out another way and came to Town. The Indians broke in, but finding Watson gone, their Anger was rather encreased, and Esteeche killed Musgroves Slave (Justice) that night. 
 
This Murder justly alarmed us. And having advised with Mr [Thomas] Christie, Mr [John] West, Mr [John] Vanderplank and Mr [Noble?] Jones we concluded That Esteeche, wherever he was Seen, either in the Town or Settlements, should be immediately put away in the most gentle manner that could be. And he being then in Town Mr Vanderplank was ordered to Conduct him to the Indian Line. He has kept away from the Town ever Since. 
 
Watson was much frighted at this proceeding. I told him twas absolutely necessary for him to secure his own person, But if he did not, I should be obliged to it for the publick Safety. I particularly advised him to withdraw out of the province for sometimes, perswading him that perhaps this affair might pass over Or at least that some Instructions from Your Honours might be had; and that he might not be hurt in his private property, advised him to Authorize somebody to manage for him. But by ill Advise, he soon seemed to forgett it, and took an Oppertunity to Report that I advised him to go out of the Colony, Only, that he might be plundered of what he had, And urged, we need not be afraid of Indians Since we had Sufficient Hostages in England. 
 
As I have nothing so much at Heart as the publick Safety, my Duty to Your Honours obliged me to have a particular Watch upon him and his Associates, And at the same time, as much as I could forbear doing anything that might seem to Confirm the Report he had Spread. I therefore urged Mr [Samuel] Everleigh to finish his own Account (per Arbitration) and assist Mrs [or Mr.] Musgrove as to the partnership. 
 
Mr Everleigh arrived here, and they Agreed That Mr [John] Fallowfield and Mr [Elisha] Dobree should be Arbitrators. When Watson found the Award would not please him, He raised Reflections on both the Arbitrators And I much doubt (to this time) if shall be able to get any Determination made in that manner. I waited these Determinations near three Months; But finding that he continued his Drunken humours, and that the publick danger rather encreased, for his own Report of Killing Skee I found had reached Tallahummes Ear, and there was nothing to hope for but the Imediate Confinement of Watson to Secure his Life. 
 
A Charge was drawn up against him for Misdemeanors, which I chose to have found by a Grand jury; Upon this he was tryed November the 21st and found Guilty. In these words, Guilty of publishing severall ungarded Expressions contained in the Charge, but believing him to be Lunatick, recomend him to the mercy of the Trustees. I hereupon Comitted him Close Prisoner to Such Lodgings as he should choose in the Town. He offered Bail, and I would have took it. (vizt Mr Quinsey) If the Security would have been bound, That he should not go out of the Town. Mr Recorders Report, Shews the Nature of the Charge; And your Honours Comands in this matter is much wanted. 
 
Till now, I had maintained the publick peace, with some Ease, And tho somebody must be more or less a Sufferer by every Prosecution, Yet the Determinations of the Court have been allways obeyed with great Readiness. I shall use my Utmost Endeavours to have all necessary Order kept, Especially in every thing which regards the Indians. But an Opinion is now Started That it is very Cruell to Imprison any one for fear of an Indian; And our new Politicians think, It is more for the Interest of the province to Let an Angry Mad man go out of it (tho he were Inclined to Say all the Reproachfull things he could) Than gently to Confine him to his own House. As to this matter Mr [Peter] Gordon told me That he did not choose to Alter what had been adjudged in Court, But if he pleased he could Admitt him to Bail which I denied. 
 
Captain Yoakley, having on a Sudden taken a Resolution to go for England am Obliged to Defer further Accounts to my next; which is allmost finisht and will come by Capt Dunbar who will Set out from Hence for London in five weeks. He will take all his Loading here, Mr [Roger] Lacey Mr [John] Vanderplank and Self, having hired some of the poor people at Parrishborough who were in a very low Condition. And we have got about 700 Barrells Pitch and Tarr for him, which we beg leave to Consign to your Honours as the first Export of the Growth of this Province. 
 
 
Joseph Smith114 to James Oglethorpe, Jan. 17, 1734/5, Thunderbolt, C.O. 5/636, p. 137, concerning his arrival in Georgia and building his house. 
 
Honoured Sr 
 
This is to let you know that we are Safly Arivd at georgeia. I am vary besey in Sawing Tember for my house witch I hope with Mr [Roger or James] Lacey halp will be finisht in two month time. We like the Place Exstrordnerey well. I beg you wod Be Pleasd to give us a twelf Month Provishon as others has or Els I Can Not tell how we Shall be able to Subsist. I shall be gin a Clearing My land as Soun as my Hous is up. I beg you wod not for get us. 
 
Mr Lacey and his Spows Joyns with us in Duty to you. 
 
 
Samuel Eveleigh to Benjamin Martyn, Jan. 17 [or Jan. 20] and Feb. 8, 1734/5, South Carolina, received April 2, 1735, C.O. 5/636, pp. 133-134, Egmont 14200, pp. 383-385, 423-424, concerning the need for Negroes, a bounty on lumber, and a good government in Georgia. 
 
Sr 
 
Your kind favour of the 23d of October per Capt Dunbarr in due Time came Safe to my hands. I am very glad that any thing I have done for Georgia or Mr Oglethorpe is acceptable to the Trustees. I do assure you when first I heard of their Design of Settling Georgia, I thought it was So humane and might prove So beneficial to Great Brittain and this Place, That it gave me A great Satisfaction. And in Order to advance that Colony I have Spent a great many Thoughts, Some of which I have communicated to Mr Oglethorpe (wch probably you may have Seen) And Should be glad to hear they have been of any Service to That Colony. 
 
There are two or three Things wch I think worthy of the Consideration of the Trustees. That they admit of Negroes comeing into that Province So it be but A Limitted Number. For without Negores you cant have any produce there Sufficient to load vessells, and without that no Trade can be carryd on there to Satisfaction. 
 
It cant be Supposed that the Trustees know the Circumstances of this Country so well as those who have lived Several Years in it. And wee are all here generally of Opinion That Georgia can never be A place of any great Consequence without Negroes. 
 
There are Some few in this Province who have no great Affection for Georgia; And I have Seen them rejoyce in this very Article, That there are no Negroes to be allowed there. 
 
I am very much against too great A Number of Negroes, and am of Opinion we have too many in this Province (as you may observe if you have read one of my Letters to Mr Oglethorpe on that Head). But then on the other hand there may be too few. The Golden Mein ought to be observed. 
 
It would (in my Opinion) tend very much to the Advantage of Georgia If the Trustees would put the Government of that Place under A good Regulation. 
 
I have Several Times heard That the fundamental Constitution drawn up by Mr Lock and Sent Hither by ye Lords Proprietors About forty Years Since, to be a very good One, and Should very much rejoyce Should I live to See A good Constitution of Government in that Place, And be very proud, Should I be in the least Accessary thereto. 
 
In several of my Letters to Mr Oglethorpe, I have desired that he would gett A Bounty upon Lumber, wch would be of great Advantage to Georgia. And tho you may not be Able to get it for the Main in General, You may get it for that Province. Several Reasons may be urged (Vizt) That it is A Young Colony, therefore ought to be Encouraged and Assisted (as was the Custome of the Romans), That it is A frontier both to the French & Spaniards (The former of wch is grown powerfull and formidable), That if the French Should take that Place and this, it would very much Endanger Sevll of this Majties No Colonys. 
 
His Majty does not value the Charge of Materials in building his Men of Warr. And that live Oak Timbers are allowed by all the Workemen of good Understanding that I have conversd with to be preferable to any English Oak whatsoever. 
 
The French (as Ime informed) had a Design of Settling Allatomeha River about fourteen Years Agoe wch was discovered by Mr Bladen whilst He was in France. Did the French & Spaniards know how valuable that Province is on Accot of the live Oak Timber they would have long Since Settled it, Which (probably) might have proved of very bad Consequence to Great Brittain. 
 
Theres A great deal of Timber and Other Lumber imported into England (for building his Majties Ships of Warr and Merchant Men), from Hamburgh, Denzick &ca which is paid for Chiefly in Silver Gold or Bills of Exchange from Amsterdam, which if brought from America would be paid for in the Linnen or Woollen Manufactory, and Other European Goods. And this likewise would very much Increase our Navigation, and thereby raise Men to Man his Majties Ships. 
 
I could wish you could prevail with Mr Oglethorpe Again to come over. (His prsence is certainly very Necessary.) That he may finish what He has So well begun. 
 
There are Sevll Things reported in Town to have been transacted at Georgia wch I dont like. I am very certain his Prsence is wanted. I begg the Favour that youl Excuse the Liberty I have taken, And that youll make my best of Services Acceptable to the Trustees. 
 
Febry ye 8th 1734 
 
I Refer you to the foregoing as Copy of my Last, Since which Sevll other Reasons have Occurrd to me, which I shall communicate to you to move ye Parliamt to grant A Bounty on Lumber from Georgia. I would have ye Trustees or Such of them as are Members of Parliamt offer to the house that in Case theyl grant A proemium on Lumber, That they would make a Law That the Men and Women in Georgia their outward Apparell Should be all of the Brittish Woollen Manufactory, and No Silks Chints or Calicoes Should be there worne by Either Sex. And if the parliamt dont agree hereto do believe Such a Law to be necessary, and that neither Silver of Gold Should be worn or Tea drank, for I do Assure you they are Somewhat Profuse in those particulars. 
 
I am confirmed by divers hands that Wassaw is a Noble Port capable of Receiving any Man of Warr that Usually come into any part of America and with the greatest Security. And in Case of A Warr with Spain an Extraordinary place for Our Men of Warr to Ride, in Order to intercept the Spanish plate Fleet, and for that Reason will be of vast Consequence to the Brittish Nation. 
 
Its very probably the Province of Georgia may in Time be of vast Consequence to the Brittish Nation. Nobody can as yett tell what Riches there may be in the Bowells of the Earth within that Colony, what Silver what Gold and other Metals, what Diamonds and Other preceous Stones may be therein. I Expect down from the Cherrokee Mountains Some Samples of Metalls in June next, which I have promised Mr Oglethorpe to Send him Home. 
 
I was informed Some Years Since by a Creditable Person That the Richest Mines of Gold in New Mexico, lay in the Latitude of Thirty Six and Thirty Seven, right Opposite to California, but that the Indians that possessed that Country were Always at Warr with the Spaniards, So that they gott but little of it. Now the Cherrokee Mountains being in the Same Latitude, Its probably they may contain the Same ore. 
 
The Province of Georgia lys very convenient for a Trade to the Havannah and St Augustine. And in Time its Probable there may from thence be carryd on A very profitable Trade, and that there may be Introduced Large Qtys of the woollen and other English Manufactories and the Silver in Return thereof, will all Center in Great Britain. 
 
I Submit what I have above Offered to yr better Judgmt. 
 
P.S. Georgia can never be a place of any Consequence unless the Trustees consent to alter the Conditons of their grants, and make them agreeable to his Majtys Grants to the people. 
 
 
Samuel Penseyre to the Trustees, Jan. 18, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 138-139, concerning his treatment of sick in Georgia and lack of compensation for it. 
 
Honorable and Most worthy Gentlemen, 
 
This is with Most Humble Submition unto the Honorable Board of Gentlemen Trustees for ye Colony of Georgia in America. I have been in this Colony the space of a year and Six months and Blessed by ye Almighty God, I have had my Health very well Especially in Savanah Town. But when I was at Tybee Last Summer, Likewise all ye Rest of Tybee people was like to die, as indeed one part of them is Dead upon that Account. I went to Savanah Town again, for to Live at Tybee it is almost impossible. As to my Lott at Tybee is Nothing but a Salt Marsh, which Marsh is over flowed at every spring tides, therefore it is impossible to make any improvement of it, and I have no Lott in Savannah Town. I may Say that I am quite Destitute of any Lott, as also of any abbitation Butt what I pay a yearly Rent for it. More over I have visited ye Sick ever Since I been here ye which it is no small trouble, and I have been obliged to Buy proper Medicines here. As much that Comes about three pounds starling, and never had No recompence for it, besides waiting upon all ye Servants belong to ye Honorable Trust, in Case of any accident happen, ye which it is very often, and Medicines besides, and yet no recompence. The same it is with me, for at any turn I am obliged to attend ye french people at High Gate, and Skidway. These things I would do with pleasure if I had some small Gratification for it. But it is quite ye Contrary, for ye Honorable James Oglethorp, Seeing my Diligence, and Good Service I did to ye Sick people, did settle two Shillings a Day upon me for my trouble, Especially for ye Tybee people ye which I was very Humble thankful for it. But Now Mr Causton has Deprived me of it ever Since Last October. So at this time I have nothing but My Labour, for my pains. As to Mr King Clarck has been So ill Most part of ye time that he has been here, that he has not been Capable of doing any thing, nor no Body else Besides my self. Therefore Most Honorable Gentlemen I hope you will take it into Consideration, for I have not been ye Least useful person in ye Collony, but reather ye Most useful of any that is of my function, as any person in ye Town Savanah Can justifie. For there is hardly any one person, in ye Town Savanah but what Respect me, and will speak well of me. I praise God Almighty for it. Honorable Gentlemen I Humbly beg pardon for ye Liberty I have taken in writing to So worthy Gentlemen. That is all. 
 
P. S. I am at a Great Lost, for ye wont of a Copper Lambick on purpose to Distill Some Simple Herbs of this Countrys Groweth, for I am very Sure that it would be of Great Service for ye Sick people. I Should be very willing to pay for it, if I Could but have it, to Containe about four Gallons. 
 
 
Hugh Frazer115 to James Oglethorpe, Jan. 19, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, p. 141, asking for cloth that he says Oglethorpe earlier promised him. 
 
Honl Sir 
 
I hope yo Honrs goodness will Excuse me for Giving you ye trouble of this wch is to put yor Honr in Mind of a formr promise. As yor Honr told me yt I Shd have  30 pounds in Vallue of Cloth & Drugetts & Duroys116 wch will Be of great Service to me & hope yor Honrs Have Not forgott. Wch goods if I had here would Be to me of great Service & will Return payment To you or yor Ordrs whom you please. Yor Honr Allways Used me as a father, wch makes me so bold as to write To you Know [now]. I Cant make you amends for wt you have Done for me allready but I hope god Will. I could do Very Well here if I had a Stock in My Way of Business wch I have None to trust Two [to] but yor Honr wch I allways Recomended my prayers, for ye goodness you have Done for me. I Conclude Wishing yor Honr health. 
 
 
Edward Jenkins117 to James Oglethorpe, Jan. 20, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 142-143, Egmont 14200, pp. 377-378, telling of the capture of Richard White, the murderer of William Wise. 
 
Sr 
 
I did not think to have Given your Honour an account how [Richard] White was Taken that Murdered Mr [William] Wise118 My self but thought Mr Christe or Mr Causton had doon it, but I understand they have not. The truth of it is as follows. 
 
Mr Henery Parker and his Brother william was at woork at my Lot to pay me for what woork I had doon for him. As we was woorking one of my men Sd yonder Goes a man very fast. I Looked & saw ye man & said I beleve its White that Brook out of Prison, If it is him Let us Go & take him. The two Parkers agreed not knowing where [whether] it was he or no, Left ye men at woork. All the wepons we had was two hooks & an ax we was at woork with. I desired one of them to be about 10 yards at my right hand & other at my Left keeping that distance without speeking a word. And as Soon as we Came to him I woud Cease [sieze] him & if he offered to reble they shoud kill him immediately. So we persued him tell we came into about twenty yards of him. At first sight of us [he] was much Surprised. I told him your Name is white its in vain to Attempt & immediatly I Cesed him. He fell on his nees & with many Blows on his Breast baged his Life. So I took him by one side of Coller & Mr Henery Parker by ye other & William walked behind. We heald him very fast for we had often heard that the sarvant bid defience two ten men to take him. As we was Leding him to Town, we asked him where he had been & where he was Going. He said he had been Looking for some house out of Town to Get some Provitions but find any one [none]. And he then was Looking after ye woman. He thought he Left her a little to ye right hand where we then was. As we was Leding him along he woud often beat his breast & bage his Life. We told him if we Let him Go he must perish In ye woods. He said he woud Joyfull to perish in ye woods rather then dye on the Gallows. We told him If any coud turn to his Safety it woud be if he knew of any other vilony that ye Irish Sarvants or any one els had been doon or was inventing. He then Ersnestly Declard before God that some of the Irish sarvants was at him to Contrive to breek open ye Store, & for fear of his speeking of it they had Taken away his Life. And if thair oaths must be Taken he did not doubt but thay woud sarve many others ye same. We Coud Get nothing more from him but Carryed him into Town. He was had immadiately to ye Gallows & Declared to ye last he was not Guilty of ye Murder, & by all apperance dyed a Roman. The woman was Hanged yesterday, & denyed ye Murder of wise & the most that She had to answer for was by her being so wicked to Confese a thing that She was not Guilty of by which She Imagined was the Death of White. She seme to be of ye same principle as white was. 
 
 
Edward Jenkins to James Oglethorpe, Jan. 20, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 146-147, Egmont 14200, pp. 375-376, reporting as trustee of orphans in Georgia. 
 
Sr 
 
Mr Willibee119 our Fellow Trust of the orphants is Dead. The Majestrats have not as yet chosen another. Mr Causton seme to intimate that he will receve orders from ye Trustees before he Nominate another. We have Taken Care to Cloath ye children according to Your Honours order but we thought ye Cloaths was to be a Gift from ye Trustees. But Mr Causton says we must pay for it out of ye orphants affects. But shall not Consent to pay for it Before I hear from Your Honour or ye Bord. We have taken Care to make ye most of what ye Orphants have. We have Let Goddards120 House & Land to Mr Christe for eighteen pounds pr Year. Mr Christe wants it for 10 years But I told him it was not in our power to Grant it without Consent from ye Trust, so we stay for ye finishing of ye Leese until we have an answer. Milliges121 House we have let to young Robert Parker who Marryed ye widdow Sale for fourteen pounds per year. Mr West have agreed that we shoud have Little Child122 under our Care & agrees to Give twelve pounds pr Year for ye Childs House. The Child Lives with Mrs Mercer which from ye Mothers Death have Taken a Great Deal of Care of. 
 
We gain a Great Deal of Ill will by forcing People to pay for ye orphants Goods we sold. We are now Takeing out executions against all in General that have not pd. Poor Mrs Royle123 is Dead & have Left two fine Boys under our Care but no affect to maintain them. 
 
What Gives me the Greatest uneasiness Concerning the orphants is That thay are not Taken as Good Care of as I woud wish Altho we see ym often and is not Backward of telling any one yt abuses them. I am sorry I cant help but say the wimen Turn out but very Badly, which makes the orphants live miserable. Mr Amatis told me a fortnight ago of Takeing ye two Tondees Children124 from him. He semed to be very unesy & Told me he was Going for London. I yesterday asked him where he depended on our Takeing ye Children. He sd he woud have me stay tell he Come Back from Charls Town. I know he have been very unesy of Late but cant say for what. I wish there was some honest man Chosen for our Partner to take of some of our Trouble. Had I known of Mr Yooklys Going Directly from hear To London we would have sent the whole account of the orphants, but if I live propose to do it By Captain Dunbar. 
 
 
Edward Jenkins to James Oglethorpe, Jan. 20, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 148-149, Egmont 14200, pp. 379-380, concerning Indian affairs and Joseph Watson. 
 
Sr 
 
I hope you will excuse me in Giving an account of one thing more relating to my Self. I beleve I was once an instrument of saving Mr Watsons Life, & Perhaps of a Great many others. 
 
Mr Causton Mr West Mr Christe Mr Vanderplank Mr Jones & My Self meet at Mr Christees to Consult what method to take to find out the reason of the discontent the Indians semed to be under. We doubted it might turn to be of a dangerous Consequence So the Majestrats Picked upon me to Go to ye Indians with a Lingester which was Bartlets wife. 
 
I went home & sent for Bartlets wife & Told her I would be her friend if She woud be Just In being Lingest for ye Indians to me. I Gave her a Bottle of Rum to Carry with her & charged her to say nothing tell [til] I came but drink with them. When I came She was with Husteche, which was ye Indian I wanted. The rest was Gone up ye river with Skins because Watson Shoud not have ym. So after I had Showed a Good deale of frienship to ye Indian I asked him how Mr Watson & he agreed. He Sd his hart & watsons was one, but it was easy to see to the Contrary. I told him he need not be affraid to discover his unesiness to me for he shoud have as much Justes doon him as any of our own People. He thought Some Minuets at Last Sd his hart Nor None of Indian was Straigt towards watson Nor Never woud, & that Watson Shoud have no more Skins from any of them, & that Watson Got Drunk with their Rum & then woud beat ym, & in a Great passion Showed me some signe of his Blows. I perswaded him to be easy & he Shoud see we woud vindicate their rights as much as our own. So at Last seemed to be well satisfied that he had discovered his mind. So I acquainted Mr Causton what I had Doon. He sent by Mrs Musgrave which in Great Measure abated their discontent. Thay Came into Court & discovered much to the same purpose what they did to me. 
 
These letters are much to ye same purpose as I sent to Charles Town a fortnight ago in order to be Carried for London. I wish you may be able to make Sence of what I have write. I had not three hours warning of Yoaklys Going direct for London but thought he was to Go to Lisbon. In my Last Packet I sent My Good friend Mr Holland a Letter but fear I now hant [have not] time. I in that desired his intrest Concarning ye Licence, but I seme to be fully perswaded I nead No ones But Your Honours. 
 
 
Paul Amatis to James Oglethorpe, Jan. 21, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 156-157, concerning the removal of plants from Charles Town to Savannah and the conditions in the latter. Translated from French. 
 
Sir, 
 
Since having written to you I have determined to stay yet some time here in order to see to the transplanting of all the mulberry trees in their good order, so that they may be ready to be transferred next year into the plantations of those gentlemen who shall have tilled their lands. There are yet many who have asked of me their share, that is to say, that which you have promised them by the agreement concerning their lands. I have promised them all the plants which I could furnish for their plantations. I hope that you will not consider it improper in that I have given you an account of the trees which I shall deliver in each particular case, so that I could give you an exact record of all the plants which I shall give outside of the bounds of your garden. I do not think I shall leave for London before the end of the month of July; hoping to have a response from you, Sir, and from the gentlemen the Trustees. If I am satisfied with regard to my expectations I could remain here yet for several years in order to put all things in good order so far as it shall be in my power. Mr [Isaac] Chardon has allowed several of my notes to go to protest which I have drawn on him, having written me himself that Messrs the Trustees had not satisfied and paid my notes. If this is so I dont know what to think. I go tomorrow to Charles Town in order to wind up my accounts with the said Chardon. There are due me of my allowance about six months, there should not be any difficulty in paying my little notes; having written to him several times that I could not go to Charles Town until the end of the month of February. In that time I hope to finish the transplanting of all the trees which I have in the garden, but I must go principally to have my accounts passed with him so as to protect my remittances and sustain my credit. Sir, you can be well assured that I will not draw upon him for more than your new order. Thus, Sir, I hope that you will give attention to this matter, otherwise, I shall be obliged to depart immediately for London. 
 
I await always your orders. 
 
 
Patrick Houstoun, Patrick Tailfer, and Andrew Grant125 to Peter Gordon, Jan. 21, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 14-15, Egmont 14200, pp. 387-388, complaining that they have had no help in Georgia and asking for some. 
 
Sir 
 
We take this opportunity of laying the following particulars before you. We, having obtand grants for Land, from the Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia, & according to these Grants having engaged Servants & brought them at our own Epence into the Colony, Expected to have the same encouragement as other Settlers, such as provisions for ourselves & Servts for one Year, Tools for Building our Houses & for Clearing & cultivating the ground, Nails & other Necessary Iron-work, Arms & Ammunition &c. but when we arrived here, contrary to our Expectation, We could receive none of them. We had a very discouraging Character of this place given us at Charles Town, upon which account some of us came here to view it, & then Mr Causton told us, that he had orders not to give us any thing, but he would allow us Credit for Twelve Months provisions. Yet when we brought up our Servants & goods, it was with a great deal of Difficulty we could procure three months provisions And a few other things, & not even those without paying for them. 
 
We beg the Favour you would join with us to represent those things to the Trustees, & we humbly presume, that being in all Fifty two in number, & all our Servants able Young men, except two or three Women, we were a considerable Addition of Strength to the Colony. And indeed we should have been much more in number, if it were not for the Loss we sustaind by the Desertion of our Servants before we left North Britain, & at Portsmouth by a misfortune which befel our Ship, where we were obliged to lay her aground, so that several of our Servants had an opportunity of leaving us. 
 
We beg leave to remark one thing more, that being settled at a great Distance from this Town to the Southward, it is a very great inconvenience for us to procure from time to time such things as we stand in need of, & likewise that our people have been very industrious in building a Fort, which we think is as capable to Defend us, in case of an Attack from an Enemy, as any we have yet seen in this Country. And altho it has been a considerable Hindrance to the Clearing of our Ground, yet we believe, that proportionable to the time of our Settling, there is as much ground Cleared as any where else in the Province. And indeed we thought it necessary to put ourselves in some posture of Defence in the first place. 
 
We would willingly perswade ourselves, that the Honble Trustees upon knowing the preceeding circumstances, will grant us the same encouragement they do to any other person. 
 
We hope you will be so good as to excuse this trouble. 
 
 
John Graham126 to James Oglethorpe, Jan. 22, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, p. 145, asking help to get well started in Georgia. 
 
Righ Honered Sr 
 
I make bold to Lett you know what I have done. I have emproved my toune Lote. I have bulded two houses one it. When I had fineshed thes I went to Improve my five ecker [acre] Lott some. I have but beinge Cutte ofe of ye favors of ye trost, I was obledged to leve my lott and take to Some other employe to Soport my famley and if ye honorable trostees had furder Continued a Suplie to ye endustros man we in a Short time wold a bene Capable to a done for our Selves and Could have said that we wer dwelers and free holders in ye place. But beeinge Cotte [cut] of [off] ye Store and havinge nether money nor Servants hes med us uncapble of Cleringe our lands. Your honor knows I am a tanner by trade which wold do vre well in this place. I Could fixe my Selfe in it if your honor wold asist me with a tanner Servant by trade and of honost Carreter. I will not give your honor aney furder troble of my wants but hops you will take it into Consideratiehon that I have not been a idler and grant me this favor I requist of you. I have had a letter from a brother of mine in london which hes wrot to me. He has a minde to Come here. He beeinge a laborios man I do belive he wold do vre well her and if your honor will grant him a lott in Savana towne I will ever be oblidged to you and I have wrote him to aplie himself to you. If I have expressed my Selfe in aney thinge unbecomminge I hope your honnor will parden me and we are daley hoppenge your returne here for we ar in grate want of you. Thes is all. 
 
 
Thomas Causton to [James Oglethorpe ?], Jan. 22, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 152-153, concerning troubles with the collector at Port Royal and leases of town lots. 
 
Sir 
 
Altho I am in hopes, that my Behaviour in the Necessary Affairs of the Province, may in Some measure make an Excuse for my not writing (as I ought) I know there is nothing but your great goodness can allow it. 
 
Capt Yoakley having taken & Sudden Resolution to go for London makes me desireous to Send as many particulars as I have ready; Intending to Send by Capt Dunbar, a more full account. 
 
I used my utmost Endeavours to perswade Mr [Samuel] Montaigut to Load two Ships in this River; I could have got the Rice. But he Started so many Difficultys about his Orders for Lisbon, That with much perswasions I got Yoakley to Load here; and he went to Port Royall to Agree with the Colector there to Clear him pursuant to his Lycence for Lisbon. 
 
It happened, that the Collector and the Captain over their Cups quarrelled, and the Collector took upon him to Search the Ship on Account of Some Brandy. I was privately informed of the matter, and askt Mr Montaigut about it; But the Captain and Mr Montaigut both declared twas only a Drunken Frolick; and all was over and agreed. This prevented me from Letting the Collector know where he was, in the manner I would otherwise have done. But when the Captain had got his Loading, the Collector took the opportunity to go away with the Lycense; went to Charles Town for assistance to Seize the Ship. We wrote to His Excellency,127 to Mr [James] Abercrombie Mr [Paul] Jenys and Mr [Isaac] Chardon on this Affair and sent them a true State of the Case. 
 
The Governour answered our Request, and Ordered Mr [George] Saxby the Surveyor to write to the Collector as the Captain will more particularly inform you. 
 
The Capt being thus disappointed by the Collector as to his Voyage for Lisbon is now bound for London. And the Captain is particularly lucky in being with in this Province. However, we have took his protest here, and not being able to gett the Collector to an Acomodation, He must answer, for what he has done in England if the Collector thinks it worth his while to follow him. 
 
As my present time is very Short, and the Captain now waiting for my Letters I beg to Referr you to a Letter I now send to the Trustees for such Occurrences as I can at this time Transmitt. 
 
Captain Dunbarr will Sail for London in five weeks from this place. 
 
I Beg the favour to be resolved by your Advise in the following Cases. 
 
1stCan any of the Setlers take Leases of the Town Lotts and thereby claim the privilege of being absent from their Settlements. 
 
2dCan any of the Freeholders in the Province Let Leases to any jew whatsoever, If thereby an Improvement may be made. 
 
3dCan a jew who is a freeholder Let any part of his Lott whereby another jew may have the pretension of living here. 
 
4  Is it not necessary, That every Lease should express a Valuable Rent. And can a Freeholder take a fine, for any Term whatsoever, Tho a House or some other Imediate Improvement may be bargained for. And if this should be done, Is not the Heir Intitled to a Valuable Rent, at the time of the Letting Such Lease, and only Accountable for the Value of the Improvement. 
 
If you would be pleased to favour me with your Advise in these Matters, I could the better Satisfye the Minds of some of the people. Because at present, Mr Christie and I Differ in Opinion about it. 
 
I shall be dilligent for the future in pursuing your Directions and will never Lett fourteen days pass without a Letter. 
 
In Gratitude for your many favours, I beg you will believe my Continuall Labours are Spent with pleasure in the Service of the Province. And having a just Scorn for all the Flattery and Vain Titles that our Neighbours are pleased to give me. 
 
 
George Dunbar128 to James Oglethorpe, Jan. 23, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 150-151, 154-155, Egmont 14200, pp. 391 394, reporting on his trip down the coast from Savannah. 
 
Honble Sir 
 
I woud have troubled you on my arraivall the 27th past with an account of the State of the passingers who (except Tuanahooy129 and was than perfectly recovird) were well man woman & child. The Salsburgers particularly still chearfull and are a pyius Sobir laborius people. The Indians behavd with their accustomed modesty and I have reason to believe they as well as all the other passingers are satisfyed with their treatment while on board, but delayd it till my return from the Suthern partes of this province, where on my arraivall there appeard Som need of Sending. The State of affaires were that some time before a bodie of Spanish indians pasd Ogetchy river and killed nine Outchies [Uchees] neigh Palachacalas. 
 
A Briganteen off Tybie Sent hir boat on shore and got off Chetwin Fisard one of the pilots under pretence to come into the river and immediately Stood to Sea. And the master of a Bristoll Ship then in the river affirmd that he hade Seen a Negro, one of the Men that caried off the pilots at the Havana. 
 
The Scout boat was on hir crouze som weeks longer than ordiner and feard that She was fallin into bad hands. 
 
Thus the affaires Stood when in obedience to the Trustees command and by the magistrats authority I Set out on the 8th Curt with elevin white men and four Indians. Mr Johns [Noble Jones?] as Constable [was] one of the number as was Mr [John?] Baillie who would not be ungon was by the Magistrats named constable for the expedition & to Succeed Mr Johns. And he me in the command of the men in case of axident [accidents]. 
 
Tomachetchie told me that If his presence was not so much wanted at home hed go in person with a sufficient number of his men in their own canos and woud on yt occasion if he was Shour there were any disturbers of our pase [peace] then in the Province. But Helispaly Humpetchie and Stimaletchie insisted on going wt a Servant of Mr Musgrovs as interpriter and dureing our voyage behaved with outmost discretion & forwardness. The 8th we pased Thunderboalt where thes Gentilmen have cleard and fenced So much land that without missfortouns prevent theyll be able to Sell a considerable quantity of provisions. They have made very great advancis in their potash manufactory, have load off a Sloup wt pipe Staves since Ive been hear, have three houses finishd and tolerably well fortifyed. We left Skidway the 9th where they have made a much greater progress both in their houses and lands than I expected. They are very regular in their watch so that by night or day no boat can pass undiscovird, and have a battiry of three cariages guins and four Swivils in good ordir. Two mile South of this Seetilment the Scout boat lays when at home where they have a very commanding prospect & can put to Sea at any time of tide. We came at noun to rotin Possam were we hunted if we coud find any pople that coud not give Satisfying cause for their being there but found non. From this we pasd Ogetchy Sound to Bare Island where we encampd for that night without Seeing any thing extrordiner. The 10th we contenoured our voyage along the Island of Ossaba to Sappala wher we found fresh merks of fire but hunted as formerly wt the Same Success. The 11th we were at Sta Catarina where we found fire and hunted as formerly. The 12th we past Doboie Sound to St Symons without any thing remerkable. Nor here, tho we hunted carefully, did we See any marks of pople haveing been lately on the Island. The 13th we went to Jekel Island Searched it as in othir places with the Same Success and returnd to St Symons the same night where we left two of the Indians dureing our absence at their earnest request to hunt for dear, not haveing hitherto spent any time that way. The 14th we went to Fot King George and in the way landed on Barnwell bluff where we found Surveyors lines and in Mr Johns opinion hade been lately runout. From thence the 15th we went to Sapalo by a creek which runs off clos to where the Garrison was and formerly supposd to run only into the woods. But observing the tide of flode sent in that way to the River I resolved to attemp it and came in one tide from thence to Sappalo missing Doboie Sound which othirways is the work of three and is a Safe way for petiagos. On this Island we found all as we left it. The 16th we came to Sta Catarina where we were weathir bound till the 18th when we pasd Bare Island to All Honey. We hunted this Island wt our usewall [usual] Success without Seeing any merks of pople haveing been there lately. As we pasd Rotin Possam we discovird a fire where we found Some of the Savanah Indian. They could give us no inteligence and we proceedd the Same night to Skiduay where we hade the agreeable news that the Scout boat was returnd and hade made the extraordiner Stay on accot of building a cannoe. The 19th we arrivd here & were likwise agreeabily informd that the pilote whom we thought caried away was returnd, the Ship haveing been drove off the coast and at last put into Charles town. I hade on my return Mr Chardons permition [permission] to load here and have contracted with Mr Causton for eight hundred barrels of Rice ptch or tar on freight for London. Thers likwise twenty hoggds Skins belonging to Mr Eavily. So that tho I go to morrow to Carolyna to purchas Some rice on freight or otherways I hope to be fully loaded wt the product of Georgia on my return. If Mr Simons affiaires will permit I think of Seeing the Salisburgers at their Seetilment, visit Abircorn, pass ovir land to Forte Argile, See the Scots Seetilment, & return by Skiduay again. 
 
Mr Fosats boat was bought hear when I was gon to the Southard for the pople of Agustin. The Vessell which you may remember was launched when you was at Charlestown mounted wt eightin guns was likewise Sold to them. Torance that belongd to the Scoutboat is there and we are told much in favour, tho Wallace and others takin at the Same time are confined. When I can give you a more parll account of the affaires of the town Ill likewise trouble you. 
 
I woud have Sent Seeds or plants to My Lord Islay per Captt Yoackly but his going to London is owing to a missfortunat axident here wt ye Collr of Port Royal being intended for Lisbon till yistirday and is to saile wt the first faire wind. At my return to London if you can imploie me to the least advantage to any of your friends in the way you Spoek of at London it will give me infinit joy Since I can nevir hope of returning in any othir way than by my wishes the many obligations I lay undir to you. 
 
[P.S.] Toma Chetchie Tuanouie Helespalie & Humpetchie are wt me this morning and offtin in their passage and Since remember you. Tomochetchie desires me to acquaint you that your picture is gon to ye nation. Touanoies watch130 is very much abousd but I carie it to Charlestown and will have it mended. Pardon this Scribiling, Yoackly being just going. 
 
 
Thomas Mouse131 to Oglethorpe, Jan. 23, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 158-159, Egmont 14200, pp. 395-396, concerning the settlement at Skidoway and his treatment by the tythingman. 
 
Hond Sir 
 
You being well acquainted with our Settlement at Skidoway, I have made bold to Informe your Honour of the Improvement belonging to my own Lott, which I call ye House Lott. It is pailed in, and I have two large hutts built thereon. One is Twenty four by Sixteen and is sett all round with large upright Loggs. The other is Twenty one by fourteen with Clapboards only, which I propose as a Store House with a Yard and Conveniencys for Breed, where I keep my Fowls, of which I have about thirty, besides what I have Sold which came Chiefley from the Fowle which your Honour was pleased to give me. But I have not had altogether such good Luck with my Sow. She has had two Litters of Piggs, the first Died being nine, and the last Litter five, only two Living, which are large thriving Piggs. The Cows & Calves which we had are all run into the woods, and cannot bring them up, having so few hands that pretend they cannot Spare time to Hunt for them & theirs. 
 
I am now to informe your Honour that the Ground brings forth plenty of Callavances,132 Potatoes & Indian Corn, and will I dont doubt produce many other things which I intend to Try. I hope your Honour will not forget to send over some more Settlers for our Island, It being very hard for a Man (who has a Large Family) to watch continually every third or fourth Night, and for refusing one Night, I have been tied Neck & heels by Mr [William Johnson] Delmas our Tything Man. I am very sorry I should deserve to be Served in that manner but his being Tything Man over so few people as we are at present, he has more time to do Service for said place than he has, but must Submit to an officer in power. I am informed that It is in his power to Tye me Neck and heels when he pleases, wch I Submit to If deserved. But If a Man is to be Governed by an Officer, who will Reign Arbitrary, it is very hard to Submitt to. And if it is to [be] so, I most Humbly beg your Honr please to permitt me and my Family to proceed for England, alltho I like Skidoway better than any place I have seen in the Collony. I realy declare that I think it very hard to be used as a common Soldier as I like my Place of Settlement so well, and to leave the Same after I have taken so much pains for my Familys sake is still more hard to me. 
 
I take the freedome to acquaint Your Honour, that I do not mention out of Vanity, but I do Assure you I have made ye most Improvement on my Lott of any one, in ye Settlement. Am very unwilling to trouble your Honour with what Improvements others have made, not Doubting but you and the Honble Trustees will be informed therein as to our Land which is belonging to us is lately rund out ye 17th December. 
 
I understand by Mr Causton that The Honble Trustees have thought Fitt, [to] Allow the People of Skidoway, another Years provisions for which Great favour, your Honours have mine and my Familyes Humble Thanks. 
 
My Spouse is in Dayly Expectation of being brought to Bed, and is now in Savanna were she Intends to Lye in. She and my Family Joins with me in Humble thanks to your Honr and the Rest of the Honble Trustees, for all favours and am Honored. 
 
 
Philip Miller to Harmon Verelst, Jan. 23, 1734/5, Chelsea, C.O. 5/636, p. 223, sending some madder roots for Georgia. 
 
Sr 
 
At present I have no seeds or plants which I can think will be of use to the Colony of Georgia, except some roots of Madder. I have therefore sent you a box filled with these roots which I am convinced will be well worth propagating since we pay more than 100000  per Ann for that Comodity to the Dutch and Brabanters.133 There requires no other care of these roots in their passage, but to give them a little water once in 8 or ten days in dry weather. When they arrive the root should be taken out of the box an planted in rows two foot asunder and about ten inches distance in the rows, observing in Summer to keep them clear from weeds, which is all the culture they require. 
 
There is a Gentleman of my acquaintance who is desirous of going over to Georgia, and will carry over some servants, he is a very undertaking person in Agriculture and should be glad to have some imployment under the Trustees; for which he does not desire any Salary, but thinks if he has any Trust, it will give him an oppertunity to make more experiments than he otherwise could do. The first leisure I will wait on you to consult you on this affair. 
 
 
William Johnson Dalmas134 to James Vernon, Jan. 24, 1734/5, Skidoway Island, C.O. 5/636, p. 160, commending Skidoway and asking for seeds, tools, etc. 
 
Sr 
 
Trusting in your Goodness for Pardon, I presume to take ye Liberty to adress My Self to you in representing My Case. 
 
I am Situated upon one of ye Pleasantess Islands in America (as indeed all ye Country is Beautifull) and will with ye Smallest Industry answer all the ends proposed. But I am at present very much Straightened for want of Some Small Conveniencys, as Poultery, Hoggs, Garden Seeds, Tools & other things Usefull in Husbandry.I most Humbly begg the favour of You, to represent to His Grace the Duke of Kent, ye Necessity there is for Such things; & as His Graces Intentions in recomending Me to You was for My Good, I do not in ye Least doubt of His Compliance in assisting Me in My Humble request. 
 
 
John Musgrove135 to James Oglethorpe, Jan. 24, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 162-163, Egmont 14200, pp. 399-400, reporting his return to Georgia and telling of the Joseph Watson affair troubles. 
 
Hond Sr 
 
This wth my Duty & my wifes to yor Honr & the Rest of ye Honble Trustees & having this oppertunity I make bold to trouble yor Honr wth this to Accquaint you that we are all Safly Arrived & In good Health & I Bless god found my family all well. Tunoy [Toonahowi] has been ill but now he is upon ye Mending hand & I hope he will do very well & I hope this will find yor Honr & ye Honble Trustees in good Health as we are at this present. Mr [Joseph] Wattson who was my partner when I Came for England I do not Like nor Cannot Approve of his way of proceeding. For I find Since I Came home to Georgia by Mr Wattsons proceedings & Abusing of ye Indians. I have Lost my Servt man Justice & he one Day Locked ye Door & would not Lett the Indians In wth their Skins yt they Brought wth them yt they might have ym weighd. And they waited wth Abundance of patience till at Last their patience was quite Tierd & very Much Vexed & broke Open ye door & was Resolved to be Revenged. And as Soon as my Wife heard yt ye Door was broke Open She Run to ye window & told Mr Wattson & Desired him to gett away or Else he would be Killd. And because they Could not find him Stechey Knocked my boy Justice on ye Head Directly & Killd him he having ye Misfortune of being in ye way. Mr Causton is & has been very good to ye Indians & they all praise & Value him. And all ye Rest of the Indians was Affraid they Should be blamd upon ye Acct of the Murder, but Mr Causton was so very Good & pascified them all so yt they are very Easey & None to be blamd but Stechey who Committed ye Murther & Mr Causton will write yor Honr ye whole Accot of it. The Loosing of my Man Justice who was so good a Servt to me is a Great Loss & Dissappoinmt to me In my Affairs. And Wattson being Continually Drunk I Cannot bring him to Acct for wt has been Sold out of ye Store Since ye Commencmt of ye partnership. Nor will he Acct wth Mr Eveleigh at any Rate wtever. He Makes his Braggs yt he Killd Capt Skey by Drinking of Rum, & If Capt Skeys Brother Should Know it Mr Wattson Runs ye Risque of his Life wch will bring a Scandall & trouble upon this Colony. But we all do our Endeavour to Keep it from him & for what I promisd to ye Honble Trustees I will Use my Utmost Endeavour to perform to Keep peace Tranquility Love & Unity Amongst ym on Both Sides. And as for Mr Wattsons proceedings I am Obliged to Break partnership wth him wch I have done Already for my Own Security. And Mr Wattson he does Insist on partnership for four Years & yt it is as he Says According to Yor Honrs promise. Since he Behaves himself in ye Manner as he Does I think it not proper to be Concernd wth him any further. For If I am I believe it will be my Ruin, for ye Majestrates are Obliged to Keep him in Custody upon ye Acct of his Behavior. And by ye Loss of my boy Justice I am Obliged to be at home & planting Coming on I have Nobody to Assist me wch hinders me goeing up to ye Nation my Self. But ye King Tomo Chechey has Sent his Brother up in My Stead & Tomo Chechey has Sent for ye Upper Cricks & ye Lower to Come Down to him to Lett ym Know yt he is Safly Arrivd & also to tell ym of ye Talk with his Majestey King George Said to him & ye Rest. I Remain wth my Duty & my Wifes to Yor Honr & ye Honble Trustees from Yor Humble most Obejt and Duty full Servt to Comd. 
 
 
Elisha Dobree to the Trustees, Jan. 27, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 164-165, Egmont 14200, pp. 403-405, concerning his garden, prices in Savannah, provisions available, and other topics. 
 
My Lords & Gentlemen 
 
I humbly beg your Pardon for the Freedom I have taken in opening my thoughts to Yor Honble Board. My Earnest desire for the good of the Colony has perhaps carried my Freedom too farr, but I hope youll easily overlook this, And Favour me with your Countenance & Protection. 
 
I herewith send Some Letters wch I writ to Yor Honr Board Sometime Since, & wch I would now write over again & Digest em in Less Compass, but the Settling your Stores Accot taking almost my whole time & gives me no Small trouble through the Confused State they are in. And The Improvement of my Garden (5 Acres Lot) taking up the remainder of the time, I beg youll Excuse my Sending you such Imperfect Letters. 
 
As to my Garden I have with all the Endeavours I possibly could make use off got Seeds from Sundry places & am now daily Expecting more from Augustine, Savannah Town, New York, Philadelphia, Lisbon & New England. 
 
As we have no Fresh Beef nor Pork out of the Store, Eating so much Salt Meat Heats the Blood & causes the Scurvy. I have Sowed a Vast Quantity of Greens & have now fine Sallett, Peas & Cabage Plants &c almost Ready to Eat. Turneps from Carolina are Sold this day at 2s. 2d Sterling per Bushell. Good Cabages would readily Sell for 6d & 8d peice, but none good to be had at any rate. Few are come from New York but mostly Spoild. These are Trifles hardly worth mentioning but perhaps youll Not take it Ill to be In formed of Such Affairrs tho never so triffling. 
 
While I thus Consult the health & the desire of the People I am Considering wch way I might Improve the Garden to Some proper Usefull future Benefit to my Self, & for that End I am now going to Sow the following Seeds Almonds, Currants, Raisins, Limes & Lemons & othr foreign Seeds. I have already put in Oranges, Cotton, Olives &c. I have Some Poppys wch grows up very fine. Some people tells me they are valuable in Physick for wch reason I shall take care to make the best of them. 
 
I Design to Plant or Sow this week a Sort of Beans wch grows about 12 or 15 foot high & produce Extraordinary Large Beans of a wonderfull Size Scarce & hard to be met with. 
 
I beg Leave to desire your Honr Board to Supply me with Physical Herbs & Plants of wch I will with the Blessing of God for my private Interest make the best Use I can & for my Character Supply othr Freeholders with the Produce. 
 
I am Sorry that I have reason to Inform your Honble Board That the Workmen at Tybee are almost Continually Drunk & that the Light House is not like to be Quickly built. Of Course it must go on Slow Enough & no ways Answer the Cost of that Dear peice of Building. 
 
The Freeholders of this Town are many of them Building on all the whole Front of their Town Lot wch if an Accidentall Fire should happen might occasion greatly to the Burning of whole Wards at once. For the Sake of the Town & the Stores Leather Bucketts would be very Usefull & might always be kept ready in the Store. 
 
Mellasses from Charles Town have been Lately Sold here by Mr Houston at 2s. 6d per Gallon, And at the rate I See them in the London Invoice, it would Save Some Money to send em here. They are 1s. 6d per Gall at Charles Town. 
 
Your Honle Board will I dare Say Encourage any thing that may Tend to the Welfare & Establishm of this Colony and make it a Province Renownd upon Earth as well as a Barrier to the English Settlement on the American Main. We doubt it not & we are now flattering our Selves that at this very time You are procuring us Some Publick Good from the Parliament. 
 
Mr Musgrove is very Ill & Like to Die. I should gladly Accept of Some of his Trade were yor Honnr pleased to grant me Lycence for the Same. 
 
I am told Mr Eveleigh of Charles Town Dessigns to Settle here wch I wish may prove true he being a Publick Spirit a good Nature & an Encourager of Industry. 
 
I might write Some Refflection on Some of our Great Men here in Endeavouring to Engross all the Trade (tho it is not their business to Trade) & on their Absenting from Church, Especially one for Some Months past. But tis Dangerous to medle with Edge Tools or men in Power. 
 
Mr [Peter] Gordon hath hitherto gained the Approbation of ye People. It were well if all Judges of Provinces & men in Power there to whom the Government of the people is committed would Endeavour to Copy after Our Late Kings & Queens in their Fatherly Endeavours more to gain the Love & Affection of the People than in Rigid Tyranical way of Government in Using their Subjects more like Slaves than Christians Freemen. 
 
P. S. Had I but few Strong Servants I would Endeavour to send a Sloop Load of white Oak to Irland. Its plenty Eno here as is Live Oak. 
 
I give twenty Shillings Sterling per Acre for the Lotts I have hired near the Town. Tho it is an Extravagant price I Chuse to pay it rather than to have others free from Rent further off. Mine being but about half Mile from the Town where I may easily go three time per day and do any other business. 
 
All Sorts of Greens have been So Scarce here that for want of them Onions have been Sold for Eight pence Sterling per pound. But on the Arrival of the New York Sloip they are fallen to half the price. Mutton is not Sold for Less than Eight pence per pound & Seldom can get it. Fowls are the Cheapest Fresh Meat we have here. 
 
 
James Horner136 to [?], Jan. 27, 1734/5, Gravesend, C.O. 5/636, pp. 225-226, concerning the departure of the first Moravians for Georgia. 
 
Sr 
 
This afternoon ye 2 Brothers, went to ye Downs. I am in hopes they will make no Stay, but go away in ye morning. Ye owner has sent in some fresh meat, yt those yt are weak may have Sweet broath. As they have not only Suffered much at Sea, but also in their dirty Lodgings & through bad Weather, they require a little more Care & attention. I have done my best during these 5 days past, & left them now under good Care, with proper order & Regulation. They are divided into 18 Familys, and lodged So conveniently yt they may eat together. I have Set over them 4 Men as Overseers, to distribute among them their Victuals. And 4 Single Women are to wash for them to attend ye Sick, & to make broath for ye young Children. I have likewise taken care of ye 2 big bellied Women, & provided them with necessarys, & conveniency to be attended. Mr Spangenberg137 was writing in German out of ye Charter Party what Victural they are to have every day, to be naild on ye Mast, that every one of ye Swissers138 may read it. They are now well pleasd, Since they see yt they are neither to be starvd, nor Sold, as Some malicious Persons endeavourd to pursuade them. My only fear was, as they are gathered together from so many different Places, yt they might not keep together when they come to Purisburg, & yt if the most useful hands Shoud leave them, many woud either perish, or be burthensome to themselves & to others, whereby ye Kings Design, & ye Trustees Care woud have been frustrated. I made it therefore my chief business, to reconcile their Minds, & to unite them in ye best manner; and they unanimously desird their Leaders to Subscribe in ye name of every one, a Paper which I presented unto them, wherein they bind themselves in ye Sum of 5  [?] to keep together & to have all things in Common, till they have built regular houses & Gardens, & divided them by Lots. To this purpose the working Tools I have bought for them, are calld ye Tools of ye Colony; and those yt have any of their own, are to give them in Common, till they are Settled. After which time every one is to have his own Tools again, and ye rest of ye publick Tools, will be Sold among those yt have none and ye price of them is to be applied to ye good of ye Colony. 
 
There was among them a Grenadier, who had been for many years in ye Dutch Service, & fit to be very serviceable to ye Colony upon occasion, as also a Seafaring Man yt understands Navigation & Fishery. They had been above 3 Months in London, & because they would not go a begging in ye Streets, they pawned all their Cloaths to ye value of 9  wch I have paid for them, on condition that they shall refound yt Sum towards ye building of a publick School for ye Colony, wch they have willingly promised & hope to perform by their industry in a Short time. Two of them have as much money as their Passage comes to, & are willing to pay it as Soon as ye Trustees are pleasd to accept of it, that it might be laid out for ye publick good. 
 
I hope God will in his mercy bless them with a prosperous Success both at Sea & upon ye Land; I have given them ye best advice, & my hearty prayers go along with them. The poor Souls, when I took my Leave of them, told me in their Simplicity, yt if I were unprovided for, & woud but come with them, they woud be glad to maintain & be governd by me, Since they well perceived yt I had no other View than to make them easy here & happy hereafter. 
 
Mr Spangenberg was unwilling to go into ye Great Cabine. He loves to be with his Nine friends, where they can be by themselves & undisturbed. They told me yt they were all & in all respects intirely pleasd, & highly obliged to ye Trustees for their great Care & Kindness. 
 
 
Governor Robert Johnson to James Oglethorpe, Jan. 28, 1734/5, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 166-167, read April 14, 1735, concerning Georgia-South Carolina relations. 
 
Sr 
 
I have received your favour of the 28th of October last, and also the Copys of two Letters you wrote to me Some time ago, & I hope you have received my last. I am not at all Surprized that my Enemys should attempt to give you, and ye rest of the Trustees of Georgia an Ill Opinion of me. I am Sensible they are unwearied in their Endeavours to do me prejudice, but flatter my self you are too well convinced of my Sincere Intentions to forward that Settlement, and my desire to help towards the Prosperity of the Colony to give any Credit to such false and Malicious Reports. You have Sr been an Eye Witness of the Pains I have taken on that Account, and I can assure you my Sentiments neither are, or ever Shall alter in that case, but that I will always to the utmost of my Power endeavour to forward the same, being very Sensible that it is of great Moment to His Majtys Service and Interest, and ready on all Occasions to shew the Great Regard I have for you, and the Trustees Ingaged in so Laudable an Undertaking; and I beg you will assure them of the same, together with my Respects. I must further acquaint you that I have Spoke with Capt Beale and others about the New England People you mention in Your Letter, whom you say came into this Province with design to Settle in Georgia; they assure me they never heard of any such. Several persons have indeed come here from the Northern Brittish Colonys, but none that ever I heard of, purposing to go to Georgia, or was there any Application Made to me on that Head. 
 
What I have Said before will I hope Induce you to believe and be assured, that I had no hand in the Affair of Mr Fitch,139 which you mention. Far from that, I directed him to acquaint the Traders to the Creeks, that they should assist Mr Mackey, and Obey the Orders he should give them; I have writ to Fitch on that Subject, and as soon as he returns me an Answer, I shall forward it to you. I hope in the mean time I shall not be blamed for the Actions of a Wrong thinking Man, but as he has been removed about Seven Months ago from being Indian Commy, and Mr Drake a Member of the Lower House appointed in his room, he now can have no Interest with the Traders, and I have Instructed and Strictly Charged the New Commy to follow the Same Orders I gave Fitch on this Head. 
 
The General Assembly have passed an Act laying a Duty of 6d Currency per Skin on the Indian Traders of this Province, and likewise an Addition of  50 Currency on Indian trading Licenses in Order to build a Fort, and maintain a Garrison at the Cherokees. I am told by Mr Eveleigh and others, that some of the said Traders design to move from this Province to Georgia and Cape Fear, in Order to Trade from thence. 
 
I was Applyd to by the Chief Magistrates of Georgia, on account of a Seizure made by the Collector of Port Royal, his name is Reeves, whom I believe you remember I Immediately consulted the Attorney General, and Mr [George] Saxby Surveyor of the Customs upon it, and they both endeavourd to persuade him that the Seizure altho there might be some shew of Cause for him so to do, was So triffling, and so many proofs that it proceeded more from a Peake and Drunken frolick, than a real Intention to Secure His Majestys Rights, and tho Mr Saxby told him he would give him an Order for releasing the Ship, yet this wrong headed man refused Clearing her. I assure you Sr I did all in my Power, notwithstanding my Illness, and the Great Weekness I was then, and am Still Afflicted with to Serve Captain Yoakley in this Affair. And indeed the Attorney Genl and Mr Saxby assured me, that the Seizer might by the Laws refuse to Clear her, and that it was not even in the Power of the Commrs of the Customs in London to Oblige him to it. I make no doubt but the Magistrates of Georgia will transmit you an Account of those Proceedings, and that you will be of Opinion with me, the removeing so troublesom a person from his Office, would be of great Service both to this Province and Your Colony. 
 
I hear of no Disposition in the Assembly to take the Rangers and Scout Boat away from the Service of Georgia. Such of the Members I have Spoke with, seem inclined to do that Colony all the Service they can, having a Gratefull Sence of the good Offices you have, and Still continue to do in the behalf of this Province, and if any Such thing Should be proposed, I assure you I will oppose all I can. 
 
I am Extreamly obliged to you for the very handsom present you have been pleased to send to my Daughter, who returns you her grateful thanks; Tho I am Sorry you Should put Your Self to the Trouble and Charge; but it is a further proof of your Goodness and friendship which I shall always have the greatest Regard for, and Endeavour to Merit, by doing every thing that may be Agreable to you, and so recommended. 
 
My great Weakness renders me almost Incapable of Inditing my thoughts, and therefore hope you will overlook what mistakes you meet with in this Letter. I thank God I am Recovering. 
 
 
James Abercromby140 to James Oglethorpe, Jan. 28, 1734/5, [Charles Town ?], read April 4, 1735, C.O. 5/636, pp. 168-169, concerning the seizure of Capt. Yoakleys Ship. 
 
Sir 
 
His Excellency the Governor being still indisposed, cant by this Opportunity acquaint You of Mr Reevs Collector of Port Royal having Seizd Capt Yoakleys Ship in the River before Savannah, for having Brandy and french liquors aboard. The Collector it seems, after he had made his Seizure Sufferd the Ship to be loadded, and told the Capt he would take off the Seizure. However when the Ship was ready to Sail, the Capt asked his Clearance which he refused, left her and came here, Applyd to the Governour for Assistance to bring her round. The Governour Desird I would give him my Oppinion before he would take any Step in the Affair, Which I gave him, Viz That the Ship now, and at the time of the Seizure made, was not in this Province consequently he could not by Virtue of his Commission exceed the Province by any Order, So as to bring her within it, that process might reach her. But Supposing her brought here, I was of Oppinion that nothing being imported into this Province contrary to the Laws of Trade, She was not within the Jurisdiction of our Courts. Yet the Directors at Georgia, finding the Ship Seizd by an Officer of this Province applyd here for relief which neither the Governour nor Mr Saxby the proper and head Officer of the Customs could grant, so as to Order him to clear the Ship, which he had Seizd, before Tryall. Since he insisted upon his Seizure, His Excellency finding he could not compel him to relinquish his Seizure, desird I would Sollicit the Matter with Mr Saxby, which I did, and after considering the matter, wrote the Collector in as strong terms as the nature of his Authority over him, would Allow, which had no Effect, So the Ship saild without Clearance. 
 
This Case will I hope produce future Regulation as to the Custom House Officers, and determine whether their Authority goes beyond this Province or no. If theirs does in one respect, it must in every. And if they can Seize, and we not try Such Seizure, their power is in Vain, which the Collector has pretended to be good, and I to be bad. 
 
If my Advice has hinderd the Ship from being brought here in Order for a tryal, by which means, I may come under the inspection of the Commissioners of the Customs. I have only to Say that I gave what I thought agreeable to Law, and the Nature of our Commissions. The Merits of the Seizure, was not before me. I gave it, that be that as it will, it was not cognizable there, but else where. 
 
As I have the Honour, to be Council for the Trustees, in this Province its with pleasure, I see any Opportunity either by way of Advice or otherwise of discharging my Duty, where it does not interfere with my Duty to the Crown. And as I shall take no Step where they are concernd without informing You, I flatter myself with the Hopes of knowing whether they approve of my Conduct in this Affair, or no? 
 
P.S. You have Made a Young Lady Verry happy by a later present Sent her by Mr Bull. 
 
 
Elisha Dobree to the Trustees, Jan. 29, 1734/5, Savannah, received April 2, 1735, C.O. 5/636, pp. 170-171, concerning the need of Georgians for provisions from the Trustees store. 
 
My Lords & Gentlemen 
 
The Missery the Inhabitants of this Colony already feels Since their being Shutt out of the Store prevails on me, to pity them as a Neighbour & a Freeholder. They already offer their Houshold Goods for Sale to buy Bread. What may be the End of their Missery God only knows, for this is Certain, that theres no Cropp to be Expected before Michaelmass next, & few there are that Cultivate their Lands for that purpose. 
 
What Currancy is Left here, is generally Carryd away by the Carolina Traders, who brings here Pork Fowles &c & always sells for ready Money. 
 
Moneyed men would Contribute greatly to the Prosperity of this Province, without which I have but little hopes of this Place. We wish Ardently you would Encourage Such to Settle with us. 
 
P.S. Many of our People here are talking of returning home. Had we but Sufficient Number of Servants might undertake the Lumber Trade provided we had Encouragemt to go with it to the West Indies & bring proper returns back. As for my part I design to be one of the Last that Shall Stay here & the first that shall Improve The Lands near ye Town & if possible carry on the Undertaking I have begun of hoop Poles & fine Timber to Charles Town. 
 
I beg that you would be pleased to Assist My Family in coming over to me. Ye Cost thereof I will gladly Repay here as also for the Cost & passage of two good Servants hither. I beg you would please to procure them for me. I make ye best Improvemt of any & might make more had I more Servants. Its mellancholy for me to think that every Servants have had Twelve Months Provissions from the Store Except mine. The none can Less Afford to find em Provissions than I who have mine Still allowed, & I might have Expected that theirs would also have been Continued. 
 
 
Robert Parker, Jr.,141 to [?], Ja. 30, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, p. 261, announcing his marriage to Elizabeth Sale and complaining about conditions in Georgia. 
 
Sir 
 
As Women in a New Colony are the Very Sinews of it Your Sister being left a Widow & Designing to leave this place, I thought I coud Not do my Self or the Setlement a greater Service than by laying an Embargoe Upon her by Way of Marriage, which I in few Months put in practice & have Now the Happiness of Calling you Brother. 
 
I hope the Actions of my life will entitle me to your Esteem, as I Never did So I hope I never Shall do Anything to Merit yours or the Worlds Reproach. 
 
My family is Such You Need Not be Ashamed of it. My Father was few Years Since a Very Eminent Merchant, but Misfortunes at Sea & Treachery at home proved his Ruin. He is Now in this place & has Erected a fine Saw Mill which will turn to good Acct. 
 
As soon as I can Get any land (which I have been kept out of by the Indolence of our Publick Surveyor & by which am in a fair way of loosing  st 150) I intend to go About Making Pot Ash the only likely thing to turn to Acct or to make a fortune off in these parts. 
 
Mr Sale has by his last will & Testament made Your Sister Sole Executrix & thereby Given her whatever was, or should be his, & as per his Death the Letter of Attorney left in your hands for the Recovery of what his father left him per will becomes Void, I here Send you inclosed a Certificate of his Death, of our Marriage, Copy of his Will, & my letter of Attorney for Recovering the Same of Mr Douglass for my Use & Benefitt. And I hope Sir youll leave No Stone Unturnd to See your Sister has justice done her, & you may be Assured what Services you may at any time do Us will be had in Gratefull Remembrance. 
 
I have Wrote the Trust, wch as it is a letter of Complaints of Damages Sustaind I Desire you wd be so kind as to Deliver it your Self, at the Georgia office, after having first perused it & Sealed it. 
 
Wtever is given out in England in praise of this place is Generally false & people are much Deceived when they come here. 
 
The pressing Occassion I am in at present may oblige me to Value my Self upon you for  st 50 wch as you have Some Effects in Hand of Mr Sales Hope my Draft will Meet wth Due Honour. 
 
I Desire Youd make my Humble Service acceptable to your Spouse & family & rest asured a Friendly Correspondence will at all times be Acceptable. 
 
Dear Borth 
 
Desire you to give my love to my Sister and All yr good Family & accept the same 
 
yr Self from your Affect. Sister to Command 
 
ELIZ PARKER. 
 
 
William Jefferies to James Oglethorpe, Jan. 31, 1734/5, Bristol, C.O. 5/636, p. 89, concerning Samuel Eveleighs proposed move to Georgia and Eveleigh as a merchant. 
 
Sir 
 
I have now letters from my friend Mr Saml Eveleigh of So Carolina wth whom you are acquainted Signifying that Whereas ye Assembly of yt Colony had laid an additional heavy duty on Deer skins & a great Sum for Lycences to Indian Traders, itt has animated Said Gentn That he proposes to leave yt Colony & Settle at Georgia wsh he tels me has wrote you about & I suppose as I forwarded a letter lately to you yt might be to this Effect. And Should he proceed, or his Son & Daughter Sent first as he assures me he fully Intends if the Trustees of Georgia give him Some little Encouragement wch he has asked of them, I am confident he wil draw hither a very large Trade. And as I have been acquainted wth him more than Twenty years & concerned in business together during yt time I have all along found him not only a Generous but a fair Trader, a man yt has done as much good for ye Colony of Carolina as any one I knew there or am now acquainted with, and the different Schemes of Trade he has brought to yt Colony wil demonstrate what I say. Then for ye Indian Trade he has had very great Experience, no person having been more largely nor longer concerned in it there & consequently understands ye Nature of Indians as wel as anyone & can render yt Trade as profitable & safe to the Colony of Georgia as in ye power of anyone to project. And as he has a Capacity so he has ability to prosecute his Intentions & to convince me & any other persons that he is in Earnest (wch I am heartily Sorry for because I fear changing his Air &ca in an advancd age may be dangerous to his health). He has ordered me to Charter two Ships for him hence, one to be at Georgia in May & the other in October next, and the first is to touch at Milford first to take in Servants & Passengers about whe he desires me to write you & Desire to know if you hear of any Encouragement yt way & yt you would be so good as promote it as in your power for I do assure you the having this Merchant Settle there wil be of Signal Service to Georgia. For he is wel beloved in Carolina & wil draw others with him to be Settlers. I suppose ye little acquaintance I had wth you when in London about ye African Trade before ye Parliament may not be Sufficient for yor remembrance of me but if you wil give yor Self the trouble as to ask of Mr Scrope or Sr Abm Elton (who gave me some of ye Trustees proposalls to disperse wch I have done) they will Satisfie you so as (if time permit) to answer him. 
 
 
Paul Amatis to James Oglethorpe [?], probably Jan. 1734/5, Savannah [?], C.O. 5/636, pp. 135-136, concerning silk culture, his control of the garden in Savannah, and the movement of plants there from Charles Town. Translated from the original French. 
 
Sir, 
 
I have learned with much pleasure of your happy arrival in London. I pray the Lord that he may be willing to preserve your health so that you may remember of those whom you have left in this colony where there are many who shed tears of joy at the mere pronunciation of your name. 
 
I arrived in this city the 8th of last September with the whole Camuse family, and here I have had much trouble and chagrin before I was able to land them here. It is true that I brought them here by surprise, for I made them understand that I was taking them to Santee for the purpose of making there the cocoons. I gave the pass-word to the master of the periogue, and during the night we took the route for this place. That voyage alone has cost me sixty pieces of current money, but for the payment I am able to meet that article. 
 
I resolved to make a collection of silk worms at Port Royal this next spring, for the reason that there were not enough leaves in the garden to nourish the quantity of silk worms that I shall have in a short time. I hope, moreover, to make some here, but though I should go to Port Royal or elsewhere to gather there the silk worms, yet I have resolved to come here to draw out the silk so as to encourage the people of this Colony. 
 
I send you, by means of Captain Yokoly, all the silk that I have drawn off for the past year in three different quantities: to wit, ordinary, fine and superfine, with which I hope you will be satisfied, and I pray you also to cause people skilled and expert in the manufacture to come to see the said silk, and I have no doubt that they will find it in all its perfection, quality by quality. I would have sent you the silk sooner, if the occasion had presented itself in this new colony where I have waited for the present for this reason. 
 
Let some one have this silk manufactured at the manufactory of Mr the Chevalier Lombes a Daryt [Darby?] Shire in order to put it in form, and then let them make, or have brought here, the work of the Count Galleany, Bruno, Riperty, Buffaty and Amatis very fine fabrics, in order to see if these surpass ours whether in fineness, quality and neatness as that which shall be worked in the country belonging to the English nation. 
 
However, I hope that this year the silk will be more lustrous and not so smoky by reason of the precautions which I shall take. I reserve the rest to communicate to you by word of mouth, for I hope to depart at the beginning of the next month of July for London. I wait only to make the collection of cocoons this year and to have drawn off the silk here, so as to make plain to you that I am able to undertake the spinning of superfine silk, as I have promised you since the honour of your first acquaintance. 
 
I hope that you will have the goodness to communicate my letter to Messrs the Trustees, so that they may be informed of all that has happened concerning my enterprise. It is very certain that if Messrs the Trustees should be willing to take my interest in their hands there will be no difficulty for them in according to me the recompense due my deserts. For the English nation in general ought to take this affair into consideration, since it is for the welfare and advantage of the public. 
 
Remember also how generous I have been in this enterprise. Since I have spent nothing upon it except those expenses I have been obliged to pay out for my subsistence alone without having first wished to give you the marks of my skill; I hope that presently you will be completely satisfied in seeing results of my labours. I hope also [as soon as possible for] a mark of your gracious generosity and also that of the whole English nation. 
 
Remember that we have found gold and silver mines in this country which are but small amusements for every one of both sexes, and the other such mines necessitate the employment of robust and vigorous men to work in the mountains and the desert countries to draw forth the gold and silver; but here, on the contrary, the great as the small are capable of entering into this enterprise. 
 
I will send you my manuscript by Captain Dembar [Dunbar] that you may see all that has happened in order to come to the completion of this enterprise in this new colony and in what embarrassment I have found myself on many accounts. But with the aid of the Lord and the assistance of many others I have been able to succeed at it. I hope that the enterprise will be able to increase more and more, so that in time the English nation may be independent of foreign countries in regard to the raising of the silk worm and making fine textiles. 
 
Sir, I am, obliged moreover, in spite of myself to say to you that I have found on my arrival here the garden in disorder, and that since your departure almost nothing has been done. For although you had left sufficient servants here with Mr Frichevater [Joseph Fitzwalter] in order to cultivate the garden; that is to say, to cut down the trees, tear up the stumps and burn the whole so as to be able to plant in good order all the plants and the trees that I have brought here for the establishment of the colony. But the bad management that has been shown here, in a few words, the pleasure of hunting, fishing and other pleasures, have employed the larger part of the servants. And ever since I have arrived in this city they are employing nearly all the servants that were meant for the garden to be going after window panes, making of prisons, running after society, and other things for the service of the public. 
 
Well, for this reason I have been obliged to get other workmen to cultivate the garden so as not to lose the time for transplanting the said trees in their good order; almost a half of the garden will be transplanted with many thousands of mulberry trees and other plants; in this half of the said garden will be found not a single stump, root or tree formerly grown here. And if I had not dwelt here in this colony the garden would be still in disorder, but at present one can take pleasure in promenading in its beautiful walks. I expect to depart at an early day for Charles Town in order to load there a boat full of trees which I have raised there in order to transplant them to this garden. But for the principal plants I have resolved to keep them yet another year where they are until you have decided if Mr Frichevater ought to be the master of the garden, as he says he is, since he has insulted me two different times, and I have carried my complaints of these things to Mr Causton and other gentlemen. At present the said Frichevater conducts himself a little better in respect to me; but in spite of that I cannot bear that he make use of the half of the plants injured, ruined and given away without my consent. 
 
Besides this he has several times forbidden the servants to obey my orders, and thus the said servants are doing everything for him every day, or hunting in the said garden despite my orders, where they have ruined more than three hundred plants. I have had them inspected by Mr Causton, Mr [Samuel] Montaigut and many other gentlemen of this colony. This is the sole reason that has prevented me from having the principal plants transferred into this garden for this year, for after having had the trouble of raising them, it is very distressing to me to lose them through the bad management of another person. You have only to inform yourself by means of persons whom you judge proper in this colony, which of the two has done his duty for the advantage of the colony. I can assure you, Sir, that I take no pleasure in this said garden unless I have an order from Messrs the Trustees to give me full power to be the chief in every thing that concerns the garden, and that the said servants be entirely under my directions, and that no one be able to take any of the fruits of the said garden in the future without my consent and to my generosity, which I hope will be for the public in general as I have always accustomed it to be in the past. I hope that there will be found here persons enough to give me that character. 
 
It is very certain that it is through my work that the garden has been put here within less than a year in its regularity and beauty; for the plants, I have enough which are already quite valuable; for the garden, I am in position to have it well cultivated and hope in a few years to have it produce to the value of five hundred pounds sterling per year. 
 
It is necessary to advise you that Mr [John] Vanderplanck has taken, by your orders I suppose, six servants for his own account, and that for the present there are of the rest only four good or bad ones, for the garden, and even they are often employed for the public. Therefore, Sir, you should not expect that the garden could be in good order under such conditions. I hope for the future that you will take your measure accordingly. 
 
You should know that I am here as a passing stranger, since I am obliged to change my home from time to time, and have suffered here as a poor unfortunate this winter by reason of the great cold and frost which we have had here. I have emplored Mr Causton and the other gentlemen to have a little compassion for one of the first forty, by having a chimnay in some place in order to protect me from the cold; but they forget that they have one themselves and that near their good fires there is no cold. But all that they do against me that will finally work to their disadvantage. I go after tomorrow to Charles Town. Expecting that the good time will come I am always awaiting your orders. 
 
 
Robert Parker, Jr. to the Trustees, Feb. 1, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 202-203, telling of having resigned his commission and the need to have his land surveyed so that he can support himself. 
 
Gentlemen, 
 
I was one of the No that came over in the Savannah, Lionell Wood Commander. We Sayld down the River Septemr 15th & Arrivd Decr 16 following 1733. Mr Oglethorpe sent me up to the Pallachuckolas in Aprill where I continued till calld down [by] Capt Mackay on the latter end of May & presented with a Commission from Mr Oglethorpe appointing me Lieutenant of the Independant Company. In Complyance wth it I went up to Josephs Town where I found the Soldiers employd in Hewing Sawg Clearing Land &c. The Capt went to Charles Town to Provide the Presants & Horses for the Indian Journey, but Complaind afterwards of being Detaind per the Ill Usage of the Charles Town Merchts. 
 
Mr Wm Sale Died the 8th of July & 22d Do I came down from Josephs Town in a High Fever; but returnd again in a Weeks Time & ten days after returnd again to Town when my Life was Despaird off. At wch Time most of the Soldiers fell Ill, wch some ascribe to their being over Workd, tho I rather think it Proceeded from the Badness of their Provision being allowd no Refeshments from the Store. Tis impossible to keep meat from being tainted here in Summer Time Capt Mackay came up again Sept 16 when I was somewt recovred, but finding my State of Health wd not Permitt, & I was thereby rendered Incapable to Serve the Colony. I Desird Him to Provide Himself with another Lieutenant, but He being taken Ill Presently after, wen down to Port Royall nor did return thence till the midst of Octobr wn I Deliverd up my Commissn & He went up to the Nation the latter end of Novr. In Sept I Married the Widow of Mr Sale, by wch I am become possesd of your Honours Grant for 500 Acres of Land wth Six Stout Men Servants &c. After Her Husbands Death my Wife agreed wth Mr Causton to Deliver Her Goods into the Store at an Allowance of  25 per Ct, but wn I came to make up my Acct wth Him He refusd a pr of Harness Plows & Iron Work to the Value of  st 15, A Piece of Tapestry wth wch they Lind the Court House or Church, Valued by appraisers in London at  st 8 she agreed to let them have at Four Guineas & now Hell oblige me to take Two or none. 
 
At the same Time he had these Effects in Hand he gave a Note I drew on Him for Paymt & wch he accepted) into the Constables hands wth an Execution on Body & Goods, wch had I been much in Debt in Town, would Inavitably have Destroyd my Credit. This is an Irreparable Injury, tho no Novelty to put up wth in this Colony. 
 
My Wife Orderd Mr [Noble] Jones (the Publick Surveyor appointed [by] Mr Oglethorpe) to Run out her Land in Augst Last wch He often Promisd & as often Falsifyd his Word. Since our Marriage I have not left Importuning Him, but to no Purpose. My Land is not Yet run out nor do I know when it will & I am obligd to live in Town at a much Greater Expence than I Should do in London. 
 
This Obliges me to let my Man out at Eighteen Pence per Day, whereas were I setled coud fairly make twice the Mony, if not more. For, if they are worth 18 or 2s per Day to any other Person, they are most undoubtedly worth 3 or 4 to me. 
 
On the 30th of October I resignd my Commission to Capt Mackay when I had been 6 Month in the Company & for being detaind by Sickness for 3 Months Mr Causton [took]  st 6 from my Pay wch was very hard seeing I had been at so great a Charge as st 10 in my Illness occasiond by the Dearness of every thing here. I bought a Horse for the Indian Journey wch cost me st 7, wch was Drownd Crossing Savannah River, before I saw him. Was my Land run out at this Time I might Possably get enough Cleard Fencd & Planted to raise Provision for the Year ensuing wch would save me in my Pocket st 54 or more Money. So that I am a looser this Year  73. 8.10 wch added together make st 127.8.10, Poor Encouragent to leave England for Georgia. But that I hope Your Honours in Compassion will not Suffer me to loose so great a Sum of Money wch I can but Ill afford! These Gentlemen are what I most earnestly recommend to Your Honours Consideration not Doubting but a Suitable Redress will be made. 
 
 
Walter Augustine142 to [?], Feb, 6, 1734/5, Westbrook in Georgia, C.O. 5/636, pp. 188-189, concerning his troubles with Sir Francis Bathurst. 
 
Sir 
 
Having Recd yours of Date ye 28 Octr with ye Request of ye Honble James Oglethorp Esqrs Orders and Directions for ye Boarding and Care of Sir Francis Bathurst143 whome I waited upon ye 28th of Decembr following and Conducted to my Habitation on ye 3d of Janu and have Entertained him to this Date untill Sr Francis began to be a Litle unruly. And pleading his Interest and none of my Bisness to Serve Him but as he thought fit wee had Som words which were very High but Sr Francis finding I was too well Knowing with his Circumstancis was pleased to acknoledg his fault and all made Easy Till another Time. When one of his Daughters [Martha] was maryed to Mr Wm Baker Meat [mate] and Botswaine of ye Prince of Wales, he fell out with me on ye acct Charging me with his Ruin and I telling him I thought Shee was very well off. [He] Runs up to me and gave me a Hunch or two and a Slap in ye face, all wch I took very patiently as not willing to give Room to be Blamed But Sent for Mr Causton to Let Him Know my Abuse and upon my Resenting Such Usage forbad him my Habitation and now am a building him a place on his own Land but Still Retaine ye priviledge of giveing out his provisions which is nessesserary [illegible] would be very wastfull. But as I am in this Case Desired to be Carefull in all as may be to his Interest I shall I hope allways Discharge with Truth and Sincerity as much to Serve his the Honble Esqr Oglethorpe As ye Benfit of a good principle and ye Interest of Any New Setler in ye Province of Georgia. One of Sr Francis Servants be dead having ye Dropsy. There be about foure or five Acres Clered ground, and Sr Francis now begins to be very Carefull and Industrous. Only his Servants are very Intolernt, whom I have Ordered to Som Beter Maners. 
 
Sr I beg youd be pleased to Remembr me as one of those Bound in Gratitude to be allways Redy to Service in Respects to ye Bounty of yr Honerble Master. I have a Long time Labourd under ye Likeness wch he Saw me in wch Term was untill June, and then found Ebenezer River for wch Recd. [For] though god be praised I am not in want but of ye oportunity to Let yr Master Know yt So farr I am Capable I shall allways Endeavour to Let him Know. I shall be Gratfull and So Conclude untill my Next with my Humble Respects and wife Hopeing youl Accept it. 
 
 
Elisha Dobree to the Trustees, Feb. 6, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 190-191, telling of a shortage of corn, problems with leases, and the desire of some for Negro slaves. 
 
My Lords & Gentlemen 
 
The want of Indian Corn here is so Extraordinary that most of those who had bought Hoggs for Breed are obligd to Kill them for want of Food proper for Such Creaturesthe Same for Fowls. 
 
Few of our Freeholders are for Improvemt & Chuse rather to Let their Lotts to others than Improve the Same themselves. Their Intent being to Lett their Houses & Lands for as much as they can & most of them Afterwards to Return back to England Expecting The Rent to be Remitted them for their Use. In my Humble Opinion If your Honl Board would give strict orders to Cancell all Leases made for more than one year it would induce the Freeholders to think Seriously of Improving Themselves Their own Lands. I have taken Sevl Lotts 5 Acres to Improve but I will not do much to Them whilst I hear Daily my Land Lords talk of Returning to England. If the Colony is deserted what Encouragement will there be to Improve here & Therefore I am Come to this Resolution besides my Lot to Improve none but Mr [Joseph] Hughs wch was Let to Mr [Thomas] Christie by Mr [John] West & for that Lot as it hath Cost me a great postpone Deal of trouble & money. I beg of Your Honr Board to grant me your Approbation of the Lease I have for Seven years. Tis the best Improved of any in the Colony & I Still go on in Improving the Same till Some unforeseen Accidt should Stop my Carreer. I have been Desired by the most Noted Freeholders here to Draw a Petition to Your Honle Board to be Signd by them. Tis with an Intent to Obtain Leave to have Negroes here Under Some Restrictions, but I dont know whether I might not Incurr your Displeasure in a Work of that Nature. 
 
I Flatter my Self that my Freedom in writing your Honr Board will not be Displeasing perhaps none may write on the Same Subject. 
 
[P.S.] We have had these two Nights Last past Frost an Inch thick. 
 
P. S. I fear this Place will be Miserable Poor Quickly if no Embarkations arrive soon with English People. 
 
Tis Melancholy for me to find that I have not had Twelve Months Provissions for my few Servants, and that I should be the only one Deprivd of such a Favour, is very dissagreable when none hath more Endeavourd to Improve Lands etc. & Contrive ways & means, for ye welfare of ye Colony than my Self. 
 
 
John Martin Bolzius and Israel Christian Gronau to Henry Newman,144 Feb. 6, 1734/5, Ebenezer, C.O. 5/636, pp. 192-193, Egmont 14200, pp. 407-409, concerning the arrival of the second transport of Salzburgers, and educational and religious conditions at Ebenezer. 
 
Sr 
 
Being assured, that you have kindly receivd that Letter, which we took the liberty to write to you, the 10th December last, we make now bold once again to trouble you in the midst of your weighty affairs by these humble Lines. Whereas you gave us in your last very obliging Letter, dated the 29th Octr Sufficient marks of the Continuance of your and other great Benefactors favour towards Us, and have Sent in the name of the Society Money, two travelling Beds, and other necessary things for our Relief, we Should be the most ungrateful persons of the world, if we did use these Benefits without Praising Almighty God, and the Praise worthy Generosity of our great Favourers. Tis our firm Resolution which is renewd now by these new Testimonies of Divine Blessings, to employ all our Care in beseeching God continually to reward them thousand times for all Benefits bestowed hitherto upon Us and Our Flock, and to grant Us his Grace to be answerable to their desires and extraordinary Intentions. We take the pleasure to acquaint You, that the Saltzburghers under the Conduct of Mr [John] Vat have finishd their Sea-Voyage,145 So happy & in So Short a time that every One wonders at It. Tis impossible to Express in Words all manner of Joy and Pleasures we have had in receiving them in Our Place Ebenezer. We appointed them quickly Several Houses and Huts builded already here, as well as possible we could. And they may live in these Houses and Huts of their Countrymen till they have prepared some Acres to plant Corn, and other things next Spring. They told us with pleasure of mind, that by the Particular Care of their Benefactors, they have receivd at London as well as in the Ship a great many Kindnesses, and Benefits, and Confess themselves not only high obligd to them for the Said and many more Benefits promised for time to Come, but are also firmly resolvd to make it their Business by the Assistance of the Holy Ghost to perform to the utmost of their power, all that Shall become true Christians to answer the Expectations of the Trustees and Society. Some of this good People are affected with some infirmities, which as we hope and wish in our Prayers will go off in Short time. One Man died at Purrysbourg, before he could be brought up to our Place of Abode. The Child that was Christend at Gravesend, died likewise a few days after their Arrival. 
 
For the Young Man, that was Sent to our Service by the Providential Care and Goodness of the Society, we return our humble thanks, assuring his Souls and bodys welfare Shall be our Special Business, to make him through Gods Blessing Capable of being Serviceable both to God and Men. 
 
We accept with thankfulness the Salaries, the Society are pleasd to allow Us for the Support of our Bodies, moreover relying upon the blessings of God, Who Can, and as we hope, will by fatherly Affection and Care Supply all our wants. The Bill of Fifty Pounds has been accepted by Mr [Samuel] Montague, and the Spanish pieces of Eight together with the half-pence are Come to our hands. And we Could wish, that more half pence had been added in lieu of Silver, Copper money being extream usefull and Convenient in this Country. For the English Books, which the Society please to allow us by Mr [Samuel] Quincy, we return our humble Thanks. We know to take advantage of them, and pray for many more. 
 
I am in hopes you will not take it amiss, in troubling You with an Account of the manner of the Saltzburgers Divine Worship. We are exceedingly Glad to perform by Gods direction Divine Offices among them. Their love to the Holy word of God is very great, and they Shew by words and by Deeds, that that was the Chief & only Reason of leaving their Native Country. They not only Come on Sunday three times to our Assemblies, but their Zeal to edifying of their Souls is So Ardent, that at their desire we have appointed in the Evening about half an hours time for Instructing them in Christian Duties, and putting up with them to Almighty God our Prayers in the Week days, after they are come from their daily Labours & Refreshments, So that they may not loose the least time for preparing their Ground. And they Convince Us by their Sober Behavious, that they make a very good use of the Gospel, they have heard, and endeavour to keep Strictly by Assistance of the Holy Ghost its Precepts. They at all times Remember the great many Benefits, they Constantly receive from their Generous Benefactors in England, particularly for having allowd them Ministers preaching and Administring to them the holy word of God, and Holy Sacraments. And being Sensible of those great Blessings, they lift up their Hands and Hearts to God Almighty for the prosperity of their noble Benefactors. 
 
Their Children being now 12 in Number, who Constantly come to School, give us great hopes of following the foot Steps of their pious parents. And in order that they may be very early instructed in the Principles of the Christian Religion and other Necessary Qualifications, we both teach them every Day, over and above what they are taught by Mr Orthmann [Christopher Ortman], who follows our directions Concerning them; wherein he employs at present his best Skill, and we hope, he will Continue So to do hereafter. Some of the Children begin to be in years fit for assisting their Parents, and upon that Account we use our utmost endeavours to promote their learning. 
 
Lest we weary you with our Scribble, and for fear we Steal from you, that time, which you wholly employ for the Care of the publick, we Conclude protesting, that we beseech God, to prosper the noble designs of the Society, and hope surely, he will further mercifully grant a good Issue of all their praise worthy Enterprises, taken for Promoting Christian Knowledge. And So wishing you all Happiness imaginable, we take leave. 
 
[P.S.] Mr Vat presents to the Gentlemen of the Society, his most humble Duty and Respect, not being as yet able to write to them, himself, by Reason of his Infirmities upon his Eyes. 
 
 
John Martin Bolzius to James Oglethorpe, Feb. 7 and 10, 1734/5, Ebenezer, C.O. 5/636, pp. 196-197, Egmont 14200, pp. 411412, giving general conditions at Ebenezer, complaining of the poorness of the soil, and expressing thanks that George B. Roth must leave Ebenezer. 
 
Most Honoured Sir, 
 
My Duty obliges me to render you my humble Submission and Respect by these Lines. I am not ignorant, your mighty Affairs gives you very little leisure to read them over. I did the same the 16 of Jul. & 12 of Dec. last, which Letters, I hope, are come to your Hands. Eleven people of our smal Company are died. Wherefore I am exceeding glad together with the Saltzburghs that you was pleased after your Generosity to send a new body of their persecuted Brethren under the Conduct of Mr [John] Vat, which came safely on shore the 30. of Dec. What Goodness & benefits they have received by your Order & the good of Mr Dumbar, you will hear from Mr Newman, to whom I gave a short Account of it. 
 
Ebenezer, Febry 10th, 1734. 
 
I must return you thousand Thanks for all your favours & concerns for myself & my Colleague as well as for our Flock, beseaching you to believe, we have such a sense of all your Favours, that we want words to expresss it sufficiently. What thanks & prayers the people put up daily to almighty & merciful God for you & other great Benefactors, I need not to tell you, since you are ascertaind of the Salzburgers Godliness and tender Love to you. Be pleased to assure yourself the longer the more, that they fear and love God very earnestly and endeavour as far as lies in their power to till the ground according to the Intent and Will of their Benefactors. 
 
However I cannot forbeare to mention after my humble Duty, that at present even so as formerly the English and other people, as often as they come to our place, talke very much from the Settlement of the Saltzburghers. They call our Land pine barren, where nothing else will grow but Indian peases & Potatoes. Hence it is, that the poor people are some times disheartened by such talkings, tho we do our utmost endeavour to incourage them by the holy Word of God. Some Acres about the River seeme to be good, but there are few, and some are covered newly by the high water of the river & swamps. Notwithstanding they have worked hitherto in the ground as much as possible they could for the great troubles they have till this time in fetching their provisions and other things from Savannah, which by modest computation is no less than 44 English miles by water. The people in some measure cleared the river Ebenezer in such manner, that, if the water is high, they can come up with a smal Boat to our Town. But if the water is low, they can come no further than within four miles of the Town to the landing place. And the currents of Savannah River from Abericorn Creek to the Mouth of Ebernezer River are so strong, that the people with a small boat carrying about one thousand pounds weight cannot perform the voyage down & up in less than 4 days time, being obliged to land at night in such places, where they can have no Accomodations for refreshing or rest in themselves unless they make small Huts and lie in upon the ground, which in Sumer-time weakened so much their bodys, that they very frequently fall sick especialy wanting proper Refreshments, and in the Winter and wet seasons they suffer very much by the cold and rainy nights. But the people is never out of patience. 
 
It is a new Testimonie of the tender Care of our Benefactors for our best, that by their order Rott146 and his Wife was obliged to quit Ebenezer. There is no body in our Congregation that not must suffer several Importunities from them heretofore. This Order came just at this time to Mr Caustons Hands, as the said Rott was willing according to his open Threatenings to kill treacherously two persons at Ebenezer, of which Wickedness Mr Causton was informed by my Letter to him. After the aforesaid good Order he is hindered to pursue his wicked Purpose. He was intented to go by Sea for Germany. But since his Voyage was stopped by my letter, that I must send to Mr Causton after my Duty & Mr Caustons Desire, he shewd together with his Wife a great indignation against me with a scornfull meen. 
 
The Behaviour of the Saltzburghers towards God & Men gives us a great satisfaction, wherefore I hope, no body should me blame, for mine Eagerness to see many more such people in our Congregation. My Dear Colleague Mr [Israel] Gronau, Mr [Andreas] Zwiffler, and all Saltzburghers present you their most humble Respects and due Acknowledgment for all your Favours & Benefits. And so expectting your Commands to do, what may please you in all things. 
 
 
Samuel Eveleigh to Benjamin Martyn, Feb. 8, 1734/5, South Carolina, Egmont 14200, pp. 223-225. 
 
See Eveleigh to Martyn Jan. 17, 1734/5 to which this letter is addended as a postscript, above pp. 179-180. 
 
 
John Vat to Henry Newman, Feb. 10, 1734/5, Ebenezer, C.O. 5/636, pp. 194-195, Egmont 14200, pp. 427-430, reporting the arrival of the second transport of Salzburgers, difficulties of transportation to Ebenezer and the poor soil there, and the desire to settle at Red Bluff on the Savannah River. 
 
Honoured Sr 
 
I dont doubt but before this cometh to your hands, youll have heard of our Safe arrival in Georgia, and of our Landing at Savannah Town, which was on Saturday the 28th December last. I should before this time have given you an Account thereof; But, having got a great Cold in my Head and Eyes, ever since we cast the lead for Sounding at Sea, I could hardly read or write any thing; besides being obliged to attend the Loading and unloading our Baggage and Provisions for one quarter of a year. So that I must refer myself for further particulars to the Letters now to be written by the Revd Messrs Bolzius and Gronau, to James Ogglethorpe Esqr to James Vernon Esqr more particularly to the Revd Mr Ziegenhagen,147 and to Yourself, the Substance whereof they have made me acquainted with. As being of the Same opinion with them relating to the Soil of this place, and the great Difficulties the people lie under in bringing up their provisions from Savannah Town, and other matters concerning the present settlement of the Saltzburgers. 
 
On the 11th January, we left Savannah Town, and got on Board three Periawgoes, the Smallest of them with the Sick being Gone directly, for the landing Place at 4 Miles English distance, from this town, over Purrysbourg, and Ebenezer River. We came with the two larger Periawgoes the 12th to Abercorn; and the 13th of the same Month by land, being 12 or 14 miles, to this town of Ebenezer. At the Sight whereof We were Confirmd of what every body (excepting Mr Causton, and Mr [Noble] Jones, the Land-Surveyor) had told us of the barrenness of this part of the province, being Chiefly Pine-Barren, a Sandy white Ground, not above one fifth, or at most, one Tenth part of tolerable Mould, Cane Land, or Swamps, which Swamps, Seeming to be good, are coverd with black Mould, about one or two Inches deep, but under It appears a white Sand, like Salt. So that every one, who cometh hither, Saith, The People will never be able to get a livelihood in this place, be they never So Industrious and laborious. For, upon a Rainy day, the black Mould being washd off, nothing but white Sand is Seen in large places like paths, in a walk. So that the poor Saltzburgers were exceedingly struck down and disheartend and begd that according to the permission given them, by Mr Causton, for looking out for some good Ground, and for working it Jointly, till He and Mr Jones Should Come to Sett out their Lotts, they might seek out Some Such Spott. At their return they reported to have Seen some good Spots of Ground near the Mouth of Ebenezer River and Savannah River. Upon this Mr Bolzius and myself went by Water the 24th of January, to the Red Bluff, and the Indian Hut, this last being about 9 miles distance by Land from this town, or in a Strait line 6. miles. And, Meeting in our passage thither on Ebenezer River, the small Periaugoe, loaden with part of our Baggage and provisions from Abecorn, I orderd it to go down, and to unload its Cargoe on the Indian Hut. And Coming thither, we found that there was on the North Side of that Indian Hut, up to the Red-Bluff, and along the South Side of Ebenezer River about two miles High Land, on the declivity whereof large Oak Trees and others, as also large Vines of 3. or 4. Inches diameter; but at the top or the highland mere Pine-barren; and Judged, that were the lotts there So orderd, that one Chain were given on the River Side, and three upwords, the people would have one Moitie [moiety] good Land, and the other moitie pine barren, with which the people would be exceedingly well pleasd. The next day we went to Abercorn, and meeting there by Chance Mr [Thomas] Christie, the Recorder, we acquainted him with our Expedition. And he carried me in his Boat the 26th to Savannah Town, in order to See the powers given by the Trustees for Georgia, to Mr [Peter] Gordon, Mr [Thomas] Causton, Mr [Henry] Parker, and Mr Christie jointly, for Setting out 2500 Acres of Land for our Saltzburghers, those Writings giving them power to Sett out Such lands, where and in what manner they Should think fit. Mr Christie proposed my presenting a Petition to the Said four Gentlemen, but Mr Causton and Mr Parker were of opinion (Mr Gordon being absent) Mr Causton and Mr Jones Should go with me to view the Lands at Ebenezer and the Indian Hut, and Should make their report thereof to the other Gentlemen. Accordingly Mr Jones and Mr Causton came with me the 29th to Abercorn, and the 30th to Ebenezer Town. After dinner we designed to go by Land to the Indian Hut; but missing our way thither, we Came again to Abercorn the 31st. Mr Causton designing to return to Savannah town, I desired him to give me his directions for my acting with the people, Since he did not intend to go to the Indian Hut for want of a Knowing Guide. He told me, the people Should pitch upon Some Spot of ground near Ebenezer town, and clear it, and work it Jointly, till such time as the pleasure of the Trustees Should be known, for which purpose he would write to them. Then I proposed to him the permitting the New Settlers under my Care, to build a Hut on the Indian-Hut-Land, for working there Jointly; but he roundly refused complying with my request. I returnd that day to Ebenezer town; and Some days afterwards I heard Mr Causton and Mr Jones had been the 1st Instant in the Indian Hut, and were gone thence the 2d in the morning early. The 3d I went by Land to the Indian Hut, and Orderd Such Baggage &ca as was deposited there, to be brought up to the Landing place with the Small Periaugoe and the Small Boat. The former of which was some time, five days in going from Abercorn to the Landing Place; which might have been avoided if we had proper Carriages and Horses, to be Conveyd by Land about 12 or 14 miles. And this transport Could not be Compleated before the 5th though we have not as yet had all our provisions for one quarter of the Store House in Savannah Town. And the people are obliged to bring their baggage and Small Tools and Casks upon their backs from the Landing place; and the heavy Casks in the Small Boat by Water; which will require 8 or 10 days more provided the Water in the River Ebenezer doth not fall. 
 
The Inhabitants of this Province generally Compute the distance 20 Miles from Savannah town to Abercorn Creek; thence 6 miles to Purrysbourg; 10 miles to the Indian Hut; 4 miles to the Red Bluff, or the Mouth of Ebenezer River; 7 miles to the landing Place and thence 12 miles to Ebenezer town. In all 59 miles by Water. The town of Abercorn lieth 2 miles from the River Savannah. Indeed our Saltzburgers with a Small Boat, go down from the Landing place to Savannah town in one day, but cannot come up in less than three days. And that Boat Cannot carry above one thousand pounds weight and 4 men. Neither can it Come hither from the landing in Summer or at low Waters, by reason of Some trees, Bushes and Sand in the River, by which the people must lose a great deal of time and labour. However were the Soil of this place tolerably good these difficulties might be overlookd; but as it is the opinion of every Body, even Some of the best planters in this Country and the Province adjoining, Its humbly hoped the Trustees for Georgia will take the low, dejected condition of these poor people into their Consideration, and grant them the favour of Removing hence to the Indian Hut, or the Red Bluff, or to Some other place higher on Savannah River, more likely of being thereby enabled to get a Livelihood. For Should they be obliged to remain here in this place, according to the promises made to them in Germany, the Society, or the Trustees of Georgia, will find themselves under a necessity of Subsisting of them with Provisions, as long as any of them Shall be living. And its to be feard many of them will die for Grief, no less than eleven having died of the first transport Since they came into this province: and two of the last transport, Vizt Sebastian Glantz the 13th January at Purrysbourg, and the Child born on board the prince of Wales, whilst the Ship was in the Thames, died here the 23d January last. And Some of the first and last transport are now Sick, but we are in hopes, by Mr [Andreas] Zwiflers Care, Some of them will do well again, as Some others are recoverd of their Illness. And here I cannot but observe, that indeed 6 pounds of Salt Beef per week for a man, and 5 pounds for a Woman, and as much for two Children above two and under 12 Years of Age, is Sufficient; yet 2 lb of Rice, 2 lb of Flower, and 2 lb of Corn or pease, pr Week pr head, is not Sufficient, as not being hereby enabled to bake bread, which is the main Support of Health and Life. Neither is the Allowance of 4 lb of Cheese, and 2 lb of Butter per Quarter per head, Sufficient, if they actually had Garden Roots or Eatables. 
 
Its our humble opinion that should the Trustees for Georgia think fit, to Settle the people of the new and last transport on the land near the Indian Hut, the town to be built there might go by the name of Ebenezer and would not discourage other Saltzburghers in Germany to Come there and Settle; but as long as these remain here none are like to be invited either by the first or last Transport. 
 
On the 6th of this Month, the Revd Mr Bolzius proposed, by a fine Speech to the People of the last transport, to work jointly on a piece of Land to be pitchd upon near this town, though attended with many difficulties, some of Such as were present Seemd to Come heartily into It; and such as are gone to Savannah town for Some Provisions, are to be Consulted at their return; and then We Shall pitch upon Some place for that purpose. 
 
My next Shall give you an Account thereof, and of Such other Occurrences, as May happen. 
 
 
Elisha Dobree to the Trustees, Feb. 10 and 13, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 363, pp. 198-199, Egmont 14200, pp. 431-432, concerning food and agriculture, especially grape vines in Georgia. 
 
My Lords and Gentlemen 
 
Vines being the Quickest Growth & Produce of any Trees that can be planted in this province & the Produce of them being very Considerable I beg Leave in the Name of the Freeholders as well as my Self to desire That a Sufficient Quantity of Slipps &c of vines may be delivered us Against The next Season. Had I enough ready I would plant now at Least Ten Acres. 
 
Mr [Paul] Amitis told me the other day That the Vines he had in Charles Town had not provd Successfull, So I find but Little good can be Expected from them. I have planted Some few Wild Vines at all Hazard. 
 
The Quickest way to make this Province flourish is no doubt to rise a produce & Such as will Amount To Large Sums fit to be Exported. Vines when once produced will be a Settled Income to be depended on for our Selves & Posterity. The Land here is fit for it & The Summer full hot To Ripen The Fruit. 
 
We are fully persuaded you neither Expect nor desire any Amends for what you do for us. And we hope That as you have began a good work you will go through the Same, And Compleat a Glorious Undertaking To make People happy who before were misserable, & might have Continued So, Had not your Honr Board Stretchd out your hands, to pull us out of the Water when we were Sinking. 
 
[P. S.] Although we are a poor Colony we have had of Late great many marriages & Balls till 2 or 3 in the Morning an Excess wch in my humble Oppinion deserves no Encouragement or Countenance from men in Power. 
 
I continued to plant Cotton wch we call Annual Cotton from the Carolina Seed. Was I but Supplyd with proper Seeds & plants I doubt not but with the Blessing of God, I would Soon make a Fine Garden. I wish could get the Seeds of Sevill Oranges from Portugal, Lemons & olives. I am afraid cannot without your Assistance. Ships often arrive at Charles Town from thence. I have hired 14 acres near this Town vizt 
 
15 Acres Lot Mr [Joseph] Hughs deceased of Mr Thomas Christie 
 
15 Ditto Mr [John] West of Ditto 
 
4 Acres Mr Jos. Stanley 
 
The first Lot I have vastly Improvd the other Two I am now Improving, having Leeses for the three for Seven years. I most humbly beg the said Leases may be Allowed good by Your Honble Board & I wish it were for more than Seven years. I shall not desire as I know of any Such favour for any more Lotts. The next Improvemt I make Shall be on a 45 Acres Lot. 
 
Feb. 13th 
 
Considering Seriously the Health of this Colony & the many Diseases that Attends it, Especially the Scurvy, & Ill humours, occasioned by the Extream heat in the Summer, I am fully persuaded that Eating intirely Salt Provisions here, is certainly prodigiously hurtfull to our Healths, Especially at this time when we have no Greens or Roots to Eat with it. As for Rice, few eat it but Servants or the poorest People. I am therefore pushing forward my design to Serve the Whole Colony wth Cabages &c. I have now about 100,000 Plants wch wth the Utmost trouble & Industry I have at Last procured. 
 
Cotton I will greatly go upon, but for Vines I must beg your Assistance against next Season. Tis certainly one of the best Presents you can make us, & I flatter my Self you will in this Article Quickly give orders to prepare the Same for us in time for coming here. I have always in View The Welfare & benefit of the Colony. This Induces me to be thus troublesome to Your Honle Board, wch I hope your Goodness will Excuse. 
 
 
Isaac Chardon to the Trustees, Feb. 11, 1734/5, Charles Town, received April 3, 1735, C.O. 5/636, p. 205, concerning payments of bills of exchange for Georgia. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
My last to you with duplicates thereof was of the 11th January since which I have paid for the Colony of Georgia  1925. 8. 6 our currency for the following uses Vizt 
 
 To Mr Paul Amitis for Garden Work, his Acct   683. 8. 6 
 Seven drafts of Mr Caustons for provissions  1179.. 
 Paid freight for some Provisions which I sent up  63. .  
 
 1925.8.6 
 
And for which sum I have this day drawn upon you payable unto Messrs Peter & J. C. Simond or their order a sett of Bills for  275. 1. 2 Sterling which I hope will be punctually paid. You will find a Seperate Account of Mr Paul Amatis for  686.5 our money which I could not pay for want of proper & Sufficient Orders. 
 
 
Elisha Dobree to the Trustees, Feb. 13, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 200-201, concerning the desire to build a sloop in Georgia, a recent fight in the town, and the store accounts. 
 
My lords & Gentlemen 
 
Severall of our most noted Freeholders & Some of the Scotts Gentlemen, are inclined to build a Sloop here. I have Offered them most of the Timber, & a place to build ye Same on Mr [John] Wrights Lot, wch I have taken & is the best Situated for that purpose, being Just undr The Publick Garden, The Nearest to the Town by Water. We Flatter our Selves of yor Honle Board Encouragemt in this New Undertaking, being the first of that Kind & if Continued, may be Advantageous in an Extra manner to this Collony, as Navigation & the Building of Shipping has always been, wherever it has met wth Encouragement. This Sloop is to be about 70 Tons, little more, or Less. The Sails, & Cordage &c., we Shall want from England, & shall want a proper person to Furnish us wth ye same, & to See that all be right, & good. Your Favour in this our Undertaking will be of vast Advantage to us, but how & in what manner We humbly Submit to your Wisdom &c. 
 
P.S. Last Night a Quarrell happend between Mr [Edward] Bush the Tythingman wth his Guard & Some Gentlemen who were dancing. Many blows where given. Dr. [Patrick] Tailfer had like to have had his Arm Cut off by Bush wth his Dagger. Capt [George] Dunbar and sevl others were Concerned. The Magistrates have heard the two parties but what has been decided I know not as yet. No doubt yr Hon Board Shall have an acct of the Same. The Intent of Dancing was to Introduce Acting of Plays. I am humbly of Oppinion we have Scenes of Poverty Eno in reality without Inventing ways to Divert our thoughts from business & the Care of providing food for our Families. As to what I mention concerning the Play I beg my Name be Concealed. I am no Enemy to the Gentlemen Concend tho I am to their Indiscretion & to their way of thinkingin Short we have too much of Publ. Entertainment. I wish Zeal was as warm against Prophaness & Imorality as tis the reverse. 
 
P.S. I am told the Quarrell mentioned on the other side is to be Tryd in Court. 
 
I am now hard at work in making up Mt Caustons Accot of your Stores, there being no Regular Book kept & no proper Entrys made, its Extr Difficult. And was it not that you are Desirous to have em before your Honble Board I hardly would medle with em. For after all my Extra trouble & Care I Shall hardly be paid above half of what I have had wth all Chearfullness paid me out of a private person Pocket for a much Easier work. 
 
If I thought that it would be Acceptable to Your Honl Board I would write you weekly as Journal of the Occurrences here. 
 
 
Robert Parker to Robert Hucks, Feb. 14, 1734/5, Mill Bluff, Georgia, C.O. 5/636, p. 502, concerning a draft drawn on the Trustees. 
 
Sr 
 
I hope youll be so good to lay this148 before the Honr Gent of the Trust and that youll prevaile of yr acceptance for the Payment of my Draft of  40 St to the Bearer Mr Thos Atkinson and youll much Oblidge. 
 
 
Robert Parker to the Trustees, Feb. 14, 1734/5, Mill Bluff, Georgia, C.O. 5/636, p. 208, concerning his need for financial assistance at his mill and need of some saws. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
When I first undertook to Erect a Saw mill Mr Oglethorpe was so good to promise the advance of any requesite Sum of moneys for that Purpose. I applyed to Mr [John] West the Smith Mr Fossett for a Carpenter and other Tradesmen who promised all of them they would undertake to performe yr Workes or parts to be payd in goods when the Workes was brought to perfection. The other Laboreres I expekted to found about the Prices as in England. I have had a great many Hundred Thousand Foott of Sawing dun for 2/6 per [thousand ?] and I have been hear Obliged to pay 7/ 7/6 to Nine Shillings per [thousand ?]. I wanted moneys for no other use and so desired to take of Mr Oglethorpe no more than would be sufficient as I thought I first requested  40 afterwards  40 more when he was in Charles Towne. He onely spared one  20. The Smith with the Rest of the Workmen instead of staying while the Mill was Perfected I was Oblidged to pay off pressently after the Works was finisht. I have had some remittances from England but that proved a little two Short. The Sawes in the store was two weeke I expekted as I Wrote to you Gentlemen by Mr Oglethorpe you would been so kinde to furnisht me with some strong Sawes from Mr White or Powell. If they had come by him in this time I could a remitted over to my Family  60 or  80 instead of wch I have been Oblidged to draw on my Friende Mr Tho Atkinson for forty Pound Sterling to Mr Rodelph Nutman or order wch I request youll be so good to direkt may be discharged for the Valve may at your pleasures order to be received on your Acct in goods hear wch shall be ready to your order having procured at last a fitt Saw of Coll Purce. A Sample of which Goods I do my Selfe the Honour to Sende, for your Approbation by Capt [George] Dunbar when he sailes. I have requested him to come up to my Workes for a more satisfactory Acct when he comes before you. 
 
 
Francis Percy149 to James Oglethorpe, Feb. 16, 1734/5, [Savannah ?]. C.O. 5/636, p. 204, requesting servants and announcing his marriage. 
 
Honared Sr. 
 
I Mak bold to trobil you with this news and I hope you will be my friend and pardon me for this offence. I beg you Dere Sr to send me a Sarvant by ye trust when you plese. For now I am mared [married] to ye Seckend Dater [Elizabeth] of Sr Fracis battas [Bathurst] and ye other is mared to ye boson of ye Ship and a very good ones man as can be and in very good Circumstance, and I wish I was but in as good for my wifes Sak. And Dere Sr Send me a Sarvant if you plese and if you plese to send for my unkil and talk with him in my behalfe. Pray Dere Sr dont for get me. My unkils name is beweare at ye 3 balls in russell Stret ner Comangarden,150 and I have Sent to him for 3 more. And I bag you would grant me Sum more Land with my wife as St Francis told me I Should have. But as for my towne Lot I will keep that and am going to bild on it as fast as I Can, but I am at a gret Lost for want of Sarvants and I bag Dere Sr yould not forget me. And Sr if plese to give my duty to Mr halls ye Dockter and tell him of my happy stat of mattrymony and to morro I am going to enter my Selfe in to ye noble and onarabil Sosiaty of free masons by ye Carreckter I bare to brothers gardnars Mr brownciohm [Will Brownjohn] and fichwallter [Fitzwalter] and all ye hole Sosiaty was fond of my Coming. So Dere Sr dont forget to intersede for me. 
 
 
Sir Francis Bathurst to James Oglethorpe, Feb. 17, 1734/5, West Bluff, Georgia, C.O. 5/636, p. 209, complaining of his treatment by Walter Augustine, announcing his daughters marriages, and asking for land for them. 
 
Sr 
 
We arrived here on ye 3d Janry 1734 having had a very pleasant passage, and enjoyed a good state of health all ye way, I am wonderfully delighted wth ye Country, altho I had but ill beginning by lossing of one of my Servants who dyed of a Dropsie in about a month after my Arrival, and i was ill stationed by being placed wth Augustin, for wch good sr I no ways blame you, for I much doubt whether you was acquainted wth ye Villains actions. He run me in Debt to ye store house  13. Is wch money I have paid and would have had  15 more of Mr Montacut [Samuel Montaigut] wthout my knowledg, but yt Gentln had more honesty than to let him have it. He kept me and my Famiely worse than ever I kept my Dogs in England, upon my complaint to his wife and him about it he threatened to beat my Teeth down my Throat, and to send me to ye Logg house at Savanna and told me I was not in England but in America. His whole Famiely being 7 in number lived alltogeather upon my stores wch I paid Mr Costin  13. 1s. for, as they now do I cannot gett them out of his possession. He done my Tooles and Goods  5. worth of hurt. He compelled us all to lye one night in ye woods, ye next day we removed to Captn Macoyes Bluff where we resided until I had got me up a pleasant Cottage. I owe ye villain nothing. He is looked upon as a great a knave as any in ye Colony and a man whose word will not go for a pair of shoes. And what to do to plant my lands and stocke them I knowe not, nor how to maintain my Famiely when these stores are out, untill I can hear from England. I wonderfully like my station now haveing erected my Cottage faceing ye Savanna as goes to Purisburg and do not in heart doubt of liveing happiely and well after one [or] 2 years, and hope my Freinds in England & Ld. Bathurst will quickly send me a servant over. My little son [Robert] takes a vast delight in working hard, and is out at labour wth my men by sun riseing untill sunsett, and I am proud to tell you I have cleared more wth my few hands as I am credible informed than others wth their great numbers have since ye Colony was first settled. I now am settled in house keeping, and we enjoy ourselves wth abundance of Satisfaction. My 2 Eldest Daughters are married ye one to Mr [William] Baker ye Bearer hereof who came wth us as Boats son of ye Ship from England and honest Skilfull man in managing of a Ship and a true pains taker, and a very good Husband. I hope you Sr & my honble good friend ye Lord Egmont will be pleased to get Mr [Peter or J. C.] Simmons to make him a master of one of his Ships yt comes hither, and will bestowe some lands upon him here and my Daughter who is come wth him to England to see what ye Honble Trustees will do for them. Ye other is married to one Mr [Francis] Peirce yt came over wth us from England and a person Bread up in a near Relations famiely of mine, lately one Sr Ricd Howe of Wishford. I hope you and ye rest of ye Honble Trustees will bestowe some Lands on her, She being resolved to abide here in ye Colony. I do not hear but ye Colony is in prfect good health, so wth my humble Duty to Lord Bathurst and all ye Honble Trustees I take leave. 
 
 
Arthur Middleton151 to James Oglethorpe [?], Feb. 20, 1734/5, Charles Town, received April 3, 1735, C.O. 5/636, pp. 211-212, concerning Georgia defense and Middletons salary from England. 
 
Sir 
 
I have receivd the Honr of yours of the 28 of October last by the way of Georgia, and return you thanks for the favour you have done me in allowing me any Shear in your thoughts, which I know at this time are taken up with affairs of greater Moment, than any thing can be here to Occasion thinking of a privet Person, and therefore the favour is the greater to Me. 
 
Our General Assembly are now Seting, and I beg Sr You will believe that I shall make it my Study to Promote what you desire. It is my Inclination as well as my Duty to do every thing to Promote that good Undertaking, And to the best of my Power I will do it. The Rangers and Scouts are yet in the Stations you left them, and I believe will continue for another Year. 
 
As you are so good as to Offer me Your Service in England I am under no Pain to believe you will Pardon me in what I am going to desire. Every one knows that I was five years and an half in the Government here, and by his late Majestyes Instructions I was to have five Hundred Pounds a Year Sterling Paid me in England. I have Never receivd above two hundred and twenty or Thirty Pounds, as near as I can rember not having my Perspers [personal papers ?] by me, and for all the rest which is upwards of two Thousand Pounds, I cant get it. My Friends have done their utmost, but I believe for want of a Superior Interest, I am Still kept out of it, and am a Sufferer, for the little Perquesites here did not near defray my Charges in the Government. I will not complain, but suffer in Silence. 
 
What I beg of You Sr is, that you will be so good as to See one Mr John Exelston a relation of mine who lives in Grace Church Street London. He has a Power from me, and all my Acts and will let you in to the whol Affair, which is very Short. Sr If by Your Speaking to Some body in Power, I cant say who, You gain me a little friendship in the Affairs, I shall be very much Obligd to you. I beg Sir you will not give your Self much trouble in it, for I had rather lay by the thoughts of It for ever, than be the Occasion of any Uneasiness to my Friend. 
 
 
Isaac Chardon to the Trustees, Feb. 20, 1734/5, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, p. 213, reporting his drawing on them for  200 Sterling. 
 
Gentn 
 
This is to advise yt that I have of this date made a Draft upon you in favour of Messrs Peter & J. C. Simond or Order for  200 Sterling to raise & Supply Cash to discharge Mr Thomas Caustons drafts upon me for the Provisions with which your Colony is Maintaind as well as for those that I (purchase for the same use) my Self 
 
 
And for Several Orders of Caustons not yett come to Hand, therefore I hope you will be pleased to pay them According to the Specified wch is thirty days after Sight. 
 
 
Tomo-Chi-Chi to the Trustees, Feb. 24, 1734/5, Savannah, read June 18, 1734, C.O. 5/363, p. 215, Egmont 14200, p. 435, announcing his return to Georgia, the murder of Justice, a new Savannah king, and presents for the Trustees. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
By the Return of Capt [George] Dunbar I take this Opportunity to Acquaint you that we Arrived Safe at Savannah on the 28th of December last. We have All had our health during the whole Voyage Except Tooanahoure [Toonahowi] whom we feardd woul have Dyed & thro he is now much better yet is Very Waek and Infirm. We have Recd All our Goods & were Very kindly Used by the Capt which we Shall Endeavour to Return by our love as well to ye Captain as to All the white people who Now Are or Shall hereafter be known to Us. 
 
I Purpose to go with the Capt to Tybee and there take my leave of him and Drink Your Honours healths. 
 
When I Came home I found Some of My people had Misbehaved And that Istichee [or Esteechee] had killd Musgroves Slave, Justice. I have Talkt with Mr Causton about it and when the heads of the Nation Come down will determin what to do in the Matter. In the mean time I have Advised that Mr [Joseph] Watson sholld be Close kept. 
 
After this Determination I shall Aquaint Your Honours More Perticularly of the Matter. 
 
The Savannah Indians are Now with me & they have Now Chose Idaquo, to be there King (during the Minority of Pimiqua the late Kings Son). I desired Mr Causton to Receive him as Such & he waited with ye Rest of his Nation & have Deliverd him Some Skins which they desire Your Honours to Accept as a token of there Gratitude & love. They are Sensbile that Your Honours have Much better things but as they are few in Number hope the few Skins will be Acceptable. 
 
Idsquo with All his people Are Agreed to Joyn Me in building on Pipe Makers blough [bluff] and we Intend to live to Gether. 
 
It will be a Great Pleasure to Me to Write to Your Honours on All Occasions with hopes that Your Honors Will Always believe Me with Great Truth. 
 
 
Patrick Houstoun to Peter Gordon at Charles Town, March 1, 1735/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 17-20, Egmont 14200, pp. 439-445, concerning troubles in the colony, his desire for certain lands, his desire to enter into trade, the need for free trade in Georgia, and the red string plot. 
 
Sir 
 
I Received yours of ye 15 ult. only a day or two agoe. I am sorry you are going to Brittain so soon. In my opinion you would have done your bussiness much better you had stayed some time longer in this country when you had been wittness to more of the management. Since you have resolved to goe I wish you all happiness & prosperity. I do not expect to have the pleasure of seeing you in this country again. I send you Inclosed a note of such things as occurs to me which I would have done sooner but I delayed till Mr Millisham should return from Carolina to gett his assistance, who is verry capable & much shagarined & upon verry good grounds. Millishame is not yett come up. 
 
There is one affair happened within these few days worse then all. Captain [Joseph] Watsone or some body else, I may say an enemy to the Collony, hase said to [John] Musgrove that in his absence Mr Causton had agreed with Mrs Musgrove to give him the Ingian trade for which he was to give her  1000 Ster. Some people says also Musgrove is Jealous of his wife with Mr Caustoun. However this be he hase often been heard say that he would shote Mr Couston & kill his wife. Yesterday there was a story in town that ane Ingian had painted himself & was heard [to] say he would goe to the woods to lay in wait for Mr Causton & would not return till he had shoote him. I do believe some settellers in the Colony hase been the contryvers of this, so much are they disobliged at Mr Causton they would run ye risk of sacrifising all to be revenged of him. Musgrove is much disoblidged for he said so to myself. Mr [John] West & me are doing our endeavours to pacify him which I pray god we may succeed in. This day they both dine with me. Please lett me know your correspondent at Charlestown & your direction at London & I will write you from time to time. Capt [George] Dunbarr is much in Mr Couston Interest & hase endeavoured to make up differences betwixt him & me & the rest of our countrymen. 
 
We was altogether & seeminly did it which we thought absolutely necessary for peace, so lett not Dunbarr or any body here or at home know any thing of my writing you. For Dunbarr asked me if I was to send you by him a note of complaints. I told him I would send you none by him or any body else which he approved of, not thinking of your going over. I promised to write by him to the trustees to have my lands run near Savannah town & to give him a power of attorney to gett me a Trustees lott in town. I beg your assistance with the Trustees in both these affairs. If I do not gett a lott near to town the ground I desire is what Captain [Francis ?] Scott was to have which being vacant I think I will not have Justice done me if I be refused it. I think the Trustees may give me the lott in the square where the Public Mill stands for a lott. For a publick house in some more remott part of the town will answer that purpose as well & not at all answer my purpose or bussiness; & if I gett it I shall build a house upon it to beautify the town as much as there house will do. If you would gett Mesrs [Paul] Jenys & [Samuel] Eveleigh to mention me in there letters to the Trustees it would do me service & perhaps your designs no prejudice. By my next I shall send you coppys of my letters to the Trustees & Mr Oglethrop by Dunbarr. I send you Inclosed a letter to My Lord Percivale which I beg you will putt under cover & seal & direct, I not knowing his direction being I hear created ane Earl. If you do not wait for Capt Dunbarrs ship please not to deliver it till his arrivals that the Trustees letters may be delivered at the same time. 
 
I send you a letter to Doctor [William] Houstoun who procured all your countrymen grants which please seal & deliver. He will do you & all his countrymen service if it be in his power. I have wrote him no complaints for I know he is verry hott & would resent our treatment in a different manner I incline for. If all our treatment were known it would do the Collony prejudice by hindering other people to come over which I do not incline yett to do till I see if the Trustees will grant me my desiers. If not I design & am fully determined to leave the Collony & settell at Port Royall. 
 
I am endeavouring for to bring the Port Royall & Santilma people to buy there goods here. If they cane be brought to this it will be the best support of any thing to the Collony. Severall of the planters hase promised & if I had the store & Trustees countenance Mr [Samuel] Montaigute hase I would not doubt of getting 3/4 if not more of all the rice of these Island shiped here next year, but he will never do it. For being frequently at Purysburgh they cannot gett goods, his store being always shute in his absence. 
 
I hear some people has wrote to the Trustees I sale rum. I own I sale it & till the Recorder and people in the store sold it I sold none; but I seeing them make a trade of it I thought I had as good reasone to make bread as any body else and that is the Commodity brings the most ready mony of any. I am positive it will never be in the Trustees power to hinder the drinking of rum, people being verry sickly last year when Mr Oglethorp was here & hindered the drinking of rum & this year very healthie. They all are convinced it is ouen [owing] to the rum & the discharging of it makes rum to be sold at 30/ which could be sold at 12/ pr gallon being most N england rum sold here & mixed by the periager men, & if no setteller in this Collony were to sale it the periager men would bring it from Charlestoun & sale it privately, & I do not think it cane be prevented. For if it should be seen aboard there boats they pretend they are carrying it to Purysbourgh & other parts of Carolina up the river. The prohibition of rum carrys more mony out of the Collony & makes us depend more upon Carolina then any thing else, for the rum is not only bought in Carolina with ready mony but the Molases & muscovado sugar & all the rest of westindian goods. 
 
If we had a freedom of trade we would have them directly ourselves from the westindians & a market opponed for our staves hoops & some boards &c. These restrictions will either make people go out of the Collony or be troubelsom to the Trustees & there Agents. For if the Collony ever thrives people who can live independent of the Trustees store must settell here & will not so easily submitt to hardships & restricting laws as those who hase there provisions given them. Those people who hase had them is as mutinous now as any. 
 
What service lyes in my power to do you I assure you non shall be more willing or ready. I shall do my endeavours if possible to lett your house, but I am affraid I will not gett a tennant for it till more people arrives. For I believe there is near twentie houses in town empty & soon will be more. I do think if you had ordered the house to be partitioned & a floor above & a littell kitchine built it would have answered the expence. For the house is well situate for any bussiness & having a Chimney if any houses lett it must if it had those convenicnes. I wish you would lett me knou how many Cattel you have & what brand you would have putt upon them. I have not yett learned the first appraisment of [Elisha ?] Dobree & [Francis] Harris effects but if possible shall this week, Harris being now returned to town. Coll. Prioles having wrote about his negroe he was sent down last week. 
 
Your resolution of going to Brittain I observe gives some uneasiness here. So soon as I gott your letter I made your resolutions known on purpose to give people opportunity to write you, which I believe severalls will do this week. Itt will be a great encouragement to the Colloney if the Trustees give power to grant licenses here for traders to the Indians. If they send over any goods for to furnish the traders with I should wish to be storekeeper for I incline to turn myself intirely in merchant bussiness. 
 
I am sure I will quite wearie you in reading this long letter therefore I most conclude in offering my Humble deuty to Mrs. Gordon & wishing you & her every thing you wish or desier & a good & prosperous voyage. I do design (if the Trustees does not do me Justice in granting my desiers) to go to England next harvest & prevent any more of my friends or countrymen being deceived as I have been. When you arrive in England I shall expect to hear frequently from you with all your news & how affairs goes at the Trustees office and what turn affairs Takes there & any projects that is yett on foot for the Collony. I am of opinion we shall never be happy till a Trustee comes over to putt us once more to the rights. 
 
If you would do me the favour in case you meet with one honest clever young man who writes a good hand, master of figures & book Keeping, & knows something of Merchant bussiness to ingage him for some years for me & give him what wages you think proper. I would perform your agreement & be singularly oblidged to you to send him over to me. I do not doubt abundance such are out of bussiness about London & would be glade of this occasion. 
 
[P.S.] I wrote Mr Robt Pringle to pay you in some money. Please take payment of the rent for your house & for my Razours which I received, but the fellow hase not done me Justice in grinding them. 
 
Since writing the above this afternoon there hase been a design discovered of the Irish transport servants. The story is a Scots girl deposes that one [John] Coxe a Taylour came to her & desired her to tell Doctor [George] Syms daughter [Ann] that Mr [John] Vanderplanks man [Edward Cruise] who was in prison for some days bygone to tell Syms daughter who was his mistress that this night he was to be at liberty. The girl asked how. He said he & 40 or 50 more was in concert to burn the town this night, kill all the white men, save the women, & [John] Musgrove with severall Ingians was to join them. Upon which the town was alarmed. Severalls of us sate up all night. Nothing appeared, but I do not at all doubt but there was something designed. Coxe told all in the plote wore a ride [red] ribbon about there arm which he & severall others taken up had upon there arm when taken. The whole affair is not yett discovered but I hope will. I do beleive we shall never be safe while these villains are amongst us. Musgrove & all his family & the whole Indians were up at Pipenaker bluff yesterday. This day Mrs Musgrove & Tomchechie came to town who denys any such design. However we shall know more the morrow, Musgrove being to appear himself the morrow to answer to the Charge. 
 
Jos Mure [Muir] came to me this day & asked if I was to lett your house. He said he could not give the key without your orders in writing for he had your orders to the contrary. Ross152 has laid the floor & wants he says some more boards to compleat it. I was oblidged this day to hirer a man for your guard which I fancy you will approve of. I find this difference amongst us is like to be of bad consequence to the Collony by Incouraging these transport villains to mutiny, so it is absolutly we Join altogether & dissemble our displeasure till the Trustees redresses us. So I pray you say nothing of my writing you to any body. 
 
 
Robert Parker, Jr. to Peter Gordon, March 2, 1734, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 31-32, Egmont 14200, pp. 447-449, concerning his inability to get his wifes first husbands affairs settled or to get his land surveyed. 
 
Sir 
 
I am Credably Informd that you are about embarking for England. I must Confess you take the most Prudent Way. Letters may be Intercepted, but where a persons self is the Messenger that undertaking is the most likely to Succeed. I am sure our prest Bayliff Cawston takes the surest Methods for the Destruction of this Infant Colony wch is now almost Inevitable unless some Speedy Way be found out to Relieve us. I have been these 3 Months Interceeding wth Mr [Thomas] Chrystye to take my Wifes Administration153 but could not get it done before Yesterday & what Papers I have got from him I Doubt will be of no use from the Many Blunders wth wch they abound, wch shoud ought be undertaken towards recovering of the Suit I am Fearfull t may be to my Disadvantage. I am not the only Person in this Colony that have Demands upon Mr Causton, nor Yet the only one whose Credit He has blasted & whose Ruin he has mot Industriously sought. I believe I once before told you that he accepted a Note of Mine for 43s & afterwards gave it out of His Hands wth an Execution when he had about st 30 in His Hands. Poor Mugrage [Francis Mugridge ?] was sent Prisoner to the Log House Yesterday for Demanding what was due to Him from the Store House. On the Backside this Youll find my Complaints of Damage Sustd wch Ive Twice layd before the Trust who I Hope will Consider my Sufferings, & make me a Suitable Redress. 14 Days before you left us, I went up to my Fathers Mill & began to Clear land & built a large Convienient Hutt for the Reception of my Wife & Family; butt Mr Causton, [Noble] Jones, & Capt. [George] Dunbar coming up to see the Mill, the Two former told me that if I offerd to settle there they wd chop or burn down my Hut & oppose me to the Utmost. They being so possitive against all I coud alledge, I again removd my Servts & Household Goods for Savanah. I think tis very hard seeing I have been here this 12 Months and been 6 Months in Posession of the Honble Trustees Grant to Mr Wm Sale for 500 Acres & tho I have offerd Mr Jones 5 Guineas above the Comon Rate to Run out my Land I cant get it done. So thought I might Settle any where, where the land was not allready Run out as my Father had some Months agoe written the Trust that I had allready taken my Land there upon Acct of His Mill. I Hope Sir You will do me what Service You can wth the Honle the Trustees in faithfully representing to them the Hardship I Labour under. 
 
Mr Woodward of Port Royall has offerd to send me up  50 upon Bill on You wch shoud He Deceive me I shall be utterly Ruind unless some what most unexpected happens. Therefore Sir I Desire Sir Youd give me leave to Draw on you or Procure me the Same from any Man in Charles Town & I will send down my Bills on my Brother Mr Allen [?] Webb Druggist in Cheapside wch I am sure will meet wth an Honourle Discharge. I Heartily wish You & Mrs Gordon a Good Voyage Safe & Speedy Return; but before you leave America beg an Answer to this Epistle. 
 
The Underwritten Goods are what Mr Causton took into the Store after Mr Sales Death upon an Agreement of allowg 25 p. Ct on the Prime Cost, & this on the Honble the Trustees Credit, wch now they have layn in the Store these Six Months He would turn into My Hands again to my entire Loss wch I can very ill Afford. 
 
 
 
This is what I most earnestly Desire You woud endeavour to serve me in wth the Trust. 
 
Robt Parker junr 
 
 
Robert Parker, Jr. to the Trustees, March 3, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 217-218, 259, concerning his wifes first husbands property, his inability to get his land surveyed, and complaints about Thomas Causton. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
In my Last of the 1st of February I layd before your Honours an Acct of Damages sustaind per Mr Causton on the one part, & the Negligance of Mr [Noble] Jones our Surveyer on the other to the Amount of  st [blank] I am now to aquaint Your Honours that considering the Expence it would be to the Trust to find me & my Family in Provission for the ensuing Year, I Thought I had yet Time enough to get Land Cleard & planted for our Support before the Season was spent; & that I might by Virtue of Yr Honours Grant settle upon any Land that was not already surveyd either up the River or in the Salts. Accordingly I and my Servants went up to Mill Bluff where my Father has erected a Saw Mill 7 Mile above Abercorn by Water & 2 by Land. We Built a large convenient Hut of Clapboards for the Reception of my Wife & Family, & Cleard some Land untill Mr Causton [Noble] Jones & Capt [George] Dunbar came up to see the Mill. The Two former told me that if I offerd to settle there they would Chop or Burn down my Hutt & oppose me to the utmost. Upon such a Possitive Declaration I again removd my Household Good for Savannah, where I shall remain in expectation of Redress from Your Honors. 
 
And give me leave Gentlemen to assure You that unless we have one of Your Honourable Board in Person to Reside amongst us our Ruin is unavoidable from the Narrow self interested Views of our Prest Bayliff & Storekeeper Tho Causton. The Credit of the Publick Store is at a Stand & questiond by every Body. There is nothing sold from thence but on the greatest extortion, & it is notoriously known by every one that, notwithstanding your Honours frequent Prohibitions of Rum, tis sold out there under the Name of Gold & Company. This I most Humbly offer to Your Honours Consideration. 
 
Savannah March 3. 1734 
 
The underwritten Goods are what Mr Causton took into the Store upon the Trust Credit at an Agreemt of 25 per Ct Proffit on the Prime Cost wch He now would turn into my hands again. To my entire loss they have been in the Publick Store these 6 Months. 
 
 
 
Samuel Quincy to Peter Gordon, March 3, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 22-23, Egmont 14200, pp. 451-453, concerning the red string plot and the troubles of the colony. 
 
Dear Sir 
 
I should have wrote to you much sooner, but that I had some Thoughts of coming down to Charlestown as I intimated in my last, I have now laid that Design asside for some weighty Reasons. Nor indeed, am I at present able to undergo the Fatigue of the Passage being lately seized with a violent Disorder in my Face occasioned by the Tooth-Ach. I hear by Mr [Patrick] Houston that you intend very Speedily for England, & am in some Fear least you should be gone before this gets to Charlestown. 
 
I intirely agree with you that it is highly necessary to set the Proceedings of our present Ruler in their true Light, but I am really afraid that Matters are run to so high a Pitch, that it is now too late to prevent the Ruin of the Colony. We had on Sunday last an Affair that threw us into great Confusion. [John] Vanderplant & some other of the Officers were called out of Church, & made acquainted that there were 40, or 50 White Persons & as many Indians with [John] Musgrove at the Head of em, that were entered into a Design to burn the Town & destroy the People, at least some of them. The Alarum Bell was rung, & Search was made for the Conspirators, & some of them were found who wore a Mask to distinguish themselves viz. a Red string about the Right Wrist. They were chiefly Irish Transports; none of the Freeholders were concerned. There are several of them indeed discontented enough, but I hope none that woud enter into such wicked Measures as to bring a general Destruction upon the whole Colony. Many of them I believe you are sensible are Persons of worth, & it would be well worth the while to endeavour to make them easy, but this is far from being the Case of our Imperious Magistrate, who does things rather to increase & provoke than soften & appease the discontented. As for Musgrove, he is for some Cause or another very much enraged with Causton, some say he is jealous of him with his Wife, others that he is afraid Causton should get the Indian Trade from him & some that during Musgroves Absence, his Wife has made away with  1600 Curr. the chief of wch was in Silver & Gold, & that he suspects that Causton has got her Money. Whatever be the Cause I know not, but it is like to fall very heavy upon [Joseph] Watson, who is accused of the whole Crime, of Provoking Musgrove by telling false stories of Causton to him. He is threatned to be sent home in Irons to the Trustees, wch Indeed I coud almost wish, I mean that he should be sent Home; for there would be then Hopes that no Injustice would be done him. I am very certain that he is maliciously accused in this last Affair. For he is not by any means the chief Tormenter of Musgrove. Mr Parks & some other Persons of Probity being present while Musgrove was with him, & heard every word between them. However here in fresh Matter agt Watson, Cotes, Watkins154 & Some others who are to be tryed as Conspirators agt the Colony, & indeed Yt Parks himself is deemd one of the Conspirators; but it seems his Youth, & Inexperience are to excuse him from Punishment. The other Persons too viz. Cotes, & Watkins, are to be excused for some Reasons or another, & the whole is to be laid upon Watson. It is surprising that a Man should have so much implacable Malice, that no Methods are left untried to Compass his Destruction. For my Part, if nothing else coud be alleadged agt Causton but his Inhuman Treatment of that Unhappy Man it gives me such a Horrour & Detestation of his Actions, that I coud never more brook him. My Letters per Yokely to Mr Copping sufficiently relate the whole Affair, & I hope will come safe to hand & there little more need be said. But least they should Miscarry, I have sent you Coppies of the most material of them, & beg you to take Care of them because I have not transcribed them. I am so much indisposed that I cannot say any more, on wch Acct I hope you will excuse my bad Writing. I shall be glad to hear from you before you depart. 
 
[P.S.] My humble Service to Mrs Gordon, & least I should not have an Oppertunity to write again. I heartily wish you Sr & your good Lady a Prosperous Voyage & all Happiness. 
 
The Things you left at my House I will be accountable for to any one you shall appoint. 
 
When you come to Engd if you will be so good as to visit Mr Copping you will know whether my Letters per Yokely ever come to hand. 
 
 
William Jefferis to James Oglethorpe, March 5, 1734/5, Bristol, C.O. 5/636, p. 176, concerning land tenures, bounties on lumber products, and Samuel Eveleighs trade. 
 
Sir 
 
I thank you for your favor of the 27th Ult. wch came not to hand til ye 3d Inst. and observe ye effectual reasons for postponing yor answer to mine & yt you have a Grant of the Sundry most material matters my friend S. Eveleigh has desird who tells me in his of ye 27th Janry last yt he had wrote you with respect to ye Grants of the Lands in Georgia by the Trustees descending to the Male heirs only & a mans daughters not the better, whereby ye Lands or ye greatest part of ym wil devolve to ye Trustees. If this Should happen and ye Lands not Settled as by agreement with 1000 Mulbery Trees on Every hundred Acres wch he apprehends a discouragement to Settlers and Querys whither it cannot be alterd Since no Negroes are allowd to be Settld thereon & Since ye quit Rent is 10/ Sterlg per 100 acres, wch in Carolina is but 3/ per 100 Acres. But as this is a matter no doubt fully discussd by The Trustees I only Query for him if it may be alterd. 
 
Our Comte of Merchants belonging to ye Society met yesterday Where I informd them of the design proposed by ye Trustees to ye Parliament to have allowed a considerable number of Armed Men to cover Georgia & Carolina and to have if possible a Bounty allowd Live Oak, Lumber, Naval Stores &ca on wch I am directed by them to write our Solicr Mr Wood as also about ye Renewal of the Rice Act. And I have desird him to wait on you & confer with you about these affairs. And if you shall think it Expedient for the Merchants here to petition or yt their Agents applying to make what Interest he can in their names please to Signifie it & also if London petitions, yt I may lay it before the Hall for their Opinion & direction. And tho it may not be in any power to attend, yet if they concur a properer person may attend to Solicit this. Our Election comes on to be heard before ye house you know Sir ye 25th Inst & wee Shal have many persons there who must attend yt controversie so yt we Shall not want for people in this affair. Could I have been of any Service to yt affair I must in common Justice to our worthy freind Mr Scrope have gone up. 
 
The Ship Mr Eveleigh writes you of ye 4th Janry is daily Expected here from Carolina and I have bought for him already about 1500  Sterlg worth of goods to be sent to Georgia on her or some one Else so yt I hope he wil merit in time whatever the Trustees have or Shall bestow on him. 
 
 
Alured Popple155 to the Trustees, March 6, 1734/5, Whitehall, received March 6, 1734/5, C.O. 5/636, p. 174, concerning the security of Georgia and South Carolina. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
My Lords Commissrs for Trade & Plantations having under their Consideration a Repn from the Province of South Carolina; relating to the State of that Province, and to several matters that are wanting for the Preservation thereof, I am commanded to inclose to you the said Representation, and to desire you will please to let My Lords have your Opinion, in what manner the Security of that Province, may best be effected. 
 
[P.S.] You will be pleased to return the Original Paper inclosed. 
 
 
William Ewen156 to James Oglethorpe, March 7, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 222, 339, announcing his arrival and his happiness with Georgia. 
 
Sr 
 
We had an Extroardinary good Passage and Arrived at Savannah in the Prince of Wales Capn [George] Dunbar Decembr ye 28th, all in good health. The Country is much better than I Expected, Every thing being Agreeable but in peticular my master who is very kind to me. For recommending to So good a Gentleman I begg youll Accept of my Hearty thanks wch is all the Return I am capable of makeing you a Greatefull Sense there shall Allways be retained by me. 
 
Finding the Climate temperate the soyl fruitfull the good foundation the people have to build their future hopes upon Induces me to begg your Honrs would as Soone as may be Grant me a Lott in town which in return shall be Improved to the best Advantage. 
 
 
[Robert Parker] to James Oglethorpe, March 8, 1734/5, [Savannah ?], C.O. 5/637, p. 7, asking for saws for his mill and an office under the Trustees. 
 
Worthy Sr 
 
I have requested this may bee delivered when plese God you are safely landed in England. And now Sr if in the little time I had the Pleasure of being known to you I have merited any Favour then I beg youll be so Good to favour me in the following particulers. 
 
I have a large Family of Eleven Children. For their sakes with your Interest with the Honourable Trustees I hope youll procure and grant me a Patent for my Saw Mill for a Terms of Years as usuall. Itts easily distinguisht from any others erected in these parts boath in the Cost as well as in the Workmanship. 
 
You was like wise pleasd to promise me with the Concurrence of the Trust, upon easey Termes the Lott Marked K (in the great Book) purposing to build myselfe a House upon it. 
 
Before you informed me all places by yr Charter was in the Trusts creation I had wrote (as I belong to His Majesties Customs already) to Sr Robert Walpole for the Collectors Place wch in time as this Place flourishes may be Valuable. I hope by your good Offices I may be appointed in something of the same Nature with a Salerey from the Trustees, or an Agent for Supplying the Navy with Provissions &c should there be Fleete or Squadron of Men of War sent hither it would if obtained be a standing Pretey Salery Mr [George] Saxby was Instrumentall of getting Mr. Woodward appointed for that at Port Royale. 
 
If Twenty Gentlemen will venture  500 each or what more they Please I will myself spend a Season amongst the Choctaw Indians in setling a Trade amongse them and manage it to the best advantage, unless the Trust thinks fit to carey it on themselves and then would offer them my best service wch shall allways be with Fidelity & Application. 
 
I must beg of you Sr by the first Shiping hither or to Charles Towneto sende me a Dozen of Good Saws for my Mill. They must be stowte [stout] Thick and Good. If you please to give orders, one Mr White a Famouse Sawmaker lives in White Cross Street. If none to be had there must desire they may be sent for to Amsterdam where all the Norway Sawes are furnisht from, and if upon your Arrivall youll be further so Good to Wright two or 3 Lines to my Wife direkted to Mrs Eliz Parker157 in Lynn R Norfolk youll Comfort up the droopin Heart of a Virtuous Good Woman, and add a great deale of weight and Influence amongst our Townsmen to what I have Wrote and sturr them up to sende over severell Famileys to this Place. I have desired our Major Mr Sam Browne and Mr Edward Everard to address to you in London. I expect a Ship from them in October or November Next. With my Duty to Good Trustees pertcularly to those I know Mr [James] Vernon Mr [Robert] Hucks Sr William and Mr George Heathcoat I pray God Almighty to Bless & Prosper you. 
 
 
Joseph Fitzwalter to [James Oglethorpe and the Trustees], March 10, 1734/5, C.O. 5/636, pp. 219-221, concerning the removal of plants from Charles Town and his troubles with the Amatis brothers about the garden. 
 
Honnored Sr 
 
After my Most Humble Duty is presented To Your Honnor and the Rest of The Honnerable the Trustees my Masters, is to Acquaint Your Honner that I sent a Letter Dated the Beginning of January By Captin Yoakly who Sailed the 20th Instant of January to Acquaint Your Honnour of the present proceedings of the Garden, Like wise of my Journall By Captn Dunbar and of Mr [Paul] Amatis Behaviour. 
 
Since that Letter Amatis went to Charlestown in order to send up some Trees which Came the latter End of February himself wife and Brother [Nicholas] with a Generall Remove of plants. Mulberry Trees About Two Houndred, Large Oranges Trees fifty; Sedling Mulberies Ten Thousand, Vines Two Thousand, Twenty peach Trees, Twenty plumbs, Twenty Apples, Forty fig trees, which I have planted all to this Day Exceping the Oranges, and They will be planted in One Day. We have a fine Season att this Time and all that I have planted att This Time and Transplanted Breaketh forth finly. We have had very Severe Frosts in February but it hath not damaged nothing. 
 
Sunday the 2d of March About Four in The Afternoon we had an Alarm. Mr Causton was that Day gone to Thunderbolt and so to Skidaway to see that Settlement, I Sett out from town after five to Acquaint Mr Causton of it, whom I mett with About Midway from Thunderbolt Acquainted him of the Alarm. When we Came home the Town was very Still. Mr Causton went to Mr Recorders [Thomas Christy] to Know and to Consult the Safty of the province which was Done with a great Deal of Bravery. Them I leave to Acquaint The Honnerable Board of their proceedings. 
 
Monday in the Afternoon Two of the Servants of ye Trust where whiped at the Common whipping post for being Terdy of Severall Crimes (those Two were Under Mr [John] Vanderplanks care). Mr Amatiss seing them whiped through himself into a passion saying it was not in any ones power to do Any thing to Them, and said further he would go for England Directly and if any person had Any Greiveance to Come to him, and he would Redress them. Which words was very wrong Spoke at any Time, Especially at a Time were we Expected those Servants to Rise with Others to head them and Two Cutt us off. 
 
Mr Causton Mr [Henry] parker and Recorder sent to me in The Gardens to send Francis Henly upponeof the Trusts Servants to Examine him upon Information of Mr [Roger] Lacy of Thunderbolt of his Servants being in Conspiracy with ye Rest. Mr Amatis happend to be in the Garden then, and seing the fellow was agoing to Mr Causton; Asked me for what. I told him, he Damned Mr Causton and Me in a Violent Manner and Further sd Mr Causton had no Business to Examine them upon no Account whatsoever nor I had no Bussiness in the Garden nor with any of the Servants, and That if I Came any more after that Time he would Shoot me. However I went as usually Early to place my Men to their Business, and about Nine in the Morn Amatis and his Brother Came with a Gun. They did not Shoot but Thretned me very much, but I was not to be frietned. I have Since asked Mr Amatis his Resolution, and still he persists that I have no Bussiness at all in the Gardens, though placed into it by your Honous and the Honnerable the Trust. This Day being the 10th Instant and a Grand Jury Called and Sitting for the Safety of ye province, I have Taken Care to Bind Amatiss over to the peace, and I Assure Your Honnour and the Rest of the Trust that I will at al times do to the Utmost of my Power, for the peace and Safety of the Colony. I have the Happiness to say to your Honnours, That I am Confident The Magistracy of the Colony Knoweth me to be Zealous to The same. 
 
The Sphere your Honnour placed me in I have Actted Faithfully. 
 
The Sallery though fixed and Agreed by your Honnour, I have had no Order for payment, though Mr Cautson is my very good friend. 
 
And Now should be glad your Honnour and the Rest of the Honnerable the Trust would be pleased to see me placed (or Order,) that Amatiss his Bussiness Being Quite Different, eithr from Nussarys, to Kitchen Garding, and to Botany, that what ever I do; in his petts he Destroys. 
 
I hope your Honnour and the Rest of Honnerable Trust will see me writed. It is the first Time as I have Troubled you and am Sorry it should happen But Necessity Obligeth me to Appeal to your Honnours. 
 
 
Joseph Watson to Peter Gordon in Charles Town, March 10, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 25-26, Egmont 14200, pp. 467-469, complaining of his treatment by Thomas Causton and asking Gordon to place his situation before the Trustees. 
 
Sr 
 
Before i reed your favour of ye 28 Ult i had resolved on apleying to You, and had drawn a fowle draugh of a letter readey to transcribe, wherein i begd Your directing Mr [James] Abercomby the Kings Soil Genl158 or Mr Whitacer [Benjamin Whitaker] to plead my cause in Case Mr Caustons Mallice brings any fresh trouble on Me, believing hes purposed to destroy Me. My aprehensions are justleyinlarged since Your departure, for on freyday Last Mr [John] Vanderplank with a Guard served two Warrants on Me Seasing all my papers &c. The Coppies of them i have often sent to Mr Vanderplanck for the Coppies of the Warrants but canot gett them nor doe i know there contents. I thinek sedition is Exprest in one of them. After serching they naild up my fore dore & Window and Keeps a Sentinall att my back dore with orders to Sufer noe person to come near nor speak to Me att aney distance unles he hears our discourse; or [nor] may i Evse [use] pen inck or paper; onley my Sert Maid is parmited to goe out & in. I have sent my Case to My Wife with orders to lay itt before ye Honr Trustees, itt being unavoidably verey Long, i have not an opertunity to send you a coppey of itt and writing but indifrantley [indifferently] my Selfe i employed Mr [Will] Watkins a Surgion to Write itt, who being taken notice by Mr Caus-on Speys [spies] for coming to Me was lickwise taken into Custadey from my Hous. They took from Me My copey to you, of My letter from Mr [Henry ?] Parker, ye Copey of 2 Letters gone to ye Trustees one informing the Trust that rum, during the time of pretending to Stave all that could be found, was comonley Sold in there Honrs Store by Gold & Company & ye other reflecting on the Ill payments of ye Store debts, which is all they found (thoe they Sercht sundrey Houses & persons after a verey undesent [indecent] Manner) Exept a petition & duplicate to ye Bayliefs of Savannah & Recorder, that Mr Causton would Preform his promises the Last Court day to deliver up what Affedafits he had recd against some Oficers of the Town from whome the life of himselfe & all his fameley was in danger, which Mr Watkins was wrighting when Mr Vanderplanck Entred my Apartment as they all doe acknowledg. I realey expect Mr Causton will putt me out of this World by fowle practice & have therefore enjoynd Mr Watkins if please God i dye during these Comotions to Evse [use] diligent Wais [ways] of discovring the Cause of my death as he shall judg needful. Mr Watkins complayns of recieving soe maney injoreys and abuses that itt is with ye Greatest difucaltey he would compley to asist me in giving you this Acct, which undone i must languish in this almost darck Jayl an perrish without reliefe or the World know aney part of my Storey. I beg You as You tender the life of an inosent injured Mann doe what on You leys to prevent my sufrings before Your return. Ease some of my griefs and lett me have the Laws of my Nation to Condem or aquitt Me. I desier Noe favour but an Empartiall Treyall and Somebodey Skild in ye Law to Plead my Cause That i may not be quibled out of my fortune nore life by a cast of White Chaple Sollr. I return you thancks for Your kind letter to Me and Wish You may return saft and quick to See this people pesable [peaceable] and prosperous rescued from the unlimeted Teyraney they now Groan under. 
 
 
John West159 to Peter Gordon in Charles Town, March 10, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, p. 29, Egmont 14200, pp. 463-464, concerning the troubles in the colony and his desire to go to England to get some servants. 
 
Sr 
 
I ham informed that you are gooing for England vearey soone which give me & my wife a greatt Deale of Consarne that we must loose your good Componey soo soone & to thenck we must Still reemain under our oul [old] govorment. I feare that ye inhabeytence [inhabitants] will rais & Deestroye one another. Heare has been a blodey Deesine senc you have beene gonn found outt which I Doutt nott butt by this time you have hard the Storey. I beg of you if you Doo goo for England that you wood be soo good as to intreete ye Trosttees in my behalf to give me Lebortey for Coming for England nex Spreng or as Soon as oporteunaty shall pormett me after that time, for I wood nott Doo aney theng that should be Contrary to thayor [their] will if I knew itt. I beg you well give my Dutey to Sqr Ogellthorp & ye Refrnt [Revd.] Mr [Samuel] Smith & all ye rest of ye Honrable Trosttees & I harttly thanck them for all ye favers that I have Recved from them. And I beg you will be pleas to tell them that I shall nott thenck noo paines nor no Cost to much that is in my powor to Doo for ye Creaditt & good & pease of ye Colloney which I have heathertoo indavered to keep & maintain. One of my reasons is that I want too Com for England for is to gett me sum Savents of my own Contorey. I want also to settell maney afayors with my realeasions in bristoll. I feare that you pott [put] Confeydenc in one man heare that will nott prouve as faithfull as you may Expeckt. He Came to me to give him ye best informasion I Could of ye grevonc [grievance ?] of ye pepell which I Deed, butt after he tould me that he should nott send itt & seem to spack slitting [slighting] of you, & thare is noobody soo gratt as mr Costin & him. I should bee glad to heare from you beefore you goo & if posobell to send sum Leattors by you for England. Pray give my Love & Sarves [Service] to your Spous & my wifes all soo to you both. 
 
 
Thomas Causton to the Trustees, March 10, 1734/5, Savannah, received April 25, 1735, C.O. 5/636, pp. 263-265, Egmont 14200, Pp. 455-461, concerning the affairs of William Sale, deceased, the red string plot, and the affairs of the Robert Parkers.160 
 
May it please yor Honours. 
 
In my Last of January the 16th I proposed to Complete many other Occurrences by Capt [George] Dunbar, and particularly Omitted (for want of time) an Acct of what had passed on Mr [William] Sales Death, But there being an Accident Intervened; I thought it necessary (witht Delay) to lay before Yor Honours the followg acct of the State of that Family. As also of an Intended Contrivance to Destroy this Colony. 
 
Upon the Death of Mr Sale, His Widow resolved to go to England & disposed of his Effects; Mr [John] West bought some Furniture & the 4 Servants; She employed him to Sell the Grant of Land to Mr [Patrick or James] Houston one of the Scots Gentlemen. Colll [William] Bull being then here, Mr Houston advised with him and me about it. I lookt on the Grant, and told them That tho the Trustees had Covenanted to grant to the Widow in that manner, she could make no Conveyance without their Lycence; and as Mr Houston had already a Grant of Lands, It would be for the Interest of both Partys to joyn in a proper Application to them; Both Mr West and Houston agreed to this. And also (upon Condition of yr Honours Approbation) for  12 Sterling as Purchase money. But this Agreement was soon set aside; for it seems, Mrs Sale did not intend to part with her Grant; and her Orders to Mr West was only in Relation to the Town Lott. This Misunderstanding brought her to me. 
 
She Complained of being in Danger of loosing her Grant; That she was afraid West was not able to pay her for the 4 Servants, And that she had good Assurances of making  100 Sterling of her Grant in England. I talkt to West on this Matter, and told him that I supposed he had bought those Servants with intent only to Serve Mrs Sale, because in my Judgment, they could not be much Serviceable to him. That as she had hopes of making a good Advantage of her Grant in England by offering it to the Trustees, It would be much to her Disadvantage to part with them because, In them, lay the most imediate Value of the Grant; And it would be a great Service to her, if he would give up that Bargain. Especially considering that the Servants (tho of an Orderly Disposition) were much against being sold. To this he very readily and thankfully agreed; And I promised Mrs Sale, That if she went for England, I would take Care of them for her, and employ them, in the Trustees Service, and wait Such Orders as she should make. She also Complained, that her husband had laid out a great deal of money in working Tools and Goods which she could not Sell; and laid claim (That as Mr Oglethorp had promised the Store should take in the Negro Cloth), The Tools might be taken also. In which Case I considered, That as She was going to England & leave this place, It would not be Disagreable to yor Honours, If I endeavoured to make every thing as agreable to her as I could. And therefore, took all she had left into the Store, and paid her for them, As yor Honours will more particularly see by the Acct Inclosed. 
 
She Soon after changed her mind, with respect to her going to England, and married Robert Parker Junr who upon that Marriage gave up his Commission and preferred Idleness and Luxury above the Service of his Country. 
 
I proposed to him, That as his Servants would now become Serviceable to him, and that his Ploughs and Cart Geer and other things (which Yor Honours will observe to be deducted out of the Account, whereof we have great plenty in the Store Already, without any imediate Prospect of being used) would be usefull to him in a proper time; Or at least he might dispose of them to a much better advantage. He thankt me for this advise, and offered his Harnesss and Ploughs to Mr Houston, but they not agreeing, he resolved to send them altogether to Charles Town. And I got them ready, to deliver to the Boatman. But I insisted, (that as I had acted in all that Affair on my own Opinion; And more particularly, being a ballance due, in favour of the Store,) That the Boatman should either return me the Goods again, or pay the ballance out of what he should Sell the Goods for. But this made him very Anry, and spoke many unbecoming things. 
 
As my whole Behaviour in this, was in the first place to Serve the Widow in the best manner I could, and after the Marriage to do what has been necessary from time to time, by Supplying them with every thing, that with any Colour of Reason they have askt, I was not a little Surprized to have the enclosed161 come to my hands, a Duplicate of which, (if Mr Parker says truth) is transmitted to Yor Honours. 
 
But if on the other hand, he has only wrote it, in an Angry Mood, and upon after thought, has not realy sent it, I thought I could not take a better Opertunity, to lay before Your Honours the Opinion of this young Spark with such Answers to it as I am ready to justifye by written and living witnesses. 
 
Twas the Discovery of a Dangerous Design That brought this to me. I had reced Information That [Joseph] Watson and this Parker had sent for [John] Musgrave and had perswaded him to be jealous and bear an ill mind to me; That he had reported many Notorious and Villanious things which yor Honours will See by Musgroves and [Ri ?] Cannons Affidavitts. That Severall of the Transport Servants had Stolen and hid Severall Loaded Guns & Amunition in the Woods & were found; That when I was gone to Skidoway on Sunday the 2d Instant, [John] Vanderplank having reced Information that a Design was laid for Destroying the Town, and that those who wore a Red String on their Wrist were concerned in it; And that Musgrove was to head some Indians to joyn the white men. He Rung the Alarm Bell and Aprehended One John Cox a Taylor from Carolina, Piercy Hill, and Edward Cruise, Vanderplanks Transport Servant who had all of them Red Strings on their Wrist as a Token of the Design agreable to the Information. 
 
As I was coming home Mr [Joseph] Fitzwater coming to meet me, told me what had happened, & I beleive, if they had not been so hasty in ringing the Alarm more discovery might have been made, Besides with Submission to Yor Honours Comands when ever you shall please to declare in that matter. No Alarm is to be given to the people, (in the day time) without a warrant from the Magistrates then at hand in the Town. 
 
When I had considered of the whole Conspiracy, I was of the Opinion That very Probably some Villainous fellows might be employed to do Mischief and when done, lay it on Musgrove and his Indians. 
 
On Monday March the 3d (which Your Honours will observe is the date of Parkers Letter), he came to me about an Administration to Mr Sale and I took that Oppertunity (Mr Henry Parker162 being present) to Reprove him for joyning with Watson in the storeys told to Musgrove; That it was very Ungenerous, when I had done so many things in favour of him & Family and perhaps had exceeded my Orders; And further believed it would be ill taken by Your Honours, because as Mr Oglethorp had favoured him with a Commission, they no Doubt expected, he should render them in a particular manner a Due observance of such Regulations, they think fitt to make in the Province, And to shew a Proper Respect to those they think fitt to Entrust. He owned he had been with Watson on Such an Occasion, And that he thought Watson was very unjustly dealt by. 
 
On the Discovery of this Conspiracy it was agreed by all the Magistrates here, That Warrants should be Issued to Search [Joseph] Watson, [Robert] Parker, [Joseph] Coates, [Will] Watkins, Peiba and King Clark163 (These Six being dayly in Consultation frequently guilty of ill Language, and were Seldom Seperate) with endeavour to find out further Lights into the Design. But it was too Late, for Watson had not a paper of any Sort about him, except one Letter which he said was to Mr [Peter] Gordon, by which you will see the Encouragement he has lately taken and how ready he is to Embroil the Opinions of Unguarded people, And more particularly That he supposes himself to be tryed for his Life before he is Charged with any other Crime, than Creating a jelousy in Musgrove. But that and what he told Cannon was much alike; for Musgrove does not believe him. At Parkers, the two Letters were found, as are mentioned in Joness Affidavit. At Watkins, Coats, Peiba & King Clark nothing was found. 
 
Now as to that part of Mr Parkers Letter, which Setts forth his Damage so farr as the same concerns me, I beg leave to say, if it be Compared with the Account now Enclosed, and what is before mentioned, Yor Honours will easily see he has been no Sufferer on my Account. As to that part, which concerns the Surveyor, I do assure you, tis groundless; That he has not made any use of his own Originall Town Lott which he well knows; Neither has he medled with Mr Sales five Acre Lott (tho begun in Sales life time). Neither has he been in any Setled mind concerning his Land by his Wifes Grant; Sometimes agreeing (to Orders) for the Land near Thunderbolt according to the Priority of Landing & Grants; At other times absolutely refusing all Lands except at Skidoway; And since that resolved to have it, where his Father has thought fitt to Erect a Mill and no where else. Tis true, he did tell me One day, That he had taken possession of Land which he liked and would keep it and tho I did not much heed it I thought it necessary to accompany Mr [George] Dunbar to see his Fathers Mill because of many reports that had been raised about it. 
 
We went as Visitors and Mr [Noble] Jones with us. We saw the Mill and am Convinct that the Shortest way to make it answer a proper end, is to pull it down and new build from the bottom in another manner. We saw it work, and it Sawed half a foot in half an hour. I have desired Mr Jones to give your Honours his Opinion in this Matter, As also the uses which that Stream might be Capable of with respect to Mills (in Case) your Honours should be inclinable to Indulge Mr Parker or any one else in Such Schemes. 
 
The River is from the Opening into Savannah near Abercorn Upwards of 30 Miles to another Opening into Savannah within 3 Miles of the River leading to Ebenezer and is a much better & easier water Passage to Ebenezer than going up the Savannah where the Current is very Strong. On the Side of the Main are many Bluffs of very good Land. 
 
When we were there, the Young Gentleman shewed us his Hut which he was building; I made no answer to that; But Mr Jones I believe did tell him That if he thought he did not intend to get Lycence, he would pull it down. At which he was displeased, & said he would go to England. I advised him not to be Angry, for if Mr Jones pulled it now down, he did but his Duty; And I thought, that to take things by force was the wrong way to obtain a Lycense. There was nothing else materiall passed; but that the Father and we were very friendly, he askt somethings of the Store which I agreed to. He sent for them the next day with a very obliging Letter, and I sent them (vizt) the [blank] day of [blank] as per his Acct. 
 
As to the other Reflections levelled at me, I answer, If I had at any time refused a reasonable request he might think me Narrow &c. But the Truth is He has been idle enough to stay at home and Sell their Cloaths and Eat and drink till they are so much in Debt, that they cant tell what to do. 
 
As to goods sold in the Store, every thing on Yor Honours Account, is allways sold at Prime Cost with abt 10 per Cent for Charge of Landing porterage and Waist as well as will appear by the Store Accounts now entered and attested by the Magistrates agreable to your Honours Order. 
 
As to Rum. There has not been one drop in the Store since Mr Oglethorps going hence. And I have desired Mr Henry Parker and Mr [Thomas] Christie to Examine Robt Parker about it. 
 
What I have already said, and what the enclosed Affidavitts Contain is the best Account I can at present give; But as many other things are likely to be known in a Short time, I shall beg leave to Referr to my next, And only tell you that Peircy Hill was Indicted by a Grand jury & found Guilty of High Misdemeanors and Misprision of Treason, and the Grand jury have made the Enclosed presentments. 
 
I cant forbear saying twas very Satisfactory to me, That the Grand jury which is Composed of the Peace Officers and Gentlemen So readily and of their own mere Motion, and thought, presented Robt Parker for publishing false Storeys, In that the Publick Store Creditt was at a Stand, and questioned by every body. 
 
We shall not proceed against Watson nor Parker till your Honours Orders arrive both with respect to Watson in my last Letter, and both of them in this. 
 
We shall punish the three People under Prosecution with Whiping fine or Imprisonment, And Shew as much favour as we Can to Hill. We are very quiet, and make no doubt, have disapointed our Enemys designs. 
 
Your Honours, will observe (no doubt) that Watson in his Letter to Mr Gordon mentions a Sending of [Francis] Mugridg to Gaol by the Courts Comittment. The Case was thus Houston had brought an Action agt Mugridg some time since, Mugridg had kept out of the way till Houston was gone to Charles Town Mugridg then Comes and Claimed a Nonsuit, wch I granted. When Houston came again he renewed his Action and Mugridg had not appeared to it. At this Court he was a Tything man in waiting; And I sent for him and ordered him to Appear the next day; He told the Court That he would not appear at all; And that as he had obtained a Nonsuit it should be tryed elswhere. He persisted in Contempt of the Court, and I Comitted him. In One hours time, Bail was offered, and he was discharged. Tis true That Mugridg did some Silly things, too bad to be born with; But I never was nor shall be afraid to do my Duty; And when I embrace the first Tokens of Submission I think, I do my Duty best. I allways know I have Yor Honours Rules to observe, and no one else; And in all my Actions shall Endeavour to manifest my Gratitude so long as I have Life. 
 
P. S. A Complaint haveing been made about Selling Rum I took the enclosed Examination which I suppose Mr Christie will answer. 
 
 
Robert Parker to [?], March 12, 1734/5, Mill Bluff near Savannah, C.O. 5/636, p. 227, concerning his garden and the lack of help for it. 
 
Worthy Sr 
 
I am in a Cuntry capable of Raising up Sundry Plants and perhaps procuring in a little time Sundry Roots Barkes &c that may be benificiall to Mankinde, agreable to the Laudable undertaking you have the just Honour to preside over. 
 
I have seene a Good deale of the Worlde and must claime a little knowledge in most Sciences, and as I have leisure time now on my Hands and Conveniency, wch in England I was debared from by a Multiplicity of Business and the thickness of the Towne I lived in. But hear I have undertaken to plant a Garden the Plan of wch I sende for yr Inspection. It must be verey Erronious for Want of boath Books Instruments & Tooles but the Pleasure I take in it will soone make me overcome the difficulteys. Esspessially could I be furnished from your Coledge Garden with proper helps, I might then make such a proficiency that in few years might make returnes to you of Exotticks to your satisfaction. The Ground I have taken [torn] Pressent is small, when that is compleat, may be enlarged at Pl [torn]. I have Erekted a Saw Mill just by it, that with a Pumpe and a Few Trees, at a little Expence, can bring the Water into any Part of it. The Soile is good and Will Produce almost anything tho our Winters hear in the Lattitude of 32d 10 are very Cold. For most part of January and Feb wee had Frosty Nights, Ice about the thickness of a Crowne most mornings tho the Day very Cleare & Sereane. It was Coole but the finest Wether for 6 last months I yet was ever in, free from the Noctious Insects that sufficiently plague us in the Summer, as Musketoes, or in English Fen Knatts, and a small Fly almost imperceptable called mercy Wings, the Bite of wch in proportion to the Bulke containes as much Poison as the Ratle Snake, wch we have enough off. But I need not mention them to you, all the Itallions Swiss Germans & French boath at Purisburgh and Savanah agrees this Cuntry will produce good Wines of wch there is a great many both Sown & Planted Europians as well as Natives of this Cuntry. Olives Pomgranetts Oranges Figgs Mulbereys &c no doubt will in time come to great Perfection. I have a Vast deale of Wilde Coffee some of the Berrys I gathered about October last large and Good, wch I comparied with Raw Coffee I had by me, it was full as plump & Fine. I have taken severall Trees or plants into my Garden and shall [torn] upon more as these proves. I hope in time and according to the proper Incouredgement afforded me to furnish my Selfe with a great many Excellent & Useful things and make my little Spot boath Pleasant & Beautifull. But for the Helps I have had (an Indian might a Dun as much,) I can Obtaine nothing from the Trust Garden at Savanah, not so much as a Seede or plant, tho by my Selfe and Friends have Wrote to France Lisbon Oporto Genoa Venice Barbara Guinea and Medara as shall do to our West Indeys for what ever may be had from thence. The Freedom I take as a Stranger you must blame your Universall Good Carektor for upon that Footing. 
 
 
Raymond Coutarel to the Rev. Clarice de Floirant, Minister at the Greek Church, London, March 14, 1734/5, Geneva, C.O. 5/636, pp. 44-45, concerning his desire to settle in North Carolina. Translated from the original French. 
 
Sir: 
 
Having learnt that you are at London I have taken the liberty to write you. I beg you not to take in bad part my boldness, though I am only a poor artisan of Horteux, near Quissac, and son of Raymond Coutarel. I have lived these 23 years at Geneva. I happened to hear speak of North Carolina, and several of my friends have begged me to obtain more exact information concerning it. Thinking the matter over, I took finally the determination to appeal to your charity. I trust, Sir, you will furnish us with the information and make known to us the conditions laid down by the King for those who take such a step. We are numerous and are supporting families; we are, in fact, refugees from Languedoc164 and honest folk; and we dare to hope that, if it be possible, our passage may be provided for us free. That would realize easily the desire we have to live under the laws of the King of England. 
 
We are all professional men, smiths, masons, Cartwrights, carpenters, shoemakers or tailors. We entreat you to use your clemency towards us poor refugees; we trust to receive this favor at your hands Sir, and God will bless you in heaven. We implore you, for Gods sake, to enlighten us and, by your efforts, to secure us free passage. We would pray in addition for the tools necessary that each may work his trade, and also for needed moneyfor, Sir, we are not rich men. We will go to London according to the directions of the letter you will have the kindness to send us; and we will follow in everything the line you mark out for us. I left Germany with Mr Rieussat, who has since gone to North Carolina. He used to live in London. I am by trade a locksmith. I ask you, Sir, to favor me as soon as possible with a letter. My address is 
 
RAYMOND COUTAREL, 
 
Master Locksmith. 
 
Street of the Wooden Tower, Geneva. 
 
May Christ reward you! 
 
P.S. I have with myself three children and my wife. My means do not allow me to undertake this great expense. 
 
P.P.S. Here in Geneva people speak of this enterprise very obscurely and by suggestion. We rely upon you, Sir, we throw ourselves on your kindness. We will act strictly according to your counsel. We are ready to go or stay. In fine, we trust wholly that you will guide us. If we are to leave, will you kindly delegate us to those persons who have begged to come with us. They are from Sauve, from Quissac, and environs. They hope to hear from you. 
 
 
Andrew Grant, Hugh Sterling, Patrick Tailfer, and Patrick Houstoun to the Trustees, March 15, 1734/5, Savannah, received June 18, 1735, C.O. 5/636, p. 228, Egmont 14200, pp. 475-476, concerning their need for supplies and the inconvenience of being settled so far from Savannah. 
 
Honoured Sirs 
 
We beg leave to lay the following particulars before you. When we obtaind grants from you for Land in the province of Georgia, we never in the least doubted but we should have the same privileges & encouragement that other people had. We expected as soon as we arrived here, to have received provisions for our Servants for Twelve months, Tools for Building & Clearing the Land, Nails for our Houses & other necessary Iron-work, Arms & Ammunition &c., but contrary to our expectation we were refused every thing. We hope you will consider that with a view of having those things, we laid out our Money, in purchasing what necessary Goods we should want here, in procuring our Servants, paying for their Freight & our own, (which amounted to a good deal of Money, for we were obliged to Freight a whole Ship) & that we put the honourable the Trustees to no Expence in sending us here. 
 
The Land alotted us is very remote from this place, being at least Seventy miles Distance,165 which obliged part of us to settle in this Town, in order to supply the others who have settled upon their Land with provisions & other necessaries from time to time, as well as upon the Account of our own Business. It was impossible for us, as we laboured under such Difficulties, to do what we otherwise should have done, but however those that are settled in the Country, have made at least as great improvements as any before them, especially considering the time of their settlement. They have cleared a considerable Tract of Land, Built their Houses & likewise a very strong Fort, which may be of great advantage to this place as well as to themselves; but it is of no use without Arms & Ammunition, they having only two Swivel Guns & ten Muskets, which they received from Mr Causton to be paid for out of our Goods. For being Strangers in this Country & not knowing where to purchase provisions & several other Necessaries, we were obliged to apply to the Store, but could not get any thing from thence, till we lodged the chief part of our Goods there. 
 
We hope your Honours will take those things into consideration & grant us the same advantages as others. We likewise hope youll allow us the remaining part of our Land, next to the town of any not yet taken up. 
 
P.S. We had almost forgot to mention one thing, which is likewise a great incumbrance upon those who are settled at Okeechy, that the Indians in passing backwards & forwards commonly demand provisions, & frequently stay there Eight or Ten Days, & being always allowed them at Thunderbolt & Fort-Argyle, they imagine it to be ye same here & would take it very ill if they were refused. 
 
 
Patrick Tailfer to the Trustees, March 15, 1734/5, Savannah, received June 18, 1735, C.O. 5/636, p. 230, Egmont 14200, p. 471, concerning his loss of servants and desire for land closer to Savannah. 
 
Honoured Sirs 
 
Having obtaind a Grant from you for Five Hundred Acres of Land in the province of Georgia, I came here chiefly with a Design to settle upon it, but having had the misfortune of Losing Nine of my Servants a few Days before we embrakd, & four more at Portsmouth, (where we were obliged to lay our Ship aground in order to refit her, being pretty much Damaged by an unlucky Accident which happened there) I am rendered incapable to pursue that Design untill I get more Servants over, having only three Men a Boy & Woman Servant left. Upon which account I have rented a House in this Town & Practice my Business here as Physician & Surgeon. However I should have employed my Servants in Clearing & Cultivating my Land, if I could have got it at any reasonable Distance from this Town, but the Land assigned us Lying on the South side of Okeechy River, Thirty Miles from the Mouth of the River & about Seventy from this place, being so remote, it would have been needless for me to endeavour to do any thing to the purpose with three Men. Indeed some of our Company who had a Sufficient number of Servants, have settled there & made great improvements considering the time, having Built a very strong Fort as well as cleared a considerable space of Land. 
 
As I am now in a manner settled in this Town, (which I would fain flatter myself may be of some advantage to the place, there being no other here regularly bred either to Physic or Chirurgery). I beg you would be so good as to allow me my Land as near the Town as possible in any Vacant place, for I expect more Servants over very soon, which will enable me to settle & Clear it. I likewise beg you would Grant me a Lease of one of your own Lots, upon the same Conditions as you do to others, & if you think proper to do it, I shall Build a good House upon it & make what other Improvements are necessary. 
 
 
Robert Parker to Lord Tyrconnel, March 16, 1734/5, Mill Bluff in Georgia, C.O. 5/636, p. 233, concerning defense of his area. 
 
May it Please Your Lordship 
 
The Bees from England takes a Flight to these remote Parts of the Worlde and in the exstemetays are Purisburgh a Sister Collony to Savanah and this Place of any Habitation, onely (as we conjecture by hearing yr Small Armes) onely 3 Miles upon a direkt line distance tho 3 or 4 Hours by Water. I have left a rewarde of a Guinea at Purisburgh for any to come over and marke out a Path tho What Works three deepe Swampes. For the sake of the moneys the Industruous People there will in a little time finde me it out. It will be a great security in case of a sudden attacque. They have promised at any time Upon a Signall to assist me with 40 or 50 people, tho upon a Strong allarum we have herd from Savanah firing yr Signall of disstress or raising the Setlements. I sent down for a Few Musketts Bayonetts &c to make a little defence. I can obtain nothing from thence not so much as a few Seeds for my Garden. But to return to my Bee No 54. Voll 5 Page 73 London 8th March that the sum  246. 13.0 was Collected by the Right Hono Lord Viscount Tyrconell at St Georges Hanover Square for the New Collony of Georgia the Sermon Preach by the Revd Dr Rendell [Thomas Rundle], and the Revd Dr Hale [Stephen Hales] Author of two Volumes of Vegetable Staticks is appointed to preach before the Society at St Brides Church. 
 
And now my Good Lord as I have hitherto made no appoligey tho a Stranger and never heard of by Your Lordship, or forgott, (I had yet the Honour once when at Grantham to be invited over to Dine with Your Lordship) but being an Itinerant I could not possibly do my selfe that Honour, But I am imboldned to do what I do, finding Your Lordship so deepely engaged in the fine Worke of God and the good of Mankinde. Imperfections in any my manner of Exspressions is evident to every one but one of Your Lordships Carchter [character] will over looke all little Blemishes of Nature where the intention is to things of a finer kinde. I had the Honour of being in a particular maner recomended by my Great Patron the Right Hone Sr Rob Walpole tho I have yet founde but little regarde payd to it. I would not trouble him but if Your Lordship will please to recommende the Inclosd to Sr Hans Slone and the Worthy Dr Halle youll Oblidge in a particuler Maner. 
 
 
Edward Massey166 to James Oglethorpe, March 18, 1734/5, [South Carolina?], C.O. 5/636, p. 237, concerning his health. 
 
Sr 
 
With Pleasure I embrace ye Opportunity to Mr Gordons Return to England to renew my very thankfull Acknowledgmets for the obliging Favours You have Hond me with. 
 
My Health continues in a bad and fluctuating State, having now & then some respite from Pain, but of no long Duration. I intended to have visited Georgia ye beginning of this Month but was prevented by a violent Cholick with Convulsions, wch confind me to my Room all ye Time I was at Fort Frederick, & obligd me to return hither as soon as I found a little Ease. 
 
I wait ye happy hour of His Majestys Licence of Absence coming to Hand, & with a Thousand Vows for Your Health & Prosperity, remain with the most perfect Attachment. 
 
 
Edward Jenkins and John Dearne, trustees for orphans in Georgia, to Thomas Siddons (Walker Court in Knaves Archer [London?]), March 18, 1734/5, [Savannah], C.O. 5/637, p. 34, concerning the death of Henry Clark167 and his wife. 
 
Sr 
 
Your Brother Henery Clark & wife is dead, there is but one Girl living which is ye Eldest. We Latley receved a Parcel of Goods amounting as appears by your invoice 3.19.4. To be satisfied of your kinswomans affects Go to Trustees office for Establishing ye Collony of Georgia, where you may be satisfied. 
 
 
George Symes to James Oglethorpe, March 19, 1734/5, Georgia, received June 18, 1735, C.O. 5/636, p. 234, concerning his expenses and inability to collect for the medicines he dispenses. 
 
Honoured Sr 
 
I humbly aske yor pardon and thought it my duty to lett you know how I have been served by Mr [John] Coats and Elisha Foster, who have had of me five pounds Sterling and they demand of me foure pounds 9s more for ye building of my house. Now if I must paye all this money, tis very hard that soe many Medicines of my own I brought out of England which ye people have had of me att least fiveteene pounds Sterling. Ye time I have been here I hope your honor will be soe kinde to stand my Friende in this hardship which I Lye under. I pray your Honours pardon and Trust and I hope all will doe well. Ye place is very healthy. I Remaine your most obedient and dutyful Servant and my duty to all the most honourable Trust. 
 
 
Thomas Christie to the Trustees, March 19, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 235-236, Egmont 14200, pp. 479-482, detailing the Red String Plot. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
I think it Indispensible my Duty to Inform you That Whilst I was at my own House a Sunday Evening the 2d of March Inst To my great Surprize I heard the Alarm Bell (Mr Causton being then at Thunderbolt). I Imediately Armd my Self and made to the Guard house where I found Mr [John] Vanderplank who said he had Discovered a Plot to Surprise the Town & kill the People and he believed [John] Musgrove and the Indians were concerned in it. Without Speaking any thing more he took a Party of men and went down with them to Musgroves house, It seems Since to Learn of them whether anything was in it but they were all out of Town. 
 
He Left Mr [James] Carwell at the Guard house who at my Request Marshalld the Freeholders as fast as they came & drew them up regularly so that in a Quarter of an Hours time there was near 50 Men in Arms. In the mean time I used all the Diligence I could to Learn out how this Plot was to be Executed and by whom and upon Enquiry found Elizabeth Gray knew something of it. I thereupon took her to my house & began an Examination before Sevll of the best people in Town. Found by her Examination that a Red String was to be a Sign or Token & immediately sent out persons to make a Discovery of any that wore it but found none but the Prisoners hereafter named. I dispatched Mr [Joseph] Fitzwalter to desire Mr Causton home and another person to Mr [Henry] Parker who was likewise out of Town. Mr Vanderplank soon returnd from Mr Musgrove finding no body at Home and upon hearing Mrs Gray Examind read in my house seemd very angry with the Exr, went out in an abrupt manner and cryd out in the Street he found what the Plot was we were goeing to hang his man. I was goeing on with further Examinations but Night coming on & being Informd of Mr Caustons coming home, staid to advise wth him in this uncertain posture of things. We went to Mr Vanderplank Requested that two Compleat Tythings of Able men might be upon Guard that Night, That three or four of the Cannon might be Imediately Charged & drawn out to Flank the Strand on each side & things put into a posture of Defence, Especially a good Guard about our Magazine. 
 
It is with a great deal of Pleasure I can tell Your Honours what a vast Number of Freeholders appeared in the Deffence of the Place And with what Spirit and Alertness they were ready to Execut any Orders that Should have Appeared Necessary. 
 
My Selfe with a great Number of Gentlemen and the better Sort of People being Compleatly Armd Formd a Resolution to Patrole the Town all that Night as Vollunteers. Mr Causton soon came home and Joynd us. 
 
We were Considerably Employed to See if all the Servants were at home & a Bed & if not sent them to the Guard house. Especially the Irish Transports who if any Mischief had been on Foot we had no great Oppinion of Especially Since Mr [Roger ?] Lacy (tho very dark) had made his way through the Wood to us that Night in pursuit of two of his Servants who were that Evening run away. [A] Maid Servant of his who had Discovered it and who was of design to go away with them having been found with a Red String on her Arm the Mark or Sign mentioned in those Affidavits sent to Your Honnours Inclosed in Mr Caustons Letter to which I crave Leave to Reffer. 
 
All was very quiet that Night & the next morning We Sate and made further Enquiry took further Affidavits & Continued The Necessary Orders. 
 
It was upon Information of James Mcdonnald and the Affidavits of [Ri] Cannon & Musgrove wch you had Inclosed in Mr Caustons together with our own Knowledge of Severll discontented Persons that had Continually resorted to [Joseph] Watsons that we Judged it for the Safety of the Province to make out a Warrant to Search for Papers there but it Seems by some unacountable means we found afterwards by Mr [David ?] Douglas his Neighbour who has nothing but a thin deal Partition between him & Watsons that our Resolution was carried to him before the Constable came there and no doubt of it but all the others. I can only Say if Mr Vanderplank had comunicated his cause of Alarm to me I Should have Advised him to have made a proper Search and taken measures for Discovery before the Alarm Bell had been rung and according to the best of my Judgement The Plot if ever it was Formd Seems to have had Birth either at Watsons or [Francis] Mugridges house where Generally a parcell of People in bad Circumstances resort. A Little time will discover more of wch Your Honnr Shall have Notice. Tomichichi and his People Appears no ways concernd in it and Seemd very Surprised at the Alarm Guns, Testified their Fidellity and was Concernd they had been named in it. Mr Musgrove as well as they desired we would Assure your Honnours of their Fidellity but it is certain That Some of the Indians Especially one Salotte and Some others wch are not of the Savannah Indians but a Sort of Strollers Seems to Envy him very much. Its well if they have no dessign on his Life; they say he has Sold them to the English for the presents he has received and what he tells them of the Grandeur & People of our Nation is a Lye to keep them in Awe, and indeed I must Say I could wish Tomichichi and his Wife would Communicate some of his Presents to his People. I believe it would take of a great deal of their Envy to him. Tomichichi was with us this day & told us that Salotte took a Brand of Fire and went to Strike the Queen but Narrowly missed her that the Scattering People Seemed to be displeased with him and Apokutche says he makes himself greater than he Should be. We have Assured Tomichichi of our Protection and if he found himself any ways in Danger to reside at Yamacraw near us where we Should do every thing requisit for his Safety. 
 
If any thing of Mischief Should come forth I am of Oppinion it must be of that Side with the Spaniards or French Instigations. We have had no News of Cap [Patrick] Mackoey but believe he is Safe. We expect 100 of the Upper Creek Nation who they now say are coming down to See us, and we Shall take care to receive them in the best & most Formidable manner we can. 
 
Inclosed is the Presentments of the Grand Jury of the Tenth of March upon which Piercy Hill, John Cox & Edward Cruise have been Since Tryd and found Guilty. They have already received 60 Lashes each by the hands of the Common Hangman and are to receive 60 more unless any one of them Shall make an Ample Discovery. Our Orders relating to the rest of the Presentments Shall be Transmitted to Your Honnrs in my next. As to what relates to Watson & Parker reffer to Mr Causton Letter and Shall expect your Honnrs Directions on that head. 
 
There was an Information pretended to be sent to your Honnours by one Robert Parker Junr, Letters wherein he Says it is Notoriously known that Rum was Sold out of the Storehouse in the Name of Gould & Compa. Mr Henry Parker Bayliff and my Self were desirous to Inform your Honnours of the truth of it and to that End sent for Mr Parker but instead of coming sent the Inclosed Letter by which youll See the disposition of that Gentlemen. We then sent an Officer who brought him to us. He refused to give us any Acct of that matter and gave us the Same Answer as before he had done in his Letter. He refused likewise to Attend the Court as Juryman tho he had at the Same time two Town Lotts, for wch we Fined him and now he has thought fit to Attend. 
 
Mr Gordon has been sometime at Charles Town where he went in order to dispose of Some Goods he brought with him from England and it was Strongly Rumourd that he had a dessign to return back but I am informd this Day that we are [not ?] likely to See him again here. 
 
The Land the Saltzburghers are upon turns out very Sandy & Barren. It is now too Late to remove them for this Season and Shall first Expect Your Honnours Directions therein. 
 
Alice Riley was hangd Some Months agoe within Six weeks after her being brought to Bed pursuant to her Sentence of the 11th day of May Last and the Child is Since dead. 
 
I continue my former Request to Your Honnours. 
 
[P. S.] The Indian Talk mentioned in one of Mr Caustons Letters having Seen, creave [crave] Leave to Reffer thereto. 
 
 
William Ewen to Harmon Verelst, March 19, 1734/5, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 222, 239, concerning his desire for a town lot and other favors. 
 
Sr 
 
I have wite to Esqr Oglethorp for a town Lot which I hope I shall have: and I hope Kind Sr if their is any favers to be Granted to the people that shall be have them selves well: That I may not be for got. My Master Mr Thomas Causton has put me to Serve in the Store House. 
 
 
Susan Bowling to Peter Gordon, March 20, 1734/5, Charles Town, C.O. 5/637, pp. 37-38, concerning the estate of her late husband. 
 
Sr 
 
Youll excuse this Address from a poor unhappy Widow, who without Your Friendly Assistance must Perish thro the presures of Want in her Old Age; or be brought to the necessity of living on the bounty of others. When had She Justice done her in putting her Goods into her own Power She apprehends She Shoud have a Comfortable Subsistance for the Rest of her days, or at least be able to do Justice to all the Creditors of her deceased Husband. 
 
My unhappy case Sr is this. I am the unfortunate Widow of Thomas Bowling late of this Town Marriner who in Order to get a better lively-hood for himself and family Used the Pettaugering Bussiness in going backwards and forwards from River to River to bring the Planters Goods to Markett and at the Same time Used to Carry Small parcells of Goods to Sell among them in a large Petty-auger of his own which was Worked by himself and his two Negromen, Slaves Named Pompey and Fortune. And after he had used this bussiness Some time he was imployed to Carry Some Goods to Savanah in Georgia and for that purpose hired his Said Pettyauger to one Dopree [Elisha Dobree ?] And Carried his goods to Savannah and also one hogshead of Rum, a barrell of Sugar & Sundry other Merchandize to trade with on his own Account. And Soon After he had arrived at Savanah for the last time he Sickened and as it is Said made his Will in presence of Thomas Young & Patrick Tailfer And therof did Nominate Francis Lynch & Micheal Moor Exors Who having Rendred as I am informd an Unperfect inventory of the Effects of my Said husband into the Court at Savanah Renounced the Exorship. And I having taken out Letters of Administration (from his Excellency the Govr of this Province as Ordinary of the Same) to the Estate and Effects of the deceased, Sent Several Letters and Powers to Georgia to have the Effects in Specie delivered to me but Can hitherto get none into my hands (Excepting the Negroes which Ranaway from thence and Came home to me and which I have Since delivered to the Persons to whom my husband was indebted for them, he not having paid for them in his Life time). It being Pretended by the Persons who have the Effects in their hands at Savanah that I must go in Person thither and give Security for the faithfull Administration of the Effects altho I already have done the Same before the Ordinary here, And altho I am So Aged and infirm that I am wholly incapable of Travelling So farr. And under these pretences I am kept out of what Effects my Husband died possessed of as Aforesaid And not only thereby Reduced to a Starving Condition but Rendered wholly incapable of doing Justice to his Creditors here. I therefore humbly beg Youll be So charitable as to take this Affair under your Consideration and Set it in Such light that Justice therein may be done as well to my Husbands Creditors. 
 
 
Joseph Hetherington168 to James Oglethorpe, March 22, 1734/5, Thunderbolt, read June 18, 1735, C.O. 5/636, pp. 243-244, Egmont 14200, pp. 483-485, concerning conditions at Thunderbolt and the desire to will his property if he dies without heirs. 
 
Honoured Sir 
 
I received your welcome letter, from Mr Johnny Bromfield on the 28th of December last, and have According to my instructions Sent John Godly169 home by capt [George] Dunbar. He has proved an Excellent good Servant till the News Came he was to go for England. He then went directly to Savannah and would not Come to thunderbolt any more, but stayd till the Ship saild, which was upwards of two months, although Mr Causton and Mr Gordon perswaded him all that lay in there power, and at last threatned him with punishment if he did not returne. It was all one he minded them not, and I was Unwillingly he shod receive Any Correction as I intended he shod go home. But I believe he was Encouraged by Mother Penrose,170 for She kept him in her Employ the whole time. I am Sure nobody Elce wod give him Encouragement, and as for troubling my head with her, is what I did not Care for, She still remaining Conqueror Over the whole place. I receivd the Swiss and his wife171 in returne they are very willing to work and Are laborous people, but the man has had Some old Strain in his right Arm & Cannot work so hard as his wife. 
 
My Spouse in perticular, returns your honour many thanks for the great Care you had for her, in Sending A maid, for now She dont work altogether so hard her Self, nor indeed Can She, She now being very big with Child and within two months of her time, and likewise desired me to the informe your honour that if you had been here, she wod have made bold to Askt you for A gossip,172 being in a fair way of haveing the pleasure of the first Child at Thunderbolt. Our Settlement is much altered for the better since your honour was there, for Now wee Can Almost go Ahunting, there is So much land Cleared. I have got About twenty Acres to my Own Share, and all fenced in with a strong fence. I believe Mr [Roger] Lacy his brother & Mr [Philip] Bishop have Each of them almost as much, so that if our lands had proved but good wee might Expect an immence Crop this Year, but your honour knows its most of it pine barren, Except a little Oak and hickery towards Skidaway which is About ten Acres and that fell to Mr Lacys Share. Our settlement is Certainly a beautifull place and the pleasantest in all Georgia, and has not wanted for Any Industry to make it so. It has been Exceeding hard Upon me this last year, being Obliged to build so much, and Clear lands at the Same time, I haveing but two Servants left, my Old frenchman being dead. I really did work beyond what I thought I could, but no person Can tell what they may do, till they are put to the triall, and I am very glad that I was, for it Agrees mighty well with my health and Use has made it Intierly Agreeable to me. Wee finished our Hexicon173 Ever since the 23d of Septemr last, but not built Any More then Every One a house, and where the Other Shod be, have filld the Vacant places up with pallasades, and so Strong and Commodious it is, that wee Value not all the force of Augustine. I have likewise built me Another little house the demensions of the first forty in Savannah, which I call my farm, with a yard of 200 foot square paild in about a quarter of A miles from the fort, and A pretty garden behind it, my Cowpen Adjoyning to it. The reason that invited me to it was, I found out a fine Spring that Comes from Under A rock which is a sort of an Iron Stone; and that is likewise fenced into my yard the water is far better then the spring your honour is Acquainted with. My rural life I like so well and the Inclinations I have to the place, that I am as well sattisfied as if I had five hundred A year in England. I only wish to have Another year over our heads, then wee shall begin [to] live, and have Every thing in plenty of our Own produce. I bought ten head of Cattle which I thought was pretty well at first, but had the misfortune to loose seven of them soon after, which was a great loss for a young farmer, but hope I shall retrieve it again. I returne your Many thanks that you was so good as Not to draw upon me for the last favour I received, when it became due, for if you had I know not what I shod have done haveing met with so many losses the first year but I would have sold all I had in the world but it shod have been Answered, it being so kind and generouse an Action. But as your honour has been so good as to Stay so long must beg a little longer time, I haveing a Chargeable time Comeing on and God knows how our Crop may turn out. If I had more Servants I did intend to settle Another plantation this Year, and Mr [Noble] Jones would be so good as to run our Other lands out, wee haveing no more then One hundred & twenty five Acres apiece as yet, and to Clear Any more of it for planting wod be so much labour lost, it being intierly pine, as wee may want timber that may be of Service by and by. I Chiefly bend my Mind to planting & Cultivating of lands & had I more Asistance should be A very great proficient that waies [way], I cant Afford to run upon Any projects as Yet, haveing so few hands if I was, I should not get bread for my family, and planting must be the first thing that is taken Care on. 
 
I have given Your honour as good an Account of my Affairs as I posible Can and Exactly as they Stand, hopeing Every body will do the Same. I had like to have forgot to Acquaint you, when wee had finishd our fort and mounted our great guns wch are in Number Eight, the Indians who Are often with us, Askt what wee made such strong defence for. Wee told them in Case the Spaniards should interupt us. They Answered if wee was Afraid of that, they would at Any time go, and fetch all the Spanish Indians Sculps to us. We thankt them and said no, if they did us no hurt wee shod do no harm to them. They was Very well Sattisfied and wanted much to deal with them for Skins, but wee referd it and would not meddle with the trade, Excepting your honour is so good as to give your Consent. I would do Nothing Contrary to your Inclinations to gain the riches of the Indies, so much I value your honours favour and Esteem. And A line from your honours hand would be the greatest present I coud receive upon Earth. My Spouse Joyns with Self her duty to you hopeing god will Contiue your health, and prolong your daies, for the good of his people, is the Sincere desier. 
 
P. S. Wee have taken up provisions upon Credit from Mr Causton, till an Answer Comes from your honour, to know whether you with the rest of the honourable the trustees, will Allow us a Second Years provisions. Hopeing it wont be refused as it hath been allowed to all the out Settlements Except ours, and shod Thundrbolt be Exempted from Any benefitts that other Out Settlemts receives, I believe it wod be the breaking of hearts. 
 
Likewise hope your honour will give me your interest in haveing the same privilidge granted to me, as my Neighbours has Already received, which is in Case of Mortallity I shod die without Heirs, as in all likelyhood I shall not, that I or my Spouse may by will Nominate Any One person to be our Successor to the lands granted to me, and in case wee shod have a female Child it may desend to her. I being One of the first grantees hope it will not be denied & as it hath been granted to Others of a later date. 
 
 
Patrick Mackay to the Trustees, March 23, 1734/5, Coweta, C.O. 5/636, pp. 245-247, Egmont 14200, pp. 487-490, giving his views on Indian relations, the French, and the Spanish. 
 
Honourable Gentlemen 
 
My last was dated the November last from ye Uchie Town on Savannah river whereof I now Send a Copie. 
 
This accompanies a Journall of my procedure and actions since I left Savannah untill this day that I am preparing to proceed for ye upper Creek Nation. I have nothing to Say in addition to ye Journall, but what follows. Tho I have been but a little time here I remarkd that the Chief men of the Indians behave wt greater civilety and seem to respect us, yea all the traders more wt in this 20 days than they did before, and I impute it altogether to ye description these Indians Mr Oglethorp carryed over, gave on their return here to them of ye grandeur and power of ye British Nation. Its incredible how much they are overawd by yt Silly place in possession of ye French calld fort Tholouse and by St Marks which lyes about a Short days Journey from the entry of ye Chatauchie River, but ye Spaniards give it ye name of Apalachicola River. By all ye Intelligence I could get St Marks has but 20 men in it, and there is only 30 in fort Tholouse calld by ye Indians Albama. So I inferr from this Sudent change and their being So much overawd by these little forts, that the Indians are governd more by ye principles of fear as love. I find they are a Sullen morose people of few words, very ambiguous in answering questiones, mighty deceitfull and Covetouse, nor are they naturally so brave as some Say, as their manner of feighting declaires. Its true they are So intoxicated wt the principle of revenge, yt they delight in going constantly to warr against those yt Injure them, or rather they hunt their enmeies as they doe any other prey, wt this difference only that when by Surprise a gang of 20 or 30 kills one of their enemies, they run day and night, tho they know of noe enemie nigh them, till they think they are out of danger, or reach of ye Enemie, and yt is never under a 100 or 200 miles. They are a Self conceited people, and very apt to think Europeans are affraid of them. They have a Notione yt if they doe any mischief or harm to a white man, the name they give to any European; Its ye only means to obtain a present. They have noe manner of Notione of gratitude, in a word I cant observe they are governd by any virtuouse principle. 
 
Having considered ye Indians in this light, I thought proper to have Spoke to them in ye manner I did, and I now find I have not been deceivd in my Opinion, for if I was to demand all their territories, they have not a Countenance to deny me, tho I believe any thing they yeild is against their Inclinationes. Its my Opinione yt 500 men wt what Indians could be raisd in this Natione (if Brittain was engagd in a war wt France and Spain) would put Brittain in possession of all Florida, and to the Missisippi River. And that these 500 men garrisoned in Augustine, and Movile, and in one out fort or two on ye heads of ye Movile & Cowsa Rivers among ye Chactaw Indians, I say its my opinione, it would not only gain but preserve all ye Indians Inhabiting that part of this Continent to the Brittish Interest, but be an effectuall Securety to ye Southern Settlements of ye Brittish Empire on ye American Main against these potent powers. And I must think yt if Brittain overlooks these Settlements, particularly yt of ye French, it may in time prove of dangerouse Consequence to Carolina And Georgia. By ye advices I had last month from Carolina I understood yt Brittain must inevitably be engagd in a war wt France & Spain this Spring, as that would be a favourable Occation, and yt I know not but ye Goverment might think proper to lay hold of it. I dont think it impertinent to Informe you, in case ye Notion of want provisiones should prove a difficulty yt this Natione could Spare 4 or 5 months provisiones for 500 men wt out incomoding themselves in ye least, by buying up ye corn airly [early ?] from the Indians who likewise have plenty of hogs, and I believe 100 Cows & Steers could be bought up among them; besides a few Carolina Catle. Hunters could very soon kill what catle they pleasd in the Apalachie fields where there are thousands to be had, Salt the beef there and transport it to the Chatauchie River which is Scarcely 20 miles from these Fields. But this I mention only to Show there is no danger of want of provisions in this Natione for 500 men for ye time I mentioned. If Such a thing should ever be attempted, I would advise to embark the men So as they might be in ye month of September or October in ye River Alatamaha which is but 8th days easie march from this Nation. These Months are reckond the healthiest for Europeans to come into this Climate, because ye violents heats being over, they may be Seasond a little before they return. And moreover I take this part of ye Countrey as it is hilly and lyes high, to be much healthier then ye Sea Coast, which Commonly lyes low & marshy. Even Strangers are Seldom or ever troubled wt fevers & agues in this place, and Ime informd by ye Traders yt if they should (as sometimes they are) be catched by ye fever and ague in ye Settlements, it rarely continues a month by them in this Natione. 
 
Ane Other motive yt Should invite Brittain to be at a little expence is the enlargeing ye Consumpt of her manufactures, which Such one addition, as ye Florida & Chactaw Indians, would creat. And ye Chactaws have allready essayed and doe Still Show a forwardness for entering into a treaty of friend Ship and Commerce wt us, which has allarmd the French at Movile mightyly. The Chactaws (I am told by the Dog King who was the person Thomas Jones imployed to carry some of them down to Georgia, When they were quarreld after returnd home, by ye Governour of Movile for going there) Said, we have Since wee made peace with the Creeks had favourable reports of ye English, and wee seed the Creeks who are in friend Ship wt them Supplyed with all manner of necessars for themselves, women & Children wch wee want. Wee have now been long in friend Ship with You, and yet wee enjoy no Such benefites. If you Supply us with all these things they doe ye Creeks, wee will not goe to the English, and if you doe not, are not wee a free people, maynt wee goe to whome wee please. Upon this large presents were made them, and farr larger promises, yt they would nixt Year be Supplyed wt all Such things as the Creeks had from the English; however they reinforcd the two Chactaw garrisones and keep the body of ye Nation at home by promise and threats, excepting a few on ye frontiers, who come to trade wt Thomas Jones. And now ye French talk of building a new fort on ye frontiers to prevent any Communication twixt us and them. I Could not only prevent this new fort being built, but I could soon be master of fort Tholouse which would Open a Communication wt ye Chactaws. But as I know not how Such a thing would be taken at Court, before actuall warr is declared, I choose [to] waite further orders, or yt I finde ye French begin to act offenceively, which in ye mean time (if I waite to receive it) gives them ye advantage of giveing ye first blow. And if I waite till ye french discovered a disposition to disturb us in this Nation, I dont know what could be done wt 24 men but to fly before them in ye woods. For as the French have the Remaines of a party among ye Creeks, if we were Seen to fly once, our friends would be discouraged to declair for us, and would be overawd by them, their Creek friends & ye Chactaws, & if wee pretended to Stand, we would be but cut to peices, before we could have releif from Georgia or Carolina. Indeed had I an 100 men here it would give ye Indians a Countenance to Join us, and we could keep ye enemie in play till we were Reinforced. The Doctor174 is a very acceptable person among ye Indians I find, he allready has cured Severalls of lame distempers, as its calld here, and of Severall other Illnesses. The Young man behaves exceeding weel, and I believe knows his business as much as any in these parts of ye world. Yea I gott him to Condeshend to cure our horses of wounds bruises &c, by which Severalls have been Saved. 
 
I send herein a catalogue of medicines for the Company which can be Supplyed from thence cheaper as from Carolina, and if you approve of his Serving the Indians ye quantities must be enlarged. 
 
I am to have an interview wt Cheekeleigie at Palachocola how soon I have dispatchd this express, who goes for Information from Savannah. If conform to my last advices Brittain has declaird warr against France & Spain, that I may act accordingly here. 
 
I shall write my nixt how Soon I have had a publick Conference with the Chief men of the Upper Creek Natione. 
 
 
J. Stanley to Benjamin Martyn, March 23, 1734/5, Liverpool, received March 26, 1755, C.O. 5/636, pp. 172-173, concerning contributions and settlers from Liverpool. 
 
Sir 
 
I shoud not have been so long in your debt, either for the money or a letter, had I had the one in my power, or been at home for the other. All I can say is that I make no doubt but the Trustees will have the  50 given by our Corporation; tho I fear, from the situation of things, with the latest. For the truth of the case is this. The money was first orderd in Mr Brentons Mayoralty, and had the Council been pleased to have put it into my hands (as I desired of their Treasurer and several times) undoubtedly you had had it with the rest of the Collection. But instead of this, after staying for it a full year, they voted the money (as I before informd you) the year following payable to our Representatives. These Gentlemen therefore must be lookt upon for it. You say they have been spoke to, and require a fresh order of Council. How necessary this may be I cannot tell. But if the money that was put into their hands was all appropriated and disposed of another way, upon proper notice I will use my poor endeavors to obtain a fresh order and actual payment of it to them, because I think the honour of the Corporation concerned, not to suffer their Charity to remain so long undischarged. 
 
But now I am apologizing for ourselves, give me leave, Sir, to desire some time may be set for our poor people to receive the benefit of the money already paid in. I beg pardon; but I am really pressed to make this request, because I think both my own Honour, and indeed Charity itself concernd in it. It is now a great while that we have been promised a Regard shoud be had to our own Adventureres. And I cannot but say they expect it, and if nothing come of it soon, their disappointment may bring all our Applications of this kind into disgrace. I humbly beg therefore that their Honours, the Trustees, will be pleased to fix some time for four or five of our people, that may be minded to go, to prepare themselves for Georgia, and cannot doubt but they will grant this request. 
 
I have no more to trouble You with, than to desire that Mrs Sudalis name may be inserted in your books 1/2 guin. in lieu of the 14s. 6d I advanced to make up the Preston-Sum. 
 
 
Thomas Causton to James Oglethorpe, March 24, 1734/5, Savannah, received June 18, 1735, C.O. 5/636, pp. 251-252, Egmont 14200, pp. 491-495, concerning Peter Gordon, Joseph Watson, law enforcement, indentured servants, sale of rum, the Red String Plot, and other problems. 
 
Sir 
 
In my Letter to the Trustees of January 16th Your Honour will observe, That I declare (till then) I had maintained the Publick peace with some ease. And indeed the Peoples behaviour in generall, has been very Comendable; But when Mr [Peter] Gordon unhappily, took part with [Joseph] Watson, and discovered to the People, that he had different Sentiments from me, They soon Concluded, That as he was First Bayliff, it was in his Power to Order every thing. And every one, that had Beef, when they wanted Pork, was Countenanced by him with a great deal of Compassion and Complaisance. 
 
When I told him of Watsons case and how gently, I had used him, he told me, That he thought it was not very gentle usage to Imprison a Man for the Sake of an Indian. And tho self preservation, Humanity, and all the reasonable Obligations in Nature confirm your Honours Orders with Regard to the Indians; Yet I am told by Mr [Samuel] Quinsey and some few others, That tho (in such things) I may Act according to my Instructions, I ought to Gratifye the People, and think that you are not Infallible. This Gentleman has often changed his mind in this Affair; One day he came to me and told me, That Watson was a Very Villain and a Madman; So that I askt him wherein he thought you had Erred. He told me, That most people were of the Opinion, we should one day Repent our Civilitys to the Indians, But tho as to that matter, he would not pretend to direct, Yet he thought, it would be more prudent to send Watson away. I told him I had power to Imprison him, But none to Discharge him. And that I had much rather bear the Reflections here which I might at a proper time Correct, Than give him an Oppertunity to Spread his Malitious poison where I should never have it in my power to Apply a Remedy. He urged it as an Extraordinary case, wherein I might and ought to Deviate from your Sentiments or my Orders. 
 
Mr [John] Coats is a great Sollicitour, and an Assertor of Watsons Grievances for which he has had many Reprimands. De Peiba the jew, will be nibling but is as yett Sly enough to Avoid a Punishment. [William] Watkins the Surgeon is his Secretary. Robert Parker Senior and Robert Parker Junior, [John] Wright, and King Clark are Councellours, in their Turns and they all think themselves Eminent Polititians and Scorne to be advised or Submit to Rule. The two Parkers absolutely Refuse to serve on Jurys or appear in Arms Saying they are Gentlemen and it is beneath them to Serve in an Inferiour Court. And the Old Gentleman with an Air of Complaisance That he should be unwilling to Act Contrary to the Rules of any place, But his friends in England would blame him. As to the Old Gentleman this talk was some time Since. I told him I would fine him & he imediately declared he would quitt his Town Lott which prevented his being troubled any more on that head. And upon this Occasion it was, That Tommy Jones being Resolved to Claim his Right to the same Town Lott, The Court gave way to the Prosecution which Your Honour will see by the Court Proceedings. 
 
As to the Young Gentleman, he has been brought As prisoner to his Arms by his Officer very frequently and has been twice fined and Levied on for non Attendance on jurys. 
 
I am sometimes informed of their Transactions, and I knew of the Scheme to make Musgrove uneasy, more than a Week before Musgrove discovered it, and was in a fair way to have made a more usefull Discovery. 
 
I fear Watson will have reason to find his pretended friends a Real Burthen. 
 
Your Honour will easily beleive, that when I comitted him to Gaol twas intended not only to preserve him from the Indian Resentments, But also from Dangerous Company. But the Military Gentlemen are too apt to think, that the Orders of the Magistrates are to be executed as they think fitt. And untill some of your Advise come, it is very Difficult for the Magistrates to help it. 
 
The Court having in the best manner they could Required the Grand jury to Present among other things, Tipling Houses without Lycence they presented [Paul] Cheeswright, on a Suspition of Carrying on Such practices, and tho this was their own Presentment the Officers neglect their Searches. 
 
I was one night going to Musgroves to Remove some people who I knew was there after the Guard pretended to have been, about 12 of the Clock at night, and coming home, I heard a noise at Cheeswrights. I went to [John] Coats who was then on Duty [as constable] to tell him to Enquire the meaning of it; He brot me word, That five or Six men were drinking and were going. But I found that he had told Cheeswright I had been Listening under the Window and had sent him. So that the next day Mrs Cheeswright came to my house to Insult me. 
 
Mary Simeon, who came with Mrs [Magdalene] Papott and was bound by Yor Honours Orders to Arthur Ogle Edgcomb, has been transferrd without Leave, for money to James Muir; I reprimanded Edgcombe for pretending to Sell what he did not buy, And that if any thing happened amiss to the Girl I would place her out, And then Muir would expect his money again. 
 
Muir in a Short time dislikt the Girl and Sold her again to [James] Willson. Upon which, I ordered, That Willson should recover his money of Muir and the Girl should be put to some Housewifely Mistress; I desired the Trustees of Orphans to look out for a Mistress, But Wilson found means to hire her to Cheeswright as a Servant and so was to be Repaid his money. 
 
I had reced frequent Accounts of ill Practices, and of the Girls misusage but not willing to Creditt every Storey had recomended it to the Guard without any Success. 
 
One Night going myself into an Open Hut of Cheeswrights in Search of a Fellow who had been ill behaved and could not be taken; I found the Fellow, this Girl and three other men on Severall beds in one Room. 
 
I examined Cheeswright the next day about this matter taking Mr Christie and Coats with me to Cheeswrights house, when twas with much Difficulty, that I got Coats to take the Girl and Convey her to the Trustees of the Orphans. However, the Girl is Removed and is at Service with Mr [John] Fallowfield who is now a Married man. 
 
The Orders against Retailing Liquors, landing of Rum, Forestalling and unlawfull Assembling of Servants are wholly neglected, and unless the Magistrates are both Witnesses and judges, nothing is done; Twas by an absolute Charge upon the Consciences of the Grand jury, That I got [John] Pinrose and [Mary] Hodges to be convicted of Retailing Liquor without Lycence; This I pursued (after a first Conviction and fines Levied,) to a Second, when Mrs Hodges Submitted to Order in a very handsom manner. But altho I have reason to beleive many carry on that Trade, I have no presentments of that kind or proofs to Convict them. 
 
I once Seized a pipe of Rum myself, at Hodgess which had been landed at the Crane at Noon day. Another Time Dennis Fowler one of the Trustees Servants (plact under Vanderplank) was accused before me of lying with Carwalls [James Carwell] Wench in his Masters yard before a Great Boy in the time of Divine Service. I Ordered him to be Whipt, And (the Officer) declared that the Honestest Fellow in the province was going to be whipt. 
 
If any person is comitted to Gaol, they lett them out, and if they apprehend any one either by Night or Day, they discharge them at pleasure, without Consulting or Reporting it to the Magistrates. 
 
As Capt [George] Dunbarr will be able to give your Honour a particular Account of things of this nature, I shall hope for your Advice or presence here. And beg leave to Assure you, that tho this idle way of Behaviour is Sufficient to Vex me, I have allways maintained the Authority of a Magistrate without the Breach of private friendship. 
 
I could say a great Deal on this head, but as I have perswaded the Constables to Exercise a Ward every Sunday after Evening Service I hope my next will give a better Acct. 
 
The Red String Conspiracy, which I mentioned to the Trustees proves to have risen at the Widow [Elizabeth] Bowlings house, where Mugridge Tibbitt and some others (too much in Debt) had distinguisht themselves by a Red String on their Wrist, as a Signall of a Drunken Resolution to Desert the Colony, upon pretence, that they have no Title to shew for their Lands. 
 
I judged it better, not to take any Direct notice of that, and to tell the people (as occasion offered) That any one might have an extract of their Title at any time; And I beleive, by the Prosecution against [John] Cox, [Edward] Cruse and [Piercy] Hill, and letting the people know, the danger of Conspiracys they are pretty well Convinct that they have escaped a Scowering. 
 
I shall take Care to have an Eye upon these Sort of Gentlemen and not fail to charge them (who have made no Improvements) with what the Trustees have expended on them, when ever they shall attempt to Desert their fellow Adventurers. 
 
With Respect to the Reflections, which some people here have so little Reason, and so foolish as to publish by writing and Speaking I have not Spared to Read them some Paragraphs in Woods Institute,175 whereby they may see the Punishments they are Liable to Libells and false Tales. And indeed, it will not be proper (allways) to pass it by. 
 
As I would not be willing to lengthen any one Letter, longer than I am Sure of making a fair Transcript in proper time I beg leave to Referr your Honour to my next for further Accts which is now my nightly Employ Be pleased to give your favourable Correction to any thing herein amiss. As not intended to Reflect on any one But is particularly addresst to you, (who having been an Eye witness, to many of our failings) in hopes that by your Advice and Interposition Affairs may pass on something Smoother. 
 
 
Isaac Chardon to the Trustees, March 25, 1735, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, pp. 294-295, enclosing accounts due by the Trustees. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
Before this comes to hand you doubtless will receive mine of the 11th & 20th Febry last Cap Watham & Capt Lance, or the Duplicates thereof. Since that time I have paid Several Sums of money for the use and Service of your Colony, which will Evidently appear by the Accounts here inclosed the Ballance in my favour is  555. 6 - Sterling, for which Sum I have of this Days date drawn upon you payable unto Messrs Peter & J. C. Simond or Order, a Sett of Bills of Exchange and I begg that you will be pleased to give them due Honour. 
 
Last Sunday being ye 23d Inst came to an Anchor off our Barr Capt Thompson with the Swissers, and the next day proceeded for the Town of Savannah in Georgia but have not yet had any Advice of his Arrival there. 
 
 
 
 
Captain Quinche to Charles Purry in London, March 25, 1735, Neufchatel, C.O. 5/637, p. 42, concerning Swiss going to Carolina. Not published here as it contains nothing about Georgia. 
 
 
Patrick Mackay to [Thomas Causton], March 27, 1735, Coweta, C.O. 5/636, pp. 298-299, Egmont 14200, pp. 499-501, concerning Indian relations. 
 
Sir, 
 
I had yours of the 10th January nigh a month ago adviseing me of the arrivall of the Indians from Brittain, and that the Trustees had sent presents for the Chief men of the Creeks. 
 
I have had all the Chief men of the Lower Creeks assembled in this town last week to hear the talk I had to deliver them from Mr Oglehtorpe. I took Occasion to tell them then that the King of Brittain, and his greatly beloved men had sent presents afresh to them by Tomichichi as a further Indication of their Esteem & friendship for them, that when I had delivered the talk to the upper Creeks, I would return from them prepared to accompany them to deliver them the new talk and presents that were waiting there. 
 
I found the Indian sent here by Tomochichi inclined to have their own private friends Carried down, and not the Leading men, for which reason I forbid him to Invite any without my knowledge. As the Trustees are at so great Charges to gain the friendship of the Indians, Its Just to think the presents should be bestowed on the most deserveing and of most Interest and Power among them here. As I dont doubt but you will be of opinion with me in this, I hope youl Cause take Care that none of these presents be Lavished away by Tomichichi who I hear has them in his Custody, but take them under your own Charge till the Chief man go down. Your senceable that if there is no presents for these Indians I carry down at your desire it will put the Trust to a Needless Expence. 
 
The young prince [probably Essabo] you mentioned in your letter and who was a Son of the late Emperor Brem dyed at Silver Bluff on Savanah River about a month ago. The other Twin brother [probably Malatchi] is but a Worthless drunken fellow and Intirely in the French Interest. Youl use this Express with Civility because he is to Continue in this Station by Direction of Mr Oglethorpe, for should he be Mall treated I shall have Difficulty to find any other so proper to Carry on a Correspondence in Case of Danger. By all the Intelligence I have here of Late the Spaniards talk of Settling and building a fort at the Appalatche old Fields. I have Imployed proper hands to prevent this, and as its possible some of the Spaniards may Suffer, they will be Apt to resent it on your Colony. Therefore its my Opinion you put the out Settlements on their Guard and Tomichichi of it that he may order some of his Indians to Scout about the Altamaha, and likewise order Capt. Ferguson to keep a Sharp look out that he may not be surprised. I here the French have Reinforced Albama fort and talk of building a new fort to Cut of the Choctaws from any Communication with us. This Ill endeavour to prevent if possible and would Effectually if I understood Brittain had declared Warr. Therefore youl advise me by this Express of the last accounts you had from Brittain relative to pease or Warr, and if you should understand warr is Declared after this Express leaves Savannah, you should advise me thereof by Express. For should I know it sooner then the french I may have it in my Power to Surprise their Fort, but if they have earlier accounts of it, they will Fortify themselves in that place, and be Reinforced with Such numbers of men as that it will be a Difficulty to Gett them removed by which means as they have already a party among the Indians. They will So Over Aw the whole of the Nation that wee may be in Danger of Loosseing our Interest in them. Therefore I think as early advice may prevent this, it deserves the Expence of any Express. You Can easily be Supplyed by Capt. [James] Mackpherson in any if Requisite. 
 
P. S. Please Send by my Express 4 pair hand Cuffs with Small Padlocks. I find a great many Saucey Villians in this Country that dont incline to Submitt to any Government, and their is an absolute Necessity to make Examples of some for the Terror of others. I shall Expect this Express shall return before I leave therefore, let me know how many of the Cheif men of the Indians youl have me Carry down. Let the Express Have Indian Corn for his horse. 
 
Please forward the pacquet Directed for the Honorable the Trustees, and as its possible my Express may Loose his horse, by being at so great a Distance from him it would do well that you would order Mr [John] Musgrove or Some other to pylott [pilot] him to town. It will be a Disapointment if after you have Dispatchd him he should loose many days in Search of his horse. 
 
 
Elisha Dobree to the Trustees, March 28, 1735, Savannah, received June 20, 1735, C.O. 5/636, pp. 300-301, concerning his finances and gardening. 
 
My Lords & Gentlemen 
 
I take the Freedom (wth humble Submission) to Offer you my Services in writing you weekly a Journal of the Occurrences here (and if need be also a Duplicate) & 2d Copy in Case of a Warr. 
 
My Circumstances have since my arrival here, been very Low, and tho I begin to have a great deal business in writing Leases & stating Accots &c. I have put half of the Profit according to an Agreement I have made with the Recorder in whose Office I write & with whom I agree much better than wth Mr Causton from whom I desire no other Business than What I have at present to do for him, which is a Duplicate of the Register of the Freeholders Names & their Famillys which I shall have done in about a Forthnight. 
 
As for the Consideration that I might Expect for writing the above Journal I Leave it to your Consideration. I only Just hint That Sending My Family to me & two Carpentrs, Sawyers or Bricklayer Gardners Smiths, or Glazier Servants would be very Acceptable & an Agreable kindness to me. 
 
My Family must Certainly be in the most deplorable Condition. I beg that you would please to Assist them with Nesessaries for their coming over which I will readily pay here. I have the Largest Garden near this Town or in this Province, Sowed & planted with Garden Roots & Greens greatly wanted here which no other has Attempted to Sell besides my Self. I sowed near 2500 Orange seed some of which now comes up daily. What Little I have got by writing I have laid out for that Improvement in hope it would be an Income to maintain My Family here. 
 
As for Trade Mr Causton hath Ruind my Credit abroad by Inserting Last Summer an Advertisemt in the Carolina Gazette intirely false as to the words of my Intent to Defraud my Creditors, wch he never was yet able to prove. He Seized on my Estate without Law or Reason and to this Day not one farthing Dividend hath yet been made. Tho. I might have made my Creditors intirely Easy much before now & still Continud my Trade had he not run out as he did in Ruining & making me a Beggar at once. 
 
We hope great matters when the Honle Mr Oglethorpe Arrive here & till then we must take everything Patiently & Live Quietly. 
 
[P. S.] No Freeholders here besides my Self have been deprived of Provisions from the store for twelve Months. I have two Servants wch I have much to do to maintain but without them I could not have Improved my Garden. I have had my Twelve Months Provisions for my Self but for them I have not been able to obtain it for more than 4 & 5 Months on a pretence they were Mr [Francis ?] Lynchs Servants whereas they were mine. His Transactions have been such that tis Notorious how great a Sufferer I am by him & he is gone Lately from this Place to some parts of Carolina with an Intent never to return here again. As to my Servants I were obliged to Purchase them and had Some Credit allowed to me to pay ye money. 
 
I could wish that you would be pleased to send me Some Good & Fresh Garden seeds & some Treatise on Gardning. The cost I would thankfully pay here. 
 
I have planted Flax & Hemp the former appears & the Latter will I believe grow here from the Experience I have had of a small Quantity but have since Sowed a greater. Next week I go on Indian Corn about 10 Acres if my servants are able to go through the whole work. I cannot afford to pay Journeymen, Seldom having a penny in my Pocket, all I get going out again to maintain my Self & Servants &C and am so Saving that I do not Spend Six pence per Month in a Publick house. Mr [Joseph] Fitzwalter your Gardner was this week married to an Indian Woman & soon after took Mr Johnson who was running away from this Province for fear of a Debt of  5 stg. 
 
29 March. Mr [Joseph] Cooper dyd this morning suddenly. He was abroad two days agoe, there was no body with him when he Expired. 
 
I want words to Express the Joy of the Freeholders on the News of Mr Oglethorpe being expectd here whom they hope will ease them of many uneasinesse, & crown them wth Some New Fatherly Blessings. 
 
Mr Johnson Dalmass of Skedaway was buried ab. 7 or 8 days since as was Mr [Joseph] Cole one of ye first forty of wch Number remains alive 19 or twenty. 
 
I have hundreds Fine Orange Plants in my Garden from the Seed Sowed there this Last Winter & more daily coming up & vines also, & if it pleases God I hope by the End of next year to have a fine & large Collection of both. 
 
 
Elisha Millechamp to Capt. Yoakley in London, March 29, 1735, Coleshill, C.O. 5/637, p. 47, concerning servants for his brother in Georgia. 
 
Sr 
 
In compliance with my Brothers176 Desire, I presume to trouble you with this. His Letter, which you was so kind to be the Bearer of, acquaints me, that if He has not two Servants, Hes likely to be a Slave in Georgia as long as He lives; that you offerd to procure him Some very cheap, He thinks, for 3 guineas a Man, which in my opinion is vastly cheap indeed; that it lies in Mr Digbys power to have their Passage paid by the Trustees. Now, Sr I shall take it as a great favour, if you will give your Self the trouble of informing me by letter, as to these particulars. If I find that you approve of his having 2 Servants, I shall not Scruple to pay 6 Guineas for them. I think my self obligd, in concurrence with my Brother, to acknowledge my Gratitude to you for the kind Usage and Civilities you have shewd towards him. 
 
[P.S.] If you please to favour me with a Line, Direct to The Revd Mr Millechamp at the Rt Honble the Lord Digbys at Coles-Hall near Coleshill, Warwickshire On Tuesday in Easter week I, with my Lord, shall set out for Bath and Shall stay there a Month. If you think proper to write to me there Direct to me at the Lord Digbys at Bath. 
 
If there be any other material Circumstances please to mention them. 
 
 
Patrick Mackay to James Oglethorpe, March 29, 1735, Coweta, C.O. 5/636, pp. 249-250, Egmont 14200, pp. 503-506, concerning Indian relations, especially Cherekeileigie and the Spanish and French. 
 
Sir 
 
I gave you the trouble of a long Epistle from the Uchie town in November last, Since which time I have been imployed till now in the manner my Journall Setts forth. 
 
If in any thing I have behaved myself unworthy of the trust you were pleased to repose in me, nothing could give me greater pain, or more Satisfactione than to tell me wherein, that by quickly rectifyeing my mistakes or neglect, I might demonstrate how cheerfully I would have done anything to merite the Honourable Trustees approbatione of a persone called a poor friend of Mr Oglethorps (the comone appelatione given me in derision in Carolina) and which I hope youll give me the liberty to value myself allways upon, while I dont act anything unworthy of my Patron. 
 
Since I wrote my letter to the Honourabel Trustees I had an interview with Cherekeileigie, first in the Palachocola Squair which Continued from 9 in the forenoon to 2 afternoon, and the remaining part of the evening in Mr Wiggines house. Its impossible to Committ the whole that passd to writeing. I hope youll Judge it Sufficient I tell here, that I impeachd him of treachery & falsehood towards my Master & his Subjects, and that he never observed any promises he had given of good behaviour, on the Contrary betrayed us allways to the Spaniards. I told him the Great King and his greatly beloved man the Esqr [Oglethorpe] bid me tell him, that they would give him this Opportunity once for all of repenting of his former misbehaviours, and an offer of entering into (as the rest of the Creek Natione had done) and ratifying the treaty of friendship & Commerce wt the King my Master. But if he thought to Continue the deceitfull man he hithertoo had been, I would find it out & perhaps pay him a Visite at his house when he least expected it. Cherekeileigie is the Craftiest, most cuning, and the boldest Spoken Indian, I have had as yet occations to Converse with. He told me wt great impudence a great many false Stories, & I as Confidently told him I believed them to be So. What, Says he, doe you discredite what I say, I am a Mico, & Micoes Scorn to Spake lyes. I am not afraid to tell truth. I once of a day was in friendship wt the English, when I gave proofes of my being a man I have fought wt them against the Tuskeroraes. Its true I was Concerned in the Yamasie wars against Carolina, but I was not the Occatione of brakeing the peace at that time; yea I was averse to it, because, I lived as happily as any whiteman in those days in my own house. I wore as good apparel and rode as good a horse as Most of them, but once I was engaged in the wars I did the English all the harm I could, and thereafter tho I did not personally disturb them, my men did, but of late years I take your Kings talk wt a Streight heart. I have not been these 10 or 11 years at Augustine, but they Send for me, & presents to me with a talk, I hear what they Say. They desire the liberty to Settle & rebuild a fort at the Appalachies; they and the french (but I believe he mistakes Spainiards of Pensocola for the french) have run out large quantities of land last year, & said they would Settle it this year by the time Watermellones were ripe. I told them (Says he) that I believed the Creek Natione would not give their Consent, & that theyd better let it alone. 
 
You desire (Says he) that I should return to my own town. If I doe not then theyle Settle where I am. Therefore I doe better to Continue at the forks, where I can be a Spy on all the actiones of the Spainiards, which I will Communicate to any beloved man your great King Shall Send here. You forbid us to goe to the Spainiards and french. Why does your own Kings Subjects trade wt them, & think to hinder us who are a free people. Your King allways threatens to demolish Augustine & Conquer the french att Movile, & the Cutt cheek King (meaning the Governour of Augustine) threatens to distroy Charlestown, & the King of Movile Says hell destroy both, but I shall never See the day that the one Shall Conquer the other. Amongst many other things I said in return to this, I answerd to the last part of what he Said particularly, that, if the Spainiards & we were at war, he was mightily mistaken. I desird him to ask of these of his Country who had been in Brittain, if they thought the town they saw could Spair as many men, Ships and great Guns wt ammunitione as would Demolish Augustine fort which had but 400 or 500 men at most in it & 50 or 60 Gunes. I dont know (Says he) what power or force Your King may have there, but I have seen Severall attempts made in vain by Carolinas upon it; and the Spainiards Say that your King has but a Small Island, in a word I believe that fort is impregnable. A great deal more to this purpose passd, needless to Notice here, but he Concluded with a promise of acting friendly towards us, and keeping me allways advised of the actiones of the Spainiards. But its my Opinione, he will endeavour to deceive both parties, as for me I shall allways Consider the man as a rogue and imploy him accordingly. I gave him and Brother 2 blankets & 2 Shirts which I had of Thomas Wiggines, & promised him if he would behave himself wt fidelity as a friend, the great King would take Notice of him. 
 
Some days after I delivered the Talk and presents, Lickho Mico of the Uchesses, a faithfull friend of ours by report, come and told me, that a great many had gone from the lower townes to Augustine. They never will (Says Licko) forbear goeing that way while the path is white, but if it be made bloody theyle allways Stay at home. I want to be revenged on the Spainiards for killing my Brother, out of whose Scull they drink at Augustine. I am resolved to Make that path Bloody; & this will keep our mad young people at home, and if they are not hinderd in this manner they never will be got Stoped from goeing their. I told him he might doe as his heart inclined, for my part I neither would advise or disswade him. I find Licko keept his desighn Secret & is wt 25 men gone to war, but the other Indians Suspect him much where is gone, & Seems much Concernd for the Consequence, that this will Create enemies below as well as above them. I have advised Mr Caustone of this that he may put the out settlements Capt [James] Macphersone and [William] Ferguson on their guard in case the Spainiards Should think proper to disturb them. I have reasons to believe I could easily get Albamas fort Oversett, if I knew the war was declaired. For that reasone I send this express to Mr Caustone to know the State of Europe by last advices with respect to peace or war, that I may act accordingly here. 
 
Till I have the pleasure to write my next I beg leave to declaire that I am Sincerely with profound Esteem. 
 
P.S. To morrow I goe for the Upper Natione. I forgot hitherto to tell, that if the Company now here is to Subsist or desighnd to range, as I think they must; Carabines Should be provided for them, for the commone Musketts are too too heavie and unfitt for horses Cariage. If I am to Continue in this Service I beg the favour a Sadie wt Curb bridle breast plate & Crouper [crupper] may be sent me, made very Strong on purpose. These Sadies calld Kings hunters answer best here, with shammie or Course velvet Seat, because leather burnes up very Soon. I had two Sadies broke in the rideing thorow bad Swamps allready, & now I have but a very indifferent Sadie. I beg pardon for this presumptione, & I hope when you Consider I have no acquaintances in London that would Serve me faithfully in this, youll easily forgive me. I shall pay the value to Mr Cawston. I beg to know if my bill has been duely honoured for I have had no advices from Brittain ever Since I had wrote them in May last, which makes me Suspect my letters are Miscaryed & for yt reasone, I beg to be excused for Sending this under your Cover. 
 
Cherekeileigei told me St Marcks was a punchion Fourt & had 3 guns, & 30 men, & yt their was no Settlement on this river below him. 
 
 
James Abercromby to James Oglethorpe, March 29, 1735, Charles Town, received June 18, 1735, C.O. 5/636, pp. 267-268, Egmont 14200, pp. 507-508, concerning South Carolina salaries, North Carolina affairs, and requesting Oglethorpes help in England. 
 
Sir 
 
Having this Opportunity by Capt [George] Dunbar, I cant let it pass without paying my Compliments, which may have nothing to recommend them but the Distance from whence they come. 
 
The affairs of this Province have had no great Alteration Since Your Departure. Our last Sessions of Assembly ended Yesterday, by a Prorogation (not usual with us) for three Weeks. It was occasioned by the lower house, having thrown out the Tax Bill, upon 2000 being added to the Estimat for the Cheif Justices arrears & Salary by the Council, which addition, the lower house wont admitt of, in no respect whatever. This was put into the Estimat, upon the lower house taking no Notice of a Message Sent them concerning the Judges Salary. This point must be given up, by one Side or tother, before we can have a Tax raisd. 
 
The Affairs in North Carolina are just upon the Point of Confusion Partys pro and Con the Governour already Sprung. The Quitrent Law Bill of a Very Extraordinary Nature as my Letters from thence inform me, thrown out by the Council. In this Bill fourty odd Landings were appointed for his Majestys Receiver General to receive the Quitrents, in Various Commodities, Such as Pitch, Tar, Green Mirtle, Wax, and other Species. What has set them at Variance is the Blank Patents for Lands the Cape Fear first Settlers hold by, or pretend to Do, and Such are Mr More, Mosley, and Swans, who are become now opposers to the Governour, because he Wont Confirm them. In this Bill they made Wacamaw Neck part of their Province, and would now Tax the Inhabitants there, which has Obliged the Governours to Appoint Commissioners on both Sides to Settle the Boundaries. From this Province are appointed Mr [Alexander] Skene and Myself, and recommended by the Assembly Mr [William ?] Waities, who they are from North Carolina I cant yet tell. We Set out next Week for Cape Fear. I am affraid we shall find it hard to bring them into our Way of thinking as it will also be for them to bring us to theirs. If they take it in their Way they Must have all our Indians and Some are of oppinion Savannah town itself. Our Conference Will however produce an Explanation from home of both Instructions. 
 
Before I Conclude I must beg the favour, if upon talking with Mr Horace Wle over Carolina Matters, You would be so good as hint to him the great Disadvantage the Officers lay under here Viz the Cheif Justice, Secretary and Myself by our Salarys not being yet Settled, tho he has promisd it a great while, and has Done it to the Gentlemen of North Carolina, and to none here but Mr St John. This Affair My Lord Cathcart and Mr Drummond have push to him, but have hitherto had only promisses. As You have Done me the Honour to Concern me for the Trustees in this Province Mr Walpole may be the More induced to Consider me in that Service. If an Opportunity should come in Your Way to give us a push in this Affair, we should all of us be Obliged to You, and particularly none More than myself who shall always think myself happy under Your Countenance. 
 
P.S. Our Governour now seems to Mend very fast. 
 
 
Twenty-four former elders and householders of the Swiss Society177 to the Trustees, March 31, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, p. 40, concerning their passage to Georgia. Translated from the original German. 
 
Whereas it occurred through the kind foresight of the Trustees of Georgia that we and ours have left London on the ship Two Brothers, Captain Guiliam [William] Thomson, and as it was expected from us upon our arrival in Savanna, that we state in writing what we remembered of our journey. 
 
Therefore now attest we below named, all of us elders and householders of the Swiss Society, who left London with the said Gu. Thom son, in our own name and in that of all our people, every one included, that Said Capt. Guiliam Thomson and his crew have been alert by day and by night to make the best use of good winds or to prevent damage during stormy weather; further that he was very careful to see that the daily rations which had been ordered for us and of which we had a specification in our hands, were properly given us, and that he did even more than his duty, in that he let every one have as much bread and water as he desired and wanted to take, just as he took best care of our sick and no blame must fall on him if several of our people died on the ship, because several reached the ship so sick that their lives were beyond saving, while others could not get over their sickness on shipboard owing to their old age. 
 
We solemnly confirm this by subscribing our names or making our signs. 
 
 
Sir Francis Bathurst to the Trustees, March 31, 1735, [Georgia], received June 9, 1735, C.O. 5/636, p. 292, concerning his servants, agriculture, and the Red String Plot. 
 
Right Honbles 
 
I humbly crave leave to return yor Honrs my hearty thanks for yr great favours to me in sending of me and my Famiely hither, where we are planted in a Rich and Happy soil. Yesterday Mr [Noble] Jones ye surveyer came and laid out my Lands, wch generally runs very good and pretty free from a Pine Baron. I have ye prospect from my house or Cottage where I and my Famiely Inhabit of a noble Savanna wch goes up to Purisburg. May it please yr Honrs a midst these happynesses, so casuall is dame Fortune, yt I have had ye misfortune to bury 2 of my servants, ye one dyed in a Months time after I landed here wch was 3 Jan. ult. and ye other yesterday. They were both infirm Fellowes as it appears since when I bought them, wch was concealed from me, until nature itself forced it out. I had them of John Taylor a vile Rogue yt lives over against ye Brank in Thread Needle streett. I am resolved nothing shall baulk me in going on. God saying Amen. My humble application to yr Honrs is yt you would be humble please to take ye consideration of my great loss and expence, into your prudent consideration and bestowe 2 Lusty able bodyed men on me, towards repairing my great loss yt I have sustained by their Deaths. I have cleared above 6 Acres of Land and shall plant near 10 Acres. All people are in good health here, and all Very Quiett at present and hope god willing will continue so. There was a strainge comotion in Savanna about 3 Weekes ago, but was happyelly appeased by ye diligence and prudent conduct of Mr Causton &c of ye Magistrates was timely and happyely appeased. They were ye greatest part of them ye Irish transports. I hope Right Honbles I have set my Acquaintance and Neighbours in Glorster a good example, and hope a great many more will follow my Fate. 
 
P.S. My little Son [Robert] and one James Noble my Servant, wth ye Assistance of my Son in Law [Francis] Peirce wch came from England wth us, worke to ye Admiration of all people, Nay ever of mr Jones ye Surveyor and all others that have been here and yt wth abundance of Alacriety and chearfullness. 
 
 
Edward Massey to James Oglethorpe, March 31, 1735, [no place given], received June 18, 1735, C.O. 5/636, p. 238, concerning his leave of absence. 
 
Sr 
 
I fear my Licence of Absence is lost in ye great Storm we have some Accot of; Capt [George] Dunbar will do me ye Pleasure to deliver this with ye repeated Sincere Acknowledgemts of One at present too much in Pain, to write more than in all Conditions of Life he will ever approve himself. 
 
 
Edward Jenkins and John Dearne to [James Oglethorpe], [probably late March 1735], [Savannah], received June 18, 1735, C.O. 5/636, p. 241, detailing in whose homes orphans are placed. 
 
Sr 
 
In this Packet we have inclosed an account of ye orphants affects. And must I fear be forsed to take out executions against most that have not paid. We Gain from many People a Great deale of ill will by being pretty urgent to Get ye orphants monys. But as it was your Honours Desire we shiud [should] undertake it, we will do to ye utmost of our Power in Behalf of ye orphants. 
 
Mr Causton tells us we must Pay for ye orphants Clothing out of their affects, We wait for your Honours orders about it. 
 
The Children are Plased as follows: 
 
The Daughter of Henery Clark [Anne] with Mr Hetherinton [Joseph Hetherington]. I Cant speek much in praise of the Place. 
 
Goddard son [John] with mr [Joseph] Fithwater, its to be Doubted will be ruined. We would be glad to have your order to remove him. The Daughter [Elizabeth] with Mr. [James] Carwell & proves an unlucky child. I fear ye ill Conduct of the Master & Mistrise is two much ye Cause. Mr. Causton refused paying ym for ye keeping ye Girl & order we to pay it which we desire to know where we must or no. 
 
The two Sons of Peter Tondees [Charles and Peter] with Mr. [Paul] Amatis. And By his ill Conduct of taking a scandilous wench to himself instead of a wife I very much fear how they will be taken Care of. John Millidge have got him up a hut by ye help of Mr. [Thomas] Young & some of his Neighbours. He desired we woud let his Brother & sisters [Frances, Richard, and Sarah] live with him as we have Consented to, But I fear its two young a family to do well, if they do not we will part ym. 
 
Mrs. Royle Being dead & left two sons, the eldest with Mr. Causton. 
 
The youngest with James Turner who has learnt to be a Taylor & proves an honest man as any in ye Town & Takes a Great deal of Care of the Child. 
 
Mr. [William] Littles Child [William] with Mrs. [Jane Parker] Mercer thay are very kind to ye Child. 
 
Mary Simons yt you Gave to Mr. Egcome [Arthur Edgcomb]. As soon as you went from hence he sold her to James Moore. Moore sold her to [James] Wilson, Wilson sold her to Chesright [Paul Cheeswright], which is a very bad Debauched house, so that amongst them all I fear ye Girl is undoon. Its thought by ye Midwife [Elizabeth Stanley] she is with child. Mr Causton thought as she was a Gift to Egcome he coud not Justifye ye selling of her, so Took her away from Cheseright & thinks she comes under our Care, so we have Takeen her & plased her to Mr. Tollaifield [John Fallowfield] wo is Marryed to a Carefull woman. If any in ye Town can Breck her from her ill habbit they will. 
 
[P.S.] I hope your Honour will Be my friend in my request in my last letters by Joulby. I shall be sure to take Care to obey your orders, in what ever you command me. 
 
 
Thomas Causton to the Trustees, April 2, 1735, Savannah, received July 16, 1735, C.O. 5/636, pp. 269-270, Egmont 14200, pp. 523-528, concerning conditions in Georgia, especially the Salzburgers discontent with their land and Peter Gordons actions in Georgia. 
 
May it please Your Honours. 
 
The Store Account of all Goods Reced, Issued and Remaining is now finisht and the Transcripts are making to be laid before Your Honours. 
 
I am now Setling with every One that is Debtor or Creditor with the Store to the 25th of March last, and hope to send their Respective Accounts by Capt [William] Thompson; who loads here. 
 
Your Honours Orders, with Respect to the future Support of the People shall be punctually observed. And as it has ever been my Choice to take advice in all matters, where my Orders are not Express, So I shall be particularly Carefull to advise with Mr [Thomas] Christie and Mr [John] Vanderplank when any Such Occasion offers. 
 
The people being now Cheifly discharged from the Store Provisions I judged it would be agreable to your Honours Intentions to keep Provisions in Store, That the people might be Supplyed either for money or Creditt at the Prime Cost. And accordingly a Barrill of Pork, which costs 10 per Currency is charged 11 per reckoning at the Rate of 10 per Cent for freight, Cranage, Waist and all Charges. Those People who choose Sawing and Labour pay for their goods imediately, And those who go to planting have Creditt till the Harvest be in, or Yor Honours Pleasure be Known. 
 
There are a great many People in good earnest at planting now, and Industry shews itself more every day. To these I deliver also Corn Peas and Potatoes for seed, which they are to Return in Specie, when the Harvest is in. I beleive 500 Acres will be planted before this Month is ended, of wch I will send Particulars. I have been askt what Bounty would be allowed at the Store for Such provisions as the People would furnish the Store with, (being of Growth of Georgia). But having no Orders for this Year, I desire Your Honours Directions what I shall say in that Matter. I thought it my Duty to give the Utmost Encouragemt to Planting, and believe the good Effects will be seen. 
 
I Reced the ten Tons of Strong Beer, which I have disposed off at 50 Sterling per hhd the buyer keeping the Cask. 
 
The People are too Apt to Run in Debt at the Alehouses (tho they pay 6d per quart for Beer). The Magistrates have made an Order to prevent such Creditt, And would Regulate the price of Beer & other Liquors if your Honours thought Proper. 
 
The People continue their Healths in a most happy manner, enjoying every thing that can make them happy. And now, every thing seems to move again in Peace, friendship and Industry. ([Joseph] Watsons party only excepted) who Still maintain their Caballs in full Assurance of Mr [Peter] Gordons promisses, which I choose to wink at. 
 
The Saltzburghers, are very Industrious. They have already fenced and planted 100 Acres of Land with Corn, Peas, and Potatoes; They have been much disatisfyed about their Land, and I have had much Difficulty to perswade them to be Easy. Their Prejudice is so Strongly raised, that nothing but Seeing the Produce will Convince them. What they have planted is Chiefly on the Sides of the Rivers where the Oaks grow. And I dont doubt, but they will have good Crops. 
 
The Surveyour [Noble Jones] will soon lay out the 2500 Acres which we have agreed shall be sent (in a Plan) for Your Honours Approbation before the Lotts are disposed off. 
 
Mr [John] Vatt very much desired to have his People Setled on a Red Bluff which is near the Entrance of the River Ebenezer, and gave as a Reason, the Barreness of the Soil where the Town now Stands; The Danger of Starving the People for want of Produce, and the ill Reputation the Country would gain, if the people should write to their friends, that they were Seated in a Barren Soil. This Bluff is about 8 Miles from the Town. 
 
In talking to Mr Vatt and the Minister I have represented to them, the many hardships, the whole Province Suffered from Evil disposed Tongues. 
 
That it was every Ones Duty to the Trustees, to manifest to the World, that they were resolved to be Contented, and depend upon their Orders, and firmly to believe, That if the People did their Endeavours, all Unavoidable Disapointmts would be made Easy. 
 
That I was very Sensible, too many Malitious People endeavoured to raise Uneasinesses among them on many Accounts, and beged they would take care, that the People might not be Ensnared. 
 
That if they would forbear giving too much Creditt, they would find, that the Sume of their Argument is to alter the Trustees Schemes of Setling the Province, vizt. want of Negroes, and Setling every One by himself where he pleases with many other Arguments to that End. 
 
That to give Encouragemt to any Ones Opinion, who have no right to give it, would be of dangerous Consequence, And it would be almost impossible to Support a People to any good Purpose, where prejudice prevailed. I beged and Insisted, that they would give the People the greatest Encouragemt; forbid the Belief of all Tittle Tattle; And assure them, That as God Allmighty had now put them under the Protection of the Trustees, their Industry would allways meet with just Encouragement. 
 
That as to the Land, twas plainly malitious, to call it Barren, when the Valleys were so many and the Runs of water so conveniently intermixt, with such large Tracts of young Canes, making large amends for the little Hills; And in a Small time, would be fine Pasture Meadows to Support a large Stock of Cattle & thereby furnish Manure (by Penning) for the Hills; and make them fruitfull Corn fields; and that this Mixture was so Advantageous for the whole that every freeholder might have a proportionable Share. 
 
Besides the planting above menconed they will plant Rice in the moist ground. The Produce of which, at the Price I now pay for Bread kind will alone Supply them all with Bread Kind for the next Year. 
 
The Abercorn people shew great Industry in planting (except [William] Watkins) who is never there. 
 
Robert Parker Senior, has now left his Mill (being much in Debt) And finding that it is not able to Answer his ends, gives out, that he built it, by Your Honours order, And that your Honours must discharge the workmen. 
 
[Walter] Augustine by the Assistance of a Millwright is building a Saw Mill on his own Land; Sir Francis Bathurst, his Lady and Children are in good health and very well pleased with their Scituation; his two eldest Daughters are married and he has buried two of his Servants. By Assistance of [Francis] Peircy his Son in Law he has planted and fenced 8 Acres and built him Convenient Covering. 
 
Musgrove is wholly at the Cow Penn. We are daily in Expectation of Mr [Samuel] Eveleight, when I Suppose All their Matters with [Joseph] Watson will be Settled. 
 
The Indians are at Pipemakers Bluff, and have built a very pretty Town being joyned by the Savannah Indians. They all behave exceedingly well. 
 
According to the Advice of Captain [Patrick] Mckay, a Coppy of which is enclosed, Tomochachi, Umpichi, Hillispelli, Saututche, Tallahumme, Toanahowi, and another Lad are gone to the Southward, and have promised to Return in a Month. 
 
Tomochachi had Sent Saututche to the Nation to Invite the Chiefs of the Towns, to receive Your Honours Presents; And they were to be here the beginning of this Month. Saututche was a little disatisfyed because Captain [Patrick] Mckay had prevented their coming. I wrote Captain Mckay the Enclosed answer, and Sent him the Enclosed List of the Names of Such persons who Tomochachi desired to come, And I suppose they will be here next Month. 
 
The people at Fort Argile are in good health. [Arthur Ogle] Edgcomb is made Lieutenant (by the Captain) [John] Teesdale, [William] Finley and [Thomas ?] Jones are entred into the Scout Service. [William] Calvert and [George B.] Roth are the only people there, who mind planting. 
 
The Scotch Gentlemen on that River are very Industrious & very healthy have built a good Fort [Sterlings Fort], have planted about 100 Acres of Corn and Peas and very probably will Clear as much more for Turnips at the Season. I have lent them 4 Small Cannon and Small Arms for all their People. 
 
As I am now informed Mr [Peter] Gordon is Sailed for England, with design to give some Unjust Reflections. I beg leave to say, That when he arrived, I reced him, as one I wisht for, I mean a person capable of assisting me, with hopes that he would Save me the Trouble of Acting (on every Occasion,) in the Office of a Magistrate; and I communicated to him, Such parts of Your Honours Orders to me as concerned the publick Administration. 
 
I expected, he would have enforct the former Orders, which till then, had been peaceably Submitted to; But to my great Surprize, encouraged Complaints and Raised Discord, As if he came with some great Commission. And there is not one Materiall thing done, but he has endeavoured to Expose it. 
 
As there have been various instances of this his proceedings, It is impossible to Speak of any particular, Unless he would have entered on any One Argument. And I should have given him my Reasons, And have most Dutifully Submitted to Your Honours Orders. 
 
But thus it is, He has made a Voyage to Georgia, Staid here about a Month, Encouraged Complaints against the Administrators of Justice, helped Vilifye, Ridicule, and Oppose all former Management, hearing One Side without the other, and then left us; Without letting us know his Sentiments, (or Staying) whereby to prevent those things which he pretended to Complain of. 
 
I hope Your Honours will not be Offended, if (with great Submission) I say, That this Treatment by Mr Gordon, has given me so great Uneasiness that I had Rather Choose the most Ordinary Servitude Than Execute a Publick Office on Such Terms. 
 
I Rely on Your Honours goodness, Shall patiently expect, and readily Submitt to all Your Honours Orders. 
 
 
Samuel Eveleigh to James Oglethorpe, April 3, 1735, South Carolina, received June 18, 1735, C.O. 5/636, pp. 275-276, Egmont 14200, pp. 535-537, concerning use of live oak timber by the admiralty and South Carolina political affairs. 
 
Sr 
 
I could not possibly gett down but four Pieces of those live Oak Timbers mentioned in my last, which I have put on board the Prince of Wales Capt [George] Dunbar, and consigned them to Messrs Peter Symonds & Compa, as also a barrell of Ashes, which I lately Reed from Mr Welsh Housen Markt 10 and have desired the Said Symonds to deliver it to you. I have by this oppertunity wrote them a Letter, which Suppose theyl communicate to you. It relates chiefly to live Oak. I Should be glad you could prevail with Sr Jacob Akeworth to report in favour of that Timber to the Lords of the Admiralty. Capt Dunbarr dined with me Some days Since. When (after Dinner) wee drank the Health of the Royall family, the Trustees, Yours and Sr Jacob Akeworths, He told me that a School fellow of mine at yr House (who is Recorder of Hazell Here) drank my health, and wee drank his also. I Should be glad to know his Name. I am of Opinion, That on the report of Sr Jacob Akeworth to the Lords of the Admiralty on live Oak Timbers, depends the Success thereof in a great Measure, and that if it be given in our favour Mr Symmonds may easily contract with the Admiralty for a quantity to Advantage. I do assure you its my Opinion that it will be of great Advantage to England & Georgia and about which I have Spent many Hours in inquireing and thinking thereof. Some Time Since here was a Cap of a Vessell that had been two Voyages from Piscataqua to Marseilles with Ships Timbers, Oak Pine &ca and assured me, that he had a good freight and that the Merchant gott money besides; I took from him Minutes of those Things which were necessary, and doubt not but it will turn to a better Accot from Georgia because live Oak Timbers are in great Esteem there, and are certainly much preferrable to any Oak whatsoever. I desire youl discourse Mr Benja Barry (whose name I have formerly mentioned) his Report of what he knows of his own knowledge, may probably much avail with Sr Jacob. Yesterday I Sent down to Georgia my Young man Wm Buttler, and with him went two white Men, One of them is very well acquainted with live Oak Timbers, and after they have cutt Some Spars Oars &ca Sufficient to load my Schooner back therewith to Jamaica They have orders to cutt Some few live Oak Timbers. 
 
I am almost Impatient of receiving Some Letters from you, in Answer to a great many I have wrote you ever Since the beginning of June last, and if by them I find Incouragement, Ile Send more Strength And cutt Sufficient to load one or Two of Mr Symmonds Vessells if he desires it. I design the latter End of this Month for Georgia and to carry with me (if I can) Mr Middleton the Pilote, Who was with Capt [James] Gascoigne dureing all his Surveys, and in the first place were forced to Survey the Inlett and ye River of Warsaw [Wassaw], as likewise to See to pitch upon A Commodious place there for cutting of live Oak Timbers. 
 
Our Assembly met here the fourteenth day of January, and drew up A Bill and Sent it to the upper House for Suspending the Indian tradeing Law they past last Session. But the upper house makeing an alteration in the Tax Law, which was in favour of the chief Justice [Robert Wright], The lower House unanimously rejected it. For they would not admit ye Upper House to make any alteration in a money Bill, which may appear Strange, unless you consider, That the Kings Instructions to the Govrs Say, That you Shall not admit your Assembly to have any more priviledges than the Parliament of Great Brittain, So that Implys they may have as much. I find by Some Letters from Mr [William] Jeffries, That the Maligne Party both here and in England are imploying their utmost Venome against the Govr [Robert Johnson]. There are two matters which they make an handle of, which I Suppose was represented home by the Chief Justice. The one is the Affair of Mr Hazle, on which (Mr Jeffries) who has been a very great looser per him Seems to Exclaim. They have infused into his Head that the Govr was the Occasion they could not gett yt money of him, which is very false, for Ime well assured the Govr did not in the least interferr in that Affair. The other is about passing the Law for Assistant Judges, A Law (in my Opinion) as reasonable as any Law in this Province. The chief Justice (as Ime informed) has complained against the Assistant Judges takeing away some of his fees. I have inquired of them all and they Say they never gott one farthing, but gave their Attendance for the good of the Province without any other reward, than A Satisfaction of doeing good to Mankind. They have also represented (as Ime informed) That they are both ignorant and unlearned. And I do assure you that they are Men of good Sense, tolerable Learning and Honesty. And for these reasons I would Sooner Submit my life and Estate to any one of them all, than to the chief Justice. And if [Robert] Humes himself would but tell you, what He told me before he went from hence, He would informe you he was a Man not fitt for Such a post. And I am Satisfied this is the Opinion almost of Every Lawyer in this Place (Except Graham). Another thing is, I find by Mr Jeffries they lay the blame of Capt Gordons Death to the Govr, which I think is very unjust. For if the Govern had not taken any Notice of the Judge of the Admiraltys request, Mr [Benjamin] Whitaker would have Sent home to the Lords of the Admiralty a grievous Complaint against him, and haveing done it, He is Still to blame, and what could the Poor Gentleman do in this Case; Its here disputed whither the Admiraltys Jurisdiction did Extend to this Case. If so, Mr Whitaker is most to blame, for he at least Should know ye Extent of his Authority. 
 
[P. S.] I fear this Place will be Miserable Poor. 
 
 
John Fenwicke178 to James Oglethorpe, April 3, 1735, Charles Town, received June 18, 1735, C.O. 5/636, pp. 273-274, Egmont 14200, pp. 531-532, concerning defense, Indian affairs, and Fort Toulouse. 
 
Honoble Sr 
 
I have had ye Honr to receive Your favours of ye 28th of Octobr Ulto; wch as it is but very lately since it came to my hands Youl Excuse my not Answering it Sooner. The Zeal wth wch you are pleased to say I have Acted in Your Colonys behalf, has never come up, to what I have always wisht it lay in my power to do, Encouraged therein by the good Example of Your Unwearied Endeavours & application for the mutual Advantage of this Province as well as that of Georgia; but more perticularly by representing at home in a just maner ye Scituation and Sircumstance of Our Affairs here, wch we are bound in Duty, Gatefully to Acknowledge. 
 
My Intrest shal not be wanting in having ye Scout Boate & Rangers at Georgia continued; well knowing ye Security & Encouragmt they are of, to those Out Setlemts. There has been some thoughts in ye Assembly of reducing those On this side Savana River to Ease ye great Expence we are at, but the Govermt has concluded they Shal also be continued at least for this Year, Under ye Apprehentions of Warr. We have agreed (tho ye Actt not past Yet) to raise in this Tax, ye Sum Stipulated with yt in lieu of Your Setling a Garrison in ye Upper Creeks, tho we have no Advice as yet of its being done, nor Even of their arival there, altho yt affair has been many months in agitation. I could have Wsht [Patrick] Mackey had been furnished at ye begining wth an Experienced good officer under him. The french Capt at the Albamah Fort, by his Lettr to Our Governor, is Alarmd at ye News, & threatens heel repel by force any attempts We shal make of Setling a Garrison nigh that of theirs; wch Lettr ye Governr Sent to Mackey before he went from Pallachuclas. However we are Under no great apprehention of any thing they can do On that head, provided Mackey plays his Cards wel wth ye Creek Indians, who have but a mean opinion of the French & their fort, insomuch yt they not long ago Surrounded ye fort in Arms, & Obliegd them to deliver up one of their Men, yt by some means had killed an Indian Woman wch Man they burnt before their faces. So yt as we have lately had a good Acct yt that fort & Garrison is Capable of making but very little defence, it is to be hoped ye Trustees have it now in their thoughts (in Case of Warr) Imediately to dismantle & reduce ye Same, wch I dare say we shall not be backward in giving our assistance to. Youl no doubt have a more perticular Acct of Mattrs from Your officers at Savana, than I am Able to give you; Wherefore I must begg leave to refer yr thereto, as wel as to Several things Mr [Samuel] Eveleigh tels me he has advised you of. 
 
So have only farther to assure you of my readiness to Execute any Commands you think me Capable &c. that I shall always be proud when I have an opportunity to do more. 
 
[P.S.] My Wife desires to joyn with me in her Complements to you. The Governr has been dangerously Ill, but now on ye Mending hand. 
 
 
Paul Jenys to James Oglethorpe, April 4, 1735, Charles Town, received June 18, 1735, C.O. 5/636, pp. 271-272, Egmont 14200, pp. 539-542, concerning Indian relations and actions of the Carolina assembly. 
 
Sir 
 
The repeated Instances you have given (since your arrival in England) of your Attachment to the Interest of this Colony, the assistance which on every Occasion youve given our Agent and the unwearied Pains youve taken to sett the Affairs of this Province in a True light, merrit the particular thanks of Every one who desires the Prosperity of this Country; and I may Venture to Assure you, that the Present Assembly, will have a great regard to what you recommend. 
 
Captain [Patrick] Mackay has been some time in the Upper Creeks, but in what Town he designs to erect a Fort, or what progress he has made in that undertaking, we have not yet heard. Tis probable that this will create some Jealousy in the French Settlement. The Governour of New Orleans descovers a great concern on account of some Trade, that has been carried on between the Chocktaws and some of our Traders, and complains of some attempts made by the English to withdraw that Nation from the French Interest. He seems to be much Alarumed at the Advice he has received concerning those Indians. I presume His Excellency has Communicated to you the Substance of what Genl Bienville has writ on this Head. The Visit which the Chocktaws paid to your Colony & the Presents, which were there made them, and the Assurances they then gave of Cultivating a Trade and Friendship with your People, will give further umbrage to the French Governour, but we hope be attended with no Injury to your Settlements. A Garrison well Establishd in the Upper Creeks will (we conceive) be some Awe to the French, & Security to the Traders, and your Colony, and the Sooner this is well Effected the better, as tis like to creat some Jealousy, & we hope Captain Mackay will, with the Utmost Expedition pursue Your Instructions and erect a Fort in some Proper Place. Pursuant to the Engagement which the General Assembly made with you in Behalf of the Honourable Trustees, and which was afterward confirmd by a Law passed for that Purpose, the General Assembly will in the Tax Act for the Year 1734 raise the Sum of  2320 towards defraying part of the Charges of the Garrison to be Settled in the Upper Creeks, and the further Sum of  1680 for the Reinforcement of the Rangers now in Georgia, under the Command of Captain [James] Macpherson. Both of these Sums were in the Estimate of the Tax Bill, for the Afforesaid Year, but this Bill on a Third reading was rejected in the Commons House of Assembly the 27th past. As this is an Affair of an unusual nature, I shall give you a Short Account of it, without entering into the Debate or mentioning more than the Reason, why the Bill was rejected. I would observe (tho I believe you took notice of it when here) That all Bills are read Alternately three Several times in each House of Assembly, and not according to the Custom of the Parliament in Great Britain. The Tax Bill had passed The Lower House a Second Reading, and was sent to the Council with the Estimate of the Year Closd and on a Second Reading in that House an Addition was by them made of the Sum of  2100, and the Bill sent to the Lower House alterd Agreeable to the Additional Sum. Upon this the Lower House of Assembly rejected the Bill, on a third Reading, and alledgd for this Procedure, that the Sole right of Taxing the Inhabitants is in their Representatives. Upon this The Governor after giving his Assent to three Acts prorogued the Assembly to the 15th Instant. 
 
Upon The Meeting of the Assembly a Tax Bill will be immediately brought in and Soon dispatchd, if the Council do not retard it by insisting on their right to alter and amend a Money Bill, which (I find) will not on any Consideration be Submitted to by the House of Representatives. The fatal Consequences of A difference on this Subject, gives me great concern, and the more as it will immediately Affect all of our Garrisons, Scouts & Rangers, who will on this account be kept out of their Pay, and be distressed to the last Degree. 
 
A few days past Captain [William] Ferguson came to Town to discharge himself from the Service of the Publick, but I Believe the Scout Boat & Rangers will be continued another Year in Georgia. Ive made use of all my Interest with the Members of our House for that Purpose, and hope to Succeed. A Majority will come into it, unless Im deceived, and the Sooner as I have assured them that the Trustees are like to Obtain some Grant from the Parliament, in order to Settle the Western Frontier; and that then, this Expence will be at an End. The Parliament being now Sitting Im in Expectation that the Representation of this Province will be recommended by the Ministry to their Consideration, and as Georgia will receive more immediate Advantages from the Success of it. I make no Doubt but you, and all of the Trustees will use your Utmost Efforts to accomplish the Grand Design, which (I may just say) is of your own Forming. Nothing will be more agreeable to me than to hear of Your Success in this Important Affair, which I hope youl not forget to Advise me of. 
 
I shall not trouble you with any of the News of Georgia, but leave that to Captain [George] Dunbar who is capable of giving you a very full Account. Tis with much Pleasure & Satisfaction, that I can now inform you, that Ive shipt Your Cannoe by the Prince of Wales; and being Committed to the care & charge of Captn Dunbar, I make no doubt but twill accidents excepted come safe to Hand. I never met with so many Disappointments, nor so much Difficulty in my life as to convey this Craft to England, and had it not been Mr Oglethorpes, the Commander of the Prince of Wales, would not have taken the Charge thereof for any Money. Ive inclosed to your Address the last Quarterly Accot of the Georgia Duty on Rum; I hope youl lay it before the Honourable Trustees at their first meeting. Weve duely paid all of Mr Caustons Draughts, an Accot of which we shall shortly transmit to the Trustees; they amount to much more than the Duty of Rum, and for the Ballance (we Suppose) Mr Causton will give us a Bill on the Trustees, whose Commands we shall be very proud to execute on every Occasion. If the Trustees have not empowerd any Person to receive what is granted them towards the Charges of Erecting and maintaining the Garrison in the Upper Creeks, we shall be ready (if they please to empower us) to receive it, when raisd and to pay it as they shall direct. Mr [Gabriel] Manigault is appointed Publick Treasurer in the Room of Colo [Alexander] Parris. 
 
 
Paul Amatis to the magistrates of Georgia, April 5, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, p. 51, Egmont 14200, pp. 543-544, concerning his argument with Joseph Fitzwalter over control of the garden. Read in court.179 
 
Gentlemen 
 
I am obliged (tho contrary to my Inclination) to read these few Lines with an Intent to Deffend my Character against the wicked Designs of Mr [Joseph] Fitzwalter who certainly has no other View by bringing me into Court than to cover and hide his Mismenagement and great Faults in relation to the Trustees Garden. He might easily have prevented what I have done against him had he done his Duty ever Since Mr Oglehtorpe departure, but it Seems he did not believe that another Superior to him was Appointed by Mr Oglehtorp to overlook his Proceedings and every thing Else relating to the Publick Garden. 
 
I do declare & maintain the Same that my whole View and Intentions has been no other than to do Justice & my Duty to the Trustees according to my Promise to them Long Since. 
 
I have very good reasons for turning out Mr Fitzwalter from the Garden which I will Shortly give the Trustees in person. 
 
I have the Satisfaction to find that I have intirely in the Strictest manner Obeyd & performed the Orders Mr Oglethorp gave me Severall times before Governour Johnson & Severall other persons of Distinction viz The Reverend Mr [Samuel] Quincy, Capt [Patrick] Mackoy, Capt [George] Dunbar & Mr [John] Vanderplank. 
 
I further declare that Mr Fitzwalter has Insulted me in the Garden & acted Contrary to my orders & given away Severall Plants & Trees out of the Publick Garden without the Trustees Leave or mine. I therefore Oppose his having any thing to do there till the Trustees have received My Complaint & there further orders arrivd here which I Expect in a Short time to End this dispute. 
 
I have writ to them twice relating to their Servants being taken away from their Employ in the Garden (in my Absence) and that I Stay in this Town with no other View than to perform my Duty to them and take due care of their Interest which tis Evident I have more at heart than My Rival Mr Fitzwalter. 
 
 
Richard Cookesey to [?], April 7, 1735, White Ladies near Worcester, C.O. 5/636, p. 184, concerning his son going to Georgia.180 
 
Sir 
 
You wear soe good to tell me You would recommend a Son of mine to an honest Person in Georgia to be asisting to him, and to be with at first coming there, till can get into Partnership or have an habitation of his owne. He hath been bread in the Sea Servis, and now after having been on Board severall men of War for 8 Years & spent me near as many hundred Pounds will goe noe more. He is adicted to noe vice as I know off, hath been indolent indeed, or with the intrist I have with Sir Thomas Lyttelton & Mr Winington he might have been in Commission before now. He hath a Brother a Fellow of Merton College in Oxford, but boath being by a former Wife & having severall Children by a second, I cannot at present for the sake of Peace at home, doe for them as I would. Therefore You would be very kinde in asisting this poore unhappy yonge Fellow directing him how to lay out the litle money that at present I could spare him wch is but 50  but may send more to him if finde it will answer. He is recommended to You by Sir Jno Roushout & Mr Bromley. I could have got Lord Hardwick and the Master of the Rolls had I asked them, but having soe kind a reception from you my Self & being soe willing to give Yr asistance I only orderd my Son to waite on you himself who tells me hath, and You wear soe good to advise him, for wch I humbly thank You & hope You will further serve me as above. 
 
 
Isaac Chardon to the Trustees, April 7, 1735, Charles Town, received June 18, 1735, C.O. 5/636, p. 227, concerning payments of Thomas Caustons drafts. 
 
Gentn 
 
Since the 24 March last which was the day that I setled your Accompts I have Answered the following drafts of Mr Thomas Causton upon me to pay for provissions that he has purchased for the use of your Colony. vizt 
 
 
Country Currency. And I have taken ye Liberty to draw upon you of this days date payable into Messrs Peter & J. C. Simond or Order for One hundred pounds Sterling in part which I beg you Will pay and Charge my Accompt therewith. 
 
 
Thomas Causton to Patrick Mackay, April 10, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, p. 279, Egmont 14200, pp. 547-549, concerning distribution of Indian presents. 
 
Sir 
 
Your favour of the 27th March came Safe and very Welcome to my hands. 
 
I heartily Congratulate you on your good health, & prospect of Success in Affairs of the province. 
 
The presents sent by the Trustees of which I advertized you in my Last, I have orders to Dispose of to the Creek Nation as Tomochaihi shall advice. Nevertheless, I understand it as you do, I mean to such as have the Most Interest, and Since you have the Opportunity to Advice in this Affair, it would Certainly be very proper to Advice Senteche who is the Messenger from Tomichichi, to invite those down here, whom you Discover to have that Interest. 
 
I have taken the Enclosed List from Tomochichis own Mouth, which I thot proper to Send you whereby you will See who he means, and Judge of it in a proper manner. 
 
I have also Enclosed the Quantity and quality of the presents, which are all in my Custody and (pursuant to my orders) will be Delivered to none but the heads of the Creek Nation. 
 
Wee have no account of a Warr (with regard to Brittain at present), But every one Seems to believe it unavoidable. I shall take particular Care to give you Intelligence of what comes to my Knowledge, have given the Necessary Caution to the Out Settlements and have procured some Indians to Cruise towards the Altamahaw. 
 
I send you also the Hand Cuffs as desired, our Collony are all in very Good health. 
 
Names of the Chief Indians to be Invited from the Creek Nation to Receive presents: 
 
 
 
 
William Jefferis to James Oglethorpe, April 12, 1735, Bristol, C.O. 5/636, p. 178, concerning bounties on lumber products and Samuel Eveleighs trade. 
 
Sir 
 
I thought it my duty to advise you that I have a Ship designed directly from hence for Georgia for acct of my friend Saml Eveleigh so yt if you have any commands, as She may Sail in thre weeks, you wil be pleased to forward ym to me and I shal do ye needfull. 
 
Some persons are asking here to go on ye Trustees Encouragt. Pray Sir is it possible to have their request complyd wth & what may the Encouragement be? 
 
Both Mr Scrope & Sr A Elton write me this post yt you have agreed in ye Ho [House ?]181 to Revive ye Rice Act wch was very proper to be continued. 
 
Is there like to be any Law pass this Session to give Bounty on Live Oak timber &ca from Georgia and do you apprehend any Claim wch the Carolinians have on Deerskins on board of a Ship wch comes in her from Georgia to Carolina & takes in ye remr [remainder] of her loading there but discharges none of these Skins but are taken in & incerted in ye Plantn [plantation] Certicate to be discharged in Great Britain? I know you are buisie so I trouble you no further. 
 
 
Sir Francis Bathurst to the Trustees, April 15, 1735, Bathurst Bluff [Georgia], C.O. 5/637, p. 53, Egmont 14200, p. 551, concerning his need for servants. 
 
May it please yr Honrs 
 
This waits on you humbly to beg ye favour of yr Honrs to give me 2 or 3 Servants, for I have lost 2 of mine. One dyed in about a month & odd days after I landed here, of ye Scurveys and a Dropsie. Ye other about 3 Weeks ago of a Dropsie and an ulcer in his Leg. I vastly like ye Country and would be heartiely glad to continue here if possible, I could have Servants. Ye Death of them 2 is a  100 lost to me, it now being planting time, and people are hard to be got here. I wish all People were of my mind, and then I am sure ye Colony would soon be peopled. So hopeing yr Honrs will grant me my request, I beg leave in all humility to Subscribe. 
 
P. S. I dont hear but yt ye Colony is in good health and all very quiet. My Poor little Son does ye work of a man, and is vastly delighted wth ye Country. 
 
 
Robert Potter to Viscount Percival [Earl of Egmont], April 15, 1735, Savannah, received Aug. 28, 1735, C.O. 5/637, p. 56, concerning his financial reverses and asking for help. 
 
My Lord 
 
In my letter by Capt Oakly I Inforned youre Lordship of my grivances, I then lay under, & was like to lie under, ocationd by ye stopping of provisions att ye twelve months end, if not relieved by youre Lordship & ye rest of ye Honorable trustees for establishing this Colluony. In said letter, I appealed to ye Honorable James Oglethorp for a charracter, & to ye revernd Samuel Quinsy, who then signd a certificatt of my behavior & performances on my lott, & now My Lord, I humbly begg ye favour of your Lordship, & of ye Honorable trustees yt your Honours will be pleased to enquire of this worthy bearer John West who has been eye-witness of my behavior, of my improvements, & of my losses, yt I sustaind in my planting occationd by my niebours not equally clearing their lotts as I had don. Ye Squerrills destroyd me, three thousand hills of potatoes, by ye assistance of which I did not doubt, but to build my house. Indeed my house is raisd, but to my dissadvantage. I chose rather to give a lease of fower years in consideration of building of it, than to suffer a blott or vacancy in ye street it stood in. My losses & disappointmts ware so great yt I could not do otherwise. By said Oakly I wrote to ye Honorable James Oglethorp, to put him in minde of sum perticular oppressions, & grivances yt happened att his departure, & yt onely lies in his power to redress, wch I am in hopes, his Honour will not be backward in. My Lord to avoid being to tedious & troublesum I will adde no more, but waite wth patience, & rely on your Lordships charitable assistance for reliefe. 
 
 
Thomas Casuton, Henry Parker, and Thomas Christie to Messrs. Brown, Hains & Co., Indian traders, April 16, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 281-282, Egmont 14200, p. 555, concerning trouble in the Indian trade. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
Being Informd by Mr Barker that you are Indian Traders within this Province and are Apprehensive of Some Interuption or Disturbance in the Same. We Shall take the first Opportunity of Acquainting the Trustees of this Matter and in the mean time let you know That the Trustees have here appointed a Court of Record, & Whatever power Except from them Shall presume to give you any Disturbance or Molestation within this Province You may depend upon us of a Legal Protection and that we Shall always be ready to Serve you to the Utmost of our Power. 
 
 
John West to James Oglethorpe, April 18, 1735, Savannah, received June 18, 1735 C.O. 5/636, p. 283, Egmont 14200, pp. 559-560, concerning his proposed trip to England. 
 
Honnored Sr 
 
I have mad bould to trobell you with this to harttoley [heartely] thanck you & the Honorbell Trosttees for the gratt [great] faver you was pleas to beestow on me in Letting me Come for England & with a kind ofer of paying my pasegg [passage] to & from England. I shall have ocasion to stay butt a small time in England. I porpouss [propose] Coming with Cpn [William] Tomson. I ham [am] now seattelling my afayors [affairs]. I shall Leave 3 men in my shop to Carey on my besnes [business] while I ham a way. I ham Lick [like] to have abundanc of Leattors to your Honnor & ye Rest of ye Honnorbll Trosttees. Mr [John] Vandarplanck sends his gornell [journal] with me & mr fechwaltor [Joseph Fitzwalter]. I ham macking a Coleckion of foriotteys [curiosities] to breng with me. I beeleve Cpn Tomson will gett his Loding heare & I hope to putt my self 100 barells of riss a bord of har [her]. Thare will be a boutt 400 barells of peck [pitch] & tarr mad heare allsoo on bord ye same & a boutt 20 or 30 hoghegs of skens [skins]. Ye pech & tarr beelongs to mr Leasey [Roger Lacy]  thondorboult & mr Costen & Mr Vandorplanck & ye kens [skins] to mr Euley [Eveleigh]. I hope your Honnor will be soo good as to porteshen [petition] ye Honorbll Trosttee for 500 Eackors of Land. I should be glad of that which was Cpn Skotts [Francis Scott] beetwen ye town & thondor boult. I have rett [wrote] to my father & brother to gett me as maney sarvents as thay Cann again I Com to England which if I Cann imbarck from Bristoll. I ham Vearey sorey for mr [Peter] Gordon that he Deed nott stay Longer with us beefore he went away. Ye pepell are all att preasent Vearey quiott & Vearey industrous. I have & will goo & see what Land Every man have Cleared & what improufments is made on itt in town & Contorey & preng [bring] your Honnor as porteckolor [particular] a Count of itt as posobell I Cann. I beeleve I shall sail in May soo I hope that your Honnor will be Satesfied tell I see you. Ye Pepell in genorell semes to be grattly pleas att my gooing for England butt nott soo well pleased att mr Gordin gooing soo soonne from them & nott to Lett them know of itt. I hope to be abell to gve [give] a trew reeportt of most tranchions [transactions] heare. 
 
 
Samuel Eveleigh to James Oglethorpe, April 19 and May 1, 1735, South Carolina, received June 18, 1735, C.O. 5/636, pp. 286-287, concerning South Carolina affairs and the fatal illness of Governor Robert Johnson. 
 
Sr 
 
Here are four or five Vessells lately arrived from London, and have been So unfortunate as not to have reed one Line from you by any of them, In Answer to Several of mine that must have come to your hands, Some of which were of Consequence. 
 
I am Advised that the People in Georgia are all in good Health, to which Place I design to goe about Ten days hence. And if Mr Middleton is as good as his Word, I design to goe there in the Pilote Boat out at Sea, and to Survey Wassaw Harbour and Inlett and Send you. The Gov. has again Relapsed and was very ill about A fortnight Since, So bad, That he would not be Spoke to, And indeed I do think that He is in A dangerous Condition. Hees now Somewhat better, And they are trying Capt Hansens Master and People that killed Gordon by Virtue of A Comm[ission] for the Tryall of Pyratts. And of late Cap Hansen and Mr [Benjamin] Whitaker have been very great, and am afraid theyl lay the Blame intirely to the Governr. At least do what Possibly they can. I Pity the Poor Gentn. 
 
I find there have been Several Paragraphs inserted in the News Papers in Relation to Gordons death and neither of them have represented the thing right, And the Blame Seems chiefly to be on the Govr. The Case was this. Mrs Dean who kept a little publick House (chiefly to Entertain Sailors) had money due to her from Some of Capt Gordons Men. She Applys to Mr Whitaker Judge of the Admiralty for a Warrant and gott one, and Sends down the Martial of the Admiralty to bring them up from Rebellion Road, but Gordon would not Suffer them to come on Board, Upon which Mr Whitaker Sent A Letter to the Govr complaining That the Jurysdicton of the Admiralty was obstructed and desired his Assistance, which Letter the Govr Sent to Capt Hansen, who Sent down his Master with Some hands, with A Warrant of Contempt from the Judge of the Admiralty. Who being Opposed, the Master (as Ime informed) Shott Gordon thro one of the Ports. How the Govr can in this Case be blamed I cant imagine, For if he had refused, Mr Whitaker, undoubtedly would have made A dismal Complaint to ye Lords of ye Admiry. 
 
May ye 1st 1735. 
 
Sr. This comes to Advise you That his Excellency about six days Since was taken very ill, and So has continued Ever Since. And the Last Night, ye Docrs and Several Others about him, were of Opinion he would not live till the Morneing. Hees gott a Violent Flux, which goes from him imperceptable. He has for many Years past been Subject to Melancholly, And its generaly believed the vile, malicious and false Accusations that have been laid against him by his Enemys have Contributed very much to bring on this Distemper, and which (I believe) will in A Short Time put an End to his Life.182 
 
The Assembly have past a Bill for Appropriateing the Dutys arising from Negroes for ye Incouragement of Strangers that Shall hereafter be imported, and likewise laid A Tax for Sinking the Orders which would ere now been passt into A Law, had not the Governrs Illness prevented it. 
 
 
S. Haselfoot183 to the Trustees, April 23, 1735, no place, C.O. 5/636, p. 180, concerning her husband in Georgia and his need of servants. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
I hope you will forgive this trouble, but hearing there is a Ship soon to go to Georgia, I beg your Honours will Indulge me in what concerns Mr Haselfoot my Husband. He went to Georgia in April last, on your Honours Grant of 150 acres of Land, & was to carry three Servants wth him, but coud get none to go with him. He has wrote to me to send him two servants & to come to him my self, wch I am willing to do as soon as I get ye affairs ended he left me to transact. I understand He has at present a Town Lot of 50 acres, & was building a House thereon. I hope Gentlemen that such Lot it to be accounted only as part of his 150 Acres, & that as he gets Servants to assist him he may have ye Land wch was granted him set out. I am at a loss being a woman how to get him two servants, wch I woud send by Capn Yoakley & pay Ten pounds for their passage; & will go to Mr Haselfoot my self ye latter end of ye year; if your Honours wold instruct me what I must do to have these servants it woud be great favour. My Circumstances are very narrow, & I cannot assist Mr Haselfoot as I woud. I am in some concern least he is straightend in finding means for his own maintenance; it woud be a satisfaction to my mind if your Honours woud Credit him at Savannah with some subsistance for himself only, in case he shoud want it. I am sure he is so honest he will certainly repay when he is able. Your Honours will I hope pardon my freedom. 
 
 
Samuel Marcer to the Trustees, April 25, 1735, Savannah, received July 6, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 59-62, Egmont 14200, pp. 563-567, concerning sale of liquors and the land not being surveyed. 
 
May it Pleas your Honnours 
 
I have made bould to Write to you Hoping that you will Excuse me, for I am very Sorey that the first Letter that I send to your Honnours should be a Complaint and this is at present to Lett you know the Great Many Grevances that we Lay under. 
 
In the first place Esqr Oglethorp when he was hear was so good as to grant to me a License for Selling of Liquors and Since I am Informed has been Consented to by the whole trust for which I Return the Whole trust a thousand thanks for their goodness and Shall allways Accnowlidge it as a great favour and Shall allways be very willing to Obey any Commands that the trust Shall think proper. 
 
I might Have begun by Selling Liquors When the Esqr Left Georgia but after he was gone Seeing so many people Retaille Liquors that had no Wrighte So to do made me forbear a Longe time and Longe a great deale then what I would have done thinking that those things might be Supresed. And I have often times Spoke to the magistrates of this place and particulare to Mr Causton thinking that they would Supress them but I found all was in Vain and to no manner of purpose. For Instead of Encourigen those Houses that had a wright to Sell Liquors did allways Encourige those that had no Wright and their Reasons for So doing is this. 
 
In the first place the trust have thought proper to Debar us for Selling of Rum or any other Disteld Liquors Which I do asure your Honrs that I never have Sould any nor never will Except I have the Consent of the trust. And because they Can gett punch at these houses that have no Licence they allways Encourege them which think is very hard. For if Ever any Gentlemen Came to See the place, Mr Causton Instead of Encourgen those whome the trust had thought proper to grant Licences to for Selling of Liquors allways went with them to Mr [John] Penrose who have no wright to Sell any Liquors. And these persons having Ready money allways, which Cannot allways be Expected of those that Live in town, has been a very great hardship to us and we have Sufferd very much by it and Shall do more Except your Honrs will be So good as to think of Some Method to Supress those things. 
 
I Did not begin to Sell any Liquor untill Christmas Last Seeing So Little Encouragement for it but was willing then to take a tryal to See what I Could do, but Can finde No Encourigment for Carring on the buiseness at present. Theirfore I have Rather Choosed to forbear Selling of Liquors by the advise of Some friends untill Such times as I might Acquaint yr Honrs of the proceedings that is know Carrid on in this town, for I do belive their is hardley twenty Houses in the town but what doth Sell Rum and all so other Liquors. And those persons whome it is their Buisness to See that your Honnours Commands ought to be Obeyed is the furthest from it. Even So far that Mr [Thomas] Christy our Recorder doth Sell Rum as well as other Liquors by Retail Even by Qrts and not he but Several Others. Their is one Mr James Gould whome Mr Causton Emplys to write in the Stores that Doth Sell Rum and allso other Liquors which Mr Causton is very well Acquainted that he doth, as allso one Mr Houlston [James Houston ?] and one Mr [Edward] Jenkins and Severall which Doth the Same too many to Speake of present. But Mr Gould Selling has been of very bad Consequence to those that had License for those people that was at worke for the publick we must give Credit to them untill Such times as they Could have their money payd and when they have Comed to Recd their money then had they the most part of it to, if not all, to pay to Mr Gould for Rum and to other persons for the Same Liquor. So that it is a very hard for us to gett our money and these persons Selling of Rum Such as Mr Cristy & Mr Gould has made a great many more Sell, more a great Deal then I believe would have done. For the people Says that if Mr Cristy that is the Recorder and Mr Gould that is in the Stores Sell Rum why may not they. And a great many people doth Believe that your Honrs never gave any Such orders as for Rum not to be Sould in this place. 
 
And their Reason for it is because these people doth Sell it, and I do Say that Rum is now Sould as pleanty as any other Liquors and as openly and those people that Sell Rum getts all the Ready Money. For So Long as the people Can gett Rum they never will buy any other Liquor, and when they have gott no money then they will Come to the Publick houses to gett Credit. And we must give Credit or other ways [wise] our Liquors must perish on our hands and then we must suffer very much. For Bear [beer] and wine will nott keep in the Summer time hear their being so much Thunder and Lightning. I hope that Your Honrs will be So good as to take these things into Consideration and not to Lett me Suffer, for I have been at great Charge in Building and making Roome for Lodging and Getting a great many other things on purpose to Carry on the Buissness in a Handsome and Desent way and to Entertain travilers in a handsome manner. So that I hope Yr Honrs will not Lett me Suffer but grant that I may Sell as other people do and not be under the penalty of fifty pound Sterling, or that your Honrs will be pleased to think of Some methods to Supress those that doth Sell Rum and what Ever way your Honrs Shall think most proper. I Shall allways be Ready to Obey your Honnours Commands. Mr Penrose have Continued to Sell Rum and Other Liquors Ever Since the Esqr Left this place without Licence. He hath been fined a Second time for it but doth not minde it Any ways and Continues to do the Same as before and Says that he will So Continue on. 
 
Their is an other thing I Shall Beg Leave to Acquaint your Honrs with and that is about our Lands. When the Esqr Left this place Mr [Noble] Jones our Surveyor promised him that our Lands Should be Run out and that Every man Should now his Land, but we never had any Run out yett nor do not know when we Shall which is very hard upon a great many people. For Several peoples five Acre Lotts Lays So much Covered with watter and in Such Swampy wett ground that it is Impossible for them to be Cleared as yett to be fitt for any person to gett their Bread on. And hear is a great many persons that had they their forty five Acres Run out would have been clearing their Lands and before this time would have had a good deal of Land planted which would have been of great Servis to this Collony. But as things is now a great many people is forced to gett to any Sort of Work in the town to keep them from Starving, which is very great hardships to them and makes them very uneasey. 
 
I am very Sorey that my first Should be a Complaint but I hope that your Honors will Excuse me for I waited a Long time Expecting to See Some Alteration for the Better but found none but Every thing to go worse and worse, which made me that I Could bear no Longer without giving yr Honors an Acct. As for the place, I Like it Exceding well and hope Througs god Almightys Blessing and the great Care that your Honnours hath for this place to See this Colleny in a florishing Condition as any part of America. Which is all at present onley Beging that your Honnours will be so good as to Send me a Line or two of your Advise and what way your Hounners would have me to proced in. 
 
 
Richard Cookesey to [?], April 25, 1735, White Ladies near Worcester, C.O. 5/636, p. 182, concerning his son going to Georgia. 
 
Honord Sir 
 
I gave You the trouble of a letter in behalf of my Son. He tells me that you will recommend him to a Person in Georgia with whom he may be with, till he can get an habitation of his own, If I will repay what may be the charge of his being there. I am very much obliged to You for such an offer, and if You please to give directions to ye Friend to let him be with him, or to get him a convenient place elsewhere I will repay the charge to ye order on Demand if it doath not exceed Twenty Pounds. I humbly beg Sir You will please to give him Yr advise, and You will lay a great obligation on [me]. 
 
 
Lt. Gov. Thomas Broughton to Thomas Causton, April 28, 1735 [Charles Town], C.O. 5/636, p. 284, Egmont 14200, p. 571, announcing the closing of Fort Prince George or Palachocula Garrison. 
 
Sr 
 
The General Assembly having Agreed that the Garrison at Fort Prince George comonly called the Palachocula Garrison Shod be Dismist, they being unwilling to make any further Provision for the Same. And as Mr Oglethorpe Did propose when here to place a few Men in the Said Fort in Case the Province Shod thnk fitt to quitt the Same, I now Advise you thereof and have Ordered Captain [Aeneas] Mackintosh who will be the Bearer to Deliver to you or your Order All the Great Guns Small Arms Ammunition Tooles and other things Belonging to that Fort, And also the Canoe, he takeing a Receipt for the Same in Order to be returned for the use of this Governmt. 
 
 
Simond184 to James Oglethorpe, April 30, 1735, no place, C.O. 5/636, pp. 185-187, concerning the desire of a Swiss gentleman to plant a settlement in America. Translated from the original French. 
 
Sir 
 
Here is the copy of a proposition which comes from Switzerland. See if there can be any good derived from it for our new establishment. The idea of forming, at is were, a little independent republic is not practicable, but perhaps the gentleman who proposes it can be induced to content himself with some other thing, and I think it will be necessary to enlighten him upon many things, and then to make him a proposition as favorable as shall be possible and which the constitution of this country will permit. I beg you to cause Mr [James] Vernon to see this, and to confer about it with him, and then to speak of it to the Board of Trustees. It would be very desirable for you to be able to have these people in Georgia. 
 
I am very much obliged to you for the interest which you take in the sickness of poor Suky. She has been in extreme danger. She is better to day, which is the sixth day of the eruption. The seventh, eighth and ninth are the critical days. God grant they be not sad ones to us. This child is very dear to me. Although possessed of sufficient fortitude in the divers events of life, I am feebleness itself when I see her in danger. I have not for the whole week past thought of anything of this affair concerning the Vaudois. I hope that the zeal of those who have this enterprise will not become chilled, and that you will be able so to act as to keep it alive. 
 
I hope that Yoakley will sail at the end of next week; I am having everything prepared for that. He will follow the orders which you shall give him. 
 
If it pleases God to save my child the greatest danger will be passed on Saturday, and I shall have, I hope, next week a spirit more free and tranquil in order to look after this embarkation. 
 
 
A Swiss gentleman of the Reform religion, who is lord of a place in this country, would like, under good conditions and a good contract made in due form, to quit his country with all his people, who can number more than a thousand families, all people of good circumstances, who could not only easily pay their transportation but could carry also considerable wealth into the country. Their purpose is to establish a Swiss colony in South Carolina, for which see the conditions which he would like for his Britannic Majesty to accord to him. 
 
1. He desires a district of three hundred thousand, I say three hundred thousand pauses (or acres as they say in English) of lands to his choice in an inhabited place, and for ten years free of all obligations, but which he will finally pay for as the other subjects of his Majesty. 
 
2. He wishes that his Majesty would accord these lands to him by letters and patents, which would be to him in proper person and to his heirs forever. 
 
3. He will consider his Majesty as rightfully his legitimate and sovereign lord, but by agreement he desires entire liberty of conscience and full power to elect and make themselves their magistrates and name their ministers who shall govern them, for the purpose of being able to form a little republic among them. 
 
This friend hopes that his Brittanic Majesty will grant to him not only the three articles above mentioned, but that he will also do him the grace to accord him every sort of assistance and good encouragement in this enterprise, for which purpose this gentleman offers to send a person expressly into England in order to conclude and treat for that which he will put at once into execution. 
 
 
The Rev. Samuel Urlsperger185 to [?], May 2, 1735, Augsburg, C.O. 5/636, pp. 329-332, concerning the desire of Mr. Labhart of Switzerland to settle Swiss in America, with enclosures. Translated from the original German. 
 
Honoured and dear Sir. 
 
I hope my last Letter, dated April 28 You have received. I desire to deliver those three pieces to the Honoured Gentlemen Mr Oglethorpe and Mr [James] Vernon, and to acquaint also the Honourable Society of its Contents. 
 
I have lately mentioned to Mr Labhart Merchant in S. Gallen that he might directly send his Project to the Honourable Trustees or to one of them Mr Oglethorpe in the French Tongue but I wrote to him at the same time preliminary. 
 
1 That the Honourable Society with the Trustees had promised to take Care of the Salzburgers that they might always live by themselves, Consequently never mixed with other People. 
 
2 That I hardly could believe the Honourable Society would grant to the 30 Men of S. Gallen what they have done for the Salzburgers and such like because it is quite another Thing with this People. 
 
3 They should not think Ebenezer to be so great a Town as to set up now trading posts for great Merchants. 
 
4 That methinks it would be much more convenient to settle their first Transport of 30 Persons on a particular Place tho it might be in the Neighborhood of Ebenezer, because they designd to send some hundred Persons of S. Gallen afterwards. 
 
5 That if the sending over of the Swissar Colonists should be performed I might assure them that they would not be hinderd in their Exercise of the Reformed Religion common amonst the Swissars. 
 
6 That I besides had to acquaint them, that as much as I know, only such Manufactures would be allowed to be erected in Georgia which dont hinder those in Great Britain. 
 
Now You will see what the abovementioned Mr Labhart with his Companions will write to Mr Oglethorpe. I would mention this at this time to the Honourable Trustees a little before, that they had Time enough to consider this Matter. 
 
Mr Commissary Von Reck is sent by me to Regensburg to perform some Business there according to my Order. 
 
To Conclude I commend You to the Divine Grace and Protection giving my humble service to the Honble Society. 
 
 
The following three Pieces are desined to be Communicated to the Two Honourable Gentlemen Mr. Oglethorpe and Mr. Vernon, enclosed in Mr. Urlspergers Letter of ye 2d May N. S. 1735. 
 
An Enquiry and Proposal of the Senior Minister Mr. Urlsperger in behalf of Commissary Von Reck. 
 
My Last Letter directed to the Society takes more particular notice of the Stability of the Resolution, the Carinthians (who are at Ratisbonne) have taken [talked ?] of going to Georgia and that as soon as they shall by the means of England, have their Wives and children (still remaining in Carinthia) returnd to them. And as there is a great Likelihood, that this Summer a fresh Transport will set out for that Colony under the conduct of Mr. Von Reck, because the number of Carinthians alone amounts to 78 Persons. I had a mind to Sound that Gentleman whether he might not be disposed to remain in Georgia for Good, in case the Trustees should think fit to allot him a certain Quantity of Land and to give him a place with a Salary, or only a Pension Sufficient for his Subsistance, untill he could put himself in a way to do without? To which he answered: That in case he had a call from the Trustees and necessary Provisions was made for his Subsistance, he could gladly resolve for the Sake of his Fellow Creatures to Stay during Life in Georgia to continue in the Service of the Trustees and to employ what little Fortune he has of his own in that Country. Wherefore I beg the Two Honourable Gentlemen Mr Oglethorpe and Mr Vernon would be pleased to take this affair in Consideration, and if they should think it may be brought to bear, lay it before the Trustees at their meeting, in order for their Speedy Resolution, That the said Mr Von Reck may be able to Govern himself accordingly, and get Such of his Effects in readiness against the departure of a Transport as may be proper to be Carried with him from Germany. For my part should this able, brisk, courageous, disinterested, Serviceable & pious man be employd by the Trustees & engaged to continue there, it is my opinion it would be of very great advantage to the Colony. For he is equally Qualified to be of Use in Spiritual and temporal Concerns. His Uncle the publick Minister at Ratisbonne who was lately here & with whom I had some discourse abt this Affair Spoke to this Effect. I know not which way my Nephew can serve both God and Man better, and if the Trustees should require him, I would gladly resign him for ever on so good an account. 
 
 
Copy of a Letter of Mr John Henry Labhart Mercht from St Gall dated April 25, 1735 to Senr Urlsperger. 
 
I take the Liberty very Reverend Sr to acquaint you with my humble Thoughts concerning the intended Transportation of some People for Ebenezer in Georgia. A Set of Gentlemen Sent last year 3 of our Citizens upon their Charges to Purisbourg, who were joind by two others. This was all intirely done pursuant to the invitation, and Promises of Colonel Pury, sent to me. He promised each man should have 50 Acres of good Land given him for ever besides 1 Acre to build upon in the Town for the Habitation of Self & Family together with the necessary Subsistance for one year. The Sending these persons was with a View of becoming able to represent this year to our gracious Governours with good Grounds the possibility, and Facility to find out ways and means of providing in a more plentiful Manner for the poorer Sort of our Inhabitants & at the Same time ease the publick Treasury of very considerable Burthens thence arising. But neither of these 3 Men (contrary to Expectation notwithstanding the repeated charge and Instruction they had given them) having hitherto Sent the least accote. It is to be feared the Success has not answered the prospect, either through their own or Mr Purys Fault. Thus the proposed End remains unanswered and some of those Gentlemen who have disbursed money towards it, are quite disheartend, others on the Contrary cheared up by the report of Mr [John] Zubly my Countryman from what he had heard of the highly honoured Commissary Von Reck during his few days Stay at Augsburg, begin to take New Courage. Which induced me to do my Self the Honour to Send to you inclosed my thoughts on that Subject, humbly requesting, you would be pleased after perusal to correct them where it may appear necessary and to favour me with Yor Opinion whether there be Room under Your patronage for me to flatter Myself of bringing about such an Establishment and moreover to give Me some instruction what further Steps you think ought to be taken &c. 
 
 
The enclosed Thought in the Letter from St Gall. 
 
The Desire of this City as well as others within our Confedracy of erecting a Colony in Carolina, has induced last year Some Gentlemen to Send 3 Burghers to Purysburg, in order to gain by that method a previous certain, and impartial Information of the Condition and nature of that Country the better to be able to lay the Case before our High Majestrates. But having to this very hour not received any such acct we cannot possibly think of any Colony this year, nay People have in a manner lost all inclination towards it. 
 
However Since we are assured by divers accounts that the Establishment of the Saltzburgers at Ebenezer in Georgia has met with Success, and that the Land is better and clearer from Woods, than Carolina, we heartily wish from a peculiar and just Confidence we bear to the Saltzburgers, we might make a Settlement among them at Ebenezer and that in the following manner. 
 
We would pick out about 30 good tempered laborious, and ingenious men fit for Agriculture, planting of Vineyards, Skilled in Handicraft Trades and Sciences, as also understanding the Silk and Linen Manufactures. For these people we should desire a district of Land answering to 50 acres per head the Enjoyment of which they should have the same Conditions with the same prerogatives and priviledges which the Saltzburgers are indowd with. They desire to continue in the free Exercise of the Reformed Religion as established in Switzerland, in all Civil Affairs they Subject themselves to the same Terms with the Saltzburgers. It is farther judged necessary that these Men should have gratis allowd themselves in the Town of Ebenezer a certain Spot where they might build a Spacious House with Yard, Gardens and Stabling. They must also be Sure of the Same Quantity of necessaries of life at their arrival, as was given the 5 men who went from hence to Purisburg last year for one whole Year viz. 
 
Provision for a year for 5 Men. 
 
Three hundred pound weight of Beef, 50 of Pork, 20 quarter of Flower, 2 quarter of Salt, one Cow, one Calf, one Hog, an Ax, two Hatchets. It is calculated that to Compleat their Voyage from hence to Carolina they had given them 2000 Florins which Sum was judged Sufficient for their Support during their Journey along the Rhein by land and so afterwards to London and thence to Georgia by Sea, and purchasing of Some Horses Cattle &c. 
 
Of the number of these 30 Men 20 Should be Husbandmen, who should immediately after their arrival in ye month of November Sow 100 Acres with Corn, Rice or other Grains which with the Blessing of God would Yield about 200 Bushels of Indian Corn per Acre or abot 600 wt of Rice to be rippd about May. The 20th part of which should be laid up for their Provision of ye year ensuing, this together with the Cattle reard the first year is judged to be Sufficient for their Sustenance insomuch that they have an opportunity of Selling the rest of the produce of their Land either northward or any where else where it turns to the best Acct the profit of which they may employ either for building materials or other incumbent Charges. If after such a Tryalthe End of this Current year or ye beginning of the next shoud furnish us wth the news of the good Success of these people and in the meantime a Convenient Tract of Land has been pointed out proper to establish a Colony in, our Gracious Magistracy will Not be wanting to Send a Colony of some hundred persons taking proper Time for and more mature Deliberation about it as also making necessary Provision and Regulation. In the mean Time assure yourself that for this purpose None but warlike laborious, Peaceable and experienced Men will be employd, provided with Pastors and prudent Leaders and what else they shall have occasion for. 
 
 
Peter Gordon186 to the Trustees, May 7, 1735, London, C.O. 5/637, pp. 9-12, concerning the troubles in Georgia, mainly caused by Thomas Causton. 
 
Much Honored 
 
Finding upon my Arrivall at Savanah the affairs of the Colony in Such A Situation, as required an emediate representation to this Honble Board, by which means alone they can be redressd, and the evile consequences, which at present threatens the Colony prevented. I thought I could not better express My duty to Yr Honours nor my affection and hearty good Wishes for the Success and prosperity of the Colony, than by returning to England and laying them before You, that thereby the ill consequences that might attend the delayes and uncertainties of letters coming Safe to Yr hands may be prevented. 
 
The grievances the People laboured under and the complaints they made to Me upon my Arrivall were almost generall by those of credite, and reputation in the Colony. The Principle of which was, That many of them notwithstanding their repeated aplications to the Surveyor could not have their Land Run out, nor their lotts Showed to them by which Means they were obliged to live in Town, where their expences bore no Proportion to their circumstances. Provissions of all Sorts being extravagantly dear, Occasioned greatly by the feastings, and Clubs, which were caryed on and encouraged by the Magistrates to Such a degree that at Severall of their meetings they have expended 15 or 16 pounds Sterling which so raised the price of Provissions that I my Self have paid 5. pence and 6. pence pr pound for fresh meat, 10 pence for butter 10 pence for candles 2 pence and 3 pence per pound for bread, and in proportion for every thing else. By this means many of the People not having their lotts appoynted them to retire to, and thereby avoid the extravagant expence of living in Town are almost ruined, and have now no other way left of Supporting themselves but by pawning their wearing apparell for their Subsistance. So that Severall People who brought, in considerable sums to the colony are now reduced to this unhappy condition, besides having their minds entirely weakened and unbent, from the pursuits of labour and industry. 
 
The next grievance complaind of is the tedious and frequent holding of Courts, by which means at least, one third of the labour of the Colony is lost, to the great prejudice and loss of the laborious and working part of the people. Upon enquiring in to this I found that it hade been the custome upon very trifling occasions to call courts between the Adjournments, which have often held four or five days and during that time, the Tything upon duty consisting of ten men are obliged to attend under Arms, besides all the Tything men of the Ward the Jury Summoned, and the evidences of both Sides; and many idle Spectators who are drawn there out of curiosity and whose labour is likewise lost, and the whole matter in dispute and to be determined by the Court, often not amounting to the Value of twenty Shillings, which practice was so much encouraged that in one adjournment 130 warrants has been granted as Mr Caustin and Mr [Thomas] Cristie have both told Me. This the people were so cencible [sensible] of that they drew up a petition to the Magistrates and which was delivered to Me upon my arrivall, (and which I have with me) praying that all matters under 20 Shilings might be determined without caling of Courts and Jurys, by the interposition and good advice of the Magistrates and thereby prevent the holding of the Courts so frequently to the great loss of the publick, and the hindrance of labour, upon which we agreed to hold A Petite Sessions everey munday to make up all litle differences under 20 Shillings. 
 
They likewise complain that Mr Causton abuses the Authority he is intrusted with in many instances, by which they aprehend that the lives of Severall People has been lost and the administration of Justice greatly reflected upon and that during the holding of Courts, and when upon the Bench has with the grossest names insulted and abused many of the best free holders, and has frequently treated the Jurys in the Same manner. Who after having brought in their Verdict; if not agreable to him, has Sent them out Severall times caling them fools and blockheads and that they did not understand the law. That He has likewise ordered Severall People to the guard for not resting their arms to him upon going to or from the Court, and that upon telling him they would report his conduct to Yr Honours he has answeard that valued nothing they could doe, being assured that no complaint would be heard against him, which tended very much to the dispiriting of the people and preventing their preceeding with that chearfulness in their Setlements, which they otherwise would have done. 
 
The people who keep the licensed houses Viz. Mrs [Mary] Hodges Mr [Samuel] Mercer and Mr [James] Muer came altogether complaining that notwithstanding Yr Honours were pleasd to grant them licenses for the retailing of certain liquors and to non else, Yet Your honours good intentions was intirely frustrated by Mrs [Elizabeth] Penrose being encouraged not only to keep public House without license, but also to Sell rum, and punch publickly, and in great quantities, by which means all Strangers and many of the Towns people frequent there and that Mr Causton upon all occasions, caryes Strangers and other company to the Said Penroses house, and that notwithstanding that Said Penrose has been twice find in Court, for Said practice, Yet by the encouragement of Mr Caustons carying all the company there with whome he has any dealings and having most of the public feasts there by which Six or Seven pound has been often expended with her in one day the Said penrose is thereby enabled to pay the Said fines, and to vend large quantities of rum, punch, and other liquors to the great loss of the licensed houses and the encouraging and promoting the drinking of rum, with which comodities they have the Strongest reasons to believe that She is Supplyed by Mr Causton. They further complain that rum is sold both by Mr [Thomas] Cristie and Mr Causton and likewise by the people employed by Mr Causton in the publick Stores, and that Mr Causton by Supplying the People employed at Tybe, and other publick works with rum and other goods at by which means drinking and idleness is not only encouraged, the licensed houses Sufferers but likewise all the money expended upon Tybe, and other Works, (which Stand greatly in need of Inspection) Centers in him and consequently can not circulate amongst the people, and the public work at Tybe greatly neglected. The Men as I am credibly informed often doe not A days work in A week tho fourteen or fifteen in number, which is A Very great expence and Charge upon the trust. 
 
The laying a tax of 6 pence pr Barrell upon goods craned up, they look upon not agreable to Yr Honours intentions. The merchants of Charles Town complain greatly that notwithstanding their applying to Mr Caustonhave not been able to obtaine any dividend, from [Elisha] Dobree and Harrises estate. Particularly Mr Pringle who is chief creditor, and has Sent a Pettition to Your Honours with a state of the affair. There is likewise A poor widow Woman [Susan Bowling] in Charles Town who complains, that her husband being Currency Patroon of a Petiaugure and dying at Savannah Possesd of A Petiaugure and other effects, to the Value of 900 pound Currency, by the appraisment at Savanah, has not been able tho in A Starving condition to obtain any Said Effects. 
 
There are many more grievances a list of which was Sent to Me to Charles Town but as they are of less moment, I Shall not now give Your Honours the trouble of hearing them. And only beg leave to Assure Your Honours upon the Whole, that there is Such a Spirite of resentment, amongst the people against the behavior of Mr Causton. I doe not mean the meaner, but the better Sort of People also, that unless Some Speedy Methode be taken to make them Easy by One of this Honble Boards going over and putting them to rights, which is what is greatly wished for not only by the People of Georgia, but likewise by all well wishers of the Colony, there is very great danger of their faling into Confussion and leaving the Colony, which I humbly presume would be of the utmost consequence to the prosperity of the Colony. For Should the People quitt the Colony, and report the usage they have mett with from the Person in Power it would be almost impossible to gett people to goe and Setle there, though they were labouring under the greatest Misfortunes. 
 
To corroborate what I have here advanced, I have Severall letters to produce, which I received when at Charles Town from of undeniable Veracity, in Savanah, which I hope will be sufficient to convince Yr Honours that my endeavours do not proceed from any personall peek to Mr Caustone with whome I declare I never hade the least difference. On the Contrary Mr Causton was so kind to offer me the Arrears which was due to Me from the Stores, which woud have amounted to between twenty and thirty pound, but I chose rather to have my affairs in some disorder and be at the expence of my own passage, thane not endeavour by this representation to Yr Honrs to prevent the evill with which the Colony is threatened. 
 
 
Daniel McLachlan187 to [?], May 9, 1735, London, C.O. 5/636, p. 327-328, concerning his desire to bring Scotch Highlanders to Georgia. 
 
Sir. 
 
As what I here beg leave to acquaint you withall, touches the publick Interest, and immediately concerns the Colony of New Georgia; I presume, I need not make any Apologies for the trouble of this Letter, tho it comes from one who has not the happiness of your acquaintance. 
 
WhySir, in the Highlands of Scotland, our Rents have been raised very much of late; This has not proceeded so much from the Avarice of Landlords, as the vast Increase of the People. And at the same time, the price of our Catle, which is the only Support, and proper produce of this Country, has prodigiously Sunk. Upon this Account, the Bulk of the People is in a poor, Starving Conition. 
 
I have, Sir, in the Shape of a Clergyman, for some years past, traveled up and down those ragged Mountains, But touched with the Malancholy Situation of my Relations and Kindred. As we had then a very favorable Account of New Georgia, I proposed to em, I Shoud go over to view this new Plantation, and, at the same time, exactly learn what encouragement the Trustees would give towards the transportation and Setlement of so considerable a Body of men. To this they readily agreed, and assured me, that, upon my return, they woud be entirely directed by me; As they knew, they were safe in Depending upon my Integrity and Judgement in this affair. And if I can give them proper Encouragement, upon my return from New Georgia, at least 7 or 800 Honest, Industrious Peoule, will set out for this New Plantation. And once that so considerable a Body as this was setled there; When this Plantation had its Character fairly established among our Highland-Class; A great many Considerable Families woud find the way thither, and transport themselves upon their own Charges. 
 
Thus, Sir, the poorest and most barren Country in Britain, woud become a Nursery to that Plantation, which when duely peopled, will certainly turn to vast Account, and be a growing Benefit to the Nation. This, Sir, will effectually civilize our Highlanders and Divert that boisterous humour, which used, upon the least Commotion, to fly out in the face of their Sovereign. And withall, Sir, this will put numbers of poor People, who are now in a Starving Condition, in a way to live Comfortably. To my certain knowledge, this Country has been so crowded of late, that some of our Clans attempted to go over, in a body, to new England; But they soon dropt this Project, as they found, upon a litle examination, that the charges of transportation woud run so deep into all the money they coud muster out; That they shoud not have wherewithall to set themselves upon a right footing, after they got there. And this, Sir, is the present Situation of those who woud, upon my giving them proper Encouragement, set out for New Georgia. Its true, the most of em are in such Circumstances, that I believe once they were landed there they woud not give the Trustees much trouble. For those I have now in my eye arent a parcel of Vogabonds that go about, a pilfering, robbing, and doing mischief; But honest, industrious Farmers, who from the barrenness of the Country they now live in, are in a Starving Condition. 
 
But the Trustees may possibly look upon all this as a Chimerical Scheme that never will be put in execution; And as they woud not have their money missaplied, they will not lay out any this way. 
 
But if the Trustees will condescent to allow a certain sum towards the transportation of every honest, industrious Farmer; Upon the Credit of this their promise, those poor people may easily fall upon a method to get themselves transported. So that, in this case, the Trustees cant be in danger of having their money missaplied, as they arent to advance any before these people are actually Setled in New Georgia. 
 
Shall I then beg, Sir, you woud be so good as to let me know, how you think of this proposal? If it dont deserve to be taken Notice of; I hope, Sir, youll forgive me, as I meant well, in attempting what, in my aprehension, woud, be very beneficial to the Nation in general, and contribute in particular, to the immediate relief of more than a thousand people, who are now in poor miserable Circumstances. 
 
P. S. Was it not I under Confinement, I woud, Sir, have waited upon you. Some weeks ago I very unhappily threw out to the publick a Ludicrous Piece of Humor upon Fornication. Upon this I Surrendered my self to Custody, as I had learned there was a warrant issued out to apprehend me. And as I have since ingenuously owned my Fault, and declared my ready to give any Christian Satisfaction for the offence I must have given, I hope I shall be soon set at Liberty. 
 
 
The Rev. Samuel Urlsperger to the Rev. Henry Newman, May 9, 1735, Augsburg, C.O. 5/636, p. 333, concerning Swiss emigrants to Georgia. 
 
Honoured and Dear Sir 
 
Here I communicate to you what hath been wrote to me from Vienna, and what I have wrote to Ratisbonne on that account; Likewise a Copy of a Letter which I receivd this day from Mr John Tobler Mathematician in Reketobel in the Canton of Appenzell in Swisserland, beseeching You to deliver the Same to the Trustees, whom I most humbly desire to Send an instruction to Mr [George P. F.] Von Reck what answer he must give to the People who desire to go to Georgia and are no Emigrants, especially to the abovementioned that have wrote to me from St Gall. It is impossible for me to mind any other Business, besides that of the Emigrants, But if I am able to give good advice, I will do it with all my heart, and serve Mr Von Reck in his Correspondence with the Trustees particularly Mr Von Reck should be informd whether Georgia is really so good and fruitfull a Country as hath been wrote about it Two years ago to the end that he may give a good account of it to the people in Swisserland. I would fain take the Correspondence with the Trustees upon one, but am afraid of undertaking more than I am able to perform. 
 
 
Isaac Chardon to the Trustees, May 13, 1735, Charles Town, received July 16, 1735, C.O. 5/636, p. 288, concerning bills for provisions for Georgia. 
 
Gentln 
 
My last to you with Duplicate thereof was of the 7th April last, which I expect you will receive before this comes to hand. I have since answerd the 8 following Drafts of Mr Caustons for provessions Amo to  2368. 15/-besides there is about 2500 Gals Molasses, which Ive Bought at 6/3 per Galln which makes in all  3150. The Molasses compleats the Allowance up to this present Quarter Vizt. 
 
 
for which sum I have this day drawn upon you a Sett of Bills for Four Hundred & Fifty Pounds Sterlg in favour of Messrs Peter & J. C. Simond or to their Order, which I begg may be punctually paid. 
 
I have reced but One Letter from Mr Causton since the 24th March, which mentions his having drawn more Orders upon me, but no other News. 
 
 
Isaac Chardon to the Trustees, May 13, 1735, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, p. 290, concerning a bill for  450 sterling to be drawn on the Trustees. 
 
Gentlm 
 
I have this day drawn a sett of Bills of Exchange on you for Four Hundred & Fifty Pounds Sterling, Payable at Thirty Days after Sight to Messrs Peter & J. C. Simond Merchants in London, which Bills I hope will meet with Due Honour being for Sundry Provissions paid for the use of the Colony of Georgia. 
 
 
Samuel Eveleigh to James Oglethorpe, May 16, 1735, Savannah, received Aug. 27, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 64-65, Egmont 14200, pp. 583-585, concerning Georgias trade, navigation possibilities, agriculture, need for Oglethorpe, troubles caused by Irish convicts, and the poor land at Ebenezer. 
 
Honr Sir 
 
My last to you was from Charles Town by Capt Knox wherein I gave you an Acct of the Death of our good Governr Mr Johnson.188 He was the first Vessell after & he promised me to forward that Letter to you as Soon as he Arrived by the first Post & to keep the rest of his Lettrs till ye next. This I did that you might have the first Acct. 
 
The 6th Inst I Left Charles Town, Cap Colcock Mastr, and in 23 hours after we gott off that Barr we arrived at this Bluff. The same Evening I got in Company with Capt [William] Thompson ye bearer hereof who Complaining for want of a Full Load I agreed with him to fill him up with Live Oak Timber and ordered Some men that I had then working at Thunderbolt to go to Tybee and hire 8 or 10 Men more for that Purpose. I agreed with them or most of them at 3s per day besides Provisions wch I reckon will be full four so that I dont think to get any thing by this agreement. Two or three days after Capt Thompson, Colcock, Miller & my self went down to Survey the Inlet at Wassaw and the inconvenience in the insides for Entertaining Ships of War wch we found to be very Agreable and Capable of Receiving a Great Number of his Majestys men of War as Cap Thompson can better Inform you, but when we came to try the Channell we found at dead Low water but 16 Foot Contrary to what [Roger] Lacy, Causton & [Nathaniel ?] Ford assured me again & again wch gave me a very great Disatisfaction & Dissapointed my very great Expectations. 
 
I am informd theres a much better Channell close by Little Tybee. I have agreed with Miller to go down & Sound it and what Reports he makes I shall advise you with. 
 
The people here are grown much more Industrious than when I was here Last. Arthur Johnson hath Cleared & planted fifteen Acres, five wth Rice & ten wth Corn and I am told the Corn is very good notwithstanding we have had a great deal of Dry weather. 
 
Sterling189 informs me that he has Seventy Acres of Corn planted at his Bluff and good quantities at other Places, but its a General Observation that the most Industrious People are fixt & Setled on the worst Land. 
 
I found the People very much divided here like Court & Country in England. The Magistrates & the better Sort as I take it of one side. The Populacy if I may So Call em with a few of the better Sort on the other. I find if any person wants any thing of Mr Caustons and he refuses them tho it be unreasonable & contrary to his Instructions they presently turn Grumbletonians & Side & herd with one another as in the Corporial Body if there is a wound in the Leg all the Malignant humours will Imediately fly to that Place. If a Person has a Tryal with another the Looser Imediately Exclaims, nay I observed when I was last here, that after a Tryal both Parties were disatisfyd and both Reflected Chiefly on Mr Causton, for as he is the Chief Magistrate all the Reproaches Seems to be Levelled at him. I must needs Say theres a great many things here that wants to be Rectified and that your Presence or Some other Person of weight & Ability is Absolutely Necessary here. I Shall not enter into the detail of those things but Leave off that to Mr [John] West & Capt [William] Thomson the Latter having made very Just Observations during his Stay here. Mr Causton hath his Faults as all men have, but must assure you tis the Common Vogue that he was the most Capable of Such an Office than any men in the Province when you went off, but he has too much business to Act in both Capacities as Magistrate & Storekeeper. You cant Imagin what Uneasiness ye Irish Convicts gives him. There was no Less than five of these Whipped one Morning when I first came here for Theft & Running away & Some of them very Severely, I think too Severe, and yet they are so incorigible that Fair & Foul means will not reclaim them. 
 
I must be free to Acquaint you that after a very Strict Enquiry I find that the Poor people at Ebenezer are very Industrious, but the Land there is So very poor that they cant reap any Advantage thereby. I hear they wants to be Removed Six Miles farther and I think it will be a piece of Justice in the Trustees and of great Service to this Colony if they Grant their Request. 
 
When I went up to See Sir Francis Bathurst, [Walter] Augustine told me that the Cattle you had put on Argyle Island were very fat and well. Right opposite to his Landing is anothr Island by what Title tis distinguished I cant tell wch to outward Appearance believe to be Extra good for Rice & Cattle. 
 
 
Extract of a letter from the Rev. Samuel Urlsperger to the Rev. Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen,190 May 16, 1735, Augsburg, ordered to be communicated to the Trustees, read May 27, 1735, C.O. 5/636, p. 335, concerning German immigrants to Georgia coming through Holland. Translation from the original German. 
 
Because the last Swissers had occasioned great Complaints in Holland, their high Mightiness have ordered their Residents and amongst these the Resident at Ratisbonne to notify every where and consequently to the Commissary Mr Von Reck that they would not permit any more Colonists to pass their Territories, except they are Provided with an authentick Passport and can travel through without giving any Trouble to the States. Whereupon I wrote to the Dutch Minister de Galliers, that the two Transports of the Colonists of Georgia had not given the least Trouble to the States, nor was any such Thing to be feard of a future Transport, But if his Excellency would be pleasd to intercede with His Principals, for obtaining a free passage for the Emigrants as Colonists of Georgia without paying any Toll or being unnecessarily detained, considering that they carry nothing with them but their Penury, it would be very thankfully acknowledged. To which his Excellency was pleasd to return this answer, that as to the free passage there would be in his Opinion no more required, then that the Trustees and Society did endeavour to represent their case by their high Mightiness in few words to the English Envoy at the Hague not doubting but that it would be taken into Consideration, he himself having humbly recommended it. 
 
 
The Rev. Samuel Urlsperger to the Rev. Henry Newman, May 19, 1735, Augsburg, C.O. 5/636, pp. 337-338, Egmont 14200, pp. 587-591, concerning emigrants from Carinthia.191 Translation from the original German. 
 
Dear Sir 
 
Upon my Commissions, given to the Commissary Mr Von Reck, who is at present in Ratisbonne, he sent me the following answer, dated the 17th Instant. 
 
I.Concerning the Saxon Envoy Mr Von Schoenberg. 
 
This Gentleman has often advised the Carinthians192 who are here to give a Memorial to the Imperial Embassy in behalf of their Wives and Children left behind them, which out of too great fear they never would do; wherefore I offerd my Self, not only to draw up a Memorial, as Letter A sheweth & get it signd by the Carinthinas, but also to deliver it for them, with which His Excellency was well pleased, and promises himself a good effect thereof. As to the Maintaining of the Carinthians, who are very poor, and have no work to get their Living by, it is thought proper, not to maintain them out of the Emigrants Cash, for fear the should grow idle, and have a mind to stay here, but if they would go to Georgia, the Saxon Envoy would procure them a considerable Viaticum193 of money. 
 
II.Concerning the Electoral Brunswick Envoy Mr Von Hugo. 
 
a) In respect to the Carinthians Wives and Children left behind, he is of the Opinion of the Electoral Saxon Envoy, and promises to second my Memorial with a forcible Representation by word of mouth. 
 
b) He, as well as the Electoral Brunswick Envoy at Vienna, Mr Von Erff, hath got a Rescript from Court concerning the B. B.194 according to which he will do his utmost Endeavours for their Best, and send the Bohemian Memorial to Vienna. 
 
c) In Case the Envoy Mr [George P. F.] Von Reck should die, he will be very glad to correspond with You Sir, as well in Affairs concerning Religion as that of Georgia; likewise 
 
d) His Excellency will have an Opportunity to send your Letters along with the Kings Packet to London. 
 
III. Concerning the Envoy from Holland Mr Gallieres. 
 
(1st) He assures us that in the Bohemian Affair, he intirely concurs with the rest of the Envoys, and that by the last Post he had sent to the High & Mighty States General a very forcible and moving Representation in favour of the B. B. which he does not doubt will have a good Effect, He together with some other Envoys, does not only think it proper, but highly necessary, that the Bohemian Memorial be printed and published in England without delay, because it is intended to do the same in Holland. 
 
Their High Mightiness assure the Trustees and the Society of their Assistance in this affair, and would by the help of the King of England, endeavour that when, as is expected a Peace is to be concluded with France, a particular Article may be inserted in favour of the B. B. the Crisis of the present time being so favourable that either one must make an advantage of it, or by neglecting such an Opportunity, renounce his right almost forever. 
 
(2) As to the March of the Georgian Transport thro Holland it would be very acceptable to their High Mightinesses if the Honble Society or the Trustees would give Notice of it to Mr Dayrolles which would contribute very much to a more easy and speedy Journey for us. This Week God willing I shall take an Opportunity to speak with the Electoral Brandenborgh, Danish, Swedish and other Protestant Envoys. 
 
If nothing shall be done in the Bohemian Affair, the Envoys here are of Opinion that the Grievances, and the Redressing thereof be represented to the Emperor in a particular Audience. 
 
The Privy Counsell Mr Goebel assures me that in the Berchtolsgaden District are still above 100 Emigrants and expects to hear within a fortnight of the time fixd for their departure. 
 
 
Letter A. 
 
High and well born Free Lords of the Empire; 
 
Gracious Lords, 
 
Your Excellencess praise worthy Clemency & Commisseration towards all miserable People, causes Us also in our Affliction most humbly to seek our Refuge by You. For, whereas we have, for the sake of Liberty of Conscience, left our Country, Effects, Wives and Children, lived here for a while, and now are obliged to proceed on our Pilgrimage into other Protestant Countries, which is very hard as well for our Wives and Children as for us; We most humbly beg your Excellences, graciously to consider our miserable Condition, and to grant that our Wives and Children may follow us, and that we may get some of our Effects left behind us, to bring us to our Journeys End. Which Act of compassion the most gracious God will reward, and hear our Prayers for your Excellencies Welfare. In hopes of your Excellencies granting us our Desire, we remain with all Submission Your Excellencies 
 
most humble and most obedient Emigrants frm Carinthia. 
 
 
Extract of a Letter from Ratisbonne dated 17th May 1735. 
 
The Dollar you sent me, to which I have begd another for the Emigrants Cash, which makes in all 3 Guilders, shall certainly be delivered by ye first Opportunity into the hands of Lerchner the good Saltzburger now in prison at Raab in Hungaria, to whom I sent a while ago some Guilders. I have also procured 8 Guilders for honest Simon Sigel from K. who is likewise at the same place in prison, and as it is said, for his life time, which he hath received, just in the time when he was in the greatest misery, and as he himself mentions was ready to starve of Cold for want of Cloths so that No body could well know him. I knew him because by his letter from K. he was the first that told me of the powerfull Finger of God which happened at the said place, of which more might be said. I pitty him with all my heart, God send him Strength & Comfort, and give him Grace for his faithfulness. I have heard good news from Holland, concerning the Emigrants in Cadsand; Those who are there still, thank God, and do not desire to go from thence. Several of them have bought themselves necessaries. They have now a Church of their own, and got a House for their Minister Mr Fisher. God give his Blessing to his word in their Souls! Many are very well placed in Hannoverian Countries, some return; the Artists are gone to Nurnberg. Just now the Carinthians were with me and signed a Memorial, concerning their Wives and Children, which to morrow will be delivered to the Imperial and Austrian Embassy. God grant it a happy Effect! Mr Von Reck will tell you more. Here follows a Specification of the Age Names &ca as far as I could be informed by those that are here, especially of those who are married. Several are gone to Anspach to work. In Ratisbonne it is impossible that so many Emigrants can get work, however as much as possible. 
 
A farther Specification of the Names Age & families of the Emigrants from Carinthia & their relations. 
 
From the Jurisdiction Biberstein 
 
I.)Frantz Sandter, a Master Linnen Weaver 36. Years Old his Wife Brigitta of the same Age, They have 4 Children. 
 
 1. Maria  14 Years 
 2. Matthias  10 Years 
 3. Ursula  7 Years 
 4. Eva  3 Years 
II.)Nicolaus Neidhart 
 
a master Taylor 42 Years, his Wife Maria 26 years & 4 Children. 
 
 1. Matthias  8 Years 
 2. Simon  6 Years 
 3. Balthasar  3 Years 
 4. Caspar  1 Year 
III.) Christian Steinacher, a Bricklayer 52. years his Wife Margaretha 43 years and one Child 
 
 1. Elizabeth  6 years 
From the same Jurisdiction Biberstein three single Women namely 
 
(1) Magdalena Anna Weinin 25 years (2) Maria Sublin 21 years 
 
(3) Cath. Sieblin 16 years. 
 
From the Jurisdiction Muhlsadt [Muehlstadt]. 
 
I.)Matthias Egarter a Countryman 34. years, his Wife Susanna 27 years and one Child 
 
 1. Christiana  6 years 
II.)Gregory Kochler a Countryman 32 years, his Wife Lucia 27 years & one Child 
 
 1. Maria  1 Year 
III.) Clement Leidler a Countryman 48 Years, his Wife44 years & 2 Children 
 
 1. Maria  13 years 
 2. Maria  6 years 
IV.) Simon Moser, a Master Linnen Weaver & Bricklayer 43. years, his Wife Maria 39 years, and 3. Children 
 
 1. Maria  18 years 
 2. Christiana  12 years 
 3. Afra  6 years 
V.)Johan Unterwald a Countryman 49. years, his Wife Maria 47 years and 5. Children whose names are yet unknown 
 
VI.)Bartholomew Globischeig, a Countryman 49 years, his Wife Christina 45 years & 7. Childn whose names are yet unknown the father being in Anspach at work. 
 
VII.) Johan Egger, a Countryman 53 years, whose Wife and Children never owned themselves Protestants. 
 
The Wives and Children are yet in Carinthia, as I have signifyd in my former letter. 
 
 
Dear Sir 
 
I expect an answer upon this as well as my former Letters as soon as possible, because they contain weighty Affairs. I remember very well, that upon the Desire of the Society, I have promised to give a further Account, of the Demarches & Views of Count Zinz; but because it cannot be done now, it shall perhaps be done in my next. Since 3. Weeks ago things have happened which are not to be allowd. I recommend the Saltzburgers in Eben Ezer and remain. 
 
 
J. Seris to James Bousquet in London, May 20, 1735, Geneva, C.O. 5/637, p. 67, concerning establishing a colony in Carolina or Georgia. Translation from the original French. 
 
Sir:- 
 
I have communicated your obliging letter to Mr Millenet, who joins with me in thanking you for the kindness and care you have used in interesting yourself in the project he has formed of establishing himself in Carolina with a colony. We trust you will continue your interest and obtain for us what we desire. 
 
In answer to what you had the kindness to say in your letter, I have the honor to assure you that we are certainly informed that not only has nourishment for a year been accorded Mr Purys colony, but that the allowance has been increased to 20 months. We are sure the like favor will be granted Mr Millenets colony, about to be formed. We know that His Majesty agrees and that the province of Charles-town will furnish victuals as said. 
 
Following are the conditions under which Mr Millenet and his colony will settle in North Carolina: 
 
1st He undertakes to bring over at least 100 effective men, without counting women and children. 
 
2d His Majestys permission must be given for the establishment of the colony in Carolina or Georgia and for the years food supply. 
 
3d If it is possible to obtain credit for half the passage money for those who are unable to pay the whole of it, and for whom the Colony as a whole could become responsible to the shipmaster. 
 
4th That land be granted to the said Colony, with the usual freehold, and the amount corresponding to that of M. Pury. 
 
5th Free transportation for the colonist and his family, and a bonus for expenses he must incur for the benefit of the said Colony. This matter can be left, however, to the wisdom of whomever is concerned. 
 
6th Finally, if possible, an endowment for one Minister. 
 
It would be earnestly desirable to have the settlement on the Pampan River, yet any location desired will be accepted. 
 
You can see, Sir, that the above stipulations are not unreasonable. After all, it is right to help a group of Colonists going to occupy uninhabited lands. 
 
Moreover, in this Colony, only useful and honorable persons would be admitted, people of the Reformed Religion and whose honesty is recognized. 
 
I pray you will continue your care towards this end. 
 
P.S. Would you have the goodness to tell me when you reply how much land will be given to each person and where or on what river the colony will be placed. 
 
 
Samuel Eveleigh to James Oglethorpe, May 28, 1735, Savannah, received Aug. 27, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 69-70, Egmont 14200, pp. 595-596, containing a description of Purysburg, South Carolina, and its people. 
 
Hon Sir 
 
Last Saturday Capt [William] Thompson and I went to Purysburgh where we were handsomely received as we had been at Georgia. That Town doth not make the Appearance as Georgia, because it is much Lower and a Swamp of dead Water runs thro the Midle. The People appears to be very Industrious and have their Gardens pretty well Improved with Divers Necessaries of Life. There Seems to be amongst them a Sort of Emulation for Industry. Every Town Lot contains one Acre of Land by far too muchas Georgia (Excuse the Liberty) has too Little. I was in Sevl of their Gardens. In one belonging to a German or Dutchman I with Pleasure observed a Large Spot of Land planted with Flax, wch was better they told me than they Ussually had in their Country notwithstanding it had had but very little Rain from the time of its being Sowed till I was there. The old man told me he could dress it fit for the Spinner wch his Wife could do, and that there was a weaver amongst them that could make it into Cloth. I also observed in that Same Garden a good Patch of Wheat, Barley, Oats, Buck Wheat, Indian Corn, Rice & Potatoes, all wch appeared to me to be pretty good Considering the Dryness of the Season. I was in anothr Garden with Mr Bellinger where was a Small piece of Rice wch he thought better than any he had Seen in Carolina. 
 
On Monday there was a Review when there appeared under Arms about 120 men besides Officers who were very Gay or at Least Gayer than I could have Expected. There was Several persons absent Some at their Plantations Some one way & Some another. I was there told they could make about 250 Effective men. They Exercisd tolerably well according as I am Capable of Judging. I was informd that a great Number as well Officers as Centinels had been in the English Dutch French & German Service. I found there was men there almost all Europeans Nations as English French Dutch High German Prussians Russians Switzers Savoyards & Italians. Severall of them Proposed the Propagating of Silk perticularly Monsr Albergoti by Birth an Italian who told me that he understood the Management of Worms & Silk very well, and I have promised to Send him a Quantity of Mulberry Trees in ye Fall. This place if it thrives as I hope it will will be of a great advantage to this Colonyfor whatsoever they Produce must be Shipped off from hence and what Supply they want will be Furnished from Georgia. 
 
Right Opposite to Purysburgh is another fine Island belonging to this Province Furnishd with great Quantities of Birch & Beech, a Wood or Timber as I am informd the most proper to make Pot Ashes and the Land very good both for Rice & Corn Especially the former. 
 
I find in falling of Live Oak Timber upon Tybee, a great many Trees are rotten decayd & good for nothing and the Sooner those Trees are cut down the Sooner others will grow in their Room and I have been informed by Coll. Bull & others that Notwitstanding Live Oak is very hard is of a very Quick Growth. 
 
 
Thomas Christy to the Trustees, May 28, 1735, Savannah, received Dec. 6, 1735, C.O. 5/636, pp. 302-303, Egmont 14200, pp. 603-606, concerning the sale of rum, his brewery, people leaving Georgia, health of the people, and his desire to move to the country.195 
 
Gentlemen & Most Honrd Sirs 
 
I have perused your Honrs Letter of the 15th of May writt by Mr Herman Verelst yor Accomptant. 
 
Wee think ourselves thrice happy at your Honrs consumate prudence & Wisdom is not determinating any thing without giving Us an Opportunity of defending Ourselves. 
 
As to what imediately regards my self I beg leave to Answer that neither my self or Agent have ever dealt in Rum, but on the contrary it is notoriously known by my Example have led a sober & regular life always paying regard to your Honrs Orders especially those agst Rum & have been most Instrumental in decreasing the consumption of it in this Colony. 
 
As to my taking a shilling for a Warrant & a Shilling for a return it is intirely groundless. Noble Jones is absent but I hope the Inclosed Certificates196 will be lookt upon as sufficient. 
 
It will appear upon the Records that it was not above 10 days before I had the Honr to receive yor Letter That one Morgan of Charles Town had entred severall Barrels of Cyder wch on the landing was discovered to be Rum. When Mr Causton & myself received the Information We were then holding a Court & sent for Morgan to answer ye Information & to show cause why it shod not be condemed. Upon Examination of the matter the Information appeared to be true & Morgan cod not Shew Cause. Capt [james] Macpherson appeared in Court and said he had bought the Rum for the Use of his people but that being Examind into appeard to be since the Landg & to serve only as a Screen. 
 
Wee proceeded to Judgment & gave directions to [Joseph] Coates & [Thomas] Gapan the Constable & acting Tything man then attending the Court to stave it Imediately, but there appearing a dilatoriness in the Officers & Guard & a number of people getting together & murmuring the Officers seemed afraid to Execute Our Orders, upon which We (Mr. Causton & myself) rose up took Each an Ax & staved the Rum Ourselves. 
 
I have now above Ten pounds Sterling to pay for persons assisting me in Writing the Affairs purely relateing to my Office & the publick & I shall crave leave to lett some other person Informe yor Honrs of the Trouble in it but at the same time beg to returne yor Honrs my humble & unfeigned thanks for the many favours receivd & particularly this last of Two servants & another years provision wch was indeed a great Indulgence & more than We had reason to Expect. 
 
I can assure yor Honrs the Orders concerng Tipling have been strictly put in Execution and We have found a great deal of ease & benefit by it so that I hope We shall have no occasion to Informe your honrs against any one in particular notwithstandg. We shall observe your honrs Instruction on that head. 
 
Gentm I Beg leave further to explain what I said in a letter of mine to yor Honrs concerng people thinking of selling their lands & running away wch I presume was Intelligble verifyed by the red string plot wch was soon after discovered when it appeared that a certain number of freeholders as well as Servts wore red strings, being Persons who had got themselves into desperate circumstances were underhand making over to others their lotts & were designed to make off some of which were [Francis] Mugridge [Richard] Cannon [Will?] Horn & Edwd Johnson &c. 
 
Gentm We cod do no more than by Our publick Orders & private directions to declare against the one & the other as an actual forfeiture and they were far from receiving any Encouragement from Us, for by our diligence We defeated & preventd both the one & the other. I have inclosd a Copy of a Warrt. lodgd in ye hand of Capt. [William] Ferguson whereby you will see our sentiments in yt affair. 
 
I can assure the Trustees the Improvements the people in General made last year in their houses & this year in their lands considering the heats of the summer season & as a new Settlement have never yet been paralled by any people under the sun. So that altho We have had some drones amongst us We have much the greater number good industrious People & I shod be sorry to be understood when I complaind of a few to mean the whole Colony of Georgia much more that another sett of people whatsoever shod sett us an Example. 
 
I can with pleasure acquaint yor Honrs That the Colony seems to be better settled than ever in peace, Order, discipline, & Industry. Tipling & Extravagance, has by our Orders, & Example greatly declined & Religion been promoted. 
 
We have now every thing pleasant & agreable for life & when in my letter to yor Honrs I spoke of monyd People I meant that the place was now Convenient & fitt to Entertain People of the best of Circumstances & We seem now to have overcome all those difficultys Incident to new settlements. 
 
I have sett up a Brewhouse of Beer & good wholesome drink is brewed both strong & small wch seems to take so well that a great many working people instead of spirituous liquors have taken to Beer and I humbly beg yor Honrs protection therein. 
 
We have had few people dye this Summer & considerg We begin now to be very numerous & the heats great the Country & Air must be said to be very fine & wholesome. [Noble] Jones has been by our Influence much more diligent this year in running out Our Lands & severall Industrious People in the Town have gott up the Cattle & the Publick have now the benefit & Enjoyment of them. 
 
Your Honrs Orders to me relating to Wm Little the Infant have been obeyed & the Guardianship given to Mr [Samuel] Mercer. 
 
I cod Wish yor Honrs wod give me leave to settle my Improvemts in Town & my own Lott for life to such persons as you shod approve of & grant me 500 acres on the River Vernon on the usual conditions. I shod by that means be able in a more conspicuous manner to convince yor Honrs how much I had at heart the welfare & service of the Colony. 
 
 
Robert Howes to the Trustees, May 30, 1735, Savannah, Egmont 14200, p. 607, asking for provisions and a servant in return for his services as parish clerk. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
I make bold to let your Honours know the Nature of my Case, hoping that your Goodness will excuse me. I have tended as Parish Church Clerk and performed all the parts of the said Office from April 1734, and for Six months we had no Minister, which in his Absence I have read Prayers on a Sabbath Day, visisted the Sick, buryed the Dead and tended on several Persons which lay under Sentence of Death, which has took me up some time. Likewise I and my Brother did work 10 Weeks for the first People when I was in my best Health and without receiving any Satisfaction for the same. 
 
Wherefore I humbly hope that your Honours will take into Consideration, I having a large Family and none to help me, find it difficult to Support them. 
 
The Honble. Mr. Oglethorpe did promise that I should have Twelve months Provision for a Servant and did leave Word with Mr. Causton to let me have it, but he has denyed it unto me, so that I am in great Want still for a Servant to Assist me in Clearing my Land and helping me to do other Work; But I humbly hope your Honours will consider of it. 
 
 
Samuel Eveleigh to James Oglethorpe, May 30, 1735, Savannah, received Aug. 27, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 72-73, Egmont 14200, pp. 611-613, concerning Sir Francis Bathurst, Walter Augustine, their farming, etc. 
 
Honr Sir 
 
Yesterday Morning I went up to [Walter] Augustine Plantation and from thence paid my Respects to Sir Fran. Bathurst who Lives in a Small house 20 foot Long & 12 foot broad Divided into two parts, one is a Bed Room & the other a Dinning Room, the Sides Ends & Coverings of Clapboard, it may be in some Measure water tight but I am certain it cant be wind tight. He seems to be tolerably well contented. When I came there he was Just going to Breakfast; he Invited me & I partook of part thereof. There was a Large Dish of Cat Fish & Perch Fryd caught the Evening before by his Son, and a good peice of Cold Pork. I carryd with me two Bottles of Punch & two Bottles of Red Wine, the former we drank after Breakfast the latter I Left with him, and in the Last Glass we drank his Cousins health My Lord Bathurst. He has planted Eight Acres of Corn & if the Season proves good beleive he will have a good produce therefrom, tis now in the Weed but Mr Caustons has promised to send him two of the Trustees Servants to help him out. Augustine & others on the Bluff gives a good Character of the Old Gentlemen and tells me that his Wife & Son works in the Fields themselves. Tis great Pity he has not wherewithall to buy him some Cows Calves & hoggs wch would Contribute very much to their more Comfortable Living. His Plantation has a Pleasant Situation and would be more agreable if the Trees were fallen round it but that he cant do yet having but one Servant. This Place hath a very great Conveniency for Cattle if what Augustine Informs me be true, Augustines Creek gows up one side I believe 8 or 10 Miles and he says there is another Creek wch I believe that belonging to Capt Bluff So that a Fence from Creek to Creek wch may be about one Mile and half or Two Miles would Inclose Many Thousand of Acres in which is a Vast Quantity of Cane Savannahs. In one place Augustine Assured me there was no Less than One Thousand of Acres Choice Land and do beleive that if the Trustees would buy 1 or 200 Cows & Calves & put em upon it under the Care of a diligent Carefull Man it would be in 2 or 3 years time of vast Service to this Town & Province. 
 
About Ten Clock Augustine being very hot, him and I went up his Creek in a Canoe to ye Place where they dessign to build a Saw Mill, for which they have made a good Progress, and it would have been much better had they not been hindered by Sickness. He has a partner Named Layson who Seems to be a Discreet man he told me that he had been Concerned in making Mills in Pensilvania these 20 years. 
 
I am altogether unacquainted with the Nature of Mill Work, he told me how he dessigned to perform it, wch to me appeared Feasable but I am afraid the Charges will be too great for their Pockets. Theres Abundance of Choice Pines round the Place. 
 
From Augustine up to the Place where the Mill is to be is four Miles and I observed as we went up Severall Bluffs fit for Settlements and the Creek in two or three places divided wch I beleive Leads up to more, and in our Passage up I took Notice of a vast Quantity of Grapes, Some of which hang down to the Water. I returned on foot to Augustines house passing thro Severall Cane Savannahs & Gullies, and on our Right hand I observed one that was very Large & Spacious, a great part of wch as he informed me is at Spring Tide covered with Water wch Undoubtedly is Extr. good for Rice and may be planted for ever and will never fail, it being Extraordinary Rich and will never fail of a Crop because it will never want Water. 
 
 
John Vat to the Rev. Henry Newman, May 30, 1735, Ebenezer, C.O. 5/637, pp. 76-78, Egmont 14200, pp. 615-622, concerning bad conditions and poor land at Ebenezer. 
 
Hond Sir 
 
Enclosed is a Copy of a Letter I had the honour of Writing to you the 10th of Febry last which I Suppose to be in yor hands long before this Time. Few Days afterwards I was so ill & brought so low that on the 15 of February when Mr Causton Mr [Noble] Jones and Capt [George] Dunbar were here I could hardly Stand upon my Legs; which Weakness continued for Several weeks. But upon taking proper Medicines of Mr [Andreas] Zwiffler and recovering of Some strength altho the Defluction upon my Eyes held on, I resolved abot Easter to leave this Place and to return to England. Which Resolution however I since altered upon a Rumour of some Motions of the Indians in the Spanish Interest; and I am thinking of continuing to be here, till I shall hear of the Final Resolution of the Trustees for Georgia concerning the present Settlement of the Saltzburgers. For should the people be obliged to Settle in this barren place, I could but with the greatest Grief behold the Misery that must inevitably Attend them. The Experiments we have made this Spring evidently confirm the opinion, and the dismall accounts given by every Body concerning Pine barren Lands! For all the Seeds, we had from the Trustees, were Sowed in due time, and most of them came forth plentifully to ye great Joy of the People; but there being no Substance in the Ground of Sand hardly any of them are coming to any Seed. The Kidney and Sandwich Beans will Scarcely yield one pint for Sowing next Spring; And the Indian Corn which the people have planted here and there every week Since the beginning of Febry last giveth but a very Small prospect there being only here and there a fine Plant coming up. Yet Mr Causton, who together with Several persons hath been here Thrice within these Three months, magnifieth a Small Spot of Ground of abot Twenty feet Square in the midst of an inclosure of half an acre near Guhwandels [Thomas Geschwandel] house where Some Cattle Stood for some months and thence concludes that by a Small Stock of Cattle this Soil may be improvd so as to produce plentifully hereafter and crieth this place up as the best Land in all the Province. 
 
It even Seems by his actings, that he is fully bent upon the Continuance of the Settlement in this place. For on the 14. of Febry last he sent hither two Men for Sawing of Boards, for Finishing the Six houses ordered by Mr Oglethorpe to be built here; one of them viz. Mr [John Martin] Bolziuss being finished. Two others viz. the Storehouse, and the Schoolmasters joining together are so wretchedly Slight, that by making one Single Step, both houses shake so as to be in danger of falling to the Ground; and upon any Rain I am forced to Shift my Bed, in one of the Rooms therein, occupied by myself and three Families besides. And the Frames of the Three others now Standing naked are so bad, that I wonder how any one Shall be prevaild on, to occupy them when they shall be covered and boarded. These Sawyers have Sawed no more than 159 Boards & have left off working; But Mr Causton Saith he will Send other Sawyers to finish the sd Houses. 
 
Upon the return of some of our Men from Savannah, the Women resolved to Clear Some Ground by themselves for Gardens. The Single men took thereby Occasion to do the like. And then on ye 3d of March the Men began jointly to clear a Spot of Ground which hath been Since fenced in & planted with Indian Corn & Pease. On the 8th of March, hearing of some disturbances at Savannah, We began the building of a Block Watch house, 28 feet in Length & 18 feet in Breadth; which is now made use of as a Church & School, as also as a Warehouse. And we afterwards built a Bridge over the River in this Town, & another Bridge over a Small Swamp, in going hence to the landing place, in order to bring thence our Provisions, partly upon our Backs or by a Small Waggon. Whilst the Waters are so low that no Boat could be of any Service Since the 16. of April last to this Time. And this is like to be so all this Summer. On the 15th of April last I went to Savannah & prevaild wth Mr Causton for Sending us provisions for Six months. He agreed wth Mr Mamour to bring part of them in his Periawgoe to the Landing, but Mamour coud come no higher than within Two miles of ye Mouth of Ebenezer River. From thence we carried them in our own Small Boat to the Landing. As about Forty bushels of Indian Corn were Scatterd loose in the Periawgoe, & some Hogs & pigs lying among it, which our people cannot eat, for its Nastiness. And as there was Six inches of a Cask of Wine of Twenty Six inches Deep Sent by another Boat wanting, I desired Mr Causton to buy a proper Boat for our carrying our own provisions. That Periawgoe employd 12 days in coming from Savannah Town to the Mouth of our River; And one Mr Guthry hath since made Two trips in five days each, wth part of our provisions from Savannah Town to our Landing place; For which he is to have forty pounds currency and Mamour, 30 besides the wages of five Men at Eighteen pence a day each. This shews that ye Charges of Carrying down, or bringing up, anything will for Ever keep our People in a very low State, even were the Soil as good as some People woud have it! And I cannot see how the poor people will get any thing for procuring Linnen & Shoes, of which they are now in great Want; Not to mention many other necessaries, as Earthen ware & other Utensils for the Kitchen. I coud Wish the Society [S.P.C.K.] had given Orders for one Hand Saw to each Freeholder instead of having but Eight for All; also some large Coppers for boiling of Beer the River water being very bad especially in Summer! We indeed very Lately upon Searching for a Vein of Water and fixing a Rice Cask, found a very fine and Strong Spring; But in this great drowth it runs so very Small, that its apprehended it will Soon be dried up. 
 
It is very observable that hitherto all our Child bearing Women are delivered of their Children before their full Growth, and that most of the Women died; And the former happend to Mrs Smith, an Englishwoman, who lately Miscarried in this town, So that such of our Women as are now pregnant are in deadly apprehensions that ye present Soil is pernicious both to the Growth of Children & Seeds; The List of such as died Since we are here is as followeth; 
 
 January  23.  Margaretha Schoppacher. 
   26.  Christian Steiner. 
 Febry  13.  Maria Hueber. 
 April  2.  Margaretha Geschwandel 
 April  4.  Maria Schoppacher 
   8.  Anna Schwaigger. 
   16.  Ruprecht Schoppacher. 
   30.  Hans Madreuter. 
As the Bread kind Provisions of 6. Pounds a week per head will not admit baking of Bread, its Supposed the want of Bread is of no small Detriment to the health of our People who were used thereto from their tender years. We have no Ovens, but some of us bake Bread in our large Iron pots; Which is very tedious, as well as our Grinding of Corn with small Iron hand Mills, almost good for nothing. Some Mill Stones of a Midling Size woud be very usefull as also some fishing Tackle for Catching fish. As Sebastian Glantz who died at Purysburg without a Will, and no relations here left some small Matter, I desire to know the Pleasure of the Trustees concerning his effects; Mr Bolzius being of opinion for dividing of them to the poorer Sort of his Congregation; which may be attended wth some difficulties. But my opinion is for Selling of them to the highest bidder & for Lodging the produce thereof in Mr Bolziuss hands. 
 
Capt Dunbar, hath as I doubt not, by this Time given you an Account of our Voyage, & of the Scituation of this place. And, I hope, a faithful Representation of ye Nature of the Soil thereof. As in the account of the Stores put on Board the prince of Wales, mention is made of a Box of medicines Shipped by Mr [Henry] Newman, but coud find no such Box. We Suppose a Trunk of Medicines B. G. No 5. which Mr Zwiffler has reced, is meant thereby. The Barrel of Molasses was so Slight that it was broke at Sea & tho we Shifted the Molasses into another Cask, Yet we Saved only Fifty four quarts thereof, when we received it here. Capt [William] Tompson as also Mr [John] West will, doubtless give you a faithfull account of ye barrenness of this place, as having both been here. And I Submit it to the Consideration of ye Society whether in Case the People are moved hence to a better Soil. 
 
They [the Society] will be so kind as to Send the following particulars? Vizt Some Sand hour Glasses; Tin-Funnels; Pewter Quarts, Pints & half-pints, for measuring Wine & beer; Bushels, half Bushels, Pecks &ca for measuring Corn &c.; Divers Sorts of Ropes; Some Small Scales of abt 18. Inches Diameter and brass weights, Gold Scales & Weights for weighing Small Things; Divers Sorts of Iron Wires; One midling Sized Bell for ringing to church & publick work; Some Joiners Glew; Flannels for night wastcoats; Some great Guns for Alarm & Defence; Blacksmiths tools; Some Coopers tools for making of pails & Casks; & large Bellows; Tin plates; Seives of several Sizes and Turners Tools. But every Thing is to be packd up, for the Sailors broke three of the four Lanthorns Sent on Board the Prince of Wales, and they took Several of the Bedding Blankets which we coud never See again. 
 
When I was last at Savannah, I went Several Times to Mr [August] Spangenbergs Five acres Lot, to See his Men, who Seem to be very Industrious at Work. I could wish the Soil of Ogeechee, wch is designd for Count Zinzendorff may be as good as that within two Miles of Savannah Town. For I look upon the beginning of a Settlemt as upon ye foundation of houses; unless these be Solid in themselves the Superstructure must in course be affected. And that a Soil to be made good by Dung is an undertaking too precarious for poor Husbandmen, and not so easily to be done as some persons woud persuade others who know the Consequences thereof by Experience. 
 
And it is no Small discouragement to our Saltzburghers that they do not yet know their respective Lot, altho in the printed accounts published in Germany, they had promises of having immediately at their arrival here their Portions of Land assigned to them. And in this the Reputation of the Revd Mr Senior Urlsperger, and Some of the chief Magistrates at Augsburg is highly concerned. For it was upon their Publickly appearing in the Affair, that these Innocent People ventured their All, in Leaving their Services in good Families; and the Roman Catholics of that Town will not be wanting in Insults for Sending People into Such a Desart, where in Two years they cannot reap the Corn or Seed they Sowed. Some People here indeed lay the fault upon the unseasonable coming of the first Saltzburghers into this Country & upon their not knowing the manner of Sowing & planting therein; Likewise upon the Extraordinary Heats of this Spring almost without any Rain. Next year perhaps the Fault will be laid upon the rainy Season. But I am fully persuaded and Convinced That the Real Cause of its not Producing is in the foundation of the Soil as being Sandy without any Cohesion of Particles. This Seems to be the Reason, that Pine Trees wholly consumed & burnt, leave no Manner of Ashes but only Sandy Particles; and pine Trees cut, & thrown down and Lying on the Ground for one year, are generally decayed & rotten as if they had been Twenty Years before on the Ground. 
 
As to the Cattle they do indeed at present Look very well, but it is quite the reverse in the heats of the Summer & Dead of the Winter being obligd to range a great Way off for getting their Subsistance in Swamps or Cane Lands, The Grass being too rank & sour. The old Saltzburghers did not See their Cattle all last Winter; and of thirty heads of Cattle given them Last year, they have now but five Cows that casted their Calves this Spring the others being either wild or Lost. At the Latter end of february Last Mr Causton Sent Twelve Hogs to Abercorn for the new Saltzburghers; one of them died in bringing it hither, Two of them broke loose from the Ropes, and are Lost, and after having kept the others Several weeks in a Stye Three of them likewise run away & have not since been seen. 
 
Mr Causton has given Us Six Bushels & a half of rough Rice for Sowing in Some of our Swamps, which are now quite dry. We are very glad of trying every Thing and are now preparing a proper Place for that purpose; But I apprehend that the Success thereof will be no better than with the Indian Corn. For its to be observed, that in Carolina the Negroes as the only proper Planters thereof are made use of, & that whenever white People are employed in that way of working, they die Like flies, as being unable to endure the Waters in such Swamps, much Less the heats of the greatest part of the Day in Summer Time. The Clearing of such Swamps being more difficult & laborious, than the dry Land, be it never so much overrun with Large or Small Wood of any kind; and considering that these people were born & bred in high and Rocky Lands, which are as different from the nature of those here, as the Day is from the night. Some knowing People say, It would be better to Shoot the People at once, than to put them into such a Way of Planting! 
 
Mr Bolzius hath taken a Memorandum of such Demands as some of our People have to make in the Archbishoprick of Salztburg or of some of their Countrymen, who are gone into Prussia. The attempting of getting them in is, as I humbly conceive, a Work to be recommended by the Crown of Great Britain. Moreover should the Trustees think fit to remove hence these Industrious & worthy People, I should notwithstanding the Indisposition upon my Eyes, be inclined to assist them in a New Settlemt till next Spring; and in that Case, I hope the Society will give proper Instructions for my Support; for I receive from the Stores no more than any other Man, unless when I am at Savannah, Mr Causton & his Lady over heap me wth Goodness & Civility, and I am constantly troublesome to them. 
 
 
Patrick Tailfer and others to the Trustees, undated,197 [Georgia], received Aug. 27, 1735, Egmont 14201, pp. 173-176, concerning their need for Negroes if they are to succeed in Georgia. 
 
Honoured Sirs 
 
We whose Names are underwritten beg Leave to lay the ensuing Particulars before You. 
 
We all having Land in your Colony of Georgia and having come here chiefly with a Design to Settle upon and improve our Land, find that it is next to an impossibility to do it without the Use of Negroes; For in the first place, most part of our white Servants not being used to so hot a Climate cant bear the Scorching Rays of the Sun in the Summer when they are at Work in the Woods, without falling into Distempers which render them useless for almost one half of the Year. Secondly, There is a great Deal of Difference betwixt the Expence of white Servants & of Negroes, for Negroes can endure this Climate almost without any Cloaths only a Cap, Jacket and pair of Trowsers made of some coarse Woollen Stuff in the Winter & one pair of Shoes; whereas white Men must be cloathed as Europeans and proportionable to the Season all the Year throughout. And then as to their Diet, the Charge of maintaining Negroes is much less than of white Men, for the first live in good Plight and Health upon Salt [meat ?], Indian Corn and Potatoes which they raise themselves with no Expence to the Master but the Seed and have nothing to drink but Water; whereas white Men must be fed with Flesh Meat, Bread and other Victuals Suitable to the European Diet which they have been used to and bred up with from their Infancy, and must likewise have Beer or other strong Liquors in due Quantities for their Drink otherwise they turn feeble and languid and are not capable to perform their Work. Thirdly, There are a great many Disadvantages attend the Use of white Servants here which do not Negroes, for we have white Servants only for a short time being generally indented for four or at most five Years one of which at least is lost by their frequent Sickness, and so many hours Rest from their Work which they must have every Day especially in the Summer, & when their Indentures are expired we must either go to Britain and engage others or be obliged to take a Parcel of hardend abandoned Wretches perfectly Skilld in all manner of Villany, and who have been transported their Country for committing Crimes by which they have been deemed too dangerous to be allowed to Stay there. The first of these is not practicable upon Account of the vast Expence that would attend it, and the Consequences of the second would be that we could put no manner of Trust in our Servants; nay let us take all possible Care we could, they would be continually Stealing and Imbezzling our Goods; and which is of a worse Consequence, forming Plots and treasonable Designs against the Colony, of both which we have had repeated Signal Instances lately in the few Transports who are already here. Another great Disadvantage is their frequent running away which they have much more opportunity of doing than Negroes, for there is no Law as yet made to take up white People who are travelling, nor could it easily be distinguished whether they were Servants or not; whereas Negroes would always be known and taken into Custody unless they could produce a Certificate from their Master. Indeed we should be much safer with our white Servants if our Neighbours in Carolina, instead of encouraging and Skreening them when they make their Escape to their Settlements as we have had several Instances of lately, would be so good as to assist us in securing and bringing them back; but from what reason it proceeds we dont know, the Major part of them have hitherto shewn and do still shew a very strong Resentment against this place. 
 
A great many other Inconveniences might be mentioned but we hope these already expressed will be sufficient, and that your Honours will be pleased to take them into Consideration. 
 
We do not propose to employ Negroes in any Mechanick Business but only in cutting down Trees and Stumps, howing, trenching and fencing the Ground and all other ways of clearing the Land, making Turpentine and Tar, beating of Rice &c. So that we should still use our white Servants in all Handicraft Trades, making of Vineyards, raising of Mulberry Trees, taking Care of the Silkworms and winding the Silk, raising Flax and Hemp &c. whereby we should not only have our Land speedily cleared, but likewise in the mean time be raising a Produce fit for Exportation, which by encouraging Ships to come here would very much conduce to the flourishing of the Colony. One of the chief Disadvantages supposed to attend Negroes in other Colonies is their great Number but this we are convinced Your Prudence would obviate by limiting the Number, as so many for each white Servant or so many for such a Quantity of Ground or any other way which You should think proper. An Objection may be made, that having but little Money amonst Us and not as yet raised a sufficient Produce we should not be capable to purchase Negroes; but that is soon removed when we consider that the Negroe Merchants always give Credit until the ensuing Crop, and if that does not answer until the next again only paying so much Interest; So that in Effect there is scarce any Expence in purchasing Negroes, but their Provision till they raise it themselves; and if once they were allowed we should very soon have them sent here to be disposed of. But whether or not it would be more for the Good of the Colony if your Honours should think proper to Send a Ship loaded with Negroes and take our Produce in Return as the Merchants do, we dont know. However be that as it will we are sure that as soon as Negroes are allowed every Person will be encouraged to clear and plant their Land, and until that is done it seems very improbable that this Colony should answer any End. We have only one thing more to add which is that it seems impossible to raise any Quantity or Produce with white Servants only, and even if it should be done we could not dispose of it because our Neighbours in Carolina would always undersell us, having their Work so very much cheaper than ours. 
 
We had almost forgot to mention one thing which very much increases the Expence of white Servants, namely their Wages, for all our British Money allowed them yearly besides their Meat Drink and Cloaths. What we have wrote we have Reason to believe is agreable to the Sentiments of the People of this Colony in General, and we hope will appear reasonable to Your Honours. 
 
 
Francis Piercy198 to an unidentified noble (probably the Earl of Egmont) and the Rev. Mr. Forester, June 1, 1735, Georgia, Egmont 14200, pp. 623-626, concerning conditions in Georgia, especially plants which will grow there. 
 
My Honourable Lord, and Worthy Sir 
 
Having now an opportunity to let your Lordship and you Mr. Forester hear from me and from Georgia I hope my letter shall find both you and my Lord and Lady in good health, as I thank God I am at this present. 
 
I have sent my Lord Some tea which grows here in the Collony, and which the Indians call Casseny Tea.199 It is very wholsom and good to cure the gout, and my Lord being Subject to it I have some for his Lordship to try if it do him any good, and he please to send to me by any Ship that Comes to Georgia or to Charlestown, I will send his Lordship as much as he pleased for his own use, for it is very wholsom for any body else as well as those that have the gout, and the Indian king told me himself that it is the only cure for it he ever could meet with and that he had tryed many ways but none could do but this. How I came to know this, was My Wife and Sr. Francis Bathurst and his Lady were walking, and Sr. Francis being lame, the King asked him what was the matter. Sr. Francis answerd that he and all his Forefathers had the gout. So then the King told him that this Casseny Tea was the only thing for it and the wholsomest That any body could drink for the preserving their health, and Sr. Francis declares it is the only thing he ever tryed. Now all the Gentry of the Town drink it frequently, and I find that it does me more good than when I drank Rum. For now I am marryd, instead of drinking Rum in a morning, I drink tea with my Wife, and by the advice of my Wife and Father and Mother in Law, (Sr. Francis and my Lady) I have left of drinking quite, and I thank God live very happy and loving with my wife, and all the Gentry in the town respect me very well, and more on account of marrying Sr. Francis Bathursts daughter. I may thank you Mr. Forester for this, and so I do, for I want for nothing I thank God. So now I hope that God has pleased to place me in the mouth of Fortune, and as for my Unkle he was very good to me in money and goods and advancing my Fortune considerably more than I thought he would. I am with Sr. Francis at present till his house is built, for the Builders and Brick makers cannot make and build fast enough for the Inhabitance of the place, people coming from all parts of America as well as from England. 
 
Trading and planting goes on very fast, and the Town of Savannah is so large, that from fourty houses there are now almost four hundred, besides hutts, for the town is a mile long and so much wide and it is almost built. There is a great deal of Silk made and the name of it fills the Colloney so full that if it goes on so for 7 years it will be the largest City or town in all the Continent of America.200 
 
The Product of the Country is at present some Silk and Pitch and tar, and corn and pease and Cattle for we have more than two thousand head already. Our Oranges come on finely but as for our vines they are Scorched so much by the dry weather, that there will be no wine made this year at all; but I hope in two or three years more to send you Something of my own raising; for I have got planted this year Some Coffee & coco Nutts that they say is the right Chocalet, and Nisick Nutts, and lignum vita,201 & more Sorts of things, & ginger, besides more of the East & West India Kinds of things for we have almost every thing of that kind, but we have not got the Nutmeg tree, & we want to get that if we could for the heat will bring them as well here as where they grow. Now I come to give you a true Account of how many towns there are in the Colony besides the City of Savannah as we call it here. Here is a place at the mouth of the Sea calld Tybee, then we go up the River to fort Arguile, Thunderbolt and come to the City of Savannah. Go still up the river & the next is Hampton Court where the Indian Kings Palace is and his Cowpen; west [torn] Battery, Abercorn, Mill bluff, Ebenezar, Purysburgh, Pallychacolas & Skidway So we have in all 15 Towns in Georgia but Savannah is the head town among them all. 
 
I beg you wont expose my bad writing an Spelling, and one thing is very Scarce and that is pens Ink paper and Sealing wax. This from your ever dutyfull servant to command. 
 
I Still remember frippon. 
 
NB. Purysburg belongs not to our Colony and he has omited Hampstead and High Gate.202 
 
 
Jaques Richard to James Oglethorpe, June 3, 1735, Purrysburg, C.O. 5/637, pp. 80-81, requesting a military post under Oglethorpe. Translated from the original French. 
 
Sir, 
 
I have learned with much joy of the largesse which Parliament has given to your colony, which will contribute much to the safety of the country, and I take great interest in everything that concerns the welfare of your colony of which you are the founder. Permit me, Sir, to congratulate you and to pray that you will continue to me the honour of your protection while you go to establish forts in divers places along the frontier of our neighbours. I think that you are also establishing troops there to guard them, in which case I hope that you, of your goodness, will not forget to procure me something that will give me a living. Charmed with being under your command I will always use my effort to render myself worthy of it. You know, Sir, my capacity, I dare to flatter myself, on the occasions when you wished to render me service. I should be very much obliged to you for my fortune, which I would never forget during my life. I await from you this favour and that of Mr Croire. 
 
[P.S.] We have here Mr Bernard, an ingenious man, very skillful, and the very one to undertake this kind of work. 
 
 
Robert Parker to Robert Hucks, June 3, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, p. 304, concerning his financial troubles, the bad magistrates in Georgia, and the case of Joseph Watson. 
 
Worthy Sr 
 
I beg youll be so good to deliver the Inclosd to ye Honl Trustees. I presume Sr Hans Sloane is one. My Case I think is exceeding harde and as follows I refer you to my Letters I did myselfe the Honour of Wrighting a Month or two agoe. I had then all the pleasing prospeht I could hope for or desire having brought my Workes to a conclusion, and performed every Thing that I had proposd to myselfe wch in all respehts answered the desired ende, all but 2 or 3 days Workes when ever the River should fall the materialls for that purpose being provided. The Mill by her sawing would have Daily brought me in Four or Five pound Stirlingand by an other addition upon the same Workes might have doobled that Proffitt, not be selling the Deals203 or stuff in furnishing this Province but in Supplying the Suger Islands with all Materialls for Building and the returnes to be made from thence. And the great quantitys of fine Clear Deals that might been sent for England and Sold to an Extraordinary price, wch with the Situation I have mentioned I would a made it one of the finest & most Valuable Plantations In America. All this after bringing it to so great Perfection is Ruined and overturned at once by the Villany of the Present Magistrates of this place. I neede not enlarge upon the perticulers. I presume Mr [Peter] Gorden has related Enough of yr Actions, and the Letters sent by him are so many Vouchers. Mr [Paul] Ametis that was to propigate the Silke Manufacture is drove off by the same means and so many extraordinary things Daily Happen. There never was a greater Scene of Male Administration. As to myselfe I must referr my consernes to you and the rest of the Honourable Board. I am Assured you wont suffer me to be a looser in any advantages I might properly a made, nor can I afforde it. I have a Wife and Eleven Children equally claimants that are Injured with me therefore I hope the Gentlemen has consented to disscharge a Bill for  40 St to Mr Rodolph Nutman wch I advised on the 13th Feb and that they will be so good to discharge one or Two Hundred Pounds more that I shall be necessitated to Valve while things can be setled. If I had had no Interuption I could a remitted over by this a much larger sum. I am hertily sorey things should have taken so unluckey a Turne but there is no helpe now but from some Vigerous Proseedings of yours to set things again upon a Steady Foundation. I may say at Present All her Foundations are out of Cource. 
 
[P. S.] Plese to give my Duty to Sr Robert Walpole. I shall do myselfe the Honour to Wright to him the Next Opertunity. 
 
I had Wrote to you the Hon Trustee &c by Capt [George] Dunbar but my Papers being sent before to Charles Towne for feare of the Fate of divers others, Private Houses being strichly searched for feare of advising you or letting you into the Truth of things they still lye there. 
 
P. S. I beg youll plese to reade over my Letter to ye Hon Trustees before you deliver it. In the Case of Capt [Joseph] Watson is worth your Consideration; we are apprehencive his Accusers has urged things against him that may even affect his life if his Close Confinement dont do it. He will Die Guiltless of the Accusation that wont say he has been the most prudent Man, but God forbid this Colloney should have give itts Cement in so unjust an Action. The Jury nor any conserned ever dremt it would bee represented in the light Mr Causton has Put it in, sure so much Wickedness was never before heapt up in one Man. Pray God sende a speady remedy or all will breake out into Confusion. 
 
 
Robert Parker to the Trustees, June 3, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 307-308, concerning his mill, Causton as a bad magistrate, and the troubles in Georgia. 
 
I did myselfe the Honour to wright to you Jan ye 4th & Feb 15th wch I hope came safe to hande to wch I beg refference. I there gave you an Acct of the state of some part of the Colloney, also a Pleasing relation of the state of my Mill to what a near Perfection I had then brought the Workes to and Delighting in the Situation I craved of Your Honours such a Tract of Land as might be of service to my Large Familey I intended to have about me. I pleasd myselfe with the Hopes of your ready complyance and that in a very little time I might a had (taking everything together) a Plantation that would have emulated with any for Beauty & Proffitt in these parts of the Worlde. I am assured itts what would been highly acceptable to you as being the Fruites of your Laudable Undertaking. I wrote for Capt [George] Dunbar to come before his departure and View my Workes comparing them wth the Drafts I intended to sende by him wch according he did. Mr [William] Furguson Mat of ye Scout Boate came with the same purpose and I presume gave yr Honours an Acct how things was caried on. We have sawn out some quantity of Boards a Sample of wch I sent down per Furgison to go per Capt Dunbar, and was going myselfe for Charles Towne to Negotiate some Bills of Exchange, the moneys advanst me by Mr Oglethorpe and what remittances I had made me coming short of the exspence I have been at, my Workes being near four Times as much as what I proposd to Mr Oglethorpe. I had two or three Days Workes to do, when the Waters Fell, wch has been high all the Winter hindred me from earning of  150 or  200 St. By the time I exspehted to come from Charles Towne I supposed the Waters might be fallen wch accordingly hapned, and have been low ever since that my Workes might a Month before this been fully compleated and since that time the Mill would have earnt me  100 Sterling and for every Month I am hindred from working I loose One hundred Pounds Stirling. But coming down to Savanah insteed of meeting with the Kinde reception and Incouridgment I thought I had highly merrited, I was stopt and Arrested from going off the Bluff by a Warrant from the Majestrates for two Trifling Debts and to answer to such things as the Court should alledge against me. Mr Causton might and ought to payd and disscharged the Debts of any Kinde, he having about this time 12 month to serve the Use of the Colloney taken from me a lott in Towne with all the Improvements I had made upon it, and given it another Person, without making me any maner of retalliation in one kinde or other. The severell soarts of ill usage together with my Stopage as thretning to burne down and destroy my Workes and a Thousd other Affronts and and ill usage has made me with draw my Son and the People I had there and tho a month before I would not accepted of 1000 nor 1500 Guineas I now come to fling myself upon Your Honours for a due satisfaction. I presume youll have Mr [Peter] Gorden with you. Mr [Paul] Amatis with his complaints and divers others unable to beare with the Injurious Treatment to all those that wont come into Caustons ill and Pernicious measures will thin the Colloney, and it is owing to the Veneration they have to your Honourable Selves and Laudable undertaking that has kept them within Bounds. Almost every Day brings some Exstravigence or other Shocking to considerate People and was things set in a Cleare light they would meete with a ready redress. 
 
Your orders was read Yesterday in the Case of Capt [Joseph] Watson. I hope before this time the Authentick Acctts sent by the Revd Mr [Samuel] Quincey and others are arrived and you se things in a diferent light to what Produst that Order wch hope will be a motive for you to recall the same. Confinement to a Mans own Roome heare wth Winders & Dores Nailed Down as in Capt Watsons case in so hot a Country may be lookt upon as a Sure tho not a suden Death. Itts the opinion of most People he deserves no such usage but on the Contrary these things are trumpt upon him purely to defraude him of his Just Right in his Partnership. We know how Jewreys [juries] are managed hear and what dirty worke they have been made to do. There never was a Colloney so truely Misserable as this will be should things want a redress for a little time longer nor more markes of Tyany and Slaverey to be produst. 
 
What I hav wrote I know is Shocking to your Generous Mindes and farr different from what you desire to be entertained with. I wish I could dwell upon a pleasanter Theame. My Duty Oblidges me to speake Truth, the Good of Mankinde has been as much in my View as other peoples according to my Ability I pray God Almighty to direht you for the Best. 
 
[P.S.] Inclosd I sende your Honours a true Draft of my Workes wch will be attested by Capt Dunbar who compared them when up at the Mill. I have performed what ever I advanst or purposd wch answers to my content and am in Hopes will meett with Your Honours Approbation. I am not unsensable how it will be on the other Hande represented to you by Mr Cawston. Hee has dun the same in respeht to the Pare Saltzburgers wch is as falce as the other, all knowing men agreeing the Cituation they are at, is a most wretched place, wch will Foyle all yr Industry. 
 
 
Anonymous to [the Earl of Egmont], June 5, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 83-84, Egmont 14200, pp. 627-630, containing complaints against Thomas Causton. 
 
My Lord 
 
Your Generous Endeavours for the Publick Good and the many Christian Vertues that adorn your Person are two great reasons for Laying at yor Lordships Feet in the most Humble manner the Grievances of the Colony. 
 
1st. That the Storekeeper & Superindendant Should at the Same time be Chief Bailiff prevents redress in ye Court of Justice for any reasonable Complaint relating to the Store or Public Works 
 
2dly. That his Power is so great in relation to Publick Works & othr Affairrs that he may Byass the Jury and others. 
 
It is the Oppinion even of his Friends that one of those Employ is Enough to take up all his Time and that both is more than he Can menage. 
 
3dly. That if the Jury does not bring a Verdict pleasing to him they are Called Traytors &c. 
 
If it be in Actions of Debts or Accounts, that the Party who Loose ye Cause may Appeal to Chancery of wch he is Judge & can do there without a Jury. So that if a Cause goes contrary to his Will by Commor Law it is needless to ye Person who gets the Cause Since the Same Judge as Chancellor may Alter ye Sentence as he pleases. 
 
4tly. That he being a Lawyer he tells ye Jury the Law is So & So none of them being Lawyers, or Understanding in the Law knows not Whether he Says true or no. & no other Lawyer being allowed to Oppose Arguments has Certainly great advantages in Causes wherever he is Prosecutor & Judge. 
 
There is one thing we very much desire to know how many Jurymen may be Challenged without giving any reason for it, & how many with Strong reasons for So doing. Anothr we also desire to know whether we may not Appeal to yor Honrs in all Cases. 
 
It has been said on the Bench that we must Suffer first before we Can Appeal, that is bear the Punishment Fine or pay a Debt before we Can Appeal. If So what Recompense for a Corporal Punishment or for a debt paid to a Person who is a Stranger & does not reside here. 
 
5th. That in difficult Cases often a Special Jury is Called ye Majority of wch are Freemasons. Wch have often been Challenged but as no othr reasons Could be alledgd agt them but their being Free Masons ye Court has ruld the Objection. 
 
6th. That People Houses are Searched & their Papers Examined to See if any Complain to the Hone The Trustees. That tis Dangerous to write from hence So tis one of ye greatest difficulties to know how to Send a Lettr Safe to any friend in England or to receive any from thence without Danger of being Opend, wch the People here Look as a great hardship& ye more Since they know if a Certain person here finds they write anything that Displeases him they are Sure of his Frowns & their Ruin if he can pick a hole in their Coat, for he is Noted for Severities & Revenges to ye Uttermost but not for one Sole Generous good Action. From an Evil Tree no good Fruit Can be Expected. 
 
The Intended Tryal of Lieut Parson of Port Royal was thus, but he hearing of it made his Escape. The hangman to be his Judge 12 Transports Servants Jurymen & then Tossd in a Blanket & by Force his Papers taken from him. Wch Some people Say was Executing Justice without a Legal Court or a Legal Jury & on one of His Majesties Officers. 
 
The Tryal of Savy of Carolina. The B [Bailiff ?] Saying now he was glad that he had an Opportunity to Punish a Carolinean. The Punishment was to be Pilloryd. The Jury desird his Sentence might be Moderated wch Alterd Imediatly The Severity dessignd. 
 
The Carolineans tho they do not Care for Savy are greatly Affronted at those Words. 
 
Objections against ye Administration of a Certain Bayliff &c. 
 
The Tybee Affairr204 has Cost already near Fifteen hundred Pounds Sterling, & hardly any thing to be Seen for it to the Amazement of ye Freeholders here & Shews how Carefull & Saving the Publick Money ought for the future to be taken Care. 
 
The Stinking Meat Buryd; the othr Provissions Wasted & Damaged. 
 
His Account of the Receipts and Issuing of the Provissions from the Store ought to be thoroughly Examined & he obliged to produce his Vouchers for ye Same. Tis a matter of great Concern & deserve to be Enquired into, those that know how they Stand might Say more than I do. A thorough Examination will Shew whethr he deserve ye Character of a Just Steward. 
 
I Shall pass over Whipping & Ducking those that have Asked him for Money & other Faults Leaving that to others. 
 
I shall only addthat [James] Gould his Chief Clerk in the Store, has for a Long time Openly Sold Rum in Deffiance of ye Trustees orders. & that he has Fined Mr Amatis for Selling a Small matter more then he knew what to do & has Countenanced ye said Gould in that Trade. 
 
And That he himself has Sold on his Private Accot Goods in ye Store at a Considerable Profit to the poor people who had Worked for the Publick & when he accounted with em paid himself first. 
 
Mr Gould next. 
 
3dy. Those that owed him. 
 
4thy. That if there was any thing Left it was paid to ye Poor people or to their othr Creditors. 
 
From his Behaviour to the Freeholders many Entertain the Oppinion that he Acts without orders in many things, Others that they are to be deprived of the British Liberties & therefore they intend for Great Britain. 
 
There has been so much Damaged Provisions in the Store that it is a Shame on the Colony. And now that Corn & Peas are wanted for Planting the Freeholders have asked for, & they have been told that of one of them there is none in the Store, the other is not fit to plant with. See the Damage to ye Colony by such Neglect & Carelesness. People Complain sadly, & indeed not without reason. 
 
 
Isaac Chardon to the Trustees, June 5, 1735, Charles Town, C.O. 5/636, p. 305, including a bill for provisions etc. for Georgia. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
Since my last Letters of ye 13th May I have paid for the Service and use of Your Colony the Sum of  1504. 10. - Our Currency in the following Manner 
 
 
This Will Also Advise you that I have this day drawn upon you payable unto Messre Peter & J. C. Simonds Or Order for Two hundred pounds Sterling, which be pleased to honour and place to my Account. 
 
By the next favourable Occasion I Shall transmit your Account Compleated to the 25 June. 
 
 
Paul Amatis to the Trustees, June 6, 1735, Savannah, received Aug. 6, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 86-96, Egmont 14200, pp. 631-635, concerning his troubles in the garden, with Thomas Causton, and his fine for selling rum. 
 
Honr Sirs 
 
I had the honnour to write you last January by Capt Yoakley with a Bundle of Silk made here, & in February I writ by Charles Town. Hearing that Capt Yoakley is Safely arrived & I doubt not but he has delivered the Silk & my Letters to your Honnours & I hope also that mine p. Charles Town is also come to your hands. Finding therefore no answer tho I had great reason to Expect it I am much Concerned & very Uneasy to find my Self thus dissapointed, & the rather because I had writ your Honnrs that I would have gone from hence to London this Month If I had not your orders to prevent the Same. Accordingly I was preparing to go with Capt [William] Thompson but Mr Montacute [Samuel Montaigut] Mr [Samuel] Eveleigh Mr [Elisha] Dobree & Sevl others of my Friends have advised me to Stay Least with the Complaints that I have to make against the Proceedings of Certain person in the Colony might Occassion Some Dissorders & Broils in this Place & also Least in my Absence your Garden might greatly Suffer now that it is in a thriving way. I have therefore resolved to Sacrifice my Private Interest than to Act in any ways wherein it might in the Least Appear that the Publick good might Suffer. Altho most of those that knows me, knows that I have at all times Preffered the Publick to My Private Interest. My Intent is now to Stay with Patience till a Trustee or other Person fit to Govern this Colony comes over. To him I will Surrender the Garden or follow Such Orders as he Shall think Convenient to Lay on me. 
 
I think with humble Submission that I may Venture to Aquaint you with the full perticullrs. 
 
That I having a Small Quantity of Rum for my Provission & finding it was more then I could Spend & being as I thought on my departure for London I thought it was no Crime to dispose of what I did not want, Seeing it was Publickly Sold by many others who never were Disquieted or Fined on that Accot. 
 
The 19th Inst Mr Causton fined me Seven Pounds Currancy for Selling Some few Gall of Rum. I paid the Fine very freely not being willing by an Ill Example to Dispute the Same. But for me to pay it & no others; there Seems Partiality and Since the Fine goes for ye Benefit of ye Colony I shall be the more Easy. Since the Province Reaps the Benefit of it but to what Accot is Applyd is yet Unknown to us. 
 
The Following Persons are known Publickly to Sell Rum & Still Continue, Except Mr [Thomas] Christie who Imediately Left off. 
 
Mr Edward Jenkins 
 
Mr John Fallowfield 
 
Mr Patrick Houstoun 
 
Mr James Gould, Chief Clerk of your Store. 
 
Mr Christie 
 
Mr John Ambrose & others wch I cant now Remember. 
 
All the Public Houses, the Masters of Periaugers & Sevl others. 
 
The reason Some of the above Gentlemen do not pay a Fine is because they are Intimate to Mr Causton. I dont Say because they are Freemasons. 
 
Since my Arrival in this Colony I have Seen many things Transacted Contrary to the Interest of the Trustees & ye Colony, & my Intent in representing the Same is to prevent for ye future that the Interest of both may not Suffer. And as I have the Honnour to be Employd in your Service, I think it is my duty & I should be much to blame If I Should Sit Quietly & See your Interest & ye whole Colony at Stake & not Inform your Honl Board thereof. This is my reasons & I hope I Shall not incurr your displeasure in so doeing but if I should I have the Satisfaction that in this I have done nothing but my Duty. 
 
I conceive (with humble Submission) that your Honl Board will not Approve Altogether what has been done. As to my Person I cannot avoid Complaining at the Proceedings against me, Considering the Confidence reposed on me (by your Honl Board) with the Direction of the Silk Undertaking. The Chief & almost the only Article for which this Colony was Setled & which Thanks be to God is brought So forward as to give great & Reasonable hopes that in Some years the Province will Produce as good if not better Silk than Piedmont & that in Vast Quantitys as may more fully Appear by a Manuscript of mine which I am now preparing for London. 
 
I doubt not in the Least, but that Some of My Enemies (tho I have but few here) May have Spread false Reports against me, as they have against others but I doubt not in the Least to Justify my Conduct when it will not be in their Power to Justify theirs. 
 
The Honr Mr Oglethorpe was pleased to tell me that there should be Merchandizes Lodged in the Trustees Store with an Intent to Sell em at first Cost (& 5 per Ct Interest) to the Freeholders in order to Ease them in their Infancy & Enable them to Continue here with Comfort & Satisfaction, but now its otherwise. The Store is Filled up with Goods Sold for ye Private Benefit & Advantage of Mr Causton who Sells the Same to the Poor Freeholders at such Extravagant Rate as 40 to 50 per Ct Profit, by which means they greatly Suffers & he gets Abundance Money Especially from the Men who are Employed in the Publick Works. These People have been Chiefly Paid in Goods as much as they could well take, & if any thing was Still due to them Mr [James] Gould was to be paid prefferable to any of their Creditors. 
 
I cannot believe that Mr Causton will Easily pass his Accts of Provisions & Shew Vouchers for ye Same. It is well known that many Barrels of Meat have been buried in the Ground, the stench being so great that it was not prudent to keep them any Longer above Ground, & as for other Provissions Great has been the Damage thereon from the Carelsness & Indolence of those who might have taken better Care & I cannot think that the Loss Can be Computed Less than  200 Stg. I am very Free in discovering & giving your Honnrs the Trouble of this Information, wch I think I am bound in Duty So to do. But If I Should find hereafter that I am wrong & Such proceedings of mine are dissagre able I Shall Imediately Leave off, for in doeing this I run the risque of Incurring the Displeasure & Revenge of those who are my Open & bitter Enemies. 
 
The Affection I have for this Colony & Its Inhabitants Induces me to wish them all manner of happiness & Prosperity assuring them that it will be a perticullr Satisfaction & a great Delight in me at all times to do them the best Services I can. 
 
Mr Causton (by your orders as he tells me) hath taken away Since the End of Novr Last from the Garden Six of ye Servants. There was then but four Left. One is run away on board of the Men of War at Charles Town either Capt Anson or Capt Lloyd & Sailed for England. Another is gone Since Last Week, but where we do not know; he went with Diver other Servants belonging to the Freeholders of this Town. I have been obliged to be at great Charges to defray the Expences of your Garden, as your Honnour may See by my Accot. I have always Endeavoured to do the best I Could to bring that Garden to that Perfection that you might with reason Expect. I beg you please to send more Servants. I Suppose your Intentions is to have Nothing wanting to promote the Benefit of yr. Garden. On my part Nothing shall be wanting on that head, having greatly the Interest & the Power of doing good to the Freeholders in all My Actions. I have been Obliged to hire Some few Servants, but for the Future I think with humble Submission it would be most for your Interest to Send me Some more of your Own from England. All wch I humbly Submit to your Great Wisdom & am Most Respectfully. 
 
[P.S.] Elisha Dobree having met with Great Losses by [Francis ?] Lynch his Correspondt here, has begd of me for my Interest with your Honr Board to Enable his Family to come here, wch Favour I humbly beg youll please to Grant in Consideration of the Improvement he has made in his Garden & of his Capacity & Ability in Publick Affairrs. I Employ him to Translate My Letters & Accots from French to English & also my Journal relating [to] the Silk Worm undertaking. I hope your Honnrs may do Something for him. I find he desires nothing So much as to have his Family come to him herebut at present is not able to Send em Enough for yt Purpose. He will readily Repay ye Charges in Case he is able & if you please to Require it. 
 
 
Talk of Creek leaders, June 11, 1735, Savannah, Egmont 14201, pp. 1-13, concerning traditions of their past history. 
 
Talk taken in Writing this Eleventh day of June, One Thousand Seven hundred and Thirty five at Savannah in Georgia from the mouths of Chekelli Mico or King & Chief of the upper and lower Creeks & Antioche head Warriour from the Cowetaw town. Eliche Mico, or King Ousta head Warriour from the Cussitaws. Tomechaw War King; Wali War Captain from the Pallachucolas. Poepicke Mico or King. Tomohuichi dog King from the Echitaws. Mittakawye head Warriour from the Okonees. Taweliche Mico or King Whoyanni head Warriour from the Chehaws, & are joynd by the Hokmulge people Shinelacowecke Mico or King from the Osoche. Opithli Mico or King from the Sawocolos. Ewenauki Mico or King Tahmokmi War Captain from the Eupaulees and thirty nine other Warriours & young men. 
 
In the Presence of Thomas Causton, and Henry Parker Bailiffs, Thomas Christie Recorder, John Vat Comissary to the Saltzburgers, and Sundry Gentlemen and Freeholders of the Said town and Province of Georgia. 
 
That towards the Sun setting the Ground opens, wch. is the Mouth of the Ground, That the Ground opend, and the Cussetaws205 came out of the Mouth of Ground, and Settled thereby, but the Ground was angry and eat up their Children, and they went further towards the Setting of the Sun. Nevertheless this part of the Cussetaws turnd back again and came to the same place206 (leaving the greater Body behind) thinking it might be best so to do, and Settled again by the Mouth of the Ground; That their Children were Still eat up by the Earth, & then they went away in Anger towards the Sun rising. That they came to a thick Muddy River, where they Campd, rested, and slept one Night. That next Day they began again to travel, and came in one day to a red bloody River. That they livd by that River, and eat of ye Fish two Years, but it was a low Springy place and they did not like to abide there. That they went to ye End of that Bloody River and heard a Thundering noise, they went forward to see where the noise came from, and they first Saw a red smoak, and soon after a Hill wch. thunderd and a Singing noise was upon the Hill, and they Sent to See what it was, and it was a great Fire that burnt right upwards and made that singing noise. They calld ye Hill the King of Hills. It thunders to this day, and they fear it much. That they met with ye People of three different nations. They took of ye Fire from the Hill and saved it. And at that place ye knowledge of Herbs and many other things came to them. That Fire came to them from the Sun rising wch. was white, and they did not like to use it. Also from the South207 wch. was Blew, neither did they use that. Also from the Sun Setting which was black, neither did they use that. And also from ye North which was red & yellow. This they mixd with ye Fire they took from the Hill wch. they use to this day, and it some times sings. That at the Hill there was a Stick wch. was very uneasy and made a noise, and they could not tell how to Pacifie it. That they took a motherlesse Child and pushd at it; the Stick killd the Child. Therefore they took the Stick and carry it with them when they go to War, and the Stick was like the wooden Tomihawk which they use to this Day and of the Same Sort of Wood. Here they also found out four Sorts of Herbs or Roots wch. Sung and discoverd their virtures. 1st. Passaw i. e. Rattle Snake Root; 2d. Mico Weanechau, i.e. out does the king, commonly calld Red Root; 3d. Sowatchko, grows like wild Fennel; 4th. Eschela pootchke, i.e. small Tobacco. They also use them at their Bask [Busk ?] to purifie themselves, they being the Chief of their Physick especially the 1st and 3d Sorts. That at the Bask, wch. is Yearly, they fast and make offerings of their first Fruits; That Since they knew the virtue of Herbs, the Women make Fire by themselves and learned thereby to be seperate at certain times from the Men. Five, Six or Seven days for purification, for if they were not to do so, it would Spoil the virtue of their Physick, and the women would not be healthy. 
 
That a dispute arose which was the eldest, and who should have the Rule, and they agreed that being four Sorts of people they should set up four Sticks and make them red with Clay, (which was originally Yellow, but by burning it became red) and all go to War to try which of them could first cover each his Stick from the Root upwards with Scalps of Enemies and he that So did Should be the Eldest. That they all endeavourd so to do but the Cussetaws coverd the tope of their Stick first with Scalps, so that it could not be seen. Therefore they were declared & are allowd by the whole nation, to be the Eldest. The Chickasaws coverd next; the Alibamas next, but the Obekaws could not raise their heap of Scalps, higher than the Knee. 
 
That about this time there was a Bird of a very large Size, Blewish Colourd, had a long tail and was Swifter than an Eagle, which came, killd & eat their people every day. They made the figure of a woman and set it in the way of the Bird, and the Bird took it away with him and kept it a long time but brought it back again. When it came back they let it alone expecting it would bring forth some thing and in length of time it brought forth a Red Rat, & they beleived that the Bird was the Father of the red Rat; that they consulted with the Rat how they might destroy his Father. That the Bird had Bows & Arrows and the Rat eat his Bow Strings So that the Bird could not defend himself, which the Rat told them of, & that they might go & kill him, which they did. They calld this Bird the King of Birds; they allow the Eagle to be a great King, and always carry the Feathers of his tail when they go to war or peace, being red for war & white for peace, and if an Enemy comes with white Feathers & a white mouth & makes a noise like an Eagle they cannot kill him. 
 
That they then left that place & traveld further till they found a white Path, the grass & all things they saw were white. That they found people had been there before, that they crossd the Path, and went to Sleep, after wch. they consulted and returned to see what Path it was, and what people had been there, beleiving it might be for their Good to follow it, & they went that Path till they came to a Creek calld Colossa Hutche208 because it was Smoaky & rocky that they went over it towards the Sun rising, & came to a People calld Coosaws.209 That they staid with the Coosaws four Years. The Coosaws complaind they had a Creature that eat them up which they calld Man-eater or Lyon that livd in the Rock. The Cussetaws Said they would try if they could kill it for them, & they made a net,210 dug a Trench & put ye Net over it, and made several Creeks & places to stop the Lyon from pursuing them, & went to ye place where the Lyon livd & throwd a Rattle in where he lay. That the Lyon came out & followd them through all the Creeks & Places they had made with great fury, so they agreed twas better one should die than all, therefore when they came near the Trench they took a Motherlesse Child & throwd it into the Lyons way. The Lyon running eagerly to devour the Child tumbled into the Pit or Trench, and then they drew the net over him and killd him wth. burning Chungures, but preservd his Bones, wch. they keep to this day, and one Side of them is red & ye other Side of them is blew. That every Seven days he usd to come & kill people, therefore having killd him they tarried Seven days there, and in Remembrance thereof they take Physick & fast Six days, & ye Seventh day they go out to War, and if they carry the Bones of ye Lyon with them they are fortunate therein. 
 
That they left the Coosaws at the Expiration of four Years as above & went to a River they calld Rowphawpe, now calld Callasie Hutche, there they Staid two Years & had no grain to plant, all this while they livd upon Roots & Fish, & made Bows & pointed their Arrows, Beaver teeth & Flints, they also split Canes which they usd instead of Knives. 
 
That they quitted that place & came to a Creek calld Wattoola-hawkaw Hutche from the hooping of Cranes, or Crane hooping Creek, on Account of the vast quantity of Cranes found there. They Slept there one night. That they came to a River where was a fall of Water, and they calld it Owahenka River. That next day they came to another River which the calld Aphoosapheeskaw.211 That next day they went over and came near a high hill and found there were some people there, and they hoped it was the people that had made the white Path. Therefore they made white Arrows & shot to see if they were good people, but the people took the white off and made them red, and shot them back again. They then took up the red Arrows and carried them to their King, and the King told them it was not for good; If the Arrows had returned white they should have gone and got provisions for their Young ones, but being red they should not go. However some of them went to See what people they were, and found they had all quitted their Houses. They Saw a Trackt which lead into the River, and they believed they went into the River, & did not get out for they went to ye other side of the River & could find no Trackt. That there is a Hill they calld Moterel, which makes a noise like the beating of a drum, & they fancy they live there; That whenever they go to war this noise is heard. That they went along the River till they came to another fall of water where they saw great Rocks and Boughs laid on the Rocks, and they believed the people who made the white Path had been there. That in all their Travels they have two Runners who go before the Body of the People. That they Saw a High Hill, and the Runners went upon it & lookd about and saw a Town. That they Shot two white Arrows into the town, but the People of the town shot red Arrows back again. That the Cussetaws were angry with the people & agreed to fall upon their town, and if they took it, every one was to have a house. That they throwd Stones into the River, till it was So Shallow that they could walk over wch. they did, (the People were flat headed) & they took the Town. When they had So done they killd all but two whose Trackt they followd, & overtook a white dog which they killd and pursued the two people till they came into the white Path again, and they Saw a Smoak where was a Town, & now again believed they had found the people they had So long travelld to See. It is the place the present Pallachucolla people dwell in, & from whom Tomo Chachi is descended. 
 
That the Cussetaws were always bloody minded, but the Pallachucolla people made them back drink as a token of Friendship, and told them their Hearts were white, and they must have white Hearts, and lay down their bloody Tomihawks, and give their bodies in token that they should be white. That they Strove for the Tomihawk, but the Pallachucolla people by fair persuasions gaind it from them and Carried it under their Cabin. The Pallachucolla people told them their Captin Should be all one with their people, and gave them white Feathers. That ever Since they have livd together and shall always live together, and bear it in remembrance. 
 
That some went on one Side of the River, and some on the other Side; the one Side all Calld Cussetaws, and the other Cowetaws, but they are one people and allowd to be the head towns of the upper & lower Creeks. Nevertheless because they first saw red smoak & red Fire & made bloody Towns they can not leave their red Hearts, which tho they are white on the one Side, are Red on the other. That they still find the white Path was for their good, for altho Tomo Chachi has been as a Stranger, and not lived in their towns, amongst them, yet they See that in his old Age, he has done himself & them good because he went with Esqr. Oglethorpe to See the great King and hear his great Talk,212 and has brought it to them, and they have heard it, & believe it. For which reason they look upon him as the father and Senauki213 the Mother of them all, and are all resolved that when he shall be dead to look upon Tooanahawi his nephew as the Chief ruler of them all214 in his stead, and hope he will be a great man, and do good for himself & them. That their Eyes had been Shut, but were now more open, and they believe the coming of the English to this place is for good to them and their Children, and will always have Streight hearts towards them, and hope tho they were naked & helplesse they shall have more good things done for them. 
 
Chekilly said, I am of the Eldest town and was chosen to rule after the death of the Emperor Bream. I have a strong mouth & will declare this resolution to the rest of the nations, and make them comply therewith. We are glad the Squire [Oglethorpe] carried some of our people to See the great King & his nation, that I am never tired of hearing what Tomo Chachi tells me about it. That all my people return their great Thanks to all the Trustees for so great favour, and will always do our outmost Endeavour to Serve them and all the great Kings people whenever there shall be occasion. I am glad I have been down & seen things as they are, we shall go home and tell the Children and all the Nation the great Talk which Tomo Chachi has had with the great King, and bear in remembrance the Place where they now have met., and call it Georgea. I am Sensible that there is one who has made us all and tho some have more knowledge than others, the great & strong must become dirt alike. 
 
 
John Baker to James Oglethorpe, June 12, 1735, Bristol, C.O. 5/637, pp. 197-198, concerning payment of bills from Georgia. 
 
Sir 
 
By the Sea Horse wch arrivd this Morning from So Carolina I had a letter from my Partner accompanying a second bill of Mr Caustons on the Trustees payable to us for Three hundred pounds. Mr [Paul] Jenys took notice that he had inclosd me Mr Caustons letter of advice, and also our accot Currt wth the Trustees, but on perusal I find there is no letter of advice & do suppose it may be with the first bill only, which is on board the Garland that sayld a few days before this Ship but not yet arrived; As this second bill therefore may first get to hand (& perhaps without a letter of advice) I take the liberty to Inclose you the accot Currt wch Mr Jenys sent me, and hope yoll find the same to your satisfaction. 
 
We have a Ship (the Charming Molly) that will sayl for So Carolina in three weeks, if you have any Commands that way I shall be glad to serve you. 
 
[P.S.] I propose to embark in two months & Mr Williams & our Vessell will go about the same time. 
 
 
Thomas Gapen215 to the Trustees, June 13, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 101-104, Egmont 14201, pp. 21-27, concerning Thomas Caustons refusal to pay him as public butcher, his ideas about cattle raising, his inability to get his land surveyed, his position as color bearer in the militia, and his like for Georgia. 
 
Right Honble and Honble Gentlemen 
 
It being a Current Report that some worthy Gentleman from your Honrs would Quickly Arrive here made me wait with Patience from Complaining of the Hard Usage I have Laboured under Since the Departure of ye Honble Mr Oglethorpe. I Most Humbly beg to Assure your Honrs that I here lay before you my true case, that Justice may take place and Liberty and Property be Supported, which are the Valuable Enjoyments of an Englishman; and I was in hopes of being possessd of them here, which I do not in the least doubt when your Honrs are truely informd of the Proceedings, which the Bearer of this Mr [John] West, has been an Eye Witness of. 
 
Gentlemen, at my Arrival here, the 29 of Augt 1733 I Landed in good Health and took my orders with the rest of the People to go to work, which I did very Chearfully. After working as his Honr Mr Oglethorpe was pleased to Imploy me, I went to Sawing being Resolvd to build me a House as soon as Possible. In the mean time their wanted a Butcher, in the Colony, very much. His Honr was pleasd to Appoint me as such, and agreed with Capt James Macpherson, to furnish the Colony with 50 Steers; and for giving Encouragement to me to go on in the Bussiness, made Articles of Agreement for Each party and as I Performd my part faithfully and with Justise in killing the Steers was in great Hopes the Articles on the other part would have been so too. This being the first Occasion of my complaint, I Humbly beg to Relate it. 
 
The first Drove of 25 Steers Came May the 21 last to Mr John Musgroves Cow penn and no farther, which is upwards often miles by Land and Six by Water, and was there left. I being Unprovided with a boat and People to go with me Insisted on the Beasts being brought nigh the Town, according to agreement. And the Hot weather being great, the Meat would be delivered the fresher, which I was desirous of doing, and it would be a Means of Amending the Health of the Colony which at that time was very Sickly. And as the Capt agreed to fence in two Thirds of my 45 Acre Lot for a Pasture, I Should have been ready two Months ago to have Planted the whole lott. But I never yet have had ye pleasure of Seeing or know where it lies. I have Compleatly fenced and Planted my 5 Acre Lott which your honrs Shall see in its place. But Sirs no Argument could perswade Mr Causton to order the Steers to be Brought as agreed for, but I was Threatened and Compelld to Hire a Boat and Men at my own Charge and kill them at the Cow pen some a Distance out in the Woods, and bring the Quarters on my Back to the Waterside. And if any Misfortune had happend so to lose my tide the Meat must Intirely have Perished, and your Honrs as well as my Self would have been great Sufferers, by Reason his Honr Mr Oglethorpe had advanced the money, so that the Cattle became Entirely your Honrs at the Delivery. I never took the Leaving of the Steers at Mr Musgroves as Such, but Mr Causton did. The Range at the Cow pen being so large, that it was Impossible to keep the Steers together. Some Run back to Carolina, and we never could get them. 2 were killd by the Stragling Indians, and Sometimes we had them Missing for a Month that the Town Suffered very much, for the want of fresh meat. In the mean time Mr Hugh Bryan as at this time drove 31 Steers into the Town and found it no great Difficulty to Bring them as was objected by Capt Macpherson, and two other Planters have proposed doing the like. From ye 24 of May to the 10th of July I workt in killing three or four Steers a Week as ordered from the Store House but Racd no Mony for my Labour. When I came to desire Mr Causton to settle my Acctt, he Refusd doing of it, nor no Money he would let me have to Carry on my Bussiness. I Desired Mr Noble Jones and Mr John Coates to go with me to See my Acctt Settled, and there was due to me by Balance 48.16. 6 Cur but I got nothing but the content of Balancing. 
 
It was his Honr Mr Oglethorpes Pleasure to order me in my agreement, the price of two Steers advance to buy Small Stock for a Market; but I never could Prevail on Mr Causton to Comply with his Honre Intention and when I have had 150  Curr due to me, have lost the providing my Self with Hogs Sheep and other Stock, which have been brought here to Sell for want of that Money which he would not part with out of his hands. It is Gentlemen a Surprising thing to See him continually buying Numbers of Servants and Cattle for his own use with the Money that your Honrs Entrust him with, to pay poor Workmen. He at this time has Eight besides the Man your Honrs Sent him and above [torn] Cows and Calves which he claims for his own, whilst Several that Arrivd here as well as my Self In Capt [Henry] Daubaz have not had one, nor no not when we shall. 
 
Your Honrs were pleasd to assure me at ye Office that we all Should have equal Lots, in Drawing for Cattle and our Land. Whilst his Honr Mr Oglethorpe was here we had it so, but Since it all goes by favour, and as we have been 2 Years without Seeing our 45 Acre Lotts we may be as much more unless your Honrs please to order it otherwise. I have made Several Applications to Mr [Noble] Jones and Mr Causton to have my Lott run out, and abundance have done the same, but to no Purpose. So I hope Your Honrs will please to Excuse me in Applying to the honourable Board of Trusstees. 
 
Gentlemen you may be assured that not a Town in America, can produce a more Willinger and Stedfast people both to Serve the King and Colony, than here is among us, Ready and Willing to run upon all Alarms for the good and Safety of the Colony. Your Complainant ever since his Arrival has always appeared one of the first and hope if occassion should happen will Behave as a Soldier, in Defence of the Colony. I carried the first Colours which belong to your Honrs before the Indians and hope Gentlemen you will Please to give me leave to Mantain them. 
 
I Humbly hope your Honrs will Please to Excuse me in Mentioning it, but as a Difference has been wherein I may be represented to your Honrs in a Different manner, and my Conduct Blamed, by a false Representation of the fact. The Town Appearing under Arms on Sunday the 8th of this Inst I was appointed by the Magistrates and Commanding Officers Some days before, to bear the Colours and Appeard that day with them in my Place, the whole Battallion being drawn up in Johnsons Square, to Muster. The next day being Monday the 9th Inst the Battallion being drawn up to receive the Creek Indians, Mr [Joseph] Fitzwater was Likewise Appointed that day to bear the other, and Although he was the younger Officer Claimd the Senior Post which I was resolvd to maintain. And to End the Dispute at that time, we agreed to meet the next morning and try it by Point of Sword. Mr Fitzwater did not think proper to face me, being willing to Sleep in a whole Skin, therefore I Posted him for a Coward at the Standard post in the Square. This Gentlemen is the whole truth of the affair as Capt [William] Thomson and Mr [John] West were Eye Witness of, and I most Humbly beg Pardon of the Honble Trusstees for breaking through any Law, which they have Appointed relating to Duels, and hope they will please to for give my rashness, and your Honrs shall always hear of my great Duty and Regard to your Orders, for the Welfare and Security of the Colony. 
 
I Humbly Hope Sirs that I shall not Suffer in my private affairs, if I should be calld any distance from the Town, as I did in July last when we had an Alarm of Some Spaniards and Yamasee Indians being landed on the Island of Skedaway. Upon this News my Self and Several other Freeholders of Savannah, offered to go to Assist Mr Johnson Damas if Occasion should require, but not meeting with them there, we went as far as the Altamaha, my Self taking ye Charge of ten Men in the Skedaway Boat. But notwithstanding all our Endeavours to Come up with them and learn the occassion of their coming so nigh us, we never could come up with them, being out 13 days. A Journal of our Voyage with an Account of Several Jorneys that I have made through land, and the Difference of the Soil and Trees growing thereon; I am Preparing to Send to your Honrs as soon as Possible my Spare Hours from working will permit me to finish. 
 
At my Return from the Altamahaa I had the misfortune to hear that Several Hogs as were in my keeping belonging to the Trusstees and 8 of my own which I had left under the Care of my Servant had broke out of the penn, and went into ye Swamps, and Notwithstanding all my Endeavours, in Hunting after them I never can Recover em. Mr Causton has made a Debt of Charge to me for them which belongd to your Honrs and has kept upwards of 60  Curr In his hands, to pay for them. I Petitiond the Court when Mr [Peter] Gordon was on the Bench, but never yet have had any Relief so Humbly Hope that your Honrs will please to take my Case into Consideration. The paying for them and Loss of my own has quite ruind me. And I beg Leave to Mention the Liberty giving to Servants and others who have no Lotts to Trade in the Town is of a great prejudice to we that run the Hazard of Crediting, and daily give our Attendance for the Security of the Town. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
I was in Hopes never to have troubled the Honble Board with any Complaint, my whole Study being to Labour and Work for the forwarding of the Town and Colony. I am at Present Clearing all the Town and Common of the thick Underwood and Shrubs which by their growing could conceal some Hundreds of Men, and is a great Harbour for Snakes and other Vermin. I have Lately finished a Large Cow pen, 8 foot High and Sunk a Pond in it the whole Contains upwards of Sixty acre, Within  a Mile of the Town, In order to put in the Cattle when they are Brought up out of ye woods, and to Mark the Cows and Calves belonging to your Honrs. I was Promised the Benefit of the said Pasture by Mr Causton and Hope he has Mentiond it to the Honble Board of Trusstees. I am at a very good Loss for Pasture ground nigh the Town to turn in fat Cattle when they are brought from Carolina to keep while they are wanted to be killd for the Town. Most humbly beg of your Honrs to grant me a Piece of Land or Lease or as the Honble Board shall in their great wisdom think Proper, the Pine Barren and Large Swamps adjoining being very unfit for the Purpose. On Argile Issland And the Adjacent land the Cattle will daily Improve, both In goodness and the Meat be much the Sweeter, there being naturally fine Grass, and a good Honey Suckle bottom with Plenty of fresh water in ponds. If your Honrs would Please to fix a Cow pen there the Colony in 3 years time might have a Continual Supply without the Assistance of Carolina, and Hogs might be bred in great numbers and at Small charge, the Land bearing Mostly Oak and Hickery Trees with abundance of Chinkampen trees, whose nuts are the most Delightfull food that the Hogs will feed on in the woods, and grow fat thereon. 
 
I Shall always think my Self in Duty bound to Pray for your Honrs in Establishing me here and could think my Self a very happy Man if my Wife would Venture over to Georgia, which place I think never to forsake. I Enjoying a very good State of Health. 
 
I Humbly Hope as I Have been in the Place as Butcher to the Hon. Trusstees almost two years, that by my Meriting your Honrs favour I may Continue as Such by orders from the Honble Board. And if your Honrs would Please to Send me 2 Sturdy men Servants and a Maid Servant that can go through Country Business, I will pay for them as your Honrs please to order and my Improvement on my Land shall be beyond Expectation, in a Short time. All which I most Humbly Submit to Your Honrs and throwing my Self on the Honble Trusstees Protection beg leave to Subscribe my Self. 
 
 
Elizabeth Bland216 to James Oglethorpe, June 14, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 96-97, Egmont 14201, pp. 29-32, concerning bad conditions in Georgia and Thomas Caustons refusal to let her return to England. 
 
Good Sr 
 
After a ten weeks dissagreable Voyage in a very bad Ship & rude Commander wanting every thing in this life wee Arrivd at Charls town from whence the passinger that woud goe were Conveyd in a pettyauger to Georgia. But I and Some others remaind at Charls town being very ill for meer want because had not eat nor drinkd nothing but bisket & watter for Seven week & three days before I landed. I not being able to lay in fresh provissions & my Stomach coud not bear the Ships provission & the litle Licqure mr Spooner laid in we was robd of by the Sailers So that when we Caim out to See we had notthing but Watter to drink, & the barberouse Company & Capt that was in the Cabin took all occassions to pick quarills with us & by that means to Avoid Assisting us which they thought they must doe if wee remaind all friends &c. The litle Goods I brought as well as all the passingers was quite Spoild by reason of the badness of the Vessill which was but a one deck Vessel & indeed So Small that it Seemd a presumption to take Such a voyage in her. At Carolina I heard So terable a Charicter of Georgia that I resolvd never to See it & had gott a passage for England in a very good Ship but hearing my Son was not well at Georgia I was resolvd to go & see him before I left the Country, the Ship I was to go in Not being to Sail under a fortnight or three weeks time. When I came to Georga Mr Causton promisd not to detain me against my Will, but to my great Surprise I have lost my liberty & must not return home to my Native Land without leav from the Trusttees. When Sr You are Sencable I had Nothing from them either for my passage or otherwise, neither woud I have Sold my freedom for ten thousand pounds Sterling, & as I have done Nothing to forfeit my liberty hope I am not to Loose it. There Can be no greater Injurry to the Success of the Colloney than my letters woud be Shoud I acquaint the world of my Loss of liberty, but I hear [fear ?] them not whilst I have good Mr Oglethorp to Apply to for redress. Sr the Country is so very hott I am not Capable of any industry in it, & it is so very Sickly that Such Numbers Of all aiges dye dayly which terrfyesme So much I am not able to injoy the least thought of life hear. Oh Sr had I thought of the least restraint, all the Land in amerreca Should not have purchasd my freedom. I therefore beg Your positive Command to these people in power to let me go & hope a Check into the bargain for detaining me who am a free woman & no ways Confinde by lott or otherwise. I have taken nothing from the Stores neithere will I, & Caustin will not pay me the five pound You was pleased to order me. I pitty my poor Son & wish him in the place of Your meanest Servant for they are in a Land of health liberty & property. But did king Georg Use his people as they are Used here he woud Soon loose his Crown. Such lying Such Scandle & false Swearing as I never heard in my life, in Short its a very hell upon Earth; & I beg & intreat Your orders for my deliverance as soon as possible. I coud inform You of a great many Affairs You woud be both Glade & very Sorry to hear but dair not write them. In Short I tremble all the time I writ this for Shoud I be ketchd writing this I should be made a Close pissoner & allowd Nothing. Oh Coud dear Mr Oglethorp See & hear the Complaints of people hear it woud greiv You to the very Soul, & it is impossible my Son Shoud do any thing hear without four or five Servants. He will not be able to work himselfe in this Country if he lives. He is now very ill of the bloody flux but wont write You of it. Oh Sr send for us home or we Shall Certainly loose our lives in this terable place. There is differant Sort of people fitt for it but God know wee are not, & Sence I can be of no Service to the Colony I hope You will take Such Cair to Send me May not loose our life hear. Provissions are very indiferant but they Say much Mended. I cant Eat with any Satisfacttion, my Stomach is very bad. You was pleasd to order me to be very perticularr, therfor hope You will pardon this long Scrole which tho I am very ill my liberty is so much at hart I cant for beer repetition & from this Moment Shall never enjoy life till I hear from my only friend & deliverer & May God Allmighty the rewarder of all Good Send You long life & every blessing Added to itt is & Shall be the Constant prayers. 
 
[P.S.] Caustin hass put me into a house instead of a Lodging. I told him You only Mentiond a lodging, I thought; but he Says he Shall have a great Many people Coming & he must have rooms for them So that I am to be Stuffd in with all Sorts Sick & well when they come. The house is without a Chimney & I see no Sign of any. For my Son they Say he cant build without Money & indeed the best favour You can do my poor Son is to Send for him when You Send for me. For we Shall do no Good hear & I would serve my betters in England rather than be a Slave to such ville wretches as govern hear. 
 
 
Robert Millar to the Trustees, June 20, 1735, Kingston in Jamaica, C.O. 5/637, pp. 114-115, Egmont 14201, pp. 33-36, describing his trip to Cartagena and his search for plants there. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
I did myself the honour to give you an account of My Voyage to Portobelo & Panama in my last of Dec. 10th and now lay hold of this opportunity to give you that of My late one to Cartagena.217 
 
We Sailed from hence on Jan. 22d and arrived there the 1st of Feb. Next day I waited on his Excellency the Governour & Delivered him the Letter which My Lord Petre obtained in My favour from the Count Monteigo, wch Moved him to Grant me ye liberty, of one months progress up the Country into any part I should think fitt. 
 
To employ this time to the Best advantage I made a Strick enquiry before I sett out where I could find the Plant of the True Ipecacuanna, the Balsam Capivi & Tolu Trees,218 and accordingly I sett out for Mompos, wher I arrived in eight days after My leaving Cartagena. When I had made a fruitless Search of the neighboring feilds for 5 days, finding nothing Remarkable I Proceeded down the River Magdalena in a Canoe til we Came to the Mouth of the River Canca, and after 3 days Voyage on it we reached the mouth of a Smaller River Called St George & Setting our Canoe against its Current in 3 days more we arrived at a Smal Village Called Ayapel in the Province of Antiochia. 
 
It was here I found the Balsam Capivi Tree, & the true Ipecacuanna plant. This Grows wild in a Wood about four Miles distance from the Village, in a Rich Red Clay Ground & Commonly to the height of a foot or foot & a half. The Root from 6 to 8 or 9 Inches long, & is propogated both by Seeds & layers. It flowers in Sept & Oct. So that I missed the proper Season for that & the Seed, having only mett with one Grain of the latter wch I have Sent to Mr Philip Miller.219 I brought here with me above a hundred of the Plants, in Boxes, a great Number of wch are already dead, and these that remain are in a Bad Condition, they having Suffered very much by a long journey by land, in wch they met with Several little accidents to my great misfortune and Since, by a Tedious Bad weather Voyage from Carthagena hither. But I hope to Repair this loss by a Correspondence Ive Settled with a Spanish Gentleman at the Place of ther Growth who wil transmit the Plants from time to time to the Doctor of the Factory in large Boxes, wc wil Come down all the way by water to Cartagena, & be Remitted me by him as Opportunitys offers. By this Method I hope to have a Sufficient Stock that wil take in this Climate, so that I may from hence transplant them to Georgia, wher I dont in the lest doubt of ther Succeeding very weel, for the Natural Heat of the place where they Grow Seldom exceeds 45 Degrees. This I tryed by one of the Same Sort of Thermometers that Mr Miller makes use of in his hot house. 
 
As for the Balsam Capivi, ye Tree yielding it, when in Perfection is from 50 to 60 foot high. Those I saw grew in much Such a Soil as the forementioned about 10 Miles from the Village, But where they both grow in plenty is 5 days Journey more up the Country along the Said River St George. When they extract the Balsam they Cut the Tree into the Heart where ther is a Cavity, yt extends itself almost the whole length of the Trunk, wch they Cal a Vein. From thence in an hours time it yeilds all its Balsam, Wc in Some trees amount to five or Six Gallons, & tho it thrives again as to its Grouth yet it never produces any more Balsam. Ther are Some trees that have 2 or 3 of there Veins but Cutting in drains the whole. Ther are other that have none at all. But these wch yield the Balsam are Distinguished from this latter Sort, by a Ridge that appears upon the outward part of the Trunk & Generally the whole Length of the Inward Vein. I have Sent Mr Miller Some of the Seeds of this, others I have Sown here & thrive apace. The Rest I keep for Georgia. 
 
Having now spent 10 days here and the time of my licence from the Governour being already near elapsed, I Returned down the River St George till we arrived at Gegua, Wher I hired horses to Coloso about 40 Leagues Distance from it; here I found the Tree wch yields the Balsam of Tolu wch takes that name from a Smal Antient Village about 3 Leagues Distance from it, tho few trees grows in its Neighbour hood. They extract this Balsam by Making large Dents in the Bark of the Tree with a Cuttlas or a large knife, then leaves it for the Space of eight days. On the 9th they Return and fixes Spoons made of Calibash under wher they made ther Incisions then leaves them and Returns every 24 hours and emties whatever the Tree has yielded into a larger Vessel, & fixes it again. They Continue so to do till the tree has yielded al its Balsam. I have also Sown here Some of these Seeds but cant as yet See yt they Grow, others I have for the use of the Colony, & some I have Sent Mr Miller. From this I went to Tolu by the Sea, ther I hired a large Boat & Came to Cartagena by Sea wher I arrived on the 21st of April & in 2 days after I sett out for this Island in one of the Companys Snows. 
 
I intended to have gone to La Vera Cruz by an Opportunity Which now offers, But Mr Hays a New factor would not allow My going in the Vessel with him, tho I had the Consent of Both the South Sea Agents here. He Said it was Contrary to his Orders to take any Person down with him, but these who belonged to the Vessel; So that I now stay for an Opportunity to go to Campechy220 wch I expect will offer Some time in July & from thence I go to Vera Cruz in one of the Spanish Coasting Vessels. This will be much the longest Voyage that I have yet made in your Service, Both by its Distance being So much to the Leeward & that few Vessels are Sent there; for the Ships that go to Campechy go directly from thence to England, and ther maynt perhaps be another Opportunity after this these 6 or 7 Months. However it Shal be my Sole endeavour to employ all My time in Obedience to your Instructions. In the mean time Begging your favourable acceptance of this. 
 
 
Thomas Causton to the Trustees, June 20, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 309-310, Egmont 14201, pp. 37-44, concerning Indian and Spanish problems, the help of Col. Bull, hot weather, and illness. 
 
May it please Yor Honours. 
 
In my Letter dated in Aprill last I mentioned the Advices I reced from Capt [Patrick] Mackay and the Measures I had taken thereon; Since which I reced advice by private hands from Charles Town that the Governour of Augustine had wrote to the Governour of Carolina remonstrating,221 That Whereas, an English Captin in the Creek Nation had ordered some Indians to Act in an Hostile manner against the King of Spains Subjects and had killed one Spaniard, he had Ordered, that (if due Satisfaction was not made) 40 Indians and Some Spaniards to make Reprisalls on the Indians and English wherever they could find them. Another Advice from Tomochachi brought me word (with too much truth) that near the River Alatamaha, beyond Fort Argyle some of his People had been Sett upon in their Camp and 7 were killed. This was at first reported to be by the Euchees, But the Euchee Indian whom they said was among them, was at that time at home in the Town, And they are Convinct, that it was the Yamassees having been traced that way. These advices, compared with Mr Mackays Letter, gave us just Reasons to believe, the Spaniards were in Execution of the Threats from Augustine, And that those threats proceeded from what Mr Mackay mentions to have ordered in his former Advice. 
 
I wrote again to the Severall Settlements to be upon their Guard, and Sent the Constables to Warn them of the Danger. And I hope the People will Continue their Watchfullness. At Ebenezer 6 men keep Guard every Night with a Day Centinell. At Hamsted and Highgate 1 Centinell night and day. At Skidowa 1 Centinell Night and day. I also advised with Captain [James] Macpherson, so soon as I reced Mr Mackays Letter, and I dont doubt, but proper Care, is taken, on that River by him and the Scotch Settlement. 
 
The Enclosed like wise came to my hands from Captain Mackay, and in 3 days more arrived 54 Indians of the Lower Creek nation. The Express who brought the Letter, brot also another for the Chief men of the Lower Nation by which they were desired to tarry till the Upper people came down, which I delivered myself at Tomochachis Town. Tomochachi was again uneasy believing Mr Mackay had again disappointed his Intentions and indeed I found, that tho Tomochachi had invited some of the Upper Nation he did not intend to have so many of them. The Lower Creeks refused to tarry, and be much out of humour, Saying, They had seen Mr Mackay before, they did not want to see him now. They come to see us, And if we did not want to see them, they would return back for they had business enough to mind, and Tomochachi said That these Lower people, were them he wanted. I thought it necessary to make Tomochachi sensible, That Mr Mackay was a very good man, and in great favour with your Honours, That as he had been sent into the Nations to do justice and preserve friend Ship between the Indians and the English, he certainly had discovered that those People whom he was bringing with him, as well as those already come, were deserving of notice, And that as he and we were now One People and lived together, those who were friends to us, were the best friends to him; therefore wished he would perswade them to tarry some few days to see if Mr Mackay would come. And in Conclusion I told him, That if he did not Approve of it my Orders were to Deliver the Goods to Such people as he should direct, and I was ready to do it. 
 
As it is my Stedfast Resolution to keep to Your Honours Orders in all Cases as punctually as I can; I thought it absolutely necessary to do so now. 
 
These Indians agreed to tarry 5 days, and no longer. Tomochachi complaind That One Lika an Indian, had been sent by Captain Mackay to kill the Spaniard by which means, he had lost some of his People. It is true, that Lika, did go to a Spanish Fort, and kill a Centinell, Comitt some Outrages, and when he Returned to his Town sent a Runner to bring out the English Colours That he might enter his own Town with Colours flying. Some Indians in the Nation, who were in the Spanish Interest had threatened the Captain. 
 
But as the Talk upon this Affair will be better related, when I am to speak of the Upper Nation, I beg leave to proceed with Regard to the Lower Nation; The day was come, which was appointed for their Publick Reception and delivery of the Presents. 
 
As there was likely to be near 150 Indians I thought it necessary to make the best Appearance we could. I therefore Ordered Mr [Thomas] Young to Erect an Open Shed on the West Side of Johnson Square, with proper Benches and Tables for their Reception and Sorting out of the Presents. And as many People as could be got together, to be under Arms. We had on this Occasion near 200 Men under Arms, who behaved very well. The Manner thus: A Pettiaugua took em on Board at Tomochachis house, and hoisted an Union Flag at the Main Mast head, and Landed them at Musgroves old House; The Master of the Pettiaugua then brought the Flag to Mr [John] Vanderplank, who hoisted it in the Middle of the Square. About 30 Gentlemen and others, as Volunteers marched under Arms, and Comand of Dr Patrick Tayflier [Tailfer] waited on the Indians to Salute them at their Landing and to tell them, The Magistrates were ready to Receive them. 
 
The Body of the People by desire of Mr Vanderplank (were upon this Occasion Marshalled and Comanded by Mr [Noble ?] Jones) followed by the Volunteers with 20 Grenadiers at the Head, two Ensigns flying and two Drums beating, to Attend the Indians in their walk; The Grenadiers &c preceeted the Indians; And the whole Body brought up the Rear. When they came near to the Publick Landing, about one half of those in the Rear fyled off to come thro the other Streets into the Square directly, Drew up in two Lines to make a Lane, for the Indians to go up to the place of Reception. When the Indians came to the publick Landing 47 Cannon were fired. 
 
I Beg leave to Referr you for the Particular Talk to Mr Recorders Minitts, which I have Examined. I have reason to belive they were well pleased. As I was doubtfull, what Impression, my Talk to Tomochachi had made on him, And what proportion of the Goods, he intended to give these, or whether, he would not resolve to give them all, I did not Suffer any to be brought out, but by his Order, And I askt him the proper questions on all the Particulars, And he Ordered One half to be brought out and the other half to be saved for the upper Nation when they came. This gave me great Satisfaction. They were delivered accordingly, And the Indians were Reconveyed to Tomochachis house in the same order that they came. 
 
The two next Days were Spent in taking down a Talk, which is a Relation of the Rise and some Particular advantures of the Cussitaws,222 which they desired might be written on a Buffaloe Skin and Presented to Your Honours. I have put it together in as Genuine a Manner as I could, and hope it will be acceptable. I am promised a farther Account from the Hechitaws and Pallachucolas which they say will be an Improvement to this. 
 
I had wrote to Collonell [William] Bull to favour me with his advise in the present juncture, upon the Receipt of my Letter he acquainted the Council of Carolina of the Matter, That he was willing to go. But it being then Inconvenient for him, The Councill ordered, That the Treasurer should pay the Charge of his Boat and hands, and they desired him to come to us. Collonell Bull arrived here on the 14th day of June. Captain Mackay arrived on the 18th And the Indians on the 22d. 
 
I had wrote to Mr [Paul] Jenys and Mr [Isaac] Chardon to Send me a true acct of what the Governour of Augustine had wrote. I reced no Answer from Mr Chardon, and Mr Jenys writes me word pr. Collonell Bull, that a Coppy of the Letter from Augustine with their Governours Answer was sent to me And that Collonel Bull would Acquaint me of the whole matter. I reced no Coppys of that kind, but Collonel Bull, told me in Substance what I have mentioned at the beginning of my Letter. 
 
I now knew exactly what Tomochachi designed for these of the Upper Nation, But we were under some Pain, how these might be made Acceptable to so great a Number of this Nation, who had never been here before. Mr Mackay urged an Enlargement of the Presents, which at first mett with every Ones Approbation, as a Matter absolutely necessary and within Captain Mackays Instructions; This being one of the necessary Occasions wherein he was at any price to Secure the friendship of the Indians. But they changed their minds, when I told them, that the coming of these Indians was no more than to receive Such Goods as Your Honours had Enabled Tomochachi to give them, That in the Distribution of these, he had given One half to the Lower Nation and reserved the other half for this. And if these should at this time receive anything more than the other, It would be apt to create a jealousy in the first. I added further, that as the very man among them, who had killed the Spaniard, It might reasonably be published, he was thereby rewarded for it, and thereby conclude it was by Order of Captain Mackay as has been reported. 
 
Collonell Bull and the Magistrates joyned with me, That we should be as Cautious to prevent any Suspition of our Rewarding a Man for such an Act, As we would be Carefull how we Slighted him, who would (in all probability) be ready to Serve us at any other time. And with humble Submission, I think it would have been better, if the Captain had not brought him at this time. His Coming here much Aggravated Tomochachis Uneasiness. We thought it necessary to give them a Talk in form, And accordingly drew up one in Writing. And when they were Seated I acquainted them, That the Magistrates of this Town, had Ordered Mr [Thomas] Christie the Recorder then Present, to Deliver the Talk to them by word of Mouth. These Indians were reced in the same form as the other and Tomochachi delivered the Goods to three of the Micos to be by them distributed According to their Discretion. 
 
As Mr Christie will Send Your Honours the whole Talk, I beg leave to Inform you, That I have seen a Letter from Coll [Thomas] Broughton to Mr Mackay, wherein he desires that an Enquiry be made who killed the Spaniard. And am now going with the Magistrates to hear Tomochachis Complaint against Lika whereby we may be able to give him an Answer, of which I shall not fail to transmitt an Account in my next. 
 
I reced a Letter from Mr [Gabriel] Manigault the Treasurer wherein he tells me, that the Councill had Ordered him to pay Collonell Bulls Charges, and they Expected I would repay it. I imediately advised him, that I would repay it as soon as he would lett me know the sum. 
 
The Merchants in Carolina are highly disgusted, with Captain MacKay for removing some of the Traders in the Creek Nation and give out, that a great many Traders and an Agent will be speedily sent into the Indian Nation. But as this is only the Talk of some who speak as Intrest directs their Wishes, I cannot say we creditt nor think of Opposing it, till the time comes. 
 
The weather has been very hott, and we have had very little Rain which will make a Thin Harvest. This is a generall Complaint, but more in Carolina than here. Some of Our People have been ill, chiefly with Agues, Malignant Feavers, and some fluxes; I bless God, tho some have dyed, many more recover. With this comes a Coppy of the Register, and my whole Cash Account to Midsummer; As I have now got matter into pretty good Order I shall be able to send a Cash Account and all Draughts Monthly. The Captain waits for my Letter and I beg leave to Subsribe myself. 
 
P.S. The Capt tarrying longer than expected I beg leave to acquaint you, that we have examined into Tomochachis Complaint and have sent it exactly in writing, As it was taken from the Mouths of him, and Lika, In the Presence of the Magistrates and Captain Mackay, And hearing of all the Chief Men of the Upper Nation, And John Barton Mr Mackays Interpreter. Yor Honours will See by this Enquiry, the whole matter of the Spaniard is owing to Barton. We have taken Security of him to answer for it, in such manner, As Yor Honours shall Direct. 
 
I Suppose Mr Mackay will clear it up. 
 
 
Thomas Young to the Trustees, June 22, 1735, [Savannah], C.O. 5/637, pp. 98-99, concerning his public work in Savannah and asking for a salary and servants to help him. 
 
I Should Be Wary [very] Ungrateful if I did Nott Return My Great God, thanks, And your Honours for Sending me here to a Place Ware Noe Man Can Starve But to the Contrary Live In Plenty, if he Will Work as I doe. For I doe asure your Honours I work Dayly And, that Wary hard, and, Yett God, be pressed, have ad [had] My health Ever Sence I have Been heer; And all the publick Work that his [is] done for your honours his Done by Or My orders; and, the great Charge of My family Increasing; for When I Came here I was Single. 
 
But Since God, has Blesed, me With a Wife and three Children: Wich in, Every Year a further Charge; Wich I hope your Honours will take into Consideration, that I have a Lott for to Improve, And, Another for My Grandson Thos Eggerton Whom his but a youth, Besides My home to take Care of Wich I May Build In time, Because tis My trade; But tis Wary hard, Without healp to Cultivate all these Lands Without help. And his honor Esqr Eglethorp, Before he Whent away And Before I ad Soe Large a family, Did promise me that E Wold Lay before your honours My Case and that he Wold, Send me a Cople of Servants, In Order to Cultivate My Land; that as I Grow Old, I May Not Leave my family Destitute; for Wile I Live I will doe Soe as to take Care that the Care that they Shall have Something after My Death; Wh Your Honours Benavolence Wich I hope your Honours Will take Into Consideration. 
 
I Wold Not have Trubled Your Honours Eney More, But When Esqr Oglethorp was hear E Made Me Wealright Wich Belongs to the train of Artilary Wich always ad Some Small Salary, and Likewise the Care of the town And, Guns for Wich I have Ad, Noe Other gratuety But My Labour. I wont Truble Your honour More but hope Your Honors Will think of Me And My family And Wee Shall for Ever pray for Your Honours And, Continew your honours Most Obedient and Most Humble Servant. 
 
 
Isaac Chardon to the Trustees, June 25, 1735, Charles Town, received Aug. 6, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 106-107, concerning drafts for Georgia expenses. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
According to advice by my Last of the 5 Instant I now Transmitt with this Letter your Accounts for the quarter ending This day and there Remains due to me upon Ballance for Provissions purchased and Drafts paid Thomas Causton for the Use of your Colony  318. 7. 8 Sterling, for which Sum I have drawn upon you payable unto Messrs Peter & J. C. Simonds or Order of this days date to day being the 26th. Ive also drawn upon you payable unto the Said Peter & J. C. Simonds or Order for three hundred pounds Sterling provission Money, to pay off those drafts of Mr Caustons which are not yet come to hand, I am under a Necessity of Acting thus now, for oft Times Mr Caustons Drafts are Tendered to me before I am Advised thereof, and I am without Money except my Own. Which I have hitherto generally advanced but hardly find it Tentamount to the Allowance that youre pleased to make me, for Transacting your Georgia affaires. So I humbly beg Leave if you approve thereof, that I may continue from Time to Time to make Such provission money as the Necessitys of your Colony require whilst Ive the honour to Serve you. 
 
 
The Rev. Samuel Quincy to Harman Verelst, June 28, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 117-118, Egmont 14201, pp. 45-47, concerning the glebe in Georgia and his clerical duties. 
 
Sr 
 
I had the Favr of a Letter from you dated 13 Deer 1734, but did not receive it till the latter end of May, & therefore coud not possibly Answer it before now. I return a great many Thanks The Honble the Trustees for their Kindness to me in Ordering the Glebe to be fenced, & did according to their Command look out for fit Persons to Undertake it. But Mr [Noble] Jones, our Surveyor, has run out for the Glebe a very differt Parcel of Land from wt Mr Oglethorpe Shewd me, wch was som of the best Land near the Town, taking in a small Quantity of Pine-Barren, and running into a Cane & Cypress Swamp, wc is ye richest & most profitable Land in this Country. Instead of this Mr Jones has run out the whole 300 Acres in Pine-Barren lying in ye Road between this Town & Highgate, & he says that Mr Oglethorpe ordered it so; but I am very certain that it is not the Land Mr Oglethorpe shewd me, & dare say Mr Oglethorpe himself will readily recollect that it is not the same. When he did me the Favour to shew me the Land, he told me he intended for the Glebe, there went with us Mr Holzindorf a Gentm from Purrysbourg, whom Mr Oglethorpe was then abt making an Agreemt with to get it fenced by People from Purrysbourg. Mr Holzindorf still remembers the Land very perfectly, & I doubt not but this Circumstance may renew it in ye Memory of Mr Oglethorpe. The Land that is now run out for the Glebe is the worst of Pine-Barren hereabouts, & I have had the Opportunity to consult Colo [William] Bull, a Planter from Carola whether it will be worth ye Fencing, & he assures me that it will not, and that ye Money so laid out will be thrown away. The cheapest that a Worm Fence will cost to inclose ye whole will be  90 Ster. & this to be intirely renewd once in 7 Years, for the best Fence will last no longer. I have therefore put a Stop to ye Work, till The Honble the Trustees will be so good as to ascertain where the Glebe shall be. The Land Mr Oglethorpe shewd me is already run out into 5 Acre Lots for other People, who are setled upon it, & have improvd part of it. 
 
If the Glebe is to be Pine-Barren, it will never turn to any Profit; for the largest scope of it, unless in the Spring, & beginning of the Summer will afford no Pasturage; for in ye height of Summer all the Grass is burnt up, execept that wch ye Cattle cant eat. commonly calld (for its Resemblance thereto) Wire-Grass, & it does not recover again till the Spring; So that for 7 or 8 Months no Cattle can live upon Pine Barren, but are forced to seek their Food in distant Places, amgt the Cane-Swamps; The Tops of the Canes & other Herbage affording them very good Feed, in low & moist Places. 
 
This Sort of Land is as little good for Planting as it is for Pasturage; for Pine-Barrn unless it has a Clay Bottom a little below the Surface, by wch means it retains a Moisture in dry Seasons, will not bear hardly any thing; but if it is thus mixd wth Clay wch is the Case of some Pine-Barren, it will bear Indian Corn, Potatoes, Caravansies,223 & other American Grain, & Fruits pretty well, especially in wet Seasons. But the Pine-Barren, hereabouts is a perfect Sand for more than 20 foot deep, & therefore is not worth Improveing at any Expce. 
 
The poor Saltzburgers at Ebenezer have had sufficient Experience of the Badness of this Sort of Land; who hitherto lost all their Labour, tho they have been very industrious. They have themselves represented their unhappy Condition by Letters to ye Society for Promoting Xtian Knowledge, wch I suppose will be represented by them, to the Honble the Trustees. 
 
You inform me, Sir, that The Honble The Trustees, desire I wd send them the same Accts of my Parish as I am obliged to send to ye Society for Propagating the Gospel. I shd not so long have delayd these Accts but that I did not know till very lately my Duty in this Matter; for when I left Engd the Secretary, Dr Humphreys, did not supply me wth one of the Books wherein the proper Instructions for Missionarys are contained, & therefore I was ignorant of many necessary things to be known, till lately in Conversatn wth one of the Missionarys from Carolina, he informd me that I was obliged to write twice a Year. I am now ignorant of the Accts expected any farther than they appear by the Pieces of Letters published at ye end of the Anniversary Sermons; where I find yt the chief things taken Notice of, are the Number of Christenings, the Number of Hearers & Communicants. As to the Number of Hearers, I reckon abt 20 that are pretty constant, & other accidental Comers sometimes make up 40, & sometimes 50. The Excuse of People for not Coming to Church, is the Want of a convenient Place of Worship, & indeed if they were at all zealous to perform this Duty, the Place wd not hold them; for it will not contain more than 100, & we might reasonably expect, according to our present Numbers, not less than 300. As for Communicants I have had sometimes 5 or 6, & last Easter Sunday there were 14, & on Whitsunday 12. The Number of Christenings in the Colony, since I arrived here to this present time have been 34; The Number of Burials 156, & the Number of Marriages 38, as appears by ye Register. I return you, Sr, a great many Thanks for your Kindness in forwarding several Letters to me from my Mother, & particularly for your Writing to her, wth Mr Rogers, to whom pray present my humble Service. I heartily wish you all Happiness. 
 
 
James Dean224 to Harman Verelst, June 30, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, p. 120, asking help in getting a servant. 
 
Sr 
 
I take the Freedom to beg your Favour to back My humble Petition to the Honr The Trustees for a Servant. I Should be Glad of one Gratis but if it cant be done at such rate I beg that I may have one Sent me on Credit to pay the Amount at his Arrival here or soon after. I have desired Capt Coram to Assist me with his Interest & that he would please to desire Mr Vernon to back My Petition. Please therefore to Consult with those Gentlemen the best means to obtain the Favour desird & that if any of our Trade come to Offer themselves at the Office that you would then please to think of me. 
 
I have sent the Petition to Cap Coram by wch youll See how much My Family hath been Afflicted with Illness wch has been a very great Loss to me& Therefore Recommend my Case to your Consideration & Remain Most humbly. 
 
P.S. If possible please to get the Twelve Months Allowed out of the Store for Servants. 
 
 
Paul Amatis to the Trustees, June 30, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 121-124 (partial copy pp. 129-130), Egmont 14201, pp. 97-103, containing complaints against Thomas Causton and Amatis troubles as Trustees gardner. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
I am Constraind against my Inclination to trouble your Honrs with this Letter occassiond through the Spite & Malicious Endeavours of Mr Causton to Teaze & Perplex me. 
 
The Honle Mr Oglethorpe assured me when he was last at Charles Town that you had Ten Servants here, Six of wch were to be Employd according to your orders, & the four others under my Directions to Clear Cultivate & put in a proper & an handsome order Your Garden here, but Since Capt [George] Dunbars Arrival Six of the Servants have been taken from the Garden to Serve at the Crane, wch Service if I am not Mistaken has been of Little Use to your Interest, for they have Chiefly been Employd in making Pitch & Tarr for Causton & Compa. As for the four wch I were to keep in your Garden under my direction, Mr Causton & Mr [Joseph] Fitzwalter have Generally Employd them, for their Pleasure. I have Complaind to both at Sundry times but I have always been abused with Ill words for having your Interest & my Duty at heart. 
 
Yesterday & the day before having Removed to another house to be nearer to your Garden I took two of your Servants to help me in moving my Goods wch Action of mine was so displeasing to Causton that he was Resolvd to Revenge himself, & not having Sufficient Authority to do it on me he Imediately fixes the Same on the two Servants on a Pretence of not coming when he Sent for them, and for Killing Some Hoggs in your Garden who had done a Considerable Damage there, and for which I ordered the Servants whenever they came again to kill them, wch Accordingly they did in Obedience to the order I gave them wch my Duty & your Interest obliged me to do, Those Hoggs having destroyd abundance of young Trees, Plants Melons &c. The Trees being of very great value & hard to raise I thought the Loss of the Hoggs was no proportion to the Value thereof but Still to make it Less. Notice was Imediately given as Soon as Killd, that the Owners might take em up, & make the most they could of em. So that in Short, it was little or no Loss to them but to your Garden it was a very Considerable oneand might still have been Encreasing had I not prevented it in time. Mr Causton Imediately (& I beleive without any Tryal) Ordered the two Servants to be Tyd to Trees one of them was unmercifully Whipt with 101 Lashes wch made him utter Such Cries & Groans that I could not bear to hear him. The other had 21 Lashes, was a Poor Sickly Fellow who was not yet Recovered of a Feaver & Could hardly Crawl. So much Barbarity & Cruelty wch I never was Acquainted with, & wth wch I did not think that an English man could be So Tyranical to Inflict together wth the many Insults I have received & the many more I may perhaps Expect made me Resolve to Retire to Purysburgh. For I perceive the Colony will Greatly Suffer under the Administration of a Man who Seems to think no pleasure so Great as Punishing with the Utmost Severity but Shews no Delight in any Kind Actions. 
 
I wish that before a Trustee or Some Eminent Person arrives here, Some Dissorders may not happen. My reason for retiring to Purysburgh is partly that I may no ways have any hand or be in the way to have any Concern, or be Wrapt up in the Dispute. Animosities & perhaps worse that may happen here. Tis Generally Wishd that your Honnrs Quickly Send a Person of worth weight & Prudence to Govern this Place according to Justice & ye Laws of Great Britain. 
 
To you Therefore as Patrons & Fathers of this Colony, We must apply to Redress our Greivances, and to provide for the Security & Welfare of an Infant Colony, who might be a rising one, has the best Prospect of it now, if not Crushd through the Cruelty &c. of a Person Unqualified for Government. 
 
Let the Consequence be what it will, when I Leave this Place, I Shall Still Study, Contrive & put in Execution all in my Power for the Benefit of your Garden, & will Still Visit the Same as often as I can that I may have the Glory of being Instrumental to the Good of So many poor Families in Particular & to ye whole Kingdom of Great Britain in General. 
 
I dont design to get any more Silk Spind till I hear from your Honnours to whom I have writ many Letters without having the Pleasure of an Answer or till another Person arrives here who may be more Civilizd & hath a greater desire to do Justice & get the good will of the People as well as make his Fortune. 
 
Please to Enquire of my Character either at Purysburgh or here or both, I Except none but Causton & Fitzwalter & I will Stand or Fall thereby. 
 
Your Honnrs may depend the Silk Manufacture will do Extreamly well here if Encouraged but Some Small additionl Charges is Required as the Same goes forward: & without Money I can do nothing. I conceive that youll never Suffer So Beneficial an Undertaking wch has so great a Prospect to Fail for want of your Countenance, Encouragement or Supply of Money. I am not begging for my Self, but for the Benefit & Advantage of all those who Shall have a Share in the Success & Blessing of this Undertaking. 
 
I must beg Pardon if I take too great a Freedom in Expressing my Self thus. That it is highly Necessary that I Should have a Sufficient Number of Servants under my Care no ways at the Command of any other whatsoever & That I Should be Supplyd Sufficiently to Pay the Necessary Charges wch two Articles if your Honnrs please to Grant me. I am big with Hopes of Seeing my Labour & Industry Crownd with Success with Less Charges & Cost than Tybee Light house on wch has been Laid out of the Publick Money abt Fifteen hundred Pounds Sterling & has not Two foot built above Ground nor according to Humane Appearance the Work will never come to a Period till a Trustee or a man of Prudence weight & Judgment comes here. Whereas My Labour & Industry plainly appears to all Mankind that will take the trouble of Looking into it. 
 
If you fail in what I desire I plainly Declare that to my very great Sorrow & the Loss Vast as it will be to the Colony I cant Expect any good from this Undertaking. 
 
Tis about Six Months Since Fitzwalter has done any Service in your Garden and I dare him to Shew that he has done the Value of Five Pounds Sterling Service there. I thought Considering his Pay, he might have Endeavoured to have done something for it. 
 
Let me beg of yor Honnrs to let me hear from you that I may know how to Steer my future Course & Endeavour to give you the best Satisfaction I can. 
 
I have not Sent you my Journl Least it might fall into ye hands of Mr Causton & he Should keep it back it being Hazarduous & almost not to be Expected to have Free Conveyance of Letters. The People here Look on this as a Greivance not to born in England & from wch they hope yor Honnrs will releive them. I do not at present Enter into his other Affairs tho as to his Accounts Some will Venture to Say, if a Strict Enquiry is made he will be found Wanting. However tis not my business. I am only Carrying on the Work that I have began So Long wished for in England, even the Establishing the Silk Manufacture in this Infant Colony. 
 
P.S. July 7. This Moment I receive a Letter from Charles Town that my Bills on your Honnrs cannot be Negotiated wch is a Vast Disapointment to me. Please to Consider that it is a hard Case for me to Lay out Money out of my own Pocket to Serve the Colony without taking a Farthing of Interest, and when I am in the Utmost want of it Cannot get it in. I beg you would Remove this Difficulty, otherwise it will be my Ruin & I must of Course Abandon all that I have already done with so much Pains & Cost. 
 
In order to Carry on the Silk Manufacture next year I shall want about Thirty Thousand Bricks wch may Easily come in the Ships from London & is to build a Fabrique in the manner as is done in Italy. 
 
7 JulyCopy of Mr Isaac Chardons Receipt 
 
Receivd Feb. 13, 1734 of Mr Paul Amatis his Note of hand of this Date payable the 25th May 1735. for Three hundred & Eighty one Pounds 8/-which when paid will be the Ballance due to me to this Day. 
 
 381. 8. 
 
ISAAC CHARDON 
 
To Pay Mr Chardon I have sent him my Account on yor Honnours for  399. 8. Currancy due to me the first of June last for wch he was to draw on you for my last Quarter wch if he has done I am no ways Indebted to him but he is rather in my debt Eighteen Pounds Currancy. I dont see therefore why a Warrant Should be Servd on me ye Copy of ych is on ye other side, when I intended not to Depart this Colony but if I am always Used thus it will be the only way to Send me out of ye Colony for I never will Stay here Long, if Causton Uses me as he does others who are not in a Capacity to help themselves but I know that in Carolina I Shall always be Respected & all due & proper Encouragement given to my Industry. 
 
Province of Georgia Savannah ss. 
 
To John Vanderplank Constable & all others whom it may Concern. 
 
You are hereby Commanded to bring Paul Amatis So that he appear personally before the Baylifs and Recorder of this Town, at the next Court to be holden for this Township, then & there to Answer the Complaint of Isaac Chardon in an Action of Account for One Hundred Pounds Currancy and for your So doing this is your Sufficient Warrant; Certifying what you Shall do in ye Premises. Given under my hand & Seal the 17th Day of June 1735 
 
THO CHRISTIE (L S 
 
You are likwise not to Suffer him to Depart this Town without order from Some one of the Magistrates. 
 
 
James Dean to Trustee Thomas Coram, June 30, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 125-127, asking that a servant be sent to him and enclosing a petition to the Trustees to the same effect. 
 
Sr 
 
I take the Freedom to Aquaint you of my Affairrs here your kindness in recommending me to the Trust Enduces me to it. 
 
My Son & almost all my Family have been Sick the greatest part of the first year after our Arrival. My Son is Since married, so cant help me now, that he has his health. 
 
The Boy you was pleased to send me is very Usefull to go to Errand; but he is so little & weak that he is of very little or no help at all in the Carpenters business. 
 
What Improvement I have already made hath been in a handsome Genteel manner, and I would Greatly Improve my Town Lot wch Joins to My Sons in a pleasant part of the Town had I a Servant Able to help me. 
 
I must therefore beg your Favour & Assistance to procure me a Servant on Credit if it be too great a Favour to Expect it from the Trust Gratis. I will in Such Case pay ye Charges of his Sending of him here at his Arrival or soon after. If Could get him ye Allowance of Twelve Months Allowed to others out of the Pub. Store twould be a very great Favour but without I would Still Acknowledge the Same to be a very great help to me & My Family, and I humbly beg that your Solicitations in this Affairr may not be wanting which will for ever be Acnowledged with Gratefull thanks. 
 
[P.S.] Inclosed is a Petition to The Honle Trustees for ye favour I desire & I beg you would please to get the Interest of Mr Vernon to back it by whose means I was Allowed Some Money for Tools & Books when on my departure for this Place. Mr Verelst used me also in a very kind manner & hope he will not forget me if in his Power. 
 
Please to give my Service to Mr Dean ye Boys Friend that Recomended him to you & Let him know that he runs away often to the Indians Lies in the Woods & hath hitherto provd a bad Servant Notwithstanding all mine & my Wifes Care to prevent it So that hitherto I have had little or no Service of him but he Seems as if he would Mend, wch I hope he will. 
 
 
To The Honble Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia 
 
The Humble Petition of Ja. Dean of the Town of Savannah Carpenter 
 
Sheweth 
 
That your Petitioners Family having been greatly Afflicted with Sickness for Some time and having no Servant able to help him in his Improvements already made, & intended to be made Most Humbly beg that your Honnrs will be pleased to Send him one either Gratis, or on Credit to pay at his Arrival here, or soon after For wch as in Duty Bound he Shall ever Pray &c. 
 
 
Noble Jones to the Trustees, July 1, 1735, Savannah, received Aug. 25, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 132-134, Egmont 14201, pp. 49-55, concerning land surveying and his troubles with Robert Parker, Sr. and Jr., about the location of their lands. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
The Brigantine Capt [William] Thomson being Ready to Sail from this place with Mr [John] West I take this Opertunity to Obedience to Yr Honours Commands of Acquainting you with the State of Affairs here, as far as Relate to Me, which My Duty long before Required but the Occasion of My Omitting was that I Coud by No Means Gett My Platts finished, which I know Yr Honours woud Expect and which as soon as possible I will send (Some being almost Ready). 
 
Before Mr Oglethorpe went from Hence Amongst other Orders he told me that Mr. Robt. Parker Senr. had his licence to Erect a saw mill on any of those Creeks that lay abt. Thunderbolt, soon after this he told me that Mr. Parker had fixt upon the Creek that lay between thunderbolt & Savannah, that I Shoud lay out a forty five Acre farm-lott on the blough [bluff] adjoyning for his Son Edward Parker, and thatt all the Remainder of the said blough, that was left after the lower New Ward was suplyd with farm-lotts, whoud be admeasurd, that Mr. Parker Senr. should Pettition Yor. Honours and that I shoud sett forth on the back of ye said Pettition, the Platt & Contents of such Compliment of Land in Order to obtain a Grant from Yor. Honours for the same. 
 
Soon after Mr Oglethorpe was Gone Mr Parker Came to Me as I was Going Up Savannah River and Desired a Pasage with me to Purrisburgh. In the Passage we had Some Discourse about his Mill, and As we Came between litle Yamasee & Purrysburgh there it is a Short Cutt of Creek, we Att his Desire Stopt and viewd it well. He resolved he said to Erect his mill there, for it woud save him the trouble & Charge of flotes, for he woud fix it fast. I told him it was Contrary to Mr Oglethorpes Directions to me, but that I was sure yr Honours was Ever willing [to] promote any thing that was for the good of any Man, Especially when it was Supposed to be for public benefitt, that if Pettitiond he need nott Doubt a Grant. He said he had private instructions that woud protect him farther than thatt. I did Not Say Much in Contradiction because I thought it Could Hinder Nothing, the Creek being att present Stopt with Timber that lyes there, the Island it Makes being very Small, & that overflowd with the freshes, therefore Unfit for any Cultivation att present. 
 
I heard No More of it for I believe 6 weeks or 2 Months when one Day being in Town Mr Causton Askt Me If I knew where Mr Parker had sett his Mill I told him I Supposd in the above Creek. He said he was informd otherways for that it was in Abercorne River Somewhere Above the Town. We Mett Mr Robt Parker Junr who we Askt abt it, he Said it was So & that his father had instructions from Mr Oglehtorpe to Sett it where he pleasd. I desird to know if it were Posible to see those Instructions, he Said they were verbal. I then Said Mr Parker had Acted Ungenerously with Me for So Doing for that he well Knew how Angry Mr Oglethorpe had been with Me for believing his father, (without a Written Order, or a Regular Petition to the Trustees) when he Said he Came Imediately from him and that I Shoud Now Much fear, whether the Trustees would Not be Very Angry with Me, If I Shoud Not Stop itt, till I had Recd Orders about it. He in a heat told Us that he was a Lieutenant and Men Under his Command that he woud protect his father, and Dispute his Title Other where. Mr Causton and Myself both told him that Passion Nor his Command woud Avail but Litle, that I was Sure I coud easily Raise a Stronger force to Defend & maintain the law & lawfull commands than I believed was in the Power of any man to Oppose; but that Since his father had Unadvisedly begun, it woud be his best Way to Pettition to Yr Honours for a Grant of Some land at that place with Leave for his Mill, that If he woud, As soon as Such Pettition was Ready I woud Endorse it and Discribe the place in Order to prevent its being Disposd of to Any other and Advised him to be as Expeditious as he Coud for fear Some person Shoud Come Over with Such Grant. I afterwd went Up to the Mill and Advised his father to the Same, and att Severall other times Did the Same but as yet coud Never perswade him to do it, tho he was present When Mr Oglethorpe gave orders that the way for any person here to Get a Lease of any Trust or a grant of any Vacant Land was to be by a pettition to Your Honours which pettition I was to Endorse & the land to Discribe, in Order to Set Forth to Yr Honours that the said Pettition was for land yet Vacant & Unrunn out, I perticularly Did My Endeavour to perswade him to write to Mr Oglethorpe in Exuse for his Rashness. His Constant Reply was that his Interest was So good with the Trustees, that it was out of the Power of any Man, to hinder any thing he Desired, And that he had Writt & Daily Expected an Answer, in Expectation of which [Sic] till I am now affraid yr Honours shoud want Mr Account of the Affair. 
 
While Mr Oglethorpe was at Charles Town he sent me Directions in Writting for all those Gentlemen that had Grants and fixt their Minds toward thunderbolt, to Sett out their lands According to the Priority of Such their Grants. Among the Rest Mr [Will] Sale was one, but soon After Mr Sales Death, Mr Robt Parker Junr Came to Me and told Me that he was going to be Marryed to ye Wido Sale, and therefore Desired to know where Mrs Sales Land was to be. I told Him, he Replyd that woud Not Do for him for he woud Not live on the Salts & that Mr Sales Grant Entituled him to five hund Acres of land where Ever he thought fit, and therefore he was Resolved to go and Setle att the place where his father had begun to Sett his Mill. I told him I Could Not pretend to Say what Right Mr Sale Might have at his first Landing, but I Aprehendd Mr Sales Making a Choice, on a particular place, During Mr. Oglethorpes Residence, Took off all pretensions from the Widow or any other, to change without a licence from Your Honours first had. 
 
Presently After, Upon his Marriage, he came & Demandd Such land in his Own Name Afterward Offerd Me as a present five Guineas beside my fees. My Constant Answer was, it was Not in My Power, that if it had, tho My fees were too Small, Yet I Shoud have been as willing to have Done it without a bribe as with. I withall told him that I Coud Do No Other than Give him the Same Advice I had Done his father, to Pettition Yr Honours for Such his Desire, but he att all times seemed to Me to be Above Such a Condesension. About the begining of December last, he Came to Me, that Now he had a Mind to go and Live on the Salts provided the place pleasd him. I Aquainted him that in A Day or two I was going to Scidowa that I woud at the Same Time go and Shew him the place. Accordingly we went, but when We Came to Scidowaa he told me in Short terms, he woud Let Nobody Choose for him, so he took one of the Scout boat men to Pilott him away he went, (while I was finishing for ye People at Scidwa) was gone 2 Days. At his Return he told me, he liked No Land Unless on Skidwaa, that if [I] woud run it there, I might then do it before I went home. I Asured him I was Very Ready to Do it was it Not Contrary to My instructions, but that it was a Requisite to Obtain a licence for that, as it was for it at his fathers Mill. He flew in a passion, Used Much Scurrilous Language Concerning Mr Oglethorpe and the Setlement, Said he woud Not have any land in this Province, for that he Coud buy a Large tract of better land, (Under A better tenure) in Carolina for a Small Matter which he was Resolvd to Do, and if I run any land for him he woud Not take it. Away he went in that passion to town but as I was informd Vented a litle More of his Spleen at thunderbolt. 
 
I heard No More of him till After Capt [George] Dunbar Arrived when going up with Mr Causton & Capt Dunbar, to See his fathers Mill I found he had taken possession and Said he was Resolved to keep it, I told him that he Must Nor do that, without Such licence, as I had before Urged him, So Much to gett from Yr Honours, that If he had writt, when I first Advised to Do it, he Might have had Answers long before then, but Nevertheless since he had begun to do Something which was the first work he had done, I Advised him to leave it as it was and go Down to town, where he had Good lands both the town & Garden lots (which to this Day, are No forwarder, in any one thing than they were the Day they were Granted to him). As Also Mr Sales Town lot, which is fenced in with a good frame of a Hut on it, Mr Sales Garden Lot Abt two Acres of which is Cleard and fenced, a Good Hut quite built on it. Instead of Agreeing to Such Advise, he Said he woud keep that possession and Enquire of the Trustees, by what Authority any one had to turn him Out. 
 
At length Mr Causton Advised him, Not to be Angry with Me, for I only Did My Duty, and that if I pulld his building Down it was No More than a Discharge of Such Duty, and Referd him to his father, if he had Not heard Mr Oglethorpe Give Me Such Orders, and withall told him that he apprehendd it was the wrong way to Expect the Trustees Shoud Grant that which he force had taken, and the Trustees Put No Person into any Office whatsoever, but with intent, that they shoud Obey their Orders, and Not to Comply with the whims of every one that was like him, who Did Not know their own Minds twenty four hours together. After this we Seemd friends, Dined together. The Next Day he brought his Servants Down to Savannah and there Continued, without Doing any thing till the Servants Urgd him to set them abt some sort of work which he At last fixt on Sawing tho they Chose to Clear More land & Plant that they had Cleard for their late Master Sale. 
 
Gentlemen I have wrote more largely Concerning these two gentlemen than I Shoud Otherways have Done, because by that letter I happend to Seize the Seventh of March last (a Copy of which I Sent Your Honours in Closed in Mr Caustons) I find he lays the whole fault of his Own Mismanagement on Mr Causton & My Self. 
 
I Assure Your Honours the Above Is the True State of that Affair as far as the Same Relates to Me. 
 
I Humbly begg Your Honours Instructions How to Act in this, and all other Affairs of this Nature. 
 
Mr Causton Desired Me to give Your Honours A Discription of the Mill and its Scituation. First as to the Mill, there is Nothing New in the Design, it is Not on flotes, as he pretended he woud Sett it, but Yet if he had Employd good workmen or Understood Work himself, it Might have Answerd, But he woud take No Advise, So that in ye Oppinion of Me & Every one here that have Any knowledge of Workmenship, there is No part except ye water wheel (which is well made) fit for Such a Use, and that if he Shoud ever Set it to work the whole woud tumble to Peices, before it had Cut half the Stuff as woud pay for the Building. 
 
As to the Scituation it is on a fine blough [bluff] (about 6 Miles by Water Above abercorne but I believe Not Above 2 in a Strait Course by land) on the Creek Markt B. in the Plat of Abercorne. It is a fine bold Creek, has Many fine bloughs fit for Towns (perticularly one abt Seven Miles Above the Mill, 30 foot or Upwd High, the Top All High Land for Miles together Extending it Self always). It runs with Many turnings thro into Savannah River Abt 8 Miles Above Purrisburgh, About 2 Miles below a fine Blough Called Hoggs Crawl, and Abt 4 Miles below the entrance into Ebenezer River (at the Mouth of which is also a fine High blough). I am of Opinion that was the Creek Clear it woud be the Easiest if Not the Shortest way for the trading boats going Up to the Nations, as well as to Ebenezer. The Creek is Certainly Convenient for Mills, but then they Might be So Set, as Not for one to hinder the whole Navigation. I hope before Long to Send Your Honours a Draught of the whole. 
 
I have Run ye land of Most of the people who have any title here at present and hope ere long to finish, which I had Done before Now had I Not had ye Misfortune, of Being Weak handed, Occassioned by ye Sickness & Death of Servants. 
 
Mr Causton Aquainted Me that it was Yr Honours Desire, to have an Account of My proceedings, as often as possible; which I Shall take All Oppertunity to perform, and Begg leave, to Assure Yr Honours, that None Shall be More Ready to Obey, that, and All Other Your Honours Commands, as Soon As possible, After they Come to My Knowledge. 
 
 
The Rev. Samuel Quincy to the Rev. Henry Newman, July 4, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 142-144, Egmont 14201, pp. 65-67, concerning counterfeit money paid to the Rev. John Martin Bolzius, religious society of young men in Savannah, and the Jews in Georgia. 
 
Dear Sir, 
 
I reced your favour by Captn Lusk Sometime Since, together with a Box of Small Tracts from the Honble Society. I sent to Mr Bolzius according to Order 100 Journals, and some of the tracts against Popery which he desired, and shall be ready to deliver to him as many more of them as he thinks will be Serviceable to his people. 
 
Mr Bolzius desires me to acquaint you, that he humbly begs the assistance and direction of the Honble Society in an affair that has lately happend to him. Mr Montagute having an order to pay Mr [John M.] Bolzius a Sum of Money, and not being well acquainted with the Carolina Currency had reed Counterfeit Bills. Which false Bills, not knowing them to be Such, he paid to Mr Bolzius, to the number of 8 or 9  15 Bills which amounts to  16. or 18 Sterl. money. This loss is like to fall upon Mr Bolzius; for he having kept the Bills by him 3 Months, not Suspecting that they were bad; when he would have returnd them Mr Montagute absolutely refusd to take them, because of the distance of time; Alledging that if he Should do it, all the Counterfeit Bills in the Province might be brought to him. Our Magistrates have given it as their opinion that Mr Montagute ought to make the Bills good; but he refuses to Stand to their Determination, and they cannot oblige him, because he belongs, to Purrysbourg and is not under the Jurisdiction of their Court. Mr Bolzius begs directions how to proceed in this affair; such a loss would be heavy upon him in his present Circumstances. 
 
I have endeavourd to inform myself as much as possible concerning what you write, that I might acquaint the Honble Society therewith, Viz. whether we have any Romish Missionaries from Home that keep a Correspondence here; but I Cannot find that there are any. We have Several persons Supposed to be Roman Catholicks, and Some known to be Such; but if they carry on any designs of Proselyting others, it is extremely private, and I rather believe there is no Such Design; because Religion seems to be the least minded of anything in the place; and if there were any such thing afoot, I apprehend there would at least be more of the face of it. Since I have reced your Letter I have put my Clerk who is a Sober young man, upon getting a Society of other young men, to meet every Sunday Night, which they have done for about 6 weeks past to the number of 7 or 8 of them, after the example of Some Societies in London. Their method is to read the Epistles and Gospels for the day with Comments upon them, to Say the Evening Service with a Collect composed for the occation and Confer on what they have heard. I look upon this, by the blessing of God, to be one likely means, to preserve them from being tainted with Errors. And if there are any designing persons of the Romish Communion it may be a means of discovering them, because, as I have heard it observd, they frequently mix themselves with Such young Societies. I shall therefore narrowly watch over them, and often visit them to give them Instructions and directions. 
 
You desire in one of your Letters to know whether the Jews amongst us seem inclined to imbrace Christianity. We have here two sorts of Jews, Portuguese and Germans. The first having professed Christianity in Portugal or the Brazils, are more lax in their way, and dispense with a great many of their Jewish Rites, and two young men, the Sons of a Jew Doctor, Sometimes come to Church, and for these reasons are thought by some people to be inclined to be Christians, but I cannot find that they really are So, only that their education in those Countries where they were obligd to appear Christians, makes them less rigid and Stiff in their way. The German Jews, Who are thought the better Sort of them, are a great deal more Strict in their way, and rigid observers of their Law. Their kindness shewd to Mr [John M.] Bolzius and the Saltzburgers, was owing to the Good temper and humanity of the people, and not to any inclination to Change their Religion, as I can understand. They all in general behave themselves very well, and are industrious in their business. 
 
I have by this opportunity conveyd Letters from Mr Bolzius & Mr [John] Vat; which I believe are Chiefly on the Subject of their Lands. I mentiond in a Letter which I hope you have long Since receivd Something of the Same Matter. Their Dependence is very much on the Honble Society to use their Interest with the Trustees, to get them removed to a more fertile Soil, without which they have no prespect of ever Subsisting themselves. 
 
 
Samuel Eveleigh to William Jeffreys, July 4, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 145-146, Egmont 14201, pp. 69-72, concerning Indian and lumber trade in Georgia. 
 
Sir 
 
I have been at this place about two Months in Expectation of some Vessels, one of which the Oglethorpe arrived here two Days since from Jamaica with Rum, Lime juice, Sugar, Melasses &c; to which place I again design her with Lumber &c. I am in daily Expectation of the Vessel you mentioned in your last which Letter I cant at present answer. 
 
I have here about 9 or 10,0001b weight of Leather225 which I shall begin to pack next Week in order to load on your Vessel expected from Bristol, & to fill her up with Lumber & send her back to you in expectation that there is a Bounty thereon. 
 
It has been my great Fault that I have not writ you to know what Lumber will do at your place but desire youll make diligent Enquiry & inform me per first Opportunity & should be glad to understand that it will do. 
 
I have loaded on board the two Brothers Captain [William] Thompson the Bearer hereof 33 hogsheads of Skins, 29 whereof I have cut off the Pates & Tails by which I find I lose 14 or 15 per Ct. I hope the Price will answer it at home. The other 4 hhds I had not time, my Negro being run away, wch I have consigned to Messrs Samuel & William Baker as also about 70 Tuns of live Oak Timber wch I have consigned to Messrs Peter Simond & Compa wch was cut off by white People & has cost me a great deal of money. But if I find it will do I shall for the future employ Negroes wch will come a great deal cheaper. 
 
As soon as I came down here I went with Capt Thompson, Colcock & Miller the pilot here to survey & sound the Outlet at Wasaw. The inside we found capable of receiving any quantity of Men of War with safety in all Weather. But when we came to try the Channel we found but 16 foot at low dead Water, but I am informed that there is a much better Channel close by little Tybee which I propose to sound as soon as I have a little leisure, & from thence go to an Island called Usebaw a little to the Southward thereof & view the same where I am informed is vast quantitys of Live Oak Timber & other sorts of Timber of great value. 
 
Since my arrival at this place the Lower & Upper Creek Indians are arrived here to whom has been given the presents from the Trust, they have here been civilly Entertained & the former are gone away very well satisfied & I do suppose the latter will do the same. 
 
My coming to this place hath incensed the Gentlemen of Charles Town to a very great degree so far that I am threatned on all hands. Especially by such that could have prevented it by not passing that foolish Law226 which when passing I strenuously argued against & told them that I could make it appear as plain as any of Euclids Element that it would drive away the Trade to this place. But they would not in the least hearken to me nor to what Coll [John ?] Fenwick & others could say against it. They imagined that what I said was out of private Interest tho God is my Witness I had no such view. 
 
Mr [Patrick] Mackay appointed by our late Governour & Mr Oglethorpe is come down as Agent & hath brought most of the Traders down as well Creeks as Chickisaws & hath given them his Licences & hath turned out sevl Traders who are gone to Charles Town where they are taking out their Licences wch Mackay says hell send down by force as soon as he gets up again. He designs to build a Fort there hath already an Officer & some Soldiers & is sending up more & is resolved to carry his point. On the other hand the Gentlemen in Town talk of taking away the Charges of Licences, of taking off the Duty on Skins Exported & of raising 40 Men & sending them to the Creek Nation to protect their Trade. After the Horse is stoln they are for shutting the Stable Door. What will be the result of these things I cant determine but this I can assure you, that after all they can Trade with the Creek Chickasaw & Cherokee from this place 20 to 25 per Ct cheaper than then can from Charles Town notwithstanding the Encouragement they talk of giving. 
 
Some Gentlemen of Charles Town have sent down here pretty considerable Cargoes of Indian Trading Goods wch are sold to the Traders at a very little advance from the Prime Cost. This I suppose is done to prejudice me & is the result of a Plot which I have heard they have laid against me & has had its Effects. For I have sold no Goods since I came down for they have sold every thing 50 per Ct cheaper than usual & it will spoil the Trade. But I have a Counterplot against them wch as soon as I hear from the Trustees or Mr Oglethorpe I may put in Execution & I shall then communicate the same to you. 
 
I very much desire to have the Trustees Resolution & shall not be very easy in my Mind till I receive it. If Captain Wathing should be in England I desire youll convey the inclosed Letter to him. 
 
[P. S.] I have some reason to believe that one Houston a Scotch Man that sold these Goods to the Traders at so cheap a rate is entring into a Partnership with Mckay the Agent & William Mckenzie in Charles Town & that the former has by this Opportunity wrote to one Mckenzie, I do suppose the Brother of George, for a large parcel of Indian Trading Goods. If you understand that the Trustees has granted me liberty for the sole Trade of Altamaha River, would have you give it out & thereby I should be able to ingroce the Trade because twill save the travelling of 260 Miles going & coming for themselves & pack Horses. 
 
 
Paul Amatis to the Trustees, July 5, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 148-150, Egmont 14201, pp. 85-88, containing his plans for the Trustees Garden and complaints against Joseph Fitzwalter and Thomas Causton. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
During the Months of July & August very little Expences are Requird for your Garden, the Heat being so great as not to permit white men to work in the Fields or Gardens at that time. But after that as I have but two Servants and that they are taken from me from time to time, I shall be Obliged to make more Expences & work hard to Transplant the Trees &c in the best order I can. 
 
After the Garden is put in the best order if your Honnrs will order an Examination of what has been done, & tis found that unecessary Charges have been made, I am willing that it Should be on my own Accot but in the mean time it is highly Necessary that your Honnrs give Positive Orders, that no person whatsoever Shall take from ye Garden, any Trees, Plants, Greens, Roots, or any thing whatsoever. Also that none of the Fruit be destroyd before tis Ripe, or even when tis Ripe, as it hath been done heretofore. It is Dismal Consideration for me, to think that I take so much Pains as I do to Cultivate Such Vast Number of Trees, & Plants, & that Every Body may do what they please. Your Honnours may perhaps think, I deserve blame for Sufferring it, to wch with Humble Submission I Answer That I am told the Garden is for the Publick, & Free for every one tho I must own, I cant Conceive that youll readily Consent that all Persons whatsoever, may take, & Strip the Garden of all its Produce. Your Answer thereon is Earnestly Desired by me. 
 
As from time to time there Arrives Several Strangers here & not knowing where to get their Bread they are Generally Sent to me to be Employd in your Garden, till they can Elsewhere find Employment. To Encourage People to Come to this Colony I accept of their Services. For Some time as your Honnrs may See by my Accot I pay them but  10 Currency per Month with the Provissions from the Store. Mr [Jospeh] Fitzwalter has hired Severall at 18d Sterl. per Diem with Provissions. 
 
I beg that I may have your Answer & know if you are any ways displeased at me that I may be able both to Vindicate my Self & take Such Measures as to give you ye best & the Greatest Satisfaction. 
 
I Shall be obliged next Fall to put yor Honnrs to Some Additional Expences in relation to your Garden. The Soil at Top is Sandy & not good Enough for all Sorts of Plants without taking Vast Pains. What I design to do is to put Some of the Swamp into the Holes where I design to Transplant the Trees. And I must Aquaint your Honnrs that I ought to have Always Two men Constantly to Water the Garden. I doubt not but you know that to have Such Large Garden as ten Acres taken care off & Improvd, There must be an Assiduous Care & Necessary Persons & Therefore it Requires Four Domestick Servants at Least for two years Longer, for there must be a great deal of work done there during that time* It will be a great work to Clear the Lower part wch is a Swamp. 
 
If your Honnours would please to Send me Some Young Trees & Plants of the Growth of Europe, & above all Vines, I Assure you I shall take Special care to Transplant them. I Shall not do as Mr Fitzwalter has done of those that have been Sent him, wch I have been made Presents to I know not who & The Remainder have Perishd. I Assure you Upon the word of an Honest man, that there are but three of these Plants in the Garden, Except those that I have brought up & Cultivated wch are vastly Numerous. 
 
Please to Consider the Pains I have taken & Still Continue to take but I am Sorry that I am Obliged to Acquaint you that if Mr Fitzwalter still remains in the Garden after the many Insults I have Received from him, I will Leave off Acting there, after I have Reed your Honnrs Orders. 
 
Inclosed is the Memorandum227 that I was obliged to present to the Court in Relation to Mr Fitzwalter to Let the Freeholders, know how much at heart I had your Interest & theirs also. 
 
No Body knows the Expences that I have been obliged to make at Charles Town. & here to Cultivate & Nurse Young Trees for your Garden, and all for the Interest & Advantage of this Colony. 
 
If any of The Honble The Trustees come here I humbly Offer my House wch indeed is your own & wch I am Endeavouring to put in the best Order I can, both for Conveniencey & Neatness. It will be a Singular Pleasure to me to have ye Honnour of Entertaining so Great & Honourable Guest. I hope with Patience & the Blessing of God I Shall bring my Undertaking to a happy Issue to the Glory of Your Honnours in Perticullar & of all the whole British Nation in General. 
 
This Moment I was Servd with a Warrant from Mr Causton who does whatever he can to Oblige me to Leave the Colony against my Inclination. If your Honnours Suffers me to be Daily Insulted by Such Person as he My Intent is to Destroy all that I have hitherto done tho with So much Labour, My Substance & the Prime of My Youthfull days. Altho I cant have Satisfaction from him at present I as a true Piedmontese will not forget him in haste nor Easily put up the Affront of a man whose Behaviour is Such that he Encreases Daily the Number of his Enemies here. And altho he may as I am informd write you Letters in his own Praise, was you to make a Strict Enquiry into all his Transactions here I conceive he might not come off to the Satisfaction of. 
 
Inclosed is the Copy of the Warrantas228 to shew you in what manner he Uses his Authority in an Affair so uncertain & properly an Error. If I ow Mr Chardon that Money I only desire heell Shew his Accot & I will Endeavour to Satisfie him, knowing full well that amongst Honest men Errors are no Payments. 
 
I know very well the Occasion of this last Affront was that Chardon & Causton were Affraid I Should depart hence for London in Capt [William] Thompsons to Exhibit My Complaints in person better than I can do in the Narrow Confine of a Letter. But I have Considered that If I undertook that Voyage I could not be back in time & Proper Season to do the Needfull to Your Garden in Transplanting & putting it in the best order I could. I therefore Stay in this Colony thus. Je ne reste pour le present dans Cette Colonie que come Loisseau Sur La Branche prest a Senvoler dans L Endroit ou il trouvera plus de Repos. 
 
[Translation] 
 
I remain for the present in this Colony only as a bird upon the branch ready to fly away into the place where it shall find more repose. 
 
 
Patrick Houstoun to [?], July 5, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, p. 151, concerning encouragement for Indian traders and Andrew Bell, a blacksmith. 
 
Sr 
 
At the desire of Some of the Traders to the Creek & Chickisaw Indians, I send you the Inclosed Petition229 to the Honble Trustees, for Lotts in the Town of Savannah which I hope their Honnrs will be pleased to Grant. These People notwithstanding the very Severe Threats from the People of Charles Town are come here and Bought their Goods for which they deserve to be Encouraged. Especially if it be true what Some of them Says that they had Mr Oglethorpe Promise for Lotts if they would Settle here. I send you also a Petition from Andrew Bell, who I brought over with me a Servant & is now discharged his Indentures. He is a very good Blacksmith, and has had very great Offers made him to go to Port Royal, but I have Caused him to Stay here for some time. And Tradesmen are very much wanted in this Colony, I dont doubt but The Honble The Trustees will be pleased to give Sutable Encouragement to a Man of Bells Trade which is so Necessary & so much wanted in the Colony. 
 
 
Joseph Fitzwalter to James Oglethorpe (or the Trustees in his absence), July 5, 1735, Savannah, received Aug. 23, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 154-156, Egmont 14201, pp. 73-74, concerning the Trustees Garden, crops in Georgia, and his marriage to an Indian. 
 
Honnered Sr 
 
After my Duty is presented to You and the Rest of the Trustees, This is to Acquaint Your Honnours That I am Disapointed by Mr [Paul] Amatis in Carrying on the Business your Honnour Ordered. I wrote to your Honnours about the same by Captain Yoakly, and Captain [George] Dunbar But have had no Instructions from your Honnours. I always Apprehend the Ground was for Carring on Botany and Kitchen physick, as baby Nussary of plants. As for the silk Business I Know nothing of But, I do Assure Your Honners as for a Tree, plant, or Any other Vegitable Mr Amatis is a Stranger as much as him that never Kew any thing of the art of Gardening. Mr [John] West who is bearer hereof will Inform Your Honnours of Any thing as may be askt. I Humbly begg leave of Your Honnours that in January next I may have leave to Come for England to settle my Affairs their & so to Return and to Spend the Residue of my Time in Georgia as Long as God shall think fitt to spare life. 
 
I hope Your Honnours, will not Take it Amiss of my Marriage in this province without first Having Your Honnours Consent. The 8th of Aprill last I was. Married by Mr [Samuel] Quincey To Tuscanies Eldest Daughter Neice to, Skee, and Talofaleche. Tomicheche was the person gave her in Marriage, present the Queen Mr [Samuel ?] Montaguet and Lady Mr Causton and spouse Mr [John] West and spouse and Severall others of this province. The Indians cheifs of Upper and lower Cricks Express themselves with a great Deal of Satisfaction. It is to be hopd That Time will wear her of the Savage way of Living. It hath been no small Expence to Me Amongst the Indians and I hope That Your Honnours will be Assisting Me withou which I Cannot do any thing. The Indians are very much for my going to the Nation to Trade with Them and that I Refer to your better Judgment being unwilling to do any thing without your Instructions. 
 
I Should have sent my Journall by Mr West, but the Business of the Day being tiresome and Rest at Night Reviveing for the Next Day Employ is the only Reason I Could not finish Time Enough to Come by him, but hope That I Shall bring it myself with a great Deal of Satisfaction to Your Honnours. 
 
The Ground produces Beyond Every ones Expectation and Every Body is very Industrious upon their Lotts Both Town & Contry in Generall, Bread Kind their will be Raised this Year more than the Inhabitants Can Use. I have seen all in Generall and do beleive it to be so. We have had a very hot Dry Spring; but Now the wether is Seasonable and Could [cold ?]. I Cannot find but people in England are Subject to Fevers either Spring or fall as well as here so, that when the Appointed Time Comes we must Submitt to him that made all Things. 
 
I Do Assure your Honnours that it is my Study Night and day for well Doing of the place and what ever the Magistracy of place order me About I Readily Comply with. I hope your Honnours Dont forget the Ordering of the payment of my Salery. 
 
I Pray God Bless Your Honnours and wish your Honnours your Healths to se the Handy works of Labours Florish, that you may see a people you may Call your own. 
 
 
Noble Jones to James Oglethorpe, July 6, 1735, Savannah, received Aug. 25, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 135-136, Egmont 14201, pp. 89-92, concerning his protection of the Indians, preventing timber cutting etc., enclosing several notices to prevent unauthorized timber cutting. 
 
Hond Sr 
 
I take this Oppertunity by Mr [John] West of Shewing my Gratitude for the Past favours which I am Incapable of Making any Other Retaliation for them by Aknowledging, & begg leave to Acquaint Yr Honour with Some of My Preceedings Since I had the Misfortune to Loose Yr Honours Assistance. 
 
I Continue to Go on (as Nigh as I am Capable) by the Same Rules as Yr Honour was Pleasd to Prescribe, Tho I have Mett with Some Difficultys. 
 
I have had Some trouble with the two Mr Parkers the perticulars of which I have Sent to The Honble the Trustees.230 I have Done My Endeavour to Stick Close to the Instructions I Recd from yr Honour. 
 
As Attorney and Agent to Tomochachi & his People, I have at all times assited to my Utmost to See Justice Done, the perticulars of which I Dont Doubt but Mr Recorder has Enformd in his Account of the Court proceedings as my Sueing every one whom I find Any way offer to Opress them, either by Cutting Down Trees on their land Stealling their Canoes or any the like ofences. I have brought Severall Actions against Capt [Joseph ?] Wattson, [Joseph] Wigan, Coll. Biolove [Prioleau ?] Negro & others. I do Any Busines for em that they Desire. I sent by Capt [George] Dunbar a letter of thanks (which I writt from Tomochachis words) to The Honble Trustees for the many favours they had bestowd upon him. 
 
As Ranger I Do My Constant endeavour to prevent any Depredations being Comited in Any Part of the Province perticularly the Cuting down Cypress, & live Oak Trees. I have been twice to the Most Southermost parts of the province, the first time Upon an Alarm with Abt 50 men (all Volunteers exept ye Scout boat) the perticulars of which Voyage (for fear a false Account Shoud Come to Yr Hands) i will Send by the Next. The Second time was with Capt Dunbar who, I Dont Doubt has informd you thereof before now. We have An Account that Some Yamassee Indians (Supposed to be the Same that killd Tomochachis People) are Now Sculking above fort Argile, on that River. I therefore Sett out to Morrow, with Mr [Augustus] Spangenberg to Run out Count Zinzendorfes land (he having Cleard above 3 Acres of his own Garden Lot) at the Same to See If we Can Come up with those Strollers who Come to Spy & Disturb our Peace. As Ranger I Always think it My particular Duty to be the first out on those Occasions. 
 
Mr Jonathan Brion has been Up & has made 3 or 4 Canoes for which he Says he has Yr Honours Orders to take as many as he pleases. I knowing Your Honour Did give him 5 trees formerly And he being a person that you Respectd I Did Not Dispute it but forbad any one in his name or by his licence to Do the Same. Mr [Walter] Augustine pretendd to the Same but I as yet have Not had faith to believe him. Capt [William] Ferguson Says yr Honour granted him one. I let him have it but I have Chargd him Dr for it till I Receive your orders. I have done the Same with Mr [Roger] Lacey of thunderbolt. I shoud be Glad If Yr Honr woud favour Me with an Account of as many of those Orders as Yr Honour Shall think fit to Grant. 
 
Mr Augustine having Yr Honours Letter Concerning Sr Francis Bathurst I have Run Sr Francis two Hundred Acres by his Direction and Sr Francis has Made Large Improvement thereon Considering he has lost by Death two of His three Servants. 
 
I have had bad Sucess with Servants. The old man Continued Sick from the time I first had him till his Death, So that with him that Dyed before I have Now left but two & those have been Sick & as Soon as well are Always in Some Contrivance. They have Robd Me & others & Run away but I have them both Now but am forct to Keep one of em with a Chain on his leg. It has Retarded Me Vastly in My bussines. I Imployd Ford to asist me but what he did for me cost me above three times what I had for it. If I Coud Get a Sufficient Number of Servants I dont Doubt doing well. I Understand Mr [Peter] Gordon Made a large Sum by his prospect of Savannah. I always thought him a Man of More Honour than to Enfringe So much on any Mans Right. A hundred pound it is Said he gott by it, which has Set a Certain person who has the keeping the Register book to fall upon the Same practice here, which makes Me Cautious how I Put any Platts in it. 
 
As I am Resolved to Write to Yr Honr & the Honble the Trustees every Opertunity I Shall Refer Yr Honour to my Next in which I Intend to be more full. Till which time & for ever that God will bless and prosper Yr Honour & all the Rest of the Honble Trustees is the Constant prayer of him that Desires Nothing So Much as to be Counted amongst Yr Honours faithfull Servants. 
 
[P.S.] As all the words I Coud Speak was Not Sufficient for Some People I have Sett Up Some Advertisements the within Closed is a Coppy which I thought proper to Send Yr Honour for Approbation. We have a Rumour here that there is a bounty Granted Upon live oak which has made Some persons here to go abt this province in quest of the best for which Reason I have Caused the last of those advertisements to be Stuck up in all the out Villages and have given one to each Tythingman. 
 
This is To Give Notice that if Any Person Whomsoever after the Publication hereof Shall Cutt Down, Deface or Destroy any of the Trees or Committ any Trespass on any of the Lands Now Most Imediately in Possession of Tomochachi King of Yamacraw or any of his People, which Said Lands are bounded by a blazd line (Distinguishd by a Red Cross) on ye Eastermost Side thereof Abutting to the Common of the Town of Savannah, by a Road or High Way Leading from ye Said Common to ye Plantation of Mrs [John] Musgrove (Commonly Called Musgroves Cowpen) on the South, by A Creek Commonly Calld ye Indian Creek on ye West and on the North by The River Savannah; they will be prosecuted for the Same with the Utmost Severity. 
 
per N. JONES Agent for the 
 
Indians 
 
Savannah 
 
July ye 3d 1735 
 
Whereas Divers Timber Trees have been Cut Down without Just Cause by which great Wast hath been Made, and if Not prevented would in a Short time Disapoint every one of the Great Advantages they would otherways Enjoy in having Timber So Near ye Town for finishing and Improving their Respective building and Whereas a Great Nusance also Arises from the falling Such Trees by the Stopping Up the passages to the plantations of the Severall Respective freeholders, and the branches thereof Covering the Pasture which woud otherways be Usefull for the feed of Catle and in a Great Measure prevent their Rambling. 
 
This is Therefore to give Notice that if any person after the Publication hereof Shall att any time Cutt Down any Timber Trees without My Lycence or Do Not Imediately after Such Cutting Down Such Trees Remove burn or Destroy all Lopps Tops, Chips & brush Occasioned by the falling, hewing or Using Such Timber or Trees will be prosecuted for the Same with Utmost Severity. 
 
Or If any person Shall presume on Any Pretence to Cut Down Deface or Destroy any Tree or Shrub any where About the Spring or Make any fires there or Make it a place to wash Cloaths they will have their Tubs Potts &ca broke & be Also Prosecuted for the Same. 
 
per N JONES Ranger & Surveyor 
 
Savannah 
 
July the 3d 1735 
 
Whereas by an Express order of the Honble the Trustees for Establishing this Collony, No person whomsoever is to Cut Down, Deface, or Destroy any Cypress, or other Timber Trees of what kind, or Quality Soever, in Any Part, or Parts, of this Province, on Land Not Yet Granted, Without their lycence in Writting first had & Obtaind, & the Sd licence Registerd in ye Rangers office of this Province, therefore for the preventing of Such Trespases & that No one may Plead Ignorance. 
 
This is to Give Notice that if Any Person or persons Shall presume to Act Contrary to this their Said Order they will be prosecuted for the Same with the Utmost Severity. 
 
per N JONES Ranger & Surveyor 
 
Savannah 
 
July ye 3d 1735 
 
 
William Ewen to James Oglethorpe, undated, [Savannah],231 received Aug. 25, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 139-140, concerning his happiness with Georgia and in working for Thomas Causton. 
 
Sr 
 
I did my self the Honour some months a goe to returne you my Hearty thanks (by Letter which I fear neaver Came to hand) for recommending me to so good a Master as Mr Causton is; in his Service my time Slides away pleasantly, ye Agreeableness of ye Country Adding much thereto together wth my hopes (through yr Honrs bounty) of possessing a part thereof. It being my whole Desire to Settle in the town of Savannah. The province in general is in a tolerable state of health. Most people are a planting; we shall be verey neare able to Subsist next yr upon our own produce. 
 
 
Thomas Christy to the Trustees, July 6, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, p. 157, Egmont 14201, pp. 93-94, concerning Joseph Watsons case, transmitting papers,232 and cash accounts. 
 
Most Honoured Sirs 
 
We had the Honr of Yours directed to the Baylifs and Recorder under the Seal of the Common Council Dated the 17th March. I Conceivd it our Duty that we Shod all Joyn in a Answer to your Honrs but Since that has been postponed I crave leave with Submission to Inform your Honrs That Soon after your Letter was receivd it was read in Court That the Inclosed Order was made thereupon And no proceedings Shall be had in that Affair till Yor Honrs Special Commission Arrives. The Confinement of Watson within our own Province was owing to my Advice to Mr Causton And is a great Satisfaction to us it meets with your Honrs Approbation. I Shall always Endeavour to prefer the Publick Good to any private Interest. 
 
I take this opportunity likewise to send inclosed to your Honours Copies of several publick Orders. The Copy of the Lieut. Govrs. Letter of South Carolina to us, the Copy of Capt. Mackintoshs Commission, the Speech of the Upper Creeks and the Speech of the Lower Creeks are put into Mr. Caustons Box the Examination of Licha the Indian & Jehu Barton the Interpreter who we have obliged to enter into Recognizance, and several other Authentick Papers which Your Honours may have Occasion for. 
 
I have with Mr. [John] Vanderplank Signed the Cash Accompts of Mr. Causton from 26th May to 24th June Cr.  41,848. 19.7 Dr.  43,708.16.10. 
 
We doubt not but Your Honrs will soon give Directions as to the Indian Trade; I can assure your Honrs the Magistrates of themselves have taken no other Step therein than a Letter writt to Brown and Company the Copy of wch I thought not amiss to Send inclosed. The Colony is in Peace & Quietness, and we esteem our selves thrice happy to be under so wise and prudent Government. 
 
 
Walter Fox233 to the Trustees, July 6, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 160-161, telling of his duties as gunner and asking to be paid therefor. 
 
I Humbely begg Leave 
 
To aquaint your Honours yt I have Acted as Guner Ever sence our Landing. I used to goe in a boat Night & day where Ever his Honr Esqr Ogelthorp Orders was & for ye most part of ye first year was to Look after ye Crann [Crane] but there now is soom hops [hopes] of Getting som thing by it I was Ordered for other business. When his Honr went to Charles town I desired yt his Honr would Aquaint me of whome I must receive Orders from in Cass of any disturbence & his Honr told me yt I must receive Orders from Mr [John] Vanderplank & If I wanted for any thing yt I should have it out of ye Store. I acordenly went & I could find but fue Stores & when his Honr was at Charles town I wrot to aquaint his Honr yt there was littel or no Stors. So I sent an Endent of wat stors I thought might be proper. I never was Guner in ye Land service but have bin in ye See Service. His Honr had Severall times tould me yt he would due Som thing for me Wair of wen I wrot it being Very Scantey & begg yt his Honr Would lend me a Small matter & hearing yt he had dun for Severall, but I beleave his Honr would not have for gott me but he was so full of buisness. So yt I never had any thing for Rowing night & day is Very hard work & After his Honr was Sailed for England Mr Causton acquainted me yt I was Ordered Eightenn pence Every time I fired ye Guns. I have waited 3 or 4 days for Ships Sayling & Severell Gentell men Humbely begg yt your Honours would Consider me for I have Lost a great deal of time. Begg Leave to Aquaint you allso yt his Honr wen he went away tould us yt work at ye building ye houses yt If a man ded more Work then his Shir Cum to yt he should be paid, but I cant Gett it. The air is now Above three Pound starling Cumming to me & Mr Dern & Mr [Thomas] Jones yt was left to Settell ye Acct Aquaints me yt theay Cant gett ye Money In so those yt wair in debt theay ballance theair Acct but I cant gett any. Not Doughting but Your Honours bountifull Goodness will Consider me humbely pray yt If your Honours thinks me fitt for Guner yt you would send me A warrant or such Orders as you Shall think proper & by whose Orders I must Obay. I could Aquaint your Honours of Severall things yt has bin Acted heair but hear is Severell. I beleave yt mack it a Great part of theair time in taking of Acct of things yt is trans Acted hear, so I beleave yt by ye one hand or ye Other yt you have ye most perticuler Acct for a Man yt is to Work for his bread Cant spend his time in Minding all passiges. 
 
 
William Gough234 to the Trustees, July 7, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 163-166, congratulating on the success of Georgia and enclosing a petition requesting command of a fort to be built in Georgia. 
 
Right Honble and Honble Gentlemen 
 
It is with unspeakable pleasure I presume to do my self the Honour of this, the grateful sense of the many obligation I lye under I confess demanded my more early acknowledgment, but the many Letters which were continually sent to this Honble Board was the only reason that kept me Silent. But the present flourishing condition of our Colony, the great increase in building, and resort of Strangers from all parts, the face of good Husbandry which begins to shew itself in our Land, and above all the Noble Benevolence lately granted by the High Court of Parliament roused me to Duty and I resolved to be no longer guilty of an ungrateful Oblivion. 
 
Therefore most Honble permit me to Congratulate you on the success of this your Noble undertaking, it demands all our Joy, and it is with the greatest delight I see all your Labours, Troubles and Vexations crowned with Victory, but the World could expect no other when so many Noble personages generously enterd the Combat, shard the Fatigues, and with a Chearful Resolution surmounted every difficulty. 
 
Gentlemen, Gratitude for the many favours I have received from this Honble Board demands my ready obedience, to put in Execution all such orders as may arrive from Time to Time, and I resolve in whatever station your Honours shall think fitt to Imploy me, always to the utmost of my power to support the peace of the Colony against Civil Dissentions at home and dangerous Assaults and Invasions from abroad. 
 
I humbly begg leave to return Mr Oglethorpe my humble thanks for the Generous treatment I have received from him during his abode with us, the same likewise to Mr Robert Hucks and Mr Tho. Towers, they both having done me the Honour of a recommendation to the rest of the Honble Board. 
 
And now must Honourable I humbly ask pardon for this great presumption And begg leave to Subscribe myself with all Dutiful affection and the greatest Submission. 
 
 
To the Right Honble and Honble The Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia in America 
 
The humble petition of William Gough of the Town of Savannah & province of Georgia 
 
Sheweth 
 
That your Petitioner being a hearty adherer to his Majesty King George and this Honourable Board is willing and desirous to bear Arms in defence of the Province aforesaid, and being informd that Sundry Forts are to be raised within the said province for the further strength and defence of the same 
 
humbly Petitions that he may be admitted to bear command in one of the Forts aforesaid or in any acts of Hostility against the Enemy in case of Warr, in what place this Honourable Board may judge proper 
 
And your petitioner as in Duty bound shall ever pray &c 
 
WILLIAM GOUGH 
 
Signed at Savannah in the province of Georgia this Seventh July 1735. 
 
 
Samuel Eveleigh to James Oglethorpe, July 7, 1735, Savannah, C. O. 5/637, pp. 168-169, concerning the South Carolina reaction to his removal to Georgia and the Indian trade. 
 
Honord Sir 
 
This morning arrived here Mr [James] Abercrombie & Mr [Isaac] Chardon. The former Comes to be Present at the tryall of yonge [Thomas] Millichamp and [Richard] Turner, Accused for Counterfiting the Currency of Carolina,235 By whom I had severall Letters from Charles Town. One from a friend Dated the 1st July in which are these words, the Chief Topick of Discourse under the Market and in Taverns is the Indian Trade, many are much insencd against you for Carrying of it to Georgia, its Loockt upon as a sceam of yours, and it is thought the Assembly will Shew their resentments and that you who have allways had the favours of the Goverment, have for Private Interest Secrifised the Publick Good and Sold your Country for Skins. I have told some who talk at this rate that they had brought it upon them selves, and that you was the Person who timely warnd them of the Consequencis of this Law, wch I supose will be Repealed when two Late. 
 
My Son writes me a Letter of the Same Date, wherein he says Last night Coll Fenwick, Capt Green, Mr Crofts, George Austin, Capt Beale and Others had a meeting, but Cant say at present wht they Did or are resolvd on, (but this in Generall) that they are resolvd to Cutt you Out of the trade. 
 
 
Elisha Dobree to the Trustees, July 7, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, p. 171, Egmont 14201, p. 113, telling of irregularities in the Trustees Store accounts. 
 
Hon. Sirs 
 
I find that all the Accounts of your Stores are not sent you, & before they are, or that you Approve of them, I beg that youll hearkn to what I Shall now Say. 
 
The Freeholders were to give Receipts for all the Provissions but finding they were resolvd positively not to do it, on pretence they had not their due, The Matter dropt there. 
 
From the Insight I have had of ye Accot in the Stores in wch I have taken Abundance pains almost to no purpose (& not being a Fit Tool to work with I was dischargd the Store), I find the Accounts will be very Imperfect & therefore not Exact or true, wch two Articles are Certainly Required in all Accounts from the Experience I have had for 25 years in Exchanges, Sales, Publick Accounts &cin Short the most Difficult & perplexing. 
 
If your Honnours will please to Appoint Commissioners to Examin into the Transactions of ye Stores & the Publick Money, & Name me for one & Mr Robt Parker for another 4 or 5 New Comers & the others few Free masons & I will undertake to find out matters Enough to Aquaint Your Honnours, for whom I Shall think no Labour too heavy. 
 
 
Thomas Causton to James Oglethorpe, July 7, 1735, Savannah, received Aug. 27, 1735, C.O. 5/636, pp. 313-314, Egmont 14202, pp. 105-109, containing a general report of conditions in Georgia. 
 
Sir 
 
Agreable to Your Honours Orders, I bargained for a Frame of a house completely fitt to be set up, any where for Mr [Samuel] Mountagut [Montagut].236 But he coming before the house was finished, upon Arrivall desired he might have leave to Set it up in this Town. 
 
In Regard, that you was pleased to order the house you lived in for his Residence whilst here, and recomend the benefits that might arise to this Town by his allways having a Supply of European Goods, I gaive leave for him to set it up at the Corner of that ground joyning to the house. In this Case, he made a new Bargain with the Carpenter. I believe he finds the benefitt of being here but, I dont find him inclinable to Encourage Exportation from hence. 
 
Mr Bryan seemed to take a great deal of Pains in procuring Rice for Mr Symonds Ships; But there was many difficultys started against Loading in this River; A great deal of pretended pains to bargain with an Officer to stay on board the Ship who was glad of a Perquisite, because the Ship must go to Lisbon, and he must therefore endorse both Marks and Numbers on the Certificate. Had not a quarrell happened wch was like to be fatall, it has not been owned, That there was any orders to Load for London I assure you, they might as easily have Loaded two Ships as one. But tho Mr Mountagut dont seem inclinable either by employing the People or buying Skins and Goods for Exportation, some others are beginning and I dont doubt, but we shall daily Encrease in Exports of the Growth of the Colony. Some Staves has been Shipt off in a New York Vessell by Mr [John] Verplank, and he has imported Madeira Wine in Return, some of which wines are now on Board the Two Brothers. 
 
I make it my business to oblige Mr Mountagut and his Lady by all the Methods I can devise. 
 
The Boy you was pleased to mention as a Gift to me is bound by Indenture to Mr Mountagut and therefore denied me. 
 
No One has left the Colony but [John] Cundall and Peircy Hill237 to this day. 
 
When Tommy Jones brot down the Indians, he insisted to have his Town Lott which you had granted him, and was Registred in his name. 
 
Collonel [William] Bull being here, we endeavoured to perswade Robert Parker Senior to give him possession, and by that means merritt a favour from the Trustees. I promised likewise to pay him for all Charges of fencing it in; But perswasions would not do, and Jones would not hear of any Assurances I offered, that the Trustees would do better things for him; Saying that which you gave him he expected. 
 
Parker before this, had Verbally relinquished his Lott, because he would not be liable to be fined for not Serving as a jury man. So that in Consideration of the whole; an Action of Trespass and Ejectment was brought against Parker by Jones, to wch Parker refused to Appear and a Verdict passed against him for the Possession. 
 
Sir Francis Bathurst and his Lady & Son are very well, his two Daughters are Married. He is very well pleased with the Country and lives very Soberly and Contented. He cannot frame himself to [Walter] Augustines Directions, but manages his own Affairs very prudently. He has lost all his Servants but one, who is very ill, therefore I am obliged to help him in hoeing of his Corn. 
 
I have drawn on you a Bill payable to Mr Jenys & Baker for forty pounds Sterling according to your Order, and have applyed it to the uses you Ordered. In which case, (with Regard to the people in Town) I have allways consulted the Magistrates. 
 
I have endeavoured to keep the People together, with Success. And my whole View has been, to Encourage the Industrious, and more especially the Planter. 
 
I fenced in a large Calf pasture to keep the Cattle that were hunted up, from Rambling again; very few were found last year. This year, the woods were burnt, and a great many Cattle discovered on Thunderbolt Pine. I ordered a broad drift way to be Cutt through the Thick wood from Colliton Bridg to the Pine land, and we have had great Success in bringing home the Cattle. 
 
We Ordered, That the people shod pay the Pindar for a years hunting in hand, besides a Shilling for branding; But I believe the Pindar does not like his Office, for he never Stirs to fetch in the Cattle. Many people here are much altered in their Manners and behaviour. 
 
The Presants for the Indian Nation are all now delivered and Mrs [John] Musgrove has behaved very well. I have been much obliged to her in that matter. Poor Johnny238 is Dead of a Fever; As he was a Coastable we buried him in a Millitary manner. 
 
Tomochachi and all the Indians continue to behave extreemly well and he is greatly Esteemed by all the Towns. I shall lett nothing be wanting to preserve the good Understanding between us. Estimoleeche Accidentally Shott himself when he was out, and is Dead. Estiche is Reconciled. Mrs Musgrove is satisfatisfyed for the loss of her Slave, and Tallapholiche has Reced the presents That the Trustees Ordered with great Thanks. 
 
Mr [John] West will be able to tell your Honours many particulars; especially that of Mr [Peter] Gordon and Mr [Joseph] Watson. He has promised to Shew you Mr Gordons Letter to him, a Coppy of which, I have sent the Trustees. It is impossible to express the Malignity that has arisen from that affair as well, at Carolina as here. 
 
I am sensible, that Malitious People invent Reproachfull Tales of me, But tho I am very Cautious of exposing the Reputation of those who come at the Trustees Expence, I shall never be afraid of punishing and threatening those Guilty of Crimes. 
 
The Refreshments of the Stores are justly distributed according to the Peoples Rights; And beyond that, nothing but their particular Merritt for publick Service, or Real Necessity recomends them. And I hope the health of the People will in a great Measure justifye the Care that has been taken, to have Sufficient of good Provisions. 
 
Mr Spangenberg239 had his Town Lott set out imediately after his Arrivall. They are very Industrious, have planted three Acres of Corn & Peas which thrives very well. 
 
Mrs [Elizabeth] Bland and her Son arrived at Charles Town. She was so frighted with idle Storeys, that I thought she would not have come near me. Her Son delivered me your Letter. I took Care to have his Lott imediatly sett out & Mr [Martin] Eversen Mr Spangenberg & he joyns together. The young man had no Servant, But there was a German family came with them for Purisburgh who desired to Settle here. As we had no power to grant Lotts The man has agreed to Serve Bland for Six months, and I am to provide him his wife & two boys upon the Store on Blands Account, for such Service till the Trustees pleasure be known. Which if you approve of, he hopes will be granted. As this was done for Assistance to Bland, I chose to Submitt it to your Honours Judgment in what manner to Represent it to the Trustees so that I may have particular Orders what to do. Mrs Bland is since come with her goods. I have taken a house for her, and advanced her a little money, But she is very troublesom to the whole Place and every one believes her to be mad.240 
 
Poor [William Johnson] Dalmas is Dead, and I have been much troubled to keep those People in Order, especially [Will] Headly who is now in Gaol for his repeated Disobedience to his Officer. He was ordered to make his Submission to his Officer and give Security for his good Behaviour. 
 
I am Sorry, that I have Still occasion to complain of the Conduct of too many of the Military Officers. As most of them are unskilled in Military Exercise, they Ridicule those who would Enforce it But are Ambitious enough, at the same time to Sett up the Military Power in Opposition to the Civill and will by no means think of it Conjuctively. 
 
My time is too Short to Relate one half of what I ought, But this shall be imediately followed by the first Oppertunity from Carolina. 
 
 
Elisha Dobree to Harman Verelst, July 8, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 174-175, Egmont 14201, pp. 117-118, containing general news about the colony. 
 
Sr 
 
Although I have not the Honn. to be Perticularly Acquainted with you I take the Freedom to Propose a Close, Familiar & Usefull Correspondence. Your Acceptance of it will Greatly oblige & be very delightfull to me. 
 
At this time this place is very Sickly, there are dead of Late 
 
Mr Joseph Cooper 
 
Johnson Dalmass 
 
Richard Cannon 
 
Samuel Penkyne 
 
John Musgrove 
 
Du Gardin & his wife 
 
Kelloway 
 
Francis Mugridge 
 
John Ambrose 
 
[John] Cadman 
 
Besides many others of less Note, Thomas Fawset & John Greedy are very Ill so is Doct. [Patrick] Telfair. I thank God that I have my health as well as ever I had in England. 
 
We have had 16 Indian Traders here to whom Licences have been Granted to trade in the Nations by Capn. [Patrick] Mackay. Most of them are returnd again. Few remains here. Mr. [James] Abercromby & Mr. [Isaac] Chardon arrivd this Day from Charles Town & talks of Returning back tomorrow. 
 
This Day the Guns were fird for Remembrance of Oppening the Court as on this day. 
 
I have little of News at present worth Acquainting you. There are about 70 Tons of Timber viz Live Oak gone with Capn [William] Thompson. I wish I were Acquainted with the value of it in England. I Could send great Quantities to any Friend you would Name. 
 
I wish you Could Supply me with two good Bricklayer Sawyers Plaisterers or Cooper Servants; tis they we want most at present. The Cost I would readily Pay to ye Captain & I would always Acknowledge this as an Exceeding Great Favour. 
 
Pray if you know of any News worth Comunicating I beg you will please to favour me there with & in anything I can serve you or any of your Friends please, Freely to Command. 
 
[P.S.] I have now sevl. hundred Orange Plants of My own Growth put in ye Ground last winter. 
 
I believe the Accounts youll receive from the Trustees store here will be very Imperfect according to my knowledge of them having Canvasd em over, & indeed I do not know how theyll be Approvd at home. 
 
One Article abt. Tybee Light house is a heavy one, some say  1500 sterling & hardly built above Ground; but this is no business of mine & therefore I stop short. I shall only add that a good Accomptant in the store would have been of use both to Masters & servant. 
 
Capt. Mackay the Agent for the Indian Affairs is preparing to set out for Alatahama & beyond it as far as St. Juan near Augustine to pry into the Motions of the Indians & Spaniards. 
 
 
Elisha Dobree to Benjamin Martyn, July 9, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 177-178, Egmont 14201, pp. 121-123, containing an offer of a general correspondence, applying for a position in Georgia, and giving general information about the colony. 
 
Sr 
 
As I am persuaded that The Honble The Trustees are desirous to know how this Colony goes on, & all Transactions here writen to them Frequently, I take the Freedom to Offer them my weak Services & on the Receipt of their Commands with Licence that my Letters may have Free Conveyance & not be Intercepted or Opend here, I will Endeavour that not the Least Shall Escape my Notice thats proper to write them & if Need be Copys Shall be sent em. My intent is to write without any Regard to Parties. 
 
I have often be told there was a Store of Indian Goods to be Opend here. I could wish The Honl The Trustees would please to Employ me in it. I have reason to think that I am as well Qualified for it as any in this Colony, having Since My Infancy been brought up to Merchandize & to the best Method of Book Keeping. 
 
I was the first Merchant Advanturer here but thro ye Knavery & Ill management of [Francis] Lynch who had my Concern in his hands I have been Reduced to Such a Degree that it had been well for me if I never had any thoughts of this Colony, but Since I am in it I would willingly Stay in hopes times may mend. I am not Strong Enough for a Sawyer or any hard working Trade wch at this time are much Preferable to a Penman. I beg youll Read this Letter to the Board & withall Aquaint them that no one Trader here has So well Observd their Orders in Relation to the Prohibition of Rum as I have done & always will do. Your Answer to this Letter & your Interest with The Honble The Trustees in my Favour will be ever Acknowledged & Endeavours to make Such othr Suitable Returns as ye Same Deserve. 
 
[P.S.] If there be no Store here for Indian Goods I beg the Honl Trustees would Favour me with an Employ in any of the Following 
 
 
If none of these are not to be Obtaind I humbly propose to the Trustees to Grant me ye Licence of an Indian Store in ye Next Town to ye Southward in ye Same manner as was Granted Mr [John] Musgrove here also Lotts (mine here being taken from me.) 
 
Yesterday Sailed hence Cap. [Willaim] Thompson & with him Mr [John] West & his Wife. 
 
I writ lately for Capt Mackay Sixteen Licences for the Indian Traders who are (Except three) returned Some in the Nation & others to Charles Town. 
 
They took to the value of abr  3000Currency of Goods from Mr [Patrick] Houston here, little or none from Mr [Samuel] Eveleigh. 
 
The Following Freeholders are Lately Dead here 
 
Joseph Cooper 
 
[Joseph] Cole 
 
Richard Cannon 
 
John Musgrove 
 
Samuel Penseyre 
 
DuGardin & his wife 
 
Francis Mugridge 
 
Kelloway 
 
John Ambrose 
 
Johnson Dalmass of Skidaway 
 
& Sundry others of Less Note. 
 
Thomas Fausset is Dangerously Ill. I thank God I have my health as well as ever I had in Great Britain. I chuse cool Liquors for my drink wch best agree with me. 
 
We Greatly wish for more people coming over to Strengthen this Place. 
 
Capt [Patrick] Mackay is preparing to go as far as St Juan near Augustine to Observe the Motions of the Spaniards. 
 
We have here a Skooner lately arrived from Jamaica for Mr [Samuel] Eveleighs. 
 
Mr [James] Abercromby & Mr [Isaac] Chardon Arrived here two days Since are gone to Purysburg & Expected here back again in few days. 
 
 
Andrew Millar to Harman Verelst, July 15, 1735, St. Clements [London], C.O. 5/637, pp. 189-190, concerning his brother Roberts search for plants in Jamaica. 
 
Sir 
 
You will be pleased to acquaint The Honble Trustees for Georgia That on Saterday last arrived a letter from my Brother241 to me dated Kingstown in Jamaica May 10. 1735 Wherein there is this paragraph I arrived here from Carthagena 2 or 3 days ago wt health and a poor purse having Spent about Seventy Pounds in a Journey up that Country in search of ye Ipecacuanha wc I at last found, after having like to have cost me my Life; The Trouble and fatigue I underwent in this Journay is inexpressible, but wth Joy I desire you may aquaint the Gentlemen of my Success in finding it, and the Bals Capivi. I shall write them more fully by next Ship, but this is an unexpected oportunity. The Master of the Ship is waiting for this, and it is now past eleven Oclock at night so that I have just time to send you this line. 
 
I came to Town [London] late last night else should have wrote you sooner to have acquainted the Gentlemen wt the above. 
 
This Quarter due at Midsummer I suppose the Trustees will have no scruple to order me,242 he being alive so near the time and I hope his diligence & Success will be agreeable to the worthy Members of yt Society. 
 
 
Walter Augustine to John Brownfield, July 17, 1735, Westbrook in Georgia, C.O. 5/636, pp. 311-312, concerning his desire for Oglethorpe in Georgia, his sawmill, and prospects for good crops. 
 
Sr 
 
This present time Affords but very Little news in our Province otherwise than Capt [Patrick] MacCoy & ye Indians with ye Indian Traders have been down and Carolina Grants Licences (as formerly) to Trade with ye Creeks under ye notion yt ye Southern parts beyond Our bounds of Altamaha River is Still belonging to theire government. And as farr as I Can Learn (my Informer not very Creditable) they Intend next Spring to Setle Som Traders on ye other Side of ye Abovsd River &c. We have had Sad doings here with Counterfeit money, it being Suposed twas utered by Ould Malishamp [William Mellichamp]. I had no less than 33 and am ye Loser of 18 without remedy. It is generally believed in Carolina (now Governour Johnson is Dead) yt Esqr Oglethorp will Come in Governour243 whome in Carolina it will be much feard in ye post. I joine my wishes with many more to See him once more in Georgia under ye hope of being then Remedyed in many injustices which now I Suffer. However As my Saw mill now being nere finishing then I hope to have An Interest undepending to those who preys on one anothers Substances. I have Laide out in the work 29 Sterling besides 10 Mr [Samuel] Mountague asisted me by way of Credit, and without Mr Loyd at ye Generall post Ofice Sends me ye Iron works I sent for I Shall Still be very much Wakened. If Mr Loyd should Incline to Come to Georgia I have in my Leter to him promised him ye Use of halfe my money for two or three years. Otherwise you are to Receive all as formerly Directed. I have no more to Say but I admire I Canot Receive as much as one Leter from you, it being a favour I beg youd Oblige me with ye next Oportunity you have. 
 
P. S. The people are in every Setlement at this time in a Tolerable good Health ye Town Excepted. My famyly Eight in Number was all together for 3 weeks Sik in ye flux and my sealfe Lame with ye Bite of a Dog in my Leg, but god be praised at this time and without any Loss are all in good Health and have a prospect of ye best Crop of Corn as has been known in ye memory of man. For ye Stalks in Generall Bear 3.4.5. 6 & 7 ears of full graines &c. 
 
 
Paul Amatis to the Trustees, July 24, 1735, received Sept. 24, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 180-184, Egmont 14201, pp. 145-148, concerning the Trustees Garden, silk production, and his complaints against Joseph Fitzwalter and Thomas Causton. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
I Received yesterday with a great deal of Pleasure your Letter of 12th May per Capt Yoakley who Arrived at Tybee the 21st Inst. By that Letter I see that your Honnrs had Reed the Box of Raw Silk wch I sent by him & that Sir Thos Lombe had began to Organize the Same. I am Glad that this Small Sample proves so well to his Satisfaction. This may Induce you to believe that I have Promised nothing but what I could perform. I dare Say and I have the Strongest reason for my assertion that I am able to bring Silk of the Growth of these Parts to a more Perfect Beauty & Goodness than the Sample whenever I shall be furnished with all things Necessary for that Purpose, and I defie any of the Fabricators of Piedmont to Produce better than I am able to do. 
 
The Satisfaction & pleasure this Undertaking of mine meeting thus with Success (thro the Blessing of God) must be to you I wants words or thoughts to Conceive. It is one of the Greatest Blessings in Trade, to be Expected from this Infant Colony & all the world may See now that your Intent & Projecting this Affair was not Chymerical, but Certain, built & Supported with the Strongest reasons, brought to pass, & attended with that Success that may Stop the Mouths of all Gainsayers & the Benefit The British Nation in Genl & this Colony in Perticular may reap from this Undertaking is obvious to any one who hath the Least Notion of ye Interest of both. 
 
For my Part My Chief wish & desire is that I may have the Happiness of that Satisfaction of having been the Instrument of Establishing So Beneficial a Manufacture, from that Principle of mine, that there is no greater Satisfaction than in doing Good to Mankind, Especially when whole Provinces & even Kingdoms are to Reap a General Benefit thereby. 
 
I intend to Send you per first Opportunity My Journal and I hope youll be so Good to Read the Same and give all due attention & regard to the Contents thereof. I desire that your Honours will Espouse My Interest & with so much Zeal as may obtain for me Some Satisfaction from the British Parliament in Consideration of the Study & Pains I have taken of So Beneficial a Branch as I have now brought to Some Perfection, wch, in few years may be Attended with the Greatest Benefit to the Nation. 
 
I Shall in the mean time do all I can to Transplant & put in the best order The Trees Plants &C & your whole Garden in General as I was ye Original Undertaker it would be no Small Satisfaction for me to See every thing there Prosper & do well. 
 
There are at present but two Servants Employd in your Garden & with So few tis Impossible to do any great matters. However I will do all that I possibly can for the Support of My Character & perhaps in Such Case I may be Obliged to Employ Some hired Men to help which will be Some Cost to yor Honrs, but this I do that you may have a Garden Pleasant Beautifull as well as Rich in its Productions for the Benefit in Genl of the Freeholders who may at the Same time have the Pleasure to walk there on Sundays & Holydays & there See ye Plants & Trees that may Expect as Soon as they have Cleard a Sufficient Quantity of Land. 
 
I cannot help putting you in mind of the Bills I have drawn on your Honours. If you dont order Punctual Payment of them I shall intirely thereby Loose my Credit, and this I Shall Reap for my Warm Zeal, for your Interest The Colony & the British Nation. 
 
You may See by my Accots Sent your Honours that I charge nothing but what is Just & Reasonable & to let me be Sufferer in such Case, would disable me from advancing any more of My Money, (having but little to Spare) wch Common Prudence would never Suffer me to Launch out any more to Serve & whole Nation, Unless a Trustee was here to answer whatever I Should in reason (& no more will I ever lay out) to Serve ye Colony. 
 
If your Honours are resolvd to go on in Improving Raw Silk & to have the Silk drawn & Prepared in the best manner, it will Cost Some Money, but in about Two Years The Mulberry Trees will be in the Greatest Forwardness & in that time may be Seen the Labour of Industry Shew it Self to Some Purpose than most, if not all the Families in this Province may be Supplyd with as many Trees as will be necessary for them and thus Old & Young, Small & Great will Reap that Innocent Pleasure of Gathering & Improving the Raw Silk. 
 
The Trees & Plants in your Garden Encrease prodigiously to which My Continual Care, Labour & Fatigue are not a little Contributing. I am there from Sun Rising to Sun Setting Meals Excepted. I am No Free Mason, nor a Member of any Clubb. I frequent No Dancing, neither do I Encourage any Caballs. I Live a Solitary Life like a Monk, let others Live as they Please. I think no greater Satisfaction in this Colony than keeping up my Character & Perform My duty to yor Honnr My Employers, & if all men here, were like me, there would not be So Much Vanity, & So Great Poverty as there is. 
 
I have Communicated your Letter to Mr Causton & Mr [Joseph] Fitzwalter. In relation to the Complain against me touching Mr [Roger] Lacy, both denies to have writen about it. I Stay till the Arrival of a Trustee to Sue in Court, those Whom I can find to have writ Such falsity of me. I have more than ten Credible Witnesses men of Probity & Credit, who will depose if Need be that in the time I was Accused of the Fact I was So Ill for 4 days as to keep my Bed, & 7 days unable to go to the Garden nor did I See in that time any of the Servants. Was I to do as others do Your Honours Might have reason to Complain. I will Still Insist that I have been Ill treated by Mr Causton & Mr Fitzwalter & no other of this Colony, for no Other reason than for my Earnest Zeal for ye Colony & in preventing the Servants from being Employd in Pleasuring to ye Prejudice of your Garden. 
 
P. S. Pray dont forget to Send me a good Number of Cuttings of Vines of all Sorts. 
 
 
Elisha Dobree to the Trustees, July 24, 1735, Savannah, received Sept. 24, 1735, C.O. 5/637, p. 186, Egmont 14201, p. 137, expressing his desire to please the Trustees. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
I am Favourd with Mr [Benjamin] Martyns Letter of 12th May last. I return you my hearty thanks for your kind Promise, relating to My Family, & to the Roots & Plants I desired. 
 
Whatever I may have writ formerly, its no Inducement to Continue so to do. I know now your Honnrs Pleasure wth wch I was not honourd before. And from So Salutary Advice, I will Steer my Course so as to give full Proofs, of my Earnest Endeavours with Sincerity, & truth, to give The Benefit of your Esteem, and Protection, & am wth the Greatest Respect. 
 
 
Thomas Causton to the Trustees, July 25, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/636, pp. 321-322, Egmont 14201, pp. 149-153, concerning Patrick Mackay and troubles of the Indian trade, counterfeiting currency, Indian relations, and various other matters.244 
 
May it please Your Honours. 
 
Captain [Patrick] Mackay having made up his Master Roll for his Company a Duplicate of which is enclosed; As also his whole Account of Incidents to the 1st of March last. I drew a Bill of Exchange on Your Honours Dated the 14th Instant at 30 days after Sight, payable to Paul Jenys Esqr and Comp. for 300  Sterling thereby to Enable them to pay Such Draughts as I should have Occasion to make on that head. 
 
With this comes a Continuation of my Cash Account with Attested Duplicates or Coppys of the Vouchers. 
 
I also Send a Coppy of a Letter, the Originall whereof was put into my hands by Messs Sterling to whom it is directed. 
 
The Deputy Governour of Carolina having Sent the Enclosed to Captain [Patrick] Mackay, He was desireous, that some men should be raised to assist him in the Execution of his Orders in the Indian Nation. I consulted with the Magistrates, and we Agreed to write the enclosed Letter, which I hope will meet with your Honours Approbation. 
 
I return you my humble thanks, for the Honour you have done me in Approving of my Conduct in [Joseph] Watsons affair. 
 
I shall ever think it my Duty to preferr Publick Safety to any private Interest. And if I am represented by any one, to Act in any case contrary to my Duty, I trust, That Truth the Comon Protection of all well intended Actions will be my Advocate. 
 
The Government of Carolina having resolved to give up the Pallachucola Fort, Discharge their Comander & men, And offer all the Store to the Care of the Magistrates for your Honours use; we though it necessary (being unexpected) to continue the same Comander and men Sett down in the enclosed till your Honours pleasure be known. 
 
By Repeated Advices from Carolina we were informed that some of their money Bills have been counterfeited, and that William Mellichamp and Lawrence his Son, were guilty, being detected at Wineyaw and were fled. We had information, by People here; that Richard Turner and Thomas Mellichamp (another Son) were likewise guilty; And that Turner had made a Rolling Press for that purpose. We took Severall Examinations on Oath, which amounted to a Strong Suspition, but no direct facts; therefore admitted them both to Bail. 
 
That as this Affair might occasion Some Reflections on the Colony, we thought it necessary to pursue the Guilty in the Strictest manner; And as it concerned Carolina very particularly, we judged it necessary to desire Mr [James] Abercrombys advice concerning the Prosecution. He came to us, and managed a Charge against Richard Turner and Thomas Millichamp before the Grand jury, and then returned back. The Grand jury returned themselves (Ignorant) as to that Charge. But presented Mellichamp the father and Richard Turned (1st) for Counterfeiting Sundry money Bills the Currency of South Carolina (2d) for uttering Sundry Counterfeiting Bills knowing the same to be so. (3d) for making a Rolling Press and Utensils for Counterfeiting such Bills. William Mellichamp (being fled) we tryed Turner, and he was acquitted of the two first Charges and found Guilty of the 3d which being supposed to be a Misdemeanor, he was fined 200 Sterling and comitted to Goal till payment was made. When this fine was laid And the Comitment Executed, Turner found, he was like to pay dear for his Enterprize, and his Employers be Acquitted. He and his Wife made a more full Discovery, So that a Grand jury being Sumoned they have Indicted William Mellichamp and Thomas Mellichamp for forging the Names and writing of the Subscribing Commissioners to severall money Bills. Thomas Mellichamp upon Intelligence of this, also fled. 
 
We have Issued a Warrant upon these Indictments to Seize on the Lands and Effects of William and Thomas Mellichamp to your Honours use; In Case they shall be found Guilty of the Fact or Outlawed. But shall not proceed to a Confiscation without your Honours Orders. 
 
In Regard to this Discovery, and to prevent as much we could the Ruin of a family, who are judged to be well recomended to your Honours and (till now) had maintained a pretty good Character; We thought it would not be disagreeable to your Honours to Enlarge his Confinement, in Such a manner as he might be capable of Supporting himself and Family by his Labour. 
 
We have accordingly given him the Liberty of the Town and apointed Edward Jenkins and Joseph Fitzwalter to be his Keepers, with Power of Restraint if he Attempts to Escape or Act contrary to his Enlargement. 
 
I have paid Mrs [John] Musgrove, for another Indian Servant she has bought of a Trader in the Stead of her Servant Justus.245 
 
Esteeche is reconciled to Mrs Musgrove and his People, I explained to him your Honours Orders in the presence of Tomochachi, And he shewed a proper concern for his Mishaps; mixt with an Agreable pleasure for a reconciliation. 
 
Tallapholeechi has accepted very gratefully of your Honours favour to him, and his Relations. But they of his family being the Chief Sufferers by the Spanish People, (as mentioned in my Letter of the 4th instant) He is gone to Seek revenge, And has told Mrs Musgrove, that he would not fetch the goods you gave him, till he returned. 
 
I have paid Mr [Edward] Jenkins Mr Henry Parker and his Brother fifty pounds Currency in equall Portions, as a Reward for Retaking the Murderers of Mr [William] Wise. 
 
Your Comands of the 15th of May are arrived per Yoakley, which I will take care to Execute. 
 
Mrs Musgrove has removed all her Store to the Cow Pen. and has promised an Obedience to your honours Orders about Rum. 
 
The Caper Plants are safe arrived, and are delivered to Mr [Joseph] Fitzwalter to be planted and managed according to the directions of which he has a Coppy. The Madder Roots are dead, But If your Honours could procure another Parcell I would take care of some myself, having proper ground cleared for that plant. 
 
I return your Honours Thanks for the Servants, sent by this Ship and all other your favours, and hope to manifest my Gratitude by my Actions. 
 
Mr Johnson Dalmas being Dead. I placed those Servants under the Care of Mr Fitzwalter to be employed in the Garden. I shall very gladly answer the Complaints which Mr [Peter] Gordon, and others have thought to make against me not Doubting of a just Determination; And in the mean time, will (as in Duty bound) pursue the necessary measures for preserving the publick peace and Execute the Office of your Store Keeper, with as much justice Integrity and Humanity as I am Capable of. 
 
The people are in a good State of health. The Illness mentioned in my last, is at an end, and was occasioned by Colds taken in the Excessive heats wch was in the Months of May and June. In July the heat abated, & this has been the Coolest month this Year, that ever was known. 
 
The Harvest is likely to be much better tban Expected; having had plenty of Rain, So that the Late Corn and Peas flourish very well. Many people seem so desireous of improving Land, that now there is a Real Prospect of Supporting themselves. 
 
Mr John Thompson (who came per Yoakley) seems to like this place, but is resolved to live by the Law, therefore is gone to Charles Town having first sold his Servt. 
 
There is one Adams per profession & Butcher; be came per Yoakley, and is desireous of a Lott; and he stays here in hopes of your Honours Grant which he says he has wrote to Mr Hathcote for. 
 
We have now reced the Enclosed, wch is Coppy of an Answer to the Letter sent to the Deputy Governour of South Carolina from the Magistrate here.246 The jealousys of some in that Province about loosing the Indian Trade is made use of to Raise and publickly to declare Animositys towards us from thence. The Enclosed Affidavits is all (that we can discover) they ground their Jealousys on.247 
 
We were talking of this Affair when Mr [James] Abercromby was here. He askt me, what Instructions the Majestrates had concerning the Indian Trade. I told him, none concerning the Trade, therefore would not meddle about it. But that if Mr [Patrick] Mackay was Attackted in the Nation we had Orders to raise 50 men to Assist him (if needfull). That when those Orders were given (I believed) that none thought he would be disturbed by any But such who were Enemys to all his Majestys Subjects. But if he was opposed in the Execution of his Instructions, and thereby the Publick Peace was broken, In Duty to Your Honours, I would Support him and maintain the Peace So farr as I was able. 
 
As to the pretended Authority of locking up the Swords of Our Militia Officers who have Commissions from Mr Oglethorp; We Depend upon Your Honours Resentment in Such Manner as you shall think fitt. I shall ever Endeavour to Demonstrate that. 
 
 
Isaac Chardon to Thomas Causton, July 25, 1735, Charles Town, C.O. 5/637, pp. 276-277, concerning his drafts on the Trustees. 
 
Sir, 
 
By Capt Yoakley who came off our Barr ye 20th Instant, I reced Letters of the 10th & 12th of May last from my friend Mr [Peter] Simonds of London Mercht in whose favour I have been always obliged to make those Bills of Exchange payable, wch I have hitherto drawn upon the Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia, fearing they might be protested. And its what would have Inevitably happened if I had not done so, as it plainly appears to me since; for this Gentleman confirms to me that many of my Drafts lay heavy upon him, for their not being discharged by the Honble the Trustees. There is at this time between 12 and  1500 Sterling unpaid, as I informed you when I had the pleasure of seeing you last, I not only hereby run the Risque of disobliging my best friends in this world Mr Peter Symond, but also my reputation and Character as a person in trade, my chief dependance being on this money to discharge my just Debts due unto my severall Imployers in London. To me, its certainly a matter of the Utmost consequence; to avoid therefore the Evil which must naturally attend such Irregular Proceedings, And as we are now daily to expect a happy Sight of our good friend Mr Oglethorpe (whom I pray and wish may be our Governour so well as yours) who doubtless will clear up all those seeming Misterys to me, at his arrivall. I Beg and must insist, that you make no more Drafts upon me, untill that time, for I cannot resolve to pay them before I am better satisfyed in my Affairs. I shall be obliged to you will let me know what Drafts you have made upon me Since the first of last June. 
 
 
Thomas Christie to James Oglethorpe, July 31, 1735, Savannah, received Dec. 6, 1735, C.O. 5/636, pp. 325-326, Egmont 14201, pp. 161-162, concerning complaints against him, his desire to move to the frontier, counterfeiting, the Indian trade, and the disolute life of Elizabeth Malpas. 
 
Honrd Sir 
 
I had the Honr to receive yors by Capt Yoakly as to the Complts of [Joseph] Whatson & others agst me for selling of Rum & taking a shillg for a Warrant & a shilling for the Returne. Yor Honr will be soon convinced that they are the Effects of Malice & proceed rather from my adhering to the Laws punishing Offenders & strictly pursueing the Honbe Trustees directions. 
 
Their great Indulgence in regard to Us as to the Servants & the continueing of Provisions is the more agreeable & surprising since it is what they did not look for or Expect. 
 
As to persevering in Unanimity wth Mr Causton for the support of Order & Government I have at all times & on all Occasions strictly pursued that Maxim & Indeed the Colony cod not have Enjoyed much peace or Credit withot it. The many surprising Attempts made to disturb the peace of the Colony & the irregular life of many of Its Inhabitants has required Our utmost Effort. 
 
I cod now heartily wish the Trustees wod relieve me in my Office & permit me to sell my Improvemts here & settle on some part of the frontiers where I might signalise myself by doing some Extraordinary Service to ye Colony. 
 
I own I have been wanting in my constant Advices to the Trustees but as that has been taken up by Mr Causton & Executed so well & Indeed out of my power in a great measure. I hope they will be so good as to Excuse it. I have here Inclosd Our Proceedings agst [William] Mellichamp & [Richard] Turner for counterfeiting the Current Bills of the Province of S. Carolina & as Mr [Samuel] Montagut has desired a Copy of Our Judgment in relation to some Bills between him Mr [John M] Bolsius & Mr Groneau of Purisburgh I have sent ye same here. I refer to Mr Caustons letter in relation to Our Letter to the Govr of Charles Town his Answr & the Complaints levyed agst Capt. [Patrick] Mackay. 
 
The Indian Trade to this Colony seems to be of the utmost consequence & Yet as a War seems unavoidable the Cultivating a good understandg wth the people of Carolina is highly necessary, especially in the Indian Nation Where the french & Spaniards will not fail to take advantage of any difference there & to Influence the Indians against Us. 
 
The Colony seems to be very peacable & Quiet & likely to continue so. 
 
One Wm Buley of Clear Market & Elizh Malpas born at the Duke of Devonshire Seat at Chutsworth who lived since wth Capt Lingham in Delahaye street near Story gate & came over wth this last Embarkation as passengers in Capt Yoakly Ship as Man & Wife & She being convicted of lyeing between two fellows naked & leading a dissolute life was Ordd Sixty Lashes at the Cart tail & to be carrd through Bull street & back again wch was Executed accordingly & The Man who brot her over as his wife is Ordd to give Security & bound over to his good behavior during his stay in this Colony. 
 
I Beg the Continuance of yor Honrs Protection. 
 
P.S. We hear that Tho. Millichamp is taken in Carolina in One Underwoods Barn together wth One Morgan of Charles Toown who was lately up here wth Cyder & Rum. They were takeen wth sevl Counterfeit Ordrs & Bills on them together wth all their Utensils & engraving Tools & are now in Irons in Charles Town Goal in Ordr to be tryed. 
 
 
Dumont to Thomas Coram in London, Aug. 5, 1735, Rotterdam, C.O. 5/637, pp. 194-195, concerning a French baker, Giles Becu248 and his desire to leave Georgia. Translated from the original French. 
 
Sr 
 
I must have recourse to your Charity (which is known to me) in favour of a French Baker, Called Becu. About two years agoe he went from hence to South Georgia, with the Saltzburghers, who Embarked here at Rotterdam, and left out of the vessel, his wife and two Children finding them very troublesome. He wrote me from Savannah a long letter wherein he deplored his misery, to be with Lutherians without the Exercise of his religion and without hopes of being able to reunite with his familly or ever be in a Condition to maintain them. 
 
Tho He does not doubt if he had a permission to goe to Charles town or Purisburgh, but he might be able to gett a tollerable maintenance, as well as for his wife and Children, who are here at the Charge of the French Deaconship. We coud willingly wish Sir to discharge ourselves of this Burthen and procure Mr Mr Becu the liberty he so much wishes for. 
 
I believd the only sure method was to pray you to wait on My Ld Oglethorp Gouvr of Georgia to obtain of his Ldship (who is indued with so much Piety and Clemencey) that he woud permitt the sd Mr Becu to go to any one of the Collonies of North America. If (to purchase this liberty for him) he must have one or two Guineas I beg Sir you woud advance them & I will order them to be paid you in London or wherever you please. Our Consistory will pay them here to our Friend Mr Furly. Permit me to Present my most humble respects to my Ld Oglethopr and the ardent Prayers I make for his Preservation which are no less fervent for yours. 
 
 
Benjohan Furly to Harman Verelst, Aug. 9, 1735, Rotterdam, C.O. 5/637, p. 191, concerning wearing apparel and housestuff sent to Verelst. 
 
Sir 
 
This onely serves for Cover to the Inclosed Bill of Lading for 2 Chests SC No 1.2. on board the Duke of Richmond Capt John Cranwell consigned to you by order of Mr Steph. Crellius who by what I can perceive by his Lr designs to be here in few days I wish them Safe to you. 
 
[P. S.] My Most humb Service pray to my worthy ffrd [Friend] Capt. Coram. 2 Chests of wearing Apparel & Household Stuff Freight 12s. 
 
 
Nick Spence to Trustee Adam Anderson in London, Aug. 11, 1735, Edinburgh, C.O. 5/637, p. 287, concerning support fora Scots minister in Georgia. 
 
Sir 
 
There having been this day laid before the General Meeting of the Society for propagating Christian Knowledge, A Report of their Committee of Directors upon the Subject of a Letter they received from you, of date the 22d July past, Touching a proposal of sending a Missionary Minister having the Irish Language to Georgia, for the benefit of a New Colony of Scots Highlanders, to be sett up there, Which Minister is to be maintained upon the Cost of this Society.249 This project is very well liked here, And tho the Societys funds are much burdened with the great Expence of maintaining Schools in the Highlands, Yet the Advantages which probably will follow upon the Societys Embracing this Opportunity of Spreading the Gospel in forreign parts, Has induced them very Chearfully to Approve of the proposal, And that a Matter of such Moment, and which so much tends to answer the design of this Societys Erection, may not be protracted. The General Court have given full powers and Instructions to their Committee to receive any Applications that shall be made to them by the Honourable Trustees for Georgia, To agree with a proper person for being sent to the said Colony, And to grant such person a Commission & Recommendation with a Suitable Salary or Annual Allowance for his Service there. The Committee will afterwards acquaint you, that its the Resolution of the Society here, that the Commission & Instructions to the Missionary for Georgia, be Similar to these given to the Societys Missionarys in New England. And it will be found likewise necessary, That the Society have some Correspondents in Georgia, But as to this you will be pleased to Consult the Honourable Gentlemen, Mr Oglethorpe, William Belitha Esqr and the Revd Doctor [Stephen] Hales and others of our Correspondents. Please acquaint those Gentlemen that their Recommendation of this affair, has had its due Weight with the General Meeting, At whose Appointment This is signifyed to you. 
 
 
Philip Delegal to James Oglethorpe, Aug. 14, 1735, Fort Frederick, S. C., C.O. 5/637, pp. 200-201, thanking Oglethorpe for helping his son. 
 
Honble Sr 
 
I recievd the Letter you Honourd me with dated ye 16th of May Last, with the Agreeable News of the Preferment that you was so Generously Pleased to get of His Majesty for my Son. I take leave to gieve you my Hearty thanks for so Great a Favour. I have not Words Sufficient to Express my Self how much I am Obligd to Your Honour. I shall always seek all Oppetunities to Acknowledge with all the Gratitude in my power. I have acquainted Mr Causton according to your desire. If it should Happen any Disturbance in the Coloney & that he gives me timely Notice I shall be ready to do him all ye Service in my Power both by acting & Threatning ye Mutineers, notwithstanding that I am Directly under the Command of the Governour of South Carolina, no man being more Willing to serve the Colony than my self. I do not think it Proper to ask the Governours Aprobation in assisting your Colony upon so Critical a times by reason there is a dispute between the South Carolinas Agent & the Indian nation and your Agent about the Trade but as soon as I found Oportunity I shall not Fail to write to him, wishing for nothing more than to be Able to gieve you the Most Convincing Proof Thereof. 
 
P.S. My Son is at this Present in the Country or else he would done himself the Honour to have wrote to you. 
 
 
Paul Amatis to the Trustees, Aug. 15, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 203-204, Egmont 14201, pp. 165-167, concerning his brother and the Camuses leaving Georgia and his work in the garden. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
Yesterday I received the Favour of yours of the 30th April, having already Answered that of ye 12th May as may be seen by the Inclosed Copy of mine of ye 24th July. My Brother Nicholas Amatis having Acted Contrary to My Orders & against your Interest & mine I have been Constrained to discharge him of your Service. I beg as a Favour that you will have no Regard to him nor to what he may Say against me. Its Certain if I would Sue him; it might intirely ruin him, but I chuse that there be no manner of Notice taken of him, Unless he Spreads false Reports against my Person & Character. In Such Case I beg Youll please to have it writ down that I may Justify my Self by Letters. 
 
The Family of Camuse behaves themselves very Ill towards me. I am obliged to make em come before the Magistrates to make em prove what they have writen against me & I hope The Magistrates will Punish them as they deserve. By first Opportunity I shall Communicate to yor Honnours ye Ground of our Difference, wch was partly for having Stopt My Brother & the Family of Camuse at Port Royal by a Warrant having recd an Express from My Corespondt there that My Brother and that Family were on their departure to return home. I hope youll be so good to write to the Magistrates to take no manner of Notice of that Family Unless I do them wrong or that I do not Supply them with their Usual Provisions. I beg youll be persuaded that I Shall take all the Care I possibly can for your Interest & that with ye Blessing of God I shall bring about to Some Perfection My Undertaking for my Glory & your Satisfaction. I begin to take Some Pleasure & to Enjoy Some Satisfaction Since I have received your two Letters & I hope that hereafter youll Read no more Complaints in My Letters. Those that Used to make me Uneasy Seem to be Reconciled at Least to outward Appearance, & in Return for your Goodness I do my Duty in ye Garden with a great deal of Pleasure & Satisfaction for ye Common Interest of yor Colony. 
 
As I have had but Two of your Servants for a Long time to work in your Garden, I have been obliged to hire four others at  10 Currancy per Month together with the Provissions from the Store. This I do to put your Garden in ye best order I can before a Trustee arrive here that he may at his Arrival find something in Savannah that may Please him. I hope to depart hence for London the Latter End of January. I shall then have the Honnr to tell you my Mind by word of Mouth in relation to ye Raw Silk. Theres no doubt of meeting with Success & in ye Utmost Perfection as well as in any part of ye Universe. I always recomend myself to your Gracious Favour, whatever you please to order I shall always be ready to Obey. I Expect in the Fall to give The Freeholders many Thousand Fine Mulberry Trees to be Transplanted. While they Improve their Lands for that Purpose they shall want no Trees. Let em do their Part and I Shall not be wanting on mine. 
 
 
John Thompson250 to the Trustees, Aug. 20, 1735, Abercorn, C.O. 5/637, pp. 206-208, concerning his illness and desire for employment. 
 
Your honours pettioner humbly Sheweth 
 
Whereas the last four or five Years of my dwelling in England I was employed as a Clark to a Refinery of Lead & Copper (at the Works adjoyning to Sr John Thompsons Grainneryes in the parrish of Rotherhith) untill such time as the Work were broak up by Death. The last of which years I was three times poysoned by Lead Ashes as the doctor that dwells over against mr Taylers Yard in Queen Street in the above said parrish can Testifie upon Oath. The last of which poyson affected my nerves in and after such a manner that even now if I stoop but little or stir much for a time I loose my Eye Sight & the Use of limbs in a moment attended likewise by a Violent Vomiting which renders me incapable of working in the Ground to mine or my famelyes advantadge as I am desireous of. However I have near a quarter of a mile of my lott Cleared & do believe diligence & industery attended with the blessing of heaven would soon hand in comfortable Supply but my disorder much increasing upon me renders me wholy insufficient any longer for the performance of the same besides haveing in my first Setting out in the World lost my Substance & paying a way the utmost farthing to my Creditors, come over hither uncapable of buying me a Servant or Servants (to Suply my defect) or even Cattle or hoggs for the comfort of my family. All the favour that I can presume to Crave of your honours is that I may be permitted to dwell in the Town of Savannah that I may be able once more to geett my bread by my pen or any other way that God in his Wisdom Shall think fitt. Yr honours will find me registied (as Wrighting master in the parrish of St Olives Soothwork) in the Bishops Court to which this parrish belongs, & had continued to this day in the Same in all probability where it not that I was perswaded to lay it down for a place of much more advantage in the English Church at amsterdam in Holland, which proving Abbortive is & has been the means under God of bringging me hither to this Country which may well be termed the Garden of the World, which I doubt not but by the Wisdom of your honours & Just Administration of will soon render this Excellent priovince formidable boath at home & abroad & the bullwark of his Majesties Imperial dominions in these parts. That this may be happily efected is the Sincear desire & prayer. 
 
The Rev. Samuel Quincy to Harman Verelst, Aug. 28, 1735, Savannah, received Dec. 6, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 212-213, Egmont 14201, pp. 169-171, concerning Joseph Watsons trial and the lack of any conspiracies in Georgia. 
 
Sir 
 
I did my Self the Honr of Writing to the Board by Capt [William] Tompson in Answer to one I recd from you, wc was abt 6 Months from the date of it before it came to hand; I Shd not otherwise have been guilty of such unpardonable Rudeness as to have delayd Writing so long. I am very sorry that my Acct of Mr [Joseph] Watsons Tryal shd be displeasing to the Gentn. It was not wrote out of any Prejudice to the Person complained of, or Delight that I take in saying ill-natured things. I heartily wish that Mr Causton had merited a good Character, & Shd have given it him wth the greatest Pleasure; but I have been a close Observer in the Affair of Watson, & am very certain that when Caustons Proceedings agt him come to be strictly inquird into, they will be found far from commendable. But ye Proof of things must be left till we have the Happiness of some one over here to do Justice amgt us, in Expectation of wc the Colony is at present very easy. 
 
Mr [John] West, who I hope is long since arrivd in Captn Thompson, will inform the Gentn fully of Affairs here, & therefore I need not trouble them wth a long Acct. But I must bare this Testimony to ye Colony in general, that the Freeholders have behavd themselves very quietly and peaceably, & if they have been represented to have done otherwise, it will appear upon Examination to be a false & malicious Representation. There has been no one Mutinous Action in the Colony besides that of [Francis ?] Mugridges breaking the Prison, when he was assisted to it by [John] Musgrove, wc certainly was a Fault, tho ye Cause for wc he was committed, as I have heard it was not just. But as for Plots & Conspiracies to destroy the Colony or the like, I am very certain no Freeholder has been concernd in them; & indeed Mr Causton has frequently to me & others declared yt he believed the same. The Conspiracy that alarmd us some time since, was hatchd by a few Irish Transports, & some Vagabonds of like Acct who were then under Confinemt & not in a Capacity to do any Hurt tho their Wills might be good. I mention these things, because I very much suspect, by a Letter I have reed from a Friend, that several honest People lie under the Imputation of Conspirators, or being joined wth Conspiratrs Who wd abhor any such thing. But these Matters, I doubt not, will be thoroughly brought to Light, & the Blame fall where it is due. 
 
I desire the Favr of you Sir, to inform the Honble Trustees, that I find it will not suit well wth my Affairs to stay longer here than next Spring, & therefore beg their Leave to return Home in that Time. I have wrote several Letters to my Wife, & sollicited her to come over wth her Family; but find her very unwilling to it, & desirous that I shd return. It wd be in vain to urge her too much agt her Inclination, because then She wd probably be uneasy here. I do not propose setting out till some time in March, which will allow sufficient time for the Gentn to provide, & send one over in my Room. If while I am here I can be of any Service in sending the Honble the Trustees such Informations as they desire, I shall readily obey their Commands. 
 
 
Philip George Frederick Von Reck to James Oglethorpe [?], Aug. 1735, (N.S.), Ratisbonne, C.O. 5/637, p. 250, concerning Carinthien women and children who wish to join their husbands and fathers and emigrate to America. Translated from the original French. 
 
Sir, 
 
I have received on the 5th instant, N.S., the letter which you have done me the honour to write, and along with it the credit for  100 Sterling, but as the departure of the transport depends yet upon the favourable resolution that we are expecting by Mr Robinson of the Court of Vienna, to obtain for the Carinthien women and children the liberty of joining their husbands and fathers, I cannot yet send an exact list, so I will draw nothing upon the note, not being able to set out until after that junction. Not having yet had a response to two letters which I have sent to Mr Robinson, I know not what course this affair has taken, or will take. 
 
I am very desirous, however, of soon having an occasion to merit in some manner the gracious resolutions which it has pleased the very honourable Gentlemen, the Trustees, to take for my establishment in Georgia, and to make evident that I am not lacking in the desire to willingly serve them, but that I am effectually, with infinite gratitude, with ardent zeal, and with profound respect. 
 
 
The Revs. John Martin Bolzius and Israel Christian Gronau to Trustee James Vernon, Sept. 1, 1735, Ebenezer, read Dec. 10, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 218-220, Egmont 14201, pp. 177-178, thanking him and the Trustees for their kind attentions and reporting things generally good among the Salzburgers. 
 
Most Honoured Sir, 
 
By your reiterated favours, you was pleased to shew us in your letter of the 13th of April last, we are emboldened once again to trouble you with these humble lines, tho we know very well, that your weighty affairs, you undergo to the Welfare of the Publick and Church, will not give you much leisure time to read over such letters. The contents of your letter were so grateful & pleasant to us, that we could not forbear to make them known to all our Saltzburghers, that they might share in the pleasure & good advices, we have received by them. And we beg the favour to as sue you, that the people was not a little overjoyd on account of your very great favour to them as well as of the comfortable expressions, which were very fit to encourage then in suffering with patience all the incommodities true Christians & the first Settlers of a Colony meet with commonly. Our great Benefactors have made hitherto such incommodities as easy as possible they could by furnishing them all, what they wanted viz. their victuals, tools & many more necessary things. And since we have marks enough of the continuance of their favours to them, it makes us rejoice & bring the sacrifices of our humble thanks and intercessions to Almighty God for the prosperity of those generous Benefactors. We find the people very well contented with all what the Honourable the Trustees please to resolve about their land, which happened indeed barren, firmly believing that good God, who provided his people in the wilderness with the necessaries of this life, will bless their earnest Work insomuch, that they may gain their victuals in sweat of their face, tho most every body of English people trouble & discourage them by their talkings of their unhappy Settlement. We long very much after the safe Arrival of our dear beloved Father, Mr Oglethorpe, who will and can bring all things among us to such an order, as will be profitable to us. And being informed by Mr Causton and other Gentlemen at Savannah, that Mr Oglethorpe is expected next time in this Colonie, we could not shew our humble Respects in writing to him, but hope to do it shortly in person. The Saltzburghers are all, except some persons, in good health, & work earnestly; however they will be double diligent, if they should know, whether they should be removed to an other place or no. To perform their calling in regard both to Christianism & oudward business, is their greatest pleasure, as our dear Benefactors will find it by experience in time to come. Their Cattle, you was pleased to mention of, make to the people a very great pleasure being brought up to have Cattle, and to make use of them. All the Cattle, we received by Care of Mr Causton, are in life except two heads, that are dead, and one is shot by the Indians. For the two boys, the Trustees were pleased to send to our service, we return many thanks. They are not so well-natured & obedient as [Henry] Bishop, but we hope, they will be brought to good order by the holy word of God & other good means. We dare not presume to trouble you further; wherefore we leave you & your weighty Affairs to the protection of merciful God, & us with our flock to your farther paternal Affection & Favour. 
 
[P.S.] Mr. [John] Vat presents his humble service to you, and we both to Capt. Coram. 
 
 
The Rev. Samuel Urlsperger to the Rev. Henry Newman, Sept. 1, 1735 (N. S.), Augsburg, C.O. 5/637, pp. 215-216, telling of Austrians and Salzburgers about to leave for Georgia and enclosing a list of the settlers.251 Translated from the original French. 
 
Hond & Dear Sr, 
 
Mr [Philip]de Reck, the Agent, arrived here yesterday evening with 16 Austrians; Twenty Saltzburgers will join them. They will all leave together Monday next for Frankfort. Enclosed is the list of these people; although, to all appearances, it will be increased by a few more whom we are expecting every day. I will mail you at once on their arrival a more accurate list. 
 
It is a pity that the Imperial Court has not taken any resolution regarding the Carinthians; Mr de Reck is forced to set out without them. I see, too, by the last letters from Lusatia that the Bohemians cannot make up their minds to go to Georgia without a minister to preach the Gospel to them in their own tongue; for they do not understand German. You will see this by the enclosed copy of the letter from Lusatia. So far as I can see, it is a question of the Trustees agreeing to take several hundred Bohemians on the same conditions as the Saltzburghers, giving them a minister who understands Bohemian, and interesting themselves at the court of Saxony on behalf of the Lipperda mentioned in the above letter. I see in the matter many difficulties on every side and much expense. The transport that is leaving will carry some 40 passengers, including the agent and his brother. 
 
May God be mindful of his suffering servants! 
 
P. S. Having nothing to add more than the assurance of my respects as also those of Mr [James] Vernon and Mr Oglethorpe, I beg you to delay the boat and give these gentlemen and Mr Simonds the list of emigrants. 
 
RECK. 
 
 
 
 
Thomas Causton to the Trustees, Sept. 8, 1735, Savannah, received Dec. 6, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 221-222, Egmont 14201, pp. 181-185, sending accounts and reporting the province generally quiet and healthy, problems at Tybee and Skidoway, scouting to the southward, a method to keep debtors out of prison, enforcement of the rum law, the harvest, and the marriage of the Rev. John Martin Bolzius. 
 
May it Please Yor Honours. 
 
Captain [Patrick] Mackay being at Port Royall when I dispatcht my Last Letters, I had not the Opportunity to get his Attestation to his Muster Roll and Accounts in the Manner I intended, therefore, was obliged to Omitt it. 
 
I have now sent that whole Acct and the Vouchers; Also Mr Woodwards former and Later Accounts, which last Acct is the Perticular advice and contains the Value of a Bill of Exchange drawn on Your Honours for the Sume of Sixty nine pounds Sixteen shillings & three pence dated the 12th of August last. 
 
Affairs of the Province are generally very quiet; And the People very Healthy. The particular Account of Improvements now Sent, will I hope excuse my pointing out the most Indolent; And Your Honours may be very certain, That I have endeavoured to give Encouragement to the Industrious, tho perhaps, Sometimes their other Behaviour has obliged me to show a necessary Authority; In both which Cases, I have endeavoured to avoid partiality. 
 
As I now daily expect Your Honours Speciall Comission will arrive I trust, that I shall (at least) be vindicated with regard to my publick Conduct, tho I despair, of having that Satisfaction from my Accusers (due to me) In Repairacon of the Damage, They by their wicked reports have done me, in my Private Interest, both here and in England. 
 
Hitherto, I have been Silent, with Regard to Tibee and Skidowa Settlemts. They have both been Repeatedly advised, encouraged and Cautioned as Occasion served by me; and sometimes, by the Magistrates. 
 
As to Tibee, the first Settlers being mostly Dead, I have given an Encouragement, for such to work there, as [William] Blithman has desired from time to time, Some of whom have a Desire to become Setlers there. But because I found, that by Blithmans Managemt the Work252 grew very Expensive: I discharged all the Men, who did not intend to abide there, So that there now remains, only those, who have a Desire to Settle. By doing so, I thought the Originall Strength of that Settlement was supported and the work continued. I have directed a Report to be made of that work, pursuant to Your Honours Orders & shall Send the Particular Accounts with it. 
 
As to Skidowa, They have been in generall so idle, that I believe some of them, after all your Honours favours, and the constant Assistance I have never failed to give them, will endeavour to Desert. Captain [William] Ferguson is now here, and has intimated this to me, as his Suspition; The Magistrates have therefore given him Authority to pursue and Seize any of them so deserting or Attempting to desert. But tho the Real Industry of these Settlements must soon be unavoidably Seen to their Discreditt, I hope here will be found others who by a late Behaviour will in some Degree Avoid your displeasure. The Constables and Tythingmen have lately frequented a Military exercise, and are more diligent in that Duty. 
 
Thomas Mellichamp whom I mentioned in my Last to be Indicted for forgery and fled from hence is taken in the fact and all his Implements with him; He was taken in Carolina, and is in the Charles Town Goal. 
 
Captain [William] Ferguson in his last Scout to the Southwd had the Misfortune to have one of his Men fall dangerously ill & is since Dead, So that he returned sooner than he intended without making any Discovery. Tomochachi, the boy Tooanahowi, Hillispilli, Tallahummi, Umpichi, and Histanloppi returned the 18th of August, and brot the following Account vizt 
 
Tomochachi Says, That he and the Boy was beyond St Simons and Saw an Indian Man. The Boy ran, for fear of being killed. They lett the Man pass, and believe he did not see him. That Histanloppi saw another Indian Man the same day; And Tallahummi was out late, and they feared he was killed, but he came home, and then they all came away, believing a great Party might be there. That he Supposes, those Indians were on the Scout, for if they had been hunting they should have heard Guns. They saw no Settlement or any Boats. 
 
The Magistrates held a Town Court on the 23d of August wch was one of the Six weeks Courts, and there are no Courts held at other times, But on particular Occasions. As many Actions are taken out, And the Debts which the people contract with each other, must unavoidably throw some of them into Goal, The Magistrates to avoid so melancholy an Appearance, questioned every one who owed money, & had Action against them, how far, they were able to discharge their Debts, some of whom, not being at present able, agreed to a Method of payment, which is set forth in the enclosed Order. Which I now lay before Your Honours in hopes; that tho we have not Power to deny Actions against any One (as is therein mentioned) You will nevertheless approve of this Method or direct some other to answer the same purpose; Since on the One hand, going to Goal cannot pay Debts So on the Other hand, it can be no Damage to a future Creditor, who shall be so Imprudent as to Trust any man, whose Circumstances are thus made publick. The Magistrates are of Opinion, that something of this nature is necessary in regard, that there is too great an Inclination among the People to gett into Debt, which I fear, will prove fatall to some. 
 
The Prohibition of Rum is pursued by the Magistrates with all possible diligence, And that Your Honours orders, might have Effect, they lately Ordered, that the Constables on Guard should comand all Pettiaugoes and Boats of Traffick to come to a Grapling and imediately Report their Loading and Consignaments, And that nothing should be delivered over the Boats side without his Permitt. And He to make Report of all such Matters to the Magistrates, when his Ward had finisht their Guard turns. Notwithstanding this, I had information, that one Morgan from Charles Town had publickly landed severall Casks of Rum. I went myself and Seized Six Barrills and placed a Centinell. The Magestrates mett, in the Town house, and ordered the Guard under Arms to Attend, And having examined Morgan about the Matter, It was very plain, the Officer, had neglected his Duty, and having condemned the Liquor, Ordered [John] Coats then upon Duty, to take Assistance and Stave it. He soon returned, and Said, he could gett none to Assist him, and he was Unable to do it himself. I charged him, and two or three others to follow me, and I and Mr Recorder went to the House, turned out the People who was gathered thither, And without any Opposition, I Staved one myself, and Mr Recorder Staved another. The Suffering men, begged hard, and declared his Poverty, which I had reason to beleive was true. Therefore the Magistrates agreed to let him carry the Remainder back again. 
 
The Harvest is now Begun, and many of the People have begun to bring their Corn to the Magazine to be placed to their Respective Accounts and we are in hopes of some Encouragement for what they can spare, in the Price, In Regard to the present price of Labour and the badness of the Roads. Mr [Roger or James] Lacey of Thunderbolt has just now informed me, that he shall Raise a Thousand Bushells of Corn Peas or Potatoes. 
 
The People of Ebenezer having reced their Cattle take great care of them, and are exceedingly Satisfyed with Your Honours Care exprest in yor last Letters. They have now sent a large Pacquett which Mr [John M.] Boltsius informs me is to Declare a thorough Satisfaction, and to Invite some more of their Brethren to them. Mr Boltsius was lately married to One of his own Congregation. He comunicated this to me, and invited me to be present, But being allways Engaged in business, I excused myself, and desired that he would Order One of the Steers to be killed at his Town and Accept of an Hogshead of English Beer to Entertain his Congregation. I judged, that as I had this Oppertunity to give Encouragemt to so Industrious a People, the Gift would not be disagreeable to your Honours. 
 
I have now an Oppertunity to send this with the Enclosed.253 
 
 
Samuel Eveleigh to Benjamin Martyn, Sept. 10, 1735, South Carolina, read Nov. 17, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 224-225, Egmont 14201, pp. 189-192, concerning the need of Negroes in Georgia, timber cutting, shipbuilding, and rice production there. 
 
Sr 
 
About a fortnight Since I came from Georga Where I had been three Months and an half waiting the Arrivall of three Vessells, Two of which arrived, And the third Here where I Stopt her, but design She Shall goe (when laden) within Tibey and come to an Anchor off of Cock Spurr Island, And take in Some Skins that are ready and So proceed for Bristoll. 
 
A little before I came from Georga I recd your acceptable favour of the first of May, and am Sorry I am Obliged to Acquaint you, that I did not find things Answer there as I Expected. For I found the Lumber to cost me (being cutt by White people) four Times as much more than if I had brought the Schooner into one of the Rivers of this province and have gott her loaded here. 
 
I take notice that The Trustees had passt an Act (which had the royal Approbation) against the Importacon and Use of Negroes in their Province, And that it was the general received Opinion, that it was A Necessary and useful Act. But [I] do assure you that here, where they ought (at least) to be better acquainted in these Affairs than the Gentm in Engld, They are of farr diffarent Sentiments, And they all unanimously agree, (at least Such as I have talkt with) That, without Negroes Georgia can never be a Colony of any great Consequence. But, Since the Trustees have thought fitt to pass Such A Law, I Shall Say no more, Only make this One remark. That I observed whilst at Georga great Quantities of Choice good Land for Rice, And am possitive that, that Commodity cant (in any great quantitys) be produced by white people. Because the work is too laborious, the heat very intent, And the Whites cant work in the wett at that Season of the Year as Negrs do to weed the Rice. 
 
I took a Tripp from thence down to an Island called Ossebaw, about forty Miles to the Soward of Savannah, Where I saw a vast Quantity of live Oak Timber, and very Convenient places for building of Ships. And (if my Information is right) I presume there cant be less on that Island or thereabout, than what will build a thousand Sail of good Vessells, and very Convenient. We went about Eight Miles up into the Crick, very near the heart of the Island, where wee came to an open Savannah as level as a dice, and not a Tree in it, Except A few Sassafras, and them no bigger than ones Thigh. Its Supposed these were formerly Indian Fields, and that they will bear both Corn and Rice, and are also Extraordinary good for Cattle, There growing upon it Small Canes Grass and other Weeds as high as ones Head, for which Reasons I look upon that Island to be very valuable. What wee Saw of that Land was computed to be three thousand Acres, And I am informed that at the So West End thers A great deal more of the Same Sort, wch Land (if burnt in the Spring) plowd and planted for two or three Years will make Extraordinary good Meadow Land. And that would be Easie to do, Because thers neither Stumps nor Stones. Besides all the Islands (both Small and great) And the Main land next to the Sea are Plentifully Stored with live Oak Timber. 
 
The Reason that induced me to desire the two Tracts of Land, was upon the Acct Chiefly of Trade, for the Rent of the Houses in Georga are Extravegantly dear. And Such as is not to be born With. I Pay there for four little Rooms after the Rate of Sixty pounds Sterlg per Annum, When upon this Bay, I can gett as much Room for less than a quarter of the Money, And beter Secured from the Weather. 
 
Since I wrote that Letter, I have Seen Capt [John] Pennefeathers Grant for three Hundred Acres of Land in Georga. The Terms of which I Esteem So unreasonable. I Should not be willing to lay out any Sum of Money in improveing any Land there. I cant tell how farr they may be able in Georga to Erect Saw Mills. That of Mr [Robert] Parkers I am Sensible cannot do as it is. Mr [Walter] Augustine was erecting One whilst I was there, which carrys Some Appearance of being brought to Perfection, tho I dont rightly understand it. He desired me to Send you up Some Saws, which I Shall do this Week Haveing Some that have lain by me a Considerable Time. 
 
The Design of the Trustees in relieving the Poor insolvent Debtors And persecuted Protestants Abroad are very humane and Laudable, And deserves Incouragement from Every Person that is in A Capacity to Assist them. But as my Talent lies chiefly in Trade, by not Admitting Negroes will hinder me from what I had thought of, or doeing that Service which otherwise I might. 
 
I am farr from being concernd with any Mines Especially Gold and Silver, But if there was a prospect of Such a thing, I doubt not but a great many People Who have much money would be glad to be concerned therein, And that laid out in Georga would be much to the Advantage of that Province. 
 
There are Several Things I wrote Mr Oglethorpe about I Should be glad to hear his Opinion of, But as He is Shortly Expected here and Some Say as Governr I Shall quickly have his Sentiments thereon. 
 
 
James Mackpherson to the Trustees, Sept. 13, 1735, Fort Argyle, received Dec. 6, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 227-228, thanking them for a present and expressing his desire to be of help in Georgia. 
 
May it Please Your Honours 
 
The Favour of Yours I received by Mr Causton allso ye Present Your Honours sent me. I think my Self happy in haveing my Conduct, & small Services approved off, by Your Honours; Wishing at ye same time it was more in my Power to serve this Colony, than what it is; Assureing You none should be more ready to Serve, or more Zealously endeavour ye Effecting whatever may be thought Conducive to ye Safety, Welfare, or Defence of the Colony, by the Magistrates thereof, Whose Comands shall constantly meet with due Regard from me. 
 
I beg leave to return Yr Honours thanks for Your Kind Present. 
 
 
James Mackpherson to James Oglethorpe, Sept. 13, 1735, Fort Argyle, received Dec. 6, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 230-231, thanking him for his favorable recommendation and the present from the Trustees. 
 
Sr 
 
This, with the most Gratefull asknowledgement I send, being ye only return in my Power to Offer, for ye favour of Yours, & the Honour Youve done me by the most favourable representation of these little Services by me performd To Their Honours ye Trustees, Who have sent a Letter of approbation, as allso the present mentiond in Yours. The Honour of ye Former, I Value at a much greater Rate, than to imagine any Service I can perform can merit; But like an Indulgent Friend, You over rate my Actions, That Their Honours may Liberally Reward. 
 
I cant pretend to inform You of any News from this part of ye World, more then ye Generall Joy, that Visibly appears in each Countenance at ye Thoughts of Your arrival, which is daily as eagerly wisht for, as Expected, by all. 
 
 
William Gough to the Trustees, Sept. 14, 1735, Savannah, received Dec. 6, 1735, C.O. 5/637, p. 233, announcing the death of his wife and offering his services to the Trustees. 
 
Right Honourable Gentlemen 
 
It having pleased the Almighty since my last to this Honourable Board, to deprive me of my Spouse, which with my before Losses of Father Mother and Child, has almost overset me, but when I consider, the Soveraign right the Creator has over the Creature, my murmers cease and I am Silent. 
 
Therefore most Honourable, since it has been his Divine Will, thus to bereave me of my Earthly comforts, I humbly Dedicate my self to the Service of your Honourable Board, assuring you Gentlemen, nothing shall be more at heart, than the Honour of my Noble Benefactors, and the Interest of their delightful Georgia. 
 
I am ready with cheerfullness to go on all occasions by Sea or Land, and be the Orders what they will, shall Glory in the command, though I dye in the Action. 
 
N.B. I have served as a Midshipman in the Navy. 
 
 
James Burnside254 to the Trustees, Sept. 15, 1735, Savannah, received Dec. 6, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 236-237, concerning his duties as writing master and expenses of living in Georgia. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
As you have by License impowered me to Instruct the Youth of this Province in Writing and Accts &c. Their Improvemt therein being the best recommendation I can have to yr Honrs favour, and the only way that now offers whereby I can make appear the Just sense of Gratitude I retain for the many & great favours reced, begg youll accept of a full assurance of my firm resolution to do all in my Power that may contribute thereto. 
 
My Lott being in the Country am Obliged to take a House at 10  St. per Ann, wch money, was it in & abt Town might be Imployed thereon, to the great advantage. 
 
 
Philip George Frederick Von Reck to Harman Verelst, Sept. 18, 1735 (N. S.), Frankfurt, C.O. 5/637, pp. 238-239, concerning his arrival with forty emigrants and his hoped for arrival in England in fifteen days. Translated from the original French. 
 
Sir, 
 
In conformity with the orders of Messrs, the very honourable Trustees, I departed at once from Ratisbonne, and the sixth from Augsburg, with a transport of 40 persons, which increased to 50, and arrived the 15 at Frankfort, If the time and the wind favour us, we shall be, with the aid of God, in less than 15 days at Gravesend to await your orders. The Carinthiens excuse themselves at present from going to Georgia without the company of their wives. I shall have the honour to say to you by word of mouth what is to be expected of them. 
 
 
Robert Millar to the Trustees, Sept. 27, 1735, Kingstown in Jamaica, C.O. 5/637, pp. 241-242, Egmont 14201, pp. 193-194, concerning his botanical travels. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
In My last of June the 20th I gave you an Account of My Tour to Carthagena &c & of My Design to take another down to Campechy & Le Vera Cruz, wch I hope you have Receved before now. 
 
The Ipecacuanna Plants that I brought with me from Carthagena & had then Such a Bad Appearance, are by the favour of this Rainy Season, Shooting out all fresh from the Roots and in a very Promising way. Ther is also Some of the Balsam Capaivi Seeds wch I Planted Come up; These of the Balsam Tolu have not as yet appeared above Ground, but I have stil Remaining Some of the Best Seeds of Both of ym which I keep for the Colony of Georgia. 
 
I have been Disappointed in my Passage to Campechy Since My last, The Gentlemen Concerned not thinking proper to Send a Vessel till they have Certain advice from England of Peace with Spain wch we are still here uncertain off, having no Vessel from Britain these two Months. Since the time of My Setting out On that Voyage being delayed, I have Made a Trip to the Eastern part of this Island, wher I made a Smal Collection of Specimens of Some Trees, Shrubs & plants, but have found Nothing worth Mentioning Particularly to your Honours & if My Voyage be longer put off I intend to make a Journy through the Northern & Western parts also, that ther may be no opportunity lost. 
 
 
Thomas Causton to the Trustees, Sept. 29 and Oct. 15, 1735, Savannah, received Dec. 1, 1735, C.O. 5/637, pp. 255-256, Egmont 14201, pp. 205-206, concerning purchase of cattle and fowls for Georgians, his source of funds, and the Indian trade problem with South Carolina. 
 
May it please Your Honours 
 
Having Setled Accounts with Mr Samuel Eveleigh Coppys of which are Enclosed.255 He desired a Bill of Exchange for the ballance, which I have drawn on Your Honours at thirty Days after Sight, and have charged my Cash Account therewith. 
 
I have also bought Cattle and Fowls for Mr August Gotlieb Spangenberg and have drawn a Bill of Exchange on you payable to Messs Jenys & Baker for Sixteen pounds five Shillings Sterling agreeable to your Orders having reced so much Cash of them, Value in Currency. 
 
I have also Bought Cattle & Fowls for Tomochachi Mico of Yamacraw to the Value of twenty Seven pounds Sterling the Value of which in Currency, I have also reced of Messs Jenys & Baker, And have therefore drawn a Bill of Exchange on you for that Sume payable to them. 
 
I have Also bought Cattle & Fowls for the Saltzburghers at Ebenezer to the Value of thirty Six pounds fifteen Shillings Sterling which I have also reced of Messs Jenys & Baker in Currency have drawn a Bill of Exchange on you for that Sume also payable to them. 
 
Mr. [Isaac] Chardon having sent the Enclosed which is a Repetition of a former Letter from him wch he afterwards Contradicted, I have left off drawing upon him for account of Provisions, save that at his own particular Request I drew a Bill on him payable to Capt James Macpherson for the Sume of three hundred & fifty pounds as appears by the enclosed Indent No 27. 
 
Messs David Douglass and Andrew Grant Merchants in this Town having much Importuned me to lett them have a Bill of Exchange for One hundred pounds Sterling, I reced the Value of them in Currency and have drawn a Bill for so much on you payable to them at the usuall time and is placed to Account of Provisions. 
 
As Messs Jenys and Baker is allways ready to Supply me with what Currency I want, I shall on the failure of Mr Chardon draw for Such Sumes as Necessity require payable to them, and send Your Honours Imediate Advice. 
 
The People are (I bless God) in very good Health, and very Orderly inclined. 
 
The Government of Carolina have Sent an Agent into the Indian Nation, and Captain [Patrick] Mackay does not think proper to Return thither till somebody Comissioned by Your Honours shall arrive here. 
 
P.S. This is deliverd to Capt Wilsons own hand being now here and takes in Skins on Acct of Mr [Samuel] Eveleigh. 
 
 
James Abercromby to Harman Verelst, Oct. 8, 1735, Charles Town, received Dec. 6, 1735, C.O. 5/637, p. 252, Egmont 14201, p. 201, concerning new regulations for exports from South Carolina and Georgia. 
 
Sir 
 
The favour of Your Letter of the 15th of May by Direction of the Right Honble Trustees, came safe by Way of Georgia. The kind Reception, my Inclination to Serve the Colony has hetherto met with, by the Worthy Promoters of it, calls for all the good Offices my Scituation here, may bring in my Way. 
 
I am Glad the Hint I gave Mr Oglethorpe, provd a means to Obtain the Clause You Sent me inclosd.256 At first perusing, I did imagine a further extension was Allowd to Georgia, than to this Province, The Words In Europe being left out in the Enacting Part of the Clause relating to Georgia, but the concluding Words of the same Clause Under the like Entries Securetys Restrictions Regulations Limitations &c as describd by the Act of the 3d Year of His present Majesty restrain it, to the Disappointment of many of our Merchants who were actually thinking of Sending Vessels to Savannah there to Load under this Clause. 
 
It was very agreeable for me to find my Opinion in Capt Yoakleys case was consonant to that of Such Lawyers as the Trustees had consulted. 
 
I shall always and on all Occasions lay hold of every Opportunety, that offers for the Welfare of their People. I wish for nothing more than Power equal to my Zeal effectually to prove the Same. 
 
 
Francis Harbin to Harman Verelst, Oct. 14, 1735 (O. S.), Amsterdam, C.O. 5/637, p. 246, concerning the possibilities of securing servants. 
 
Sr 
 
I writ You from Rotterdam of ye 10th Instant to wch I refer, And am Now to Acquaint You, that at my Arrival here was Condoled by my Correspondents on my late comeing to this Place, because that the Streets which for 6 Weeks last past had been Crowded wth such Persons as I wanted, had now been Picked by ye Et Indie Chamber of this City, & ye residue Despairing of Employ were returnd to Their native Countrys last Week, Yet upon Inquiry I find there is still many more then I want, but am Obstructed by an unforeseen Difficulty (Viz). 
 
The Lords of this City deem every Person a Subject yt comes here to get his liveing, & therefore will not permit any Person to send Them away without leave from Them, what Expence it will be to Obtain it, I shall Know to Morrow, & thereby be Enabled to give a Categorical Answer in my next. 
 
 
Elisha Dobree to the Trustees, Oct. 15, 1735, Savannah, received Dec. 1, 1735, C.O. 5/637, p. 279, concerning his proposal to erect salt pans, his garden, and the lack of servants. 
 
Honr Sirs 
 
I most humbly Request your Consideration & Grant of my Petition Inclosed in Such a manner as to your Honnours Wisdom Shall Seem most meet. 
 
P.S. We are half Starved here for want of Provissions. Capt Yoakley is not yet Arrived from Philadelphia had we Salt Plenty here we might Expect vessells every week with Provissions but for want of that & &c. we Suffer Greatly. I would begin in the Spring Early to prepare The Ground for The Salt Pans If your Honnrs are Inclined To promote so Publick & Advantageous Undertaking for this Infant Colony. Let me beg of you to hasten your Grant. Was I to Chuse ye Place I would Chuse an Island Small Eno to prevent any other settlement but I as a Beggar must not Carve for My Self. I shall gladly receive The Crumbs from your Table of Generosity & Publick Welfare with Gratefull thanks for unmerited Favours Granted to Such Creature as I. 
 
Mr Causton having these 5 Months Past deprived me of My Servants for that I could not pay their purchase down I have made but little Improvemt of Late in My Garden where now Grows a fine parcell of Orange Plants, Some Capers, Figgs & Vines & I have writ to the four Corners of ye World (pardon my Expression) for all Sorts of Foreign Plants &c Intending to make a Nursery & Strive which of ye Two, ye Publick Garden or mine Shall be ye best. 
 
I have hired four of ye Purrysburg men to Clear my 45 Acres & Cultivate ye Same or part thereof wch I dessign for Trees & Plants &c. 
 
 
Francis Harbin to Harman Verelst, Oct. 21, 1735 (O. S.), Amsterdam, C.O. 5/637, p. 244, concerning his troubles in securing servants. 
 
Sr 
 
It gives me much uneasiness yt I cannot Yet assure You whether I shall Compleat my Commission or not. Last Saturday I might have had more Men then I wanted, proviso, I would as the East & West Indie Companys do here (Viz) clear the Debts They Owed here, & then The Persons would be Bound for Seven Years, but You Know I had neither Instructions nor Ability to do it. Yesterday I might also have had pretty near the Number of Men required but on Examination They were all Romans, Consequently Contary to my Instructions. In my letter of ye 14th Instant from this Place I Acquainted You yt I was Informed I must have leave from ye Lords of this City to Engage any Persons, wch is too True but as yt is but a trivial Expence, tho attended wth much Trouble shall not mind it. In my next hope to give You an Account that I have Surmounted all Difficulties. Please to present my Duty to ye Honble Trustees. 
 
 
Isaac Chardon to the Trustees, Oct. 25, 1735, Charles Town, C.O. 5/637, p. 281, concerning his accounts with the Trustees and the arrival of provisions for Georgia. 
 
Gentn 
 
With this Letter you will receive257 your accounts as I have continued them to this day. 
 
Mr Thomas Causton having drawn upon me this Last quarter for less mony than Usual the ballance proves to be in your favour  254. 13. 6. our currency. 
 
Two days ago I received advice from Philadelphia that the ship called the James Capt Yoakley sails from thence without fail the 14 Instant Loaded with provisions for Your Colony of Georgia. I hope in a good time to meet with those Ships from London that are Imployd in Your Service. 
 
I beg leave to assure you that I am with the greatest respects. 
 
 
Jenys and Baker to the Trustees, Oct. 29, 1735, Charles Town, received Dec. 31, 1735, C.O. 5/637, p. 284, concerning their accounts with the Trustees. 
 
Honble Sirs 
 
This serves to Accompany the two last Quarters Accounts of the Duty of Rum. Ending the 4th. September, & with it comes your Accot. Currtt258 which Contains all of Mr. Caustons Drafts on us Payable out of this Fund, by which youl perceive to what use those Moneys have been Applyd, and that theres on this Accot a Ballance due to us, Mr. Causton having drawn for  589. 8. 2 on the credit of the Runing Quarter, We shall on every occasion be ready to Serve the Colony of Georgia, and duely execute all your Commands. 
 
 
Francis Harbin to Harman Verelst, Oct. 31, 1735 (O. S.), Amsterdam, C.O. 5/637, p. 248, concerning the securing of servants. 
 
Sr 
 
I have now the Pleasure to Acquaint You that a Broaker that I have Employd is wth me & Assures me that he hath Twenty nine Men on whom I may depend, & that he hath sent for Thirty more from North Holland, wch will be here in five or Six Days at farthest, out of which I may choose the Men I want, my Expence will Exceed the Sum Allowd me, but that shall no way prevent my Diligence to Serve the Trust to whom I shall Submit every thing, & beg the favour of You to present my Duty, & Accept my Humble Service to Your self. 
 
Lt. Gov. Thomas Broughton to the Earl of Egmont, Oct. 1735, Charles Town, C.O. 5/638, pp. 1-16, Egmont 14201, pp. 197-199, concerning the Georgia-South Carolina argument over the Indian trade and Captain Patrick Mackay.259 
 
 
Lt. Gov. Thomas Broughton to Patrick Mackay, April 29, 1735, Charles Town, C.O. 5/637, p. 258, Egmont 14200, pp. 575-577, enclosing an extract of a letter from the Governor at St. Augustine260 complaining of English traders who incite the Cowetas and Talapoche Indians against the Spanish. 
 
Sr 
 
We send you herewith the Extract of a Lre from the Goverr of S Augustin to his Excy which we desire you will Carefully peruse, and make all possible Inquiry what grounds there are for the Complaints he makes agt the Capns or Traders therein mentioned & by the first opportunity give us a full acct of the same. We also desire you will use yr best application for preventing any transactions that may tend towards a Breach of the Articles of Friendship Settled between the two provinces, it being highly Necessary to mentain a good correspondence with them especially at this time when we remain under an uncertainty what share the Court of England may have in the Troubles now subsisting in Europe. 
 
 
[John] Fenwick to Patrick Mackay, June 12, 1735, Charles Town, C.O. 5/637, p. 264, Egmont 14201, pp. 17-18, concerning reports that Mackay has excluded South Carolina traders from the Creek nation. 
 
Sr 
 
In the Governors absence from Town it is now represented to me (by way of Complaint) that you have forced out of the Creek Nation Sevll Indian Traders (that were Lycenced & had Entd into Bonds to this Governmt Agreeable to our Law) with orders not to return there any more. Alledging for reason that some Traders had Enterd into Bond Obliging themselves to buy their goods at & Carry their Skins to Georgia without haveing any regard to the Governmt of this Province, & that as some of the Traders had already Entered into such Bonds, you Were resolved that none but Such should Trade in that Nation. 
 
I should indeed be Exceedingly Surprized at those proceedings if they were really proved to be true in fact as represented to me, but here being as Yet no regular Complt made nor other Acct I believe come to Town than what is by Lre or at second hand, I cant tell how to give Creditt to the reasons Assigned for yr discharging some Traders from the Nation. However as I Expect this Lre will meet with Coll Bull before he setts out from home I take the opportunity to Inform you of this Matter already so much Talkt of here; & is what I am well perswaded will be so farr reguarded & Enquired into by the Governmt that there will be nothing wanting that lies in their power to Support the Kings Subjects in his Province in a free Trade among their Indians as Usual. Therefore as it is Expected there will be a Regular complaint made by the Merchts (or Traders when they come down) I should be glad to Know from you if any grounds for a report of this Kind or if you have any Objection to make agt any of these Traders. 
 
I should be very sorry if any difference should arise on Any Acct between the 2 Collonyes Not Imagining it was possible that any could happen so soon on this Head, by what Mr Oglethorpe told me & by what I apprehended he concluded upon Viz. that no Lycenced trader from this Governmt Conforming to our Law for regulating the Indian Trade, Should be Interrupted by any officer belonging to Georgia but at the same time he thought it advisable, that we should not send a Greater Number than we had done. 
 
I am glad to hear of the Success you have had in getting the Indians Consent to Erect a fort. A Line or two in Answer to this will Oblige. 
 
 
Lt. Gov. Thomas Broughton of S. C. to Patrick Mackay, July 4, 1735, Charles Town, C.O. 5/637, pp. 258-259, Egmont 14201, pp. 77-79, concerning Mackays actions against S. C. Indian traders. 
 
Sr 
 
It is no less Surprizing to me than it is to his Majtys Councill I have regular Complaints layd before this Board proved upon Oath as well by many of the Merchts in this Town as by Sevll Indian Traders who had given Security for their good behaviour & were Lycensed according to our Law to Trade among the Creek Indians, that you have in a Arbitrary & Violent manner not only forced those Traders and Sevll Others not yet come to Town out of the said Nation with all their goods & Effects to their great Loss & damage, but have threatned them in a Peremptory manner that if they presume to return to trade in that Nation with Lycence from this Governmt that you will Seize their Horses & Effects for which you can have no Authority, & tho you have done those things under pretence of Regulating the Trade by Reducing the Numbers of Traders, yet it appears to me & his Majtys Council that you have already shewd your Selfe partiall therein, & that only a Certain small Number entering into Company at your Instigation & taking a Lycense from the Colony of Georgia, is Intended by you to reap the benefitt of that trade, with the Creek or Chekasaw Indians. 
 
These Ilegall proceedings agt his Majtys Subjects of this Collony trading with a free People in Amity with the Same & Conformable to the Laws of this Province & Pursuant to an order sent this governmt by her Late Majty Queen Ann in Councill wherein all Interuption was forbid to be given to any of her Majtys Subjects to Trade with the Indians requires me Imediately to Interpose therein not only to protect the trade of this Collony which is free to all his Majtys Liege Subjects; but also to defend their Persons from the Violence of those who Act without any Legal Authority & that are not Immediately within the Reach of the Laws of Great Britain and those of this Province. And therefore to prevent the great Loss & damage that must Soon ensue to the said Complaints in Case they have not free Liberty to trade wth those Nations of Indians as usual & that you may not plead Ignorance of the Lawfull & just Right this Province still hath & do Claim in Sending Goods to trade with those Indians, exclusive of the pretended Right you claim as belonging to Georgia. I do now Inform you with the Advice of his Majtys Councill yt such of his Majtys Subjects in this Province applying for Lycence & giving Security for their good behavior among the said Indians according to our Law shall have free Liberty from this Governmt to go & trade therewith & that I do Expect youll give no Molestation nor Interruption to them, as this Governmt on the Contrary will be Obliged to take such measures as will Effectually prevent the Traders fitted out from hence meeting with any Disturbance. 
 
I herewith send you a Copy of a Lre Just now reced from the Commander at Moville,261 by which you will see how your Actions & Talks given those Indians hath given Offence to the french Governmt there. You know best how deserving you are of that Charge, as well as to that layed to you by the Governr of St Augustine on Account of the late mischief done by the Spaniards, both which I shall be sorry to find thro your Indiscretion & want of Experience you are deserving of, least in this time of Peace we should with the Colony of Georgia be Involved in having those Injurys revenged on our out Inhabitants. I am told since I came to Town that his Majtys Attorny Genll is gone to Georgia to whome I Inclose this Lre to be Deld to you by whome I Expect your Answer to this. 
 
P. S. I must Inform you that when this Governmt agreed to give the Trustees of Georgia 7 or 8000  in consideration of Mr Oglethorps undertaking to Erect a Fort & Garrison in the upper Creek Nation that it was never Intended by this Governmt that his Majtys Subjects therein should be Excluded & debared from trading among those Indians as Usual, not that the Officer of that Garrison should be Cloathed with any such Power over the Traders as they now Complain you have exerted agt them. 
 
 
Affidavit of Jeremiah Nott, July 4, 1735, Charles Town, C.O. 5/637, pp. 267-268, Egmont 14201, pp. 81-83, detailing Patrick Mackays actions against him and other Creek traders. 
 
So Carolina 
 
Before the Honble Tho: Broughton Esqr Lieutent Governr Personally appeared Jeremiah Nott Indian Trader who being duely Sworn Declares Vizt 
 
That he has used and been a Trader under and in the Creek Nation ever Since the 1728 or thereabts and that in all things he has So behaved as to give no Cause of Complaint against him. 
 
That he Sometime about the Month of July last took out a Lycence from this Province of So Carolina, by wch he was permitted to Trade in the Cahabawhatchee Town in the Upper Creeks, that he Continued there so trading untill the latter end of March last past at which time there came one Nicho. Fisher and in the Name of Patrick McKeey [MacKay] Served this Depont with a Warrant under the Hand and Seal of sd Pat. McKeey Comanding this Dept immediately on sight thereof to move himself his goods and Horses from the Cahabawhatchee Town to the Wehokees and there remain untill further orders and thereof not fail at his Peril. 
 
And Accordingly with all Convenient Speed he the said Jeremiah did Remove all his Effects, not so much as trading for one Skin after, and in Crossing the Coosaw River with his Goods, his Canoe was over Sett and he lost in goods to the Value of two Hundred Weight of Dear Skins, and at last got to the Wehokees, and there remained untill the Begining of Apl at wch time he was Shewed a Lre directed to Archibald McGilvery, requiring him and all the traders in the upper Creeks to meet the said McKeey at a Place Called the half way House in order to Conduct the sd McKeey into that Nation, And Accordinly this Dept went, and Severall others met him, and Accompanyd him to the Follooses in the Creek Nation. 
 
About two Days after they were all Summond to meet to the No of abt 12 Men, accordingly they mett, and the said Patrick McKeey gave them a Talk, the purport of which was, that he had heard some Men in that Nation had receed Lres from Carolina intimating to them that he the Sd Pat. McKeey had nothing to do with the Trade of that Nation, that he was Sent there only to get a Fort built &ca. He therefore Demanded to know which of all those then present would refuse to go down to Georgia, on which there was a profound Silence for Sometime and then this dept Spoke, saying he believed it did not Signify whether they went to Georgia or Carolina, for it was all one Kings Governmt. Upon which the sd McKeey replyed and said that there was Sevll Gentlemen then in Company pointing to one Tho. Goodale and Others that had heard the Honble James Oglethorpe Esqr say, and that they very well knew that the Indian Trade did belong to Georgia, and that it Soley belongd to them, but Carolina had begd that they might have Liberty to Grant Lycences for that year but that they had no more to do there now. On which Tho. Goodale Said he had heard Mr Oglethorpe say the Same, and he knew it to be true. 
 
Sometime after being at the Osuskees at another Meeting the said Pat. McKeey being present, and Tho. Goodale Martin Kane, Tho. Wiggin and Sevll others, there was discourse abt those Gentlemen that had Enterd into a Company and someone that was then present said they did Suppose that Notwithstanding their being in Company yet Carolina would grant Lycences and send out Traders, or words to that Effect. The said McKeey answered and said that if any Person or persons should come from Carolina with Licence from that Governmt to Trade in that Nation, he would Seize their Horses and Effects. And this depont further declares that he has been Severall times, whilst he staid in the Nation Spoken to by Tho. Wiggin Tho. Goodale & others belonging to the Company in a threatning Manner, assuring him that if ever he Came there into that Nation to Trade any more, his Effects would Certainly be Seized and this he apprehended was done with a design to deter him from the Trade. 
 
This Dept further Declares that after having broke up his Store, and being in Company with said McKeey he told him that he beld he had been Misinformed about him that caused him to send a Warrt or Words to that Effect and that he Could undeceive him. The said McKeey replyed that he would Ague that Cause with him another time, but never Spoke one word to him afterwards about it, but abt the 14th of May he sent him word to Depart the Nation with all his Effects. 
 
This Dept then having by reason of the aforesd Ordrs Sevl of his Goods left unsold he Endeavourd to sell the Same, which he at last did, but to the White people, for less than the prime Cost. Expecting never to go up again by which means he lost above 300 Wt of Deer Skins besides further Damage. 
 
 
Sworn before me in the Council Chamber the 4, July 1735 
 
Thos Broughton 
 
 
Affidavit of George Cussins, July 19, 1735, Charles Town, C.O. 5/637, p. 267, Egmont 14201, p. 129, containing a complaint that Patrick Mackay stopped his trading in the Creek Nation. 
 
Charles Town So Carolina 
 
George Cussins being duly sworn on the holy Evangelist of Almighty God declareth that on or about the 27th Day of May last whilst he was Trading at the Chehas and Oakmulgoes in the Lower Creek Nation pursuant to his Lycence for that purpose on the behalfe of the Estate of Laucland McGillvery declared being employed on that Acct by Messs Andrew Allen, Jno Fraser & James Payne Executrs to the said Estate, Mr Pat. McKeey [Mackay] as Agent for Georgia did then come to their House in the said Nation where the said Cussins was trading and forbid the said Cussins to trade any longer there And that he would not suffer him any longer to trade under his Lycense from South Carolina and Accordingly Ordd the said George Cussins to put aside what Goods he had under his Care belonging to the said Estate and to take into the sd House what Goods he the said McKeey shoud think fitt. And Accordingly the sd Goods belonging to the sd Estate were then put aside and McKeeys goods and then concernd with him were put into ye said House and from that time the said Cussins according to the sd Mr McKeeys Ordr left off Trading as aforesd. 
 
GEORGE CUSSINS 
 
Sworn before me in Councill the 19 of July 1735 
 
THO. BROUGHTON 
 
 
Magistrates of Georgia to Lt. Gov. Thomas Broughton of South Carolina, July 21, 1735, Savannah, C.O. 5/637, pp. 270-271, Egmont 14201, pp. 133-135, concerning Patrick Mackays treatment of Indian traders and trouble with Spanish Indians. 
 
Sr. 
 
Capn Patk McKeey [MacKay] who is appointed by the Honble ye Trustees for Establishing this Colony to be their Agent in the Indian Nation, as also to Command their Independt Company residing there, hath laid before us your Honours Letters to him of the 29th of Apl last past & of the 4 Inst & hath required our Advice with Regard to the Sevl matters therein Contained. 
 
In Sincere regard for the good understanding that ought for ever to Subsist between two Colonys so nearly joyned, and because we would take all opportunitys in our power to preserve it we hereby offer our Sentiments & Acquaint you, that before the Arrivall of your Honrs Lre, we were advised by Lettrs & otherwise that some Spaniards & Indians had sett upon some of our Neighbour Indians in one of their hunting Camps & had killed them, and that this was supposed to be done in Revenge for that one Lika in the Indian Nation had killed a Spanish Centinell. 
 
When we had the Honour of Coll [William] Bulls Company here we desired him to Communicate to yr Honr our Intention of Enquiring into the Matter which we Judged more Especially necessary at this time being under an equall uncertainty with you, what share Great Brittain may have in the Troubles now subsisting in Europe. 
 
As to what Grounds the people of Augustine have for Complaints the Enclosed will show you that John Barton who was Interpreter for Mr Keey stands Charged with Crimes for which he must answer. We have Advised the trustees of the particulars of this Affair, & have Detained Barton in Expectation of their Orders Concerning a Crime of so high a Nature done in their Service. 
 
As to Mr McKeeys Conduct in the Indian Nation, and Concerning which you say you Expect his Answer to Certain Complaints laid agt him we have Carefully perused his orders which he reced from Mr Oglethorpe And with great Submission are of opinion that his Actions have not been as they are mentioned to be Charged in the Affadavitts & hope that yr Honrs will not very readily Judge him Culpable of what Some Disapointed people are pleased through Malitious Views to Suggest or Swear, neither Suppose him to be Answerable for Misconduct, but to those from whom & in whose Name he is Authorized. 
 
As to the forbiding or denying that benefit which is due to all his Majestys Subjects trading with a free People in Amity with us, we beg leave to Assure you that we have not found he has Attempted Any such thing. 
 
As to the removall of some of the traders who like all the Rest were Lycenced by the Governmt of Carolina we suppose he has given yr Honr his reasons for so doing & yr honr no Doubt is sensible how farr an Additionall Number of Traders was & will be agreeable to the Agreemt you mention with Mr Oglethorpe, and not think he has Cloathed himself with any Authority Contrary thereto which known justice of the Trustees famous for their Christian Generosity and Observance of their word will never suffer. 
 
And because we Conceive that the Complaint which you mention is grounded on such Wittnesses who thro greediness of Gain think themselves wrongd when they are not Suffered to break through those Just Regulations which might be proper for an Agent to makeso humbly hope that you will prevent any transactions that may tend to any breach of Friendship, and not Suffer any Private Interest whatsoever to give the least disturbannce to the Pub. Peace, which we on our parts think is our duty & Interest to preserve & Maintain. 
 
If yr Honr thinks proper to transmitt to us any Complaint for Offences comitted by any one residing in this Colony either under Colour of the trustees orders or Otherwise, we beg leave to Assure you that such Complaints Shall always be Especially enquired into & have their Just weight. 
 
As we Apprehend all Actions done by the Inhabitants of either the two Colonys to the Injury of the Other may be Attended with fatall Consequences And as Such the Agressors justly punished, We hereby Declare that on Our parts we will as in duty bound endeavour to prevent any trespasses on the Just power privileges & possessions of the Trustees or of any of his Majestys Subjects residing here, And Embrace all Opportunitys of Punishing the Wrongs done by any one here to our Neighbours. 
 
These Sr are the Measures we humbly think will be the truest Int. of both Colonys & therefore are Perswaded that your Honours Commands will be agreeable thereto, And beg leave to Ashure you that the benefitts this Colony have reced from the favours of Carolina shall ever be remembered with the Sincerest Gratitude. 
 
 
Lt. Gov. Thomas Broughton to the Magistrates of Georgia, July 29, 1735, Charles Town, C.O. 5/638, pp. 273-274, Egmont 14201, pp. 157-160, complaining bitterly of Georgias actions in backing Patrick Mackays treatment of Carolina Creek traders. 
 
Gentlemen 
 
I have reced yr Lre dated at Savanah in Georgia ye 21. Inst. wherein you say that Capn Pat. McKeey [MacKay] has layd before you my Lres to him of the 29 of Apl last and of the 4 Inst and has required your Advice with regard to the Sevll Matters therein contained, but I find both in yr Letter and that which I reced from Mr McKeey in Answer to those of mine, that you are all very carefull not to let me know the result of your Councils in those matters I wrote him upon, in relation to the Injurys done and threatned to his Majestys Subjects trading from this Governmt. And that instead thereof, you seem to approve of his Conduct, without having any regard to the Several Informations and Complaints made to me upon Oath, except that you say you have carefully perused his Ordrs from Mr Oglethorpe and therefore without giving any other reason are of Opinion that his Actions have not been as are mentioned to be charged in the Affidavits. 
 
Whatever Instructions or Orders Capn McKeey may pretend to have from the Trustees in General, or Mr Oglethorpe in particular to Justify his proceedings, Yet I am well Informd they only are General Terms as to the Trade, and no ways do nor can be presumed or construed to Extend to his Majtys Subjects of this Province trading with a free people in the manner he has done, and that only because they are Lycensed & fitted out by this Governmt. 
 
As I dont expect to have these Disputes Settled between the two Colonys by men of yr Authority, therefore have only further on this Head to refer to my Lre of the 4th Inst to Mr McKeey and to Inform you thatagreeable to our Law, I have with the advice of his Majestys Council Ordrd the Commissioners Impowrd by that Law to go into the Creek Nation to regulate the Traders Lycensed from this Governmt, and to see that they are not Injured in their Persons or Propertys. Yet to preserve an Amicable friendship with the Colony of Georgia, he is no ways to Obstruct those fitted and sent from thence, but Since that Gentleman who appears among you as the Head Bayliff or Magistrate has took the Liberty on this Occasion to say in a Contemptuous manner, that he will reinforce Capn McKeey wth 50 or 70 Men to Support his Authority agt any person or power that Shall be sent by this Governmt to trade among those Indians, without enquireing and Considering the matters layed to his Charge. I must observe to that Gentleman that he is unacquainted with the Charter of Georgia and that he takes upon him in a Presumptious manner the Authority of the Militia of that Colony which is altogether by the Charter under the Command and Direction of this Governmt and which I preswade myself the Trustees will never dispute. Therefore to prevent any Military Violence or Hostilitys being Committed agt any of his Majtys Subjects, by the Inadvertances of men acting without Law or Authority in these particulars which the Enemys of both Colonys will take advantage of, I do peremptorily order and Comand all and every the officers now in the province of Georgia, that they do not presume to raise and March any of the Militia of the Province into the Indian Nations without my Special Orders first had except such as shall be raised by the Officer appointed to Erect a Fort and Garrison in the Creek nation, according to an Agreemt Stipulated by this Governmt and they to be Employed only in that Service or Agt the Enemys of our Sovereign, and no ways to Interfere in the Trade. 
 
I cannot but take notice to you how undeserving of Such usage this Province is, from one which now Lyes under such obligations to it. And tho a dispute possibly might have arisen on some Privileges not perhaps fully set forth and described in the said Charter, Yet for men of your Degree and Station to take upon you in this unwarrantable and Arbitrary manner to aid and Countenance Cap: McKeey in his Attempts to Engrosse a trade to the Colony of Georgia, exclusive of all others, which his Majty of himselfe never thought fitt to grant by any Deed or Charter to any Single or Corporate Body of men, and what I am well perswaded the Trustees will never lay claim to. I say for you as well as Capn McKeey to Attempt an affair of this Consequence, which if in dispute ought to be done in an Amicable way by the Chiefest Powers of Both Governmts shows to me that you had no design to preserve and cultivate that good understanding which you say ought for ever to Subsist between two Colonys so nearly joyned. 
 
I send you Copy of an Affidt Sworn to before me relating to the Effects belonging to Lauclan McGilvory deced, a Trader among the Creeks, which must convince you of the unjust and unwarrantable Conduct of Mr McKeey in that particular. I also send you Jeremiah Notts affidt Corroborated by the Affidavts of Sevl other Traders, which will prove his Violent and Unjustifiable proceedings in the Creek Nation. 
 
There being as yet no fort Erected in the Creek Nation as Concerted wth the Honble Mr Oglethorpe, I shall with the Advice of his Majtys Council Order the Moneys raised in the Province for that purpose to be detained in the Treasurers hands untill further directions; I shall be Obliged to do the Same in Regard to the Duty Applyed for the better Establishing the Colony of Georgia if I hear the Traders Lycenced by this Province for the Creek Nation meet with any Interuption from Capn McKeey or any other person from your Colony. 
 
Mr McKeey has never thought fitt to Send me a Coppy of the Journals of his Proceedings, tho he is Enjoyned so to do by his Instructions, which I require him to Comply with forthwith. 
 
I take notice of the Talk or Complaint of Tomochachi upon a Spaniards being killed by Licka a Creek Indian, and the Mischiefs that afterwards Accrued thereupon and find that Jehu Barton Linguister to Capn McKeey is accused by sd Licka of giving him a Talk to make the Path Bloody between the English and Spaniards and gave him a Gun out of the Store for that purpose. Wherefore you say in your Lre that said Barton stands charged, and you have detained him in Expectation of the Trustees orders concerning that crime, but as you have not thought fit to Lett me know what said Barton has to say in his Justification, or what other proofs you may have agt him, I cannot Judge how far his Detention or Committmt is Warrantable, especially for so long a time as you mention. 
 
 
Note. There are additional documents in Ms. Vol. XX, dated from February through July 1735. All of these documents are published in Vol. XXI (pp. 3-6, 78-83, 101-102, 165-169) so are omitted here. 
 
 
 
1. Robert Johnson was governor of South Carolina 1717-1719 and 1730-1735 (d. May 3, 1735). He was a real friend to Oglethorpe and Georgia in the colonys early days. 
 
2. Probably James de St. Julian (d. 1746) who was a Carolina surveyor, Indian trader, planter, local official, and assemblyman. Possibly Peter de St. Julian (d. 1752). 
 
3. Jean Pierre Purry was in the process of founding Purrysburg on the South Carolina side of the Savannah River about twenty-five miles above where Savannah would soon be located. 
 
4. Paul Amatis was an Italian silk worker from Piedmont. 
 
5. William Houstoun was the botanist employed by the Trustees to search for plants which might grow in Georgia. 
 
6. Cartagna is a seaport on the northwest coast of present-day Columbia. 
 
7. Probably ipecacuanha, a medicinal tropical South American plant. 
 
8. A modification of the Spanish word capaiba, or an oil from this plant used in soaps and perfumes. 
 
9. A substance similar to benzene. 
 
10. The List of Early Settlers of Georgia reports that Kilbury arrived on the Ann and died on Dec. 9, 1733. The Earl of Egmont in reporting Kilburys death identified him as the most active man we had. (Diary, II, 55). On July 2, 1735, the Common Council of the Trustees identified him as late Commander of the Heathcote Sloop in Georgia, and voted  50 to pay his expenses in going to Georgia and for payments to his daughter and wife, evidently in England (CRG, II, 109). 
 
11. Evidently Oglethorpe. 
 
12. Peter Gordon in listing this visit gives the South Carolinian as Mr. St. Julien, Mr. Whitaker, Major [Nathaniel ?] Barnwell, and Mr. Woodward. E. Merton Coulter, ed., The Journal of Peter Gordon, 1732-1735 (Athens, 1963). Barnwell is probably correct. 
 
13. Thomas Penn was the son of William Penn and the resident proprietor of Pennsylvania 1732-41. He had probably known Oglethorpe in England. 
 
14. Samuel Parker, a heel maker, was thirty-three when he came to Georgia with his wife and son. He was appointed second constable by the Trustees but died the first July. No record has been found that any of his three friends came to Georgia. 
 
15. Thomas Causton, a calico printer, was forty when he came to Georgia as third bailiff. 
 
16. At Purrysburg. 
 
17. The Reverend Dr. Henry Herbert, the volunteer minister to Georgia, remained only a short time because of poor health. He died June 15, 1733, on his passage back to England. 
 
18. Samuel Eveleigh, a Charles Town merchant and Indian trader, was very interested in Georgia. He extended credit to Oglethorpe and the Trustees, in part hoping for extensive land grants and an Indian trade monopoly in Georgia. 
 
19. John Vanderplank and three other colonists arrived late February or early March on board the Volant, Capt. Edmund Smyter. This was the second ship sent to Georgia by the Trustees. 
 
20. The James, Capt. Yoakley, arrived at Savannah on May 14, the day Oglethorpe wrote, and was the first vessel from England to come up to Savannah and unload there. 
 
21. On this treaty see Georgia Historical Quarterly, IV (1920), 3-16. 
 
22. Lord Carteret did not sell his one-eighth part of Carolina to the king when he bought out the rest of the Carolina proprietors in 1729. In February 1732/3 Carteret deeded his one-eighth interest in the lands between the Savannah and the Altamaha to the Georgia Trustees. Oglethorpe evidently had not been informed of this. 
 
23. This was the Georgia, Capt. Henry Daubuz, owned by the English merchants Peter and John Symonds. She brought eighty-five to ninety new colonists and arrived in Georgia on Aug. 29, 1733. 
 
24. Samuel Grey, aged thirty, was a silk throwster, or manufacturer of silk thread. 
 
25. Joshua Overends widow in England. 
 
26. John Warren, a flax dresser, and the father of Georgius Marinus Warren, born on board the Ann on the crossing. 
 
27. Joseph Hughes, a cider merchant aged twenty-eight when he came on the Ann, was storekeeper to the Trust who died Sept. 30, 1733 
 
28. Undoubtedly Hugh or Jonathan Bryan, brothers. Hugh (b. 1699) was in 1735 a member of the South Carolina Commons House of Assembly and appointed to survey the Purrysburg Township. Jonathan (b. 1708) served as a lieutenant in the South Carolina volunteers under Ogelthorpe in the St. Augustine expedition of 1740. He moved to Georgia in 1752. 
 
29. Isaac Chardon was a Charles Town merchant who was to have much dealings with Georgia. 
 
30. Hector de Beaufain of Purrysburg, in South Carolina, was interested in Georgia. 
 
31. Robert Parker, a former alderman of London, arrived on Jan. 14, 1733/4, having been proceeded by a son and daughter. He left Georgia in 1736 after having been contentious about his lands and other things. 
 
32. Evidently Indians along the French coast of the Gulf of Mexico. See John R. Swanton, The Indians of the Southeastern United States (Washington, 1946), 516. 
 
33. Unidentified. 
 
34. Baron Von Pfeil, the consul of Wittenberg at Regensberg (Ratisbon in English) was interested in Moravians settling in Georgia. The proposal which he transmitted by this letter has not been found, but it evidently expressed a desire of Moravians to go to Georgia. 
 
35. Samuel Quincy was the Anglican minister in Savannah, 1733 1735. 
 
36. Patrick Mackay was appointed by Oglethorpe as agent to the Creek Indians. Already representing South Carolina, he was furnished goods for presents to the Indians by Samuel Eveleigh. Too pro-Georgia in his outlook, Mackay stirred up a licensing war with South Carolina over the Creek trade. 
 
37. John Musgrove was in England as interpreter for Tomo-Chi-Chi and the other Indians. 
 
38. Mackays troops of rangers, sometimes referred to as an independent company, was authorized by Oglethorpe for service in the Creek country. 
 
39. A periagua (variously spelled) was a small vessel, generally propelled by rowing and poling but sometimes equipped with one or two small sails, used mostly for river and coasting traffic. 
 
40. South Carolina currency. 
 
41. Savannah Town or Fort Moore was a South Carolina Indian trading post on the Carolina side of the Savannah River just below where Augusta would be located. Eveleigh operated a trading store there. 
 
42. Pallachocola or Fort Prince George was a frontier fort on the South Carolina side of the Savannah River about fifteen miles above Ebenezer. 
 
43. Before he left Georgia in 1734, Oglethorpe sent Thomas Jones to convince the Choctaws to trade with Georgia. South Carolina traders, having failed to lure the Choctaws for years, were alarmed at Georgias apparent success, especially Patrick Mackays claim to licence all traders to the Choctaws from Georgia. See Phinizy Spalding, Oglethorpe in America (Chicago, 1977), 51-55. 
 
44. This garden is the one which Paul Amatis, the Italian silk worker, set up in Charles Town in early 1733 where the first mulberry trees for Georgia were grown. Eveleigh knew this garden, and Amatis did not remove to Savannah until Sept. 8, 1734. 
 
45. Eveleighs letter of Aug. 12 above. 
 
46. Thomas Penn of Philadelphia. 
 
47. William Johnson Dalmas was a farmer and former soldier whose passage to Georgia was paid by the Duke of Kent. He was tythingman on Skidaway but died in July 1735. 
 
48. William Bateman, who had come at his own expense, arrived in Georgia Aug. 21, 1734, and was granted seventy-five acres of land on March 13, 1734. 
 
49. Isaac King Clarke was an apothecary who quitted Georgia for South Carolina in 1738. 
 
50. William Watkins, a surgeon, had several bouts with the law before he ran away in 1737. 
 
51. This figure seems too high for 1734. 
 
52. A reference to Fort Toulouse near the junction of the Coosa and Tallapoosa Rivers in central Alabama. 
 
53. John, Lord Viscount Tyrconnel, was Sir John Brownlow, an M.P. from Lincolnshire, who was elevated to the Irish peerage in 1718. He was one of the original Trustees. 
 
54. No evidence has been found to indicate that the Simpsons ever came to Georgia. 
 
55. John West, a bankrupt blacksmith, came over on the Ann. He was appointed a bailiff in Oct. 1733 but relieved at his own request the next Oct. He was successful as a blacksmith and built the first brickyard in the colony in 1738. The Trustees considered him a good example of what the worthy poor could accomplish. He became ill in the fall of 1738 and died the next summer. 
 
56. Elisha Dobree, from Charles Town, petitioned the Trustees for permission to open an Indian trading post south of the Altamaha. Instead he wound up as a clerk of the Trustees store at Frederica until 1739. 
 
57. C. O. 5/636 has a blank here. Egmont 14200 inserts  12,500 in the blank. 
 
58. C.O. 5/636 has a blank here. Egmont 14200 inserts  27,500 in the blank. 
 
59. Madder was a plant whose roots were used in making red dye. 
 
60. Samuel Montaigut opened a store in Savannah soon after his arrival. 
 
61. The C.O. 5/636 copy of the letter is unsigned and addressed to no one. The Egmont copy says it is from Eveleigh to Oglethorpe. Internal evidence negates Oglethorpe as the recipient. It is evidently Eveleighs letter to Gov. Robert Johnson, referred to below pp. 102-103. 
 
62. George Dunbar was captain of the Prince of Wales, the vessel in which Tomo-Chi-Chi and the other Indians returned from England in the winter of 1734. 
 
63. Peter Gordon was the bailiff who drew the plan of Savannah and conducted the colonists on this voyage. John Vat conducted the Salzburgers on this voyage. 
 
64. This reference must be to South Carolinas Fort King George near the mouth of the Altamaha, burned and abandoned by the end of 1725. 
 
65. Causton to Chardon, Nov. 9, 1734, above p. 103. 
 
66. Not filed with this letter. 
 
67. See William Jefferies to Oglethorpe, Jan. 31, 1735/5, below pp. 209-210. 
 
68. Robert Parker, Jr., was chosen as lieutenant by Oglethorpe. The doctor was named Hirsh, but nothing else is known of him. 
 
69. Woodward to Mackay, Aug. 16, 1734, above p. 72. 
 
70. Not filed with this letter. 
 
71. William Stanhope, Baron Harrington, was Secretary of State for the Northern Department from 1730 to 1742. 
 
72. Horatio or Horace Walpole, the younger brother of Sir Robert Walpole, was Secretary of the Treasury 1715-1717, 1721, ambassador at Paris 1723-1730, and at the Hague 1733-1740. 
 
73. Robert Millar replaced William Houstoun as the Trustees botanist after Houstoun died in Jamaica on Aug. 14, 1733. 
 
74. A tropical American herb, the root of which was formerly used as a stimulant tonic and diaphoretic. 
 
75. See footnote 6 above p. 4. 
 
76. Evidently Eveleighs letter of Nov. 20, 1734, above pp. 105-108. 
 
77. This letter has not been found. 
 
78. Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, Roman historian and biographer of the second century. 
 
79. None of these are filed with this letter. 
 
80. Lewis Bowen, a bookseller, arrived in Georgia Aug. 29, 1733. 
 
81. Ambrose Vicary, a seaman, arrived in Georgia Dec. 16, 1733. 
 
82. William Wise, a farmer, arrived in Georgia Dec. 16, 1733. He was murdered March 1, 1733/4, by Alice Riley and Richard White, two Irish transport servants, who were hanged for the murder. 
 
83. Robert Potter, an alehouse keeper, came to Georgia at his own expense, arriving Aug. 29, 1733. He received the highest accolade of an industrious man. He continued farming and other economic endeavors until his death in March 1740. 
 
84. Otherwise known as Cath Ongy. On the Irish transport servants who arrived in Georgia in late Dec. 1733 or early Jan. 1734 and the troubles they caused, see Sarah B. Gober Temple and Kenneth Coleman, Georgia Journeys (Athens, 1961), 76-82, 124. 
 
85. Evidently a sugar drogher, a type of sailing barge used in the West Indian coastal trade. 
 
86. See note 55 above p. 81. 
 
87. Tomo-Chi-Chi and the other Indians who accompanied Oglethorpe to England in May of 1734 had returned to Savannah on Dec. 28, 1734. 
 
88. This letter was undoubtedly written from Georgia in late 1734 or early 1735. The Egmont copy says without Date. Dec. 1734. In his June 3, 1735, letter Parker refers to his letter of Jan. 4, which is undoubtedly this letter. See below p. 372. 
 
89. Captains of vessels which brought settlers to Georgia in 1733. 
 
90. People who came on the Ann in Feb. 1733 
 
91. Arthur Johnston came to Georgia from South Carolina in the summer of 1733. 
 
92. Johnston sold his town lot to Joseph Pavie in 1736, but nothing is known of his success at planting. 
 
93. George Symes was an apothecary fifty-five years of age when he came to Georgia on the Ann. He held a dormant commission to succeed Peter Gordon as first magistrate, but never served in that office. He was dead by 1740. 
 
94. William Calloway was a wine cooper who arrived in Georgia Dec. 28, 1734, and died June 4, 1735. 
 
95. Samuel Pensyre was a surgeon who arrived in Georgia Aug. 28, 1733, and originally settled at Tybee. He removed to Savannah where he died June 12, 1735. 
 
96. Neither the writer nor the recipient has been identified. Samuel Hill evidently never went to Georgia. 
 
97. Thomas Young was a wheelwright of forty-five when he came to Georgia on the Ann. By Georgia standards, he seems to have been fairly successful. 
 
98. Henry Lloyd, aged twenty-one, came on the Ann as a servant to William Cox. He brought his time and had a license in Dec. 1736 to keep a public house. Part of the letter makes little or no sense, evidently because of Lloyds lack of formal education. 
 
99. Adrian Loyer, a bookkeeper, was denominated an industrious man and had the chief direction of the accounts at the stores under Thomas Causton before he went to Port Royal, South Carolina, in 1739. 
 
100. John Scott was a gunsmith who was twice convicted of selling rum illegally (1736 and 1738) before he ran away to South Carolina in March 1738. 
 
101. Probably Thomas Causton. 
 
102. Evidently Peter Gordon, who returned from England late the previous December. 
 
103. Joseph Fitzwalter, a gardner, who came on the Ann, was one of the original constables. He was the first gardner of the Trustees Garden in Savannah but differed with Paul Amatis over the garden and was removed in 1735 but later reinstated. 
 
104. Vetches. 
 
105. Foil refers to compound leaves. The plants referred to here were probably clover or similar plants. 
 
106. Where Fitzwalter got his information about Williamsburg is unknown, but it is hardly correct. 
 
107. James Burnside was a writing master who arrived in Georgia in Dec. 1733. The Trustees took no notice of the request in this letter. 
 
108. Elizabeth Stanley, aged thirty-five, and her husband Joseph, aged forty-five, a stockingmaker, came on the Ann. She was the public midwife. Joseph cleared four acres early and became the sexton at Savannah. Elizabeth went to England in 1736 to have her baby and apparently did not return to Georgia. Joseph was in and out of the colony as late as 1756 when he was granted 100 acres of land. 
 
109. Paul Jenys was a South Carolina merchant and planter who received a grant of 500 acres in Georgia on Oct. 2, 1735. The Negroes were some of those borrowed from South Carolina as sawyers and other laborers in the early days of the colony. 
 
110. Andreas Zwifler, an apothecary, acted as the doctor among the Salzburgers. 
 
111. Probably Richard Hughes, a saw maker and blacksmith, who arrived in Dec. 1733 and settled at Abercorn. 
 
112. Mackay to Causton, July 8, 1734, above pp. 60-61. 
 
113. Hamilton to Causton, May 27, 1734, above pp. 52-58. 
 
114. Joseph Smith, a grazier, arrived with a wife and daughter on Dec. 23, 1734. 
 
115. Hugh Frazer, a tailor, arrived in Aug. 1733. 
 
116. Kinds of cloth. 
 
117. Edward Jenkins, a hosier, arrived in Sept. 1733. He was appointed one of the first trustees of orphans in Georgia, an office made necessary by the large number of deaths in July 1733. 
 
118. On Wises murder see Christy to Oglethorpe, Dec. 14, 1734, above pp. 125-126. 
 
119. James Willoughby, a peruke maker, arrived in Aug. 1733 and died in Oct. 1734. 
 
120. John Goddard, the son of James and Elizabeth, was nine when he came on the Ann. Both his parents died in July 1733, and John was apprenticed to Joseph Fitzwalter, the gardner. 
 
121. John Milledge, the son of Thomas and Elizabeth, was twelve when his family arrived on the Ann. His father died the first July and his mother in June 1734. He matured early and was a favorite of Oglethorpes who helped Milledge begin his military career. He soon became a leading citizen and so continued until his death in 1781. 
 
122. William Little, the son of William and Elizabeth, was two when he came on the Ann. His father died the first July. His mother then married John West, whose wife and child had died in July, but died herself the following September. Mrs. Samuel Mercer (then Mrs. Samuel Parker) took little William at his mothers death and raised him as one of her own. 
 
123. Probably Dorothy Ryley, who had died in Nov. 1734. Her husband Will had died in Jan. 1733/4. The two boys were John and Will. 
 
124. Charles and Peter Tondee were the orphans of Peter Tondee who arrived in May 1733 and died in July. 
 
125. These men, all lowland Scots, arrived in June and Aug. 1734 and took gentlemens grants on the Ogeechee, some thirty miles from Savannah. 
 
126. John Graham, a farmer and tanner, arrived in Aug. 1733. Both his sons soon died and he was fined for having his hat on in court in Sept. 1734. 
 
127. Evidently Governor Robert Johnson of South Carolina. 
 
128. Captain George Dunbar of the Prince of Wales arrived in Savannah on Dec. 27, 1734. At the Trustees request, he made a reconnaissance to the southward before returning to England. 
 
129. Toonahowi, Tomo-Chi-Chis nephew. 
 
130. A gift from the Duke of Cumberland while the Indians were in England. 
 
131. Thomas Mouse, a clogmaker, arrived in Jan. 1733/4, with a wife and four daughters. His years on Skidoway document the hard life in many of the out settlements, created by Oglethorpe as a part of his defence plan. On the Mouses see Temple and Coleman, Georgia Journeys, 50-56. 
 
132. Legumes. 
 
133. Madder roots were used in the manufacture of dye. 
 
134. See footnote 47 above p. 73. 
 
135. John Musgrove had just returned from England where he had been interpreter for the Indians Oglethorpe took over. 
 
136. James Horner has not been identified, nor is it known to whom the letter was addressed. The letter concerns the first Moravians to come to Georgia. See Adelaide L. Fried, The Moravians in Georgia (Raleigh, N.C., 1905), 47-65. 
 
137. August Gottlieb Spangenberg, a Moravian leader who arranged for the removal to Georgia and led the first contingent, had been a professor of theology at the University of Halle. 
 
138. A group of Swiss settlers for Purrysburg, S.C., who went on the same ship as the Moravians. 
 
139. Tobias Fitch, South Carolina Indian Commissioner 1733 1742. 
 
140. James Abercromby was attorney general of South Carolina 1731-1732 and 1733-1742. 
 
141. Robert Parker, Jr., arrived Dec. 16, 1733, and like his father and brother objected to many Georgia regulations. Will and Elizabeth Sale arrived March 12, 1733/4. Will had a grant of 300 acres on Skidoway Island but died July 8, 1734. Elizabeth married Robert Parker, Jr., on Sept. 30, 1734. They apparently left Georgia in July 1736 or 1737. 
 
142. Walter Augustine came from South Carolina and got a 500 acre grant Sept. 24, 1735. He had left before Jan. 1738/9. 
 
143. Sir Francis Bathurst, having fallen on hard times in England, arrived on Dec. 28, 1734, with a wife, three daughters, and one son. His wife, Elizabeth, died Aug. 10, 1736; and Sir Francis married Mary Pember, who had come to Georgia as a widow. She died that October and Sir Francis in November. 
 
144. The writers were the ministers to the Salzburgers at Ebenezer, and Newman was the secretary to the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge in London, the backer of the Salzburger removal to Georgia. For more information on the Newman-Salzburger relationship see George Fenwick Jones, ed., Henry Newmans Salzburger Letterbook (Athens, 1966). 
 
145. This group of sixty-five Salzburgers arrived Dec. 28, 1734, aboard the Prince of Wales, Capt. George Dunbar. 
 
146. Evidently George Bartholomew Roth and his wife Mary Barbara, who in July 1734 had requested permission to return to Germany because he said he could not work the ground at Ebenezer. 
 
147. The Reverend Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen, chaplain to the royal Lutheran Chapel in London and a channel for German religious affairs in England. 
 
148. Evidently Parkers letter of the same date to the Trustees, which is the next document in this volume. 
 
149. Francis Percy, or Piercy, a gardner, arrived Dec. 28, 1734. He married Elizabeth, the daughter of Sir Francis Bathurst, Feb. 9, 1734/5, and ran away from Georgia in 1738. 
 
150. In London. 
 
151. Arthur Middleton was president of the South Carolina governors council 1721-1737 (the year of his death), and had been acting governor 1725-1730. 
 
152. Evidently Hugh Ross, a servant to Will and Hugh Sterling. 
 
153. Mrs. Parker was the widow of William Sale who had died July 8, 1734, and whose goods, for which Parker was trying to get a settlement, are listed below. 
 
154. John Coates, a turner, arrived Dec. 13, 1733. Watkins was undoubtedly Will Watkins, a surgeon, who arrived in Dec. 1733 and had several scrapes with the authorities before he ran away in 1737. 
 
155. Popple was the secretary to the Board of Trade. 
 
156. William Ewen, a basket maker and servant to Thomas Causton at the Trustees Store, arrived Dec. 28, 1734. 
 
157. The List of Early Settlers says Mrs. Parker arrived Dec. 28, 1734, but this letter seems to negate this. 
 
158. In South Carolina. 
 
159. On John West see footnote 55 above, p. 81 
 
160. None of the enclosures listed in this letter are filed with it. 
 
161. Evidently Robert Parker Jrs account, March 3, 1734/5, above pp. 243-244. 
 
162. Henry Parker, a linen draper who had arrived Aug. 29, 1733, became third bailiff in 1734. 
 
163. Peiba has not been identified. King Clark, an apothecary, arrived Dec. 16, 1733. See footnote 154 above, p. 247. 
 
164. A region in south central France, the home of the Albigenses, where Protestants were persecuted from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries, most recently in the War of the Camisards, 1702-1705. The villages of Quissac and Sauve are between Ales and Nimes in the Department of Gard. By the 1730s Germans were settled at New Bern and in the upper Cape Fear valley in North Carolina. 
 
165. This distance is the water distance, not land, which would be about twenty miles. 
 
166. Edward Massey was the captain of the Independent Company stationed at Port Royal, South Carolina. 
 
167. Henry Clark, a farmer, and his wife Anne, arrived June 15, 1733. Anne died the following September and Henry in December. The daughter, named Anne, remained in Georgia until 1740. There were two sons, Henry and Thomas, but nothing is known of what happened to them. 
 
168. Joseph Herrington arrived July 7, 1733, and got a 500 acre grant at Thunderbolt. 
 
169. John Godly, or Godley, was a servant to Joseph Hetherington who arrived July 7, 1733. 
 
170. John and Elizabeth Penrose came on the Ann. Elizabeth kept an unlicensed public house in Savannah which was apparently very popular. 
 
171. Unidentified. 
 
172. A sponsor at baptism. 
 
173. Part of a planned fort. 
 
174. Unidentified. 
 
175. Thomas Wood, Institute of the Laws of England (London, 1720) was a forerunner of Blackstones Commentaries. 
 
176. Evidently William Mellichamp, identified in the List of Early Settlers as a gent., arrived in March 1733/4 with his wife, two daughters, and four sons. In 1735 he had troubles with the law for counterfeiting South Carolina currency and for unlawful possession of goods. The counterfeiting is often confused between William and his son Thomas, but the List says both were indicted. 
 
177. These Swiss were not settlers for Georgia but for Purrysburg, S. C. See Diary of the First Earl of Eqmont, II, 142-143, 144, and CRG, II, 86 
 
178. A member of the South Carolina governors council. 
 
179. On Fitzwalters and Amatis argument over which should control the Trustees Garden see Temple and Coleman, Georgia Tourneys, 126-134. 
 
180. The List of Early Settlers gives a Will Cooksey as holding Lot No. 9 in Savannah but does not say when he came to Georgia or give any information about his background. 
 
181. Undoubtedly the House of Commons. 
 
182. Governor Robert Johnson died on May 3, 1735. 
 
183. There is no Haselfoot in the List of Early Settlers. There is a Ja. Harlefoot, who might be the person referred to in this letter. He arrived on Aug. 21, 1734, with a grant of 150 acres. On Jan. 16, 1735/6 he was assigned two Trust servants. There is no record of his wife having joined him in Georgia. 
 
184. Evidently the English shipping firm of Peter and J. C. Simond (Symond) which did a good bit of business with the Trustees and sent vessels to Georgia. 
 
185. The Rev. Samuel Urlspergerwas senior Lutheran pastor at Augsburg and the intermediary used by the Salzburgers in going to Georgia. 
 
186. Peter Gordon, the original first bailiff in Georgia, was a thirty-five year old upholsterer when he came on the Ann. He returned to England in November but arrived in Georgia again on Dec. 28, 1734. After two months spent mainly in collecting complaints, he returned to England and wrote this letter. The Trustees took no action on it but undoubtedly enjoined Oglethorpe to investigate more fully when he returned to Georgia in early 1736. 
 
187. Daniel McLachlan (McLaughlan or McLaulan) is identified by the Earl of Egmont as a Scots minister who wrote a pamphlet to prove that whoring was no sin. In April and May 1737 McLachlan, in London, made several appearances before the Trustees with his scheme to bring Highlanders to Georgia. He was questioned about his pamphlet and made a recantation to the Bishop of Rochester and was finally given permission to send over 100 Highlanders at their own expense. Nothing further has been discovered on this matter. See Diary of the First Earl of Egmont, II, 380-405 passim. 
 
188. This letter is in neither C.O. 5/637 or the Egmont Papers. Governor Robert Johnson died on May 3, 1735. 
 
189. Undoubtedly Hugh or William at Sterlings Bluff. 
 
190. Royal Lutheran chaplain in London. 
 
191. Apparently none of the people mentioned in this letter ever came to Georgia. None are in the List of Early Settlers. 
 
192. People from an Austrian Provinne. 
 
193. Traveling expenses. 
 
194. The Egmont reading is Bohemian Brethren here and elsewhere in this letter. 
 
195. This letter in C.O. 5/636 is damaged in several places. The parts of words missing are made up from the Egmont copy. This letter is misdated, considering the fact that it is in answer to Verelsts letter of May 15, Judging by the other letters received by the Trustees at the same time, it must have been written in late July, perhaps July 28. 
 
196. Not filed with this letter. 
 
197. Judging by the dates of other letters received this date, this letter must have been written in late May 1735. 
 
198. Francis Piercy succeeded Joseph Fitzwalter as public gardner in 1736 and worked in the garden most of 1737 before he left the colony late that year. The Rev. Mr. Forester has not been identified. 
 
199. Cassany or cassana is a yaupon of the genus Ilex. Its leaves were used by the Southeastern Indians in their black drink and it was used by early settlers in that area as a tea substitute. 
 
200. Piercy undoubtedly paints too rosy a picture, especially on the size of Savannah and the amount of silk produced. 
 
201. A West Indian tree used in drug manufacture. 
 
202. This note was evidently added by the recipient. 
 
203. A type of sawn lumber or boards. 
 
204. Undoubtedly the lighthouse upon which work had begun in the fall of 1733 and which was not yet erected. 
 
205. Cussetaws signified Sun. The Sun would have them calld so. [Note in original manuscript.] 
 
206. By Acct. of French Indians there is a great town there wth. black lips, if any go to kill them they turn mad. [Originial note.] 
 
207. Wahalle, wch. Signified going down or South. [Original note.] 
 
208. Colossa Hutch or Colossa Creek. [Original note.] 
 
209. Cossaws ye Body of ye Tow. [Original note.] 
 
210. Made of ye Bark of Hickorey Tree. [Original note.] 
 
211. Or Striping Sting Creek. [Original note.] 
 
212. Tomo-Chi-Chi and several other Indians were in England from June to late Oct. 1734. 
 
213. Tomo-Chi-Chis wife. 
 
214. At wch. they gave a general Shout of Approbation. [Originial note.] 
 
215. Gapen, a farmer, arrived Aug. 29, 1733, was fined twice in court, followed the butchers trade, and finally ran away for debt. 
 
216. Mrs. Bland, a widow, came to Georgia at the Trustees expense. The List of Early Settlers gives no further information on her. Her son, James, is listed as a minor. He belonged to a company settled at Fort Argyle in May 1737 and then is listed as Ran away. 
 
217. A seaport on the N. W. coast of Columbia, then a part of the Spanish vice-royalty of New Granada. 
 
218. Plants used in the manufacture of drugs and perfumes. 
 
219. A gardner at Chelsea. 
 
220. A city in the Yucatan peninsula of Mexico. 
 
221. See below p. 482. 
 
222. The talk of June 11 covers this subject, but Causton says below that the Indians did not arrive in Savannah until June 22. The talk is above pp. 381-387. 
 
223. Probably some kind of beans or peas. 
 
224. Dean, a carpenter, arrived Dec. 16, 1733, with a wife, a daughter, and two sons. His servant was Samuel Dean. 
 
225. Undoubtedly deerskins. 
 
226. See above pp. 105-108. 
 
227. Dated April 5, 1735, above pp. 314-315. 
 
228. See above p. 412 
 
229. Not filed with this letter. 
 
230. See above pp. 413-418. 
 
231. Probably early July 1735. 
 
232. None of the papers listed as enclosed are filed with this letter. 
 
233. Walter Fox was thirty-five, single, and a turner when he arrived on the Ann. He got into no trouble with the authorities and was made a tything man in Nov. 1736. 
 
234. William Gough, Jr., arrived in June 1733 with his parents, wife, and a son. His parents died in the summer of 1733 and his son in Dec. His wife would die four days after this letter was written. He had a grant of eighty acres and was made a tythingman in 1736. He is denominated an idle fellow in the List who ran to Carolina in Dec. 1736. 
 
235. See below pp. 450-451, 456, 469 
 
236. Montagut is listed as a private Storekeeper but his date of arrival is not given. 
 
237. John Cundall, according to the List, was fined for scandal in Aug. 1734 and ran away in June 1737. Either 1737 is in error or he left only temporarily in 1735. Earl Piercy Hill was convicted of misprision of treason for his part in the Red String Plot and received sixty lashes in March 1734/5 and ran away. 
 
238. John Musgrove died June 12, 1735. 
 
239. August Gottlieb Spangenberg brought the first transport of Moravians to Georgia, arriving April 16, 1735. 
 
240. For Mrs. Blands account of her arrival, see above pp. 393-395. 
 
241. The brother, Robert Millar, was the Trustees botanist. See his letter above pp. 395-398. 
 
242. His brothers quarterly salary payment. The Trustees did order it paid. 
 
243. The idea of Oglethorpe as governor of South Carolina seems to have been discussed in both Carolina and London. It was on Feb. 6, 1736/7, that the Earl of Egmont recorded in his diary that Sir Robert Walpole had asked Oglethorpe if he would accept the governorship. No new governor was appointed until 1743 when James Glen assumed office. 
 
244. None of the enclosures noted are filed with this letter, but some are probably printed above and below. 
 
245. Killed by Indians who were angry because of the actions of Joseph Watson. 
 
246. This would seem to be Lt. Gov. Broughtons letter of July 29, despite the fact that Caustons letter was written on July 25. Broughtons letter is below pp. 490-493. 
 
247. Probably George Cussions affidavit of July 19, 1735, below p. 488. 
 
248. Becu arrived March 12, 1733/34, and was assigned a lot in Savannah. He was fined 40 shillings twice in Oct. 1734 for receiving stolen goods. His farm lot was purchased by David Truan, but no date is given. Nothing further is known of him. 
 
249. Society in Scotland for Promoting Christian Knowledge. 
 
250. The List says John Thompson was a block maker who arrived in Dec. 1733. He settled at Abercorn which he quitted in 1736 for Savannah where he died in 1738. He brought a wife and son with him to Georgia. 
 
251. Twenty-one on this list are included in the List of Early Settlers as Salzburgers who arrived in Feb. 1735/6 and settled at Ebenezer. Those not included in the List are No. 10, 11, 18, 19, 23, 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, and 34. 
 
252. The building of a lighthouse. 
 
253. No enclosures are filed with this letter. 
 
254. John Burnside, a writing master, arrived in Dec. 1733 but was not granted a lot in Savannah until 1736. 
 
255. Not filed with this letter. 
 
256. This evidently refers to the 1735 renewal of the right to export rice direct to parts of Europe south of Cape Finisterre. 
 
257. Not filed with this letter. 
 
258. Not filed with this letter. 
 
259. This letter and enclosures are printed in CRG XXI, pp. 3-11. Broughtons enclosures, but not his letter, and other related documents were sent to the Trustees, apparently by Thomas Causton, in October 1735. They are in C.O. 5/637, pp. 258-274. Broughtons letter and these documents were considered by the Trustees at their meetings of Dec. 13 and 17. The documents not printed in CRG, XXI, are printed herewith. 
 
260. Printed in CRG, XXI, 6-7. 
 
261. Printed in CRG, XXI, 8-9. 
 
INDEX 
 
Abercorn, conditions, 140, 141 
 
in good health, 170 
 
industrious farmers, 305 
 
road from to Ebenezer, 169 
 
settlement, 40 
 
Abercorn River, discovered, 40 
 
Abercromby, James, aids in prosecution on S. C. money, 451 
 
glad to serve Ga., 478 
 
Indian trade, 453 
 
Port Royal seizure, 190 
 
right of Ga. to export rice, 478 
 
seizure of vessel at Port Royal, 205206 
 
S. C. & N. C. affairs, 298299 
 
visits Savannah, 441, 444 
 
Accountant, needed in Trustees store, 442 
 
Accounts, cash, of Thomas Causton, 169, 432 
 
sent to Trustees, 403 
 
Trustees Store, 199 
 
Adams, Mr., butcher, wants lot, 453 
 
Agriculture, at Abercorn, 305 
 
begins in Savannah, 17 
 
conditions, 85, 138, 139140, 227229, 304, 445446, 453 
 
delayed as land not surveyed, 326 
 
Elisha Dobree describes, 227229 
 
plants which will grow in Ga., 367369 
 
products, 369 
 
1734, 120121 
 
1735 harvest, 453, 470 
 
Alabama, French activity in, 89 
 
Alatchee, & Indian present distribution, 318 
 
Alehouses, people run into debt at, 304 
 
Alligators, in Ga., 18 
 
Altamaha River, fort needed at mouth, 6667, 101 
 
site of first settlement, 2 
 
Amatis, Nicholas, discharged by Paul Amatis, 459 
 
moves to Savannah, 251 
 
Amatis, Paul, account, 91 
 
and orphans, 184185 
 
and Samuel Eveleigh, 88 
 
bills protested, 186187, 411 
 
Charles Town garden, 22, 71, 152154, 186187 
 
complaints against Thomas Causton, 378381, 408412, 423425, 446 
 
conditions at Trustees Garden, 124, 164, 378381, 408409, 423425, 446, 459460 
 
expenses for Trustees garden, 229 
 
fined for selling rum, 376, 379 
 
house in Savannah, 93 
 
houses orphans, 302 
 
knows little of gardening, 426 
 
lifestyle, 448 
 
moves to Savannah, 251 
 
on board Ann, 34 
 
on servants in Trustees Garden, 164, 252, 408409 
 
run off by the magistrates in Ga., 371, 373 
 
silk production, 105, 210214, 409410, 446, 459460 
 
trial for debt, 412 
 
troubles with Joseph Fitzwalter, ix, 124, 252253, 314315, 423425, 446 
 
troubles with Nicholas Amatis & Camuses, 459460 
 
Trustee needed in Ga., 409 
 
Ambrose, John, death, 441, 444 
 
sells rum, 379 
 
Anchorage, for naval vessels at Wassaw, 421 
 
Ann, Atlantic crossing described, 3, 5 
 
Annis, planted, 159 
 
Antrobus, Thomas, married Elizabeth Taylor, 170 
 
Ants, in Ga., 18 
 
Apalachee Old Fields, Spanish talk of settling, 291 
 
Apothecary, George Symes, 143 
 
Isaac King Clarke, 7677 
 
Apple trees, in Trustees garden, 252 
 
Argyle Island, cattle on, 345 
 
Armed men, for S. C. & Ga., 248 
 
Arms, for Ga., 155 
 
Arrest for debt, in Savannah, 3 73 
 
Augustine, Walter, claims right to timber, 429 
 
conditions in Ga., 445446 
 
dealings with Sir Francis Bathurst, 216217, 233234, 438439 
 
finds water passage to Ebenezer, 170 
 
land recommended for, 24 
 
sawmill, 306, 358, 445446, 472473 
 
wishes for Oglethorpe in Ga., 445446 
 
Austrians, leaving for Ga., 465467 
 
Awoolleg, & Indian present distribution, 317 
 
Baillie, John, on trip down coast, 192 
 
Baker, John, sends Trustees bills for Ga., 387388 
 
Baker, Samuel, agent of Samuel Eveleigh, 67 
 
Baker, William, marries Martha Bathurst, 216, 234 
 
Mate on Prince of Wales, 216 
 
Balls & marriages, celebrated in Ga., 228 
 
Balsam, Capivi, Robert Miller searches for, 117, 396397, 445, 476 
 
Balsam Fern, Robert Miller searches for, 116 
 
Balsam Tolu, 476 
 
Barley, grown at Purrysburg, 353 
 
Barlow, of S. C., aids Ga., 10 
 
Barnes, John, going to Ga., 25 
 
Barnwell, Nathaniel, aid to early Ga., 10 
 
Barnwells Bluff, surveyors signs found, 193 
 
Bartlets wife, Indian interpreter, 185 
 
Barton, John, Indian interpreter, 69, 111112, 489, 493 
 
Bateman, William, description of Savannah, 7475 
 
Bathurst, Elizabeth, marries Francis Percy, 232 
 
Bathurst, Sir Francis, cassany tea helps his gout, 368 
 
death, 216 
 
dealings with Walter Augustine, 216217 
 
happy & planted 8 acres, 306 
 
his condition in Ga., 233234, 319, 357358, 438439 
 
likes Ga., 300301, 319 
 
marries Mary Pember, 216 
 
needs servants, 300301, 319 
 
Samuel Eveleigh visits, 345 
 
200 acres surveyed for, 429 
 
trip to Ga., 100, 300301 
 
Bathurst, Martha, marries Wm. Baker, 216 
 
Bathurst, Robert, works hard, 234, 301, 319 
 
Battery, finished at Savannah, 14 
 
Bauer, Andrew, leaves for Ga., 466 
 
Beacon, see lighthouse at Tybee 
 
Beale and Copper, debts of Elisha Dobree, 103 
 
Beaufain, Hector de, conditions in Georgia, 4547 
 
good company, 141 
 
in Purysburg, 44 
 
recommended for grant, 42 
 
Beaufort, Ga. colonists lodge there, 9 
 
Becu, Giles, French baker in Ga., 456, 457 
 
Beef, bought in Savannah, 123 
 
Beer, at early Savannah, 17 
 
brewed by Thomas Christy, 356 
 
brewing in Ga., 160 
 
needed during house building, 168 
 
ordered by Robert Parker, 134 
 
sent from England, 304 
 
to sell desired by William Galloway, 144 
 
Bell, Andrew, blacksmith, 426 
 
Bill of exchange, methods of use in Savannah, 477 
 
Bishop, Philip, arrives in Ga., 29, 30 
 
on Thunderbolt, 276 
 
Blacksmith, Andrew Bell, 426 
 
Bland, Elizabeth, 393395, 440 
 
Bland, James, in Ga., 393395, 440 
 
Bloody flux, early settlers have, 10 
 
Blythman, William, builder of lighthouse at Tybee, 41, 468 
 
Board of Trade, concerned with Ga. & S. C. defense, 249 
 
Bohemians, possibly going to Ga., 466 
 
Bolzius, Rev. John Martin, conditions at Ebenezer, 6163, 218223, 465 
 
counterfeit bills, 418419, 455 
 
favors Frederick Reinlander, 169 
 
married, 470471 
 
Oglethorpe characterizes, 52 
 
proposes to Salzburgers to work land jointly, 227 
 
sent religious tracts, 418 
 
thanks Trustees for kind attention, 464 
 
Botanical searches, by Robert Miller, 115117; see Robert Miller & William Houstoun 
 
Bowen, Lewis, death of, 124125 
 
going to Ga., 25 
 
Bowling, Elizabeth, red string plot, 286 
 
Bowling, Susan, cannot get her husbands effects in Ga., 273274, 337 
 
Bowling, Thomas, boatman between S. C. & Ga., 274 
 
Box, Mary, marries Thomas Young, 154, 170 
 
Bread, baking at Ebenezer difficult, 361362 
 
Brew house, set up by Thomas Christie, 124, 356 
 
Brickmaker, in Ga., 88 
 
Bricks, in Ga., 41, 44, 88, 124, 411 
 
Brion, Jonathan, claims rights to timber, 429 
 
British dominance over Indians, how to achieve, 279 
 
Broughton, Lt. Gov. Thomas, inquires about killing of Spaniard, 402 
 
S. C-Ga. argument over Indian trade, 482, 484488, 490493 
 
Brown, Hains & Co., Indian traders, 320 
 
Brown, Thomas, trader to Catawba Indians, 119 
 
Brownjohn, William, gardener, 2526, 233 
 
Bryan, Hugh or Jonathan, aid to Ga., 40 
 
Bryan, Mr., exports rice, 437 
 
land recommended for, 24 
 
Buckwheat, grown at Purrysburg, 353 
 
Building program, needed, 121 
 
Buley, William, brings Elizabeth Malpas to Ga., 456 
 
Bull, Col. William, helps Ga. Indian relations, 6365, 171172, 401, 402, 489 
 
consulted, on pine barren land, 405 
 
Bull, William, helps Georgia, 7, 8, 10, 1112, 39, 40 
 
Bullock, James, grant recommended for, 36 
 
recommended as bailiff, 38 
 
Bunyan, Robert, to manage Negroes, 169 
 
Burnside, James, applies to be teacher in Ga., 166 
 
as ranger lieutenant, 112 
 
licensed to instruct youth, 475 
 
Butcher, public, problems, 389390, 393 
 
Butter, price in Ga., 161162 
 
Cabbage and salad greens, 159 
 
Cadman, John, death, 441 
 
Calloway, William, arrives and building house, 143144, 168 
 
Calvert, William, planter at Fort Argyle, 306 
 
Camuse, Jacob & wife, 210, 459460 
 
Cannon, mounted at guard house, 123, 154 
 
Cannon, James, dies on Ann, 5 
 
Cannon, Richard, 271, 355, 441, 444 
 
Cape Bluff, to be called Oglethorpe, 43 
 
Cape Fear, S. C. planters move there, 102103 
 
Caper plants, 452, 479 
 
Capivi, William Houstoun hopes to secure, 6 
 
Carbines & saddle, needed by Patrick Mackay, 297298 
 
Carinthians, interested ingoing to Ga., 331, 346351, 463, 466, 475 
 
Cartagna, Botanist William Houstoun at, 4 
 
Robert Miller hopes to visit, 117 
 
Carteret, Lord, land rights in Ga. & S. C., 25 
 
Carwell, James, drinking, 92 
 
houses orphan, 30, 302 
 
red string plot, 270 
 
Cash Account, of Ga. magistrates, 169, 403, 432 
 
Cassany tea, recommended for gout, 368 
 
Catawba Indians, possibility of move to Okmulgee River, 119 
 
Catholics, Spanish spies, 2122 
 
Cattle, in Ga., 78, 11, 23, 123124, 165, 256, 345, 358, 439 
 
Cattle food, 162 
 
Cattle & fowls, bought for Moravians, Tomo-Chi-Chi, & for Salzburgers, 477 
 
Causton, Thomas, accusations against, ix, 242, 246, 325, 336338, 374377, 380, 390, 393395, 410411, 440 
 
affairs of William Sale, 256262 
 
attends Tuscanies-Fitzwalter wedding, 427 
 
characterized, 87, 130131, 344, 431 
 
Choctaw relations, 6365 
 
dealings with Elisha Dobree, 159, 292 
 
dealings with Robert Parker, 215, 242245, 259261, 373, 416417 
 
describes Savannahs settling, 1518 
 
describes troubles of Capt. Yoakley, 189190 
 
encourages Salzburgers not to move, 224, 225, 305, 359 
 
exports pitch & tar, 176 
 
handling of red string plot, 256262, 301 
 
houses orphan, 302 
 
Joseph Watson case, 246247, 254, 372, 450, 462 
 
Indian trade problem with S. C. 476477, 491492 
 
inquires about lease rights of settlers, 190191 
 
method of operation as magistrate, 468, 470 
 
Paul Amatis complains against, 408412, 424425, 449 
 
promises to write Trustees more often, 191 
 
relations with Peter Gordon, 338, 452 
 
reports conditions in Ga., 4445, 168176, 283287, 303307, 398403, 437441, 449454, 467471 
 
servants sent to, 452 
 
storekeeper, 1516, 17, 440 
 
supports Patrick Mackay, 491492 
 
Thomas Christie cooperates with, 455 
 
troubles with John Musgrove, 237238, 246247 
 
Trustee financial affairs, 97100, 103105, 313, 341342, 377378, 404405, 450, 454 
 
Cedar, in Ga., 22 
 
Chahawe, & Indian present distribution, 318 
 
Chardon, Isaac, accounts with Trustees, 7980, 9092, 97100, 103105, 113, 151152, 229, 235236, 287289, 316, 341342, 377378, 404405, 454, 477, 480481 
 
conditions in Ga., 4344 
 
financial transactions with Paul Amatis, 186187, 411412, 425 
 
method of silk production, 105 
 
Port Royal seizure, 190 
 
reports on Choctaw Indian visit, 6465 
 
trade for Ga., 42, 6566, 113 
 
visits Savannah, 441, 444 
 
Charles Town, fever in, 2 
 
gives Savannah bad name, 7475 
 
messenger to established, 123, 160 
 
original Ga. settlers not to stop at, 2 
 
supplies bought in, 36 
 
Charles Town Merchants, object to Patrick Mackays removing traders among Creek Indians, 402403 
 
Charles Town to Savannah, time of trip, 8687 
 
Cheeswright, Paul, master of Mary Simons, 302303 
 
tipling house without license, 284285 
 
Chekilly, Creek leader, 317, 387 
 
Cherekeileigie, Creek chieftain, 281, 295297, 298 
 
Cherokee Indians, relations with, 4950, 5557, 7879, 89 
 
Chickesaw Indians, Ga. trade with, 484 
 
Chimneys, almost finished, 123 
 
built for widows, 41, 87 
 
in Savannah, 44, 88 
 
Paul Amatis wants one, 213214 
 
Choctaw Indians, friendly to English, 280281 
 
relations with Ga., 6061, 89 
 
trade, 70, 122, 250, 280281 
 
visit Savannah, 6365, 171172 
 
Christie, Thomas, administration of Elizabeth Sales estate, 242 
 
brews beer, 124, 356 
 
cash accounts, 432 
 
Causton consults with, 303 
 
conditions in Ga., 120126, 353356, 454456 
 
denies charging for warrants, 254, 455 
 
description of red string plot, 269272 
 
differs with Thomas Causton, 191 
 
fishing trade, 124 
 
Indian trade, 432 
 
Joseph Watson case, 432 
 
murder of Justice, 174 
 
needs assistance in writing, 355 
 
on Salzburger land, 225 
 
recommends Elisha Dobree, 162163 
 
recorder of Savannah, 126 
 
rents Goddards house & land, 183184 
 
sells rum, 254, 325, 337, 379, 455 
 
talk to Creeks, 402 
 
wishes to resign office & move to frontier, 356, 455 
 
Church, needed in Savannah, 90 
 
Church services, in Savannah, 161 
 
Clark, Anne, death, 269 
 
orphan, 302 
 
Clark, Henry, death, 269 
 
Clark, Isaac King, apothecary, 145 
 
complains about conditions in Ga., 7677 
 
ill, 180 
 
Joseph Watson case, 284 
 
red string plot, 259 
 
Clarke, James, dies on Ann, 5 
 
Clay, for pottery, 165 
 
Clerk & bookkeeper, needed by Patrick Houstoun, 241 
 
Climate, of Ga., 2, 1920, 168, 213214, 218, 252, 262, 394, 403, 427, 452453 
 
Clothing, type needed in Ga., 18 
 
Clover, in Ga., 162 
 
Coates, Joseph, constable, 355 
 
Coates, Robert, red string plot, 259 
 
Coats, John, carpenter, 269 
 
constable, 284285 
 
Joseph Watson troubles, 247, 283284 
 
rum enforcement, 470 
 
Cocoa, planted in Ga., 369 
 
Coffee, in Ga., 88, 263, 369 
 
Cole, Joseph, death, 293, 444 
 
Collector of Customs, Robert Parker asks this job, 250 
 
Colloquintida, in Trustees Garden, 88 
 
Colonists, needed in Ga., 218 
 
Color bearer of militia, argument between Thomas Gapen & Joseph Fitzwalter, 390391 
 
Contrayerva, Robert Miller searches for, 116117 
 
Cooksey, Will, going to Ga., 315, 327 
 
Cooper, Joseph, death, 293, 441, 444 
 
Corn, in Ga., 121, 164, 217, 293, 344, 353, 369, 446, 470 
 
Corn House Creek, settlement, 43 
 
Cotton, in Ga., 121, 159, 164, 228, 229 
 
Counterfeit money, of S. C., 418419, 455 
 
Court, celebration of its opening, 441 
 
criminal held, 3435 
 
first held, 3033 
 
held too frequently, 140141, 335336, 469 
 
probate, 274 
 
proceedings, 120 
 
recommended for new town, 38 
 
1733 operation, 4142 
 
session held, 87 
 
Coutarel, Raymond, wants to settle in North Carolina, 263265 
 
Cowpen, near Savannah, 124, 160, 392 
 
Cox, John, prosecution against, 286 
 
red string plot, 241 
 
tried & punished, 272 
 
Cox, Dr. William, on board Ann, 3 
 
death, 21 
 
Crane, at Savannah, 14, 23, 337, 433 
 
Creek Indians, described by Oglethorpe, 14 
 
distribution of gifts from Trustees, 421 
 
expected in Savannah, 272 
 
fear of French with, 52, 53 
 
Ga. relations with, 42, 7879, 310312, 399400 
 
Ga. to settle fort among, 53, 310312 
 
Ga. trade with, 484 
 
in Savannah, 63, 64, 171172, 400401 
 
kill a Spaniard, 398 
 
negotiations with, 112, 422 
 
peace with, 2324 
 
protect Ga. against Spaniards, 42 
 
S. C.-Ga. relations, 6061 
 
S. C. & Ga. trade troubles, 108109 
 
talk from Oglethorpe, 290 
 
traditions of past history, 381387 
 
Creek traders, removed by Patrick Mackay, 402403 
 
Crops, good in Ga., 427 
 
Cruise, Edward, red string plot, 241 
 
prosecution, 286 
 
tried & punished, 272 
 
Cumberland, Duke of, gives watch to Toonahowi, 194 
 
Cumming, Sir Alexander, took Indians to England, 50 
 
Cundall, John, leaves Ga., 438 
 
Currency, in Ga., 161, 220 
 
Cussins, George, Patrick Mackay forbids to trade with Creeks, 488 
 
Cussitaw Indians, traditions of past history, 381387, 401 
 
Cypress, not to be cut, 431 
 
production, 9596 
 
Dalmas, William Johnson, death, 293, 440, 441, 444, 452 
 
needs seeds etc. on Skidoway, 196197 
 
requests servant, 7374 
 
skidaways defenses, 7374 
 
tythingman on Skidoway, 195 
 
Dancing, leads to quarrel, 230 
 
Dates, in Trustees Garden, 88 
 
Daubuz, Capt., Henry, brings Georgia Pink to Ga., 2526, 34, 36 
 
brings settlers to Ga., 139 
 
items sent to Eng. by, 166 
 
Deal, Ann at, 3 
 
Dean, James, asks for servant, 407, 412413 
 
family illness, 408, 412, 413 
 
Dearne, John, trustee for orphans, 269, 301303 
 
Deaths, in Ga., 29, 124, 356 
 
Debts, arrest for, 373 
 
methods of collecting, 469470 
 
Deerskins, exported from Ga., 321, 420421, 471 
 
shipped between Ga. & S. C., 318319 
 
Defense, at time of red string plot, 270 
 
early at Savannah, 14, 19, 2122, 23, 35, 82, 90, 161 
 
in case of Spanish attack, 399 
 
in 1733, 39, 40 
 
in 1734, 43 
 
of Ga. & S. C., 249 
 
on Thunderbolt, 276, 2 77 
 
S. C. to aid Georgia, 7 
 
Dejean, Capt., makes bricks in Purysburg, 44 
 
Delegal, Philip, Oglethorpe helps his son, 458459 
 
DeLormaison, Mayeux de, 74 
 
DePeiba, Mr., & Joseph Watson case, 283 
 
Dick Hornabee, & Indian present distribution, 318 
 
Dising, Rev., visits Savannah, 133 
 
Dobree, Elisha, accomplishments in Ga., 159 
 
appraisal of Peter Gordons effects, 240 
 
arbitrator in Watson case, 175 
 
asks help to bring his family to Ga., 207 
 
complaints about Ga., 158163 
 
credit, 103, 162, 292 
 
discharged from Trustees store, 437 
 
estate, 337 
 
first merchant in Ga., 443 
 
hired Thomas Bowling, 274 
 
his family, 8586 
 
his garden, 85, 199, 292, 479480 
 
ideas for the development of Ga., 8286 
 
interested in Indian trade, 200, 443 
 
lumber production, 86 
 
offers to send regular reports to Trustee, 231, 292, 441, 442 
 
problem with servants, 218, 292, 293, 479480 
 
recommended for public employment, 126 
 
relations with Paul Amatis, 378, 381 
 
reports on conditions in Ga., 199201, 206207, 227229, 441444 
 
reports on recent happenings in Savannah, 230231 
 
wants to erect salt pans, 479 
 
wants to please Trustees, 449 
 
writing-master, 292 
 
works on Trustee store accounts, 199, 436437 
 
Doctors, in Ga. 1734, 7677 
 
Dog King, Choctaw Indian, 280 
 
Douglas, David, red string plot, 271 
 
want bill of exchange, 477 
 
Drake, Mr., S. C. Indian commissioner, 204 
 
Drinking, by newcomers, 35 
 
Drug, production, 96 
 
Drums, for Ga., 155 
 
Ducks, in Ga., 165 
 
Dudly, Samuel, going to Ga., 25 
 
Du Gardin & wife, death, 441, 444 
 
Dumont, interested in Giles Becu, 456457 
 
Dunbar, George, grant recommended for, 3 7 
 
recommended as bailiff, 38 
 
Dunbar, Capt. George, arrived in Ga., 137, 151, 161, 191, 249 
 
brings Prince of Wales to Ga., 219, 221 
 
can give account of voyage & Ebenezer, 362 
 
conditions of passengers on Prince of Wales, 100 
 
describes coast of Ga., 191194 
 
loads vessel at Savannah, 193 
 
peacemaker for Thomas Causton, 238 
 
report to Trustees on law enforcement, 286 
 
returns to England, 176, 236, 313 
 
takes Amatis journal to London, 212 
 
visits Robert Parkers mill, 232, 243, 244, 374, 416417 
 
Ebenezer, blockhouse built, 360 
 
children at, 220 
 
conditions at, 169170, 218227, 359361 
 
desire to move, 169170 
 
distance from Sanvannah, 226 
 
houses built, 360 
 
land not surveyed, 363 
 
no oven for baking, 361 
 
poor land, 169170, 222, 224, 225226, 273, 344345, 359361, 363 
 
school at, 220 
 
servants, 219 
 
spring at, 361 
 
transportation to, 169170, 222, 226, 360361; see Salzburgers 
 
Ebenezer ministers, salaries, 219220 
 
Economic needs, of Ga., 121 
 
Edgcomb, Arthur Ogle, 285 
 
master of Mary Simons, 302 
 
lieutenant at Fort Argyle, 306 
 
Edings, William, sends cows as gifts to Ga., 58 
 
Egarter, Matthias, of Carinthia, 350 
 
Egeton, Thomas, grandson of Thomas Young, 154 
 
Egger, Johan, of Carinthia, 350 
 
Egmont, Earl of, 238239 
 
Egmont Papers, used in this vol., viii 
 
Einacherin, Gertrude & Barbara, leave for Ga., 467 
 
Eliche Mico, Creek leader, 381 
 
Ellick, & Indian present distribution, 318 
 
English-Spanish Indian relations, 482 
 
Ernst, Joseph & family, leave for Ga., 466467 
 
Essabo, death, 290 
 
Esteeche, killed Justice, Musgroves slave, 236237 
 
reconciled with Mary Musgrove, 452 
 
troubles with Joseph Watson, 173, 174175 
 
Estimoleeche, death, 439 
 
Eveleigh, Samuel, advises Amatis to stay in Ga., 378 
 
attacked for move to Ga., 421, 436 
 
conditions at Ebenezer, 345 
 
conditions in S. C. & Ga., 8690, 135137 
 
defense of Ga., 101 
 
description of Purrysburg, S. C., 352353 
 
desires to move Indian trade to Ga., 106108, 117118, 126, 200, 204, 209, 472 
 
desires trading post at mouth of Altamaha, 6667, 422 
 
exports deer skins from Ga., 321, 477 
 
Ga. accounts with settled, 476477 
 
Ga. agriculture, 343345 
 
Ga. needs Oglethorpe, 343345 
 
Ga. trade, 117120, 248249, 343345, 420422 
 
Irish convicts, 344 
 
Joseph Watson troubles, 174, 306 
 
Musgrove partnership, 175, 306 
 
need for slaves in Ga., 1920, 6667, 471473 
 
needs of Ga., 177180 
 
objects to S. C. 1734 Indian trade law, 106 
 
plants and trees in Ga., 22 
 
possibilities for Ga., 1920, 107 
 
produce of Ga. & S. C., 9497 
 
rice production, 472473 
 
schooner arrived from Jamaica, 444 
 
shipbuilding, 471473 
 
sold little Indian goods, 444 
 
S. C. affairs, 308309, 322 
 
supplies for Patrick Mackay, 6970 
 
timber in Ga., 307308, 471473 
 
to aid Patrick Houstoun, 238 
 
vessels from England, 136 
 
visits Ga., 471 
 
visits Sir Francis Bathurst, 345, 357358 
 
visits Walter Augustine, 357358 
 
Ewen, William, arrival in Ga., 249250 
 
asks town lot, 273 
 
likes Ga. & Thomas Causton, 431 
 
Ewenauki Mico, Creek leader, 382 
 
Expenses, in early Ga., 13, 21, 38, 42, 44, 5253 
 
Expenses in Ga., Isaac Chardon pays, 377378 
 
Exports, direct from Ga., 321 
 
Fallowfield, John, in arbitration settlement, 86, 175 
 
Mary Simeon servant to, 285, 303 
 
sells rum, 379 
 
Farrington, Ensign, land recommended for, 24 
 
Fawset, Thomas, ill, 441, 444 
 
Feasting, in Savannah, 335 
 
Fennygall, Mr., land recommended for, 24 
 
Fenwick, John, concerned about S. C. traders excluded from Indian trade, 483484 
 
does what he can to aid Ga., 310311 
 
Ferguson, Capt. William, claims rights to timber, 429 
 
discharges himself from public service, 313 
 
says Skidoway settlers desire to desert, 468469 
 
should watch against Spanish, 297 
 
to build fort on Skidoway Island, 30 
 
to lookout for Spaniards, 291 
 
warrant against, 355 
 
Fever, in Charles town, 2 
 
Figs, in Ga., 121, 252, 263, 479 
 
Finley, William, scout at Fort Argyle, 306 
 
First forty, employed on public works, 139 
 
Fish, in Ga., 165 
 
Fishing, begun by Thomas Christies, 124 
 
Fitch, Tobias, S. C. Indian commissioner, 203204 
 
Fitzwalter, Joseph, arguments with Paul Amatis, ix, 124, 212213, 251253, 314315, 423, 424, 426427, 449 
 
argument with Thomas Gapen about color bearer, 390391 
 
crops in Ga., 426427 
 
gardner, 233, 253, 408, 410, 452 
 
houses orphan, 302 
 
John Goddard apprenticed to, 30 
 
keeper of Mellichamps, 451 
 
married Indian woman, 293, 426427 
 
on board Ann, 3 
 
red string plot, 258, 270 
 
removal of plants from Charles Town, 251253 
 
salary as gardner not paid, 253 
 
sends journal to England, 321, 427 
 
Trustees Garden and conditions in Ga., 163166 
 
Five hundred acre grants, recommended by Oglethorpe, 24 
 
Flax, in Ga., 85, 95, 164, 293 
 
grown at Purrysburg, 353 
 
Fletcher, Henry, arrives in Ga., 29 
 
Flower, Peter, describes Ga. defense, 43 
 
Fly, Mrs., trip to Ga., 100 
 
Food, greens needed in Ga., 85 
 
Ford, Christopher, deputy surveyor, 82 
 
surveys coast, 123 
 
surveys streams near Savannah, 89 
 
Fort, in Creek Country, 484, 485, 492493 
 
Fort, on Thunderbolt, 276, 277 
 
Fort Argyle, built, 35, 40, 43 
 
Capt. James Macpherson to build, 30 
 
people in good health, 306 
 
settlement at, 166 
 
Fort King George, Capt. George Dunbar there, 193 
 
Fort Moore, 66, 67, 70 
 
Fort Prince George, 70, 327328 
 
Fort Sterling, 188, 266, 306 
 
Fort Toulouse, 79, 278, 310311 
 
Forts, to protect Savannah, 30 
 
Forts, William Gough request command of one, 435 
 
Forts among Indians, needed for protection against French, 55 
 
Fossett, Mr., worked on Robert Parkers sawmill, 231232 
 
Foster, Elisha, carpenter, 269 
 
Fowler, Dennis, punishment for crime, 285286 
 
Fowls, in Ga., 165, 217 
 
Fox, Walter, gunner, his problems, 433434 
 
Frazer, Hugh, needs cloth for his trade, 181 
 
French, dangerous to Ga., 178 
 
fear of among Indians, 55 
 
object to Patrick Mackays actions, 485 
 
Oglethorpe fears, 53 
 
settlements below Ga., 97 
 
relations with Cherekeileigie, 296297 
 
relations with Choctaw Indians, 280281 
 
relations with Creeks, 52, 53, 64, 79, 281 
 
French fort, in Alabama country, 53, 89, 291, 310312 
 
French Indians, 50 
 
French War, how Britain can win in America, 279280 
 
Froel, John & Charles, leave for Ga., 467 
 
Frost, an inch thick, 218 
 
Fruit, available in Ga., 165 
 
Fruit trees, in Charles Town garden, 22 
 
Fry, Capt., brings Salzburgers to Ga., 52 
 
items sent to Eng. by, 166 
 
Furley, Benjohan, sends wearing apparel to Trustees, 457 
 
Gainsford, William, dismissed as original settlers, 3 
 
Gaol, prisoners released by constables, 286 
 
Gapen, Thomas, condition on vessel going to Ga., 2526 
 
public butcher, ideas about cattle raising, inability to get land surveyed, color bearer of militia, likes Ga., 388393 
 
tything man, 355 
 
Garden greens, grown by Elisha Dobree, 292 
 
Garden seeds, needed by Elisha Dobree, 293 
 
Garden, Trustees, see Trustees Garden 
 
Gardening, by Elisha Dobree, 159160 
 
Gardners salary, not paid, 253 
 
Geese, in Ga., 165 
 
Georgia, economic needs, 121 
 
government needs improvement, 137 
 
great possibilities, 165 
 
growing & prospering, 434435 
 
hell upon earth to Elizabeth Bland, 394 
 
John Fenwicke to aid as he can, 310 
 
military security, 249 
 
needs good government, 177178 
 
needs more colonists, 444 
 
peaceful & quiet, 456 
 
people happy and industrious, 304 
 
pleasant & agreeable for monied people, 356 
 
prosperous now, 321 
 
quiet & healthy, 468 
 
quiet & peaceful, 462463 
 
size of, 13 
 
Georgia, sails for Ga., 2526 
 
Georgia Indian traders, in Creek & Chickesaw country, 484 
 
Georgia-N.C. trade, possibilities, 137 
 
Georgia Pink, arrives in Ga., 34 
 
Georgia Records, loss of, vii 
 
Georgians, not laborious, 50 
 
Germain, Michael, dies, 30 
 
German Jews, in Ga., 419420 
 
kindness to Salzburgers, 420 
 
Geschwandel, Margaretha, dead Salzburger, 361 
 
Geschwandel, Thomas, lives at Ebenezer, 359360 
 
Glantz, Sebastian, death, 226227, 362 
 
Glebe, pine barren & of no value, 405406 
 
Goddard, Elizabeth, dies, 30, 183 
 
given to James Carwall to nurse, 30 
 
orphan, 302 
 
Goddard, James, dies, 30, 183 
 
Goddard, John, apprenticed to Joseph Fitzwalter, 30 
 
in Trustees Garden, 165 
 
orphan, 183, 302 
 
Godin, Benjamin, Charles Town merchant, 74 
 
Godly, John, sent to England, 275 
 
Golbischeig, Bartholomew, of Carinthia, 350 
 
Gold & silver, mines in Ga., 211212 
 
should not be worn in Ga., 179 
 
Gordon, Peter, approved by people in Savannah, 200 
 
arrives in Savannah, 163 
 
complaints about Ga., 334338 
 
complaints against Thomas Causton, 334338, 452 
 
in Charles Town, 273 
 
John West can give details, 439 
 
Joseph Watson case, 176, 253254, 283 
 
letters to, 237244, 246247, 253255, 273274 
 
party causes trouble, 304 
 
pay for prospect of Savannah, 429 
 
property in Savannah, 240 
 
should have stayed in Ga. longer, 237, 240, 321 
 
should tell Trustees of Ga. troubles, 371, 373 
 
stay in Ga., 306307 
 
trip to Ga., 100 
 
Gough, William, death of wife & offer to serve Trustees, 474 
 
Ga. prospering, requests command of fort, 434435 
 
Gould, James, preferred creditor, 380 
 
works in Trustees store & sells rum, 325, 376, 379 
 
Government, Ga. needed good one, 177178 
 
in 1733, 17, 4142 
 
Graham, John, tanner, asks for help in Ga., 188189 
 
Grains, in Trustees Garden, 164 
 
Grand jury, operation, 252253, 261, 272, 284 
 
Grant, Andrew, asks for help in Ga., 187188 
 
Indian hospitality, 266 
 
needs provisions & supplies, 265 
 
Sterlings Bluff far from Savannah, 265266 
 
wants bill of exchange, 477 
 
Grapevines, from Madeira, 4, 6 
 
in Charles Town garden, 22 
 
in Elisha Dobrees garden, 479 
 
in Trustees Garden, 251 
 
injured by dry weather, 369 
 
need & possibilities, 227228 
 
requested for the Trustees garden, 449 
 
Grasses and clover, in Trustees Garden 164 
 
Gravesend, Ann at, 3 
 
Gray, Elizabeth, and red string plot, 270 
 
Greedy, John, ill, 441 
 
Greens, needed in Ga. diet, 85, 229 
 
planted by Elisha Dobree, 199 
 
Grey, Samuel, leads mutiny, 28 
 
Grimmimger, Andrew & Sabina, leave for Ga., 467 
 
Gronau, Rev. Israel Christian, conditions at Ebenezer, 218223, 465 
 
thanks Trustees for kind attention, 464 
 
Guard duty, complains about, 7677 
 
Guard house, burned, 36 
 
finished at Savannah, 8182, 123 
 
Gunner, Walter Fox, 433434 
 
Gunpowder, difficult to find in Ga. & S. C., 69, 70 
 
sent to Ga., 35, 36 
 
Gunsmith, John Scott, 157158 
 
Gymes, George, cannot collect for medi cines, 269 
 
Hainks, Robert, going to Ga., 25 
 
Hall, Richard, and hemp production, 9495 
 
Hamilton, Paul, requests land grant, 5758 
 
send gift to Georgians, 58, 172 
 
Hammerin, Maria Theresa, leaves for Ga., 467 
 
Handcuffs, needed by Patrick Mackay, 291 
 
Hanton, Capt., Brings Jews to Ga., 29 
 
Harbin, Francis, attempt to secure servants in Amsterdam, 478479, 480, 481482 
 
Harbor, good near Thunderbolt, 123 
 
Harrington, Lord, asks about Swiss settlers for Ga., 114115 
 
Harris, Francis, appraisal of Peter Gordons effects, 240 
 
Harris, Mr., debts, 162 
 
estate, 337 
 
Hartbergerin, Susan & Catharine, leave for Ga., 466 
 
Harvest, in 1735, 453, 470 
 
Haselfoot [or Harlefoot], James, needed servants in Ga., 323324 
 
Havanna, Ga. convenient for trade with, 179 
 
Havenfahner, Frank & family, leave for Ga., 466 
 
Hazle, Mr., troubles and Gov. Robert Johnson, 135136 
 
Headly, Will, disobedience to an officer, 440 
 
Health, at Abercorn, 170 
 
at Skidoway, 74 
 
in Ga., 35, 64, 80, 81, 85, 90, 137, 169, 229, 301 
 
in Ga. bad, 403, 441 
 
in Ga. good, 169, 304, 322, 446, 452, 468, 477 
 
in Savannah, 21, 165 
 
in 1733, 3940 
 
in 1734, 44 
 
in 1735, 304, 477 
 
of early settlers, 10, 14, 17 
 
on board Ann, 3 
 
on vessel going to Ga., 2526 
 
Heathcote, Sloop, belonging to Ga., 43 
 
Heirs, request to nominate, 278 
 
Hemp, in Trustees Garden, 164 
 
planted, 159 
 
planted by Elisha Dobree, 293 
 
production, 85, 9495 
 
Hempstead, settled, 40 
 
Henley, Francis, Trust servant in garden, 252 
 
Herbert, Rev. Henry, health and death, 9, 1819 
 
on board Ann, 4, 5 
 
Herrenberger, Frank, leaves for Ga., 467 
 
Hetherington, Joseph, arrives in Ga., 29, 30 
 
at Thunderbolt, 88, 275277 
 
houses orphan, 302 
 
wife pregnant, 275276 
 
Highgate, settled, 40, 43 
 
Hill, Piercy, indicated by grand jury, 261 
 
leaves Ga., 438 
 
lot at Abercorn, 170 
 
prosecution against, 286 
 
tried and punished, 272 
 
Hill, Samuel, considers going to Ga., 146151 
 
Hillispelli, gone to the south, 306, 469 
 
Himolatche, Indian present distribution, 317 
 
Histanloppi, scouting to the south, 469 
 
Hodges, Mrs. Mary, keeps licensed public house, 336 
 
selling liquor without a license, 285 
 
Hogs, given by S. C. to Ga., 8, 11 
 
killed in Trustees garden, 408409 
 
killed for lack of food, 217 
 
Holland, troubles of immigrants going through, 345, 347 
 
Hopflinger, leaves for Ga., 467 
 
Hopkey, Sophia, mentioned, 18 
 
Hopoheebeeche, Indian present distribution, 317 
 
Hapoihaacke, Indian present distribution, 318 
 
Hops, in Ga., 88, 107 
 
Horn, Will, contemplates leaving Ga., 355 
 
Horner, James, or Moravians coming to Ga., 201203 
 
Horses, bought for rangers by Patrick Mackay, 6869, 70, 73, 78, 110, 112 
 
in Ga., 23 
 
punishment for stealing, 3435 
 
House building costs in Ga., 269 
 
House rent, in Savannah, 475 
 
Houses, building in Savannah, 14, 17, 22, 23, 30, 41, 44, 87, 143144, 154, 158, 168 
 
in Thunderbolt, 176177 
 
inadequate in Savannah, 7677 
 
Houstoun, Patrick, agrees to buy William Sale land, 256 
 
asks for help in Ga., 187188 
 
case against Francis Mugridge, 261 
 
conditions in Ga., 237242 
 
helps to calm John Musgrove, 238 
 
Indian hospitality, 266 
 
interested in Indian trade, 422 
 
needs clerk & bookkeeper, 241 
 
needs provisions & supplies, 265 
 
on Indian trade & Andrew Bell, 425426 
 
sells rum, 239, 379 
 
sold Indian goods, 444 
 
Sterlings Bluff far from Savannah, 265266 
 
to leave Ga. if he does not get his desires, 239 
 
wants Savannah lot, 238 
 
wants store in Ga., 239 
 
would stop Scots coming to Ga., 240 
 
Houstoun, Dr. William, aid to Scots in Ga., 239 
 
botanical items he left in Jamaica, 34, 115116 
 
dies in Jamaica, 3334 
 
in Cartagena, 56 
 
in Jamaica, 4, 6 
 
Howes, Robert, asks pay as parish clerk & provisions for his servant, 356357 
 
Hueber, Maria, dead Salzburger, 361 
 
Hucks, Robert, Robert Parker appeals to, 132135 
 
Hughes, Joseph, death, 38 
 
land leased, 228 
 
Hughes, Richard, plants land at Abercorn, 170 
 
Hunting, Christmas Eve 1934, 134135 
 
Husteche, Joseph Watson trouble, 185186 
 
Hutchinsons Island, described, 40, 123, 164165 
 
Idaquo, king of Savannah Indians, 237 
 
Idleness, comes to Ga., 2728 
 
Illness, in summer of 1733, 29 
 
of rangers, 214 
 
Imetalshow, & Indian present distribution, 317 
 
Independent Company, land recommended for officers, 24; see rangers 
 
Indian characteristics, given by Patrick Mackay, 278279 
 
Indian hospitality, necessary to outsettlements, 266 
 
Indian hut, Salzburger interest in, 224226 
 
Indian interpreters, hard to find, 69, 72 
 
Indian militia, 23 
 
Indian presents, sent by the Trustees, 290, 306, 316318, 439 
 
Indian relations, ix, 19, 20, 2324, 6061, 451452 
 
Indian trade, 122, 160, 161 
 
and defense, 6667 
 
argument with S. C. over, ix, 21, 203204, 445, 453 
 
Ga. licences, 109, 112, 240 
 
important, 25, 455 
 
mainly with Creeks, 422 
 
Robert Parker desires, 134 
 
Samuel Eveleigh moves his to Ga., 436 
 
Spanish effect upon, 6667 
 
Trustees orders on hoped for, 432 
 
Indian traders, Ga. licences, 108, 441, 444 
 
want lots in Savannah, 425426 
 
Indian troubles, caused by Joseph Watson, 185186 
 
Indian visit to England, favorable effect on Creek Indian, 278 
 
Indian-white marriage, of Tuscanies & Joseph Fitzwalter, 426427 
 
Indians, build nice town at Pipemakers Bluff, 306 
 
in early Ga., 8, 10, 1314 
 
noted as orators, 54 
 
offer to kill Spanish Indians, 277 
 
return from London, 100, 191 
 
want to learn Christian religion, 54; see Cherokee, Choctaws, Creeks, Yuchi 
 
Industrious people in Ga., settled on worst land, 344 
 
Ipecacuanna, plants growing, 476 
 
Robert Miller searches for, 117, 396, 445 
 
William Houstoun searches for, 6 
 
Irish transport servants, in red string plot, 241242, 258 
 
pay for, 127 
 
problem with, 87, 246, 344, 462 
 
Iron, found in Ga., 161 
 
Isciche, Indian present distribution, 317 
 
Jamaica, Botanist William Houstoun in, 4 
 
James, brought to Savannah by Capt. Yoakley, 2021 
 
Capt. Yoakley arrives at Ga., 90 
 
Capt. Yoakley, sailed for Ga., 481 
 
Jeffries, William, business with Samuel Eveleigh, 135136, 209210, 248249, 318319 
 
on land tenure, 248249 
 
on lumber bounties, 248249 
 
ships to sail to Ga., 209210 
 
Jenkins, Edward, keeper of Mellichamps, 451 
 
on Joseph Watson and Indian troubles, 185186 
 
reports on orphans in Ga., 183185, 301303 
 
reward for apprehending murderers, 452 
 
sells rum, 379 
 
trustee for orphans, 269 
 
Jenys & Baker, account of Trustees from S. C. duty on rum, 481 
 
agents for S. C. aid to Ga., 7779 
 
to furnish Causton with funds, 477 
 
Jenys, Paul, business with Ga., 387388 
 
Negroes in Ga., 169 
 
on Ga. & S. C. affairs, 311314 
 
Port Royal seizure, 190 
 
Thomas Causton asks for help, 401 
 
Thomas Caustons drafts on, 313 
 
to aid Patrick Houstoun, 238 
 
Jesuits Bark, Robert Miller searches for, 116 
 
Jews, arrive in Ga., 27, 29 
 
in Ga., 419420 
 
Johnson, Arthur, farming, 142143, 344 
 
Johnson, Edward, contemplates leaving Ga., 355 
 
Johnson, Gov. Robert, aid to Georgia, 68, 1012, 26, 203205 
 
affair of Mr. Hazle, 135136 
 
death, 323, 343 
 
illness, 108, 299, 322 
 
meets Oglethorpe at landing, 5 
 
on the founding of Ga., 13 
 
Port Royal seizure, 190 
 
Jones, Noble, argument with Robert Parker, 242244, 259260, 413418, 428 
 
attorney & agent to Tomo-Chi-Chi, 428, 430 
 
Creek ceremony in Savannah, 400 
 
land surveying, 120, 215, 243244, 300, 301, 304, 326, 356, 390, 413418 
 
on land at Ebenezer, 224, 225 
 
on Murder of Justice, 174 
 
protection of Indians & timber cutting, 427431 
 
Robert Parkers mill, 414415 
 
tends sick, 29 
 
trip down coast, 192 
 
Jones, Thomas, argument with Robert Parker, 123, 284 
 
Creek relations, 79 
 
dispute about Savannah lot, 64, 438 
 
Indian relations, 6061, 171172 
 
scout at Fort Argyle, 306 
 
work with Choctaw Indians, 6365, 70, 89 
 
Julian, Peter or James, aids Ga., 10 
 
Juries, use in Ga., 374, 375 
 
Justice, Musgroves slave killed, 88, 122, 174, 197, 236237 
 
replaced by Mary Musgrove, 451452 
 
Kalatke, Indian present distribution, 317 
 
Kawyewa, Indian present distribution, 318 
 
Kelloway, death, 441, 444 
 
Kilbuy, William, describes arrival at Ga., 89 
 
skipper of Sloop Heathcote, 4344 
 
Kinyans Bluff, Indian trade at, 119 
 
Samuel Eveleigh desires land, 106, 107 
 
Kitchen garden, in Trustees Garden, 164 
 
Klechami, & Indian present distribution, 317 
 
Kochler, Gregory, of Carinthia, 350 
 
Kraus, Leonard, leaves for Ga., 467 
 
Labhart, Mr., St. Gall, interest in Swiss to America, 330334 
 
Labor, people impatient of, 2731 
 
Laced hats, worn by Scots, 87 
 
Lackner, Martin, leaves for Ga., 467 
 
Lacy, Roger, accuses Francis Henly in red string plot, 252 
 
aids Joseph Smith in building his house, 176177 
 
at Thunderbolt, 8889, 276 
 
at time of red string plot, 271 
 
claims rights to timber, 429 
 
exports pitch & tar, 176, 321 
 
hopes to raise 1000 bu. of corn, peas, or potatoes, 470 
 
makes potash, 136 
 
LaFond, George, builds mill, 41, 42 
 
marriage and death, 170 
 
Land, cultivation, 120, 165 
 
fertile in Ga., 165 
 
not fertile in Ga., 139140 
 
rights of settlers to lease, 170171, 190191, 217, 228 
 
sale not possible in Ga., 256 
 
values in Ga. & S. C., 25 
 
Land grants, conditions of gentlemens, 37 
 
large ones asked for, 24 
 
method in Ga., 179180 
 
pretended S. C. grants in Ga., 24 
 
recommended by Oglethorpe, 3637 
 
terms unreasonable in Ga., 472 
 
Land inheritance, rule, 278 
 
Land surveying, problems about, 120, 140, 208, 215, 326, 335, 356, 389, 390, 418 
 
Land tenure, Samuel Eveleigh questions, 248 
 
Lardant, James, sends cows as gifts to Ga., 58 
 
Law & order, Thomas Christie tries to preserve, 455 
 
Layson, Mr., partner of Walter Augustine, 358 
 
Leases, of land, 170171, 190191, 217, 228 
 
Leidler, Clement, of Carinthia, 350 
 
Leidtner, Joseph, leaves for Ga., 467 
 
Lemons, in Ga., 228 
 
Letters, liable to be opened by Thomas Causton, 410 
 
Libel, in Ga., 286 
 
Licka, Yuchi chieftain, 297 
 
killed Spanish sentinel, 400, 493 
 
Licorice, in Trustees Garden, 88 
 
Lieser, John & family, leaves for Ga., 467 
 
Lighthouse, on Tybee Island, 35, 41, 44, 46, 121, 376 
 
Lignum vita, planted in Ga., 369 
 
Limes, 121, 159 
 
Liquors, retailing without a license, 285 
 
Little, Elizabeth, 184 
 
Little, William, dies, 30, 184 
 
guardianship given to Samuel Mercer, 356 
 
orphan, 184, 302 
 
Live oak, bounty on, 318, 429430 
 
exported from Ga., 343, 441442 
 
good for British navy, 20 
 
in Ga., 20, 22, 9596, 178, 421, 472 
 
on Tybee Island, 353 
 
Samuel Eve leigh advocates for shipbuilding, 307308 
 
Liverpool, contributions to Ga. Trustees, 9394, 282 
 
wants to send colonists to Ga., 282 
 
Livestock raising, in Ga. by Samuel Eveleigh, 107 
 
Lloyd, Henry, asks for a licence to keep a public house, 155 
 
Locke, John, fundamental constitutions, 178 
 
Logwood, in Ga., 162 
 
Loyer, Adrian, bookkeeper & lieutenant in rangers, 112, 156, 171 
 
Lucerne, in Ga., 162 
 
Lumber, bounty on needed, 178, 179, 248 
 
exported from Ga., 421 
 
prices in Ga., 231232 
 
production in Ga., 107 
 
Lumbering, at Savannah, 23 
 
in S. C. & Ga., 96 
 
possible in Ga., 207 
 
too expensive in Ga. with white labor, 471 
 
Lynch, Francis, 293 
 
debts, 162, 443 
 
Lyndall, John, life in Savannah, 9293 
 
Mackay, John, dies, 30 
 
Mackay, Patrick, conditions of his rangers, 6869, 171, 272 
 
Choctaw relations, 6061, 122, 290291 
 
Creek relations, 6061, 7879, 290291, 294298, 310312, 316318, 399400 
 
French & Spanish troubles, 278281, 294298, 398399 
 
Ga. Indian agent, 171172, 278281, 306, 422, 477 
 
gives Indian characteristics, 278279 
 
grant recommended for, 36 
 
horses for rangers, 6869, 70, 73, 78, 110, 112 
 
ill, 90, 110111 
 
Indian present distribution, 316318 
 
interested in Indian trade, 422 
 
issues Indian trade licenses, 441, 444, 445 
 
master role of rangers and expenses, 450, 467 
 
needs military supplies, 297298, 317 
 
recommended as provost, 38 
 
S. C. & Ga. Indian trade troubles, 108109, 203204, 453, 482493 
 
wants men to help in Indian nation, 450 
 
Macpherson, Capt. James, Causton advises with on defense, 399 
 
early aid to Georgia, 7 
 
furnishes steers for slaughter, 389, 390 
 
purchase of rum, 354 
 
ranger captain in Ga., 312 
 
thanks Trustees for present & wishes to serve Ga., 473 
 
thanks Oglethorpe for recommendation, 473474 
 
to build Fort Argyle, 30 
 
watch against Spaniards, 297 
 
Madder, for Ga., 8485, 162, 196, 452 
 
Madeira, grapevines from, 4, 6 
 
Madreuter, Hans, dead Salzburger, 361 
 
Magistrates, bad in Ga., 370371, 372373 
 
defend Patrick Mackay as Indian agent, 488490 
 
trouble in enforcing regulations, 285286 
 
Mail, opened and read in Savannah, 134 
 
Malatchi, in the French interest, 290 
 
Malpas, Elizabeth, dissolute life, 456 
 
Man of War, not desired at Savannah by Oglethorpe, 22 
 
Manigault, Gabriel, S. C., treasurer, 314, 402 
 
Manning, Benjamin, recommended as Ga. settlers, 15 
 
Marcer, Samuel, see Samuel Mercer 
 
Marksmanship, training in Ga., 20 
 
Marriages, in Ga., 48, 124, 228 
 
Masons, Free, in Ga., 141, 159, 233 
 
Massey, Edward, in poor health, 268, 301 
 
Maurin, Barbara, leaves for Ga., 467 
 
McDonald, James, on red string plot, 271 
 
McKenzie, William, interested in Indian trade, 422 
 
McLachlan, Daniel, wants to bring Highlanders to Ga., 338340 
 
whoring is no sin, 338 
 
Meat, prices in Savannah, 201 
 
Medical practice, in Ga., 145 
 
Medicines, needed by rangers, 281 
 
Meierin, Ann, leaves for Ga., 467 
 
Mellichamp, Lawrence, counterfeits S. C. money, 450451 
 
Mellichamp, Thomas, counterfeits S. C. money, 436, 450451, 456, 469 
 
Mellichamp, William, counterfeits S. C. money, 446, 450451, 455 
 
needs servants, 294 
 
Mercer, Jane Parker, houses orphan, 302 
 
raises William Little, 184 
 
Mercer, [Marcer] Samuel, complains of land not surveyed, 326 
 
complains of those who sell rum, 324326 
 
likes Ga., 327 
 
keeps licensed public house, 324326, 336 
 
made guardian of William Little, 356 
 
Metals & minerals, in Ga., 179 
 
Middleton, Arthur, promises to help Ga. & asks for help from Oglethorpe on his salary, 234235 
 
Midwife, Elizabeth Stanley, 167168 
 
Military officers, bad conduct, 440441 
 
Militia, 41, 133, 453454, 491492 
 
Milk, scarce in Ga., 160 
 
Millechamp, Rev. Elisha, servants for his brother William in Ga., 294 
 
Milledge, Elizabeth, death, 184 
 
Milledge, Frances, orphan lives with John Milledge, 302 
 
Milledge, John, orphan, 184 
 
orphan household, 302 
 
Milledge, Richard, orphan lives with John Millege, 302 
 
Milledge, Sarah, orphan lives with John Milledge, 302 
 
Milledge, Thomas, death, 29, 30, 184 
 
Millenet, Mr., desire to colonize in Carolina or Ga., 351352 
 
Miller, Andrew, reports on his brother Robert Miller, 445 
 
Miller, Philip, sends madder roots for Ga., 196 
 
Miller, Robert, botanical searches in Jamaica, 445, 475476 
 
botanist, ix 
 
payment of salary, 445 
 
plants collected, 396 
 
plants sent to Chelsea, 117 
 
searches for plants, 115117 
 
search for plants in Cartagena, 395398 
 
Mines, in Ga., 165 
 
Minister, report on parish, 406407 
 
Mittakawye, Creek leader, 381382 
 
Molasses, bought for Ga., 151, 236 
 
Montaigut, Samuel, advises Amatis to stay in Ga., 378 
 
arrival in Ga., 9293 
 
attends Tuscanies-Fitzwalter wedding, 427 
 
counterfeit bill, 455 
 
does not export Ga. goods, 438 
 
financial dealings with Walter Augustine, 233, 446 
 
his house in Ga., 437 
 
keeps store, 124, 437, 438 
 
storekeeper, 239 
 
success in Ga., 130131 
 
trouble with Port Royal collector, 189190 
 
Moore, James, master of Mary Simons, 302 
 
Moravians, cattle & fowls bought for, 477 
 
settlement, 362363, 440 
 
settlers to Ga., 5859, 201203 
 
More, Robert, left tools in England, 3536 
 
Morgan, Mr., of Charles Town imports rum into Ga., 470 
 
Moser, Simon, of Carinthia, 350 
 
Mouse, Thomas, improvements on Skidoway, 194195 
 
Mugridge, Francis, breaks prison, 462 
 
contemplates leaving Ga., 355 
 
death, 441, 444 
 
imprisonment, 242, 261262 
 
manages Negroes, 169 
 
red string plot, 271 
 
Muir, James, house building, 87 
 
keeps licensed public house, 336 
 
Joseph Watson trouble, 174 
 
servant girl, 285 
 
Muir, Joseph [James?], and rent of Peter Gordons house, 241 
 
Mulberry trees, in Trustees Garden, 22, 88, 164, 251, 263, 460 
 
Musgrove, John, assists Francis Mugridge to prison, 462 
 
cowpen 123, 165, 306, 389 
 
death, 439, 441, 444 
 
in England, 64 
 
ill, 200 
 
red string plot, 241, 246, 258, 270, 271 
 
returns to Ga., 197 
 
sells rum, 2829 
 
trade with Samuel Eveleigh, 174 
 
trader at Yamacraw Bluff, 16, 6667 
 
troubles with Joseph Watson, 8788, 174, 197198, 284, 306 
 
troubles with Thomas Causton, 237238 
 
Musgrove, Mary, behaved well in present distribution, 439 
 
Indian trade, 122 
 
loses funds while John Musgrove in England, 246 
 
on Choctaw visit to Savannah, 6364 
 
paid for Indian servant, 439, 451452 
 
promises obedience to Trustee order on rum, 452 
 
removed her store to cow pen## 452 
 
troubles with Joseph Watson, 173, 174 
 
Mutiny, in Ga., 2731 
 
Navy, timbers for in Ga., 178 
 
Navy yard, good place for near Savannah, 89 
 
Negro, murders fellow slave, 169 
 
Negro sawyers, sent away, 28 
 
Negroes, comparison with white servants, 365367 
 
desired in Ga., 88, 133, 177, 217218, 364367, 471472 
 
price in S. C. 73 
 
prohibited in Ga., 21 
 
too many in S. C. 6768, 177 
 
Neidhart, Nicholaus, of Carinthia, 349 
 
New England-N. C. trade, 119120 
 
New England, to send provisions and lumber to Ga., 60 
 
New Englanders, supposed to settle in Ga., 203 
 
Newman, Henry, informed of conditions at Ebenezer 218221 
 
gifts for Ebenezer, 218219 
 
Noble, James, servant to Sir Francis Bathurst, 301 
 
N. C. affairs, James Abercromby reports, 298299 
 
N. C.-Ga. trade, possibilities, 137 
 
N. C.-New England trade, 119120 
 
Nott, Jeremiah, testimony against Patrick Mackay, 485488 
 
Nunis, Dr. Samuel, treats ill, 29 
 
Oak, plenty in Ga., 200 
 
Oats, grown at Purrysburg, 353 
 
Odingsell, Mr., gifts to Ga., 23 
 
Ogeechee River, described, 40 
 
Fort Argyle built on, 30 
 
settlement of Scots on, 187188 
 
Oglethorpe, James, addresses S. C. Assembly, 26 
 
at Abercorn River, 44 
 
birthday celebrated in Savannah, 131, 138 
 
canoe for, 79, 313 
 
Choctaws hold in high regard, 6364 
 
concern for colonists, 19 
 
conditions in Ga., 2731, 3436, 3942 
 
describes crossing of Ann, 35 
 
description of Savannah, 910, 2325 
 
expected in Ga. & S. C., 292, 293, 473 
 
Ga.s settlement, 10, 1314 
 
gift to Gov. Robert Johnsons daughter, 205 
 
good influence in Ga., 27 
 
Gov. Robert Johnson on, 1 
 
granted S. C. lands, 48 
 
house in Savannah, 9293 
 
Indian relations, 19 
 
instructions about Indian trade, 489, 491 
 
M P from Haslemere, 71 
 
needed in Ga., 139, 178, 292, 293, 344, 445446, 454, 464465 
 
objects to Samuel Penseyres family life, 144 
 
on early conditions in Ga., 2022 
 
on Indian trade, 21 
 
on land granting in Ga., 25 
 
on rum drinking, 2731 
 
recommends grant for Joseph Watson, 5051 
 
recommends grants for Scots, 3637 
 
recommends people for gentlemans grants, 42 
 
refuses large land grants, 24 
 
refuses to urge slaves in Ga., 24 
 
relations with Yamacraw Indians, 1617 
 
remains in Ga. during illness, 29 
 
returns to England, 25 
 
rumor to be governor of S. C., 446 
 
settles Salzburgers at Ebenezer, 52 
 
Thomas Caustons opinion of, 17 
 
thanked for helping son of Philip Delegal, 458459 
 
to leave for England, 35 
 
travels with Hector de Beaufain, 4548 
 
value of Ga. Indian trade, 25 
 
visits Abercorn, 46 
 
visits Purysburg, 44, 46 
 
wants no man of war at Savannah, 22 
 
William Jefferis querries on Ga. matters, 248249 
 
Oglethorpe (town), to be settled, 43 
 
Oglethorpe (vessel), arrives from Jamaica, 420 
 
Olive trees, 121, 159, 164, 228, 263 
 
Ongy, Cath (or Mary), servant to Robert Potter, 126127 
 
Opithli, Mico, Creek leader, 382 
 
Orange trees, in Ga., 22, 85, 88, 121, 159, 164, 228, 251, 263, 292, 293, 442, 479 
 
Orphans, care of, 41, 124, 183185, 301303 
 
Ortman, Christopher, schoolmaster at Ebenezer, 220 
 
Oseneker, Thomas, leaves for Ga., Ossabaw Island, good place to build ships, 472 
 
good port facilities, 179 
 
signs of people on, 192 
 
very valuable land, 472 
 
Oven, in Savannah, 44 
 
Overend, Joshua, at Savannah, 17 
 
death, 29, 3033 
 
Pallachocola Fort, 70, 327328, 450 
 
Panama, Robert Miller in, 116 
 
Paper, ink, & sealing wax scarce in Ga., 369 
 
Papot, Magdalene, 285 
 
Parker, Elizabeth, in England, 251 
 
Parker, Henry, bailiff, 259, 272 
 
capture of Richard White, 182183 
 
on Salzburger land, 225 
 
red string plot, 270 
 
reward for apprehending murderers, 452 
 
Parker, Robert, argument with Thomas Jones over town lot, 64, 122123, 132, 284, 438 
 
asks an office under the Trustees, 250251 
 
complaining of conditions in Ga., 132135, 139141, 370374 
 
describes his garden, 262 
 
differences with Noble Jones over location for his mills, 414415, 428 
 
financial troubles, 370374 
 
Joseph Watson case, 283284, 370374 
 
needs protectors from Purrysburg, 267 
 
provisions for workers, 171 
 
recommended by Sir Robert Walpole, 268 
 
red string plot, 259 
 
refuse jury & militia duty, 284 
 
sawmill, 49, 108, 123, 132133, 160161, 171, 231232, 250251, 305306, 472 
 
sells rum, 133 
 
sends draft to Trustees, 231 
 
Parker, Robert, Jr., accusations against Thomas Causton, 259261 
 
complaints about Ga., 207209 
 
complains about wifes affairs, 214215, 242245 
 
financial losses in Ga., 215 
 
Joseph Watson case, 284 
 
marries Elizabeth Sale, 171, 207209 
 
needs funds badly, 243 
 
presented by grand jury for false stories, 261 
 
problems about location of land, 214215, 242243, 244, 415417 
 
ranger lieutenant, 111, 171, 214215 
 
refuses jury & militia duty, 272, 284 
 
rents John Milledges house, 184 
 
Parker, Samuel, ill, 21 
 
recommends settlers for Ga., 1415 
 
Parker, William, capture of Richard White, 182183 
 
reward for apprehending murderers, 452 
 
Parks, Mr., and Joseph Watson troubles, 247 
 
Parris, Alexander, S. C. Treasurer, account, 91 
 
Parson, Lt., trial of, 375 
 
Pavie, Joseph, buys Arthur Johnsons lot, 143 
 
Peach trees, in Trustees garden, 22, 251252 
 
Peas, produced in Ga., 369 
 
Peiba, red string plot, 259 
 
Penn, Thomas, aid to early Ga., 1213, 6566, 7273 
 
account, 91 
 
Pennyfather, John, arrives in Ga., 29 
 
grant in Ga., 472 
 
Penrose, Elizabeth, employed John Godly, 275 
 
keeps unlicensed public house & sells rum, 336337 
 
Thomas Causton encourages, 337 
 
Penrose, John, convicted of selling liquor without a license, 285 
 
sells rum, 325326 
 
Pensyre, Samuel, death, 441, 444 
 
going to Ga., 2526 
 
lot on Tybee of no value, 180 
 
no pay for treating sick, 180181 
 
surgeon, his troubles, 144146 
 
People, desiring to sell their land and leave Ga., 355 
 
divided into factions, 344 
 
Percy, Francis, see Piercy 
 
Perry, William, recommended as Ga. settler, 15 
 
Petulancy, in Ga., 2731 
 
Phokehaw, & Indian present distribution, 317 
 
Piercy, Francis, conditions in Ga., 367369 
 
helps Sir Francis Bathurst, 306 
 
marries Elizabeth Bathurst, 234, 301 
 
needs servants, 232233 
 
Pigeons, in Ga., 165 
 
Pilot, taken by Spanish vessel, 191, 193 
 
Pindar, does not like his office, 439 
 
Pine barren land, nature of, 406 
 
Pipe staves, made at Thunderbolt, 192 
 
Pipemakers Bluff, Indians build nice town at, 306 
 
Pitch & tar, exported from Ga., 176, 193, 321 
 
production, 121, 369 
 
Play acting, planned in Ga., 230 
 
Pletter, John, leaves for Ga., 466 
 
Plots & conspiracies, none in Ga., 462463 
 
Plum trees, in Trustees garden, 252 
 
Poepicke, Creek leader, 381 
 
Pomegranates, will grow in Ga., 263 
 
Population, early, 23, 36, 42, 43 
 
Port charges, between S. C. & Ga., 135 
 
high in S. C., 119 
 
Port Royal, collector seizes vessel of Capt. Yoakley, 189190, 204, 205206 
 
Ga. settlers at, 5, 8, 11, 1516 
 
Portobello, Robert Miller in, 116 
 
Ports, possible ones in Ga., 8283, 179 
 
Portuguese Jews, in Ga., 420 
 
Postal Service, between Ga. and S. C., 92 
 
Potash, manufacture in Penn., 13 
 
production, 89, 96, 136, 192 
 
Potatoes, grown at Purrysburg, 353 
 
Potter, Robert, asks for help in Ga., 319320 
 
troubles and need of provisions, 126130 
 
Pratter, South Sea Co. agent in Jamaica, 4 
 
Prestoc, Indian interpreter, 69 
 
Preston, Daniel, killed in storm, 34 
 
Preston, Mary, trial of, 34 
 
Prince of Wales, arrives in Ga., 219, 249 
 
taken to England by Capt. Dunbar, 313 
 
Provisions, come from Philadelphia, 481 
 
cost in Ga., 53, 201, 335 
 
for early settlers, 3, 11, 16, 17, 29 
 
for Salzburgers, 226, 227 
 
for servants, 218, 293, 455 
 
for settlers, 129, 139140, 187189, 195, 278 
 
from Trustees store wasted, 376, 380 
 
may be bought from Indians, 279280 
 
people want to swap for rum, 2728 
 
short supply in Ga., 206207, 479 
 
stopped from Trustees Store, 162 
 
Public houses, licensed and unlicensed, 120, 336337 
 
sell rum, 379 
 
Public Record Office, Ga. records in, vii 
 
Public works, employ Ga. settlers, 139 
 
Punishments, in Ga., 3435, 141, 195, 261, 272, 456 
 
Purry, Col. Jean P., arrived at Savannah, 124 
 
S. C. settlement, 2 
 
Purrysburg, S. C., description by Samuel Eveleigh, 352353 
 
good company there, 141 
 
health at, 17 
 
helps Ga. with silk production, 124 
 
settlement, 2 
 
Quincy, Rev. Samuel, arrives in Ga., 29 
 
counterfeit money paid to Mr. Bolzius, 418419 
 
desires to return to England, 463 
 
endorsement for Robert Potter, 128 
 
goes to Ga., 5960 
 
illness, 246 
 
Jews in Ga., 419420 
 
Joseph Watson case, 283, 373, 462 
 
married Joseph Fitzwalter & Tuscanies, 426427 
 
no conspiracies in Ga., 462463 
 
problems of his glebe, 405406 
 
religious society in Savannah, 418420 
 
report on his parish, 406407 
 
sermons, 90 
 
troubles in Ga., 246247 
 
Trustees not infallible, 283 
 
Rangers, Adrian Loyer lieutenant, 156 
 
furnished Ga. by S. C., 204205, 235, 310, 312313 
 
horses bought for, 110 
 
illness, 110111, 214 
 
move to Uchee Town, 171, muster roll of, 467 
 
Robert Parker commissioned, 214215 
 
supplies for, 7778, 171 
 
used personally by Patrick Mackay, 112113; see Patrick Mackay 
 
Rattle snakes, in Ga., 262263 
 
Recorder, Thomas Christie, 126 
 
Red Bluff, Salzburgers desire to remove there, 224226, 304305 
 
Red String Plot, ix, 246247, 252, 286 
 
described by Thomas Causton, 258259 
 
described by Thomas Christie, 269272 
 
discovered, 241 
 
well handled by the magistrates, 301 
 
Reeves, Mr., collector at Port Royal, 204, 205 
 
Reinlander, Frederick, settles at Ebenezer, 169 
 
Religion, among Salzburgers, 220 
 
of little importance in Ga., 419 
 
Religious conditions, in Ga. 1735, 406407 
 
Religious society, for young men in Savannah, 419 
 
Rents, in Ga., 87, 200, 472 
 
Reuter, Peter, leaves for Ga., 467 
 
Reves, Mr., land recommended for, 24 
 
Rice, given by S. C. to Ga., 8, 11 
 
grown at Purrysburg, 353 
 
in Trustees Garden, 164 
 
Negroes needed to cultivate, 364 
 
Parliamentary act on, 248 
 
planted by Arthur Johnson, 344 
 
production and export, 97, 193, 321, 478 
 
Salzburgers plant, 305, 364 
 
Rice land, good in Ga., 358, 471472 
 
Richard, Jaques, requests military post under Oglethorpe, 369370 
 
Richardson, Joseph, arms & swans for Ga., 155 
 
Riley, Alice, hanged for the death of William Wise, 183, 273 
 
murderer of William Wise, 125126 
 
Riley, James, son to Alice, dead, 273 
 
Rivett, Barbara, lot at Abercorn, 170 
 
Road, to Musgroves cowpen, 165 
 
Road building, in 1733, 40 
 
Rolf, Mr., wants to leave Ga., 6263 
 
Roman Catholics in Ga., 419 
 
Ross, Hugh, housebuilding, 241 
 
Roth, George B., causes troubles at Ebenezer, 222223 
 
planter at Fort Argyle, 306 
 
Rotten Possum, Savannah Indians at, 193 
 
Royle, Mrs., death, 302 
 
sons orphaned, 302 
 
Rum, confiscation & destruction, 354355 
 
enforcement of law against, 470 
 
healthy, 239 
 
in the Indian trade, 109 
 
Mary Musgrove on, 452 
 
Oglethorpe on, 2731 
 
prohibited in Ga., 21 
 
sold at Trustees store, 245, 254, 261, 262, 272 
 
sold by Patrick Houstoun, 239 
 
sold by Robert Parker, 133 
 
sold by Thomas Christie & Thomas Causton, 337, 354, 455 
 
sold in Ga., 324326, 376, 379 
 
Rum duty, S. C. paid to Ga., 313 
 
Ryley, Dorothy, death, 184 
 
Ryley, John, orphan, 184 
 
Ryley, Will, death, 184 
 
orphan, 184 
 
Sage, substitute for tea, 160 
 
St. Augustine, Ga. convenient for trade with, 179 
 
Governors letters to S. C., 401 
 
St. Catherine Island, signs of occupancy, 192 
 
St. Gall, Swiss there interested in settling in Ga. or S. C., 330334, 341 
 
St. Johns River, fort needed at mouth, 101 
 
St. Julian, James de, early Ga. settlement, 12 
 
grapevines sent to, 4 
 
St. Marks, effect on the Creeks, 278 
 
fort at, 298 
 
St. Simons Island, live oak and pine timber, 101102 
 
Sale, Elizabeth, marriage, to Robert Parker, Jr., 171, 207209, 257 
 
problem with husbands estate, 256259 
 
Sale, William, death & disposition of his goods, 207208, 214215 
 
death & estate, 256258 
 
estate after death, 242244, 245 
 
location of land in Ga., 415 
 
widow remarries, 214 
 
Sallet greens, needed with salt meat, 159160 
 
Salotte, opposes Tomo-Chi-Chi, 271-272 
 
Salt, for Ga., 137 
 
Salt provisions, bad effect of, 229 
 
Salzburgers, arrive at Ebenezer, 219, 223 
 
arrive in Ga., 52, 191 
 
cattle & fowls bought for, 477 
 
cattle well cared for, 363, 470 
 
Causton tries to convince to stay at old location, 305 
 
childbirth difficult, 361 
 
conditions good, 465 
 
conditions in 1734, 6163 
 
dissatisfied with their land, 224, 226227, 273, 304305, 420, 465 
 
expected in Ga., 42 
 
Ga. climate bad for, 364 
 
German Jews kind to, 420 
 
hogs escape, 363364 
 
illness & death, 226227, 360361 
 
industrious, 304305 
 
leaving for Ga., 465467 
 
life & worship, 220 
 
linen and shoes needed, 361 
 
many items needed, 361, 362 
 
salaries of ministers, 219220 
 
satisfied in Ga., 470; see Ebenezer 
 
Sand fly, in Ga., 18 
 
Sandter, Frantz, of Carinthia, 349 
 
Sapelo Island, signs of people on, 192 
 
Sautuche, gone to the south, 306 
 
Savage, Daniel, Indian interpreter, 69, 72, 111 
 
Savannah, chimneys, 87, 88, 123 
 
church needed, 90 
 
conditions in, 393395, 440 
 
conditions in 1734, 44 
 
defenses, 14, 35, 82, 90 
 
described by Oglethorpe, 8, 910 
 
described by Thomas Causton, 16 
 
described by William Bateman, 7475 
 
given bad name in Charles Town, 7475 
 
health, 165 
 
house building, 10, 22, 44, 87, 138, 154, 158, 168 
 
400 houses built, 368 
 
inadequate in number, 7677 
 
houses in 1733, 41 
 
larger than Williamsburg, Va., 165 
 
lots assigned to owners, 30 
 
lots too small, 352 
 
marriage of Purrysburgh couples, 48 
 
oven at, 44 
 
prices, 200, 201 
 
port possibilities, 131 
 
rent of lots, 200 
 
settlement described by Gov. Robert Johnson, 1012 
 
1734 growth, 121 
 
town laid out, 10 
 
trade with Port Royal & Santilma, 239 
 
wards and streets named, 30 
 
weather, 168 
 
Savannah, Capt. Lionell Wood, arrived in Savannah, 44, 45 
 
Savannah Indians, at Pipemakers Bluff, 306 
 
at Rotten Possum, 193 
 
send gift to Trustees & join Tomo-Chi-Chi, 237 
 
Savannah River, described by Oglethorpe, 910 
 
height of bar, 19 
 
Savannah Town, 70 
 
Savy, Mr., trial of, 375 
 
Sawmill, of Robert Parker, 49, 108, 132133, 160161, 171, 231232, 250, 251, 260, 305306, 370374, 417418, 472 
 
Walter Augustine, 305306, 446, 472473 
 
Sawyers, at Ebenezer to build houses, 360 
 
Negro, sent away, 28 
 
Schmidt, John & Family, leave for Ga., 466 
 
Schoppacher, Margaretha, dead Salzburger, 361 
 
Schoppacher, Maria, dead Salzburger, 361 
 
Schoppacher, Ruprecht, dead Salzburger, 361 
 
Schwaigger, Anna, dead Salzburger, 361 
 
Scotch Highlanders, Daniel McLachlan wants to take to Ga., 338340 
 
Scots, ask for help in Ga., 187188 
 
at Sterlings Bluff industrious, 306 
 
support for minister in Ga., 457458 
 
on Savannah River, 46 
 
to settle in Ga., 59 
 
wear laced hats, 87 
 
Scott, Capt. Francis, died, 4445 
 
health on Ann, 5 
 
justice of the peace, 28 
 
land desired by Patrick Houstoun, 238 
 
Scott, John, wants to be gunsmith in Ga., 157158 
 
Scout boat, crew in St. Augustine, 193 
 
furnished Ga. by S. C., 7, 11, 204205, 310, 313 
 
Scouts, S. C. in Ga., 235 
 
Seed, bad, 120121, 140 
 
given to farmers, 304 
 
Senauki, attends Tuscanies-Fitzwalter wedding, 427 
 
Tomo-Chi-Chis wife, 100, 387 
 
Seris, J., on Mr. Millenets desire to colonize Carolina or Ga., 351352 
 
Servants, bought by Oglethorpe, 41 
 
in Trustees garden, 212213, 408409, 410 
 
needed in building trades, 442 
 
needed in Ga., 8384, 142143, 207, 232233, 292, 319, 323324, 393, 429 
 
provisions for, 455 
 
punishment, 252, 409 
 
red string plot, 271 
 
secured by Francis Harbin in Amsterdam, 481482 
 
sent to Ebenezer ministers, 219 
 
sent to Thomas Causton, 452 
 
unlawfully assemble, 285 
 
white, compared with Negro, 364367 
 
Settlements, proposed above Purysburg, 4647 
 
Settlers, for Ga. from Germany, 475 
 
industrious & improve their lots, 355356 
 
prospective, 196 
 
type in early Ga., 14 
 
type needed in Ga., 23, 240 
 
Sexton, Joseph Stanley, 167 
 
Shinelacowecke Mico, Creek leader, 382 
 
Silk, culture agreement on, 34 
 
production in Ga., 9697, 121, 124, 152153, 211, 368369, 378, 379380, 409410, 411, 447448 
 
production in S. C., 152153, 210211, 353 
 
production, possible in Ga., 460 
 
Silkworms, raising, 22, 152 
 
Silver, Indians say in Ga., 14 
 
Simond, Peter and J. C., and silk culture, 34 
 
interested in colonizing Swiss to Ga., 328329 
 
partnership with Samuel Montaigut, 131 
 
vessels at Savannah, 45 
 
Simons, Mary, orphan, 302303 
 
troubles as a servant, 285 
 
Simpson, Barsabas, recommended by Viscount Tyrconnel, 8081 
 
Skee, death of, 88, 172, 198 
 
Indian militia officer, 23 
 
Skidoway Island, conditions on, 140 
 
fort to be built on, 30 
 
progress on, 192 
 
regular watch for vessels, 192 
 
rumor of Spanish & Indian on, 391 
 
settlement on, 40 
 
settlers idle & desert, 468469 
 
Thomas Mouses improvements on, 194195 
 
William Johnson Dalmas needs seeds etc., 196197 
 
Skins, loaded for London at Savannah, 193 
 
Slaves, needed in Ga., 1920 
 
Sloop, bought by Oglethorpe for Ga., 24 
 
to be built in Ga., 230 
 
Smith, Joseph, arrival in Ga., 176177 
 
Society for Promotion of Christian Knowledge, aid to Salzburgers, 218, 361362 
 
support Scots minister in Ga., 457458 
 
South Carolina, currency counterfeited, 446, 450451 
 
debts and taxes, 102 
 
export duties, 119120 
 
has too many Negroes, 6768, 177 
 
help at Georgias founding, 5, 68, 9, 10, 1012, 17, 18, 21, 23, 24, 26, 27, 39, 5253, 5758, 7778 
 
Indian trade law of 1734, 105106, 204, 209, 421 
 
land grants in Ga., 1, 24 
 
problems for Ga., 121122 
 
provided rangers and scout boat for Ga., 204205 
 
rum duty paid to Ga., 481, 493 
 
support for building fort in Creek country, 485, 492493 
 
South Carolina affairs, James Abercromby report, 298299 
 
Paul Jenys report, 312313 
 
Samuel Eveleigh report, 308309 
 
South Carolina-Georgia, Indian relations, 6061, 6365, 477 
 
Indian trade problems, 70, 108109, 455, 482493; see Patrick Mackay 
 
Spangenberg, August Gottlieb, brings Moravians to Ga., 201203 
 
in Savannah, 362 
 
planted corn & peas, 440 
 
survey of Count Zinzendorfs land, 428 
 
Spaniard, killed by Indian, 403, 493 
 
Spanish, at St. Simons Island, 65, 66 
 
in Altamaha area, 101 
 
object to Patrick Mackays actions, 485 
 
Oglethorpes slight fear of, 53 
 
relations of Cherekeileigie, 295297 
 
reported in Ga., 74 
 
murdered Yuchi Indians, 91, 92 
 
talk of settling at Apalachee Old Fields, 291 
 
Spanish Indians, troubles with, 191, 391, 398399, 428, 489 
 
Spanish prisoners, rumors of, 60 
 
Spanish spies, Roman Catholics, 2122 
 
Spanish vessel, takes pilot at Tybee, 191193 
 
Spanish war, fear of, 71, 279280, 297 
 
Spanish-English Indian relations, 482 
 
Spence, Nick, support for Scots ministerin Ga., 457458 
 
Spiebieglerin, Rosina, leaves for Ga., 467 
 
Spring, Isaac, recommended as Ga. settlers, 15 
 
Squirrels, destroyed potatoes, 320 
 
Stanley, Elizabeth, midwife, 167168, 303 
 
Stanley, J., contribution of Liverpool to Ga., 9394, 282 
 
Stanley, Jospeh, 108, 228 
 
Stechey, killed Musgroves slave Justice, 197198 
 
Steinacher, Christian, of Carinthia, 349 
 
Steiner, Christian, dead Salzburger, 361 
 
Sterling, Hugh, reports conditions at Sterlings Bluff, 265266, 344 
 
Sterlings Bluff, conditions at, 90, 265266, 306, 344 
 
Stitchee, threat to kill Joseph Watson, 88 
 
Stone, in Ga., 165 
 
Storekeeper, Samuel Montaigut, 239 
 
Streets in Savannah, named, 30 
 
Surveying, see land surveying 
 
Swans, for Ga., 155 
 
Swiss, settle at Purrysburg, 2, 201202, 299300 
 
settlers for Ga., 114115 
 
Swiss settlers, want to come to Ga. or S. C., 328334 
 
Symes, George, needs servants and cannot get pay for his cures, 143 
 
Symond, Peter & J. C., drafts not paid by Trustees, 454 
 
protect Isaac Chardons credit, 97100 
 
Symonds, Mr., recommended for grant, 42 
 
Syms, Ann, red string plot, 241 
 
Symter, Capt. Edmund, brings Volant to Ga., 20 
 
Tailfer, Patrick, asks for help in Ga., 187188 
 
at Creek ceremony in Savannah, 400 
 
conditions at Sterlings Bluff, 265266 
 
desires land near Savannah, 267 
 
ill, 441 
 
loss of servants, 266 
 
Negroes necessary if Ga. to succeed, 364367 
 
settled in Savannah, 267 
 
Tailor, Hugh Frazer, 181 
 
Tallapholechi, accepted Trustee gifts, 452 
 
gone to seek revenge against Spanish, 452 
 
Indian present distribution, 317 
 
Talloopose King, complains about French forts, 64 
 
Tamahumme, Indian present distribution, 318 
 
scouting to the south, 306, 469 
 
troubles with Joseph Watson, 173 
 
Taweliche Mico, Creek leader, 382 
 
Taylor, Elizabeth, married Thomas Antrobus, 170 
 
Tea, in Charles Town garden, 22 
 
sage a substitute, 160 
 
should not be drunk in Ga., 179 
 
Teechee, Indian present distribution, 317 
 
Teesdale, John, scout at Fort Argyle, 306 
 
Tents, early settlers live in, 10, 14, 17 
 
Thomas, Capt., land recommended for, 24 
 
Thompson, John, illness & desire for employment, 460461 
 
moved to Charles Town, 453 
 
Thompson, Capt. William, advises Amatis to stay in Ga., 378 
 
brings Swiss to S. C. or Ga., 287 
 
brings Two Brothers to Savannah, 300 
 
can report on Ga. conditions, 344 
 
carries live oak timber to England, 441442 
 
goes to Purrysburg, with Samuel Eveleigh, 352353 
 
sails for England, 413, 444 
 
to give account of bareness of Ebenezer, 362 
 
vessel at Ga., 343 
 
witness to color bearer argument, 391 
 
Thunderbolt, defense of, 40, 43 
 
described by Joseph Hetherington, 275277 
 
fine spring, 90 
 
fort to be built, 30 
 
good harbor near, 123, 137 
 
house building, 176177 
 
progress at, 8889, 192 
 
settled, 35, 43 
 
Tibbitt, Mr., in Ga., 30 
 
Timber cutting, Noble Jones opposes unauthorized, 428431 
 
Timber in Ga., 19, 8283, 160, 165; see live oak 
 
Tippling, laws against, 355 
 
without licence presented by grand jury, 284 
 
Tobago, Robert Miller in, 116 
 
Tolu, Robert Millar searches for, 396397 
 
William Houstoun hopes to secure, 6 
 
Tomechaw War King, Creek leader, 381 
 
Tomecka, Indian present distribution, 317 
 
Tomo-Chi-Chi, and Creeks visit England, 386387 
 
and Indians behave well, 439 
 
and Indians returns from England, 138, 163 
 
attends Tuscanies-Fitzwalter wedding, 427 
 
cattle & fowls bought for, 477 
 
differs with Patrick Mackay on Upper Creeks, 399 
 
distribution of Indian presents, 316318 
 
divided presents among Creeks, 400402 
 
early contact with Georgians, 10, 14 
 
fondly remembers Oglethorpe, 194 
 
gone to the south, 306 
 
informs Indians of his trip to England, 198 
 
Indian militia, 23 
 
meets Ga. settlers, 1617 
 
recommends cassany tea for gout, 368 
 
red string plot, 241, 271 
 
reports on Indians to south, 469 
 
return from England, 100, 236 
 
speech to Oglethorpe, 54 
 
standing among Indians, 271 
 
to send scouts to look for Spaniards, 291 
 
wishes gifts for his friends only, 290 
 
Tomohuichi dog King, Creek leader, 381 
 
Tondee, Charles, orphan, 184, 302 
 
Tondee, Peter, death, 184 
 
orphan, 184, 302 
 
Toonahowi, ill upon return to Ga., 100, 191, 197, 236 
 
scouting to the south, 306, 469 
 
Tomo-Chi-Chis nephew, 14, 387 
 
watch, 194 
 
Toowhihitliche, Indian present distribution, 317 
 
Topuseko, Indian present distribution, 317 
 
Torance, from scout boat in St. Augustine, 193 
 
Towns & settlements, in Ga., 369 
 
Trade, between Ga. & S. C., 318319 
 
export from Savannah, 437438 
 
free needed in Ga., 239240 
 
Ga. convenient for, 179 
 
of Samuel Eveleigh in Ga., 471 
 
people in Savannah try to engross, 200 
 
possibilities for Ga., 121122 
 
vessels loading in Ga., 189; see Indian trade 
 
Tradesmen, in building trades needed, 442 
 
Trustee, needed in Ga., 240, 338, 388, 409 
 
Trustees accounts, with Isaac Chardon, 9092, 113 
 
Trustees for orphans, 269 
 
Trustees garden, ix 
 
argument of Paul Amatis and Joseph Fitzwalter over, 314315 
 
conditions in, 212213, 378, 447448 
 
Elisha Dobree hopes to rival, 480 
 
improvements in, 164 
 
in Charles Town, 22, 38, 71 
 
of little use, 124 
 
Paul Amatis plans for, 423424 
 
Paul Amatis troubles with, 408411 
 
plants for, 452 
 
removed from Charles Town, 152154, 186187, 212213, 251252 
 
Samuel Eveleighs interest in, 88 
 
servants for, 380381, 452, 460; see Joseph Fitzwalter, Paul Amatis 
 
Trustees hogs, lots, 391392 
 
Trustees presents, for Creeks, 400401 
 
Trustees Store, accounts in, 38, 159, 199, 230231, 303, 436437, 442 
 
credit at stopped, 245 
 
credit not stopped, 261 
 
employees live in luxury, 141 
 
journal of, 169 
 
method of operation, 303304 
 
profit & operation, 380 
 
rum sold at, 245 
 
Tuckwell, John, supplies for Ga., 113114 
 
Turkeys, in Ga., 165 
 
Turner, James, houses orphans, 302 
 
Turner, Richard, counterfeits S. C. currency, 436, 450451, 455 
 
Tuscanies, marries Joseph Fitzwalter, 427 
 
Tuscany, Capt., Indian died, 172 
 
Two Brothers, arrives at Savannah, 45, 300 
 
Tybee Island, defense, 35, 43 
 
good harbor for men-of-war, 7172 
 
lighthouse on, 35, 41, 43, 199, 442, 468 
 
publick works there, 337 
 
salt marsh, 145 
 
Samuel Penseyres troubles, 180 
 
settlement, 468 
 
Tybee, Island, Little, good channel for vessels, 343, 421 
 
Tyrconnel, Viscount, recommends settlers for Ga. 8081 
 
Uchee Indians, see Yuchi Indians 
 
Umpichi, scouting to the south, 306, 469 
 
Unterwald, Johan, of Carinthia, 350 
 
Urlsperger, Rev. Samuel, German immigrants coming through Holland, 345 
 
immigrant from Carinthia, 346351 
 
interested in colonizing Swiss to Ga., 329334 
 
reports on Salzburgers & Austrians going to Ga., 465467 
 
Swiss immigrants from St. Gall, 341 
 
Vanderplank, John, arrives in Ga., 20 
 
cannot get up cattle, 123 
 
Causton consults with, 303 
 
Creek ceremony in Savannah, 400 
 
exports pitch & tar, 176 
 
murder of Justice, 174 
 
red string plot, 246, 270 
 
sends journal to England, 321 
 
takes servants from Trustees garden, 213 
 
to manage servants, 165 
 
Vat, John, brings Salzburgers to Ga., 100, 219, 221, 223 
 
conditions at Ebenezer, 223227, 359364 
 
illness, 221, 223 
 
sends regards to James Vernon, 465 
 
wants Salzburgers moved, 304305 
 
Vegetables, in Trustees Garden, 164 
 
Vernon, James, thanked by Bolzius & Gronau, 464465 
 
Vernon River, named, 22 
 
Vessel going to Ga., conditions on, 2526 
 
Vicary, Ambrose, death of, 125 
 
Vineyards, planted, 121; see grapevines 
 
Volant, arrives at Ga., 20 
 
Von Pfeil, Baron, on Moravian settlers for Ga., 5859 
 
Von Reck, Baron Philip George Frederick, immigrants to Ga., 345351 
 
desire for a place under the Trustees, 463 
 
in Boston, 60 
 
in Frankfurt with settlers for Ga., 475 
 
left Ga., 169 
 
on Carinthien women & children, 463 
 
St. Gall immigrants, 341 
 
Salzburger commissary, 52 
 
to remain in Ga., 331 
 
Salzburgers going to Ga., 466 
 
Wales, South, servants and passengers from, 136 
 
Wali, Creek leader, 381 
 
Walpole, Horatio, Swiss colonists for America, 115 
 
Wardrope, Joseph, reports on Ga. health, 137 
 
Wards & streets, named, 30 
 
Warren, Elizabeth, widow of John Warren, 36 
 
Warren, Georgius Marinus, born on Ann, 36 
 
Warren, John, dies, 36 
 
Warships, may ride in Wassaw inlet, 343 
 
Wassaw inlet, can hold men-of-war, 421 
 
surveyed by Samuel Eveleigh, et al., 343 
 
Waterland, William, teacher in Savannah, 166 
 
Watkins, William, Joseph Watson troubles, 247, 254, 283 
 
leases land, 170171 
 
not industrious, 305 
 
red string plot, 259 
 
surgeon, 76 
 
Watson, Joseph, arrested & appers seized, 253254 
 
bad behavior, 8788, 122 
 
bad treatment of, 371372, 373 
 
case against, 237, 283284, 304, 306, 462 
 
complains of treatment by Thomas Causton, 253254 
 
debts to Samuel Eveleigh, 86 
 
grant recommended for, 5051 
 
John Musgroves troubles with, 197198, 237238, 247, 258259 
 
John West can give Trustees details, 439 
 
party causes trouble, 304 
 
persuade John Musgrove to be jealous of Thomas Causton, 258259 
 
red string plot, 259, 271 
 
troubles with Indians, etc., 172176, 185186, 428 Trustees approve Caustons conduct, 450 
 
Trustees orders on, 432 
 
Watts, Lt., James, land recommended for, 24 
 
Weather, in Savannah, 168, 427 
 
Webb, Allen, brother to Robert Parker, Jr., 243 
 
West Indian trade, needed in Ga., 240 
 
West, John, and murder of Justice, 174 
 
attends Joseph Fitzwalters wedding, 427 
 
bought effects of William Sale, 25 6257 
 
builds house, 87 
 
can inform Trustees of garden, 426 
 
can report on Ga. conditions, 8182, 138, 344, 439 
 
exports rice from Ga., 321 
 
helps to calm John Musgrove, 238 
 
land leased, 228 
 
proposed trip to England, 138, 255, 320321 
 
rents William Littles house, 184 
 
repairs Indian guns, 158 
 
resigns as bailiff, 138 
 
sails for England, 413, 444 
 
to give account of bareness of Ebenezer, 362 
 
troubles in Ga., 255 
 
witness to color bearer argument, 391 
 
works for Robert Parker on sawmill, 231232 
 
Wheat, grown at Purrysburg, 353 
 
Whipping, of servants, 252 
 
Whitaker, John, aids Ga., 10, 23 
 
White, Richard, murderer of Willaim Wise, 125126, 181183 
 
Widows, chimneys for their houses, 87 
 
Wigam, Joseph, actions against in favor of Indians, 428 
 
Wiggan, Mr., Creek trader, 79 
 
Williamsburg, Va., smaller than Savannah, 165 
 
Willoughby, James, dead, 183 
 
Wilson, James, master of Mary Simons, 285, 302, 477 
 
Wine, can be produced in Ga., 263 
 
given to colonists, 28 
 
Wise, William, effects of, 125 
 
murdered, 125, 164, 181183, 452 
 
Wood, Capt. Lionell, arrived in Savannah, 44 
 
brings settlers to Ga., 139 
 
items sent to Eng. by, 166 
 
Woodward, Mr., promises Robert Parker, Jr., credit, 243 
 
accounts & vouchers, 467468 
 
Woodward, Richard, helps with Indian interpreter, 72 
 
Woodward, Samuel, aids Ga., 10 
 
Woolens, British, only clothing in Ga., 179 
 
Wright, John, Joseph Watson case, 284 
 
Writingmaster, Elisha Dobree, 292 
 
Yamacraw Indians, early contact with Georgians, 10, 14, 1617; see Tomo-Chi-Chi 
 
Yamassee Indians, friendly to Spanish, 398; see Spanish Indians 
 
Yawekaw, Indian present distribution, 217 
 
Yoakley, Capt., arrives at Charles Town, 454 
 
arrived in Savannah, 44, 91, 92, 124, 447 
 
brings settlers to Ga., 139 
 
items sent to Eng. by, 166 
 
leaves for England, 176, 193, 251 
 
recommended for grant, 42 
 
sails James to Savannah, 2021, 90, 481 
 
seized by Port Royal collector, 151, 189190, 204, 205206 
 
silk sent to Eng. by, 211 
 
supplies bought of, 42 
 
Young, Thomas, asks servants to pay for his work in Savannah, 403404 
 
erects stand for Creek welcome, 400 
 
helps John Milledge build a hut, 302 
 
marries Mary Box, 170 
 
problems in Ga., 154 
 
Young men, religious society for, 419 
 
Yuchi (Uchee) Indians, described by Oglethorpe, 14 
 
killed by Spanish Indians, 191 
 
murders, 91, 92 
 
troubles, 89 
 
Ziegenhagen, Friedrich Michael, royal Lutheran chaplain, 224 
 
Zinzendorf, Count Nicholas L., settlement on Ogeechee River, 363 
 
survey of his land, 428; see Moravians & A. G. Spangenberg 
 
Zubly, John J., mentioned, 332 
 
Zwiffler, Andreas, Ebenezer apothecary, 223, 227 
 
lost, 170 
 
medicines for, 362 
 
treats John Vat at Ebenezer, 359