M !i'M-'M *-4\^f!,|'i 1 ,f' 5< . ' .11 i. '4\ ,f !. i I ;* I 'it I 'I n/^C fli tM"' v i .,iiu.l.i!'^;/i (iJ:iMI':/lJ,:S'iS,j^ lf'';'f ^^ I'jIilYlr''. '!l '',l!!l' ( M ,!-'ii .:iS'! Pi I' '"id- ' S I "./'I 'M-''I'ai:'^'::S. !^'' i' .'1 .Mm-I 'f'r^' "> l-tl t! :pJ:"fM Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2011 with funding from LYRASIS IVIembers and Sloan Foundation http://www.archive.org/details/facultyresear2521971sava .MMAH -^^''-^- COLLEGE "^^ FACULTY RESEARCH EDITION of The Savaimah State College Bulletin a y Volume 25, No. 2 December, 1971 Published by SAVAIVNAH STATE COLLEGE STATE COLLEGE BRANCH SAVANNAH, GEORGLA Editorial Policies Which Govern The Savannah State College Research Bulletin 1. The Bulletin should contain pure research, as well as creative writing, e.g., essays, poetry, drama, fiction, etc. 2. Manuscripts that have already been published or accepted for publication in other journals will not be included in the Bulletin. 3. While it is recommended that the Chicago Manual of Style be followed, contributors are given freedom to employ other accepted documentation rules. 4. Although the Bulletin is primarily a medium for the faculty of Savannah State College, scholarly papers from other faculties are invited. FACULTY RESEARCH EDITION of The Savannah State College Bulletin Published by The Savannah State College Volume 25, No. 2 Savannah, Georgia December, 1971 Prince A. Jackson, Jr, President Editorial Committee Joan L. Gordon Willie G. Tucker S. M. Julie Maggioni Hanes Walton A. J. McLemORE, Chairman Articles are presented on the authority of their writers, and neither the Editorial Committee nor Savannah State College assumes respon- sibility for the views expressed by contributors. Contributors Mr. Patrick Ireland, Biology Instructor Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia Dr. Manchery P. Menon, Professor Chemistry Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia Mrs. Marie W. Nelson, Education Instructor Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia Dr. Hanes Walton, Jr., Associate Professor Social Sciences Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia TABLE OF CONTENTS Page The Effects of Photoperiod, Temperature, and Thyroxin on the Transformation of Laval Ambystoma annulatum Patrick H. Ireland 5 Characterization in the Children's Books of A. A. Milne Marie W. Nelson 13 The Negro in the Prohibition Party A Case Study of the Tennessee Prohibition Party Hanes Walton, Jr 23 An Inquiry Into Burma's Policy of Neutralism Hanes Walton, Jr 35 Undergraduate Nuclear Experiments with 2iOpb.2ioBi Equilibrium Mixture M. P. Menon 53 THE EFFECTS OF PHOTOPERIOD, TEMPERATURE, AND THYROXIN ON THE TRANSFORMATION OF LARVAL Ambystoma annulatum Patrick H. Ireland, Department of Biology, Savannah State College, Savannah, Georgia 31404 Introduction The salamander, Ambystoma annulatum Cope, is endemic to the Ozarkian highlands (Connant 1958). Partially due to this limited range, little information concerning the biology of this species is available (Trapp 1956), and no information dealing with the development of the larvae has been previously published. The purpose of this investigation was to elucidate some of the ecological factors which initiate and regulate trans- formation of A. annulatum larvae. A. annulatum exhibits a pattern of reproduction typical of Ambystomids. Adults migrate in mass during heavy rain to specific breeding ponds. The breeding migration of A. annulatum takes place in late September or October. The males arrive at the breeding ponds several hours before the females. After reaching the ponds, the males engage in an elaborate courtship with the females and then deposit sperm packets (spermatophores) on the floor of the pond. The females pick up the spermatophores with the cloaceal lips and then deposit 50-250 eggs in a large mass. Fertilization occurs as the eggs pass through the cloaca. The egg mass is then attached to the pond substratum. The entire process is completed within two or three days. The adults then leave the pond in favor of the mesic forest floor. Gilled larvae emerge from the eggs in 30 to 40 days depending on temperature. The larvae remain in the ponds for approximately nine months and then transform into terrestrial adults and leave the pond. The process of transformation involves several major mor- phological changes. The larvae lose their gills and begin to utilize lungs. The blood vessels of the head and neck region become rearranged as does the skeletal and integermentary systems. Transformation involves an almost complete rearrangement of the salamander. Three factors, temperature, photoperiod and thyroxin, were investigated in order to determine how they af- fected the rate at which A. annulatum larvae transform. MATERIALS AND METHODS THYROXIN A total of 560 larval A. annulatum, representing all size classes, were treated with seven different concentrations of thyroxin (thyroid hormone). The larvae were segregated, accord- ing to size, to reduce cannibalism and maintained in standard culture dishes containing 400 ml of natural spring water. Five larvae were placed in each dish. The larvae were kept at 24 C and a 24 hour dark photoperiod. The water was changed every two days after which thyroxin (in a basic solution) was added. This insured that the larvae were maintained in a known thyroxin solution at all times. Food was offered on alternate days. Earthworms were used for food but the aggressive larvae would eat almost any type of meat offered. This method has been used to transform tadpoles and is described in detail by Tata (1956). Controls were treated exactly as experimental with the exception that no thyroxin was given. This procedure was used to determine if the hormone thyroxin did stimulate transformation of A. annulatum larvae and if all size classes of the larvae were uniformly effected by the hormone. To determine if the halogen component of thyroxin could stimulate transformation, iodide (Nal) was given to 25 larvae. Iodine was introduced to the water in the same concentration that the halogen was present in the thyroxin concentrations. TEMPERATURE Temperature is known to affect transformation of am- phibians (Noble 1931). Artificially induced transformations, using thyroxin, of 270 A. annulatum larvae were carried out at three different temperatures (5, 20, 30C) in a 24 hour dark photoperiod. Three concentrations of thyroxin were used (0.5, and 10.0 u/100 ml water). The larvae were transformed by the techniques previously described. PHOTOPERIOD The effects of photoperiod on the transformation of am- phibian larvae are unknown. A total of 160 larval A. annulatum were artificially transformed (5.0 u thyroxin/100 ml water) at four different photoperiods. These transformations were conduct- ed at 24 C. The photoperiods selected were: 24 hours dark and 24 hours light, 12 hours light and 6 hours dark, 12 hours dark and 6 hours light. CONTROLS All experimentals were accompanied with controls. The con- trols were placed in standard culture dishes with 400 ml spring water but no thyroxin was added. The controls were subjected to the same environmental variables as the experimentals. RECOGNITION OF TRANSFORMATION The process of transformation was not accompanied with an increase in total length or snout-vent length. Rapid skin shedding and reduction of the tail fin at its most anterior point were the first indications that the larvae was undergoing transformation. As transformation continued, the resorption of the tail fin progressed posteriorly, after approximately one half of the tail fin was resorbed the gills began to disappear, the head became narrow due to rearrangement of the gill arches, and the skin color became darker. The first indication of resorption of the tail fin was considered to be the beginning of transformation. Transfor- mation was considered complete when the gills were reduced to stubs and the salamander could survive out of water. Results THYROXIN Thjo^oxin stimulates transformation of ^4. annulatum larvae (Table 1). Within a given size class the rate of transformation was increased by increasing the amount of thjroxin administered. The controls did not exhibit any indications of transformation. TEMPERATURE Temperature affects the rate of transformation of A. an- nulatum larvae (Table 2). Increasing the water temperature decreased the time required for transformation to begin and reduced the time required for complete transformation. Smaller larvae responded differently to temperature than did larger lar- vae (Table 2). PHOTOPERIOD Manipulation of photoperiods had no significant (99% con- fidence level) effect on the rate of larval A. annulatum transfor- mation (Table 3). In natural populations transformation can be correlated with photoperiodicity but this is probably not due to the photoperiod per se, but merely reflects the correlation of photoperiod to environmental temperature and the physiological maturation of the larvae. Discussion The thyroid hormone, thyroxin, initiates and regulates the rate of transformation of ^4. annulatum larvae. An increase in the amount of thyroxin reduced the time required for transformation but increasing the thyroxin two fold resulted in a time decrease of only one or two days. Doubling the thyroxin concentration did not result in a time decrease of 50% . This suggests that the larvae require a given amount of thyroxin to begin transformation and the addition of more hormone above this threshold has a relatively minor effect. Larvae of the same size class responded in the same manner to a constant thyroxin concentration. Larvae of different size classes responded differently to the same th3a-oxin concentrations. Snyder (1956) demonstrated that larval A. gracile of different year classes respond differently to identical thjo-oxin concentrations but found no difference within larvae of the same size class. Two postulations may be presented, each of which would ex- plain the varying reaction of different size classes to identical thyroxin concentrations but none of which can be supported by experimental data. One possibility is that the amphibian tissue will not respond to thyroxin until it has attained a certain degree of development. This physiological aging would require time, and the smaller larvae would have not had sufficient time to complete this developmental process. The tissue of the smaller larvae thus would be less sensitive to thyroxin than the older tissue. The second explanation is that the thyroxin artificially administered complemented and possibly stimulated the normal production of thyroxin by the larval thyroid gland. The larger larvae would presumably have a larger and more active thyroid and so a positive feedback reaction involving the thyroxin and thyroid would thus be greater. If a positive feedback mechanism is in- volved it would necessarily be of short duration. A long term positive feedback reaction would eventually result in death. The administration of thyroxin did not alter the sequence of mor- phological changes involved in A. annulatum transformation as it does in Rana. The addition of iodide (Nal) did not stimulate transfor- mation in any size class of larvae. This suggests that the halogen component of thyroxin is not a major limiting factor in the trans- formation of A. annulatum larvae. Iodide is known to stimulate transformation of salamander larvae (Dundee 1957) but this ap- parently takes place only when excessively high concentrations of iodide are given. This study shows that the administration of iodide in the same concentrations that it was present in thyroxin solutions does not stimulate transformation in A. annulatum lar- vae. Temperature did effect the rate of transformation of A. an- nulatum larvae (Table 2). An increase in temperature decreases the time required for transformation to be initiated. This relationship between transformation and temperature is probably true for all poikilotherms (Noble 1931). Maher and Levendahl (1959) suggested that the sensitivity of poikilotherm tissue to thyroxin may vary with temperature. This investigation tends to support the theory of Maher and Levendahl (1959) but does not rule out the possibility that the actual production of^thyroxin and not the sensitivity of tissue to thyroxin is affected by temperature. Photoperiod affects tissue maturation and differentiation in many animals and plants. However, the photoperiod appears to have no effect on the process of larval A. annulatum transfor- mation (Table 3). Summary The hormone thja*oxin initiates the process of transformation and regulates the rate at which this process proceeds in larval A. annulatum. Although iodide is essential in the biosynthesis of 8 thyroxin, it does not appear to be the limiting factor in the syn- thesis and secretion of thyroxin. Larvae of different size classes respond differently to the administration of thyroxin. This may be due to increased sensitivity of the older tissue to thyroxin or a positive feedback between thyroxin and the thyroid gland. There was a direct relationship between temperature and the rate of transformation but photoperiod did not have an effect on trans- formation. c o iz > c I;; u 8 = .| go N .r ^ <^ C 0) - E 0) o (0 I- o o o o ID p IT) c\j in d LO C\J 0) N c (D C CD > O c QQ < CD < CQ < CD < < CD < CQ CD CX) O I CD O CN CM O (T) CD CO CO C\J ^ ^ ^ ^ G) CO CO C\J - t^ h- N. ^ r-- IT) CO C\J 00 00 ^ CD CD CD 'sT CO C\J CD CD CO 00 ID ^ -^ C\J C\J O C\J ^ 00 CM -^ I O CO 0) CO > CT3 . c o o C\J -^ I CC E CO O CD o o 2 -D ^ V CD CD n . - 13 c CO .2 (D ro CD E $ i: CO CO cc CD CO CO D (0 > (0 o c ~ 0) o c CO 1- C\J CO CM LO -^ UO '^ CVJ CO T- -^ CD lO -^ LO CVJ CO f- C\J LO -^ -^ -^ CO 1- -^ C\J h~ -^ LO CO o o o ^ 1- CvJ CO -^ CVJ CO D o E CO c CO 1_ ^J 0) Q. E o o o Crt CO o I CD c o +- CO E CO -o C0-- 5, o If CO CO < "cO 11 LITERATURE CITED Connant, R. 1958. A Field Guide to Reptiles and Amphibians of Eastern North America. Houghton Miffin Co. Boston, 366p. Dundee, H. A. 1957. Partial Metamorphosis induced in Typhlomolge Rathbuni. Coperia 1957:52-53. Maher, M. J. and B. H. Levendahl. 1959. The Effects of the Thyroid Gland on the Oxidative Metabolism of the Lizard Anobis CarolineHsis. J. Exper. Zool. 140:169-189. Noble, G. K. 1931. The Biology of the Amphibian. McGraw Hill. N. Y. 577p. Synder, R. C. 1956. Comparative features of the life history of Ambystoma Gracile (Baird) from populations at high and low altitudes. Copeia 1956:41-50. Tata, J. R. 1965. Thalidomide and induced Amphibian Metamorphosis. Nature 204: 939-940. Trapp, Mary M. 1956. Range and Natural History of the ringed salamander Am- bystoma annulatum (Cope). Southwestern Nat. 1:78-82. 12 CHARACTERIZATION IN THE CHILDREN'S BOOKS OF A. A. MILNE Marie W. Nelson Savannah State College February 10, 1971 13 CHARACTERIZATION IN THE CHILDREN'S BOOKS OF A. A. MILNE In a critical study of the works of an author like A. A. Milne there is much one could attempt to treat. Within the already delimited scope of his works for children, many aspects of theme and style, purpose and effectiveness clamor for attention. In my opinion one of the most valuable attributes of Milne's work is his characterization, especially his insights into the behavior of children, and it is in this field that Milne achieved his greatest success. Time Magazine, on the occasion of his death, remarked that Milne "tried in vain to make the playwright and the novelist keep up with the author of Winnie -the- Pooh.'" ^ Even his autobiography, which certainly rises above the bulk of his writings for adults, is concerned primarily with his childhood and school days, spilling over only into the early years of adulthood. If asked why Milne was more successful with his children's books, I should venture this theory: for some reason Milne was more at home when dealing with the world of the child. In fair- ness, of course, it may be to the reader that the cause for this must be attributed. Perhaps, by the time we reach maturity we as readers have lost something of the light-heartedness and flexibility which allows us to indulge the writer of light prose. He, after all, couldn't be doing much work. Making use of his superior talent and education, maybe, but working? This, of course, is exactly what Milne intended us to think. Of the praise of a respected friend he said, "E. V.'s praise helped me to give the air of doing it all easily which is the only air to give writing of that sort. "2 Is it then, only when we return to the world of childhood that we allow ourselves to be wholeheartedly gay without some sense of guilt?. . . and without imposing our own sense of guilt on the shoulders of any author who would dare write for the sole pur- pose of receiving pleasure and being funny? Is he right to tempt us from the more serious and practical concerns of living? Or could it be that Milne, too, was trapped in the same way as the reader by cultural inhibitions to the extent that his genius was most free when writing for children? In the introduction to his autobiography Milne remarked that it was the childhood of a great man that he loved to read about, not his life as a great man 3 There is one major aspect of style in which both the poems {When We Were Very Young and Now We Are Six) and the Pooh stories {Winnie -the -Pooh and The House at Pooh Corner) are similar. All four depend on an impressionistic technique for the portrayal of character, and it is in the characterization that the dominant thematic content is found. In the Pooh stories a type of stereotyping is used to point out, on a one-dimensional level, many of the kinds of people we all know and recognize. One can 14 almost see the ghost of Stephen Crane looking over Milne's shoulder as he introduces and tags each of the animals. Kanga is Motherly, Roo is "Baby Roo," Tigger is a Bouncy adolescent, Piglet is anxious, Rabbit feels Important, and Eeyore is gloomy. As the episodes unfold, Milne refines and elaborates each of these traits; he does not refine or elaborate the characterization. In the end, Tigger is still Bouncy, Kanga still Motherly, and Eeyore still gloomy though we are now fully aware that his gloom is both pessimistic and paranoiac in nature. Even in Milne's choice of the animals to be Christopher Robin's friends we find further evidence of this one-dimensional characterization. What animal more appropriately represents motherhood than the kangaroo who bears and protects her young for months after birth within the shelter of her own body? Which deserves to feel more gloomy and paranoid than the jackass? In the poems, too, Milne utilizes this technique of charac- terization, but he does so in a different manner. The poetry neither attempts to display a wide range of character types nor to contrast the differences among them. It concentrates on that which people everywhere have in common, but it limits its scope to the child, to the immature personality, rather than including the total range of possibilities as do the stories. The character of "the child" is two-dimensional. The child of the poems is not in- dividualized, but neither does he represent only one character type. He is a stereotype of a composite nature, including all those traits which set apart childhood from mere personhood. The child of the poem is, in short, that lowest common denominator of childishness. Only one personality, not many, emerges from these poems despite the fact that many children walk through the pages; and it is not only Christopher Robin, with his pets and his contem- poraries, who contributes to the final product. The adults in the poems serve one of two purposes. When they are incidentally mentioned or occur in some interaction with the children, they serve to illustrate the contrast and sometimes the conflict be- tween "the child" and "the adult." When the adult is the center of the poem, however, the role is consistently different. James James Morrison Morrison's mother who disobeys her son, bad King John who wants nothing more than an India rubber ball for Christmas, the sulky king who slides down the banisters, and the Emperor of Peru who boosts his ego in the face of uncertainty by repeating a little rhyme are included by virtue of the fact that they are supremely childish, not that they are adult. It is not Billy Moon whom we meet in the pages of When We Were Very Young. Neither is it Mary Jane or Emmeline or Anne. It is the composite spirit of childhood. There are several other ways in which the poetry and the prose works can be contrasted. In the poems, for example, it is Christopher Robin who is central and necessary to the presen- 15 tation of theme. Some of his toys and acquaintances, such as Pooh, the "Lords of the Nursery," and Alexander Beetle provide situations in which he can "interact." In the stories, by contrast, it is most definitely Pooh, Piglet, and their friends and adventures which hold the interest of the reader and engage his indulgent sympathy. Christopher Robin enters only to provide a focal point to which the members of this group, with their varied interests and occasional conflicts, are drawn, a fact well-illustrated by the expedition to the North Pole and the party given for Pooh after he rescued Piglet. Throughout, Christopher Robin remains the champion-adviser-arbitrator to all members of the group. But, though they regard him fondly, he is seldom brought into any ac- tivity other than those he instigates himself until a Profound Problem arises. The difference, then, is that in the Pooh stories, except for Tigger and Roo (who, by the way are among the more successful of the characters) the characters are adult. Rabbit, Kanga, Eeyore, and Owl are not only adult, they are rather staid. Of Pooh and Piglet, one is less certain. They exist somewhere be- tween the realm of Baby Roo and that overgrown and awkward adolescent Tigger (who, having no home and needing a mother's firm hand, quite appropriately goes off to live with Kanga and Roo) and the realm of the four adults. Still, they are not children. They are simply adults of "Very Little Brain" and of "Very Little Bravery." Even Christopher Robin, in the stories, assumes the role of an adult in his relation- ship to the animals. It is he on whom they call when afraid, he to whom they go for advice, and he who has the final say in matters of taste, judgment, and fact. In my opinion, and I do not think I am alone, the stories are less successful than the poems; and this is the very reason: Milne's unique skill lies in bringing alive the world of childhood and that world is more consistently the con- cern of the poems than it is of the prose. Milne himself sensed that his poetry was superior to the prose stories; the following passage from his autobiography tells something of his feeling for these works and also indicates why he feels the above statement to be true: Whether I have added to technique that "wonderful insight into a child's mind" of which publishers' adver- tisements talk so airily, I wouldn't know. I am not inor- dinately fond of or interested in children; their appeal to me is a physical appeal such as the young of other animals make. I have never felt in the least sentimental about them, or no more sentimental than one becomes for a moment over a puppy or a kitten. In as far as I un- derstand their minds the understanding is based on the observation, casual enough and mostly unconscious, which I give to people generally: on memories of my own childhood: and on the imagination which every writer 16 must bring to memory and observation. . .A pen picture of a child which showed it as loving, grateful, and full of thought for others would be false to the truth; but equally false would be a picture which insisted on the brutal egotism of the child, and ignored the physical beauty which softens it. . .But it is possible to give what one might call "an air of Charm," particularly when writing in verse, to any account of a child's activities. ""^ I think one cannot help but sense, from reading this passage, that Milne attempted to divorce himself from sentimentality, which he defines as "merely an appeal to emotions not warranted by the facts."'^ According to Time, Milne considered " 'whimsical' the most 'loathsome adjective,' but it was one which he could never escape. . .'If I write anything less realistic, less straightforward than "the cat sat on the mat," I am called whimsical.' "^ Perhaps it is just this devotion to proportion in the effort to paint a realistic picture that maintains a balance so realistic in his works that we read our own sentimentality into them. Perhaps the most significant way in which the poems differ thematically from the stories is as much a matter of style as of content. It has been mentioned before that the "child" of the poems is more highly developed than is any one of the animal figures in the stories. As the child is central, whether in the form of Christopher Robin, one of his friends, or some immature adult, Milne has had sufficient opportunity to develop fully many facets of that state we denote as "childishness." These motifs recur throughout the two volumes: egotism, the escape from mundane reality through the imagination, contempt for patronizing adults, and a value system as yet unshaped by society. What is it, if not egotism, that causes the young child to inquire, on being taken to see Buckingham Palace, "Do you think the king knows all about me?"'' And what is it that prompts "James James Morrison Morrison / (Commonly known as Jim)" to tell "his / Other relations / Not to go blaming him,'' when his mother disappears. Of course. King John sent his condolences, and so did the Queen and Prince.^ What makes it possible for Emmeline, when told to go wash up for dinner, to call on the Queen herself to make the final decision as to whether her hands are clean or not? Milne himself, in his autobiography, states that "in real life very young children have an artless beauty, an in- nocent grace. . .But with this outstanding physical quality there is a natural lack of moral quality, which expresses itself, as Nature always insists on expressing herself, in an egotism entirely ruthless. " A second motif running throughout the poems and also oc- curring in the Pooh books is the escape into the imagination to avoid the common-place realities of the nursery, the drab rainy day, or the monotonous concrete of the streets. In "Nursery Chairs," the child becomes first a sea-captain going to South 17 America, and then a lion in a cage. So real does his game seem that he confuses it with reality and, sitting in his high chair, has to "try to pretend that it's my chair, / And that I am a baby of three. "'^ There are toys, too (Pooh), and imaginary friends (Binker) who offer quite adequate rationalizations for wanting an extra chocolate ("Oh, Binker wants a chocolate, so could you give me two?' / And then I eat it for him, 'cos his teeth are rather new."i*) as well as how silly one would feel otherwise for not knowing the obvious answers to the obvious questions asked by adults ("And then it doesn't matter what the answer ought to be, / 'Cos if he's right, I'm Right, and if he's wrong, it isn't Me."*^) Not only Christopher Robin but also his friends are plagued by patronizing adults, but they usually try to be tolerant of the older generation: "I always answer, / I always tell them, / If they ask me / Politely. . . / BUT SOMETIMES / I wish / That they wouldn't."!^ Mary Jane {"And it's lovely rice pudding for dinner again! "*'*), the dormouse (" 'How very effective,' he said as he shook / The thermometer, 'all these chrysanthemums look!' "i^), Jane the "Good Little Girl" ("Well! / Have you been a good girl, Jane?"'^), and Elizabeth Ann ("Now then, darling, it's time for bed"'^) all rebel at not being treated like "people." Another recurring motif which has already been noted is that of the recognition by the child of childishness in adults. James James Morrison Morrison's mother who disregarded the ad- monition of her three-year-old son, the king in "The King's Breakfast" who slid down the banisters, bad King John who hopes only for a little recognition and an Indian rubber ball for Christmas, and the Emperor of Peru who has to bolster his ego by repeating a formula even the first grader recognizes as nonsense, represent aspects of childishness, not mature, well-rounded in- dividuals. Milne sketches for the adult reader the value system of the child, ambiguous and self-contradictory at points but piercingly honest at others. Indecisiveness is neither a source of guilt nor a threat to the child's safety. He has his parents' protection from all consequences and therefore revels in his lack of responsibility like the old sailor who "did nothing but basking until he was saved! "'^ "Where am I going?" sings Christopher Robin. "I don't quite know. / What does it matter where people go? / Down to the wood where the blue-bells grow / Anywhere, anywhere. I don't know."i9 Security is high on the list of values for the child too, and its main component seems to be the assurance of togetherness. ("Lit- tle Boy Blue, My dear, / Keep near, keep very near." / "I shall / Be always here, / Little Bo-Peep.''^^ This is one of the advantages of having friends: 18 Wherever I am, there's always Pooh, There's always Pooh and Me. Whatever I do, he wants to do, "Where are you going today?" says Pooh: "Well, that's very odd 'cos I was too. Let's go together," says Pooh, says he. "Let's go together," says Pooh.^' Even the animals reiterate the theme: "And little black Pinkie grew and grew / Till he got as big as the big Tattoo. / And all that he did he did with her. / 'Two friehds together,' says Pinkie Purr."22 But if togetherness is essential, solitude too is desirable as the child learns to assert his independence. The imagination is the source of most of the young child's aloneness. If he could he'd sail to a deserted tropical island, thinks Christopher Robin. "And I'd say to myself as I looked so lazily down at the sea: / 'There's nobody else in the world, and the world was made for me.' "^^ The first poem of Now We Are Six also expresses the child's desire to be away from people, especially those telling what not to do: I have a house where I go When there's too many people, I have a house where I go Where no one can be; I have a house where I go. Where nobody ever says "No"; Where no one says anything so There is no one but me.^^ Sometimes the child's value judgements serve to call the adult reader up short and make him re-evaluate a bit. In "The Wrong House" a little boy wonders, when he realized that though the blackbird sings from the may-tree "Nobody listened To it, / Nobody / Liked it, / Nobody wanted it at all." He decides of the house that "it isn't like a house at all."^^ The best thing about Jonathan Jo is that he recognizes and accepts as sufficient the values of the child, for, "If you give him a smile, / Only once in a while, / Then he never expects any money! "^^ Perhaps the most important thing about A. A. Milne, too, is that he recognizes and accepts the child for what he is and is therefore able to interpret him to others in verse and in prose. 19 FOOTNOTES ' "A Man Who Hated Whimsey" (Anon.), Time, LXVII (Feb. 13, 1956), p. 56. 2 Alan Alexander Milne, Autobiography (New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., Inc., 1939), p. 240. 3 Ibid., p. 9. " Ibid., pp. 282-284. '' Milne, Autobiography, p. 283. ^ Time, loc. cit. ^ Milne, When We Were Very Young, p. 5. 8 Ibid., p. 34-35. ^ Milne, Autobiography, p. 283. '0 Milne, When We Were Very Young, p. 21. " Milne, Now We Are Six, (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1927), p. 19. '2 Ibid., p. 67. '3 Milne, When We Were Very Young, p. 43. >" Ibid., p. 53. 5 /6jrf., p. 70. '6 Milne, iVou; H"e Are Six, p. 68. 7 /6jrf., p. 80. 8 /6jrf., p. 43. '^ Milne, WTien We Were Very Young, p. 37. 2 /6frf., p. 80. 2" Milne, Now We Are Six, p. 35. 22 /6jrf., p. 96. 23 Milne, When We Were Very Young, p. 39. 24 Milne, Now We Are Six, p. 3. 25 Milne, When We Were Very Young, p. 66. 26 /6jrf., p. 47. 20 BIBLIOGRAPHY Adams, Bess Porter, About Books and Children. New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1953. Arbuthmot, May Hill, Children and Books. Atlanta: Scott Foresman and Co., 1947. Bodger, Joan, How the Heather Looks: A Joyous Journey to the British Sources of Children's Books. U. S. A.: The Viking Press, 1959. Bonner, Mary Graham, A Parent's Guide to Children's Reading. New York: Funk and Wagnalls Co., 1926. Darton, Harvey R. J., Children's Books in England: Five Centuries of Social Life. Cambridge: University Press, 1958. Hazard, Paul, Books, Children, and Men. Trans.: Marguerite Mitchell. Boston: The Horn Book, Inc., 1944. Hollowell, Lillian, A Book of Children's Literature. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1966. Hurlimann, Bettina, Three Centuries of Children's Books in Europe. Trans, and ed.: Brian W. Alderson. Cleveland: The World Publishing Co., 1959. Larrick, Nancy, A Parent's Guide to Children's Reading. Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Co., Inc., 1958. "A Man Who Hated Whimsy," Anon., Time, LXII (Feb. 13, 1956), 56. Milne, Alan Alexander, Autobiography. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., Inc., 1939. , The Christopher Robin Book of Verse. 111.: Ernest H. Shepard. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., Inc., 1967. , Now We Are Six. 111.: E. H. Shepard, New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., Inc., 1927. , Once on a Time. 111.: Alex Tsao and Susan Perl. New York: Avon Camelot Books, 1962. , Toad of Toad Hall (based on the book. The Wind in the Willows, by Kenneth Grahame). New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1927. , When We Were Very Young. 111.: Ernest H. Shepard. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., Inc., 1924. , Winnie-the-Pooh. 111.: Ernest H. Shepard. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., Inc., 1926. , The World of Christopher Robin. 111.: Ernest H. Shepard. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., Inc., 1958. , The World of Pooh. 111.: E. H. Shepard. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., Inc.. 1957. 21 22 THE NEGRO IN THE PROHIBITION PARTY A Case Study of the Tennessee Prohibition Party Hanes Walton, Jr. 23 THE NEGRO IN THE PROHIBITION PARTY A Case Study of the Tennessee Prohibition Party* The Temperance Movement began early in America but at first in a more or less sporadic fashion. In the 1820's, however, with the breakdown of the colonial social order, temperance doc- trines and organizations began to emerge into a major reform movement and as time passed this reformist movement was aided by several fellow travelers. For example, in Maine where the first really vigorous Temperance Movement got under way with Neal Dow as its leader, the party received its strongest support from the Anti-Slavery Movement.' In fact, the Temperance and Anti- Slavery Movements were united in Massachusetts.^ And since some ideological similarities did exist between Abolition and Temperance, because they were both moralistic and perfec- tionistic in nature, it wasn't long before the Temperance Movement merged with other like-minded political reform groups in the country. Reformist Third Parties, like the Liberty Party, the Know- Nothing Party, and the Free Soilers all over the North joined in and aided the Temperance Movement.^ And as for the Free Negro, the movement didn't overlook his support. Prior to the Civil War, Temperance groups established societies among Free Negroes in Georgia as early as 1831, and in Charlottesville, Richmond, and Petersburg, Virginia in 1842.^* Moreover, the vigorous support of the Temperance Movement by the Anti-Slavery Parties which had within their ranks numerous Free Negroes'^ lends credence to the idea that the Movement before the War had some Free Negro support. However, at the World Temperance Convention in London, 1846, Frederick Douglass attacked the Movement in the United States because it failed to make better provisions for the Negro in its ranks and to concern itself with his bondage.^ In other words, many southern slave holders were also supporters of the Tem- perance Movement and were viewed by it as good men.'' This fact caused William Lloyd Garrison, later that year, as it did *This paper was prepared in a revised form for presentation at the 53rd An- nual Meeting of the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History. 'John Allen Krout, The Origin of Prohibition (New York: Russell and Russell, 1967), pp. 289-290. ^Joseph R. Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance Movement (Urbana: University of Illinois, 1963), p. 58. Hbid., pp. 53-55. ^Krout, op. cit., pp. 189-190. ''Charles H. Wesley (ed.). Neglected History: Essays in Negro American History (Ohio: Central State College Press, 1965), pp. 56-77. See Chapter IV on the Participation of Negro in the Anti-Slavery Political Parties. See also Walton, op. cit.. Chapter II. "Krout, op. cit, p. 217. Ubid., pp. 217-218. 24 Douglass to denounce the Temperance Movement as being pro- slavery in nature and working hand-in-glove with sympathetic slave holders in the South. But the southern slavocracy viewed the matter differently. They felt that the continual union of the Temperance Movement in the North with the anti-slavery forces was inimical to their in- terest. And when intersectional strife rose in intensity over the slavery issue during the 1830's, the identification of the Tem- perance Movement with the anti-slavery crusade was strong enough to stifle completely the organization of the Temperance Movement in the South. Although Temperance agitation had developed in the southern states during the 1820's, by the late 1830's the Movement was unable to gain any further strength in the South.^ After the Civil War the movement revitalized itself especially in the South with great intensity. On the national level the movement became a Third Party in 1872. A major problem, however, existed. National third parties have abounded throughout American party history,^ but the difficulties of discerning their supporters, especially ethnic supporters and the degree of each supporting group is somewhat difficult unless the third or minor party is ethnically oriented."^ Basically, third parties are composites of sundry organizations, political groupings, individuals, and ideas. And consequently, it is exceedingly difficult to ascertain with any degree of precision the role and participation of each in the political nomenclature of the minor party movement. Here the National Prohibition Party is no exception. For example, the national organization has had such diverse grouping in its organizational structure as the: Washingtonian Movement for the Reforming of Drunkards, the Society of Good Templars, the Woman's Christian Temperance Union (hereafter the W.C.T.U.) and the Anti-Dramshop Party of New York to name a few.'' In terms of individuals there have been such names as John Gough, Neal Dow, Mrs. Carrie Nation, Rev. John A. Russell, and James A. Black. The gamut also runs from politicians to ministers, from glamorous women to old spinsters as well as numerous ethnic and religious organizations which would cover the entire spectrum from whites to Negroes and atheists to fundamentalists. **Gusfield, op. cit.. p. 54. 3W. B. Hesseltine, The Rise and Fall of Third Parties (Washington, D. C: Public Affairs, 1948); see his recent work. Third Party Movements in U. S. (New Jersey: D. Van Nostrand, 1962). H. P. Nash, Third Parties in America (Wash., D. C: Public Affairs, 1959), and H. Walton, Jr., The Negro in Third Party Politics (Philadelphia: Dorrance and Co., 1969). '"See any of the above works especially Walton. "Fred E. Haynes, Social Politics in the U. S. (New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1924), pp. 383-386. 25 But despite its diverse and diffuse backing, the Prohibition Party/2 like numerous other third parties, met with little or no electoral success at the National level. ^^ This party, however, similar to others, discovered in some places ample sectional or regional support to such an extent that it influenced state and municipal politics. And this was definitely the case in Ten- nessee.''* Moreover, a microanalysis of any minor party sectional achievements would immediately reveal much more than a macro-analysis of that party as well as the role and participation that a particular ethnic group had within the party's movements. In the case where the Negro is the ethnic group under con- sideration then the micro-analytical approach is all the more meaningful, because when a research reflects upon the Negro's political position in this country, it is easy to dismiss his role or participation in any political movement as limited or in- significant due to the certain misleading myths derived from a poor historical insight into the Negro's past. Generally, these ideas allude to such myths as: Negroes couldn't vote during slavery; but after the passage of the Four- teenth and Fifteenth amendments, he became the political step- child of the Republican Party until 1932, and a ward of the Democratic Party thereafter. Or that since he was illiterate and politically unsophisticated, his vote which could be bought, sold, or machine controlled or manipulated, was unworthy of genuine consideration.'^ Thus, such broad and sweeping generalizations have obscured the true realities of Negro political life in America. '6 Specifically, in the case of the Prohibition Movement many have alluded to the fact that the drive in the South to repress the sale of liquor was only a pretense with the underlying cause being one to suppress the Negro in actuality. Thus the Negro couldn't participate in a scheme to suppress himself. But it is hoped that this paper will later shed some meaningful light on this assumption. Moreover, it is further possible to dismiss the Negro in the political life of this country when the researcher conceives of the Negro as always being a major political problem without trying to remove the myopic in his political vision to see what, how, and when the Negro has used the normal political processes in this country to solve some of his problems. '^Andrew Sinclair, Prohibition: The Era of Excess (Boston: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1962), pp. 23-29. ''Hesseltine, Third Party Movement in U. S., op. cit.. pp. 13-14. '"'Paul Issac, Prohibition and Politics: Turbulent Decades in Tennessee 1885- 1920 (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1965); A. E. Jewell, "The Prohibition Movement in Tennessee," (unpublished M. A. thesis. University of Virginia, 1930); L. F. Rablyer, "The Road to State-Wide Prohibition in Tennessee, 1899-1909," (Unpublished M. A. thesis. University of Tennessee, 1949). '^For information on this point see Charles H. Thompson, "The Negro Voter in the South," Journal of Negro Education, 1957, pp. 213-215. '^See rest of the articles in Journal of Education, 1952 on the Negro Voter. 26 Therefoi^e, in view of these difficulties, a macro-political view of any national political third party movement, the Prohibition Movement as no exception, will not, depending upon the nature of the crusade, reveal very much about the Negro's role and par- ticipation in the movement.*'' But a micro-concentration upon local, state, and sectional political movements can prove fruitful because it will weaken old myths and enhance proper concep- tualization. And this is the reason for a micro-analysis of the Prohibition Movement in Tennessee. This paper seeks to explore the Negro's role and par- ticipation in the special statewide prohibition election of 1877 and discern, if possible, the effects of Negro electoral behavior upon the attitudes of party members toward their political rights and privileges in the state. In addition, the paper hopes to dispel some myths about the southern Prohibition Movement and provide some further insight to overall Negro participation in the National Prohibition Movement.*^ The Temperance Movement began in Tennessee in the 1820's and a party was organized in 1883. It was fostered by the Quakers and the Congregationalists, who urged upon everyone the total abstinence from alcoholic beverages. At first the movement was moral in nature and character, but it soon took on political overtures and moved into the political arena. But long before the movement acquired a political character it defined a place for the Negro in relationship to alcoholic beverages. In fact, the drive to prohibit the "devil rum" got its first law enacted in J779 19 This law made it possible to revoke the license of inn- keepers who sold wine, rum, brandy, ale, beer, cider, or other spirits, if they "entertained" slaves without the oral or written permission of their masters. In short, slaves had the right to con- sume, buy, or sell intoxicants with the permission of their masters. But this right was curtailed by the passage of two laws in 1813 and 1830 after the major temperance movement was initiated. These laws made it illegal for slaves to buy spirits or for any one to sell it to them. The state legislature in 1832 made this a condition of licensing, when it required saloonkeepers to take an oath before acquiring their licenses that they wouldn't sell liquor to slaves without the written consent of the masters.^^ In the case of the Free Negro in Tennessee, it became illegal in 1836 for him to sell liquor and the sale of an intoxicant to a free Negro to be consumed on the spot became a misdemeanor in 1842. Ten years later the sale of an intoxicant to free Negroes or "^Any work on the National Movement will be very sketchy on the Negro's role. See Walton, op. cit., Chapter 4. '^Issac, op. cit., pp. 182-183. '^Edward Scott (comp.) Laws of the State of Tennessee (Knoxville: 1821), pp. 245-248. 2o/6jrf., pp. 182-183. 27 slaves was prohibited. Although the movement gained in momen- tum throughout the state in the 1840's and 1850's very little was accomplished and the movement drowned in the intensity of in- ter-sectional rivalry.^' After the Civil War two things happened. First the Prohibition Movement revitalized itself and was successful in achieving the outlawry of intoxicants near certain businesses (like the steel and forge industry) and institutions (like colleges, chur- ches, hospitals). At first these measures were piece-meal, but a general comprehensive law was enacted in 1877. It was known as the Four Mile Law which prohibited the "retail sale of all in- toxicating beverages within four miles of any chartered in- stitution of learning outside an incorporated town.^^ Although this law didn't enrage the liquor interest, it did become a spark for the prohibitionists to dry up the entire state. The move to accomplish this feat came when the Tennessee Legislature set a special amendment election for September 29, 1887.23 On this day the electorate of the state would decide on a referendum which would determine whether or not the state should have an across the board prohibition law. And it was in the preparation for this election that the second factor, the newly enfranchised Negro voter, became important. The Negro voters in the state by 1887 were estimated at about 60,000 and could very well, if they voted in a block, decide the election. Thus, in a "balance of power situation" the Negro voter became the target for both anti-prohibitionists and prohibitionists propaganda. Tremendous appeals were made by both sides and in fact, the campaigns of both groups focused upon winning over the Negro's vote. The prohibitionists sought to make more efficacious their ap- peals to the Negro voter and created separate Negro W.C.T.U. organizations in Negro churches, schools, and colleges. ^'^ They even permitted a Negro W.C.T.U. member to speak at the State Temperance Convention, they held mixed rallies throughout the state that were addressed by members of both races and a Negro was placed on the Davidson County prohibition committee. Moreover, the white prohibitionists, to increase their appeal to the Negro voters, used their national affiliates to get out-of-state friends both white and Negro, like General Clinton Fisk and Frederick Douglass to write appeals to the Negroes in Ten- nessee urging them to vote for the prohibition amendment. And furthermore, the state temperance organization had the National ^'Issac, op. cit., pp. 7-11. ^^Ibid., p. 11. ^Ubid.. p. 33. -'^National Temperance Advocate (May, 1887). pp. 73-74 (Nashville Union, February 19, 1887). See also Issac, op. cit., p. 36. 28 Temperance Society to send in special campaigners to encourage and organize Negro supporters. A counter-campaign by the state-wide anti-prohibition com- mittee under the auspices of Joseph C. Acklen, conducted mass meetings, numerous rallies and established county and district committees all over the state. But it didn't have the outside resources like its opponents. Despite this obstacle, however, the "wets" did find several Negro spokesmen for their cause and all the Negro anti-prohibitionist rallies were addressed by members of their own race, who asked that their vote be against the amendment. This appeal of the "wets" to Negroes, however, never reached the intensity and forcefulness of the prohibitionists because of their lack of funds and a national organization. Thus, in this morass of charges and counter-charges, claims and counter-claims the Negro voter had to make a choice for him- self and these two campaigns to influence his thinking were not without some degree of success. Negroes of the prohibitionist sen- timents did much to aid their white counterparts. They performed additional promotional and organizational work on their own, especially in the three Negro colleges of Fisk, Roger Williams University, and Tennessee Central College which became the cen- ters of Negro Temperance activity.^'^ In terms of the Negro chur- ches they performed the same task through importing ministers, like J. C. Price from North Carolina who appealed to 4,000 Negroes from the courthouse steps in Nashville. He told them that Negroes should fight liquor because it interfered with their new freedoms, privileges, and responsibilities as citizens. There were some Blacks including ministers who held anti- prohibitionists sentiments. These Negroes also held mass meetings and formed their own separate organization to foster ideas against the amendment. And they weren't without some ef- fect. For instance, one Negro newspaper in Memphis, the Watch- man, declared "prohibition is a slave law, as it puts some in bondage and leaves others to do as they please." A Negro farmer in the same city voiced his dislike for the proposed law by stating that: "I am going to vote for whiskey. I am a member of the church. I goes for a Christian. I don't preach and don't want to; it might change my mind. I love whiskey and drinks it regular." In the same vein a Negro Baptist minister of the same locale com- mented that: More whiskey, cheaper whiskey, more barrels and bigger barrels.^^ And it was from comments like these that an ob- server has concluded that "there was not much chance that a majority of the Negro voters could be attracted to the reform camp. 2^ In essence, most Negroes in his opinion could be easily in- fluenced by intoxicants. But the election results seemed to cast some doubt upon the validity of his conclusion. ^^Issac, op. cit., p. 36. See also, Nashville American, September 25, 1887. ^^National Temperance Advocate (October, 1887), p. 163. ^^Issac, op. cit., pp. 55-57. 29 Although the Amendment was defeated by 145,000 against it to 118,000 for it, the distribution of the vote shows that East Ten- nessee and six counties in the northeastern part of West Ten- nessee were strongly for the Amendment or prohibition. On the other hand. West Tennessee and part of middle Tennessee voted strongly against the Amendment or anti-prohibitionist. Now attaching the vote distribution to a political analysis (i.e., party affiliation of each county), one would gain further in- sights because twenty- three out of the thirty- two East Tennessee counties had Republican voting histories and a grand total of forty Republican counties in the state voted to dry it up. Fifty-six of the usually Democratic, counties voted to keep the state "wet", with a majority coming from forty-eight of them against the Amendment. In short, then. Republicanism in the state was closely allied with Prohibitionism while anti-prohibitionism was associated with the Democrats. Now taking this information as a backdrop with the generally accepted information that Negro voting behavior after the Civil War was mainly Republican in nature or at least co- erced that way, then we can get a better perspective on how he voted. Assuming then that the average Negro voter in Tennessee was a Republican, then he voted for Prohibition (dry). But the location of the black belt counties was not in Eastern Tennessee and in terms of their white voting behavior, they voted Democratic. Therefore, if the majority of Negro voters resided in this area (Black belt counties) where the Bourbons had redeemed the state earlier, then it is possible that the redeemers once again used coercion, legal and illegal, to sway the Negro vote to accom- plish their own ends (i. e., permitting liquor to be sold in the state because it brought additional revenues to the State Treasury). ^^ Thus, this analysis using hindsight and some of the new techniques in Social Science, would indicate that the majority of Negroes voted in two ways. One, if they voted freely they voted for or against the issue depending upon the degree of persuasion, or secondly, if they voted under coercion, they voted Democratic and against prohibition. But probably the more logical of the two assumptions is the idea that they voted both ways, because in the absence of meaningful historical data it is hard to discern which side received a majority. However, without the modern analytical tools of today and in the depth of despair and disillusionment, the prohibitionist in reality saw the Negro voter's role in the election in quite a dif- ferent manner. Since they made a vigorous effort to win Negro support and their cause was righteous and just, victory had to 2*The black belt whites were mainly aristocrats and the power elite in state government. They always sought to strengthen their power and benefits. See V. O. Key's Southern Politics: In States and Nation (New York: Vintage Books, 1949), pp. 75-81. 30 have escaped them because of some Judas. Immediately the credit for their defeat was given to the Negro voter. All of the major prohibitionist organs, as well as those favorable to their cause claimed that the majority of Negroes voted against the amendment.29 One pro-prohibitionist paper, the Nashville American, made the claim that 90,000 of the 145,000 votes cast against the amendment were those of Negroes.^*' In fact, the paper implied that what whites had voted for was defeated by Negroes under the influence of money, liquor, and the appeal to prejudice. 3^ Hence, the idea was born that Negro voting was a hinderance to progressive movements. If progressive movements were to succeed, then Negroes had to be excluded from political life."^2 This corollary vigorously and vividly expressed itself in later state and southern politics.-''^ In terms of state politics, the psychology of the pro- hibitionists changed after this idea gained in ascendancy. Where the group had been paternalistic toward Negroes because they felt that prohibition would "liberate the spirit of progress in the community elevate the lower classes, especially the Negro and improve his lot,"'^'' the party now became vindictive and opposed to Negro suffrage rights. And even Negro leaders like B. T. Wash- ington and H. Council as far away as Alabama upheld this position.-^^ For instance, this new attitude change expressed itself well in the 1908 Gubernatorial campaign between two Democrats Ed- ward Carmack and Governor Patterson.^^ Carmack, an old time prohibitionist, who had crusaded hard for the 1877 law and courted the Negro voters is mindful of Tom Watson of the Populist in Georgia, because in the 1908 campaign he decried Negro voting. During this Gubernatorial campaign he and his allies (fellow prohibitionists) "attempted to make the saloon responsible for sex crimes committed by Negroes against white ^^Issac, op. cit., p. 57. See also Nashville American (September 30, 1887), Chattanooga Times (September 30, 1887), Christian-Advocate Nashville XLVII (October 8, 1887), p. 9 National Temperance Advocate (November, 1887), p. 180. ^'^Ibid., See also Nashville American (October 17, 1887). "Ibid. ^^For further elucidation of this point see James H. Timberlake, Prohibition and the Progressive Movement 1900-1920 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1963), pp. 119-122. ''^See John Corrison, "The Prohibition Wave in the South," The American Monthly Review of Review (September, 1907), p. 330; William Brown, "The South and the Saloon," The Century Magazine Vol. 76, pp. 462-463. See C. Vann Wood- ward, Origin of the New South. ^"Issac, op. cit., p. 40. See also Timberlake, op. cit., pp. 119-120 and Sinclair, op. cit., pp. 29-31. ^^See B. T. Washington, "Prohibition and the Negro," Outlook (March 14, 1908). 3^Issac, op. cit., pp. 142-152. 31 women. "3^ Several examples were given in numerous prohibitionist newspapers of how drunken Negroes had raped white women. In other words, the papers suggested that Negro morals were inherently low, but when the Negro is under the in- fluence of alcohol, his morals degenerate even lower until he becomes harmful to the entire community. This thinking was fur- ther enhanced when Will Irwin's articles appeared in the nation- wide Collier Magazine of May 16th about the relationship be- tween southern liquor companies and their labels which pictured partially clad white women which easily excited or provoked Negroes to rape.^^ "This gin," he said, "with its label, has made more blacks rape fiends and procured the outrage of more white women in the South than all other agencies combined. It is sold with the promise that it will bring white virtue into the black brute's power. "^^ This caused one of Pro-Carmack's newspapers to editorialize in Tennessee that Tennesseeans should "set aside all other reasons for the crusade against the saloon and consider this one the Negro problem." Then the paper implied that it could never be solved without prohibition. "The effect of the saloon upon the Negro is disastrous to his industry and good citizenship. And more, the Negro fairly docile and industrious, becomes, when filled with liquor, turbulent and dangerous and a menace to life, property and the repose of the community.""*" Although the anti-prohibition forces behind Patterson in this campaign tried to play down the threat of the gin-label to Southern Womanhood, by declaring that a majority of Negro lynchings in 1907 had occurred in the dry states of Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi. It didn't succeed. They were charged with attacking "Southern men for striking a blow in defense of the safety of womanhood," while "they had tacitly defended the fiends and monsters who incite and arouse the Negro to commit the worst of all crimes. ""*' And on election day, when Carmack lost to Patterson, it was felt that Negro voters under the influence of numerous liquor dealers had been instrumental in his defeat.'*^ Then, the sub- sequent killing of Carmack by an anti-prohibitionist in a street gun duel created enough ferment for such a martyr death that it led to complete prohibition for the state and the cry by the ^Ubid.. p. 147. ^^Ibid.. pp. 147-148. See also W. I. Irwin, "More About Nigger Gin," Collier's August 15, 1908. w/6;rf., p. 148. *^* Nashville Tennesseean (June 16, 1908), p. 17. "Issac, op. cit., p. 150. See also Nashville Tennesseean (June 20, 1908). '*'^Ibid., p. 157. See also W. D. Smith, "The Carmack-Patterson Campaign and its Aftermath in Tennessee Politics," (Unpublished M. A. Thesis, Vanderbilt University, 1939). 32 prohibitionist on September 4, 1909 for total Negro disenfran- chisement."*"^ It came in 1909. In retrospect, then, the prohibition party in Tennessee had Negro supporters as well as opponents. And the prejudices of party members which were somewhat mute at first, during the drive to secure Negro votes, came into full blossom when it felt that they had been defeated by the very people they were seeking to help. In other words, they felt that the abolition of liquor in the state would elevate the Negro's lot and when this help was seemingly rejected, they sought total- disenfranchisement of the Negro voters in the State. Now whether the prohibitionist stance and attitudes in Ten- nessee toward the Negro are true throughout the South it would depend upon the intensity of the party in each state and the power of the Negro voters, as well as his voting behavior. But, there is some material which suggests that this is true, especially for the period, after Irwin's articles on "Nigger Gin" in Collier Magazine. However, I would suggest that the matter needs fur- ther study. /6jrf., p. 182. 33 34 AN INQUIRY INTO BURMA'S POLICY OF NEUTRALISM by Hanes Walton, Jr. 35 AN INQUIRY INTO BURMA'S POLICY OF NEUTRALISM Non-aligned countries abound today; most of the new states belong to this category. Some of them pursue a policy of neutralism, a militant anti-alliance policy that reflects the peculiar conditions of a world in which Communist power is rising and Western colonial empires are declining. Non-alignment and its neutralist variety pose some of the most arduous problems foreign policy makers have had to face since its inception. This study is focused on the particular concepts or principles of Burma's foreign policy since independence which, taken together, have been described as neutralism. ^ Therefore, in the following discussion I shall look at neutralism chiefly from the perspective of Burma as a non-aligned country and seek to iden- tify and explain the motivations, reasons, and rationalization that somewhat account, as accurately as possible, for its non- alignment and neutralism. This study is not a comprehensive review of Burma's foreign relations with its neighbors and the major nations in the two power blocs. Only a limited number of issues and situations which the leaders of Burma considered to be of major importance were selected for examination in terms of the application of basic concepts of their foreign policy. In order to provide a basis for final evaluation, some judgment as to the consequences for Burma of its neutralist policy and to indicate a possible general theory of neutralism, the next topic will deal with and trace some historical factors which influenced the leaders choice in 1948. In regard to a general theory, Burma can be considered, in a great many respects, the prototype of a small, neutralist country. Burma's government early determined to follow a course of non-alignment in world af- fairs and has consistently maintained this policy over a seven- teen-year period. During this period the Burma government has confronted many of the same kinds of problems which now con- cern the newer neutralist nations. Therefore, my first task is one of identification and ex- planation of motivations, reasons, and rationalizations behind Burma's foreign policy. The second task of this inquiry is one of indication of a general theory of neutralism by using Burma as a prototype. As I have stated previously, the bases of each one of these tasks are formed by looking at some limited number of issues and situations which the leaders of Burma have considered to be of major importance. 'James Barrington, "The Concept of Neutralism: What Lies Behind Burma's Foreign Policy," The Atlantic Monthly, Vol. 201 (February, 1958), 126-128. 36 The Roots of Burma's Neutralism The area known as "Burma" today has been said to lie within the most distinctive physical environment in the Orient, because it has but one core area placed within a framework of mountains.2 Throughout the early history of Burma, the bulk of the migration has come from the north, while the major cultural penetration has come from and through India from the west. The extent of these migrations from the north, the racial and linguistic characteristics of the migrants are imperfectly known, particularly for the earlier periods.^ The flow of migrants from the north took place over a period of centuries. The easiest access to Burma is by the Bay of Bengal. Consequently, there have been few attempts by foreign conquerors to control Burma. Control or even political influence by outside nations was brief and tran- sitory in the pre-British period. Unlike other territories in Asia, Burma never became a real bone of contention between rival im- perialisms. The population of Burma has been a mixture of ethnic- linguistic and geographically separate groups throughout its history. The continuing underpopulation of the country has per- mitted the Burmese majority and the substantial number of the minorities to maintain their separate identities and culture. There has been space and land enough for all. This under- population, when coupled with the fact that internal com- munication between the Burmese-population lowlands and the surrounding non-Burmese highlands and even the coastal areas has never been adequate, produced an environment in which diversity and separatism could flourish unchecked. Today, the Burmese majority of approximately 15,000,000, lives predomi- nantly in the lowlands, surrounded by some 4,000,000 hill people the Shans, Kachine, Nagas, Chins, Karreni and many smaller ethnic-linguistic groups.^ One large minority, the Karens, are filtered throughout the Burmese population of the lower Irrawaddy delta and the Tenasserin Coast. Authoritarian regimes have long been customary in the region. Whether the old era of Asian potentates is considered, or the interval of Western colonial rule, or even to a considerable degree the period of independence after the Second World War, there is no mistaking the influence of authoritarianism. In the an- nals of Burma, there is a continuous authoritarian tradition through the kings, later the British governors, and then the ad- ministrations of General Ne Win.^ Hence, attempts at a Western ^J. E. Spencer, Asia East by South A Cultural Geography (New York: Mac- millan Co., 1954), p. 208. 3John F. Cady, A History of Modem Burma (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1958). *Spencer, op. cit., p. 209. ^Russell Fifield, Southeast Asia in United States Policy (New York: Praeger, 1963), p. 285. 37 type of constitutional democracy have met with disillusionment. However, the forms of Western democracy were generally adopt- ed: written constitutions, widespread suffrage and elections, political parties and national parliaments, and cabinet or presidential governments. But attempts by the new governments, as we shall see later on, to make constitutional democracy work in Burma coincided with great domestic and international ten- sion. Therefore, the creation of political stability in Burma has been associated with charismatic leaders of the army. These types of authoritarian regimes have provided a stable political base by the abolition or suspension of "democratic institutions."^ These various authoritarian leaders gained, maintained, or lost their political authority by the help of religious movements like the Buddhist Young Men's Association of Burma,^ who helped in- spire the nationalist movements; by political parties, like the Burma's Antifascist Peoples' Freedom League,^ which was all- encompassing but non-totalitarian; the press,^ that functioned as a guardian of governmental morality and efficiency. Indeed, it played the role of a "loyal opposition" in Burma's one party state. This loyal opposition included interest groups, such as students, urban workers, the Buddhist monks, and the peasants, largely under the leadership of their traditional village officials and of the monks. '^ However, it is still clear that Burma suffers from both racial and regional problems. The desperate struggle to keep Burma together as a political entity are far from being solved. This can be seen in the historical evolution of Burma. For as colonial rulers, the British gave no serious thought to the development of anything like a "national" culture, or a "national" society or economy that would transcend in any way the group loyalties of the Burmese and of the minority groups in the country.'' Such a policy would have been contrary to British economic and political interests. The new British rulers took Burma as they found it a country of diverse population. During the first thirty years of British rule in the twentieth century, the non-Burmese groups were encouraged to retain their group characteristics and their group identity. The highland areas were separately administered from Burma proper, where the Burmese majority lived, and the Burmese were not permitted ^Robert C. Bone, Contemporary Southeast Asia (New York: Random House, 1962), p. 101. Ubid, p. 105. ^Fifield, op. cit., p. 56. ^Bone, op. cit, p. 109. '"Bone, op. cit., p. 109. "Oliver Clubb, Historical Factors in Burma's Foreign Policy (California: Rand Corporation, 1958). 38 to extend their cultural domination over the non-Burmese inhabitants in any way that might have resulted in developing common ties and interests among all the people of the country. They were governed in ways that served to perpetuate their dif- ferences rather than diminish them.^^ Although some attempts were made to redress this im- balance before World War II, the Burmese majority and many of the members of minority groups had developed no feeling of loyalty toward their British overlords nor any significant belief that they had a chance to eventually possess and govern a country of their own. British concessions toward self-government were grudging and gradual, lagging behind the aspirations and even demands of the small, politically conscious group of Burmans who sought independence for their country. In Burma since the 1930's it has been difficult to place politicians and officeholders in precise categories. ^^ What can be said is that Burma politics has been, and still is, characterized by personal ambition for power and an individual's political power depends much more on personal relations, family connections, and personal influence than on any set of ideas or doctrines he may publicly espouse.'^ To date, ideologies have had relatively little significance in Burma politics, a fact that must be kept in mind in evaluating the policies and the actions of the Burma government since independence. An early example of this impor- tant factor is found in the career and actions of Burma's hero. General Aung San. Although nurtured on Marxism as a leading member of the Thakin group just before the war, Aung San showed himself much more the practical politician than the doc- trinaire idealist and in the immediate postwar years before his death, held fast to his single aim of independence for Burma, thus becoming the principal stumbling block to the Burman Com- munists in their postwar bid for power. '^ The effects of the Japanese occupation on the development of the independence movement and more particularly on the at- titudes of its leaders cannot be stated in precise terms but it was during this time that most of the present Burman political leaders gained their first significant experience in government operations. When war broke out in Europe in September 1939, leaders of the independence movement in Burma were attempting to bring together political groups of various persuasions to form a kind of '^Cady, op. cit. '^Cady, op. cit. ''George M. Kahin, Governments and Politics of Southeast Asia (Ithaca: Cor- nell University Press, 1959), pp. 100-102. '^Ibid., pp. 85-87. 39 united front against the British. ^^ As in other colonial territories, such efforts could not be tolerated in wartime. By the first of the year 1940, the newly enacted Defense of Burma regulations, giving the Governor autocratic emergency powers, enabled the British administration to label the independence leaders subver- sive and traitorous to the state. Under these circumstances and with their connections with Indian organizations effectively broken, many Burman leaders of the independence movement began to look to Japan for succor, lured by the new spectacles of an Asian nation effectively championing the cause of colonial peoples. The generally favorable attitude toward the Japanese in Burma was reflected by most of the population at the start, a large proportion showing no desire to resist Japan's occupation and, unless they feared being charged as British agents, they did as they were told.''' One major reason why many Burmans welcomed the Japanese and why many of the Burma indepen- dence leaders of diverse views initially believed the Japanese had come as liberators was the obvious unpreparedness of Britain to defend Burma adequately. '^ The swiftness of the Japanese in- vasion in January, 1942 was as much of a shock to the Burmans as to the British, but to the Burmans the shock had a double ef- fect.'^ They had given little thought to a possible Japanese in- vasion or to any need for the defense of their territory. They looked upon the war only as an event that caused the British colonial government to hamper their moves for independence. They assumed, as did the British themselves, that adequate provision would be made for defending Burma.^*' The unexpected rapidity with which the Japanese routed the small British forces and cleared them from Burma led many Burmans first, to ap- plaud the success of their Asian "brothers" and second, to feel that they had, in fact, been liberated from British rule. During the Japanese occupation on January 28, 1943, Premier Tojo declared that an independent Burma state would be created within a year.^' In March, Ba Maw was sent to Tokyo for consultations, and on his return to Rangoon an Independence Preparatory Commission was established, composed of twenty- two members, of which he became Chairman.^^ On August 1, '^John Furnivall, Colonial Policy and Practice (New York: New York Univer- sity Press, 1956), pp. 35-39. "''Willard Elsbree, Japan's Role in Southeast Asian Nationalist Movements (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1953), p. 16. '8/6jrf., p. 17. '^Elsbree, op. cit., p. 18. 20Kahin, op. cit., p. 83. ^'William Johnstone, Burma's Foreign Policy (Cambridge: Harvard Univer- sity Press, 1963), p. 17. 'Ubid. 40 1943, a Burmese "Declaration of Independence" was issued and a new "Burmese" government was formed with Ba Maw taking the title of Head of State. However, much of the administrative ap- paratus was under the watchful eyes of the Japanese. The new government declared war on the United States and Great Britain. Although this government had no real effects outside the urban areas, its operation provided invaluable experience to the people and gave them confidence in their ability to govern themselves.^'^ By 1944, many Burmans had become considerably disillusioned with the disparity between Japanese promises and Japanese actions in their country. Resistance was developing un- der the direction of the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL),^'* and the private talks that were to lead to open- Japanese activity later on had begun. The Japanese were driven out of the country by the spring of 1945. In Burma, following the Japanese withdrawal, the circum- stances under which political decisions were made between April 1945 and the end of 1947, as well as the nature of the decisions themselves, were to play a large part in shaping the course of in- dependent Burma after 1948 and the adoption of a neutralist foreign policy. Two parallel political contests dominated the Bur- mese scene during this period. The first was carried on between the chief protagonists of Burma's independence led by General Aung San, and representatives of the British Government. The second centered on the struggle between the Socialists and the Communists for the control of the AFFFL.^^ These two contests were separate and parallel, yet their outcome was interrelated and strongly conditioned the postindependence attitudes and policies of the leaders of the new Burma Government. For the purpose of clarity, they will be dealt with briefly. Hence, when the war ended, British attempts to set up a government under the leadership of Dorman-Smith failed.^^ The second attempt under Governor Ranee succeeded after he formed a coalition government with the top nationalist leader and mem- bers of the AFPFL.2^ On November 8, 1946, Aung San's Executive Council (a top nationalist leader) requested the British Govern- ment to make the necessary arrangements for transfer of power to a fully independent Burma. Shortly, the Aung San-Attles Agreement was signed. This agreement stated that it was designed to provide means whereby "the people of Burma achieve their independence. . .as soon as possible." Elections were to be held for a Constituent Assembly, and the Governor's Executive ^^Kahin, op. cit.. p. 84. -''Johnstone, op. cit.. p. 20. 25Fifield, op. cit., p. 56. 26Fifield, op. cit., p. 290. "Kahin, op. cit., p. 87. 41 Council was to act as the provisional government until a con- stitution was adopted and the date of independence fixed. The agreement also provided that Britain would sponsor Burma's ad- mission to the U. N., would negotiate with the new government for a loan, and left membership in the British Commonwealth open for Burman decision.^s A most important question was whether Burma would become a member of the British Commonwealth or not. The full story of this decision has not been revealed, but there are known factors that heavily influenced the complete separation of Burma from the Commonwealth.^^ Among these was the fact that Britain's immediate post war policies had caused considerable ill-will among many political segments of the AFPFL, and there was an emotional desire to sever all ties with their former colonial ruler.^*^ These factors were decisive, and the Assembly resolved that Burma should be independent outside the Common- wealth. The Constituent Assembly's work was interrupted on July 19 when Aung San, and six other political leaders were assassinated. However, on the same day Governor Ranee called upon Thakin Nu to form a new cabinet. Thakin Nu carried Aung San's work to completion, and with the adoption of the new Constitution, the British Government agreed to transfer power to a fully sovereign Burma in January, 1948. So it was that the first important political contest of the immediate postwar period in Burma that between the AFPFL and the British Government was resolved by peaceful agreement and without bloodshed. While this political contest was running its course toward peaceful agreement, the other internal political contest the struggle between the Socialists and the Communists for control of the AFPFL was continuing to mount in intensity and it even- tually led, not to peaceful agreement, but to civil war.^i This con- test as much as the first had a profound effect upon the post- independence policies and actions of the new Burma government, both internally and externally. The parallel struggles between the AFPFL leaders and the British government to attain independence and between the moderate AFPFL leaders and the extremists the Communists and their supporters provide an important clue to the develop- ment of Burma's neutralist foreign policy after independence. The contest with the British was won peacefully and led the Bur- man leaders to believe that postwar cooperation with Britain and 2**J. S. Furnivall, The Governmenance of Modern Burma (New York: Institute of Pacific Relations, 1960), p. 21. 'OKahin, op. cit.. p. 86. 3'Kahin, op. cit.. p. 88. 42 the Western democracies was desirable, but their basic an- ticolonialism and old suspicions of Western capitalist nations were by no means expelled. On the other hand, the intransigence of their domestic com- munists, their resort to insurgency under Moscow's orders,^^ served only to instill a fear that the Soviet Union's coolness toward Burma might be translated into active support for the Burma Communists in their struggle against the new government. These various circumstances induced the Burman leaders to believe that they could ill-afford to take any action which might antagonize any powerful nations. Their experience with their own Communists, Moscow's cool reception to their newly gained in- dependence and their own pride made them refrain from any direct approach to the Soviet Union for economic aid. Wisely or not, the AFPFL leadership decided at the start that since their first tasks were to establish the authority of their government in the face of rebellion and to get on with the task of economic reconstruction of their country, they should make every attempt to remain uninvolved in cold war politics that they should do their best to remain on terms of "friendship with all nations." Thus, they established the corner stone of a foreign policy later labeled neutralism. The Formation of a Neutralist Foreign Policy The AFPFL leaders, after independence, plunged im- mediately into the multifold tasks of organizing their ad- ministration and deciding how and in ways they should proceed to turn Burma into a socialist state.'^'^ In doing this they also were forced to give much of their time to internal politics, to the grave problem of holding the AFPFL coalition together. In this task they failed to prevent the White Flag Communists (domestic) from going underground to join their Red Flag Comrades (Moscow).'^'* However, the AFPFL leaders felt that they were least prepared to carry on the one major function of an independent government to conduct its foreign relations. These Burman leaders were not at home in the highly competitive world of cold war politics. They were neither students nor practitioners of in- ternational diplomacy. As practical politicians, however, when facing an uncharted course, they were predisposed to play it safe until they could learn by experience in foreign relations. Inex- perience, then, was also a factor in shaping Burma's policy of nonalignment and neutralism.'^^ ^^Johnstone, op. cit., p. 39. '^Frank Trager, Building A Welfare State in Burma (New York: Institute of Pacific Affairs, 1958). '*Bone, op. cit., p. 66. ''Mohnstone, op. cit, p. 41. 43 Friendly relations with all nations and refusal to any kind of foreign aid that might compromise Burma's political, economic or strategic independence thus became the first two basic principles officially and publicly announced by the Prime Minister (U Nu) as a guide to his government's relations with other nations.'^^ Burma's need for assistance in reconstruction and economic development and the internal political pressures on U Nu at the time dictated the formulation of these principles and particularly his justification and explanation of them. U Nu has emphasized "friendly relations with all countries" and "no economic aid with strings attached" as the two principles his government would follow in its foreign policy. To these two concepts was added an obvious corollary that of avoiding align- ments or entanglements with any power blocs. These three themes, therefore friendly relations with all countries, no alignments with power blocs and no economic aid that would infringe Burma's sovereignty became the corner- stones of Burma's foreign policy.'^'' The AFPFL leaders established the basic concepts for their government's foreign policy as practical politicians taking account of the weakness of Burma and its needs for the future as they saw them, but equally considering the exigencies of Burma politics and the problem of political survival for themselves as the officials in power. The AF- PFL leaders were soon to recognize the value of their very general and rather vague principles. For in any specific action in foreign affairs, they found that they could interpret their basic policy to fit the circumstances of the moment. Between the beginning of 1950 and the end of 1953, the AF- PFL leaders continued to emphasize the basic elements of their foreign policy. Western officials, journalists and publicists, however, increasingly expressed the idea that the new nations in the world had but two choices to align themselves with the anti- Communist western coalition or align themselves with the Com- munist bloc."^*^ In the minds of many Americans and other West- erners, pursuit of an "independent" foreign policy was a sign of weakness and the words, "neutral," neutralist, and "neutralism," were increasingly applied to the uncommitted nations, always with the implication that those who were "neutralist" were, in ef- fect, pro-Communist. The AFPFL leaders, even more than their Indian and In- donesian counterparts, resisted efforts to put their country's position in foreign affairs in such a category. While being vir- tually forced to accept the labels of "neutralist" and "neutral" "'Oliver Clubb, The U. S. and the Sino-Soviet Bloe in Southea,'^t Asia (Washington, D. C: Brookings Institution, 1962), pp. 24-27, '"Tiber Mende, Southeast Asia Between Two Worlds (London: Turnstile Press, 1955), pp. 170-179. ''^Fifield, op. cit.. pp. 239-245. 44 they nevertheless attempted to so define their neutralism as to give themselves as much freedom of action in conduct of their foreign relations as possible. '^^ By the end of 1953, the AFPFL leaders had accepted the label of "neutralism" for their country but only with reluctance and qualifications. Burma's "neutralism" did not connote aloof- ness or withdrawal from world affairs. Nor did it connote a refusal to take a positive stand on international issues. To the Burman leaders their foreign policy first of all was "independent" of ties with either of the power blocs and they arrogated to them- selves the right to judge each international issue on its merits and take their stand on what they believed to be "right" at any given time. The basic foreign policy which the AFPFL government gradually evolved between 1948 and 1953 was one that in their own minds allowed them considerable freedom of action."**^ The foregoing considerations point to a tentative appraisal of Burma's neutralism as a policy which provides for maximum freedom of action by its government. The Scope of Burma's Foreign Relations A big power in the international world is almost obligated to carry on relations with all other nations, large or small, for its recognition is always sought by new states and there are always many reasons for establishing relations quite apart from im- mediate and tangible self-interest. A small nation has a certain freedom to choose those states with which it will have diplomatic and other relations. Here, specific factors affect the scope of the foreign relations of a small nation. These may be budgetary, trade possibilities, the need for economic and technical assistance or geographic location, cultural and historical ties. Again a new small nation, when recognized by a big power or a lesser state, traditionally is under an obligation to reciprocate and establish at least minimum diplomatic relationship. Initially, the government of Burma established relations with the United Kingdom, the U. S., India, Nationalist China, and Pakistan."*' Two years later in 1950, Burma-Soviet diplomatic relations were established. Also in 1950, Burma's hasty recognition of the People's Republic of China in December, automatically severed its previous relations with the Republic of China.42 '^Frank Trager. "Burma's Foreign Policy, 1942-56: Neutralism Third Force and Rice" Journal of Asian Studies XVI (November, 1956), 89-102. "Russell Fifield, The Diplomacy of Southeast Asia (New York: Harper and Co., 1958), pp. 167-229. 'Ubid. 45 Once official relations had been established with the nations most important to Burma's interests, the Burma government was freer to decide on the scope and character of its relations with other nations. In expanding its foreign relations the AFPFL leaders seem to have been guided by three considerations.'*'^ First, any economic development in the country depended upon sale abroad of Burma's surplus rice crop. Second, the Burma govern- ment could fulfill its ambitious assistance only in the shape of loans, grants, trade agreements, credits, and technical assistance. Third, the AFPFL leaders had determined that Burma's foreign policy should be based on the principle of "friendship with all countries." Therefore, it was necessary for Burma to open up relations with countries which might not be customers for Burma rice or might not be able to supply some form of economic assistance, but with which Burma needed to have official relations for geographic, historical, or other reasons. In 1942-49, therefore, Burma opened relations with In- donesia, a primary rice customer, with Israel, a potential supplier of technical assistance, and with Japan, through trade missions, a prime supplier of economic aid in the form of reparation and a rice customer as well.'*'* Official relations with Thailand were natural since the two countries were neighbors even though com- petitors in the world rice market. Relations with Ceylon were natural because of the common heritage of Buddhism and also because Ceylon is a rice customer. Expansion of Burma's foreign relations followed in subsequent years an orderly pattern influen- ced by the three factors mentioned above. Official relations between Burma and Egypt, Yugoslavia, France, and Italy were established between 1950 and 1954. Following these countries were the United Arab Republic, In- donesia, Pakistan, and Afghanistan. In 1955, official relations were established with Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Rumania. Burma was one of the UN members which failed to carry out the intent of the UN General Assembly resolution of 1949 by recognizing the Republic of Korea as the government of Korea. In this instance, the Burma government took the position that, to recognize the government of one part of Korea and not of the other or even to recognize both Korean regimes, would be to per- petuate a divided country, a condition the Burma leaders regard- ed as not conducive to international peace.'*^ The Burma govern- ment took the same position with regard to divided Vietnam. In the case of divided Germany, the Burma government did not ap- ply its principles of nonrecognition of a divided country. The 'Johnstone, op. cit., p. 249. ^*Trager, op. cit. p. 316. ^''U Thant, "Burmese View of World Tensions," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences Vol. 318 (1958), pp. 34-42. 46 Federal Republic of Germany was a recognized source of economic assistance and formal diplomatic relations were established in 1956. Also in 1958 the government accepted a small permanent trade mission from East Germany. As we can see, in the case of these divided territories, the Burman leaders have found themselves in a dilemma of conflicting interests. Implicit in the adoption of "friendly relations with all coun- tries" as a basic concept of Burman foreign policy was the corollary principle of peaceful settlement of disputes. In the year 1951-1954, the Burma government faced a potentially dangerous dispute arising from the presence of refugee Kuomintang troops in upper Burma. "^^ The Burma government sought a peaceful solution to this problem, first by obtaining assurance from Com- munist China of noninterference and next by submitting this problem to the UN. Although the Burma government was less than satisfied at the final solution, the problem was alleviated as a result of its efforts at peaceful solution. Again the problem of border demarcation which threatened to develop into a crisis in Sino-Burman relations was finally settled by negotiations and agreement."*^ The record of Burma's action in the two disputes mentioned and its record in its relations with other states show that the Bur- man leadership took the initiative in translating its precept of "friendly relations with all countries" into action. By the end of January 1962, the same political malaise of 1952 had set in and with the same result."*^ Political disin- tegration was forestalled by the military coup d'etat of March 2^^ As in 1958, the military, through their Revolutionary Council, acted swiftly and arbitrarily in both internal and external affairs. In regard to the external affairs. General Ne Win's second regime in 1962 has taken more drastic steps than any other predecessor of Burma government to reduce Western influence in Burma.'^ Elimination of the activities of the private American Foundations and Asian Foundations' activities in the country, as well as can- cellation of English-language teaching programs under the auspices of Americans and British at a time when there is an in- crease of Communist missions, technicians, and cultural troupes coming to Burma,^! is indicative of growing anti-American feeling. Thus it is hard to escape the conclusion that under changing circumstances, Burma's pursuit of a neutralist foreign policy has led the Burmese government perilously close to alignment with *Clubb, op. cit.. pp. 86-88. ^^Hugh Tinker, "Burma's Northeast Borderland Problems," Pacific Affairs XXIX (1956), 324-346. **'*Bone, op. cit., p. 67. *9Bone, op. cit., pp. 67-68. ''"Johnstone, op. cit., p. 293. ''Johnstone, op. cit., p. 294. 47 Communist China. Even though the actions and events seem to demonstrate clearly that their government and country have come within the sphere of influence of Communist China, it is not yet quite clear whether or not the Chinese Communists can exer- cise a virtual veto on Burmese policy, thus making it no more than a verbal declaration, and giving positive assistance to the Communists of Peking and Moscow. If and when this happens then Burma's existence as a "neutral and independent" small nation will cease. Neutralism as a Policy: An Evaluation The conclusion stated in the preceding chapter, indicates that at least in the author's opinion, neutralism has not been a viable policy for Burma under the conditions of 1962, but instead has led Burma close to being trapped into a status of dependency on Communist China. It may be that fortune and circumstances will favor Burma in the future, as in the past, and that by one means or another the Burma government may be able to escape such close alignment with its big northern neighbor so as to main- tain its integrity. The case of Burma, however, may be unique for obvious reasons and it cannot be inferred that because neutralism may have turned out to be unviable for one country it is equally so for other small nations elsewhere whose situation may be quite different. It is pertinent, therefore, to summarize briefly the risks of a neutralist policy for a small nation as they have been revealed by their specific study of Burma's policy. The varying attitudes and circumstances noted in previous chapters are examples of the manner in which the evolution of Burma's neutralism has been influenced in practical terms. In the 17 years since independence, it seems as if any one set of circum- stances or events which might have influenced the AFPFL leaders seriously to modify their government's neutrality policy, has always been balanced by another set of circumstances or by cer- tain attitudes which tended to convince these leaders of the validity of neutralism. Theoretically, the Burma government could have chosen a different course but it has not because of the varying circumstances. Therefore, it is significant that neither India nor Burma used the label neutralist or neutralism to characterize their respective foreign policies; nor was it a choice of Prime Minister Nehru or of Prime Minister U Nu in the first years after independence. Both leaders seem to have realized from the beginning that the kind of foreign policy they wished their governments to pursue "non- alignment with power blocs antagonistic to each other," "friendly relations with all nations," and "acceptance of economic aid from any nation as long as it did not infringe on their sovereignty," could not be described as "neutrality" in the historic context of that term in international relations. Hence, both Nehru and U Nu, seeking for succinct descriptions of their 48 basic foreign policy concepts, most often used the word indepen- dent.^^ Beginning with the Korean war, (as was stated in chapter 2) however, and increasingly thereafter, Western journalists and of- ficials began to describe the nonalignment policies of Burma, In- dia, and other nations as neutralist. Explanations by Nehru and by U Nu of the essential elements of their nonalignment policies were to no avail. Protests from writers and scholars that this new usage of neutralist, neutralism, neutral and neutrality was im- proper and debased rather precise terminology by making the older definitions of these words meaningless, were to no avail. U Nu expressed his unhappiness over this semantic development most precisely in his speech at the National Press Club in Washington in 1955. Before this imposition, the term neutral and neutrality as describing the status or policy of a state in international relations had become endowed before 1939 with precise meanings. All students of international law are familiar with the so-called "Laws of Neutrality" and both in national and international courts as well as in national legislation and international agreements, the status of a neutral state and the policy of neutrality were accepted in international practice along with a set of criteria by which the policies and actions of a neutral nation might be judged. Neutrality was generally held to require a state to refrain from taking part either directly or indirectly in a war between two nations. Neutrality was considered to be more than nonbelligerency, but nevertheless was more of a negative than a positive posture. The neutral state in time of war was restrained if it followed international custom, from a wide range of activities which might be construed as participation on one side and thus give rise to a declaration of war or other acts by the opposing side which would end such a neutral status. Throughout a century before World War II, the status of a neutral state and a policy of neutrality implied as strict impar- tiality as possible. This did not mean complete stoppage of relations with the belligerents in a war, or a wholly negative policy. On the contrary, it was regarded as proper for a neutral to engage in nonmilitary relations with the belligerents so long as such activities were conducted without favoritism with impar- tiality. With the passing of adherence to the old customs and rules of international law when even after World War I un- declared wars became more frequent, it was obvious that in proportion to the extent and scope of a war between great powers, each side would make the most strenuous efforts to prevent nations from following a neutral policy and attempt to enlist them on their side against their opponents. ^Barrington, op. cit, p. 128. 49 Hence, today, nonalignment significantly affects the basic structure of the contemporary international system. While this system remains bipolar in a military sense, it is becoming in- creasingly tripartite from the standpoint of policy and political influence, in part as a result of the East- West military stalemate. In a tripartite situation any two parties principally involved in a dispute are deeply concerned over the effects of their respective policies on any interested third party. The third party is in- terested as it stands to benefit or to suffer from the dispute. The third party par excellence in the cold war is the non-aligned coun- try or group of countries. A growing number of non-aligned coun- tries actively seek to manipulate the two alliance blocs in order to redress past grievances and to satisfy present aspirations. Therefore, my general theory of neutralism would be that neutralism is an independent foreign policy formulated in light of the self-interest of the country. As we have seen previously, neutralism was forced upon these small nations by American journalists and writers because they would not follow or join one of the two military blocs. Our scholars, men like Morgenthau, Liska, and others, have accepted this imposition and have in their various writings on the subject of neutralism divided it into many categories, but by doing so they have fallen victims of a semantic trap. This trap was contrived as we have seen in this paper by writers and authors, who equated the refusal of a new nation to join either of the two major blocs in this bipolar system, with the old and precise meaning of neutrality. This is also why nations like the U. S. have said that in the Goa incident that India stabbed neutralism in the back, or that this neutral country is closely allied with the Communist bloc, or that neutral country is pro- Western. Quite the contrary, what has happened is that we have fallen victims to our own imprecise terminology. No such thing as a neutralist foreign policy existed from the start. The research in this paper shows that Burma attempted at its very conception of a foreign policy to formulate one in which its thought was most in line with its self-interest. Its leaders, as I have stated in this chapter, came to Washington and rejected this semantic label because of its impreciseness. The leaders of Burma have bitterly opposed and rejected this broad label of neutralism. They have never in any sense thought of or attempted to instill in themselves and their diplomacy such a thing as neutralism. I think that this paper briefly proves that to be a fact. They have enunciated their policy in line with what they thought to be their self-interest at the present time. Hence, the term "neutralism" is a creature of American policy makers, journalists, writers, and scholars. Now they have trouble in handling their own creation. To illustrate my point further, American policy makers could not conceive of such a thing as an independent foreign policy by a small nation at its birth because this was inconsistent with the 50 American overall moral policy of Containment. Therefore, it became necessary to create this fictitious entity "neutralism". In concluding, therefore, Burma's policy has been one from its inception to the present that more or less was independently conceived. It has reflected the changes in the international scene, as the major powers changed, as well as reflected the changes in the domestic scene. Burma's foreign policy has been one that has originated from its domestic scene and self-interest. Neutralism was a term imposed upon Burma's foreign relations by American policy makers when it refused to follow either bloc in a black or white scheme as set up by our moral foreign policy. Therefore, the question to be asked is not what type of neutralist country is Burma? or what type of neutralist foreign policy has Burma? but how long can a small new nation pursue an independent foreign policy before it has to align itself in a bipolar world? Hence, my suggestion is to remember that neutralism was created, originated, and maintained by our policy makers and scholars and it is they who have to be attacked in their preten- sions, and their impasse destroyed or removed by them. Therefore, what has been an honest attempt at an independent foreign policy has been labeled neutralism by one of the two major blocs. Neutralism, in my opinion, is an attempt at an in- dependent foreign policy. . . .an inquiry into Burma's policj' of neutralism, by using it as a prototype has helped to demonstrate this. . . . 51 BIBLIOGRAPHY Books Bone, Robert C. Contemporary Southeast Asia. New York: Random House, 1962. Cady, John F. A History of Modern Burma. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1963. Clubb, Oliver. Historical Factors in Burma's Foreign Policy. California: Rand Cor- porations, 1958. . The U. S. and the Sino-Soviet Bloc in Southeast Asia. Washington, D. C: Brookings Institution, 1962. Elsbree, Willard. Japan's Role in Southeast Asian Nationalists Movements. Cam- bridge: Harvard University Press, 1953. Fifield, Russell. Southeast Asia in the United States Policy. New York: Praeger, 1963. _. The Diplomacy of Southeast Asia. New York: Harpers & Company, 1958. Furnivall, John. Colonial Policy and Practice. New York: New York University Press, 1956. The Governmenance of Modern Burma. New York: Institute of Pacific Relations, 1960. Johnstone, William. Burma's Foreign Policy. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1963. Kahin, George M. Governments and Politics of Southeast Asia. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1956. Mende, Tibor. Southeast Asia Between Two Worlds. London: Turnstile Press, 1955. Spencer, J. E. Asia East by South. . .A Cultural Geography. New York: Macmillan Co., 1954. Trager, Frank. Building a Welfare State in Burma. New York: Institute of Pacific Affairs, 1958. BIBLIOGRAPHY Articles and Periodicals Barrington, James. "Concept of Neutralism: What Lies Behind Burma's Foreign Policy," The Atlantic Monthly vol. 201 (February, 1958), 126-128. Thant, U. "Burmese View of World Tensions," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences vol. 318 (1958), 34-42. Tinker, Hugh. "Burma's Northeast Borderland Problems," Pacific Affairs XXIX (1956), 324-346. Trager, Frank. "Burma's Foreign Policy, 1948-56: Neutralism, Third Force and Rice," Journal of Asian Studies XVI (Nov., 1956), 89-102. 52 Undergraduate Nuclear Experiments with 2iopb.2ioBi Equilibrium Mixture M. P. Menon Department of Chemistry, Savannah State College Savannah, Georgia It has been recognized by many teachers and scientists that nuclear education be made a part of undergraduate chemistry curriculum (1). Although most of the larger colleges and Univer- sities have been offering at least one undergraduate course in nuclear science for several years undergraduate students of smaller colleges are not often exposed to radioisotope techniques. In a recently introduced "Radioisotope Technology" course at this college we have developed several experiments with 2'*^Pb- ^''Bi equilibrium mixture which may be useful for similar courses in undergraduate curriculum. Several laboratory experiments have been suggested by various authors, in the past, for an undergraduate course in radiochemistry (2-6). The ''^^"^Ba equilibrium mixture suggested for demonstration of parent-daughter equilibrium studies and half-life determination (2,3) is not very convenient due to the short half-life of '^^niBa daughter. The half-life determination of -^^Th (5) is based on the measurement of the daughter, 234pa^ ac- tivity after it reached equilibrium with its parent and it usually takes about two months to finish the experiment. The ^lopb.aiogj equilibrium mixture offers a better choice for the radioactive equilibrium studies and half-life determination provided a rapid and convenient method for the radio-chemical separation of ^'^Bi is available. The dithiazone method for the separation of bismuth(7) is tedious and more time consuming. An ion-exchange batch method has been developed in our laboratory for a rapid separation of ^''Bi from its parent. The isolated ^log^ which has a convenient half-life (T^ =5d) may be used for half-life deter- mination. The long-lived ^lopb component stripped out of the ion- exchange by ammonium citrate solution may be used to study the growth of the daughter reaching secular equilibrium with the parent. It is clear from the decay scheme of ^'''Pb shown in Fig. 1 that out of the three radioisotopes resulting from the decay of -''Pb only the beta activity of ^lOBi can be detected by a G. M. counter. Beta rays from ^'"Pb are too soft to be detected by an end-window G. M. counter. This permits the radiochemical measurement of the distribution coefficient of Bi(III) between the ion-exchange resin and the aqueous solution. The ^lopb-^'^Bi mix- ture was also used as an ideal sample for the determination of Emax of beta radiation from ^logj by absorption measurements. 53 EXPERIMENT a) Purification of Ion-exchange Resin: Dowex 50W-x4 cation exchange resin, 50-100 mesh, was purified as follows: About 20 g of the resin was washed several times with deionized water and decanted. It was then washed three times with 10% solution of ammonium citrate(ph^^ 3.5). The resin was thereafter stirred with 3 M HCl to convert the resin into the H+ form and the mixture decanted. It was finally washed with water several times until the washings did not give a positive test for chloride with silver nitrate solution. The resin was dried in the air and stored in a bottle. b) Procedure for the Separation of ^lORi: Two milliliters (*^^ luC) of 2iopb.2iogi mixture in very dilute nitric acid solution(pH'-^4) was diluted to 6 ml with water in a centrifuge tube. Half a gram of the purified and dry resin was added to the solution and the mixture was stirred for two min- utes. It was centrifuged and the supernatent was transferred to another test tube. Half a milliliter of this solution was dried on a flat planchet, mounted on a cardboard and counted in a G. M. counter. This sample, labelled ^^^^Bi, was used for the deter- mination of the half-life of ^lOBi. The residual resin in the centrifuge tube was washed 3 times with water to remove any unabsorbed activity in the mixture. It was then treated with 5.5 ml of 10% ammonium citrate solution whose pH was adjusted to 5.8 with ammonia and the total volume made up to 6.5 ml, same as before, including the volume of the resin (0.5 ml). The mixture was stirred for two minutes and then centrifuged. Half a milliliter of the supernatent was dried on a planchet, mounted on a cardboard and this ^lopb sample counted in the same G. M. counter under identical geometry. The above experiment was repeated three times. The data obtained from these experiments were also used to calculate the distribution coefficient of Bi(III) between the ion-exchange resin and the aqueous solution. c) Measurement of Emax of Beta Radiation from ^'^Bi: Two milliliter (v^-n luC) of the same tracer solutioni^'^Pb- ^'^'Bi) mixture) was diluted to 6.5 ml. Half a milliliter of the diluted solution was dried on a planchet, mounted on a card- board and counted under the same geometry for several days to show the equilibrium nature of the tracer solution. The same sample was used, under different geometry, for absorption measurements with aluminum absorbers. A standard source of 3.75y 2'''*T1, a monoenergetic beta-emitter with E^nax = 0.765 Mev, was used for the analysis of absorption data by Feather's method(8). RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS The growth and decay curves of ^logj obtained from the counting data of typical ^logj and ^lopb samples along with the equilibrium activity of 2iopb.2ioBj ^g ^ function of time are 54 presented in Fig. 2. The decay curve "a" shows that there is no contamination from ^lopj-, from which it may be inferred that the lead ion is completely absorbed on the ion-exchange resin. The half-life of ^logj obtained from curve "a" is in good agreement with the reported value (5.0d). It is to be pointed out that there is good agreement between the total activity of the ^^opb sample af- ter reaching equilibrium and the equilibrium activity of the tracer sample. However, it is evident from curve "b" that the isolated ^lop^ sample also contains a fraction of ^logj activity initially in equilibrium with ^lopb Since the beta activity from 2^^Pb is not counted in the G. M. counter this represents the ^lOBi activity absorbed on the ion-exchange resin. Curve "b" may be represented by the equation: At = ABi (r) + (ABi(e) -ABi(r) ) d-e"^^^*^ -d) Where At is the total activity at any time t, ABi(r) the activity of 2'^Bi absorbed on the column, ABi(e) the total equilibrium ac- tivity of 2ioBi in the ^lop^ sample, A^i is the decay constant of 2*0Bi. The distribution coefficient, Kj for Bi was calculated from the following relation(9): Amt. of metal per g of resin A* r,- /^vv Kd = = ^^ ^^' . .(2) Amt. of metal per ml of solution A* Bi(a) "^ where ABi(r) is the activity absorbed in "m" g of resin, ABi(a) is that in V ml of the solution. The average value of Kd obtained from three experiments is 12.9 i 2.0. Fig. 3 shows the absorption curves of the standard source, 204rp^ and of 2^0pb-^*Bi sample. The range of the beta radiation from 204'j']^ ^as calculated from its known energy using the following equation developed by Glendenin(lO): R = 0.407 E^^^ (3) where R is the range in g/cm^ and Emax is the maximum energy of beta radiation. The range and energy of beta particles from ^^^Bi were computed using Glendenin's modified method of Feather analysis of the beta absorption curve(lO). The Emax of beta radiation from ^lOBi obtained from the analysis was 1.10 mev which is in a good agreement with the reported value of 1.16 Mev. In summary the ^lopb-^ioBi equilibrium mixture was shown to be an ideal source to conduct several experiments in any un- dergraduate course which deals with radioisotope techniques. Although the yield is about 50% the proposed ion-exchange batch method may be used for a rapid separation of ^lOBi from the 2iop}3.2iOBi equilibrium mixture. 55 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT The financial support given by the National Science Foun- dation to buy the necessary nuclear equipments to start a course in nuclear chemistry and carry out these experiments is gratefully acknowledged. The author is thankful to the students of this course and especially to David Akins for their cooperation for ob- taining most of the experimental data. LITERATURE CITED: 1. Caretto, Jr., A. A. and Sughihara, T. T., J. Chem. Ed., 47, 569 (1970) 2. Choppin, G. R. and Nealy, C. L., J. Chem. Ed., 41, 598 (1964) 3. Pinajian, J. J., J. Chem. Ed., 44, 212 (1967) 4. Parekh, P. P. and Pant, D. R., J. Chem. Ed., 47, 71 (1970) 5. Pinnil, R. P., J. Chem. Ed. 47, 459 (1970) 6. Glasoe, P. K., J. Chem. Ed., 48, 268 (1971) 7. Sandel, E. G., "Coporimetric Metal Analysis", Interscience Publishers, Inc. New York (1959) p. 347. 8. Overman, R. T. and Clark, H. M., "Radioisotope Techniques", p. 216. McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., New York (1960) 9. Kuroda R., Koji Ishida and tetsuga Kiriyama, Anal. Chem., 28, 1168 (1956) 10. Glendenin, L. E., Nucleonics, 2, 12 (1948) 56 21 y / 210 82 Pb c s'. 015 Mev(81%) ^ .046 Mev 210p.. \ 5.01 d 0.061 MeV(17%] 1.16 Mev (99%) 138.4 d d Fig. 1. Decay scheme of ^'opb. 57 20 22 Time(days) Fig. 2. Growth and decay of ^logj. (a) Decay curve of ^logj isolated from the mixture, (b) Growth curve of the daughter, ^"'Bi, (c) Decay curve of ^logj by subtraction of growth from equilibrium activity, (d) 2iopb-2ioBi equilibrium activity from the ion-exchange as a function of time, (e) Equilibrium activity of the tracer. 58 250 Thickness of the aluminum absorber(mg/cm2) Fig. 3. Beta ray absorption curves of 204'p]^ ^nd ^logj 59 /i ^^.C ,^Ue.J. '^^ ^I'r I '* ''^1 .I'- J. T> 1 .|!.P 1 :!'^f:^^ 'mm ^::i ,; If KiMiiliiili \i(';''i'l"'i;./'*;^^ M.' i -1 J 1 if Hi I ;'(;, tft- I i',.n'>i> ^* l1 I r J'li' L .'>! ' -:- :i'i :- 1,1, '.j 1,- I ' 1' 1 Hk . t ,r>.fr'. M '"*:l:'liii^