?K1 fiCIr:i< sMSlcliio * .' . Wii rj .- * Willie G. Tucker ui O z Si >- en < CO A. J. McLemore, Chairman Articles are presented on the authority of their writers, and neither -J the Editorial Committee nor Savannah State College assumes re- ^ sponsibility for the views expressed by contributors. O H < Z ui X I- >- CO Q Z 1 Contributors Charles A. Asbury, Instructor in Education and Psychology Fayetteville State College, North Carolina Sarvan K. Bhatia, Professor Economics, Armstrong State College, Savannah, Georgia Thomas H. Byers, Associate Professor, Savannah State College Laura Grant, Student, Savannah State College Prince A. Jackson, Jr., Associate Professor, Savannah State College M. P. Menon, Associate Professor, Savannah State College Charles Pratt, Professor, Savannah State College Kamalakar B. Raut, Professor, Savannah State College John B. Villella, Professor, Savannah State College Hanes Walton, Associate Professor, Savannah State College Foreword With this issue, the Faculty Research Bulletin completes its four- teenth year of publication. Throughout these years, it has served as an organ through which the faculty and staff of Savannah State Col- lege and many other colleges have shared with colleagues their academic and literary endeavors. It has also served to encourage and stimulate expression in many intellectual and professional fields. Once again, the college is happy to publish this Bulletin. Here at Savannah State College, We feel that good teaching and re- search must go hand in hand in that good teaching is characterized by the serious search for new truths and in testing and verifying old ones. It is our hope to encourage more members of the faculty and staff to record and publish the results of their experimentation and creativity. This issue of the Bulletin, as in previous years, includes material that relates to several broad areas of undergraduate and graduate education. Howard Jordan, Jr. President 94091 Library of Congress Catalog Number: 60-53452 Table Of Contents Some Selected Problems Involved in Assessing the Intelligence and Achievement of Disadvantaged Groups; With Emphasis on the Negro Charles A. Asbury 7 Guaranteed Annual Income Sarvan K. Bhatia 21 Economic Development and The Developing Nations Sarvan K. Bhatia 3 1 Individualized Learning in the Introductory Social Science Course: Progress Report Thomas H. Byers 43 Teaching Counting and the Fundamental Operations to Elementary School Teachers Prince A. Jackson, Jr 48 Use of the Instrumental Activation Analysis for the Charac- terization of the Terrestrial and Extra-Terrestrial Material M. P. Menon 53 Cottonseed Protein Structure I. Isolation of Protein, and Determination of N-Terminal Acids and Sulfhydryl Groups Charles Pratt and Laura Grant 64 Synthesis of Certain Chalcones Kamalakar B. Raut 67 Synthesis of Some New Azo Dyes Kamalakar B. Raut 69 Effect of Cobalt-60 Irradiation on the Morphology of Schistosoma Mansoni John B. Villella 71 Myths, Symbolism, and the Measurement Technique Hanes Walton, Jr 76 Communist Insurrection and Mass Support in Malaya, 1920-1966 Hanes Walton, Jr 83 The Funeral Industry Hanes Walton, Jr 97 5 Some Selected Problems Involved In Assessing The Intelligence And Achievement Of Disadvantaged Groups; With Emphasis on The Negro by Charles A. Asbury Introduction The well known fact of race differences in scores earned on stan- dardized tests is probably one of the best documented in the entire literature of psychology. Most often the documentation is in the form of a comparison of scores earned by whites with scores earned by presumably comparable groups of Negroes on certain selected types of tests. The focus of this type of comparison usually employs tests of intelligence and/or achievement. A variation sometimes seen, is concerned with a comparison of upper or middle class persons with persons from a lower class of the same race or national origin. Interestingly enough, many writers have contented themselves with merely pointing out that one group scores higher than another and thereby resting their case. That is, they make no attempt to explain or seek out the causes of the phenomenon. Still others, (Shuey, 1966) begin by assuming that they already know the causes and proceed to provide test score differences as evidence in support of their assump- tions. Obviously, neither of these approaches provides a thorough and complete insight into the comprehensive understanding of the nature and extent of individual differences. In fact, one of the most unfor- tunate aspects of the study of "race" and "status" differences in in- telligence and achievement is that the attempt to 'prove' has precluded attempts to 'discover'. A statistical difference between two groups says little about the underlying operations or factors which produced the difference. The work of investigators such as Shuey (1966) are good examples of this. They content themselves with describing group differences and assume biological inferiority as the cause. Their work would be far more valuable if they would turn their attention to the search for causes rather than assuming that they already know. This view is also held by Dreger ( 1960) who comments on an earlier work by Shuey (1958) as follows: The usefulness of Shuey's otherwise excellent work is limited by what appears to be a polemic attitude. Her book seems to be an attempt to prove a nonegalitarian hypoth- esis rather than being strictly a review of the literature. (P. 364) Still other writers have attempted to point out the true nature of the problem and have hypothesized several factors which may be influen- tial in causing score differences. For example, Eells (1951) reported status differences in performance on certain types of test items. The crucial factor in the variation seemed to be opportunity for familiarity with specific cultural words, objects, or processes required for answer- ing test items correctly. Eells found mean status differences largest for verbal and smallest for picture, geometric-design, and stylized- drawing items. Eells offered an hypothesis concerned with the above contained in the statement: It seems likely that status differences cannot be attri- buted to any single simple cause but are the result of var- ious types of factors, quite possibly including genetic or developmental differences in real ability, on the one hand, and motivational and culture-bias factors in the tests, on the other. Interpretation of I.Q. differences between pupils of differing cultural backgrounds should, therefore, be made with extreme caution. Their true significance cannot be stated with any degree of certainty on the basis of present research knowledge. (Eells, 1951, P. 68) Eells might also have added that the influence of these factors is made even more profound when we consider the complexity associated with their interaction. The Problem The purpose of this investigation is to study some selected factors which are generally believed to be operative as influences on the in- tellectual development of certain status groups, most notably, the Negro. The writer recognizes that much of the work done in this area is not restricted exclusively to Negroes. However, it was found that most of the evidence reported in the current literature concerned with the study of the disadvantaged does apply to Negroes and also some aspects reported are peculiar to the Negro as a special case. Intellectual development in this investigation is restricted in its usage and should be construed to pertain to those aspects of intellect which have a bearing for performance on standardized tests. The tests involved are essentially measures of intelligence and achieve- ment. The writer feels that the relationship between intelligence and achievement is sufficiently close to merit their collective study in a single investigation. It is well known that tests of general intelligence are most often predictive instruments for assessing a likely future level of achievement. In addition, the achievement of a child as mea- sured by a standardized achievement test is often as not a fair index of his intelligence. As Dreger puts it, If we assume that intellectual functions develop ada- tively and are not entirely determined by heredity, we may suppose that intelligence tests of the usual variety measure in part that which is developed in order to achieve success in a certain culture. (Dreger, 1960, P. 373) Scope of Study. This study purports to investigate some selected prob- lems involved in the intellectual assessment of disadvantaged groups. More specifically, it seeks to determine the influence of three primary groups of factors on the performance of said groups on standardized tests of intelligence and achievement. The three groups of factors are (1) cultural factors, (2) motivational factors, and (3) factors result- ing from limitations or differences in cognitive development. Essenti- ally, the focus is on the influence of external and organismic variables on standardized test score. As stated elsewhere, the disadvantaged group emphasized will be the Negro. The Psychology of the Disadvantaged No one single factor of influence seems sufficient to account for the persistent discrepancy found between the performance of dis- advantaged groups and their counterparts in higher levels of society. Different writers report such factors as test bias, cultural deprivation, lack of motivation, differences in cognitive style, examiner influence, all as being major influencing variables. Appell (1967) asserts that cultural deprivation among Negroes has an inhibiting effect on the programing of the brain, on the devel- opment of perceptual-cognitive structure and processes, all slowing down the attainment of concepts, of intellectual, emotional and social transaction with the environment. Commenting further on motives, Appell believes that individuals differ in inner motivation, self -motiva- tion, self-selection, seeking behavior, will to learn, and achievement motivation. On the other hand Tyler (1965) has taken the position that moti- vation does not seem to make much difference in test performance. Also, with reference to emotional stability Tyler contends, "The hypo- thesis that Negro children are handicapped by a severe degree of neuroticism has likewise not been convincing." (Tyler, 1965. P. 317) Still others have assumed that Negroes have a distinctly different cognitive style from other groups and that lower-class children are under-developed when they start school. What is the evidence? In this section the writer will attempt to shed some light on the problem by citing the work of several authors concerned with factors of cul- ture, motivation, and cognition. Cultural Factors Among the more important expositions centered on the influence of cultural factors on intellectual development has been the work of Klineberg (1935). Klineberg hypothesized that there is an increase in Negro migrant intelligence scores with increasing length of residence in a northern city. More recently, this work was substantiated by Lee (1951) who reported a significant upward trend for general intel- ligence and for each of the sub-tests of the Chicago Tests of Primary Mental Abilities. The single exception was memory. The overall in- crease was attributed to better educational advantages and improved environment. The work of Bloom, Davis, and Hess (1965) has been especially instrumental in pointing out the devastating effects of cultural im- poverishment on the intellectual development of children and youth. Another thought provoking and very readable account of the effects of the culture has been offered by Crow (1966). Crow goes into some detail concerning sociological factors, psychological factors, teacher preparation for deprived children, and experiential lacks as all these influences may come to bear on the development of intellect. Keller (1954) cites the role of attention and approval as another item of fundamental significance. They serve as rewards for certain kinds of behavior and activity. In lower-cluass sub-cultures it seems that there is a relatively low premium placed on competence of an intellectual and academic nature. The bestowal of secondary rein- forcers such as approval and attentiveness comes about, for the most part, as a result of behavior which is, to say the least, different. The sterility of intellectual competence as a means of eliciting these rewards leads to the chronically lowered motivational level with sub- sequent lack of intellectual development as a corollary. With special reference to the Negro, Jenkins (1950) concluded after intensive investigation that the most important single fact for any Negro, gifted or otherwise, is his being a Negro. Consequently, the performance he manifests on a test as well as elsewhere is literally "colored" by this fact. Bloom summarizes the influence of cultural factors when he says concerning intellingence, The evidence so far available suggests that extreme en- vironments may be described as abundant or deprived for the development of intelligence in terms of the opportunities for learning verbal and language behavior, opportunities for direct as well as vicarious experience with a complex world, encouragement of problem solving and independent think- ing, and the types of expectations and motivations for in- tellectual growth. (Bloom, 1964, P. 88) In general, it seems that an ethnic group having a collective history of being deprived of stimuli typical of mainstream America is unduly incapacitated by the arousal provoked by standardized tests. Finally, intellectual development varies with the richness, variety, and especi- ally the complexity of the environment over relatively extended periods of time. These things do not exist in the subculture of the disadvantaged. Motivational Factors Anderson (1966) has recently reported that the level of academic expectancy may be an important factor in terms of reinforcement and performance. Another investigator (Dreger, 1960) reports that chil- dren discern within at least the first four or five years of life their social and ethnic roles, with attendant supervaluations or devaluations of self and performance expectations. As stated by Getzels, 10 "There are social conditions which have a profound influ- ence on the self-concept and hence on the motivation to learn." (Getzels, 1964, P. 239) Even Shuey (1966) admits that, Probably more research is needed before one can be reasonably certain that inferior motivation or depressed educational aspiration has not influenced the mental test performance of Negro subjects. (Shuey, 1966, P. 508) The evidence concerning the influence of motivation on test perform- ance is considerably less than conclusive, however. In a study designed to test the hypothesis that segregated schooling has a depressing effect on educational aspirations, St. John (1966) found no supporting evidence. The author suggested that this problem is more complex than was originally assumed and pointed out the necessity for further investigation. Gary (1966) however, has asserted that attainment of an education is related to the motivation of the individual. Commenting on the interrelationnship between motivation and competence, Gadzella and Bentall (1966) support the idea that facility in use of communication skills may be a good predictor of as- pirations of high school seniors. Perhaps some of the confusion in the area of motivation is the result of our lack of knowledge in this field. Recent theoretical models concerned with achievement motivation may serve to eventual- ly shed more light on this complex subject. In addition, a distinction might be in order between motivation to excel on a test, on the one hand, and long-time motivation for academic success in overall school pursuits. Possibly a different dynamic system may be operative in either case. In summary, many authors go to great length to explore the de- pressing and stultifying effects of deprived cultural background on the motivational process. Others are equally convinced that these things make little difference. Especially as they may relate to test per- formance. The writer will submit that there must necessarily be a relationship between the mental orientation of the organism and his motivation toward intellectual pursuit of any kind. However, a com- plete analysis of the dynamics of this complex relationship awaits further investigation. Cognitive Factors Deficiency in development of cognitive ability has been considered a potent influence on standardized test performance. This deficiency is considered as one of the main effects of cultural disadvantage and deprivation. The writer is of the opinion that it merits special con- sideration in this report because of its immediate relevance for what the tests measure as mental processes in the testing situation. As Mays (1966) puts it with reference to intelligence, "If a child is trained to think precisely about words and 11 to reason correctly, this concept formation will be acceler- ated with corresponding increase in intelligence test score." (Mays, 1966, P. 328) Tyler (1965) has noted that Negroes from the south are most in- ferior to New York Negroes on digit symbol, block design, and pic- ture arrangement subtests. The combination of these suggests some sort of perceptual defect. This is further borne out by deficiencies in picture completion ability. A special difficulty is also noted with re- gard to number proficiency. Shuey (1966) supposes that the disad- vantaged perform better on tests composed of common-sense, con- crete material than on tests involing abstract concepts. Shuey notes that children in this group suffer a serious disadvantage when taking tests which are highly verbal and abstract in nature. Some of the dynamics underlying cognitive development have been cited by Hyman (1964). In the subculture of the disadvantaged the immediacy of present events generally precludes a development of concern for more profound considerations usually implied in the use of such terms as "why", "how", and "with what effects". Commenting further on this aspect of intellectual development, Hyman says, Piaget and the Russian psychologists agree that this important development of thought is a direct result of the child's communicating with adults and peers. In gradually achieving mastery of public, as opposed to private, forms of representing the world, the child simultaneously can inter- nalize a system by which he can check his private thoughts against those of his culture. (Hyman, 1964, P. 104) Obviously, such opportunities as the above may seldom present them- selves in the case of the disadvantaged child. Some investigators have approached this problem from the point of view of differences in cognitive style and organization. Although few in number at present, studies of this type would seem to be pro- mising as vehicles for explaining differences in ability test perform- ance. This writer was able to find only two investigations to date which allude to this problem. They will be presented in some detail in the paragraphs which follow. Michael (1947) sought to determine the influence of two pilot populations, (815 West Point Cadets and 356 Negro Cadets) upon the factor composition of two comparable test-batteries, of a pass-fail criterion in pilot training, and upon the prediction of criterion scores and factor scores from optimally weighted tests. The two groups had seven factors in common identified: (1) mechanical experience (4) psychomotor coordination (2) number (5) perceptual speed (3) pilot interest (6) reasoning (7) spatial relations An eighth factor called kinesthesis emerged for the Negro group. For West Point Cadets the three most valid factors in the prediction of 12 pilot success were pilot interest, psychomotor coordination, and spa- tial relations; for Negroes, kinesthesis, perceptual speed, and spatial relations. Intellectual factors such as number, reasoning, and verbality were not valid for either group. This study suggests that for actual performance in some areas the typical intellectual test is not a valid predictor for either group. Also, different mental factors may be operative between Negroes and whites, even for the same performance. If this is a valid assumption, it would seem that the difference in organization of mental traits does not necessarily result in inferior performance. Semler and Iscoe (1966) focused their attention on the variation in constructs and operations defining "intelligence" as measured by different intelligence tests. There is evidence to suggest that the mental ability estimates provided by some instruments may be inappropriate for individuals who, for whatever reason, have need for a functional intelligence quite different from the standardization population. The authors state: "The principles underlying the construction of some tests come closer to the functional intelligence concept than others and may provide a much different assessment as a consequence." (Semler and Iscoe, P. 327) The guiding hypothesis in this work was that white-Negro differ- ences in level of measured intelligence would be less on a test involv- ing cognitive abilities than on a test loaded with psycho-cultural fac- tors. Two of the tests were the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Chil- dren and the Progressive Matrices. No significant differences were found on the Progressive Matrices, but differences were significant at all age levels on the Wechsler. The authors concluded: The white-Negro PM subtest inter-correlation matrices were quite similar, suggesting that the interrelationships among the stages of cognitive development sampled by this test are quite similar for the two races. (Simler and Iscoe, 1966, P. 355) This study seems to support the idea that cognitive organization and structure are the same for both races in those areas which are not in- fluenced by psychocultural variables, but tests themselves are general- ly highly loaded with cultural content rather than pure factor cognitive content. Problems of Assessment While all the preceding discussion has relevence for assessment of the culturally disadvantaged, the writer will now turn his attention to problems which are peculiar to the conception, construction, and operation of the tests themselves. As Appell (1967) has stated, "Whatever the stimulation of assessment, whatever the origin of its use, if assessment is decided upon as a way of helping to know what is happening in the classroom, there are certain dimensions about which to wonder." (Appell, 1967, P. 459) 13 Implicit in such a statement is the notion that there may be more than the usual amount of error involved in assessing the intellectual abilities of the disadvantaged. Intelligence Assessment As far as environmental considerations are involved, the two pre- vailing points of view concerning differences in measured intelligence are: (1) tests commonly used are inadequate or unfair for some groups; (2) that differences in test scores reflect real differences in ability, but that these are due to educational handicaps and experient- al deprivation. Tyler (1965) is of the opinion that, First, there is some doubt as to whether tests designed for white subjects are altogether adequate measures of Negro intelligence. Second, some developmental influence other than educational and socio-economic handicaps may be having a consistently depressing influence on the mental growth of Negro children. (Tyler, 1965, P. 345) And further, "Thus, while we cannot conclude that "middle-class bias" in intelligence tests is of no importance, we can say with some assurance that the differences lie deeper than this." (Tyler, 1965, P. 348) Since a substantial majority of recent group tests is patterned after the 1937 Stanford-Binet in terms of conceptualization, and compared with the Binet in terms of their results, it seems in order to look more closely at this instrument. Two crucial questions here are, "How was it standardized?", and, "What is it supposed to do for whom?" The following quotations taken from the manual for the latest revision shed some light on the answers : Though the 1937 scale provided a wider sampling of abilities than did the earlier scale (1916), including more pictorial and manipulative items, it was still heavily weighed with test situations in which verbal ability was an essential element: Many of the so-called performance test items tried for inclusion in the scale (1960) and were eliminated be- cause they contributed little or nothing to the total score. They were not valid items for this scale. (Terman and Merrill, 1960, P. 8) This acknowledgement by the authors is not particularly encouraging in view of the well-established fact that Negroes and other disad- vantaged groups have a history of language and communications dif- ficulty. The admission of lack of validity of certain performance items does violence also to Shuey's (1966) earlier cited assumption con- cerning concrete and practical items. In referring to the norming population the test authors further state, "The final 1937 standarization group consisted of 3184 14 native-born white subjects," (Terman and Merrill, 1960, P. 9) and still further concerning their attempts to equalize the sample, Despite such precautions, the sample proved to be slightly higher in socio-economic level than the census figures indicated for the general population. (Terman and Merrill, 1960, P. 10) The foregoing statements imply that any time the 1937 Binet or another test with a similar rationale, is used with Negro subjects, the resulting low scores should be quite predictable. Merrill then proceeds to comment on the relationship between test score and test item content and presentation, again with obvious im- plications for the mismeasurement of the disadvantaged. In the 1930's, for example, 69 per cent of the three year olds of the standardization group recognized and could name 5 out of 6 items consisting of miniature object re- productions of shoe, watch, telephone, flag, jackknife, and stone. In the 1950's only 11 per cent of children whose mental age on the same scale was three years were able to do so. (Terman and Merrill, 1960, P. 19) This points to the role of familiarity with test item content in success with intelligence tests. The manner of presentation and the name the item is called are significant factors influencing successful communica- tion between the child and the problem presented. Cooper (1967) attempted to find an instrument which would discriminate academically disabled southern Negro adolescents from those who appeared genuinely defective in intelligence. Tests stu- died were the (1) Wechsler, (2) Revised Beta, (3) Ammons Picture Vocabularly, and (4) Porteus test. Cooper concluded that the Porteus test was the only one which did not classify behaviorally nonretarded subjects the same as those who were retarded. It is apparent that some intelligence measurement meets virtually none of the criteria for valid or reliable assessment. Summarizing with a mixed conclusion, Cooper stated, It is suggested that this experiment demonstrates not only the inadequacy of current intelligence tests when used with this population but also that this study has related a psychological assessment instrument to specific behavioral criteria. (Cooper, 1967, P. 191) Most test content has little utility in dealing with the elementary problem of survival in a subculture. Also, if prior failure has anything to do with current test performance, it should be noted that many disadvantaged children have already had failure experiences with some of the test content at the time they are first tested. The expectations of the examiner have also undergone scrutiny. Smith (1966) reported evidence of significant examiner variability associated with the administration of the Stanford-Binet. Some sug- 15 gested sources of variability were sex, race, and testing experience of the examiner. Especially crucial was the examiner's expectations for the success of the subjects. Haggard (1954) in reviewing the findings of many studies reached a highly critical conclusion which seems to apply fully to the tests currently being used. In terms of our present knowledge the standard type intelligence tests are inadequate on several counts: (1) They have measured only a very narrow range of mental abilities, namely, those related to verbal or academic success and have ignored other abilities and problem solving skills which perhaps are more important for adjustment and suc- cess even in middle-class society; (b) they have failed to provide measures of the wide variety of qualitative dif- ferences and the modes and processes of solving mental problems; (c) they have ignored the differences in cultural training and socialization on the repertoire of experience and the attitude, motivation, and personality patterns of some groups of our society, and the effects of such factors on mental test performance; and (d) they have considered mental functioning in isolation, thus ignoring the inter- dependence of the individual's motivational and personal structure on the characteristics of his mental functioning as seen, for example, in the differences between rote learn- ing and the ability to use previous experiences creatively in a new context. (Haggard, 1959, P. 187) Assessment of Achievement For the most part, the bulk of the studies concerning the whole intelligence range indicates that Negroes show the same deficiencies in their school work that they do on the intelligence tests themselves (Tyler, 1965). Gary (1966) has pointed out the handicap associated with demands of the school and lack of stimulation in the home at an early age. Environmental conditions contribute to the self-concept which, in turn, influences motivation. In the lower socio-economic group the emphasis is on survival. The lack of parental guidance is often the result of reduction in time for concern about a child's school learning. These and other factors are influential on the child's school achieve- ment and are reflected in performance on standardized achievement tests. Symbol-expressive middle-class cues are not learned by the lower- class child. Thusly, the child searches for concrete experiences and ignores the middle-class comunication system because he has never learned it. (Gary, 1966) . The lack of early mastery in verbal ability produces a cumulative, deficit in language development and con- ceptual abilities. Expeijbnce with the communication system is sorely lacking in lower-class "culture and reflects itself in poor performance 16 in dealing with the primarily verbal business of school work. As one author puts it, "Aquisition of language through verbal dialogues at a pre-school age is the basis for readiness to develop cognitive ca- pacities." (Gary, 1966, P. 351) Another serious problem connected with the low level of perform- ance of disadvantaged groups on standardized achievement tests con- cerns the eternal lack of recognition on the part of test authors, of the formal experiential preparation of this select group. Test manuals which report standardization procedural data often read as if the tests are constructed for use with some "ideal" premolded groups who are trained in some "utopian" educational setting (Hopkins, 1966). The standardization of the mathematics concepts segment of the Stanford Achievement Test Battery has received the following commentary by Hopkins: A more serious omission concerns the mathematical background of the participating pupils. 'The major require- ment for inclusion of a school system in the norm group was that the system had a recognized modern mathematics program in effect for a reasonable length of time in each of the grades (5-9) being tested.' (Statement from manual) This statement gives rise to several important but un- answered questions. Which are the "recognized" programs? Presumably, the SMSG regular and UICSM texts are among the recognized programs. Does the SMSG-M text or the Ball State Teachers College program qualify? Which program approaches were actually included in the standardization sample? What is the breakdown by percentage of pupils for the various approaches involved? What constitutes a reason- able length of time? Did "reasonable" include a 2-8 year span in modern math background? These questions are especially relevant since they are needed to ascertain wheth- er a given school district could be considered as a member of the population for which the norms apply. Hopkins, 1966, P. 333) Obviously, the above critique suggests that often a test author may either intentionally or unintentionally blindfold himself to the realities of the practical situation in which the test is to be used. When we combine the ambiguity of his criteria for inclusion in the norming population with the well-known log behind the times of schools for the disadvantaged, we come up with a curious situation. It would seem that such tests as the above could at best have only minimal validity for assessing the achievement of pupils exposed to haphazard, substan- dard, and generally deficient instruction in mathematics. Attempts to use an instrument standardized on the basis of such a rationale would not so much involve the measurement of what the pupils have achieved as it would the definitive determination of what they have been taught. 17 SAVANNAH STATE COLLEGE LIBRARY STATE COLLEGE BRANCH &WAHNAH, GEORGIA General Considerations Evidence continues to mount to the effect that there is only an incidental relationship between what goes on in school, as it has a bearing for dealing with real problems, and what takes place outside the school. Thusly, if the typical intelligence test measures the abilities necessary for success in school, it is even further removed from the prediction of success in effective living than the school is removed from the business of preparation for effective living. The point here is that often the assessment of intellectual development of disadvan- taged groups fails due to the fact that the child's "practical intellect" is developing in an entirely different from what the test presumes it should. Lower class children are underdeveloped when they start school and learning difficulties might be alleviated considerably if teaching is undertaken on an individualized diagnostic and treatment basis (Wayson, 1967). An improvement in verbal ability would, in itself, raise the total score on a general intelligence test, even though there was no improvement in other factors (Lee, 1951). Summary This report is the result of an investigation of selected problem areas which seem to have a bearing on the performance of disadvan- taged groups on standardized tests. The problem areas were cultural influences, motivation, and cognitive development. The plight of the Negro was considered especially relevant. Generally, the review of literature revealed a striking and consistent set of adverse circumstances which come to bear on the intellectual development of this unfortunate group. In some instances the evidence weighs heavily in the direction of showing underdevelopment of capa- cities. In others, it would seem that the development is not stunted, but rather is pointed in a direction which is contrary to academic goals and objectives. At present the purposes of the schools do not seem to be in keeping with meeting the needs of a large segment of the population. Since intelligence and achievement assessment instruments relate for the most to school problems, their use with disadvantaged groups is somewhat of an anachronism. Certainly, the extent of their usage to make judgements is unjustified. As long as the circumstances of the disadvantaged remain the same, the tests remain the same, and the schools remain as they are, we will continue to get the same results. That is, low scores which reflect a composite set of unfortunate cir- cumstances. Conclusions. On the basis of the foregoing investigation, the writer will submit the following specific tentative conclusions: ( 1 ) No one single factor may be pointed out as the cause of low test performance of disadvantaged groups. 18 (2) Two of the most crucial factors in the cognitive domain which are reflected in test performance are verbal facility and per- ceptual ability. (3) Intelligence development varies with the richness, variety, and complexity of the environment over relatively extended periods of time. (4) Low test scores often are a reflection of a negative self-concept and insufficient motivation. (5) Often the practical intellect of the disadvantaged operates at crosspurposes with the work of the school. As stated by Dreger and Miller, "It is naive to assume that the academic types of intel- ligence tests which have traditionally been the instruments of comparison compare in reality (sic) Negroes and whites in those areas of intelligence which they are called upon to use in "real life" situations. Intelligence test differences be- tween Negroes and whites cannot mean the same as they mean between two groups of whites." (Dreger and Miller, 1960, P. 373) (6) Use of logical thought processes is aborted with this being re- flected in test performance. (7) Often assessment instruments possess only minimal validity and reliability for use with disadvantaged groups. As has been discussed elsewhere, the current state of affairs in American society is such that the problems in this area will not soon avail themselves of solution. The present aura of confusion combined with a lack of knowledge of the complexity of the problem makes the difficulty more than prominent. The practical significance of the prob- lem of assessment of disadvantaged groups generates its own fascina- tion, however, for the serious student of psychology. Bibliography Anderson, H. E., "Generalized effects of praise and reproof." Journal of Educa- tional Psychology, 1966, 57, 169-173. Appell, M. L., "Assessment; its may facets." Childhood Education, 1967, 43, 458-462. Bloom, Benjamin S., Stability and Change in Human Characteristics, New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1965. , Davis Allison, and Hess, Robert, Compensatory Education for Cul- tural Depreciation, New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1965. Cooper, G. D., "Porteus test and Various measures of intelligence with Southern Negro adolescents." Crow, Lester D., Murray, Walter I. ,and Smythe, Hugh H., Education the Culturally Disadvantaged Child, New York: David McKay Company, Inc., 1966. 19 Dreger, R. M., and Miller, K. S., "Comparative Psychological studies of Negroes and whites in the United States." Psychological Bulletin, 1960, 57, 361- 402. Eells, Kenneth, et al., Intelligence' and Cultural Differences, Chicago: Univer- sity of Chicago Press, 1951. Gadzella, B. M., and Bentall, G., "Differences in mental ability and academic achievement of two groups of high school graduates." Journal of Educa- tional Research, 1966, 60, 104-106. Gary, D. L., "Class socialization patterns and their relationship to learning." School and Society, 1966, 94, 349-352. Getzels, Jacob W., Learning to learn and the education of the lower-class urban child." American Journal of Orthopsychiatry , 1964, 34, 238-239. Goslin, David, The Search for Ability, New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1963. Haggard, E. A., "Social status and intelligence: An experimental study of certain cultural determinants of measured intelligence." In S. Bech and M. B. Molish (eds.), Reflexes to intelligence: A Reader in Clinical Psychology, Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1959, 141-187. Hopkins, R. R., "Stanford Achievement Test: Modern Mathematics Concepts Test" (Review). Journal of Educational Measurement, 1966, 3, 331-334. Hyman, Ray, The Nature of Psychological Inquiry, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, Inc., 1964. Jenkins, M. D., "Intellectually superior Negro youth: Problems and Needs." Journal of Negro Education, 1950, 19, 322-332. Keller, Fred S., Learning: Reinforcement Theory. New York: Random House, Inc., 1954. Klineberg, Otts, Negro Intelligence and Selective Migration, New York: Colum- bia University Press, 1935. Lee, E. S., "Negro Intelligence and selective migration: A Philadelphia test of the Klineberg hypothesis." American Sociological Review, 1951, 16, 227-233. Mays, W., "Philosophic critique of intelligence test." Educational Theory, 1966, 16, 218-239. Michael, W. B., "An investigation of the contribution of factors to tests and to their predictive value in two Army Air Force pilot populations." American Psychologist, 1947, 2, 417-418. Semler, I. J., and Iscoe, I., "Structure of intelligence in Negro and white children." Journal of Educational Psychology, 1966, 57, 326-336. Shuey, A. M., The Testing of Negro Intelligence, Lynchburg, Virginia: J. P. Bell, Inc., 1958. , The Testing of Negro Intelligence, Lynchburg, Virginia: J. P. Bell, Inc., 1966. Smith, Herbert W., May, Theodore, and Leborritz, Leon, "Testing experience and Stanford-Binet scores." Journal of Educational Measurement, 1966, 3, 229-232. St. John, N. H., "Effect of segregation on the aspirations of Negro youth." Harvard Educational Review, 1966, 36, 284-294. Terman, Lewis M., and Merrill, Maud A., Manual for the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale, Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1960. Tyler, Leona E., The Psychology of Human Differences, New York: Appleton- Century-Crafts, 1965. Wayson, W. W., "Needed: Diagnostic Attention." Educational Leadership, 1967, 24, 323-326. Charles A. Asbury is an assistant professor in the Department of Education and Psychology at Fayetteville State College. 20 Guaranteed Annual Income by Sarvan K. Bhatia INTRODUCTION We are living in a challenging time of social change a time for re-evaluating the adequacy and equity of present programs of helping only a small percentage of the U. S. population with a limited or no income. Despite much progress, the anomaly of privation in plenty continues, and a large share of that privation indeed more than in earlier years is borne by the aged persons, women who must them- selves serve as family heads, Negroes, and others who in our society have a hard time earning enough to support themselves and their dependents. This is not to say that such groups fare worse in the absolute sense than their counterparts of yesteryear but rather that today they have fewer around to keep them company. (The number of poor people has been constantly on the decline. For example, at the end of 1959, a total of 38.9 million persons were poor whereas in 1963, this figure was about 35.4 million. By 1966, the number had been further reduced to only 28.7 million.) Public programs do exist to provide income when earnings are interrupted or lacking altogether, but they are limited in both how much they may pay and to whom they will pay. Thus, some get no help at all from any public program though their other sources of income are well below what they need while others, who do get such help, are still poor after the payments. 1 In addition, we are going through a period of technological revolu- tion. Industrial revolution started about two hundred years ago; ac- cording to some authorities, we are currently going through a second industrial revolution and the changes that have taken place in the past twenty-five years are no longer exclusively quantitative; they are qualitative as well. Automation and computers have now become household words. We blend these together and come to a new word "cybernation" which has been defined as the attempt to apply the science of cybernetics to (i) the process of industrial production, and (ii) the management and control of data. 2 In what context cyberna- tion is related to the guaranteed annual income becomes clear when we look at the number of jobs being taken away by cybernation and the resulting increase in the number of the unemployed. 3 1 Of the 60.5 million households in the United States in March 1966 counting as a household an unrelated individual as well as a family of two or more 19.5 million or just under 1 in 3 reported that someone in the household received payment from a public income-maintenance program sometime during 1965. This included the social security payments which accounted for 22 per cent of the total. 2 Robert Theobald, The Guaranteed Income: Next Step in Economic Evolu- tion, (New York: Doubleday & Co.), 1966, p. 32. 3 For example, auto workers produced a million more trucks and cars in 1963 with 20 per cent fewer workers, than they did in 1953. In recent years, 21 Until a few years ago, the merits of several alternative approaches to poverty a negative income tax, a guaranteed annual income, family allowances, and an enriched, restructured public assistance sys- tem were largely discussed in theoretical terms by the economist, welfare administrator, social work faculty members and by some busi- ness leaders and government officials. Automation, and later cyber- nation, which in certain cases have led to displacement of human labor by machinery, has further intensified the discussion of this sub- ject. In the year 1966, the National Commission on Technology, Auto- mation and Economic Progress in its report suggested that Congress go beyond merely improving such existing programs of income support as social security and "examine wholly new approaches to the prob- lem of income maintenance." It also recomended for consideration the question of providing a minimum income allowance of negative income tax program to approach by stages the goal of eliminating the need for means to test public assistance programs, by providing a floor of adequate incomes. 4 Similarly, the broadly representative Advisory Council on Public Welfare in its report, issued in 1966, called for sweeping changes in both welfare concept and program. Two of the basic proposals made in this report are stated below very briefly: One proposal recognizes that, in the last analysis, the only cure for poverty is money and that if the seriously deprived are to take prom- ises seriously and to do their part in using the educational, employ- ment, and other opportunities opened to them through the anti-pov- erty, education, and other new programs, they must have immediate relief from the grinding poverty that saps their energies, destroys their incentives, and literally prohibits their aspirations. This proposal will therefore make need the only criterion for eligibility for public as- sistance, eliminating the present categorical programs with their many legal requirements of age, residence, physical, social, and other condi- tions of eligibility which have nothing to do with financial need. It would further simplify the establishment of eligibility by relying pri- marily on the applicant's declarations of income and resources, with spot checks and sample studies to ascertain that the system is working properly and without abuse. To assure adequacy of income, the Council proposes that the federal government establish a standard minimum level of living below which no one in the affluent United States would need to live. 5 While there has been a loss of some 200,000 jobs in auto industry. In Flint, Michigan, the United Auto Workers local membership dropped from about 28,000 in 1956 to 13,000 in 1962, and the men still produced the same number of cars. Similarly, in the railroad industry, total employment dropped from 1.4 million in 1947 to 800,000 in 1960. A year later, it was down to 730,000. Most of the loss has been attributed to technological change. Not only the factory, but the office is being computerized which will necessarily mean loss of jobs for hundreds and thousands of office workers. Automation also threatens to slow down job expansion in government. 4 The Council was appointed by the Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare in accordance with a provision of the 1962 amendments to the Social Security Act of 1935. 5 In aggregate wealth and individual opportunity, no nation in the world 22 allowances could be made for statistically defensible regional varia- tions in living costs, the standard would be applied nationwide, with the federal government making up the difference between that part of the cost of a specific State government could afford to pay determined in an objective manner in relation to the state's income and the amount needed to meet the standard. The second proposal related to the public welfare agency which would become community's and every neighborhood's focal point for the broad range of human services needed to counteract the dehuman- izing trend of modern society. 6 Some services would be rendered, of course, by a variety of other agencies in the same or nearby locations. In addition to providing the poor with enough income to maintain, hopefully, not just an emergency but a really wholesome living stan- dard, the public welfare agency would offer them a variety of other services, some designed to help them become able to earn adequate incomes, others designed to remove cultural, health, or other barriers to their absorption into the mainstream of community life. The Characteristics of the Poor Poverty in the United States is complex and widespread and the poor have many different faces. Many families are poor because the heads of households cannot work: they are either too old or too sick or too severely handicapped, or they are the widowed or deserted mothers of young children. Or, they may be the structurally unem- ployed whose skills have either been replaced by automated mach- inery, or they are unable to be retained to get suitable jobs. Or, in certain exceptional cases, they are too "old" to get jobs because they happen to be in their early forties and the employer would not like to hire them because of extra expense by way of social security con- tributions and pension plans. 7 For many of the poor, particularly in households headed by women, it was the inability of the family breadwinner to find a job or keep one that accounted for their economic plight. When the family head did not work at all in 1966, one out of three families was counted poor, compared with only one in seventeen when the family head was on a job every week in the year. Nine and one-half million persons were poor though they were in the family of a breadwinner who did have a job throughout 1966. However, many families were poor be- cause the head was unemployed part of the year. All told, among poor matches the U.S. With the GNP going to be around $850 billion, the median income of a family is approaching $8000. Yet, in the midst of this unparalleled abundance, another nation dwells in grinding deprivation. 6 The Council's proposal that the guarantee of an adequate income be handled through public welfare agencies, under an updated, greatly simplified public assistance program rather than adapting some other federal mechanism to do the job, reflects the growing concern about nonfinancial factors which isolate the poor and tend to perpetuate their poverty. For details, see Ellen Winston, "The Government's Role in Social Intervention", Welfare in Review, January 1967, p. 3. 7 For a detailed analysis, see Helen O. Nicol in Welfare in Review, June- July, 1967, pp. 1-13, and Mollie Orshansky, Social Security Bulletin, March, 1968, pp. 3-33. 23 families headed by men under age 65, five out of six of the heads worked some time in 1966, and the majority of those who did not work were simply disabled and therefore unable to work. As could be expected, the kind of job held was intimately related to the risk of poverty. The most poverty-prone calling for men was farming or unskilled labor; for women workers, it was domestic service. 8 Some of the other characteristics are the minority poor in urban slums, the Appalachian poor in the "hollows", Indians on reservations and farming, the Negro, and impoverished farmers wherever they try to earn a living from the soil. Also included will be the Puerto Ricans and the Mexican Americans in the southwest. We could also include the working poor, who despite their minimum wage of $1.60 an hour, effective February 1968, would hardly earn enough to be out of the poverty limit of about $3350. 9 These workers include laborers, work- ers in low skill service industries, farm and migrant workers, domestic workers, owners of marginal businesses and marginal farms. Included among the 45 million Americans designated as poor or near poor in 1966 were 18-28 per cent children, and from 30-43 per cent of the aged groups whose members could do little on their own to improve their income. Minorities, however defined, were less favored than the rest. Counted poor were nearly 25 per cent of those living on the farms as compared with one in seven of the nonfarm population. The total with low incomes included from 12 to 19 per cent of the white population and from 41 to 54 per cent of the non- white. Of the total in poverty, however, two out of three were white, and among the near poor, four out of five were white. Some of the characteristics of the poor are presented in a tabular form. Table I Characteristics of Poor Families, 1963 Poor Percentage Number of poor families as distribution J families (in % of all US of all poor Characteristic millions) families families All poor families 7.2 15 100 Residence : Farm 0.7 23 10 Nonfarm 6.5 15 90 Race of head: White 5.2 12 72 Nonwhite 2.0 42 28 Type of family: Husband and wife 5.0 12 70 Wife in paid labor force 0.9 7 13 Wife not in paid labor force 4.1 15 57 Other male head 0.2 17 3 Female head 2.0 40 27 Source: Social Security Bulletin, January 1965, p. 12. 8 Orshansky, op. cit., p. 12. 9 When legislation creating the antipoverty program was first proposed in 1964, 24 The total for the poverty roster in 1966 denoted a drop of 9.3 million from the number counted poor in 1959, a year when nearly every fourth person was living in a household with income insufficient to cover even the barest necessities. The number called near poor 10 is now 15.2 million, very little different from the 15.8 million so char- acterized in 1959. Where do these poor people live? We find that about half of all the poor families one-seventh of the white poor and two-thirds of the nonwhite lived in the southern states in 1966. Incomes in that area continue to be lower than elsewhere by more than could possibly be compensated for by any price differential; to wit, the average per capita income for the period 1961-63 was $3,- 182 in the District of Columbia and only $1,305 in Miss., with Alabama, Arkansas, and South Carolina having a little more than $1,500. Despite the exodus of many nonwhite persons from the South in recent years, the South still spells home for about half of all non- white families in the country. It is thus the nonwhite population that is most immediately affected by the region's economic disadvantage. Moreover, the southern states support a larger proportion of their population on public assistance than is true of the rest of the nation. Mechanisms for Support The income per head in the United States has been constantly on the increase. The rapid and extraodinary economic growth exper- ienced by the United States over the last 200 year period and the wide distribution of the benefits of economic enterprises have enor- mously reduced the extent of poverty in any absolute sense. How- ever, poverty is in part a relative concept, and despite the enormous increases in the per capita income, we still find many living in condi- tions which are not deemed desirable. It is estimated that one out of seven non-institutionalized Americans is in a household with money income for the year below the poverty line. The poor, it has been claimed, are distributed throughout eleven million households, which contained one-sixth of the U. S. children under age 18. Indeed, such youngsters in the year 1966 accounted for one half of all the poor persons, as it was true in 1959. Origin of Assistance Programs Most of the present programs of helping the poor started only a short time ago. State assistance to the poor started in the sixteenth the figure of $3,000 was cited as the dividing line between the poor and the non-poor. The figure was merely an approximation and it was estimated at that time that some 30 million Americans would qualify as poor under this definition. The Social Security Administration later completed a definition of poverty and its standard has been in use by the Office of Economic Op- portunity and other agencies. There are regional variations, but basically this formula works out to mean that an average nonfarm family of four with an income below $65 a week ($3,380) is classified as poor. The formula also is used to define "near poor" families, for whom the maximum is $85 a week. 10 Please refer to footnote No. 9 for explanation. 25 century, but on a large scale, beginnings of the state assistance pro- grams can be traced to the decade of 1930s. During the Great Depres- sion, local and state relief agencies were unable to cope with the thousands of previously self-supporting workers who were unemployed and required assistance. Thus the responsibility for providing funds for relief, which up to then had rested with local authorities, shifted to the Federal government. And with the passage of time, the amount of assistance has increased very substantially. When we happen to look at the whole problem in its historical perspective, we find that as modern economies have advanced, governments in various coun- tries of the world (with highly industrialized economies) have ac- cepted increasing responsibility for maintaining the incomes of people who do not have the ability to earn an adequate income through their own efforts. People beyond the working age, the disabled, the invol- untarily unemployed, dependent children and their families, and other people with little or no incomes have received rising amounts of social insurance and public assistance. 11 In the United States, there are two broadly different approaches to income maintenance. On the one hand, there are large programs of social insurance, financed by earmarked payroll taxes with benefits fixed by formula and without any suggestion of "charity". Such program include the Federal OAS- DHI and unemployment insurance. The other approach is public as- sistance, which is wholly based on need and financed out of general revenues. Public assistance is given on a "case" basis, with each recipient's "need" to be determined by budget studies of living costs and analyses of his resources. While social welfare programs, broadly defined, affected millions of persons in the United States and accounted for nearly $66 billion in benefits in 1963, there are still important gaps in various programs of income maintenance. Although OASDHI benefits could be claimed as a matter of right, families suffering from chronic unemployment are ineligible for public assistance in many states, or for any prolonged period. 12 Furthermore there are only limited provisions against loss of earning power due to temporary disability. There are still many individuals and families who receive little help because they do not know how to seek, or who are poor for such reasons as mental illness, alcoholism, or drug addition. 13 There are also great variations in the intensity of effort with which communities search out the people who need help. Furthermore, various income maintenance programs have other 1:L In 1966, it was estimated that these income maintenance payments will total about $35 billion, representing 17 per cent of all public expenditures, and abut 5 per cent of gross national product. For a detailed account, please refer to Christopher Green, Negative Taxes and the Poverty Problem (Wash- ington, D.C. 1967). 12 Unemployment compensation, on an average, amounts to $24 a week and is limited in most states to 26 weeks for employees under covered industries. 13 For a detailed analysis, please refer to Michael Harrington, The Other America (New York, 1962), and Robert Shaplen, The Lost Revolution (New York, 1966). 26 weaknesses. The levels of benefits are frequently inadequate: social insurance benefits have not kept pace with the rise of real incomes in our society; public assistance benefits vary widely among states and among categories of low-income cases. In comparison to the systems of other industrially developed nations, those in the United States make less provision for the expenses of illness. 14 The federal govern- ment has placed particular emphasis in the last few years on removal of the causes of poverty through investment in education and train- ing, promotion of equality of opportunity, and job creation through an expansionary economic policy. New Income Maintenance Proposals Among the earliest proponents of some form of new income main- tenance program were Robert Theobald, Milton Friedman and Robert Lampman. These noted writers, as well as others in favor of a guaranteed annual income, are not necessarily wedded irrevocably to a specific income guarantee. Rather, the proposals advanced by all the writers in expaining their programs are offered more for the pur- pose of illustration than as a precise income support program. According to Robert Theobald in his Free Men and Free Markets, the way to eliminate poverty is to supply "money rather than moral uplift, cultural refinements, extended education, retraining programs or makework jobs." Accordingly, he argues that a program of income guarantee is necessary because automation will ultimately erode the availability of conventional jobs, and therefore make it necessary to substitute a way of providing some income unrelated to work. Theo- bald accordingly approaches the whole subject of guaranteed annual income from the standpoint of automation and its impact on employ- ment. Or, he poses the question that what practical steps need to be taken in order to reap the benefits of the scientific and technological revolution. Rather than facing the destructive effects of man's ability to increase production with cybernation, it is suggested that we could turn the science of economics into a blessing by enabling the society to increase its aggregate demand by guaranteeing an annual income to every one without regard to work availability. From Theobald's point of view, it is the attempt to keep the economy growing fast enough to provide for jobs for all that harnesses man to the juggernaut of science and technological change and that keeps us living with "a whirling-dervish economy dependent on compulsive consumption." Another equally important proposal is made by Friedman in his Capitalism and Freedom wherein Friedman accepting the neighbor- hood effect of public assistance justifies governmental action to al- leviate poverty; to set a floor under the standard of life of every person 14 In Henry Aaron's view, the age or maturity of the social security system is clearly relevant to a country's expenditure on the program. For some programs, such as pensions, eligibility for and participation in benefits often depend on the length of past covered employment. For details, see Otto Eckstein (ed), Studies in the Economics of Income Maintenance (Washing- ton, D.C., 1967), pp. 15-16. 27 in the community. 15 If the objective is to alleviate poverty, there should be a program directed at helping the poor, and as far as pos- sible, the program should, while operating through the market, not distort the market or impede its functioning, The arrangement, ac- cording to Friedman, that recommends itself on purely mechanical grounds is a negative income tax. 16 Under his plan, if the family of four had no income, it would receive a payment from the government of $1,500, or 50 per cent of the $3,000 break-even figure. 17 If the family had a pre-tax income of $2,000, it would have a negative tax- able income of $1,000 and thus would be entitled to a $500 payment from the government. Friedman proposes the negative income tax proposal "as a substitute for present welfare programs; as a device for accomplishing the objective of those programs more efficiently, at lower cost to the taxpayer and with a sharp reduction in bureaucracy." Another widely discussed mechanism for providing the poor with an adequate income is a children's or family allowance. Every highly developed nation, with the exception of the United States, does have its family allowance laws. Two of the leading exponents of this plan are Alvin Schorr and Daniel Moynihan. Criticizing a negative income tax system of income maintenance as totally inadequate and set "in a poor-law framework", Schorr has argued that a family allowance plan would be simpler to administer, more equitable and have the added benefit of being essentially an income-by-right program. Under Schorr's family plan, a benefit of $50 a month would be paid for each child under six years old, and ten dollars a month for each older child, in rich and poor families alike. However, present income tax exemptions for children would be eliminated and the allowance itself would be taxed. Thus, high income families would have to pay more taxes while low income families would have a net gain in income. Such a program, it is argued, would take three out of four children out of poverty, does not interfere with work incentives for the family and would not affect the birth rate. According to Schorr, a family allow- ance "is only one means of bolstering income in order to close the widening gap between the haves and the havenots." According to Keyserling, former chairman of the Council of Eco- nomic Advisers, a guaranteed annual income would be achieved if "an adequate, national full-employment and income policy" were adopted which was really the mandate of the Employment Act of 1946. Grafted on that, he says, should be guaranteed income to "those who cannot or should not" qualify for gainful employment be- cause of age or other disability. This kind of pluralistic approach to 15 Friendman is, however, opposed to parity price support programs for agriculture, tariffs on imports, rent control, minimum wage laws, present social security program, national parks, etc. For details, see pp. 35-36. 16 ibid., pp. 191-92. 17 As explained by Friedman, under current tax laws, a family of four has exemptions plus standard deductions equal to $3,000. Hence, if the family had income of $3,000, itt would pay no tax $3,000 would be break-even point. Above this figure, the family would have to pay income tax under the current law. 28 a guaranteed income for all calls for better wages for those who have jobs, expanded job opportunities for those without jobs as well as ex- panded job training programs, improved unemployment benefits for those temporarily out of work, increased wage-related benefits such as Social Security for those too old to work and finally, some form of limited income tax plan for those who are unable to work. Equally important are some of the proposals under consideration by some congressmen to raise incomes to certain acceptable minimum stan- dards by a program of guaranteeing jobs for all who want them. Before concluding it will be pertinent to point out that there are two different approaches to this whole question of guaranteed annual in- come. One by Theobald refers to the fact that policies of non-interven- tion on the part of government in the economic functionings resulted from the belief that the efficient operation of free markets also pro- vide the individual with increasing freedom. However, the favorable effect of the efficient operation of the market on the freedom of the individual was never as great as was assumed by much of the econom- ic and political thought of the nineteenth century. The Great Depres- sion of the 1930 forced the final abandonment of the extreme, Adam Smith version of the free market mechanism. Governments therefore found throughout the world more so, in the United States that they had to intervene increasingly in the socioeconomic system as it became obvious that the operation of the market, however efficient, would not furnish enough employment. According to Theobald, the same concern underlies the present proposals under consideration for a guaranteed income. Two im- portant factors have been the stimuli to this discussion. First, a grow- ing number of experts have concluded that the continuing impact of technological change will make it impossible to provide jobs for all who seek them. And the second factor is the growing realization that extreme poverty could be eliminated by spending less than 2 per cent of the gross national product. On the other hand, however, many believe that the present market system can keep on providing the necessary number of jobs, if left to itself. Considering the increase in labor force amounting to 1.5 million a year, a current growth rate of more than 6 per cent, and the rate of unemployment of less than 4 per cent, we could be somewhat optimistic about the efficient working of the market economy. How- ever, the present period of prosperity could not be expected to last for ever; the Vietnam war has much to do with it. Looking back to the decade of 1950s, the rate of growth was less than 3 per cent, and the rate of unemployment was more than 5 per cent, on an average. Since then, rapid rate of innovations has further eroded the job op- portunities while the population keeps on growing at an annual rate of 2 per cent. To conclude, therefore, the ever-growing threat of un- employment resulting from advanced technology, the growing abun- dance made possible by this technology, and the manifest inapplicabil- ity of the only existing accepted theory of income distribution have made it inevitable that a wide range of ideas on the subject of income 29 distribution and organization of human activity would be advanced; hence various proposals of guaranteed annual income. 30 Economic Development And The Developing Nations by Sarvan K. Bhatia* Introduction: While science and technology are making rapid strides, adding to the convenience and comforts of men at an alarming rate, and man's venture into outer space has achieved spectacular results, we find significantly large numbers of the human race still living in sub-human conditions and working much the same way as their ancestors. Only a relatively small proportion of the world population has been able to enjoy the fruits of modern technology and has forged ahead to ever-higher levels of productivity and standards of living. Moreover, we find that with the exception of Japan, which is situated in the Asian continent, all other highly industrialized countries of the world are either in North America or in Western Europe; there is, so to speak, a geographical disparity among the developed and the develop- ing nations of the world. Furthermore, it is to be noted that of the aggregate national income of all the countries that are members of the International Monetary Fund, a special agency of the United Na- tions, the share of the most industrialized countries the United States, Western Europe, and Japan is about 75 per cent, while their share of total population is only about 25 per cent. On the other hand, how- ever, the share of national income of the primary producing countries is 25 per cent, and their share of population is about 75 per cent the shares being reversed among the developed and developing na- tions of the world. 1 The income gap Of greater significance is the fact that the share of the aggregate national income among the highly industrialized countries of the world has been constanly growing while that of the less developed nations has been persistently on the decline despite concerted efforts on their part to grow, economically speaking. 2 The table on page 32 gives details of distribution of world income among various countries of the world. Looking at the above figures, it is to be noticed that the largest percentage increase in share of world income has occurred in respect to North America: from 14.8 per cent in 1860 to 37.4 per cent, that is, over a period of one century. Again, in percentage terms, the Soviet Union has also shown a remarkable economic development and growth: from 4.0 per cent in 1860 to 17.4 per cent in 1960. Rather less spectacular is the growth of Latin America, Oceania and ^Professor of Economics, Armstrong State College, Savannah, Ga. 1 Per Jacobsson, International Monetary Problems, 1957-1963 (Washington, 1964) pp. 182-3. 2 For details, see Stephen Enke, Economics for Development (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1963), pp. 16-62. 31 Table 1 The Distribution of World Income Share of Percentage share Population of income Region 1860 1913 1960 1860 1913 1960 North America 3.1 6.3 8.0 14.8 34.3 37.3 Oceania 0.1 0.4 0.5 0.5 1.4 1.0 Europe 19.1 19.7 16.2 39.1 35.0 14.0 Latin America 3.3 6.3 8.0 4.0 4.1 6.3 Soviet Union 6.8 8.7 8.6 4.0 7.4 17.4 Far East 2.3 3.9 5.1 1.4 1.8 1.3 China 40.2 32.5 27.1 19.8 8.0 7.3 Japan 2.9 3.2 3.7 1.6 1.5 2.5 Southeast Asia 22.3 20.3 22.7 11.8 6.9 2.6 Source; Adapted from L. J. Zimmerman, Poor Lands, Rich Lands: The Widen- ing Gap (New York, 1965), pp. 35-37. Japan. But on the other hand, Europe's relative position has worsened; its share having dropped from a high of 39.1 per cent to only 14 per cent a century later thereby indicative of rapid economic growth in other countries of the world following the industrial revolution of the eighteenth century. At the other extreme, however, the cases of China and Southeast Asia, in particular, point out the rapid and drastic decline in the income distribution. In respect of the Southeast Asian countries, among others India and Pakistan, while the loss in percent- age share of world income is considerable, the population has re- mained at almost the same level. As Higgins mentions the fact, in the course of one century, "the share of the quarter of world's pop- ulation living in the world's richest countries increased from 58 per cent to 72 per cent; the share of the next richest quarter rose from 15.5 per cent to 19 per cent; the share of the next quarter fell from 14 per cent to 7 per cent, and the share of the quarter of the pop- ulation living in the poorest countries dropped from 12.5 per cent to a mere 3 per cent." 3 The Historical Perspective When we hapen to look at the world's economic history, we find that the present-day poor and developing nations of the world in terms of per capita income have remained at the lowest ladder al- ways. Rather, some of the less developed nations were, just a few hundred years ago, some of the richest countries in the world; at a time, when the American continent had not been found, and most of Europe was, economically speaking, a backward region, these coun- tries had possessed most of the riches. As Barbara Ward points to 3 Benjamin Higgins, Economic Development (New York, 1968), p. 5. Also see William N. Loucks, Comparative Economic System (New York. 1965) for an analysis of various economic systems and development of present-day industrially advanced countries of the world. 32 the facts of history, "for centuries, for millennia, the East had been the region of known and admired wealth. It was to the Orient that men looked when they spoke of traditional forms of riches: gold and dia- monds, precious ointments, rare spices, extravagant brocades and silks. In fact, for over a thousand years, one of the great drives in the Western economy was to open trade with the wealthier East. And one of the problems facing that trade . . . was the West's inability to provide very much in return." 4 Over the centuries, however, the situation has very considerably changed. It started about two hundred years ago with the advent of industrial revolution, and the whole environment has so completely changed the relative economic positions of the countries that in the decade of 1960s, the percentage share of some of the developing na- tions, i.e., China and countries in Southeast Asia, dropped from almost one-third of world income in 1860 to less than one-tenth in 1960. The countries in these regions have 49.8 per cent of world population; in other words, almost one-half of world population has about 10 per cent of world income. What is even more frustrating for the developing nations is that the income gap between the industrially advanced nations and them is widening, instead of being narrowed down. As will be seen from the table below, the gap in per capita incomes between the developed and developing countries is still growing rapidly. This is due to the fact that the rates of population growth for the underdeveloped countries, taken as a whole, are much higher as compared with the developed countries. Table 2 Current Growth Rates of Income and of Population, Average for Developed and Developing Nations Per cent growth rates per year Of income Of population Of income per capita GNP per capita Growth of GNP per capita, in dollars (US) per year Developed Developing nations nations 4.4 4.7 1.3 2.4 3.1 2.3 $1,828 $400 - 800 $57 9-11 Source: Theodore Morgan, "Economic Planning-Points of Success and Failure' in The Philippine Economic Journal, 1965, p. 404. 4 Barbara Ward, The Rich Nations and the Poor Nations (New York, 1962), p. 39. Also see Asa Briggs in Technology and Economic Development (1936), p. 4 wherein he remarks, "Poverty is not, of course, a new condition in human affairs. Some of the poor nations were once world powers and were held to be rich as well as powerful." On the subject of development through trade, refer to Gerald M. Meier, International Trade and Development (New York, 1963), pp. 151-192. 33 The plight of developing nations, therefore, does not seem to be very promising. The United Nations had declared the decade of 1960s as the Development Decade. Yet, in the light of poor performance by these countries, it is being sometimes referred to as the Decade of Disappointment by some noted authorities. Furthermore, disaster is being predicted if conditions do not improve for more than two billion people living in these developing nations out of nearly 3.5 billion which is the total world population. Nearly 60 percent of the world population, therefore, lives under conditions which cannot be toler- ated. 5 The table below indicates an average annual rate of growth of nearly 5 per cent for the real gross national product of various regions in the world and yet the last column relating to per capita gross na- tional product shows a very small increase primarily because of enor- mous population increase. Table 3 Real Gross National Product of Developing Nations: Rates of growth in total output, population and per capita GNP- 1960-65 Percentage increase in Region Gross National Population Per capita Product GNP Africa 3.6 2.2 1.4 South Asia* 3.2 2.4 0.8 East Asia* 5.0 2.6 2.3 South Europe 7.2 1.4 5.7 Latin America 4.7 2.9 1.7 Middle East 7.2 3.2 3.9 All Developing Nations 4.8 2.4 2.3 *In Table 1, these two regions were put together because separate data were not available. Source: "World Bank and U.N." in World Bank and IDA, p. 26. Growth Theories The publication of Keynes' General Theory of Employment, In- terest, and Money in 1936 was followed by a spate of theories relating to the requirements for steady economic growth. Some writers, in- cluding the famous French economist, Francois Perroux, have sought to distinguish "growth" from "development". Fundamentally, growth consists of rising national and per capita real income; development entails a good deal more structural change, technological advance, 5 For a detailed study, please refer to Alan B. Mountjoy, Industrialization and Underdeveloped Countries (Chicago, 1967), pp. 45-79. 34 resource discovery, and closing sectoral and regional gaps. The prob- lem of maintaining steady growth where it is already occurring is complex enough, according to Higgins, but it is simple in comparison to the problem of launching and sustaining development in an under- developed country. It may be questioned whether high rates of growth can be maintained for very long without development. Conceptually, however, it is possible for an economy to grow without developing; indeed, India seems to have done just that in the early postwar years, as Higgins points out. Development without growth is a little harder to imagine. Of the various theories on the subject, two merit special attention. One is by Hansen which contains elements of a true development the- ory, and the second is by Harrod which is a pure theory of growth. Harrod's essay "Towards a Dynamic Economics" has the main attri- butes of a truly dynamic theory. He concentrates upon the explana- tion of secular trends; insisting that it is precisely this explanation of trends that is the distinguishing characteristic of dynamic economics. Comparative statics, he argues, are still statics; more than imperfect foresight, or imperfect knowledge, or mere change, or presence of expectations, or lags and frictions, or "dating" of variables is needed to take us into the realm of economic dynamics. Harrod's theory is, therefore, directed toward an explanation of the secular causes of un- employment and inflation, and of the factors determining the optimum and the actual rate of capital accumlation. On the basis of his analysis, Harrod concludes that advanced countries will soon confront the problems of a chronic deflationary gap (and by inference that deve- loping nations will continue to be handicapped by a chronic inflation- ary gap, as it is true in respect of all of these countries without ex- ception) unless appropriate policies are pursued. In Harrod's system of growth, three "fundamental elements" are involved: 1. manpower, 2. output per head, and 3. quantity of capital available. 7 The second of these presumably breaks down into (a) level of technique, and (b) supplies of known resources. Changes in out- put are however discussed purely in terms of "inventions", which in turn are linked to the ratio of required capital to output. More gener- ally, Harrod's concept of capital requirements, C r , could be translated as follows. Let I r be required net savings and investment, Y be na- tional income, and p (period of investment) be the "capital coef- ficient" in terms of the ratio of required capital to output. Then I r = AY . p and C r = I r Y AY In an economy with a growing population and no technological progress, capital requirements will increase proportionately to the population. So also, according to Harrod, will "hump" savings and corporate savings. Of course, total savings may tend to grow faster 3 See Higgins, op. cit., for details, pp. 106-46. 'For details, see R. F. Harrod, Towards a Dynamic Economics (London, 1948). 35 than capital requirements, leading to a condition of chronic excess savings; this however has not hapepned in developing nations. Harrod was concerned with conditions that would keep entrepreneurs content with their investment plans so that they would repeat in each period the investment decisions of earlier periods. However, if wages are too high in relation to prices, profits are squeezed, investment falls, and with it income and employment. On the other hand, if wages are too low in relation to prices, there is a "shift to profits", the propensity to consume falls, investment follows, and income and employment fall again. These are being referred to as "lapses from steady growth". The main contributions of the Hansen thesis to a general theory of development are 1 . Providing a more complete theory of autonomous (long run) investment, 2. Recognition that chronic and growing gaps between potential gross national product and actual gross national product can arise from acceleration or deceleration of the growth rates of basic factors influencing autonomous investment, and 3. Putting empirical content into his model by applying it to a particular country at a particular time. Dividing investment into its major components and spelling out the multiplier formula, we obtain the following equa- tion according to Higgins: 1 o a = (mo.) + i g + Ia (l, k, t) dS/dO a + d r /dO a where O a k . I a (O a stands for actual output, gross national prod- uct, or income at constant prices) , I a for total net investment, and K for the Keynesian multiplier. 8 S is saving; r is taxes; O a = do a /dt, or the variation in gross national product through time, Ii is induced investment, I g is government investment, Ia is autonomous invest- ment, L is dL/dt, the rate of population growth, K is dK/dt, the rate of resource discovery, and T is dT/dt, the rate of technological progress. Using O p for potential output (gross national product at full em- ployment) , we also have O p = f (L, K, Q, T) This equation expresses the now familiar production function that has appeared in most of the development systems. Here, L, K, Q, and T stand for the supplies of labor, resources, capital equipment, and technology available, rather than the amounts actually used in produc- tion. Looking at developing nations, we find that both K and T are low and are not increasing rapidly, that is, the rates of technological progress and resource discovery are not particularly high, and are not noticeably rising. Autonomous investment is on a very low level, too. Public investment is also low, because of limited tax and borrow- ing capacity of the governments concerned. Thus, national income is not rising very rapidly either and induced investment will be close to zero. With low levels of income, the average and marginal propen- 8 Higgins, op. cit., p. 122. Also please refer to Wallace C. Peterson, Income, Employment and Economic Growth (New York, 1962), pp. 491-503. 36 sity to save is also low. The multiplier accordingly is high, but there is nothing to multiply. The result is an economy which stagnates with levels of per capita income close to the subsistence level. 9 Technology and Role of Government This brings us to the points at issue raised above as to how to tackle the questions of growth and development. The side by side existence in the modern world of developed and underdeveloped countries has suggested to hopeful citizens that the poverty can be cured by rapid, systematic and large-scale transfer of technology that has produced such great wealth for the industrially advanced nations. The developing nations, however, according to numerous authorities cannot simply import the industrial revolution from abroad, uncrate it like a piece of machinery, and set it in motion. While the availability of modern industrial technology is a possibility and thereby the developing countries can bypass the difficult period of transition which the developed nations had to undergo, there are certain prerequisites for borrowing advanced technology. For example, the borrowing involves the recipient country in economic and political as well as cultural relations with the lending country. As the more extensive development process of Nigeria, India, and Brazil indicates these countries have entered on their present course of development from diverse historical backgrounds and a variety of economic situations. 10 At the same time, there is Burma for example in which material improvement does not rank high in the scale of values accepted by most of the population. Economic development in turn also requires a set of institutions, habits, incentives, and motivations such that the inputs necessary to a continuous increase in output are self-generating. The essential in- puts are capital, trained manpower, and technology, and they are likely to be self-generating only in an environment in which the population seeks to improve its physical well-being and in which the rewards of effort are roughly in proportion to the productivity of effort. Despite many problems and shortcomings, however, in most of the developing nations, national income and GNP have been grow- ing somewhat faster than population, as mentioned earlier in Table 3. By and large, in all the underdeveloped countries, savings as a proportion of income are increasing, education and training programs are producing results, and the spread and adaptation of advanced technology, assisted in some cases by extensive foreign aid, is stimulat- ing productivity. 11 9 ibid, pp. 121-22, 23, and 145. For a detailed analysis, please look to Han- sen's Presidential Address to the AEA, 1939, and his Full Recovery or Stag- nation (New York, 1938). 10 For details, see Technology and Economic Development, op. cit. "Government of India, India in Perspective (New Delhi, 1967), p. 4. wherein the proportion of savings to national income is stated as 5.3% in 1951-52, 9.5% in 1956-57, and 11% in 1967. 37 Role of Government Many of the developing nations joined the community of twentieth- century nation-states in the decades of 1940s, 1950s, and in respect of the African continent, in 1960s. The people having won their independence, the nationalist leaders recognized that the pledges of the independence movement would not be redeemed until the mass of the people were assured work, a tolerable standard of life, and opportunity for continued advancement. All these countries are now, therefore, committed to a crucial experiment in economic development. These nations believe that industrialization and the attendant radical reconstruction of society can be achieved fairly rapidly and without reliance on class hatred or the invocation of violence and coercion. And yet, the frustrations of not being able to develop rapidly, or to provide a better standard of living during the last few years to the growing populations, have made these developing nations think which resume of "revolutions" to follow. As Barbara Ward points out: Communism claims to be the pattern of the future and to hold the secret of the next phase of history for mankind. In one sense, the claim is serious. Communism is a sort of resume of the revolutions that make up modernization and it offers a method of applying them speedily to societies caught fast in the dilemmas of transition. We must, there- fore, admit that, at the present, the poor nations, the uncommitted nations, face a double challenge. They face an enormous challenge of change. But, in addition, they face an equally vast challenge of choice. 12 The dominance of private sector in the life of developing nations obscures the role their governments seek or are called upon to play in their economic development. If one looks at the figures for new investment, that role becomes clearer. In Latin-American coun- tries, for example, from 40 to 50 per cent of new investment is typically public. In India, well over 50 per cent of planned investment in the Third Five-Year Plan was in the public sector, and in Pakistan, the figure is closer to two-thirds. Nor is the role of government in the channeling of economic activity limited to the area of public invest- ment as conventionally defined. Economic functions, as for example, the exploitation of mineral resources and development of such in- dustries as steel, fertilizer, and cement, are typically in public sector in developing nations. A question could be raised why is it necessary for the government to undertake such economic functions? Foremost among the objective considerations for developing nations is the large priority that must be given to roads, railways, industrial estates, harbors, power gen- eration and distribution, communications, irrigation, and the like. The capital requirements for such facilities will normally account for something more than half the total investment. And unless the infrastructure is provided for, it is almost impossible to think of any 12 Ward, op. cit., pp. 60-61. 38 economic development. Since the private capital is not interested in these projects, for obvious reasons, it has fallen upon the governments of developing nations to provide the necessary capital finance, organ- ization, planning and management, and the operation of such under- takings. 13 Similarly, the government is likely to be active in the transfer of technology. During the nineteenth century, foreign private investment and enterprise were the overwhelmingly important agencies of technical transfer and capital in most countries. Currently, these programs involve expenditures of at least $500 million a year. This type of technical transfer inevitably involves the extensive participation of government in the aid-receiving country. Much the same sort of experience is to be noticed in the area of capital transfer. In 1961, of the total flow of $8.75 billion in long-term funds from developed to developing nations outside the Soviet bloc, nearly $6 billion repre- sented public loans and grants. (Aid from the Soviet bloc to develop- ing nations comes to about one billion dollars, mostly in the form of long-term loans at low interest rates and payable in commodities.) Most of these funds were used to finance activities in the public sec- tor. This tendency is reinforced by the fact that the international and national lending and granting agencies prefer large projects; large projects, in turn, fall in the public sector in developing nations without highly developed private enterprise. Development: A Multi-Faceted Problem The problems of developing nations can be approached in many ways. For, example, it could be solved through increased foreign aid, more trade with these countries by industrially advanced countries on a preferential basis, or by stabilizing the export earnings of these countries through various compensatory, financing schemes that are proposed by International Monetary Fund and the Bank for Recon- struction and Development. Other proposals include long-run stabil- ization plans for agricultural output, an intensified effort to build up manufacturing facilities, and often a significantly expanded role for the government sector. In the past several years, renewed emphasis has been placed on the development assistance provided by direct investment from the in- dustrialized countries, in particular the United States. 14 The difficulty 13 Perhaps the foremost example of government-stimulated and government- guided development in any private enterprise economy is provided by Japan. Here, the state directed investment by establishing public-owned enterprises, undertaking joint ventures with private capital, subsidizing private investment and guaranteeing returns, and buying extensively for its own military and civilian accounts. See TECHNOLOGY AND ECONOMIC DEVELOP- MENT, op. cit., pp. 186-87. 14 Such assistance, however, is not new. In the latter half of the nineteenth century, private investors from Britain were investing annually large sums overseas and that by 1913 this amounted annually to 7 per cent of the British national income. But this episode perhaps cannot be repeated. For details, see J. P. Belshaw, in Economic Development (Boston, 1964), pp. 2-8. 39 with direct, private, foreign investment has been the limited amounts available. However, another approach towards development has been the use of regional development programs as for example in East Africa and in Latin America. Although the East African and Central American regional cooperations appear to be making some progress, the big Latin American Free Trade Association is bogged down in frustration. Economic growth is slow, internal reforms are minimal and the development program, known as the Alliance for Progress, is confronted by impasse after impasse because of political consider- ations. One of the best ways to accelerate the pace of development is by heavy doses of foreign aid to developing nations by the highly ad- vanced and industrialized nations. The United States extends by far the largest amount of aid to such countries. Now, most of the U.S. development loans are used for specific social and economic develop- ment projects, or to finance programs benefitting the private sector as a way of supporting economic growth. (Somewhere between 90 to 95% of these funds are incidentally spent within the U.S.) U.S. aid is now also restricted to the developing countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America. Though some 70 countries benefit by this aid, more than 90 per cent of the aid is concentrated in about 25 countries which are better able to utilize it. Total aid at present is only about one-half of one per cent of the U.S. GNP; the table below shows the percentage amount of aid in relation to GNP for various countries. Table 4 Official Foreign Aid as Percentage of Gross National Product 1961 Country %age of GNP France 1.50 Belgium 0.73 United States 0.67 United Kingdom 0.59 Netherlands 0.56 Western Germany 0.53 Australia 0.46 Japan 0.45 Canada 0.17 i '-. Source: United Nations, World Economic Survey 1963. To make the matters even more depressing, the four largest Western donors did not increase their aid between 1961 and 1966, while France, though giving the highest assistance in relation to national income, has actually a declining trend in development aid since 40 V'fc*? 1962. 15 Similarly, the U.S. last year, 1967, extended foreign aid to the extent of less than $2.3 billion dollars out of nearly $800 billion GNP, and in the year 1968, the U.S. congress voted for less than $2 billion when the GNP is expected to reach $850 billion, i.e., less than one-fourth of 1%. Contrast it with the foreign aid extended during the second half of 1940s to the western European countries which enabled such countries to develop and remain free and dem- ocratic. During the years 1945-48, $16.8 billion was given in aid, or on an average about $5.6 billion a year when the average GNP during this period was about $220 billion, or more than 2.7% of the GNP. In 1948 the European Recovery Program (Marshall Plan) was started, and well over $10 billion were channeled into this pro- gram, virtually all of it in the form of outright grants, during a brief period of about four years. And immediately thereafter started the Mutual Security Programs which enabled Europe to obtain further assistance from the United States. In addition, the International Monetary Fund, and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development provided the development finance to help rehabilitate the war-torn European economies. It is this kind of aid which is so badly needed by the developing nations to help them to stay alive, to stay free from totalitarian regimes, and above all to bring a higher standard of living for their masses which will in turn promote the economic well-being of developed nations also. A major problem of developing countries is the dif- ficulty of maintaining economic development plans when aid is inadequate, while at the same time having a very substantial, external debt problem. The substantial size of such external debt and the service payments on this debt in 1966 are shown below. Table 5 External Debt outstanding and Debt Service Payments of the Debtor Countries 1966 Country Debt outstanding including undisbursed (billions) Service Amount (billions) payments As %age of exports India $6.90 $0.35 22.0% Brazil 2.93 0.55 29.4 Mexico 2.15 0.46 21.4 Yugoslavia 1.67 0.27 20.0 Iran 1.10 0.07 5.0 Nigeria 0.61 0.05 5.4 Source: World Bank and IDA Annual Report, 1966/67 5 IBRD, World Bank and IDA Annual Report, 1966/67 (Washington, 1967), p.34. In spite of the declining percentage of resources which the developed nations are devoting to developing countries, such assistance has been in- valuable in countries as for example Iran, Israel, South Korea, Malaysia, Mexico, Pakistan, Taiwan, Thailand, Tunisia, etc. In these countries and others, development has been successful and has been greatly attributed to f rei8n aSSiStanCe - 41 SAVANNAH STATE COLLEGE llBHm STATE COLLEGE BRANCH To conclude, the problems facing all developing nations are not the same. There are some countries, the majority of them, in which the population in relation to their resources is too large, and so the prob- lem of underdevelopment. There are others, as for example, in Latin America, where the population being scattered and small in proportion to the market hinders the process of growth. And, beyond doubt, most of the underdeveloped countries have meager natural resources with the result that many cannot simply dream of ever coming to the levels of economic development as in many European countries. However, over the course of the last two decades, many lessons have been learned, as the former president of World Bank, George Woods, points out. First, technologies do exist that can provide the developing countries of the world with the basis for a satisfactory rate of economic growth. The job, so to say, is not hopeless as some pes- simists would like to make it believe taking into account the various setbacks at infinite stages of growth. Second, despite an impression in some quarters that foreign aid is not working and that the developing countries are not progressing, economic development is taking place in many countries, and with a vigor that cannot be denied. The process almost invariably involves the employment of modern technologies. Furthermore, more than 80 per cent of total investment is being provided for by the developing nations; the rest, 20 per cent, is the foreign aid. Third, technologies cannot be transferred without also adapting habits, standards and institutions. The World Bank and other in- stitutions, as well as governments, spend a great deal of effort, and not an inconsiderable amount of money, on institution-building and in trying to improve the management of economic affairs in the underdeveloped countries. Fourth, the road ahead is probably even longer than the road we have already traversed. In late 1940s, there was a prevalent notion that existing technologies could easily be applied in countries that had no part in their creation. Today, we know that it is not so simple. The task will take a long time; it requires much patience just as it took the present developed nations a long time to reach their present stage of economic development. 16 According to Woods, birth control, along with education and agriculture, offers an excellent example of what is believed to be a general principle of development: there are no purely technological solutions to economic and social problems. 3 For details, see U. S. House of Representatives, Applied Science and World Economy (Washington, 1968). 42 Individualized Learning in the Introductory Social Science Course: Progress Report by Thomas H. Byers One of the most difficult and frustrating problems which confronts teachers of college Social Science courses is, the problem of the reading gap. 1 This problem, which in all probability is not unique to the Social Sciences, has at least two facets. The first and most conspicuous facet of the problem is the obvious gap between the reading difficulty of college level social studies materials and the reading ability of the students. The second facet of the problem is the divergent levels of ability among students enrolled in the same course, thus complicating the task of adapting instruction to the reading level of the class. The research project described in this report represents the beginnings of an effort to meet head-on both facets of the reading gap problem. The research project was made possible by a grant from the Research Development in Professional Education Project of the United States Office of Education. 2 To facilitate the organization and teaching of the experimental course which comprised the project the writer was released from one-third of his teaching load at Savannah State College, with that part of his salary for the quarter being paid by the Research Development Project. The project was designed to test two hypotheses: (1) that Social Science materials could be adapted to the reading levels of individual members of a Freshman level class without distorting the meaning of the basic concepts involved; 3 and (2) that individualizing instruction would result in improving the students' reading skills as well as their understanding of society. The course which was designed to test the above hypotheses was given the same number as the regular general education course at the freshman level, and one section of the regular course was set up as a control group. The randomness of the sample for both the ex- perimental and the control groups was assumed, since the students in both groups were, for the most part, entering Freshmen, and all had registered originally for the regular general education course. The experimental group became the "guinea pigs" for the new course, Social Science 101: Contemporary Civilization, while the control group continued in the regular course, Social Science 101: Western Culture. Both groups were given the STEP Reading Test (Form A) 4 1 Miriam Schleich and Sidney J. Rauch, "Combining A Program Of Reading Improvement With the Study Of History," (Mimeographed Article, Hofstra University). 2 Project #7-D-D49, a cooperative project among Georgia Colleges under the general directorship of Dr. Ralph Lightsey at Georgia Southern College. 3 See Jerome S. Bruner, The Process of Education (Cambridge: Harvard Un- iversity Press, 1960), ch. 3. Sequential Tests of Educational Progress (Published by the Cooperative Test Division, Educational Testing Service, Princeton, N. J.) 43 and Social Studies Test (Form A) at the beginning of the term, and Form B of both tests at the end of the term. The control group was taught the "traditional" Western Culture course in the "traditional" manner, i.e., with a heavy emphasis on lectures, with the few opportunities for discussion very seldom taken advantage of, and with no deliberate attempt to focus on improvement of reading and other study skills. The experimental course, on the other hand, began by deliberately focusing on reading skills, de- emphasized lectures, and strove continually for active involvement of students in reports and discussions. The remainder of this paper will present a summary sketch of the materials, the procedures, and the student activities of the experimental course, and conclude with an evaluation of the results in terms of the hypotheses which the research project was designed to test. The general objectives of the course were listed in the first of the "learning packages" which the students were given. These objectives were of two kinds: those relating to the acquisition of information or knowledge; and those relating to the cultivation of essential study skills. Both the general objectives and the specific objectives (which were developed for each separate unit) were stated in behavioral terms, that is, in terms of what students would be doing when they were demonstrating the extent to which they had achieved the ob- jectives. 5 The knowledge objectives indicated that students should be able: 1. to demonstrate an understanding of how modern society oper- ates; 2. to list and discuss intelligently those "universals" which are common to all societies and cultures; 3. to explain in broad outline those social and historical processes which are responsible for the present condition of society; and 4. to demonstrate an awareness of the interrelationship between society and the individual by discussing specific instances of society's effect upon the individual and the individual's effect upon society. The objectives relating to study skills stated that students' would be expected to improve their abilities in the following areas: 1 . in listening to oral presentations of information and to organize such information into meaningful patterns; 2. in grasping the central point, and the implicit or explicit as- sumptions of lectures and printed materials; 3. in communicating accurately and clearly, both verbally and in writing, the ideas which they acquired through listening and reading; and 5 Robert F. Mager, Preparing Instructional Objectives. (Palo Alto, Calif.: Fearon Publishers, 1962). 44 4. in detecting unsound arguments and illogical statements, and in criticizing them constructively, using factually based argu- ments and logical reasoning. These, then, were the general objectives of the experimental course, and an attempt was made to utilize them as guides to the selection of materials, the development of student activities, and the choice of instructional and evaluation procedures. Since one of the hypotheses which the research project set out to test had to do with matching materials to the reading levels of the students, one of the first steps was that of locating materials on the same topics at several levels of reading difficulty. Because these materials had to be selected before the composition of the class was known, the assumption was made that the reading levels of those Freshmen who entered college at the beginning of the Spring Quarter would parallel roughly the levels of those who had entered earlier. Acting on this assumption, three reading levels were established: grade 12 and above; grade 10 through 12; and grades 6 through 9. The selec- tion of materials was guided further by two additional assumptions: ( 1 ) that students at all levels could profit by learning materials which focused specifically on study skills; and (2) that programed instruc- tional materials would be suitable for students at all levels. On the basis of the above considerations, together with the advice and counsel of the Director of the Reading Program at Savannah State, Mrs. Abbie Jordan, the following materials were selected for the course. First, Man's Behavior, by Jules Karlin, was chosen as the basic text. The reading level of this text was established at grades 10-11. In addition, it contained other features, such as italicized print for new concepts, bold faced headings for chapter sub-divisions, and study questions at the end of each chapter, which our reading consul- tant felt added to its usefulness. Other materials selected were: (1) How To Study Workshop, an inexpensive (25^ ea.) pamphlet which contained lessons under the headings "Vocabulary Skills," "Assign- ment Skills," and "Organization Skills"; (2) Anthropology In Today's World, another inexpensive pamphlet; (3) Understanding Other Cultures, by Ina Corinne Brown; (4) Ruth Benedict's Patterns of Culture; and (5) four programed texts in economics. Students were required to buy the basic text only with the other materials being provided out of funds made available from the research grant. Student activities for the course, organized in relation to three, distinct units, were designed to facilitate improvement in reading and study skills as a means of helping along the acquisition of knowledge and increasing understanding of specific aspects of culture and society. In Unit I: Studying Man's Behavior, emphasis was placed upon mak- ing students aware of some of the important skills which would help them in studying man's behavior, and of the importance of improving these skills as a means of increasing their abilities to understand any materials they might read, for this course or for any other purpose. In addition, the first chapter of Man's Behavior was included in the assignment so that students might be studying man's behavior and 45 learning how to study at the same time. Students were encouraged to follow this pattern for succeeding units as well, even though the specific study skills assignments would not be a formal part of the units. Some of the activities included in this first unit were: (1) identifying prefixes and suffixes; (2) skimming; (3) making notes; (4) developing "leading questions" and finding "key answers," (5) summarizing and outlining. Activities (2) through (5) were per- formed with readings from Chapter I of Man's Behavior. In Unit II: Society, Culture, and The Individual, the differential assignment based on student's reading levels was used for the first time. Three similar sets of activities were prepared, with the only difference being the reading material on which the student activities were to be based. Students were required to read their respective materials, and then to prepare oral and written reports based on the unit objectives. Those students who scored in the top group on the Reading Test were assigned Patterns of Culture; those who scored in the middle range were given Understanding Other Cultures as their assignment; and the lowest scoring group (which was the largest) used Anthropology In Today's World. The reading level of Patterns of Culture is Grades 13-15; that of Understanding Other Cultures 9-10; and Anthropology In Today's World 6-8. Since the oral and written reports were based on the unit objectives, these reports were used to evaluate the extent to which the objectives had been achieved. Unit Two was used to introduce students to the concepts of cul- ture and society, the way in which culture, society, and the individuals who make up society interact, and the manner in which the several dimensions of culture might be used in understanding, analyzing, and comparing different cultures. In contrast, Unit Three (and the units which will comprise the subject matter of Social Science 102) focused on one of the dimensions which all known cultures contain. For Unit III: The Economic Dimension of Culture, students used programed texts to secure an understanding of how the free enter- prise system works, of some of the special problems and modifications of the system as it operates in the economy of the United States, and how the free enterprise system compares with socialist and com- munist systems. Through individual reports and class discussion, students who had worked through different programs shared their knowledge and understanding with each other. It will be seen from the above discussion that the evidence tends to support the validity of our first hypothesis. That is to say, that it was possible to adapt social studies materials to the differential reading levels of the students who comprised the social science class. The basic text, the materials selected for the unit on Culture, and the programed material on Economics all provide examples of the fact that if one looks for such materials, they can be found. With respect to the second of the two hypotheses, however, the results were in- conclusive. This hypothesis maintained that the individualizing of instruction would enable students to improve their reading abilities and their knowledge of society. In general, the students in the ex- 46 perimental class showed a slight gain in their reading scores and a slight loss in their social studies scores, while the control group showed a slight loss in reading, while remaining about the same in Social Studies. The mean scores for the two groups were as follows: 1. Experimental Group Reading, Form A - 24.69 Reading, Form B - 26.19 Social Studies A - 23.75 Social Studies B - 21.62 2. Control Group Reading, Form A - 30.38 Reading, Form B - 28.06 Social Studies A - 23.88 Social Studies B - 24.00 While the results of the experiment were not at all conclusive with respect to the second hypothesis, neither should they be considered discouraging. The experiment thus far has been based on only the first part of a two-part course. Moreover, the organization of this first course was heavily weighted toward establishing a sound founda- tion, both in terms of general study skills and of a conceptual frame- work for studying cultures, on which to build subsequent leearning experiences. Thus, out of a projected five-dimensional scheme for studying cultures and societies only one dimension was included in the first course. When the other four dimensions the political, the social, the religious, and the aesthetic are rounded out in the second course, a completely different, and hopefully more positive, picture should emerge. 47 Teaching Counting And The Fundamental Operations To Elementary School Teachers by Prince A. Jackson, Jr. Instructors of mathematics for elementary school teachers have found through the years that their students can count 1 but do not know the principles of counting. While most elementary school teach- ers can count "ad infinitum," very few can really explain why 100 is-the next integer after 99. Indubitably, most elementary school teachers rely heavily on memory when they count. As a result, ele- mentary school children have suffered because they often are taught how to count without any ideas of what they are doing. The purpose of this paper is to describe a method of teaching counting to elementary school teachers that will minimize the role of rote in the process of counting. The method for using counting in the operations of addition and multiplication will be discussed. To build as strong a case as possible for the teaching method, the writer will utilize abstract symbols rather than the usual Hindu- Arabic symbols. The rationale for utilization of abstract symbols is that a student who learns to count with abstract symbols can handle the Hindu-Arabic symbols with great facility. It should be noted also that the concept of "base" can be discovered when the principles of counting are learned. Let the symbols *, $, #, % and & be the digits of a numeration system. Let it be understood that the order of the digits are *, $, #, % and &. The student begins to learn how to count by merely re- peating in the given order the names assigned the symbols above. Thus the student writes *, $, #, %, and &. 2 The next step is crucial in that it is the basic principle of counting. It is how the successor (the first double digit numeral) of the last single digit numeral is formed. Since * has been used as the first digit in writing the first $ * numerals 3 of the system, the next digit in order after * is used as the first digit and * as the second digit of the numeral that succeeds &. Thus the student writes $*. He can easily see that the next numeral after $* is $$. Continuing in this manner, he reaches $&. Since $ has been used as the first digit in the series of numerals succeeding &, the student will have no difficulty in realizing that another digit must now be used as the first digit in the numeral that succeeds $&. By now, he realizes that the first digit in the successor of $& is # and should write #* as the successor of $&. 1 Counting can be defined as naming consecutively, a set of numbers in order of their size. 2 It is vitally important that the student understands that the numerals can be written, **, *$, *#, *%, and *&. In ordinary counting, the first ten integers are 00, 01, 02, 03, 04, 05, 06, 07, 08, and 09. 3 $* is a better symbol to use than 5 since it is undesirable for any notions of "base" to enter at this time. 48 To test understanding of this principle, the instructor might ask the student to write the last double digit numeral of the system. If the student fails to write && after a brief consideration of the question, the instructor should review the basic principle of counting. To write the successor of &&, the student must recognize that it is a three-digit numeral. On the basis of the fundamental priniciple he realizes that $ succeeds & as the first numeral and * replaces & in the second place. Thus * is the third place digit since it is always the beginning digit in counting. Hence, it should be clear to the student that $** is the first three-digit numeral. The student should be allowed to count through $*&. If he has really learned the basic principle of counting he will have no difficulty in writing $$* as the successor of $*&. If he can carry out this procedure, he will recognize &&& as the last three-digit numeral and $*** as the first four-digit numeral. By now, he is able to count and knows how to form the successor of any numeral in the system. To teach addition, the instructor should have his students to construct a table similar to the following: + * $ # % & * * $ # % & $ $ # % & $* # # % & $* $$ % % & $* $$ $# $% & & $* $$ $# TABLE I It is easy to lead the student to discover that the rows or columns can be completed by merely counting. Using Table I, he can learn the addition facts of the numeration system. 4 For example, he sees that %+& is $#. The student should study the table and its con- struction thoroughly. Once he is familiar with the table, the student can now proceed to more difficult problems of addition. For example, he should attack addition problems such as $ #-\- % . He can solve this problem as follows : (Carry) $ # % #* Note that "carrying" is used here as it is used in familiar addition. 4 It is not necessary for the student to memorize these addition facts. However ., he must recognize * as the zero and $ as the unit of the system. 49 Other problems for example are (&&) + (%$) and (&$%) -f- (%#$). The student can solve these as follows: (Carry) $ & & # % & $ % % $ % # $ # * % $ # % & Adding & and %, the sum is $#. When $ is added to this sum, the new sum is $%. Writing % under the second column, we can begin to add the first column with $ carried from the last sum. Adding $ and &, the sum is $*. Adding # to this sum the new sum is $#. When % is added to the latter sum, the final sum is #*. The second problem is rather easily handled and will not be discussed here. To sharpen the skills of the students, the instructor should supply adequate problems for this purpose. Once the students have mastered addition with the use of the table, they are ready to develop skills in multiplication in the system of numeration. Since the symbols are abstract, the students will have to construct a multiplication table. The multiplication table should be constructed by using the addition table. The multiplication table is similar to the following: X $ # % & $ $ # % & # # & $$ $% % % $$ $& ## & & $% ## %$ TABLE II It is easy to lead the student to discover that the rows or columns can be completed by addition. For example, the #th row can be completed in the following manner. To get the first entry, simply write # since it is # X $- 5 To get the second entry, add # to # and get & from the addition table. To get the third entry, add # to & and get $$ from the addition table. To get the final entry of the row, add # to $$ and get $% by use of the addition table. Any column may be completed in an analogous manner. As an exercise to strengthen the counting skill of the students, the instructor could have them to complete the tables by counting. To complete the %th row, simply count by %'s. 6 3 $ is the unit of the system. By the identity property, $X any numeral of the system = that numeral. 3 To count by %'s, write the numerals of the system in ascending order. The order is *, $, #, %, &, $, *, $, $, $$#, $%, $&, #*, #$, ##, #%, #&, . . . counting by %'s would yield the sequence %, $$, $&, ##. . . 50 Using Table II, the students can learn to work with the multiplica- tion facts of numeration system. 7 For example it is obvious that %X & is # # Th e student should study the table and its construction intensively since many problems of multiplication require the use of the addition table: A typical exercise that the instructor might assign to the students is ($ #) X (# % &) This is carried out in the usual manner: # % & $ # $ * # % # % & % & $ % Many more exercises of this kind will sharpen the students' skills in multiplication. Since subtraction is the inverse operation of addition and division is the inverse operation of multiplication, the instructor can lead the students to discover how they can perform these operations by use of the tables. Subtraction is defined in the usual way. That is, to find m n is to find a number p such that n -f- p is m. Using this definition, the student can solve problems similar to and check the answers by addition. # & % $ & & # & % & Division is defined in the usual way. That is, to find m/n is to find p such that np is m. Using this definition, the student can solve problems similar to and check the answers by multiplication. % & $# ) $ * & $ $ % $ $ * % % The concept of "base" can now be developed. This is done by using the regular digits, 0, 1, 2, 3, and 4. The students will have no difficulty in constructing the addition and multiplication tables. By setting up a one-to-one correspondence between the regular numerals and the abstract numerals, the students will discover that the abstract system is really no different from the regular quinary arithemetic. At this point, other bases may be introduced with little or no real difficulty. 7 It is not necessary for the student to memorize these facts. 51 In conclusion, the writer wishes to impress upon the reader that the above method of teaching counting with the use of an abstract system of numeration with no reference to "base" seems to produce superior results when compared with the method using the integers and base ten. The abstract system seems to produce better compre- hension of the operations of addition and multiplication. As a result of this better comprehension, elementary school teachers can do a better job of teaching counting, addition, multiplication, subtraction, and division to their pupils. 52 Use Of The Instrumental Activation Analysis For The Characterization Of The Terrestrial And Extra-Terrestrial Material* by M. P. Menon Introduction There has been considerable interest in the past several years in developing modern analytical techniques to determine the chemical composition of the terrestrial rock samples, with better precision and accuracy than the conventional methods, for comparison with that of extra-terrestrial material for possible explanations of the latter's origin. For instance a long controversy still exists as to the possible origin of tektites. Schwarcz 1 has proposed that tektites are probably formed by the rapid fusion of the soil during the impact of extra- terrestrial objects on earth. Urey 2 believes that tektite may have resulted from the impact of comet on earth, while Vaisavsky 3 suggests that tektites are ejected material from the moon. However, the oxygen isotope studies of Taylor et al. 4 and the work of Fleischer and others 5 reveal a similarity between the tektites and natural glasses. Unlike meteorites, knowledge of the chemical composition of tektites is largely based on the conventional methods of analysis. 6 Chemical composition is at least one of the important criteria which could give new light about the origin of tektites. Urey 7 has recently pointed out the superiority of the activation analysis results from meteorites when compared with those previously reported from conventional methods. He has largely used the acti- vation analysis results to make a new table of atomic abundances of most of the elements present in chondritic meteorites. Although chondritic meteorites were believed to be remarkably constant in chemical composition wide variations have been noticed more recently in the analytical results of Fe, Al, Co and some other trace ele- *This work was performed in Activation Analysis Research Laboratory at Texas A & M University, College Station, Texas. Schwarcz, H. P. (1962), Nature, 194, 8. 2 Urey, H. C. (1957), Nature, 179, 556. 3 Vaisavsky, C. M. (1958), Geochim. et Comochim. Acta, 14, 291. 4 Taylor, H. P., Jr., and Epstein, S. (1966), Science, 153, 173. 5 Fleischer, R. L., Price, P. B. and Walker, R. M. (1965), Geohim. et Com- ochim. Acta, 29, 161. 6 Barnes, V. E. (1958), Geochim. et Comochim. Acta, 14, 267. 7 Urey, H. C. (1964), Rev. Geophysics, 2, No. 1, 1. 53 ments. 7 ' 8 These variations can either be due to analytical errors inherent in the measurements or due to the real differences in their concentrations because of the inhomogenity or possible fractionation of certain elements in the sample material. Since there are marked differences between the published concentrations of both the major and minor elements in chondritic meteorites and the solar abundances obtained by Goldberg et a/. 9 from astrophysical studies it appears that the analysis should be performed on a large number of samples with improved techniques to determine whether chondrite really re- presents the primitive solar matter. Neutron activation technique has also been proposed to study the chemical composition of the lunar surface material by Hislop and Wainerdi. 10 These authors have performed the analysis of five major elements in several granite and basalt samples using 14 MeV neutrons. Activation analysis using different bombarding particles and measure- ment techniques will undoubtedly be one of the major methods that could be employed for the characterization of the recovered lunar material in the future. The purpose of this study was to show the advantages of the instrumental activation analysis, using both fast and thermal neutrons, for the characterization of the major and a few minor constituents of chondritic meteorites and tektites for a possible application to the analysis of lunar material. No attempt has been made to do the analysis of a large number of samples for a meaningful geochemical study. However, such an analysis of a larger number of samples in a short time is quite feasible with the automated activation analysis systems developed by Wainerdi et al. 11 Since the technique is non- destructive, it will permit inter-laboratory comparison of the results on the same sample. The availability of the high resolution German- ium-Lithium detectors for gamma ray spectrometry makes it possible to improve the analytical results as well as to increase the number of elements detected with purely instrumental techniques. Experimental Methods Description of Samples The tektite and meteorites used for this study were obtained from Wards Natural Science Establishment, Inc., Rochester, New York. The description of the samples quoted by the suppliers is as follows: Tektite: Bohemia, translucent green Siderolite: Pallasite Brenham, Kiowa County, Kansas; Olivine Stony- iron (thick block) 8 Fisher, D. E. and Currie, R. L. (1965), Proc. Symp., Salzburg "Radio- chemical Methods of Analysis," Salzburg, Vol. I, 217. 9 Goldberg, E., Mueller, E. A. and Aller, L. H. (1960), Astrophys. J. Suppl. Sev., 5, 1. 10 Hislop, J. S. and Wainerdi, R. E. (1967), Anal. Chem. 39, 29 A. lx Wainerdi, R. E., Fite, L. E., Gibbons, D., Wilkins, W. W., Jimenez, P. and Drew, D. (1965), Proc. Symp. Salzburg, "Radiochemical Methods of Analy- sis," Vol. II, 149. ' : ; 54 Aerolite: Potter, Cheyenne County, Nebraska; Grey brecciated chondrite (small fragments) Aerolite: Willowdale, Kingman County, Kansas; Grey brecciated chondrite (small fragments) The above samples were pulverized separately in a clean grind- ing mill and several 0,5 - 2.5 g size material from each sample were enclosed in polyethylene vials and heat sealed. Particular care has been taken to see that these samples were not contaminated during their preparation. 14 MeV Neutron Activation Analysis The major elements, namely, oxygen, silicon, aluminum, mag- nesium and iron were determined using a 150 KV Cockcroft- Walton accelerator and Mark III automated activation analysis system which have been described elsewhere. 12 The useable flux that is available from this machine is -~^10 9 n/cm 2 /sec although a slightly higher flux for short irradiations may be obtained. Rapid determinations of oxygen in metallic and geological samples using 14 MeV neutrons have been carried out by several investigators in the past. 10 ' 13 ' 14 This method is based on counting the total gamma ray activity in the energy range of 4.65 - 7.6 MeV resulting from the 7.35 sec 16 N pro- duced by the 16 0(n,p) 1(i N reaction. A twenty sec irradiation, 5 sec delay and 20 sec counting times were selected for the oxygen deter- mination in this study. A single channel analyzer, with a dead time of '- ' 2/a sec/count, was used to count the 16 N activity. The standard used for oxygen measurement is reagent grade oxalic acid. Silicon was determined by irradiating the standards (reagent grade silica) and the samples for 1 min and following the decay of the 2.3 min 28 A1 produced by the 28 Si (n,p) 28 A1 reaction. The activated stand- ards and samples were counted using two 3" x 3" Nal(Tl) detectors and an RIDL 400 channel pulse height analyzer. Aluminum, iron and magnesium concentrations were measured simultaneously in each sample by irradiating the samples and the respective standards for 5 min and taking several recounts. The nuclear reactions used for the production of the respective activities and the energies of the gamma rays usually chosen for the activity measurement to determine all the above five elements are well known and presented in references 10 and 12. In all irradiations the neutron dose to which each sample and every standard was exposed was measured using a BF 3 neutron detector connected to an RIDL scaler for corrections to be made in the variation of the neutron fluxes. The analyzer data was punched on the paper tape which were sub- sequently printed on IBM cards. 12 Cuypers, M. and Cuypers, J. (1966), "Gamma Ray Spectra and Sensitiv- ities for 14 MeV Neutron Activation Analysis," Activation Analysis Re- search Laboratory, Texas A&M University College Station, Texas. 13 Pasztor, L. C. and Wood, D. E. (1966), Talanta, 13, 389. 14 Vogt, J. R. and Ehmann, W. D. (1965), Radiochim. Acta, 4, 24. 94091 Reactor Neutron Activation Analysis Although by reactor neutron activation analysis many trace ele- ments may be determined in the above samples by a proper choice of irradiation, decay and counting times only the analysis of Fe, Cr and Co was attempted in this study. The samples of different sizes and the appropriate standards were irradiated at a flux of ^lO 10 n/cm 2 /sec for 1 hour and also for 8 hours. These were cooled for several weeks and then counted using a 3" x 3" Nal(Tl) spectrometer as well as a 2 cm 3 lithium drifted germanium detector with a resolution of 4.1 KeV for the 1.332 MeV y-ray of 60 Co. The data from the Ge(Li) detector was stored in a 3200 channel analyzer and sub- sequently printed out using a Teletype punch print readout. All the samples and the standards were counted with a registered dead time of 40% or less for the Nal(Tl) spectrometer and 10% or less for the Ge(Li) detector. The influence of the dead time on the shape and the analysis of the solid state detector spectra has been discussed elsewhere. 15 Results and Discussion The time dependent gamma ray spectra of a typical chondrite sample activated by 14 MeV neutrons are presented in Figure 1. Although silicon was determined separately in all of the samples with an activation time of 1.0 min, it is obvious from these spectra that four of the five major elements can be measured simultaneously in a meteoritic sample using 14 MeV neutron activation technique. Since the activation products from 27 A1 and 56 Fe emit gamma rays of identical energies (''.84 MeV) the individual activities should be resolved by a decay analysis, as is shown in Figure 2, for the measure- ment of Al and Fe concentrations in the sample. It is quite clear from this figure that the relative abundances of Al and Fe in typical tektite and chondritic meteoritic samples differ significantly. Figure 3 shows the characteristic spectra of the same tektite and another chondrite activated by reactor neutrons for 8 hours and counted with a Nal(Tl) spectrometer. Although these spectra differ qualitatively in terms of the gamma ray peaks, some of the peaks are not well enough resolved to make a correct estimate of the con- centrations of the elements present. However, the use of a high resolution Ge(Li) detector coupled to a 3200 channel analyzer made it possible to resolve most of the gamma ray peaks as shown in Figure 4. Figure 3 and Figure 4 also demonstrate that the analysis of Fe, Co and probably Sc using activation analysis with conventional gamma ray spectrometry may be wrong even though some corrections may have been made for mutual interferences of gamma ray peaks. The results of the analysis of three chondrites and one tektite using both 14 MeV and reactor neutrons for activation are presented in Table I. In each measurement, with the exception of O, the photopeak 15 Wainerdi, R. E. and Menon, M. P. (1967), Proc. Symp. "Nuclear Activa- tion Techniques in Life Sciences," May 8-13, 1967, Amsterdam (in press). 56 area of the prominent gamma ray peaks was computed using Covell's method 16 and this activity, after correction for the decay, was com- pared with that of the standard to estimate the concentrations. The half life of each isoope was checked with a decay curve analysis and corrections were made for the variation in neutron fluxes between the standard and the sample. It is to be pointed out that the analysis, using reactor neutrons, was performed only for a few trace elements but not for all the possible ones using only instrumental techniques. The five major elements, O, Si, Al, Mg and Fe, were determined using 14 MeV neutron activation technique while the rarer elements Cr and Co were measured by the reactor neutron activation analysis. The results of the iron analysis were also checked with the latter proce- dure. Table I also includes the most recent analytical results for the above elements calculated from the atomic abundances tabulated by Urey 7 for the L group of chondrites and also for the G-l granite chosen by Fleischer. 17 The oxygen abundance for the chondrite is not listed in Urey's table, but Wiik's work 18 from which Urey has taken most of the data, indicates that the oxygen abundance is 36.82% by weight for a typical chondrite. Although the present results of the analysis of chondrites are comparable with those reported by Urey, two exceptions may be noticed. In all the three cases, the iron content is very similar, but all the values are slightly lower than the average value for the L group of chondrites chosen by Urey. The magnesium content of at least two chondrites seem to deviate consider- ably from the average value reported previously. There are indications, however, that fractionation of some of the lithophile elements like Si and Mg takes place in certain type of chondrites. 18 From the results reported by Taylor et al. 19 it appears that the concentrations of Si, Al and Mg in tektites vary within the ranges 32.2-37.2%, 5.3- 8.2% and 0.8-1.5%, respectively and an inverse relation exists be- tween Si0 2 and other major constituents. Although the present results of analysis of Si and Al fall in this range within the experimental errors, Mg result deviates significantly. Since tektites have not been analyzed so extensively as meteorites using modern analytical tech- niques, it appears that newer data on tektites of different groups 5 are needed for a general comparison. The present work on Bohemian Tektite shows that it is nearer to granite than to chondrites in its chemical composition (see Table I and ref. 10). Various postulates have been advanced about the origin of meteor- ites and tektites 1 ' 5 ' 7 and the possible similarity between these and other terrestrial rock samples and lunar surface material in chem- ical composition. Although none of these hypotheses can be absolute- ly proved or disproved until an analysis is carried out on the lunar material it is important to have a reliable technique to analyze the lunar material when it becomes available, and good analytical data on the suspected samples for comparison with the composition of this 16 Covell, D. F. (1959), Anal. Chem. 31, 1785. "Fleischer, M. (1965), Geochim. et Cosmochim. Acta, 29, 1263. 18 Wiik, H. B. (1955), Geochim. et Cosmochim. Acta 9, 279. 19 Ahrens, L. H. (1964), Geochim. et Cosmochim. Acta, 28, 411. 57 precious material. It appears that the instrumental activation analysis is at least one of the modern techniques which affords tremendous promise for a rapid and non-destructive analysis of most of the im- portant elements and for inter-laboratory comparison of the findings. The automated activation analysis system, known as Mark II, devel- oped by Wainerdi et al. lx in this laboratory will be unique in per- forming a large number of such analyses on geological samples of different origin, including the lunar material, for some of the major and minor elements. Conclusion It has been shown that the instrumental activation analysis using both 14 MeV and reactor neutrons and high resolution gamma ray spectrometry yield results comparable with other techniques most of which require the destruction of the sample. All of the available ter- restrial and extra-terrestrial samples can be characterized both quali- tatively and quantitatively by this technique with less effort and time than some of the other techniques. In views of the existing controversy on the origin of tektites and its possible association with the lunar material 3 more information regarding their chemical composition should be obtained using modern analytical techniques. The present comparative study on the composition of tektite and chondrites together with the previous work reported from this labora- tory 10 on granite and basalt using the same technique reveal that the above four geological samples differ significantly in their chemical composition so that a similarity between any of these and the lunar material may be established. Acknowledgements The author is grateful to Dr. R. E. Wainerdi, Head of Activation Analysis Research Laboratory of Texas A&M University for his en- couragement and also to the other laboratory staff for their assistance for this work. 20 Taylor, S. R., Sachs, M. and Cherry, R. D. (1961), Geochim. et Cosmo- chim. Acta, 22, 155. 58 o U 9+1 o 00 o vo 9+1 tN o o (N "* o << t-> . tN tN O ,-N onJ O >' r- rH O ^t-o on in oo rr ' , ,' m o OR +l q ^ 9+1 , o *?+l 2+i ** J3 ^4 u * ~H * .2 13 < <* m ss no'+! <^+l a o / N -a m , s u CO s ^ m ^ 3+1 r-- oo 2+1 ."3 03 o .5 ca in 3 oo 3^ 2+1 m **t -i. 04 ^t-^- V ""> 'w' C4 ^ CN m 2 cN en ,_; Jo\ /~) ^-v ' ON CN in o* ^: i" en ^ <-H CN ^o UN I I U ex 3 t-c co 0J C3 ^i O o> 0$ o - m z Z H < 2 I m " ^ 53 -1 o ^Hom i S^S** -Dn~> ccrtj?"^ ' ^ ^ i p ~> g" w IZZr=> #& Figure 3. Nal(Tl) spectrometer spectra of the reactor neutron ac- tivated tektite and chondrite. 62 A. CH0NDR1TE, KANS. (2.0g) B. TEKT1TE, BOH. (l.lg) ACTIVATION TIME: 8 His. WAIT TIME: 63.8 Days COUNT TIME: 10 Min. ENERGY (Mev) Figure 4. Ge(Li) detector spectra of the reactor neutron activated tektite and chondrite. 63 Cottonseed Protein Structure I. Isolation of Protein, and Determination of N-Terminal Acids and Sulfhydryl Groups by Charles Pratt and Laura Grant Introduction This is the first of a series of papers which deal with work designed to determine the sequence of amino acids in cottonseed protein. Attempts to isolate a large quantity of a single pure protein for study showed that at least three different proteins are present in cot- tonseed in large quantities. One of these was isolated, labelled Protein "A", and studied. The following was found: 1. The protein is fibrous and consists of two strands. 2. The strands are held together by disulfide bridges. 3. There are six sulfhydryl groups in the protein, and these exist as disulfide bridges. 4. Arginine and Methionine were found to be the N-terminal amino acids of the two peptide strands of Protein "A". Determination of N-terminal Acids Of the protein isolated by the scheme on the next page, one gram was redisolved and streaked on large sheets (18^ x 22V2t) of What- man #3 MM filter paper and developed in n-butanol-acetic acid- water (6:1:2 v/v). After developing 12-14 hours, the chromato- grams were dried and a 2-inch vertical strip cut from each. The strips were sprayed with ninhydrin, 0.5% in alcohol, in order to locate the protein zone. There were 3 zones present, and the one which ap- peared to be in the largest quantity was selected. This was labelled Protein "A". Each sprayed strip was placed back beside the paper from which it had been originally cut, and the zones marked off. The zone label- led Protein "A" was cut from each chromatogram and eluted. The "Protein A" eluants were combined and treated as follows to deter- mine the N-terminal amino acid. Twenty-five ml of the isolated solution were added to 25 ml of pyridine and brought to a pH of 9.5 using NaOH solution. To this was added 25 drops of phenylisothiocyanate and the mixture stirred at 37-40C, keeping the pH 9-10 by occasional addition of NaOH 64 Experimental Protein Isolation The following scheme illustrates the general procedure used in the isolation of Cottonseed Protein. General Procedure for Protein: Cottonseed Meal H-...0 Solid Solid Strained through linen Liquid 6N HC1 ppt Filtrate wash with distilled H2O Filtrate wash with methanol acetone ether J Dry Protein 65 solution (as the reaction proceeded the pH tended to become acidic). When there was no longer a tendency for the pH to decrease (about 40 minutes), the reaction was assumed to be complete. The mixture was cooled and washed with benzine to remove the pyridine and excess phenylisothiocyanate. The pH was then lowered to 3 and the phenylthiocarbamyl precipitated. The material was fil- tered. A small portion of the phenylthiocarbamyl was dissolved, streaked on a small sheet (8" x 8") of chromatographic paper and developed in a solvent system of nitromethane saturated with dry HCL gas. The solvent brought about a formation of phenylthiohydantoin with the N-terminal amino acid. This hydantoin moved on the chromato- gram, while the remaining peptide remained at the origin. The hydantoins were identified by chromatographic comparison with hydantoins of known amino acids. It was found that two hydantoins were present, that of methionine and arginine. This led to the conclusion that there must have been 2 N-terminal acids. Therefore, the protein must have contained two strands. Determination of Sulfhydryl Groups Following the conclusion that two strands were present in the pro- tein under study, an attempt was made to determine how many disul- fide bridges were involved. Briefly, the method used was as follows: A sample of protein was dissolved in saturated guanidine hydro- chloride and titrated with CH 3 HgN0 3 . Under these conditions all the sulfhydryl groups react. Fifty mg of protein were dissolved in 1 ml. of saturated guanidine hydrochloride in M/15 phosphate buffer, pH 7 at 0C in a 15 ml. tube. The air in the tube was displaced with nitrogen, and 10 mg of solid indicator (sodium nitroprusside) added, to the solution of pH 9. Three ml of 10 _3 M CH 3 HgN0 3 were titrated into the solution until the red color disappeared. From experiment calculations, it was concluded that there are only six available sulfhydryl groups. Acknowledgements Financial support from the U.S. Army Research Office-Durham, N. C. is gratefully acknowledged. 66 Synthesis of Certain Chalcones by Kamalakar B. Raut* Preparations of certain chalcones for biological studies 1 ' 2 using two different temperatures, 0C and 60 C is reported. The yields in cold condensations are better than yields at 60 C. The reactions are described below. Experimental. Preparation of l-(4-nitropheny)-3-(2-methoxypheny propenone. (I) In a 125 ml erlenmayerflask 1.65 g. (0.01 mole) of-nitroaceto- phenone and 1.51 g. (0.01 mole) of o-methoxybenzaldehyde were dissolved in 50 ml of ethanol. Seven drops of 50% potassium hy- droxide solution were added to the reacting mixture. The mixture was then kept at 0C for 14 hours. After that period the solution was neutralized with a 3% hydrochloric acid solution dropwise. The pre- cipitate was washed with water and crystallized from hot ethanol. Similarly other compounds were prepared. These compounds are be- ing tested for biological activity at the Medical College in Charleston, South Carolina. The results of these tests will be communicated later. O O2N // 7 C-CH = CH OCHs iClerk, Samuel F., U. S. Patent 3,805, 184, September 3, 1957, C. A. 62, 2325 (1958). 2 Marrian, D. H., Russel, P. B. and Todd, A. R., J. Chem. Soc, 1934, 218. *The investigator is indebted to Mr. Johnny Weatherspoon, Chemistry Student at Savannah State College for his cooperation and assistance. 67 Condensation products formed by reacting p-nitroacetophenone with aldehydes. Aldehyde M.P. Reaction Time Coloration with Con. H 2 S0 4 o-methoxybenzaldehyde 143-4 40 hrs. From yellow to light red Anisaldehyde 142-3 20 " Ditto 1 -naphthaldehy de 183-5 36 " From yellow to green p-dimethylaminoben- zaldehyde 210-2 19 " From red to yellow Vanillin 74-6 16 " None 68 Synthesis of soine new azo dyes By Kamalakar B. Raut Friz Ullman discovered two very useful copper-catalysed reactions of aryl halides, and both bear his name in common usage. In the second of his reactions he found that O-chlorobenzoic acid and copper powder in refluxing analine gave N-phenylanthranilic acid. Subse- quently study showed that pure O-chlorobenzoic acid does not react with aniline, but that minute quantities of copper salts are sufficient to catalyse the reaction, leading to a satisfactory yield. Salts of iron, nickel, platinum and zinc also had some catalytic activity, but man- ganese and tin salts were ineffective. Performing the reaction in the presence of potassium carbonate gave superior results, because alkali salts of N-phenylanthranilic acid are less prone to undergo decarboxi- lation and because acid catalysed resinification reactions are avoided. Additional papers from Ullmann's laboratory showed that a wide variety of anthranilic acids and other dairylamines can be prepared by condensing aniline with O-chlorobenzoic acids or other aryl halides, or by employing, for instance anthranilic acid and bromobenzene. These variations of the synthesis were usually run in refluxing amyl alcohol or nitrobenzene. It was soon recognized that copper facilitates the condensation of unactivated or slightly activated aryl halides with all sorts of nucleo- philic reagents. For instance, the reaction of bromobenzene with potassium phenoxide at 200C for 12 hours gives only a trace of diphenyl ether, but the same ingredients with a little copper powder give an 87 per cent yield of diphenyl ether in only 2.5 hours. Copper catalysis of condensations of slightly activated aryl halides with amines, ammonia, phenoxides, alkoxides, and hydroxide has found wide application in synthetic work. The Rosenmund-von Braun nitrile synthesis, which involves the condensation of aryl halides with cuprous cyanide, can be regarded as a special case of the Ullmann reaction. Good yields of aromatic nitriles are obtained by means of it, but in the absence of ions of copper (or neighboring metals) scarcely any nitrile is produced from aryl halides and alkali cyanides. Another interesting variation is the copper-catalysed condensation of sodium O-bromobenzoate with the sodium derivatives of ethyl malonate and similar active methylene compounds. Both copper metal and copper acetate were effective; the latter also catalysed the hydroly- ses of O-bromobenzoic acid to salicylic acid by only 30 minutes boiling in aqueous sodium acetate solution. Strangly, ethyl O-bromobenzoate would enter into none of these reactions, nor would p-bromobenzoic acid. From the above review it will be seen that copper serves as an efficient catalyst in many organic reactions. All these reactions how- 69 ever consist in the replacement of the aromatic halogen by other groups. Ordinarily use of copper powder for activating halogen in monohalogen aliphatic compounds is not necessary. But with increas- ing number of halogen atoms the reactivity of the halogen atoms dim- inishes considerably. Thus chloroform and carbon tetrachloride are only feebly reactive and require high temperature with amino com- pounds. We are interested in finding out whether copper powder will react similarly as a catalyst in the reactions of aromatic amines and poly- halogenated compounds like carbon tetrachloride and chloroform. In our preliminary work we have isolated a number of new com- pounds (Table I). It was expected that these compounds will have a secondary or tertiary amino group but all these compounds gave a positive test for a primary amine. These compounds have been coupled with B-naphthol and a new series of azo dyes have been synthesized. The properties of these azo dyes are under investigation and will be reported separately. Table I Summary of Results Condensations of Reacting Period M. P. M.P. OF the dye 1. Aniline -f- Chloroform 9 hours 90C 168-9C 126 2. Aniline -f- Carbon Tetrachloride 8 hours 90C 146 118-20 3. Aniline -f- Bromoform 12 hours 90 140 110 4. Aniline + 1, 1, 2, 2- tetrachloroethane 8 hours 196-8 150-2 97 5. p-phenetidine -f- Chloroform 3 days 171 Room temp. 98 6. p-phenetidine -f- Carbontetrachloride \i days 189-90 Room temp. 157-8 7. p-phenetidine -j- 1, 1, 2, 2, tetra chloroethane 8 hours 198 178 80-3 8. p-Toluidine -f- Carbon tetrachloride 8 hours 90 158 113-4 9. p-Anisidine -f- Chloroform 4 hours 90 167 105-8 10. p-Anisidine -(- Carbon tetrachloride 21 hours 119 119 70 Effect of Cofoalt-60 Irradiation on the Morphology of Schistosoma Mansoni* by John B. Villella, Ph.D. Professor of Biology Department of Biology, Savannah State College For an understanding of the significance of ionizing radiation on Schistosoma mansoni, it is desirable to review briefly the life cycle and background of the disease produced by this parasite. S. mansoni produces a disease called schistosomiasis. In Africa and Arab coun- tries it is better known as bilharziasis. The disease affects many ver- tebrate animals, including birds and mammals. Recent estimates have placed the number of persons infected with schistosomiasis between 150 to 200 millions. 1 Man may be affected by three different species of schistosoma worms which are found in different parts of the world : Schistosoma haematobium in Africa, and southern Asia, S. japonicum in China, Japan, Formosa and the Philippines, and S. monsoni in Africa, the West Indies and the more northern parts of South America. The parasite requires both a definitive host, such as man, in which the adult worms develop, and an intermediate host, a specific kind of snail, in which the larval form of the parasite develops. The adult form is a thread-like flatworm, between 10 and 25 mm. in length and 0.5 to 1 .0 mm in width, depending on the species. The worms, sometimes called blood flukes, live in the blood vessels of the definitive host where the adult females lay eggs which eventually reach the tissue of the host. When eggs from the body in the excreta of the host reach fresh water, they hatch into free-swimming forms known as miracidia, which penetrate a suitable snail. In the snail the miracidia reproduce many thousandfold. When they leave the snail, the larval forms are known as cercariae. These forms are also free-swimming, on or near the surface of fresh-water streams. They penetrate the skin of the adult host to reach the blood vessels. About 5 weeks after exposure, the adult female worms in the veins begin to deposit their eggs in the tissues, principally of the small intestine and liver. Some of the eggs are discharged with the feces, and reach water in which they hatch as miracidia. The miracidia then penetrate a suitable species of snail and the cycle is repeated. The eggs are irritating and are deposited chiefly in the liver, intes- tines, or urinary bladder, but may also affect other vital organs such as the lungs and the brain. The eggs produce localized foci of damage, iMcMullen, D., 1962. 27th Annual Chas. Franklin Craig Lecture, 11th meet- ing of Am. Soc. Trop. Med. & Hyg. *Part of this study was carried out at The Puerto Rico Nuclear Center, Univer- sity of Puerto Rico. 71 and are walled off at multiple sites. In man, if the infection in the liver is severe a cirrhosis or hardening of the liver results. The bladder involvement may produce severe urinary symptoms and lead to cancer of the bladder. Involvement of lungs may produce strain on the right side of the heart. 2 - 3 Irradiated cercariae have been used to induce resistance in mice and monkeys to subsequent experimental schistosomiasis. 4 ' 5 ' 6 ' 7 In order to induce such protection, the developing schistosomules (migrating cercarial form) must migrate some distance through the tissues of the host. Although some of the parasites may reach the portal-mesen- teric circulation and develop to adult forms, they may be morpholog- ically as well as physiologically rudimentary and produce few eggs or none at all. The purpose of this paper is to report observations on: (1) the number of worms recovered from mice following their infection with irradiated cercariae, and (2) some gross morphologic changes oc- curring in the adult form of S. mansoni developed from gamma-ir- radiated cercariae. Materials and Methods Cercariae of S. mansoni were collected from pools of 50 or more snails of the Puerto Rican strain of Australorbis glabratus. The ex- perimental animals consisted of 6 groups of 15 female CF1 mice weighing 18 to 20 grams and maintained with laboratory chow and water-bottles. Each mouse was inoculated percutaneously with 200 cercariae. Mice of group 1 were inoculated with non-irradiated cer- cariae; those of groups 2 to 5 were inoculated with cercariae which had been subjected to gamma radiation from Co 60 in doses ranging from 1000 to 3500 rad (radiation absorbed dose). Thee cercariae, while being irradiated, were suspended in 8 ml. of dechlorinated tap water in a plastic tube 50 mm. long by 21 mm. in diameter. The ir- 2 Faust, E. C, and Russel, P. F., 1964. Clinical Parastiology . Phila., Pa., Lea & Febiger, pp. 530-566. 3 Gould, S. E., 1962. Talk prepared for broadcast to Arab countries by Voice of America. 4 Villella, J. B., Gomberg, H. J., and Gould, S. E., 1961. Immunization to Schistosoma mansoni in mice inoculated with radiated cercariae. Science, 134:1073-1074 5 Hsu, H. F., Hsu, S. Y. Li, and Osborne, J. W., 1962. Immunization against Schistosoma japonicum in rhesus monkeys produced by irradiated cercariae. Nature, 194:98-99. 6 Radke, M. G., and Sadun, E. H., 1963. Resistance produced in mice by ex- posure to irradiated Schistosoma mansoni cercariae. Exper. Parasitol., 13: 134-142. 7 Litchenberg, F. von, and Sadun, E. H., 1963. The parasite migration and host reaction in mice exposed to irradiated cercariae of Schistosoma mansoni Exper. Parasitol., 13: 256-265. 72 radiation was carried out in a 70-curie "gamma-cell" (cylindrical source) cobalt-60 unit which at the time was yielding 810 rad/min. in a reasonably uniform field. The radiation was measured by means of ferrous sulfate dosimeters, according to the method of Weiss 8 . From 12 to 16 weeks after inoculation with cercariae, the mice were killed by chloroform, after which their portal-mesenteric vessels were perfused by the technique of Moore et al. 9 After perfusion, the liver and intestine of both experimental and control mice were cut into thin slices, pressed between glass slides, and searched for eggs with the aid of a dissecting microscope. The tissues were then ground in hypertonic saline, and the resulting homogenate was placed into a water-filled McMullen-Beaver side-arm flask to test for hatching of miracidia. Schistosomes were collected and washed in a solution containing 1 percent sodium citrate and 0.85 percent sodium chloride. All of the recovered worms were relaxed at 4 C. for 12 to 15 hours, fixed in Bouin's solution, and stained with Delafield's hematoxylin. Measure- ments of the worms were made on a microscope fitted with a cali- brated ocular micrometer. Some of the worms were used for mor- phologic studies. Observations The data in Table 1 shows the number of schistosomes recovered from mice which were alive 12 to 16 weeks after exposure to cer- cariae. In mice that were inoculated with cercariae irradiated at 1000 rad, no changes were noted in the adult worms that developed, but fewer worms were recovered than from the controls. Among animals that were inoculated with cercariae exposed to 3000 rad, all of the worms recovered were malformed, and the number of worms that developed was less than 3 percent of the number that matured among controls. Of the 15 mice that were inoculated with cercariae exposed to this level of radiation, only 2 yielded adult worms. The mice in- oculated with cercariae which were exposed to 2000 or 2500 rad yielded 23 percent and 11 percent, respectively, of the number of worms obtained from the controls. Eggs were not found in the liver and intestine of mice exposed to cercariae irradiated with 2500 or 3000 rad, whereas considerable numbers were found among the controls. The following morphologic changes in the worms occurred: Retardation in growth: Examination of worms removed from mice between 12 and 16 weeks after inoculation with cercariae irradiated at levels from 2000 rad to 3000 rad showed retardation in their growth. Measurements of body length in Bouin-fixed specimens re- vealed an appreciable degree of stunting of worms of both sexes in comparison with non-irradiated controls. 8 Weiss, J., 1952. Chemical dosimetry using ferrous and eerie sulfates. Nu- cleonics, 10::(7), 28-31. 9 Moore, D. V., Yolles, T. K., and Meleney, H. E., 1945. A comparison of common laboratory animals as experimental hosts for Schistosoma man- soni. J. Parasitol., 55:156-170 73 Ten male worms developing from cercariae exposed to 2500 rad and recovered 12 weeks after infection had an average length after fixation of 6.2 mm., whereas the average length of 10 fixed non- irradiated control worms was 10 mm. At 16 weeks, the average length of 10 male worms which had developed from cercariae exposed to 3000 rad was only 1.3 mm. At 15 weeks, the average length of 10 fixed specimens of female worms which had developed from cercariae exposed to 2000 rad was 7.4 mm. compared with 11.0 mm. for 10 fixed non-irradiated controls. Malformation of the reproductive structures. Among 10 males de- veloped from cercariae irradiated at 2000 rad, 8 had malformed testes, while another showed distal testicular displacement. At 12 to 16 weeks female worms developed from cercariae exposed to 2000 rad invariably showed one or more malformations. In a pair of worms recovered in copula from a mesenteric vein, the female lacked both gonad and accessory structures, while the testes of the male were rudimentary. Among 5 female worms developed from cercariae exposed to 2500 rad, one or more reproductive structures were absent. Some female worms showed duplicate abortive ovarian development but no other structure of the reproductive complex. In another instance, examina- tion revealed intestinal ceca and an empty ootype; the ovary, however, normally cradled between the intestinal crura, was apparently missing. Two of 5 females which had developed from cercariae exposed to 2500 rad displayed intestinal ceca but only a few scattered clusters of vitellaria. Discussion In the present study all live worms recovered after exposure to ir- radiated cercariae exhibited a drastic ratardation in growth, especially at the higher radiation levels. Hsu et al. 10 , noted similar stunting ef- fects in adult worms developed from irradiated S. japonicum cer- cariae, while Erickson and Caldwell 11 reported the recovery of 2 stunted worms in 1 of 15 mice exposed to S. mansoni cercariae ir- radiated with 4000 rad of gamma radiation. The above mentioned authors did not indicate the size of the irradiated worms. In this study, the average length of 10 male worms, which developed from cercariae irradiated with 3000 rad, was only 1.3 mm., whereas the average length of 10 non-irradiated males was 10.0 mm. One would expect 4000 rad, employed by Erickson, to produce considerably more stunting in males than I observed in the present experiments. 10 Hsu, H. F., Hsu, S. Y. Li, and Osborne, J. W., 1962. Immunization against Schistosoma japonicum in rhesus monkeys produced by irradiated cercariae. Nature, 194:98-99. 1:L Erickson, D. G., and Caldwell, W. L., 1965. Acquired resistance in rats after exposure to gamma-irradiated cercariae. Am. J. Trop. Med. & Hyg., 74:566-573. 74 Body changes were seen more frequently in males developing from irradiated rather than from non-irradiated cercariae. In the present study, 5 of 10 males developing from cercariae irradiated with 2500 rad displayed granule-filled pouches, whereas only 1 of 286 non-ir- radiated males displayed a similar granule-filled pouch. It is of interest that pouches were not seen in either irradiated or non-irradiated female schistosomes. Standen 12 , who in chemotherapeutic studies, observed similar malformations in the parenchyma of S. mansoni, suggested that the granular material within the affected area might be leucocytic congregations related to the process of phagocytosis. Summary Observations were made on morphologic changes occurring in adult Schistosoma mansoni which developed from cercariae exposed to gamma radiation from cobalt-60 at levels up to 3500 rad. No mor- phologic changes were evident in worms maturing from cercariae ir- radiated at 1000 rad, but adults of both sexes which developed from cercariae exposed to 2000 rad or more exhibited a variety of changes which include stunting and displacement or complete absence of re- productive structures. Table 1 Number Of Schistosomes Recovered From Mice 12 To 16 Weeks After Percutaneous Exposure To 200 Cercariae Irradiated At Designated Doses Group No. of Mice Radiation Dose No. of Worms No. Used To Cercariae : (Rads) Mean S. D. 1 12 (C) 46.3 19.02 2 12 1,000 27.4 8.81 3 14 2,000 11.0 4.86 4 13 2,500 5.2 3.67 5 15 3,000 1.4 1.18 6 11 3,500 0.0 S. D., STANDARD DEVIATION. C, CONTROLS. Worms from control mice were recovered 6 to 8 weeks after infection 12 Standen, O. D., 1962. Bilharziasis. Boston, Mass., Little, Brown and Co., pp. 266-268. 75 Myths, Symbolism and the Measurement Technique* by Hanes Walton, Jr. The most refined method for measuring public opinion is through the use of the attitude scales. The attitude tester seeks to obtain a quantitative measure of the degree to which an individual or a group of individuals possesses an attitude. 1 Attitude scales are of various types and almost all of them involve a degree of statistical complexity, certain general procedures and a philosophy of measurement. The first serious attempt at developing such a technique was made by L. L. Thurstone. 2 Although Thurstone's scales represent a step in the right direction his technique of construction has been criticized on several counts. Most important, perhaps, is its complete dependency upon the opinions of judges who may themselves be biased. 3 Then, too, it is an extremely cumbersome procedure requiring a tremendous amount of effort for the results produced. In an attempt to overcome these difficulties, Rensis Likert deve- loped an alternative method of scale construction. 4 Although Likert's technique succeeded in eliminating some of the pitfalls in Thurstone scaling, both procedures share a comomn weakness. Both allow two individuals to get the same rank while exhibiting very different pat- terns of response. However, neither Thurstone nor Likert provides any procedure for evaluating response-regularity; therefore, neither is capable of demonstrating the presence of an attitude. This being the case, individual measurements are non-comparable, and rank positions are arbitrary. They lack descriptive meaning. Louis Guttman has developed a technique of scale analysis which provides criteria for solving this problem. 5 The Guttman technique affords a method by which the scalability of a set of items may be *The author would like to acknowledge his indebtedness to Dr. Harold F. Gosnell for his helpful criticism of an earlier draft. 1 Emory S. Bogardus, The Making of Public Opinion (New York: Association Press, 1951), pp. 195-99. See also W. Albig, Public Opinion (New York: McGraw-Hill Book, Co., 1939), pp. 181-214. 2 L. L. Thurstone & E. J. Chave, The Measurement of Attitudes (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1929). 3 Hadley Cantril, et al., Gauging Public Opinion. (Princeton: Princeton Uni- versity Press, 1944), Chap. 4. See also, Albig, op. cit., Chaps. 11-13; and Bogardus, op. cit., pp. 190-8. 4 Rensis Likert, "A Technique for the Measurement of Attitudes," Archives of Psychology (1932, No. 140). 5 Louis Guttman, "A Basis for Scaling Qualitative Data," American Sociologi- cal Review, (Sept., 1944), pp. 139-150. 76 determined by the criterion of internal consistency or unidimensional- ity. 6 However, the Guttman's model is an abstraction. It is seldom realized completely when applied to empirical data. It provides one with conventional criteria of scalability by which we may determine whether or not, in any particular instance, the arrangement of the data is such that they may be considered unidimensional. 7 If a scale is present, the variables which make it up are considered to vary together and the presence of a single attitude is indicated. 8 If not, the concept under investigation is complex and cannot be con- sidered as a unitary entity. Unidimensionality, therefore, exists if, and only if, responses are patterned in such a way that both individuals and items may be ar- ranged from "most extreme" to "least extreme" without contradictions or ambiguity. A universe is scalable if, and only if, unidimensionality can be established. Thus, the Guttman scaling technique, although not the complete answer, represents a substantial improvement over its predecessors. Therefore, viewing the measurement problem in this perspective, we are able to see many loopholes, and gaps in the technique. This paper aims at filling one of those gaps. It seeks to offer a new method for measurement and prediction. Thus, by using myths and symbolism in an operationally defined manner, it is hoped that the measurement technique can become more efficacious. In other words, this paper proposes to give or describe a general theory for the measurement of the intensity of one's opinion, by using myths and symbolism in an operationally defined manner. The mea- surement of the intensity of one's opinion has been one of those gaps or loopholes in the field in which the other techniques have not ade- quately covered, 9 and this paper hopes to shed some new light on the matter by using certain basic assumptions. On the other hand, however, this paper is in no way a comprehensive review and discus- sion of the entire area but only of some of the more important phases of the measurement of one's intensity. However, on the basis of the theory put forward to measure one's intensity, it is hoped that this paper can also offer some general con- clusions on how this may be used in predictions one's future behavior. Myths and Symbolism: The Contextual Approach As Daniel Katz states: For if we are able to measure the intensity of opinion .... we shall know a great deal more about the individuals whose opinion we are studying. We shall know, for one Hbid. Hbid. Hbid. 9 V. O. Key, Jr. Public Opinion and American Democracy (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1964), pp. 208-212. 77 thing, something of the permanence of opinion, its crystal- lization, the extent to which it is structured, and the degree to which an individual may be expected to be suggestible. If we can determine the intensity of opinion, we should be be able to predict much more accurately than we might otherwise what action opinion may lead to . . . 10 With this statement in mind, the measurement of intensity of opinion assumes enormous significance. Therefore, since a conditioning factor in public opinion is the so- called myths, then the intensity of one's attitudes is definitely colored by his beliefs in myths. Myth is the term used to denote those narratives, common among all people, which serve to explain the origin of natural phenomena and also of existing beliefs and practices, especially those connected with religious and political mores. 11 In this sense the myth is essen- tially explanatory (aetiological in character) and this is the connota- tion of the word as it is used in this article. However, since myths from the viewpoint of man in society fulfill two functions: (1) it is an attempt to explain the world about him, and (2) it is an attempt to set forth his aspiration to "the good life." Thus, Professor Maclver defines them as: The value-impregnated beliefs and notions that men hold, that they live by or live for. Every society is held together by a myth-system, a complex of dominating thought forms that determine and sanction all its activ- ities, all social relations, the very textures of human society, are myth-born and myth-sustained. 12 On the other hand, Sorel states that: A myth cannot be refuted since it is, at bottom, identical with the convictions of a group, being the expression of those convictions in the movement; and it is, in conse- quence, impossible to analyze it into parts which could be placed on the plane of historical descriptions. 13 However, Cassirer states that: . . . perhaps the most important and the most alarming feature in the development of modern political thought is the appearance of a new power; the power of mythical thought. The preponderance of mythical thought over ra- tional thought in some of our modern political systems is obvious. 14 10 Cantril, op. cit., p. 51 xl Talcott Parsons, The Social System (Glencoe, 111.: Free Press, 1951), p. 350 and Chapter 8. 12 R. Maclver, The Web of Government (New York: MacMillan, 1947), p. 4. 13 George Sorel, Reflections on Violence trans, by T. E. Hulme, (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1915), p. 37. 14 Emest Cassirer, The Myth of the State (New Haven: Yale Univesity Press, 1946), p. 1 78 Therefore, the characteristic of a myth is its nonlogical or perhaps better, alogical nature. However, it should not be inferred from these terms that myths are necessarily illogical or crazy; they simply are not subject to logical demonstration as is an Euclidan hypothesis in geometry. Summarizing then, ( 1 ) the myth is alogical, that is, it is not amen- able to proof; (2) it expresses the hopes and aspirations of the believ- er; (3) inasmuch as the individual who accepts it becomes emotion- ally concerned with it, the myth postulates the completion of a course of action designed to fulfill the terms of the myth itself. Myths, then, might be defined as a nonlogical idea which draws its motivating force from the emotions rather than from reason. Belief in a myth necessarily predicates a given course of action which the believer must undertake in order to carry out the terms of his belief. Finally, the myth expresses the basic hopes of the believer and of the society in which he lives. Therefore, the value of the myth concept as a tool for political analysis and prediction should now have beome clear. It is a concept by means of which the political analyst is enabled to consider the ideals that cement a people together and that are basically responsible for their social motivations. The fact that this concept has been clar- ified, defined and formalized makes it possible for the analyst to use it as a tool in his attempt to understand the reason why people behave like human beings. Moreover, since we recognize that the statement of aspirations contained in the myth is always stated in a positive form, it becomes clear that once we know we are dealing with John Birchers, or possibly Ku Klux Klaners, or Black Muslims, that know- ledge makes it possible for us to predict for the individuals in ques- tion a course of action based upon our knowledge of the myths to which they subscribe. In other words, the more extreme the group, the stronger the myth is held. Therefore, with a knowledge of the myth that a group holds one can predict its future course of action in re- gards to both domestic and foreign policy. Put otherwise, one would not expect a Klanman to behave like a liberal A.D.A. man, nor would one expect a Bircher to act in the same fashion as a member of S.N.C.C. on a certain domestic policy concerning race relations. Thus, it is possible, further to differentiate between social myths. Because each group with its fundamental beliefs, conditioned by its own peculiar environmental factors, behaves differently from those whose environment is conditioned by various other factors. Hence, the social myth as a means for the analysis and prediction of future action of any given extreme group in society can be ascer- tained through an analysis of the aspiration of the myth itself. It is difficult perhaps impossible for the analyst to apply himself to a purely objective analysis of the social myth to which he himself subscribes. Because value judgements which are inherent in the myth's structure make them objectively difficult to be carefully analyzed. Hence, a quantitative model can be helpful in two ways; (1) to mea- sure it and (2) aid in objectively predicting and evaluating with it. 79 Symbolism which represents in reality the abstract myths aids in the transmission of ideas, and the persuasive and imperative functions of the myths. In other words, for our purposes here, symbolism is the perceptual-manipulatory or the representational form of the myth in reality. 15 Toward A Theory of Intensity Measurement: Model Building For the quantitative measurement of the intensity of one's opinion based upon the myth he holds, backed up by symbolism, (IOMS), it is submitted that the terms in the equation are as follows : *The extremists group control (direct & indirect) = CON. *The extremists group ability to put their myth in practice. = AP *The extremists group constancy of strategy = STRAT. *The extremists group flexibility of tactics = TAC. *The extremists group dynamism of policy (individually and col- lectively) = POL. *The capabilities of the opposing group and individual measures to resist this myth = CAP. *The determination of the opposing group and individual measures to resist this myth = DET. Expressed as a simple mathematical equation, we have: IOMS = CON -f AP + STRAT -f TAC -f- POL CAP x DET In this equation, the numerator is a sum, and the denominator is a product. The insertion of this mathematical bias is deliberate, in order to be consistent with the nature of the myth and the philosophy of reaction by opposing groups and individuals who do not accept the myth. The assignment of numbers ranging from 1 to 5 for the various terms in the equation followed by simple arithmetic enables a qualitative mathematical "measurement" of the degree of intensity of one's opinion (or lack thereof) for any particular occurrence or event. The numbers "1" and "5" represent the extremes. In the assign- ment of a number (from 1 to 5) for any term in the equation, the number "1" represents "very poor," "extremely weak," etc. The num- ber "5" represents "outstanding," "extremely strong," etc., as ap- plicable for that particular term in the equation. 15 Martin Scheerer, "Cognitive Theory," in Gardner Lindzey, (Ed.) Handbook of Social Psychology (Cambridge: Addison-Wesley, 1954), vol. 1, p. 126. 80 Using this system, the maximun numerical value obtainable is: IOMS = 5+5+5+5+5 = 25 = 25.00 lxl 1 The minimum value obtainable is: IOMS = 1 + 1 + 1 + 1 + 1 = _5 = 0.20 5x5 25 Therefore, a calculation resulting in unity 1 is indicative of equilibrim (though unstable) or stalemate. In other words, indif- ference. Calculations resulting in numbers less than 1 are indicative of the fact that the myth is not held strongly. And the smaller the number, the less the myth is believed. Calculations resulting in numbers greater than 1 are indicative of the fact that the myth is held in increasing degree of intensity (strongly). And the greater the number, the stronger the myth is held. 16 This system can be used in determining both the group's intensity on a particular policy because of an underlying myth and the individ- ual intensity. To arrive at the average individual intensity first arrive at the groups' intensity and then divide through by the number of persons in the group to get the average individual intensity. Summary and Conclusions Several assumptions were made in connection with this theory; ( 1 ) myths color opinions; (2) on the basis of the nature of the myth strongly held, behavior was predictable; and (3) that extreme groups held myths very strongly; and sought to fulfill them. Therefore, with this simple mathematical formula, one could mea- sure how strongly a certain group held a myth, divide through by the number of persons in the group to arrive at the average intensity of individuals. Also on this basis, the behavior of this extreme group could be predicted and a numerical assessment of the general intensity of the group could be measured at or for any particular event for instance, their reaction to a particular policy in any span of time; past, present or future, can be effectively measured. However, the theory only seems to offer the greatest possible advantage in the measuring of extreme groups, individuals and movements. 16 For a different approach see James G. March "An Introduction to the Theory and Measurement of Influence." American Political Science Review (June, 1955), pp. 431-51. 81 A Selected Bibliography Albig, W. Public Opinion. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1959. Bogardus, Emory. The Making of Public Opinion. New York: Association Press, 1951. Cantril, Hadley, ed. Gauging Public Opinion. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1944. Cassirer, Ernst. The Myth of the State. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1946. Key, Jr., V. O. Public Opinion and American Democracy. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1964. Lindzey, Gardner, ed. Handbook of Social Psychology. Cambridge: Addison- Wesley, 1954. Maclver, Robert. The Web of Government. New York: MacMillian, 1947 Parson, Talcott. The Social System. Glencoe: Free Press, 1951. Sorel, George. Reflections on Violence, trans, by T. E. Hulme London: George Allen and Unwin, 1915. Stouffer, Samuel, et al. Measurement and Prediction. Princeton: Princeton Uni- versity Press, 1950. Thurstone, L. L. and E. J. Chave. The Measurement of Attitudes. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1929. Articles and Periodicals Guttman, Louis. "A Basis for Scaling Qualitative Data," American Sociological Review (Sept., 1944), 139-150. Libert, Rensis. "A Technique for the Measurement of Attitudes," Archives of Psychology, 1932 no. 140. March, James G. "An Introduction to the Theory of Influence," American Political Science Review (June, 1955), pp. 431-51. 82 Communist Insurrection and Mass Support in Malaya, 1920-1966 By Hanes Walton, Jr. Malaya is a new country. This nation, the Federation of Malaya, is made up of eleven States which were brought together as a unit for the first time as recently as 1946. The Federation has been an in- dependent nation since 1957. 1 The former Federation of Malaya took its place among the several Asian nations which have acquired their independence since the end of World War II. The process of self-determination, which has been transforming southern and southeastern Asia from a region of colonies and dependencies to an area of independent states, has almost run its course. "Postwar Malaya has, in general, been typical of Southeast Asia, politically and economically. Among the resemblances have been hos- tility to colonial rule, a widespread demand for expansion of social forces and the like." 2 It is fitting, therefore, that some attempt be made to examine Communism as a political, social, and economic force in the Malayan Federation and governmental structure. To gain a better insight into Malayan politics in general and Communism in particular. This study is an attempt to provide a descriptive and analytical basis for understanding Communist insurrection and mass support in Malaya, especially after independence. It is concerned principally with the strategy and tactics of the Communist revolutionary move- ment in Malaya during the "period of the emergency." 3 However, some attention will be given to history and background for purposes of illumination and clarity. In addition, it will analyze, describe and appraise some of the key problems that faced both the Communist and the British-Malayan Colonial government in terms of social, eco- nomical, political, and environmental characteristics. This study, however, does not claim to be a comprehensive review and discussion of the entire Communist insurrection and mass support movement during the "emergency", but only some of the more im- portant phases of the military, political, and security problems. The Communist Revolt Communism first became a significant force in Malaya in the mid- dle 1920's when under the cloak of its association with the Chinese 1 Malaysia, Dept. of Information, A Brief Guide to Malaysia, (July, 1964). 28-29. 2 L. A. Mills, Malaya: A Political and Economic Appraisal (Minneapolis: Uni- versity of Minnesota Press, 1958), p. VII. 3 Malaysia, A Brief Guide to Malaysia, op. cit., pp. 26-27. 83 nationalism of the KMT (Kuomintang) it took hold on the emergent labour movement. 4 After a set-back in the early 1930's it succeeded in widening its influence among Malayan Chin&se labour by exploiting the wave of patriotic support for China when its struggle with Japan was renewed in 1937. 5 During the period of Japanese occupation of Malaya, the Communist had led the Chinese resistance movement and built up a guerilla force (the Malayan People's Anti- Japanese Army, hereafter MPAJA) with the aid of the British force 136. 6 This guerilla force was aided by a civilian underground organization, whose pur- pose and function were to collect food, money, and information for the army. 7 The Malayan Communist Party (MCP) emerged from the end of the war in a position of great strength. Its military arm, the MPA- JA, was the only Malayan armed body in being. As a result of its anti- Japanese activities the MCP had captured from the KMT (now a mere shadow of its prewar self) the leadership of Chinese nation- alism in Malaya. The middle-class Chinese had for the time being lost all influence. 8 Yet the Communists lacked a clear-cut policy and organization for exploiting their strength and their leaders were divided in their views on what should be done. 9 Some wished to turn immediately against the British before the latter could re-establish their rule. Others, who prevailed in the first instance, advocated a policy of rebuilding their hold over the "masses" before the coming struggle. There was also the case of the communist fight that was going on in mainland China that added impetus to the internal splits and factions which existed. 10 However, with the return of the British, the MPAJA in December 1945 paid each man from British funds $350 to turn in his carbine. 11 Even though the MPAJA did turn in some their arms, they kept back a large quantity and organized the disbanded men in an Old Com- rades' Association to facilitate remobilization if there was a need. 12 However, by early 1946 the school of MCP leader which advocated a trial strength with the British was in ascendancy. Following the police arrest of thirty ex-guerilla on criminal charges, the MCP called a general strike throughout Malaya for January 29, 1946 and by well- organized intimidation brought working life to a stand still for one day. An attempt to repeat this success on February 15, of the same year (the anniversary of the British surrender in 1942) was foiled 4 N. Ginsburg and C. F. Roberts, Jr. Malaya (Seattle: University of Washing- ton Press, 1958), p. 270. 5 Gene Z. Hanrahan, The Communist Struggle in Malaya (New York: Insti- tute of Pacific Relations, 1954), pp. 4-23. 6 Ibid., p. 40-44. "Ibid., pp. 31-40. 8 Ginsburg and Roberts, Malaya, op. cit., pp. 243-266. 9 Victor Purcell, The Chinese in Malaya (London: Oxford University Press, 1948), pp. 250-330. 10 Ibid., p. 276. 11 Hanrahan, op. cit., p. 50. 12 1 bid., p. 51. 84 by effective preventive measures taken by the British authorities. 13 Meanwhile there had been a reversion of the basic communist strategy of infiltrating political bodies and trade unions so as to build up a mass popular movement under communist leadership 14 The serious unrest among workers owing to the scarcity and high prices of rice and other necessaries made it easy for the MCP to establish very rapidly a network of Communist-dominated unions. The ensuing wave of strikes was directed by headquarters "Federations" into which new unions were regimented. 15 Two visiting British trade unionists reported that: The Federations call strikes, but pay no strike pay or similar benefits; frame demands but carry out no negotia- tions, preferring to remain in the background and to act as 'the power behind the throne', while pushing forward union leaders whom they interfere with and often intim- idate. 16 It was the Communist strategy to prevent economic recovery by en- gineering an epidemic of strikes. 17 "The ultimate purpose was political, to undermine and bring down the Brisith government by using the weapon of the general strike." 18 However, in May 1948, the British enacted trade union legislation to prohibit federations of unions from extending over several different industries and required union officers to be experienced people. 19 The legislation, coupled with zealous government enforcement, resulted in "a marked decline in the in- fluence of the Communist over the population." 20 This in turn lead to a rapid decline in membership of leftist organizations and their affiliates. 21 The communist movement was almost brought to a stand still and they in turn changed their tactics. The Insurrection and The Emergency At this point the MCP received new instructions from Moscow through contacts at the Communist Youth Conference held in Calcutta in February 1948. 22 Russia had broken with her war-time allies and 13 Mills, op. cit., p. 46. 14 Hanrahan, op. cit., pp. 55-60. 15 J. Norman Parmer, "Trade Unions and Politics in Malaya", Far Eastern Survey (March, 1955), pp. 33-39. 16 S. S. Awberry and F. W. Dalley, Labour and Trade Union Organization in the Federation of Malaya and Singapore. (London: H. M. Stationery Office, 1948), p. 27. 17 Mills, op. cit., p. 45. 18 Ibid. 19 Purcell, op. cit., p. 267-275. 20 Mills, op. cit., p. 46. 21 Purcell, op. cit., p. 267-275. 22 This is the generally accepted version (J. H. Brimmell, Communism in South- east Asia, (London: Oxford University Press, 1959), p. 210. However, some authorities consider that the connection between the Calcutta Conference and subsequent events in Malaya is not proven. Hanrahan, op. cit., p. 63. 85 her global strategy now required that trouble should be fomented in the far Eastern colonial dependencies of Britain and other European powers so as to divert their military resources and also weaken their economic strength. 23 The MCP, like other Communist parties in Southeast Asia, was summoned to revolt. The outcome in China Be- tween the nationalist and the Communist also added some impetus to the situation. The MCP reacted quickly and their revolt began in June of 1948. 24 The former members of the MPAJA and the Old Comrades' associa- tion were quickly mobilized. Weapons sent into the MPAJA by the British during the war, which had been cached in the jungle, were dug up and put into use. The jungle provided the MCP with a con- venient base of operations with it's dense cover. Along the fringe of the jungle were many thousands of Chinese squatters among whom the war-time civilian support organization (later called the Min Yuen) could easily be revived. 25 The Communist strategy was; (1) to dislocate the Malayan eco- nomy by attacks on plantations and mines, many of which bordered the junge; (2) to establish liberated areas under their control; and (3) to lead a popular revolt in the form of a liberation army which could link the liberated areas and complete the conquest of Malaya. 26 This strategy, modelled on the successful communist campaigns in China, was over-ambitious in Malayan conditions and did not succeed as we shall see later. The Communist did a great deal of damage but they did not achieve the total economic dislocation planned for Phase 1 ; and Phases 2 and 3 remained a dream. As stated previously, after Mao Tse-Tung seized power in China, many Malayan Chinese shifted their sentimental attachments to the communists. The communist appeal grew out of their frustrations with an oppressive social system and colonial status and intensified their sense of being Chinese. 27 Thus Chin Peng, a Malayan Chinese who had been a hero in the struggle with Japan, built within this com- munity of disgruntled Chinese the Malayan Races Liberation Army (MRLA). 2S The MRLA was an outgrowth of the MPAJA. However, the Malayans, who made up roughly half the population, always remained cool to communism. 29 Devoutly religious Moslems in the countryside held fast to tradition and remained satisfied with simple village life. Those who migrated to the cities usually joined the army, service industries, the police force or the government, and maintained friendly relations with the British. 30 The Indians and 23 OHver, Clubb, Jr. The United States and the Sino-Soviet Bloc in Southeast Asia (Washington: The Brookings Institution, 1962), p. 18. 24 Mills, op. cit., p. 50. 25 Ibid., p. 51. 26 Hanrahan, op. cit., p. 63. 27 Ginsburg and Roberts, op. cit., pp. 243-315. 28 Lucian W. Pye, Guerrilla Communism in Malaya (Princeton: University Press, 1956, p. 45-51. 29 Ginsburg and Roberts, op. cit., pp. 191-243. 30 Pye, op. cit., pp. 49-51. 86 Ceylonese, numbering some 600,000, were recipients of extensive welfare programs and showed little enthusuiasm for the communism advocated by the Chinese. 31 On the other hand, the MLRA was able to muster some 7,000-8,- 000 guerrillas at the start of the revolt. 32 These guerrillas, in turn, relied for logistic support and intelligence chiefly upon somewhat less than one-half million illiterate and impoverished Chinese squat- ters. Most of the squatters had lived at the edge of the jungle since the depression of the 1930's when unemployment had driven them to subsistence farming; others had drifted into this precarious existence during the Japanese occupation when food became scarce in the towns. 33 The MRLA organized these squatters into their civilian arm, the Min Yen. Many of the Chinese, reacting to real or imagined grievances, as well as new pride in being Chinese, eagerly volunteered their services. Some were intimidated into supporting the guerrillas. Still others refused to participate. However, we can see a certain pat- tern developing and that is the reliance on only the Chinese part of the population. The MRLA and its civilian arm, began their terroristic activities, nevertheless, with what they had. As one observer saw it: The revolt was in no sense a national uprising, although Communist propaganda inside Malaya and without always so represented it. The Malays firmly supported the govern- ment, and enlisted by thousands in the Malay Regiment and the police. The large majority of the Chinese were opposed to the Communists. 34 "The guerrillas divided into bands and set up camps in the jungle which covers four fifths of Malaya." 35 From these key points they made attacks on various isolated plantations, police stations and mines. As their terrorist activities continued to increase and mount in intensity the Federation Government proclaimed a state of "emer- gency" to augment its legal power on June 16, 1948. 36 To cope with the terrorist the government deployed some 40,000 regulars soldiers (including several battalions of the Malay Regiment) supported on occasion by aircraft, artillery and naval vessels, some 70,000 police and a quarter of a million village "Home Guards" plus any adminis- trative or technical services of the local government which were re- quired. 37 The disparity in the strength of the opposing forces is striking. However, "the terrorists" losses rose each year, but the ominous discovery was made that for a long time, the inflow of 31 Ginsburg and Roberts, op. cit., pp. 316-362. 32 Mills, op. cit., p. 67. 33 Lt. Col. Rowland Mans "Victory in Malaya" in T. N. Greene (ed.). The Guerrilla and How to Fight Him (New York: Praeger, 1962). 34 Mills, op. cit., p. 51. 35 Ibid. 36 Hanrahan, op. cit., p. 65. 37 Ginsburg and Roberts, op. cit., p. 272. This information can also be seen in Mills, op. cit., p. 53-54, and Hanrahan, op. cit., p. 65. 87 Chinese volunteers equaled the casualties, so the guerrillas in the jungle never grew less." 38 This continued for some time until the tide began to turn in 1954. However, for several years the terrorists retained the local initia- tive in areas of their own choice and did great damage. The tasks of the security forces were to protect lives, and property against ter- rorist attacks and then to eliminate the terrorist forces themselves. The first task called for an elaborate and costly defensive system of barbed wire fences, floodlighting, wireless communications, armoured vehicles and other equipment manned by armed and trained men. There were innumerable possible targets of Communist attack and some of them were human beings who had to go about their essential duties. Hence, the defensive system could never completely guarantee the safety of anyone or anything. The all-pervasive nature of the risk was exempli- fied in the death of the British High Commissioner, Sir Henry Gurney, in a roadside terrorist ambush in October 195 1. 39 However, these various defense measures, especially for the ex- posed member of the community, like managers of plantations and mines and their staff began to take effect. These people had been singled out for assassination as part of Phase 1. With increasing ef- forts made to protect these people the Communist terrorist had to shift their efforts to the minor staff of such employer thus undermining some of their sympathizers. But the Communist continued their ter- rorist activities. Great damage was done to property. Buildings and vehicles were burned, rubber trees were slashed. And attacks on pop- ulation became less and less discriminatory in character. Frequently, an individual was murdered in atrocious fashion as a warning to others that they should not refuse to supply food or information to the terrorists on demand. 40 This, however, helped to win people over to the government or make neutrals of them. By becoming indiscrimin- ate, the Communists were undermining their own power. The terrorist did not stand and fight. They had no strong points or territory to defend. Their tactics were to use their own mobility and the cover afforded by the jungle to escape contact with their pur- suers and then reappear elsewhere to take the local initiative against undefended or weakly held targets. But the grim game of "hide and seek" proved to be a very laborious and weary task for the govern- ment even with its numerical superiority. 41 Thus, the government shifted tactics. They began to wait in ambush for terrorists emerging from the jungle to obtain supplies. For this purpose it was essential to have accurate information and considerable efforts were made to build up an effective system of intelligence. The terrorists' supply system proved to be the weak link in the chain. Their losses by supply parties falling into ambush were not severe. The mortal blow was the government decision to remove and 3S Mills, op. cit., p. 53. 39 Mills, op. cit., p. 58. 40 Hanrahan, op. cit., p. 67. 41 Mills, op. cit., p. 53. resettle the Chinese squatters from whom the armed terrorists ob- tained foodstuffs. 42 This operation, planned and executed as a method of starving out the elusive terrorists, was a major effort of social and economic reconstruction. The "New Villages" were the most significant legacy of the whole campaign. The New Villages. In the early stages of the campaign against the terrorists whole squatter villages were rounded up and consigned to internment camps from which the majority were eventually repatriated to China. 43 In the first ten months of 1949 over 6,000 people were thus interned and 700 of them had already been repatriated by April 1950. 44 How- ever, it was not possible, nor humane nor even sound economic policy to deal with half a million people in this way. The eventual solution, known as the Briggs plan, was to move the squatters and others to new settlements or sometimes to gather them together (called re- grouping) in the same locality. 45 In either case the old scattered settlements were replaced with compact new villages fortified with a barbed wire perimeter fence and protected by a police station. The squatters were thus safeguarded against intimidation, brought under government control and administration for the first time, and cut off from contact with the terrorists in the jungle whom, willingly or other- wise, they had until then supplied with food and information. 46 The resettlement of about half a million people in the space of three years (1951-53) was carried through in haste as a military necessity. The sites of the new villages were sometimes chosen with more regard to their defensibility than to agricultural and economic considerations. These stakes were remedied in time. 47 In general, the new villages were a success and their inhabitants benefited from the move. Eighty-five percent of the resettled people were Chinese and the remainder were Malays. 4S Also out of the projected 550 new villages, about 483 were built. "The opinion was expressed that in 1953 there were some fifty exceptionally good villages, .... a block of 400 reasonably good ones and another block of 100 bad ones. 49 "As a counter-move, the MPLA stepped up its terrorist policies and began to blackmail and terrorize local Chinese into giving them additional money and assistance." 50 They turned on the very people who were helping them and their active supporters and sympathizers. 42 "The Emergency in Malaya". The World Today (November, 1954), pp. 476- 87. 43 Hanrahan, op. cit., p. 65. 44 Victor Purcell, Malaya: Communist or Free? (London: Victor Gollancz, 1954), p. 21-89. See Hanrahan, op. cit., p. 65. 45 Mills, op. cit., p. 272. 46 Ginsburg and Roberts, op. cit., p. 272. 47 Mills, op. cit., p. 56. iS Ibid. 49 Ibid., p. 57. 5 "Hanrahan, op. cit., p. 67. 89 They attempted to control or influence the people in the New villages by means of terror and threats. In describing the Communist tactics, one author states that: With little time available, efforts were made to exert control through the medium of fear, rather than through the slower and more costly method of political work and propaganda. As time passed, Communist traitor-killing groups began to reapper in large numbers. 51 However, terror, as it has been suggested, is a weapon of the weak and usually the first form of violence undertaken by insurgents. The degree to which it proves effective depends on the ability of the gov- ernment to provide protection, to mount counter-terror tactics and to control the tide of military and political battle. 52 In other words, terror can work both ways, for and against. And in the case of the MCP it worked against them. 53 As Professor Pye points out, the MCP "was . . . clearly a prisoner of terrorism. It could neither give up use of violence nor employ it effectively." 54 Finally, the MPLA gradually began to lose active control, support and sympathy of the masses. This in turn caused a drop in food sup- plies. Therefore, the Communist guerrillas moved further inland to grow food and escape the security forces. Here they grew their own food in jungle clearings and bided their time. Terrorist attacks, re- duced in scale, were now aimed more at the security forces and less at the local population in order to avoid antagonising the latter. Nevertheless, the MCP was quite unable to find a wider basis of popular appeal. However, in 1951 a change of world Communist strategy gave priority to attracting and making use of nationalist sentiment in Asian countries so as to build up a Communist-neutralist bloc against the Western powers. 55 The MCP Politburo immediately issued an order to change policy. The members were told to win the masses over first, stop their indiscriminate terror tactic, and to make friends and influence people. 56 "This new order tacitly admitted that the policy of 1948 to conquer Malaya by guerrilla warfare had failed and that the party must gradually return to its earlier program of political and economic action." 57 However, this new policy reversal of indiscriminate method of killing, such as shooting blindly into a crowd, derailing civilian trains, etc. was not activated soon enough. Hampered by the continued secur- ity forces and the new villages programs the Communist could not 51 Ibid. 52 F. M. Osanka, "Population Control Techniques of Communist Insurgents," Australian Army Journal (January, 1964), p. 11. 53 Hanrahan, op. cit., p. 67. 54 Pye, op. cit., p. 106. 55 Hanrahan, op. cit., p. 73. 56 Ibid., p. 73-74. 57 Mills, op. cit., p. 58. 90 give up their terror tactics long enough to do something constructive for the people. All they could do was shout that they were fighting for independence. They had not time to widen their political and eco- nomic base, nor win back the people they had alienated by their harsh tactics. On the other hand, however, the government was working vigorous- ly to do something for the people and to correct mistakes thay they had made in preparing hastily to fight the insurgents. The Templer Regime After the assassination of the High Commissioner, Sir Henry Gurney, a successor was appointed early in 1952. His successor was General Gerald Templer. 5S He combined in the same hand for the first time direction of military operations and the civil administration in support of them. He attempted to do something for the people. Under his rule, the squatters were given leases to their land, and thus afforded improved security of tenure, a major consideration to the land-hungry Chinese peasant. Some of the villages were provided with piped water supply, electric light, schools, community centres, and the like. 59 Talks and demonstrations helped to educate the vil- lagers and increase their sense of identity with their Malayan environ- ment. They were allowed to share in their own affairs through village councils and to share in their own defense by raising home guard de- tachments. In effect, the Chinese squatter was for the first time inte- grated into the Malayan political and social structure which demanded his loyalty. Previously the Chinese were excluded or discriminated against in favor of the Malays/' An immediate and unqualified response was not to be expected but this constructive approach was undoubtedly worthwhile. Tactical- ly, it tipped the balance in the struggle with Communist terrorism without alienating (as other harsher measures tended to) the sym- pathies of the general body of Malayan Chinese. In the long-term the new villages helped to turn the Chinese squatter into a Malayan citizen. In addition to the resettlement of squatters a variety of measures, some liberal and some repressive were devised to build up the pres- sure of the blockade on the terrorists and to isolate them psycholog- ically as much as spatially from the general body of the Malayan people. 61 There was an elaborate administrative apparatus of food rationing, restriction on movement of food and other essential sup- plies. The population were all issued identity cards, a system which has since provided the illiterate Malayan with invaluable evidence of his identity and recent residence in Malaya. Villages with a bad record 5S V. Bartlett, Report from Malaya (London: Derek Verschoyle, 1954), pp. 39- 78. See also Mills, op. cit., p. 62-67. 50 Ginsburg and Roberts, op. cit., p. 272-273. 60 Purcell, Malaya: Communist or Free? op. cit., p. 200-26. 61 Mills, op. cit., p. 63-66. SAVANNAH "V r i COLLEGE ' , 91 riATE. COLLEGE BRAN X CJ- SAVANNAH, GEORGIA of support for the terrorists were subjected to collective fines, long daily curfews, etc., as a punishment. Captured terrorists, if deemed likely material for reformation, were sent to a special centre for rehabilitation and and for instruction in a trade. Moreover, rewards, a general amnesty and bounties were offered. All these methods, coupled with various propaganda techniques, such as use of leaflets and loudspeakers promising immunity, caused the terrorists to desert, and leave the guerrilla forces in moderate numbers. 62 Meanwhile the military effort against Communist terrorism went on year after year with steady rather than dramatic success. It had become a war of attrition. It was found that the best results were ob- tained by concentrating military and police forces, intelligence work, food control, psychological warfare, etc. in certain selected areas throughout Malaya. 63 Intensive pressure was maintained within each locality for months on end in order to wear down the terrorist band sometimes a mere twenty or thirty men still active there. At the out- set few results were expected or achieved but months of relentless pressure exhausted the terrorists' food reserves and weakened their morale. Artillery bombarded the stretches of jungle in which they were known to be hiding. Loudspeakers in aircraft circling overhead emanated propaganda, often the voice of a captured comrade calling on the others to follow his example and surrender. The guerrillas cas- ualties mounted, desertion increased and morale dropped to an all time low. Once an area had been permanently cleared of Communists it was declared "white", i.e., the innumerable and irksome restrictions of the anti-terrorist campaign could at last be relaxed with consequent improvement in public morale. The focus of intensive pressure was then switched to some other area and the whole laborious operation repeated. Parachute detachments, or ground patrols supplied from the air, were sent to harass the terrorists deep in the jungle. Incendiary bombs were dropped to set fire to their crops. In time the Communist terrorists were reduced to a mere 500 or so and were driven back to north Malaya from which they could not be dislodged because of Thai Malaya border complications. 64 There in the border they could obtain supplies and take refuge in Thai territory. 65 Here on the Thai-Malay border the guerrillas became less and less a threat to internal peace and security. 66 The end of the emergency was in sight. The End Of The Emergency Sir Gerald Templer's emergency appointment ended in 1954. He was succeeded by his deputy, Sir Donald MacGillivary who continued 62 Mills, op. cit., p. 64. 63 Hanrahan, op. cit., p. 76-82. 64 Robert A. Scalapino (ed.), The Communist Revolution in Asia (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall Inc., 1965) pp. 222-251. 65 Ibid., p. 222-251. 66 Ibid. 92 in the same manner as Templer. 67 And in November of 1955 he an- nounced that the people of Malaya could move toward self-govern- ment. It was granted in 1957. However, prior to independence in 1957, the UMNO (the alliance which had been formed to take over the government) had a confer- ence with the Communist leader Chin Peng. This meeting was held in Baling in December, 1955. 68 The Communist leader had called the conference. They had become aware of the fact that they were no longer winning and their tactics had proven unsuccessful. Sensing ultimate failure they attempted to return to legitimate political activity on their own terms. 69 However, the meeting became deadlocked between, the Communist leader Chin Peng and Federation President Tegku Abduk Rahman. Chin Peng demanded that the MCP be legalized and its members be allowed to resume normal political life without restraint. He also sought complete amnesty for all his men and all criminal charges against them be completely dropped. Furthermore, he refused to give up his arms. The chief Ministers were nor prepared to concede so much, so they rejected Chin Peng's demands. 70 Therefore, the MCP opted to go on fighting although there was no hope of victory nor any apparent possibility of getting better terms than it had chosen to refuse. The MCP leaders were out of harm's way in the deep jungle or over the Thai border. They were apparently indifferent to the deteriorating position of their rank and file harassed by the security forces. Followers were expendable so long as they prolonged the struggle and thereby kept up the pressure on the other side to negotiate again. This however was a miscalculation. 71 In the sustained drive against the terrorists which continued after the abortive talks of 1955 the Malayan political leaders who were now Ministers made their own personal contribution. In many parts of Malaya there were rallies and processions in which the general body of the electorate were invited to join. The purpose of these demonstra- tions was to make it clear to the fence-sitters and to the MCP where the ordinary people and their elected leaders stood in the long struggle. With independence in 1957, the Federation government made its last appeal to the insurgents. Afterwards, they continued the military operation and with the situation continually improving all the time, the emergency was declared over. "The Federation of Malaya's 67 Mills, op. cit., p. 67. 68 Ibid. 69 Ibid. 70 Mills, op. cit., p. 69. 71 The Alliance Government did in fact offer a second invitation to the MCP to lay down its arms in 1957 when independence had been won and also offered an amnesty of which the despondent rank and file took some ad- vantage. But the MCP leaders themselves rejected it. See Mills, op. cit., p. 70. 93 twelve-year emergency officially ended in July 1960, with the Com- munist guerrilla force once numbering an estimated 11,000 reduced to fewer than 450 terrorists." 72 Summary and Conclusions In terms of assessment and evaluation of the Communist guerrilla struggle and subsequent government action, several observations can be drawn and stated. First, the MCP was hemmed in within the Chinese community from which it drew almost all its support basing its appeal upon Chinese nationalism rather than Communist ideology. Its essentially communal nature and the violence and abuses of its post-war heyday of 1946-1948 made it anathema to the Malays and unacceptable to the Indians in Malaya. 73 Secondly, the MCP was a prisoner of external direction, subservient to the basic rule of colonial communism, obey- ing the Cominform. The directives which percolated through by de- vious routes from Moscow were designed to serve the ends of Russian international policy rather than of Malayan Communism. On receipt they were interpreted in terms of the successful campaigns of Mao Tse Tung in China rather than the local strategic and political situation. The result was rigidity and irrelevancy. Thirdly, this long campaign was fought to the bitter end outside the towns. The original conception of the Communist strategy, based on the victories of Mao Tse Tung, was of an uprising at the periphery and in the last phase a converging drive on the towns. Even in 1948 the towns in Malaya were relatively calm and secure and stayed that way during the entire emergency, for the most part. Fourthly, the Communist-dominated trade unions collapsed and the reformed unions which replaced them were put mainly under Indian leadership, who were anti-Communist in nature. Also a close watch was kept on the unions and the Chinese schools as possible centres of subversion. In other words, everything Chinese was close- ly watched, because the entire movement was only based on the Chinese part of the population. It never diversified itself. The Com- munist insurrection against the British in Malaya never gained mass support. Fifthly, there seemed to have been significant weakness in the calibre of MCP leadership. Although, Chin Peng, the MCP Secretary- General from 1947 down to the present time, who had made his reputation against the Japanese as a guerrilla leader still remains a mere shadowy figure. And still more his lieutenants, also remain in the background. They seem to be men of some education but none of them theoreticians or strategists capable of redefining the party line. In other words, they seem mediocre. 72 Clubb, op. cit., p. 36. "Communism to Malaya is something Chinese, Chinese in origin (as far as Malaya is concerned), Chinese in inspiration and Chinese in Following. See, Ginsburg and Roberts, pp. 191-242. 94 However, even if the MCP leaders had been men of more original and percipient views it is unlikely that they could have broken out of the double ring-fence in which Communist strategy and policy in Malaya was confined. On the government side, as William J. Pomeroy, states: . . . the British could claim success with 'strategic hamlet' measures only because of special circumstances in that country; they had to relocate but a minority of the pop- ulation, of the forested regions and who to a greater degree than the Malays supported the Malayan Liberation Army. 74 This can also be said of the food control measures, because Malaya is a food deficit area and not a food surplus area. And furthermore, "in Malaya, as in the Philippines and Indonesia, geography prevented outside support of the uprising." 75 However, it can be said that the government did enact favorable programs to help the people and win their support. Concluding then, the Communist revolt was a digression up a blind alley which took MCP still further out of the mainstream of Malayan political development at a critical time. At the end of a decade of armed struggle the Communists found themselves discredited and without either allies or influence. Malaya had achieved its independ- ence and they had had no part in it. However, the struggle still goes on now in the form of subversion rather than terrorism. Bibliography Books Awbery, S. S., and Dalley, F. W. Labour and Trade Union Organization in the Federation of Malaya and Singapore London: H. M. Stationery Office, 1948. Bartlett, Vernom. Report From Malaya London: Derek Verschoyle, 1954. Brimmell, J. H. Communism in Southeast Asia London: Oxford University Press, 1959. Clubb, Jr. Oliver E. The United States and The Sino-Soviet Bloc in Southeast Asia Wash., D. C: The Brooking Institution, 1962. Ginsburg, Norton and Roberts, Jr., Chester F. Malaya Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1958. Green, T. N. ed. The Guerrilla and How to Fight Him New York: Praeger, 1962. Hanrahan, Gene Z. The Communist Struggle in Malaya New York: Institute of Pacific Relations, 1954. Mills, Lennox, A. Malaya: A Political and Economic Appraisal Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1958. 74 William J. Pomeroy, Guerrilla and Counter-Guerrilla Warfare (New York: International Publishers, 1964), pp. 49-50. 95 Pomeroy, William J. Guerrilla & Counter-Guerrilla Warfare New York: In- ternational Publishers, 1964. Purcell, Victor. The Chinese in Malaya London: Oxford University Press, 1948. Malaya: Communist or Free. London: Victor Gollancz, 1954. Pye, Lucian W. Guerrilla Communism in Malaya Princeton: Princeton Uni- versity Press, 1956. Scalapino, Robert A. ed. The Communist Revolution in Asia Englewood, Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice Hall, 1965. Bibliography Articles and Periodicals Malaysia, Dept. of Information, A Brief Guide to Malaysia July, 1964. Osanka, F. M. "Population Control Techniques of Communist Insurgents" Australian Army Journal January, 1964. Parmer, J. Norman. "Trade Unions and Politics in Malaya" Far Eastern Sur- vey March, 1955. "The Emergency in Malaya" The World Today November, 1954. 96 The Funeral Industry By Hanes Walton, Jr. Much has been written of late about the affluent society in which we live, and much fun poked at some of the irra- tional 'status symbols' set out like golden snares to trap the unwary consumer at every turn. Until recently, little has been said about the most irrational and weirdest of the lot, lying in ambush for all of us at the end of the road the modern American funeral. 1 Funerals in the United States are the objects of a wide variety of emotional reactions, frequently contradictory as between different individuals, and not infrequently inconsistent for the same individual on different occasions. Often reactions to funerals reflect the at- titudes toward death and dead bodies; and these attitudes, in turn, are as diverse as horror and amusement. To discuss funerals is not the proper thing to do in some social circles, and yet the subject is of considerable interest. 2 In its secular aspects the American funeral appears to be an anachronism, an elaboration of early customs rather than the adaptation to modern needs that it should be. 3 Properly employed, it is a highly useful and essential function of society. Improperly used it deteriorates into little more than a shabby opportunity for an undertaker to exploit bereaved families. 4 Against protests over the lavish display of expensive caskets and the multitude of costly floral decorations to be seen at most final rites, the funeral directors raise their voices to proclaim the lasting satisfaction they furnish their customers. 5 Bereaved families, they point with pride and some justification, need solace regardless of price. 6 Moreover, they contend, the social status and prestige of sorrowing survivors must be proclaimed by appearances at the funeral. 7 Therefore, the thesis of this paper concerns itself with the basis of charges of commercial exploitation directed at undertakers, to ascertain what peculiar circumstances influence the methods they ^Jessica Mitford, The American Way of Death (New York: Crests Books, 1963), p. 13. 2 Ibid., pp. 14-17. 3 Ruth M. Harmer, The High Cost of Dying (New York: Collier Books, 1963), pp. 78-97. 4 Mitford, op. cit., pp. 18-44. 5 U. S., Congress, Senate, Subcommittee on Antitrust and Monopoly, Hearings, Antitrust Aspects of the Funeral Industry, 88th Cong., 2nd Sess., 1964, pp. 255-262. 6 1 bid., pp. 259-261. Ubid. 97 use, and to uncover the social and psychological factors that underlie conspicuous display. While these aspects of the funeral industry are taken into account, the main aspects, that of monopolistic tendencies, fraud and misrepresentation shall be the chief subject of the paper. Also to provide a more vivid insight into the area, some possible remedies shall be discussed. This study, however, does not claim to be a comprehensive review and discussion of the entire area, but of the most important parts. Death In America: The Factual Situation As stated, the purpose of this paper is to explore some of the economic conditions and practices in the funeral industry. Therefore, since we are concerned with antitrust and trade ramifications of the industry, some vital statistics about death in our society, about the cost cf funerals and national expenditures on funerals, will be highly illuminating, informative, and revelant. The American Funeral Industry is an exceedingly important sector of the American economy. Not including burials by public and private institutions for example, burials of welfare recipients, indi- gents, and Armed Forces dead; not including the cost of flowers; not including so-called preneed expenditures for cemetery plots and crypts not including all these items, the Department of Commerce's Census of Business Bureau puts personal expenditures for death expenses in 1960, which is the last year available, at $1.6 billion, or an average of approximately $1,160 for each regular funeral. 8 This is only slightly less than what Americans spent in 1960 for all higher education, more than was spent for dental care, more than was spent for police protection, and more than was spent for fire protection. 9 "The cost of providing medical care for the aged, the 16 million Americans who are 65 or older, under a medical-hospital insurance program, would be less than the annual cost of dying in the United States." 10 And finally, "the federal government spends less each year for conservation and development of natural resources than we spend on funerals." 11 However, on this point one author has stated that: The Department of Commerce figure of $1.6 billion averages out to $1,160 for each regular adult funeral. The more realistic figure of $2 billion yields a nation wide aver- age of $1,450 for the disposition of the mortal remains of an adult American. 12 This more realistic figure of author Mitford, $2 billion dollars as a national expenditure of $1,160 for an average adult funeral is arrived 8 U. S. Congress, Senate, Subcommittee. . . . , Hearings, Ibid., p. 1. 8 Ibid., See also, Mitford, op. cit., p. 33. 10 Mitford, op. cit., p. 33. ^Ibid. 12 Ibid., p. 32. 98 at by including what she calls "other substantial items", 13 is the cost for the casket and other services, and the cost of shipping the dead by train or plane. 14 As author Mitford states: These charges must be considerable; one in ten of all the dead are shipped else where for burial. Train fare for a corpse is double the cost of a single first-class ticket for a live passenger. Air transport is, . . . becoming the preferred means of carriage for the modishly attired corpse, . . . The standard rate for the air shipment of human remains is two and one-half times the rate of other air freight; the average transcontinental fare for a dead body is $255. 78. 15 Other additional items which author Mitford includes and the Department of Commerce excludes in its figures are funeral flowers, graves, and mausoleum crypts. Therefore, "it would be a conserva- tive guess that these extras, if added to the Commerce Department's base figure of $1.6 billion would bring the nation's burial bill to well over $2 billion," 16 for 1960. "By mid- 1962 the cost . . . indicated a rise of more than 40 percent in a decade. In some places it was even higher." 17 Early in 1963, an Illinois commission study- ing the subject was told that the cost of dying in the U.S. "counting the trimmings" came to $1,545. 18 There is, of course, nothing intrinsically wrong with expenditures of this magnitude if they are the product of untrammeled freedom of choice on the part of those who purchase funeral services and if the markets for such services respond readily to the natural forces of competition and are devoid of unfair selling practices. However, no such situation exists in the funeral industry. Everyone knows that the average funeral purchaser, most often the bereaved next of kin, has his normal bargaining defenses down when making such a purchase and is not emotionally equipped to make rational de- cisions. Secondly, the demand for the services is always limited by the death rate. For example, in 1940, the U.S. with a population of 131,000,000, had only 1,417,000 deaths; in 1960, the U.S. with a population of almost 178,500,000 had only 1,702,000 deaths. 19 Yet in that time the amount of money annually expended on funerals 13 Ibid., p. 31-33. 14 Ibid., p. 31. 15 Ibid., p. 31-32. Also, "rates seem even more disproportionate when sea travel is involved. The cost of shipping a corpse from Mediterranean ports ... in 1962, amounts to $605; an urn of ashes, $544. To send a body from Brazil to the U. S. costs $440 . . . , the cost of sending a body from or to a Japanese-American Port is $631.50 . . . human ashes $252.75." This is too high. Hamer, op. cit., p. 83-84. 16 Ibid., p. 32. 17 Harmer, op. cit., p. 9. ls Ibid. 19 Ibid., p. 163. 99 rose from about one-half billion to almost two billion dollars. What caused this? One author has stated the reason in this manner: Thus in 1880 there were 993,000 deaths and 5,100 fun- eral establishments, giving each a potential clientele of 194 cases per year. By 1960 the number of funeral establish- ments had grown fivefold, to 25,000, each new one bigger and more lavishly appointed than the last, and they had to share a mere 1,700,000 deaths, for an average of fewer than 70 cases each year. It is easy to see how, with the business so thinly distributed, there is an ever-present compulsion to make each sale a big one, to regard each opportunity as a golden one. 20 In other words, the field is overcrowded. 21 And the oversupply of funeral homes has been a serious economic problem for many years. So many undertakers competing for so few funerals should create, one would expect, a buyer's market, leading to lower prices. The opposite, we know, has occurred, and funerals prices have increased terribly in the last fifty years. This paradoxical state of affairs can be explained in part, but not entirely, by the special features of the funeral transaction, and the trade associations, which help strip the customer of the bargaining advantages he would normally enjoy in a competitive market. The truth of the matter is that price competition in the funeral industry has in many parts of the country been stifled virtually to extinction by price-fixing agreements. 22 Since price fixing agree- ments are illegal under the antitrust laws, 23 there can be no question of the undertakers in a given area getting together and publishing a minimum price schedule. How, is it done? Members of local associations of funeral di- rectors, arrive at an understanding that "the lowest price at which the funeral director will be fairly compensated in a given area is "X" dollars." 24 This figure is arrived at by estimating the average overhead per case in that particular area. Since, the average overhead is estimated to be $475, and the wholesale cost of the cheapest coffin sold is $40, then $515 becomes the lowest price at which the director can be fully compensates. 25 Once the minimum is set, the maximum is the sky. The American Funeral Industry: An Overview A brief word here about the structure and composition of the 20 Mitford, op. cit., p. 41. 2 interview with W. D. Sparks, Assistant Counsel, Senate Antitrust Subcom- mittee, March 1, 1966. 22 U. S. Congress, Senate, Subcommittee . . . Hearings, Ibid. pp. 158-219. 23 C. Wilcox, Public Policies Toward Business. (Homewood, Illinois: Richard Irwin, 1960), pp 49-60. 24 Mitford, op. cit., p. 42. 25 Ibid. 100 funeral service industry will be very helpful to provide a vivid under- standing of the practices in question. The estimated 24,000 funeral firms in the United States essentially include three types of persons, firms, or corporations. 26 First is the funeral establishment which is equipped to handle within one building, or through branches, and with one staff, all aspects of mortuary sales and services, including care, preparation and embalming of the deceased, sale of caskets, vaults, and sometimes urns, and arrangements for cremation and/or burial. 27 In some instances, they lease their motor equipment, but more generally they own and operate their vehicles. 28 A second type of funeral firm maintains only a partial establish- ment. Such a business owns or rents its building but is dependent upon outside sources for rental of motor vehicles, for specialized equipment and other facilities, and for staff. In some instances, the owner of the business engages in the undertaking business as a sideline or as a byproduct of some other business endeavor. 29 A third category consists of the "broker" or "curbstoner" operator who holds some form of license. Either limited or no facilities are maintained by this type of operator. Generally, he is wholly de- pendent upon the outside sources including trade embalmers, the showroom of the casket manufacturer for display and sale facilities, automobile equipment rental firms and nonpayroll personnel. 30 "Brokers" or "curbstoners" are usually located in large metropoli- tan areas such as the cities of New York, Chicago, Cleveland, Pitts- burgh, and Detroit. 31 It is the "curbstoners" that the big funeral establishment blame for the high prices in the industry. Appearing before the Senate Antitrust Subcommittee, W. M. Krieger, managing director of the National Selected Morticians (of whom we shall discuss later) claimed that it is the "curbstoners" who take advantage of the consumer, victimize the public, embarrass the industry, and will not permit low-cost funerals for low-income families because of their greedy actions. 32 He states that: Since each curbstoner typically handles only a handful of funerals each year, he generally tries to make a maximum profit on each case. A majority of the trade deplores this 26 Harmer, op. cit., p. 17, 96. See also, Robert Habenstein, The History of American Funeral Directing (Milwaukee: National Funeral Directors As- sociation, 1955). "Interview with W. D. Sparks, Assistant Counsel, Senate Antitrust Subcom- mittee, March 1, 1966. 28 Ibid. 20 Ibid. 30 U. S. Congress, Senate, Subcommittee . . . , Hearings, Ibid., p. 15. 31 Ibid. 32 1 bid. 101 wholly selfish approach because it does not permit low- priced funerals for low-income families. The curbstoner . . . charges the family whatever price he pleases or applies a formula which customarily results in high prices. 33 These practices, Krieger feels should be stopped. This is the area the government should regulate, because it is not only against the trade practices of the National Selected Morticians but human decency as well. He asserts that "the Federal Trade Commission presently has sufficient statutory authority to require affirmative disclosures of this character in order to avoid deception." 34 There- fore, if the federal government cracks down on this part of the industry, things would be all right and people would be better off, according to Krieger. But Krieger is only trying to cover up for the corrupt practices present in the rest of the industry by reverting public interest to another area. To be sure, the "curbstoners" are corrupt, their practices fraudulent, but the rest of the industry are the same also in varying degrees. The bigger funeral establishments would like to rid the industry of the little or smaller establishments so profits for them will soar, because the demands for their services are limited by the death rate. To decrease the number of establishments means more business for the remaining ones. Thus, the industry as a whole needs regulation and not just one small portion of it. Casket Arrangement and Sales Psychology An important feature of the negotiations between customer and mortician is found in the display room in which caskets of various prices are exhibited. However, the arrangement of caskets shows up glamorously. 35 In most display rooms the lowest priced casket is unfavorably shown, and is sometimes difficult to find without the help of the undertaker. To begin with the most expensive caskets are not always pointed out. The suggestion of high cost may dis- courage the customer. The cleverest device used is outlined by Krieger in his trade journal. He divides the showroom into four "quartiles" "two above and two below the median price which in his example is $400. " 36 Then, the attempt should be made to sell in the third quartile, or at prices above the median sales price. "The psychological reasons for this are explained. While the difference in quality is demonstrable, the price is not so low as to make the buyer feel belittled." 37 In other words, the highest price caskets are placed next to the lowest priced ones for contrast and the customer is always led to a S3 Ibid. 3 *Ibid. 35 Mitford, op. cit., p. 19. S6 Ibid., p. 20. 37 Ibid. 102 third set which is just above the median. The fourth quartile is hardly ever used. Another plan used to improve on Krieger's method because it was only effective for right-handed people, is the triangle approach. 38 Here the buyer is lead around in a triangle. He starts at point A, a casket costing $597, which he is told is in the $500 range, but actually only 14 dollars short of $600. If no reaction is forthcoming from the customer he is then lead to point B, a better casket in the $600 range, actually $647, which he thinks is only $60 more, if the customer balks, he is carried to position C, here he can save, he is told $100. The range here is $400, actually $487. Thus, the crux of the triangle plan is that the buyer can go around the entire triangle and end up knowingly within forty dollars of the starting point. 39 It will be noted that the prices all end in the number seven, "pur- posely styled to allow you to quote as: 'sixty dollars additional' or 'save a hundred dollars.' " 40 Therefore, the bargaining funeral situation is different from the ordinary transaction. The funeral situation is one which coerces the family into action without the usual safeguards for the customer. The funeral director can use several devices to clearly illustrate how much the client can pay. First the newspaper obituary item, the larger the column a person wants gives the director a hint on how much he can pay; next is the floral pieces, the kind of services he gets and finally the casket. The caskets are in most cases marked up 100% or higher, and not three or six times the cost to the funeral director. As stated in the Senate Hearings there are 12 different types of caskets and nearly four times that many variations, styles, designs and makes. Not only do they vary in styles and designs they vary greatly in material, finish, interior, trim and basic make-up. 41 This causes the cost to vary considerably from one section of the country to another. For example, in Missouri, Casket type 1 costs $50 but sells for $150. Whereas in California the same type (1) costs 47 dollars and sells for $489.00. 42 In Missouri, casket type XII costs only $439.15 but sells for $1,989.00, a profit of $1,549.85 is made on the casket alone. 43 Whereas in California, the same type casket (XII) cost 352 dollars, but sells for $1,144.00, a profit of $1,093.00 is made. 44 This is too high for just one item because of the flexible service fees that can be arranged to go up or down at the funeral director's discretion. But the whole thing behind service is that the director doesn't increase the services for one funeral any more than he does for another, but he will increase the prices if the funeral costs more. 45 3 8 Ibid., p. 21. 39 Ibid., p. 22. 40 Ibid. 41 U. S. Congress, Senate, Subcommittee . . . Hearings, Ibid., pp. 199-202. 42 Ibid. 43 1 bid. "Ibid. 4 interview with W. D. Sparks, Assistant Counsel, Senate Antitrust Subcom- mittee, March 1, 1966. 103 The Trade Associations and Their Philosophies The commerical influences on the funeral industry cannot be fully appreciated without knowledge of the organizational structures through which the leaders operate and the assumptions and ideology they express. There are two major trade associations which dominate the funeral industry. First, there is the National Selected Morticians (NSM) which is formed on the Rotary Club plan whereby only selected firms meet- ing certain requirements of investment, establishment, equipment, sponsorship, and reputation, are taken into membership. 46 It is a service organization for its approximately 700 member firms in 30 or more states. "The N.S.M. emphasis is on merchandising, sound business methods. They are in favor of prearranged, pre-financed funerals and price advertising, because their member establishments depend primarily on big volume." 47 In other words, they see them- selves as businessmen, selling a product. Next, there is the National Funeral Directors Association, a fed- eration of state and local associations. Forty seven states and the District of Columbia are represented. The NFDA has over 14,000 members. It makes studies, publishes bulletins, lobbies, keeps watch on legislative developments, conducts annual conventions, advises member firms on methods of cost accounting and other business practices. 48 It also concerns itself deeply with public relations. However, the NFDA itself "sets no educational, moral, or ethical standards for membership. It has little or no control over who be- longs. It has to accept any member of an affiliated state associa- tion." 49 This includes the "curbstoner" also, because there are no minimum standards for membership either. There is no restriction whatever on the curbstoner. The NFDA people see themselves as professionals, who have services to offer; they therefore abhor ad- vertising and publicity. In regard to their lobbying efforts, they were able to get in California a law passed requiring that all ashes of cremated remains be kept permanently in urns at registered cemeteries or mausoleums. 50 In other states, there are laws requiring that the body be embalmed and placed in a casket when even being cremated. 51 In other words, these laws forbid the scattering of human ashes over water and etc. They help to increase the profits of the industry. In regard to advertising, which the NSM support and the NFDA rejects, it is mostly "bait advertising". That is the practice of ad- vertising funerals at bargain prices to lure more customers into their individual firms. It does not result in any competition within 46 Mitford, op. cit., p. 185. "Ibid., p. 185. iS Ibid., p. 186. 49 1 bid., p. 189. 50 Harmer, op. cit., p. 168. 51 1 bid. 104 the industry as a whole. However, the NFDA with no membership standards, is more likely to subject members to discipline, up to and including expulsion, for such offenses as advertising low-cost funerals. This has resulted in several court cases which are still being fought. 52 The Artifacts, Memorial Societies and Cremation The burial vault is a relative newcomer in funeral wares. However, cemeteries now compete with the funeral directors for the lucrative vault business. The selling point is made to the customer of eternal preservation. However, the unitiated might expect that having paid $600-to-$3,000 for a crypt or vault, or $150-to-$ 1,500 for a grave, the cost of upkeep might be borne by the cemetery. Not at all. There is added to the cost of cemetery and mausoleum space a subcharge of 10 to 20% for future care. Also the cemeteries, through the magic of pre-need selling, have swelled their funds in many cases to huge proportions. "More than a thousand cemeteries have perpetual care funds in excess of $100,- 000; more than fifty have over $1 billion in the kitty." 53 The ag- gregate total is over $1 billion. In other words, the cemeteries make their share of the money from the markup of grave sites, general up-keep, vault care and the selling of lots at extremely high prices. On the other hand, nearly 65 to 70% of the flower industry's revenue or $404 million a year comes from the sale of funeral flowers. 54 This comes to a nationwide average of over $246 for flowers per funeral. 55 Out of this comes a small commission for the funeral director for recommending a certain florist. "Forest Lawn Memorial Park of Southern California is the greatest nonprofit cemetery of them all" as it claims. 56 However, this is just an errorneous claim. At Forest Lawn there are many types of churches of all sizes furnished with wall to wall carpeting highlighting every theme possible. There are also statues, tons of them, and the cemetery itself is divided into different sections. Each section is zoned and named according to the price of the burial plots. 57 "Medium-priced graves range from $434.50 in Haven of Peace to $599.50 in Triumphant Faith to $649.50 in Ascension. The cheapest is $308 in Brotherly love." 58 "Ten percent must be added to the price for Endowment Care, and $89 for opening and closing the grave, and $70 - $145 for a vault." 59 However, for those who want something better, one can spend as much as he likes in the Gardens of Memory section. 52 U. S. Congress, Senate, Subcommittee . . . , Hearings, Ibid. pp. 235, 240, 241, 264, 288. 53 Mitford, op. cit., p. 113. See also Harmer, op. cit., p. 117-40. 5i Ibid., p. 87. 55 Ibid. 56 1 bid., p. 119. 57 Ibid., p. 120. 58 Ibid. 59 Ibid. 105 "The present population of Forest Lawn is over 200,000 with new arrivals at the rate of 6,500 a year." 60 This enabled them to realize a net profit for 1960 of about $2,500,000. 61 This is too much profit by the wildest imagination. Thus, hundreds of so called non- profit memorial cemeteries each year make several hundred thousands of dollars following the lead set up by Forest Lawn. Another aspect of the funeral industry's racket is cremation. "Many people are under the vague impression that the undertaker can be bypassed altogether, and embalming dispensed with; this is an illusion. 62 Also most people feel that the "Crematorium will arrange to place the body in a suitable container, and that the only expenses incurred will be the crematorium's charge, something under $100." 63 This is not true. No funeral establishment in the country will accept a body for cremation without its being embalmed and in a coffin, for which he will charge no less than $250. 64 The Cremation Association of America (CAA) holds that the cost of the average cremation should be about $60 (public authorities charge only $15); interment space for the remains $55; interment space for the containers about $85. The most expensive space for the container in a columbarium is about $150. 65 Thus, one can readily see that cremation is also a profitable venture in the industry. "In 1960 almost half of the total number of cremations in this country 28,000 out of 59,000 took place in the Pacific states. 66 In California the proportion is one out of six. It is also high in big cities. Summary and Conclusions Summarizing therefore, it can be said that the American Funeral Industry and it allied branches through the use of various methods of fraud, deceit, and clandestine practices are cheating the American public. Through these various and sundry methods the Industry has maintained certain price levels, has reduced competition to a state of nonexistence, and has continued to move in approximate lock-step. The problem of high funeral charges and the pricing and selling practices contributing to them cannot be properly understood in terms of the defects or virtues of funeral directors. This would be a gross and unfair oversimplification of the problem. Fundamentally the problem of high funeral costs, arises out of the economics of the industry. 60 1 bid. 61 Harmer, op. cit., p. 21. 62 Mitford, op. cit., p. 129. 63 Ibid. 6i Ibid., p. 28. 65 Ibid., p. 133. e6 Ibid., p. 135. 106 With an excessive number of establishments, a small volume of funerals a year makes it difficult to cover the year round overhead costs and make a living. This structure of the industry inevitably results in pressure for higher prices to keep the many marginal operators in business which gives rise to some of the pricing and selling practices described. Paradoxically, however, special condi- tions surrounding the buying and selling of funeral services limit the degree of competition one would normally expect under such circumstances. The unusual features of the funeral transaction operate to limit competition. The average person arranging a funeral, after the death of a member of the family, is emotionally upset, is usually unprepared for the task, is in no position to judge quality, to compare prices and to act rationally. In a sense the typical funeral establishment has a kind of "captive market" a situation limiting price competition that might put many out of business in the overcrowded funeral industry. Instead of normal competition offering lower prices, there is "trading up" of the "quality" of the funeral with more expensive features offered at higher prices. Concluding therefore, the states must act, similar to New York which passed a bill authored by the Attorney General Leftowitz to make the funeral director provide an itemized statement of goods supplied and service rendered for the price demanded on funeral bills. 67 Next, individual communities must act. They can set up cooperatives, that is cooperative memorial societies which can offer decent and respectful services for as low as $100. 68 And finally the Federal Government must act with both a truth-in-packing bill and a regulation of the allied industries. All these endeavors working concurrently may affect the industry so as to restore a normal state of competition. Bibliography Books Bowan, LeRoy. The American Funeral. Washington, D. C: Public Affairs Press, 1959. Habenstein, Robert. The History of American Funeral Directing. Milwaukee: National Funeral Directors Association, 1955. Harmer, Ruth M. The High Cost of Dying. New York: Colliers Books, 1963. Mitford, Jessica. The American Way of Death. New York: Crests Books, 1963. Wilcox, Clair. Public Policies Toward Business. Homewood, Illinois: Richard D. Irwin, Inc., 1960. 67 U. S. Congress, Senate, Subcommittee . . . , Hearings, Ibid., p. 2. 68 Harmer, op. cit., pp. 197-228; Mitford, op. cit., pp. 225-28; Bowman, op. cit., p. 129. 107 Public Documents U. S. Senate, Subcommittee on Antitrust and Monopoly. Antitrust Aspects of the Funeral Industry. Part 1, 88th Congress, 2nd. Session, 1964. Others Sources Senate Office Building. Personal Interview with W. D. Sparks, Assistant Counsel, Senate Antitrust Subcommittee, March 1, 1966. Wilno Funeral Office. Personal Interview with Authur Foster, Funeral Worker, May 2, 1966. 108 : STATE. COuLEGE BRANCH SAVANf*AH, laEORGiA W<*1