"The History of Georgia." Volumes 1 and 2, by Dr. Charles C. Jones, Jr., is recognized by leading authori ties as among the best works on the aboriginal, colonial and revolution ary epochs. Both volumes have been out of print for a number of years. The Reprint Company is pleased to open a Heritage Series of reprints on Georgia with these two volumes. A Heritage Series of reprints was started five years ago on South Carolina and now includes the fol lowing nine volumes: J. B. 0. 'Landrum's Colonial and Revolutionary History of Upper South Carolina and History of Spartanburg County; John H. Logan's History of the Upper Country of South Carolina; Alexan der Hewatt's Historical Account of the Rise and Progress of the Colo nies of South Carolina and Georgia, 2 volumes; David Ramsay's History of South Carolina, 2 volumes; and the South Carolina, 1790, First Census; Alexander Gregg's History of The Old Cheraws. Books available in a similar North Carolina Heritage Series include: R. B. Creecy's Grandfather's Tales of North Carolina History, Francis L. Hawks' History of North Carolina, 2 volumes, and the North Carolina, 1790, First Census. In addition to the South and North Carolina 1790 Census volumes, Re print Company has completed' the volumes 'available on the other 10 states: Virginia, Pennsylvania, Maine, Rhode Island, Vermont, New Hampshire, Maryland, New York, Massachusetts and Connecticut. THE REPRINT COMPANY 154 W. Cleveland Pk. Dr. Spartanbnrg, S.C., 29303 May, 1965. GEN. OGLETHORPE Fiom tke. ofi Geo. Wymb-&ite.y THE BOSTON: HOtFGHTON, MIPFLIN AND COMPAKY. New York: 11 East Seventeenth Street. Presa, Cambriaje. 1883. Copyright, 1883, By CHARLES C. JONES, JK. All rights reserved. The Riverside Press, Cambridge' Eiectrotyped and Printed by H. 0. Houghton & Co. To THE MEMORY OF CHARLES COLCOCK JONES, D. D. PEEFACE. MY purpose is to write a history of Georgia from the earliest times down to a period within the memory of the living. In the execution of this design two volumes are now offered to the pub lic. They embrace the aboriginal epoch, a narrative of discovery and primal exploration, schemes of colonization, the settlement under Oglethorpe, and the life of the Province under the guid ance of the Trustees, under the control of a President and Assist ants, under the supervision of Royal Governors, and during the Revolutionary War. They conclude with the erection of Georgia into an independent State. All available sources of information have been utilized. That the relation should respond to the gen uine circumstance and true philosophy of the action has been the author's care. Wherever the faithful record and a lively recital of facts could best be presented in the language of contempora neous documents of admitted authenticity, they have been re produced. The two concluding volumes, which will deal with Georgia as a commonwealth, are in course of preparation. A historian, says Lord Macaulay, must possess an imagination sufficiently powerful to make his narrative affecting and pictur esque. Yet he must control it so absolutely as to content him self with the materials which he finds, and to refrain from sup plying deficiencies by additions of his own. He must exercise a self-command which will enable him to abstain from casting his facts in the mould of his hypothesis. Whether the author has succeeded in his honest effort to ob serve these injunctions, let the candid reader decide. AUGUSTA, GBOBGIA, October, 1883. CONTENTS OF VOLUME I. CHAPTER,!. PAGE ABORIGINAL POPULATION.--THE MANNERS, MANUFACTURES, AMUSE MENTS, EMPLOYMENTS, AND CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SOUTHERN IN DIANS OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY ............ 1 CHAPTER II. EARLY VOYAGES. -- EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE Soro ...... 34 CHAPTER in. GRANT TO THE LORDS PROPRIETORS OF CAROLINA. -- EARLY POSTS SOUTH OF THE SAVANNAH RIVER. -- SPANISH MINING OPERATIONS IN THE APALATCY MOUNTAINS. -- MARGRAVATE OF AZILIA. -- GOV ERNOR MOORE'S EXPEDITION. -- MISSION OF SIR ALEXANDER CUMING. -- SALE AND SURRENDER BY THE LORDS PROPRIETORS ... 67 CHAPTER IV. JAMES EDWARD OGLETHORPE. -- ENGLISH PRISONS. -- MISERIES OF IN SOLVENT DEBTORS. -- SCHEME FOR THE COLONIZATION OF GEORGIA. -- ROYAL CHARTER GRANTED TO OGLETHORPE AND HIS ASSOCIATES. -- ANALYSIS OF THAT CHARTER .............. 82 CHAPTER V. ACCEPTANCE OF THE CHARTER BY THE CORPORATORS. -- THEIR ORGAN IZATION PERFECTED. -- THE CORPORATE SEAL. -- SUBSCRIPTIONS SO LICITED.-- THE SCHEME OF COLONIZATION AS UNFOLDED BY THE TRUSTEES. -- OGLETHORPE'S APPEAL TO THE PUBLIC. -- MARTYN'S REASONS FOR ESTABLISHING THE COLONY OF GEORGIA ..... 96 viu CONTENTS OF VOLUME I. CHAPTER VI. REGULATIONS ESTABLISHED BY THE TRUSTEES. -- GRANTS IN TAIL MALE DETERMINED UPON. -- NEGRO SLAVERY AND THE IMPORTATION OP E.UM PROHIBITED ..................... 106 CHAPTER VII. PREPARATIONS FOR THE FIRST EMBARKATION. -- OGLETHORPE LEADS THE COLONISTS. -- DEPARTURE IN THE GALLEY ANNE. -- ARRIVAL AND RECEPTION AT CHARLESTOWN, SOUTH CAROLINA. -- OGLETHORPE VISITS YAMACRAW BLUFF. -- His FIRST INTERVIEW WITH TOMO-CHICHI.--THE COLONISTS LAND AT SAVANNAH ......... 113 CHAPTER VIII. EARLY LABORS OF THE COLONISTS AT SAVANNAH. -- OGLETHORPE'S LET TERS TO THE TRUSTEES. -- COMMUNICATION AND RESOLUTIONS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF SOUTH CAROLINA. -- ASSISTANCE FROM PRI VATE PARTIES IN CAROLINA. -- ACCOUNT OF THE PROGRESS OF THE COLONIZATION WRITTEN BY A GENTLEMAN FROM CHARLESTOWN. -- OGLETHORPE VISITS CHARLESTOWN AND ADDRESSES THE GENERAL AS SEMBLY. -- CONGRATULATIONS FROM PENNSYLVANIA AND MASSACHU SETTS ....................... 121 CHAPTER IX. OGLETHORPE'S CONCILIATORY CONDUCT TOWARD THE INDIANS. -- CHAR ACTER AND INFLUENCE OF TOMO-CHI-CHI. -- GEORGIA'S DEBT OF GRAT ITUDE TO THIS Mico. -- CONVENTION OF CHIEFS. -- ARTICLES OP FRIENDSHIP AND COMMERCE PROPOSED AND RATIFIED ..... 132 ARRIVAL OF THE SHIP JAMES. -- FORT ARGYLE BUILT AND GARRISONED. -- THE VILLAGES OF HIGH GATE AND HAMPSTEAD LOCATED AND PEO PLED. -- FORTS AT THUNDERBOLT AND SKTDOWAY. ISLAND. --JOSEPH'S TOWN. -- ABERCORN. -- IRENE. -- THE HORSE-QUARTER. -- EARLY PLANTATIONS. -- MANCHECOLAS FORT AT SKTDOWAY NARROWS. -- TYBEE LIGHTHOUSE. -- PLAN OF SAVANNAH. -- ITS SQUARES, STREETS, WARDS, AND TITHINGS. -- ARRIVAL OF HEBREW IMMIGRANTS. -- DEED SHOWING FIRST ALLOTMENT OF TOWN LOTS, GARDEN LOTS, AND FARMS IN SAVANNAH, AND CONTAINING THE NAMES OF THE ORIGINAL GRANTEES ..................... 146 CONTENTS OF VOLUME I. ix CHAPTER XI. OGLETHORPE MAKES A RECONNOISSANCE OF THE SOUTHERN FRONTIER OF THE PROVINCE. -- HE INSPECTS FORT ARGYLE. -- INDUCEMENTS OFFERED TO THE SALZBURGERS TO EMIGRATE TO GEORGIA. -- THEIR SETTLEMENT AT EBENEZER. -- VON RECK'S DESCRIPTION OF SAVAN NAH. -- His TRIBUTE TO OGLETHORPE. -- PALACHOCOLAS. -- RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES ON BEHALF OF THE TRUST. -- OGLETHORPE DE PARTS FOR ENGLAND .................. 163 CHAPTER XII. TC MO-CHI-CHI AND RETINUE ACCOMPANY OGLETHORPE TO ENGLAND. -- ODE TO THE Mico. -- ENTERTAINMENT OF THE INDIANS IN LONDON AND ITS ENVIRONS. -- RETURN TO GEORGIA. -- HAPPY INFLUENCES EXERTED BY THIS VlSIT ................. 174 ' CHAPTER XIII. RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION OF THE COLONISTS AND THE INDIANS. -- FREDERICA NAMED, AND ITS SETTLEMENT AUTHORIZED BY THE TRUSTEES. -- OGLETHORPE RESUMES TEMPORARILY HIS SEAT IN PARLIAMENT. -- INTRODUCTION OF RUM AND SLAVES INTO GEORGIA PROHIBITED BY (SPECIAL ENACTMENT. -- CAUSTON IN CHARGE OF THE COLONY. -- SILK CULTURE. -- STALWART COLONISTS SELECTED FOR THE SOUTHERN FRONTIERS. -- RULES OF THE TRUSTEES FOR THE YEAR 1735. -- AR RIVAL OF THE MORAVIANS. -- THEIR HISTORY IN GEORGIA. -- SCOTCH IMMIGRATION FROM INVERNESS. -- THE DARIEN SETTLEMENT FORMED ON THE AJLATAMAHA .................. 187 CHAPTER XIV. REV. JOHN WESLEY ENGAGED AS A MISSIONARY. -- DR. BURTON'S ADVICE TO HIM. -- THE GREAT EMBARKATION. -- ANECDOTES OF OGLETHORPE DURING HIS RETURN VOYAGE TO GEORGIA. -- ARRIVAL OF THE SYMOND AND THE LONDON MERCHANT AT TYBEE ROADS. -- ACCESSIONS TO THE POPULATIONS OF EBENEZER AND IRENE. -- THE SALZBURGERS DESIRE A CHANGE OF LOCATION.--THEIR REMOVAL TO NEW EBENEZER ON THE SAVANNAH RIVER. -- MARTYN'S ACCOUNT OF THE NEW SETTLEMENT ................. 202 CHAPTER XV. ANECDOTE OF TOMO-CHX-CHI. -- OGLETHORPE ACCOMMODATES DISPUTES BETWEEN THE INDIANS AND CERTAIN TRESPASSERS FROM CAROLINA. -- AUGUSTA LOCATED AND SETTLED. -- FRANCIS MOORE'S DESCRIPTION X CONTENTS OF VOLUME I. OP SAVANNAH. -- OGLETHORPE PROCEEDS TO ST. SIMON'S ISLAND AND DESIGNATES A PLAN FOR FREDERICA. -- HE VISITS NEW INVERNESS, AND THEN, RETURNING TO TYBEE ROADS, CONDUCTS THE NEWLY AR RIVED IMMIGRANTS TO ST. SIMON'S ISLAND. -- DESCRIPTION OF FREDERICA.--FORTS ST. ANDREW, ST. SIMON, AND GEORGE. --OGLETHORPE ASCERTAINS THE BOUNDARY LlNE BETWEEN GEORGIA AND FLORIDA. -- INDIAN DANCE ................... 215 CHAPTER XVI. FREDERICA A MILITARY TOWN. -- MISSION OF MR. DEMPSEY AND MAJOR RICHARDS. -- AMICABLE RELATIONS ESTABLISHED BETWEEN GEORGIA AND FLORIDA. -- OGLETHORPE'S INTERVIEW WITH THE SPANISH OF FICIALS. -- SUBSEQUENTLY THE SPANIARDS CALL UPON THE ENGLISH TO EVACUATE ALL TERRITORY LYING SOUTH OF ST. HELENA SOUND. -- CONFERENCE WITH SOUTH CAROLINA COMMISSIONERS IN REGARD TO THE INDIAN TRADE. -- OGLETHORPE DEPARTS A SECOND TIME FOR ENGLAND ...................... 238 CHAPTER XVH. DISPUTE BETWEEN GEORGIA AND CAROLINA WITH REGARD TO THE NAVI GATION OF THE SAVANNAH RIVER. -- DISAGREEMENTS BETWEEN THE SALZBURGERS, SOME CAROLINIANS, AND THE UCHEE INDIANS. -- THE HOME GOVERNMENT MEMORIALIZED BY THE TRUSTEES TO FURNISH TROOPS AND MUNITIONS OF WAR FOR THE PROTECTION OF GEORGIA AGAINST THE SPANIARDS. -- OGLETHORPE EMPOWERED TO RAISE A REGIMENT, AND PROMOTED TO THE RANK OF COLONEL. -- APPOINTED GENERAL, AND COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF HIS MAJESTY'S FORCES IN CAROLINA AND GEORGIA. -- RETURNS TO GEORGIA WITH HIS REGI MENT. -- MILITARY OPERATIONS AT FREDERICA. -- SPIES IN CAMP. -- OGLETHORPE'S RESOLUTION AND ENERGY. -- CONFERENCE AT SAVAN NAH WITH THE INDIANS. -- CAUSTON'S DEFALCATION AND REMOVAL. --WILLIAM STEPHENS.--DEPRESSED CONDITION OF THE FINANCES OF THE COLONY. -- OGLETHORPE'S GENEROSITY ........ 256 CHAPTER XVIII. THE BROTHERS JOHN AND CHARLES WESLEY IN GEORGIA ..... 275 CHAPTER XIX. MUTINY IN OGLETHORPE'S REGIMENT.--ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE THE GENERAL. -- NEGRO INSURRECTION IN SOUTH CAROLINA. -- OGLE THORPE DENIES CAUSTON'S INSINUATIONS.--REV. MR. NORRIS.-- GRANT OF 20,000 BY PARLIAMENT. -- MAGISTRATES AND FREEHOLD- CONTENTS OF VOLUME I. xi ERS OF SAVANNAH APPLY TO THE TRUSTEES FOR FEE SIMPLE TITLES TO LAND, AND FOR THE PRIVILEGE OF INTRODUCING NEGRO SLAVES. -- THE HIGHLANDERS AT DARIEN AND THE SALZBURGERS AT EBENEZER PROTEST AGAINST THE ADMISSION OF SLAVERY. -- OGLETHORPE COUN SELS AGAINST THE PROPOSED CHANGES. -- HE IS ATTACKED BY MAL CONTENTS. _ DEPRESSED CONDITION OF THE PROVINCE. -- THE TRUS TEES REFUSE TO PERMIT THE INTRODUCTION OF NEGRO SLAVES, AND DECLINE TO ENLARGE THE TENURE OF LANDS ......... 297 CHAPTER XX. DISSENSIONS AMONG THE OFFICERS OF OGLETHORPE'S REGIMENT. -- OGLETHORPE VISITS CHARLESTOWN AND EXHIBITS TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF CAROLINA HIS COMMISSION AS COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. -- REPORT OF THE CONDITION OF THE COLONY IN 1739. -- OGLETHORPE VISITS COWETA TOWN. -- CONFERENCE AND TREATY WITH THE IN DIANS. -- OGLETHORPE AT SAVANNAH. -- LAST ILLNESS AND DEATH OF TOMO-CHI-CHI. -- IMPENDING WAR WITH SPAIN. -- THE SOUTHERN FRONTIER STRENGTHENED. -- SPANISH OUTRAGE ON AMELIA ISLAND. -- OGLETHORPE RETALIATES, BURNS FORT PICOLATA, AND CAPTURES AND GARRISONS FORT FRANCIS DE PAPA. -- HE APPLIES FOR ADDI TIONAL BOATS, ARTILLERY, AND MUNITIONS ......... 314 CHAPTER XXI. OGLETHORPE PREPARES FOR AN ADVANCE UPON ST. AUGUSTINE. -- AID INVOKED AND RECEIVED FROM SOUTH CAROLINA. -- SlEGE OF ST. AUGUSTINE.--OGLETHORPE'S COTTAGE NEAR FREDERICA.--DESCRIP TION OF FREDERICA IN 1740. -- VILLAGE OF ST. SIMON. -- MILITARY POSTS ON THE SOUTHERN FRONTIER. -- VILLAGE OF BARRIMACKE. -- EFFICIENT SERVICES RENDERED BY INDIAN ALLIES ....... 326 CHAPTER XXII OGLETHORPE RENEWS HIS DEMAND FOR MEN-OF-WAR AND MILITARY STORES.--SCURRILOUS ATTACKS UPON OGLETHORPE AND THE TRUS TEES' SERVANTS. -- SPANISH FORCES CONCENTRATED FOR THE SUBJU GATION OF GEORGIA. -- ATTACK UPON ST. SIMON'S ISLAND, AND ITS HEROIC DEFENSE CONDUCTED BY OGLETHORPE. -- NARRATIVES OF THIS IMPORTANT AFFAIR. -- OGLETHORPE'S COUNTER BLOW DELIVERED AGAINST FLORIDA.-- DESCRIPTIONS OF FREDERICA LN 1743. -- OGLE THORPE'S DEPARTURE FOR ENGLAND. -- His CHARACTER, SUBSEQUENT CAREER, AND DEATH ................. 341 CHAPTER XXIII. MR. WILLIAM STEPHENS APPOINTED PRESIDENT OF THE PROVINCE.-- CIVIL ESTABLISHMENT AT FREDERICA. -- STATE OF THE COLONY. -- xii CONTENTS OF VOLUME I. SILK CULTURE. -- INCREASE AND THRIFT OF THE GERMAN POPULATION. -- AFFAIRS AT NEW EBENEZER.-- GRAPE CULTURE ....... 370 CHAPTER XXTV. OGLETHORPE'S INTERCOURSE WITH AND INFLUENCE OVER THE INDIAN NATIONS. -- PLOT OF CHRISTIAN PRIBER. -- EXPLOSION OF THE BOMBMAGAZINE AT FREDERICA. -- MARY MUSGROVE. -- THOMAS BOSOMWORTH.-- MEMORIAL OF MARY BOSOMWORTH. -- MALATCHE OPIYA PROCLAIMED KlNG. -- HOSTILE DEMONSTRATION ON THE PART OF MARY BOSOMWORTH, HER HUSBAND, AND A LARGE RETINUE OF INDIANS. -- ADJUSTMENT OF THE BOSOMWORTH CLAIM. ........ 380 CHAPTER XXV. THE REV. GEORGE WHITEFIELD. -- HON. JAMES HABERSHAM. -- BETHESDA ORPHAN HOUSE. -- WHITEFIELD'S EXERTIONS IN ITS BEHALF. -- ANECDOTE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. -- PLAN TO CONVERT THE ORPHAN HOUSE INTO A SEMINARY OF LEARNING. -- WHITEFIELD'S MEMORIAL. -- ADDRESS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY. -- GOVERNOR WRIGHT'S RESPONSE. -- BARTRAM'S DESCRIPTION OF BETHESDA. -- FATE OF THIS ELEEMOSYNARY SCHEME ........... 400 CHAPTER XXVI. THE COLONY UNDER PRESIDENT STEPHENS. -- PRACTICAL EVASION OF THE REGULATION PROHIBITING THE INTRODUCTION OF NEGRO SLAVES. -- THE PRESIDENT, ASSISTANTS, AND PEOPLE REPEAT THEIR PRAYER FOR THE ALLOWANCE OF SLAVERY. -- RESPONSE OF THE TRUSTEES. -- SLAVERY PERMITTED. -- PROPOSITION TO SUBORDINATE GEORGIA TO SOUTH CAROLINA. -- CASE OF CAPTAIN DEMETREE. -- ABROGATION OF THE ACT FORBIDDING THE IMPORTATION AND MANUFACTURE OF RUM AND OTHER DISTILLED LlQUORS. -- LAND TENURES ENLARGED. -- SOLA BILLS. -- FIDELITY OF THE TRUSTEES. -- COMMERCIAL HOUSE OF HARRIS & HABERSHAM ................ 416 CHAPTER XXVII. MISSION OF PtCKERING ROBINSON AND JAMES HABERSHAM. -- FILATURE ERECTED IN SAVANNAH. -- ENCOURAGEMENT OF THE SlLK CULTURE. -- A PROVINCIAL ASSEMBLY AUTHORIZED AND CONVENED. -- ITS FIRST SESSION, ITS COMPOSITION, AND ITS PROCEEDINGS. -- THE TRUSTEES PROTEST AGAINST THE ANNEXATION OF GEORGIA TO SOUTH CAROLINA. -- ORGANIZATION OF THE COLONIAL MILITIA. -- FIRST GENERAL MUS TER. -- CONSERVATORS OF THE PEACE NAMED. -- THEIR POWERS. -- MARY BOSOMWORTH'S DEMAND. -- RELIGIOUS TOLERATION. -- RU MORED UPRISING OF THE CHEROKEES.--REVIEW OF THE POLICY OF THE TRUSTEES. -- THEIR NAMES, OCCUPATIONS, AND CONDUCT. -- CLER GYMEN. -- CHURCHES. -- RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS ...... 432 CONTENTS OF VOLUME I. xiii CHAPTER XXVIII. THE TRUSTEES SURRENDER THEIR CHARTER AND GEORGIA PASSES INTO THE HANDS OF THE CROWN.--DEED OF "SURRENDER.-- SERVANTS OF THE TRUSTEES CONTINUED IN OFFICE PENDING THE ERECTION OF A ROYAL GOVERNMENT. -- PATRICK GRAHAM SUCCEEDS MR. PARKER AS PRESIDENT. -- POPULATION AND CONDITION OF GEORGIA IN 1753. -- ROYAL PLAN FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A CIVIL GOVERNMENT. -- CAPTAIN JOHN REYNOLDS APPOINTED AS FIRST ROYAL GOVERNOR. -- His POWERS AND DUTIES. -- PUBLIC SEAL. -- GEORGIA DURING THE INTERREGNUM. -- THE LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR. -- THE COUNCIL. -- QUALIFICATIONS OF ELECTORS AND OF REPRESENTATIVES. -- THE COM MONS HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY. -- THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY. -- THE COURTS. -- THE CHIEF JUSTICE AND ASSOCIATE JUSTICES. -- THE PROVOST MARSHAL .................. 450 CHAPTER XXIX. GOVERNOR REYNOLDS' ADMINISTRATION. -- REPORT TO THE LORDS COM MISSIONERS OF TRADE AND PLANTATIONS OF THE CONDITION OF THE COLONY. -- HARDWICKE SUGGESTED AS THE CAPITAL OF GEORGIA. -- ESTABLISHMENT OF THE GENERAL COURT, THE COURT OF CHANCERY, THE COURT OF OYER AND TERMINER, THE COURT OF ADMIRALTY, MAGISTRATES' COURTS, AND SPECIAL COURTS FOR THE TRIAL OF SLAVES. -- CONVOCATION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY. -- GOVERNOR REYNOLDS' INAUGURAL ADDRESS, AND RESPONSES OF BOTH HOUSES. -- LEGISLATIVE ACTS. -- MILITIA AND SLAVE LAWS. -- EDMUND GREY. -- SURRENDER OF FORMER GRANTS, AND SUBSTITUTION OF NEW CON VEYANCES FROM THE CROWN ............... 468 CHAPTER XXX. MIDWAY DISTRICT. -- THE DORCHESTER SOCIETY. -- ITS REMOVAL FROM DORCHESTER AND BEECH ISLAND IN SOUTH CAROLINA AND SETTLE MENT IN THE MIDWAY DISTRICT. -- THE TOWN OF SUNBURY .... 491 CHAPTER XXXI. INDIAN PRESENTS DISTRIBUTED AT AUGUSTA. -- ARRIVAL OF ACADIANS. -- DEBRAHM'S COLONY AT BETHANY. -- MILITARY CONDITION OF THE PROVINCE. -- GOVERNOR REYNOLDS' AND CAPTAIN DEBRAHM'S REP RESENTATION OF THE FORTS AND GARRISONS NECESSARY FOR THE DEFENSE OF GEORGIA. -- SUGGESTION TO PURCHASE ONE HUNDRED AND FIFTY NEGRO SLAVES WITH WHICH TO CONSTRUCT THE REQUI SITE FORTIFICATIONS. -- DISAGREEMENTS BETWEEN THE EXECUTIVE AND THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY.--DR. WILLIAM LITTLE.--REYNOLDS' ADMINISTRATION OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS CRITICISED. -- HE is RECALLED, AND HENRY ELLIS is NAMED AS LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR. -- GOVERNOR REYNOLDS RESIGNS, AND RESUMES HIS STATION IN THE BRITISH NAVY 502 xiv CONTENTS OF VOLUME I. CHAPTER XXXII. LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR ELLIS ARRIVES IN GEORGIA AND IS HEARTHS WELCOMED. -- TEMPER OF THE COLONY. -- PRUDENCE AND IMPARTIAL ITY OP THE NEW CHIEF MAGISTRATE. -- HE VISITS THE SOUTHERN FRONTIER AND RECOMMENDS THE REMOVAL OF THE SEAT OF GOVERN MENT FROM SAVANNAH TO HARDWICKE. -- COURTESIES EXCHANGED BETWEEN THE EXECUTIVE AND THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY. -- GEORGIA DIVIDED INTO ElGHT PARISHES. -- LEGISLATIVE ENACTMENTS. -- PRO VISION FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT, INCORPORATION, AND SUPPORT OF CHURCHES. -- ELLIS' REPORT ON THE CONDITION OF THE PROVINCE IN 1758. -- ELLIS COMMISSIONED GOVERNOR. -- GEORGIA UNABLE TO AS SIST IN THE WAR AGAINST THE FRENCH IN AMERICA. -- CONFERENCE AND TREATY WITH THE INDIANS AT SAVANNAH. -- EDMUND GREY AND HIS ADHERENTS. -- HEAT AT SAVANNAH. -- GOVERNOR ELLIS IN ILL HEALTH SOLICITS A RECALL. -- JAMES WRIGHT APPOINTED HIS SUC CESSOR.-- DEPARTURE OF GOVERNOR ELLIS .......... 515 ILLUSTEATIOJSTS. PORTRAIT OF GENERAL JAMES OGLETHORPE . . . To face title-page. PORTRAIT OF HERNANDO DE SOTO ........ 34 A PLAN OF THE MARGRAVATE OF AZILIA.... 71 -- 72 A VIEW OF THE TOWN OF SAVANNAH IN THE COLONY OF GEORGIA 121 PORTRAIT OF TOMO-CHA-CHI, MICO, ETC. ....... 134 A MAP OF THE COUNTY OF SAVANNAH .... 145 -- 146 A PLAN OF THE TOWN OF EBENEZER . . - . . . . . 212 PORTRAIT OF JAMES HABERSHAM ........ 402 A PLAN OF THE TOWN OF SUNBURY ........ 499 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. CHAPTER I. ABORIGINAL POPULATION. -- THE MANNERS, MANUFACTURES, AMUSEMENTS, EMPLOYMENTS, AND CHARACTERISTICS OP THE SOUTHERN INDIANS OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. WHEN the colony of Georgia was founded, the ceded lands lying between the Savannah and the Alatamaha rivers and extending from their he"ad-waters indefinitely toward the west were occupied by Indians whose principal settlements were es tablished in the vicinity of streams, in rich valleys, and upon the sea-islands. The middle and lower portions of this and the ad jacent territory were claimed by the Muskhogees, or Creeks, con sisting of many tribes and associated together in a strong con-? federacy. North of them dwelt the Cherokees, -- a brave and comely race, -- numbering some six thousand warriors, inhabit ing the hilly and mountainous parts of the country, and exer cising dominion even beyond the Tennessee River where they were confronted by the Sbawnees. The entire region permeated by the sources and upper tributaries of the Coosa, the Chattahoochee, the Savannah, the Santee, and the Yadkin was held by them. Between the Cherokees and the Muskhogees the di vision line followed Broad River and, generally, the thirty-fourth parallel of north latitude. East of these nations resided the Yemassees, the Stonoes, the Edistoes, the Westoes, the Savannahs, and the Catawbas ; while, on the west, stretching away even to the Mississippi River, were domiciled the Alibamons, the Choctaws, the Natchez, and the Chicasaws. The population of the Upper and Lower Creeks dwelling within the territorial limits of the Province of Georgia at the date of its settlement was estimated at fifteen thousand men, women, and children. When, however, we remember that the 2 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. lands possessed by the Muskhogee confederacy -- comprehending the seats of the Seminoles in Florida -- were bounded on the west by Mobile River and by the ridge which separates the wa ters of the Tombigbee from those of the Alabama, on the north by the Cherokees, on the north and east by the Savannah River, and otherwise by the Atlantic Ocean and the Gulf of Mexico, the aggregate number of inhabitants acknowledging allegiance to that confederation must have been much greater. The Muskhogees constituted the prevailing nation, and are said to have furnished rather more than seven eighths of the peo ples composing the confederacy. The Hitchittees, residing on the Chattahoochee and Flint rivers, although originally a dis tinct people, spoke the Muskhogee dialect and formed a com ponent tribe of the Creek confederation. The Seminoles, or Isty Semoles (wild men), were pure Musk hogees, and received that name because they subsisted chiefly by hunting and were little given to agricultural pursuits. They inhabited the peninsula of Florida. Both the Muskhogees and the Hitchittees claimed to be autochthonous : the former assert ing that their nation in the beginning issued out of a cave near the Alabama River, and the latter boasting that their ancestors had fallen from the sky. By the Choctaws was Captain Romans informed that in the olden time they walked forth in great numbers from a hole in the ground, situated between their territory and that of the Chicasaws. The Uchees and Natchez both yielded obedience to the Musk hogee confederacy. Of the former the original seats are sup posed to have been east of the Coosa. They proclaimed them selves the most ancient inhabitants of the country, and it has been.suggested that they were the peoples called Appalaches by the historians of De Soto's expedition. Their land abounded in towns and in subsistence. Early in the eighteenth century they dwelt upon the western bank of the Savannah River, and as late as 1736 claimed the country above and below the town of Augusta. The name of a creek in Columbia County perpetuates to the present day their memory and the fact of their former occupancy of this region. Forsaking their old habitat on the left bank of the Mississippi River, and journeying eastward, the Natchez associated them selves with the Creeks not very many years prior to the advent of Oglethorpe. PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF SOUTHERN INDIANS. 3 Among the principal towns of the Creeks may be mentioned Cussetah, Cowetah, Tukawbatchie, and Oscoochee. The Muskhogee, the Hitchittee, the Uchee, the Natchez, and the Alibamon or Coosada, were the languages generally spoken by the various tribes composing the Creek confederacy. Captain Romans enu merates remnants of the Cawittas, Talepoosas, Coosas, Apalachias, Conshacs or Coosades, Oakmulgis, Oconis, Okchoys, Alibamons, Natchez, Weetumkus, Pakanas, Taensas, Chacsihoomas, Abekas, and of other tribes whose names he did not recollect, all calling themselves Muskokees and constituting what was known as the Creek Confederation. On the 12th of March, 1733, Oglethorpe reported the Upper and Lower Creeks and the Uchees as the three most powerful Indian nations in Georgia dwelling between the coast and the mountains. The Lower Creeks possessed nine towns or can tons, and their warriors were estimated by him at one thousand. The military strength of the Upper Creeks he reckons at eleven hundred men capable of bearing arms ; while the Uchees were, at that time, supposed to be incapable of bringing into the field more than two hundred bowmen. This computation of the pop ulation of these peoples, vaguely formed, was manifestly inade quate. In perpetuating his impressions of the physical characteristics of these Southern Indians, Mr. Bartram writes : " The males of the Cherokees, Muscogulgees, Siminoles, Chicasaws, Chactaws, and confederate tribes of the Creeks are tall, erect, and moder ately robust; their limbs are well shaped, so as generally to form a perfect human figure ; their features regular and countenance open, dignified, and placid, yet the forehead and brow so formed as to strike you instantly with heroism and bravery ; the eye, though rather small, active and full of fire; the iris always .black, and the nose commonly inclining to the aquiline. Their coun tenance and actions exhibit an air of magnanimity, superiority, and independence. Their complexion of a reddish-brown or cop per color; their hair long, lank, coarse, and black as a raven, and reflecting the like lustre at different exposures to the light. The women of the Cherokees are tall, slender, erect, and of a delicate frame; their features formed with perfect symmetry, their countenance cheerful and friendly; and they move with a becoming grace and dignity. " The Muscogulgee women, though remarkably short of stature, are well formed ; their visage round, features regular and beau- 4 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. tiful, the brow high and arched, the eye large, black, and lan guishing, expressive of modesty, diffidence, and bashfulness. These charms are their defensive and offensive weapons, and they know very well how to play them off ; and under cover of these alluring graces are concealed the most subtle artifices; they are, however, loving and affectionate. They are, I believe, the smallest race of women yet known, seldom above five feet high, and I believe the greater number never arrive to that stature ; their hands and feet not larger than those of Europeans of nine or ten years of age : yet the men are of gigantic stature, a full size larger than Europeans ; many of them above six feet, and few under that, or five feet eight or ten inches. Their com plexion much darker than any of the tribes to the north of them that I have seen. This description will, I believe, comprehend the Muscogulges, their confederates the Chactaws, and, I believe, the Chicasaws (though I have never seen their women), except ing some bands of the Siminoles, Uches, and Savaunucas, who are rather taller and slenderer, and their complexion brighter. The Cherokees are yet taller and more robust than the Muscogulges, and by far the largest race of men I have seen ; their com plexions brighter and somewhat of the olive cast, especially the adults ; and some of their young women are nearly as fair and blooming as Europeans. "The Cherokees in their dispositions and manners are grave and steady; dignified and circumspect in their deportment; rather slow and reserved in conversation, yet frank, cheerful, and humane ; tenacious of the liberties and natural rights of man ; secret, deliberate, and determined in their councils ; honest, just, and liberal, and ready always to sacrifice every pleasure and gratification, even their blood and life itself, to defend their terri tory and maintain their rights. . . . The national character of the Muscogulgees, when considered in a political view, exhibits a portraiture of a great or illustrious hero. A proud, haughty, and arrogant race of men, they are brave and valiant in war, ambitious of conquest, restless, and perpetually exercising their arms, yet magnanimous and merciful to a vanquished enemy when he submits and seeks their friendship and protection; al ways uniting the vanquished tribes in confederacy with them, when they immediately enjoy, unexceptionably, every right of free citizens, and are, from that moment, united in one common band of brotherhood. They were never known to exterminate a tribe, except the Yemasees, who would never submit on any ABORIGINAL POPULATION OF GEORGIA. 5 terms, but fought it out to the last; only about forty or fifty of them escaping at the last decisive battle, who threw themselves under the protection of the Spaniards at St. Augustine. . . . The Muscogulgees are more volatile, sprightly, and talkative than their northern neighbors, the Cherokees." 1 James Adair, who resided for forty years among the Chero kees, furnishes a most valuable account of these peoples who occupied a charming country and numbered among their settle ments sixty-four towns and villages. To Oglethorpe, Sir Alexander Cuming, Baron Von Reck, and others, are we indebted for early notices of this aboriginal popu lation ; but it had then been already shocked by European inva sion and demoralized by unscrupulous traders. Pretermitting, therefore, such narratives as introduce us to an acquaintance with these Indian tribes as they appeared a hun dred and fifty years ago, let us turn to an earlier period in their history, contemplating the Southern nations, their habits, manu factures, amusements, employments, and characteristics as they existed in the sixteenth century. It will not be forgotten that at the epoch to which our atten tion will now be directed Georgia, then without a name, formed a part of ancient Florida, a wide domain whose nether and east ern shores were washed by the waters of the Gulf of Mexico and of the Atlantic Ocean, whose northern boundary confronted Vir ginia of the olden time, and whose western confines, stretch ing even beyond the Meschachipi River, were guarded by un known seas. We speak of Florida and its native population as known to De Leon, De Soto, CabeQa de Vaca, Ribault, and Laudonniere. When the Europeans first visited the territory embraced within and adjacent to the limits of the modern State of Georgia, they found it peopled by Indian tribes, well organized, occupying per manent seats, and largely engaged in the cultivation of maize, beans, pumpkins, melons, and fruits of several sorts. In the vicinity of Tampa Bay, Baltazar de Gallegos, who had been dis patched by De Soto upon a reconnoitring expedition, observed extensive tracts tilled by the natives, the products of which he reported " sufficient to subsist a large army without its knowing a want;" and we are told that the followers of the Adelantado on one occasion marched for two leagues through continuous fields of corn. 1 Travels through North and South Carolina, Georgia, etc., p. 481. London, 1792. 6 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. The walnut, the hickory, the pecan, and other nut-bearing trees were watched and nurtured. Their fruit was industriously gathered, cracked, and boiled, and the oil thence obtained -- " clear as butter and of a good taste," says the gentleman of Elvas--was preserved in earthen jars. But for the food and forage procured from fields cultivated by the natives and found in primitive granaries, the Spaniards and their horses would often have been sorely pinched by hunger. These ancient plantations were located in rich valleys where a generous soil yielded with least labor the most remunerative harvest, upon islands, and in the vicinity of streams where the products of the earth were readily supplemented by the fishes of the waters and the game of the forests. In clearing them the grooved axe was freely employed for girdling the trees. The circulation being thus interrupted, these trees perished, and were either consumed by fire or suffered to fall down and rot piece meal. While tribes claimed specific boundary lines, while to nations and confederacies were accorded recognized territorial limits, and while in such public domain, with its rivers, lakes, and woods, each Indian exercised equal rights and privileges for the pur poses of travel, hunting, and fishing, a special or temporary own ership was admitted in lands cultivated by individual labor. The town plantation, if at first cleared by the united effort of the community, was subsequently parceled out among its mem bers who were thereafter entitled to reap the fruits of their per sonal industry. Each year, at the appointed season, under the superintendence of overseers, the inhabitants of the town, as one family, prepared the ground and sowed the seed. Upon the in gathering of the harvest each Indian deposited in his private crib the yield of his particular lot, contributing, however, a cer tain portion to the public granary or king's storehouse. These public granaries -- built of wood, clay, and stones, and covered with poles, earth, and palmetto leaves--served also as deposito ries for dried fishes, alligators, dogs, deer, and other jerked meats. From them were the chiefs supplied, and their stores were ex pended in entertainment of travelers, guests, and distinguished strangers. Should the private crib of a member of the commu nity be destroyed by fire, or should want overtake any one, by the king's command he was assisted from the public granary. Thence, also, did warriors draw rations when setting out upon an expedition. IMPLEMENTS, AGRICULTURAL AND DOMESTIC. 7 Besides his lot in the general plantation, each inhabitant of the village cultivated a garden spot near his habitation, where melons, beans, and other vegetables were produced. The principal agricultural implements in vogue were wooden mattocks, scapulas of deer and buffalo, large fish bones, wooden sticks for piercing holes in the ground, and stone spades and hoes. Of the latter three varieties may be mentioned: one, a large leaf-shaped implement, another a sort of grooved adze, and the third the notched hoe. The green corn was boiled in earthen vessels or roasted in the fire. When dry, the seeds were parched and then pulverized. For this purpose, crushing stones, wooden and stone mortars, rollers, and pestles were employed. While most of these stone mortars were formed from flat bowlders taken from the beds of neighboring streams, -- their surfaces being hollowed out to the depth of a few inches, -- others may be seen manufactured of ferruginous quartz, symmetrical in shape, accurately fashioned, beautifully polished, and capable of holding a quart or more. In some localities we behold permanent mortars scooped out of large bowlders or rocks, which appear to have been regarded and used as public property. Were we not precluded by the general scope of this chapter, it would be interesting to describe the ceremonies and festivals observed by these primitive peoples when planting and harvest ing the maize, and the various methods adopted by them in its preparation as an article of food. Perhaps nothing tended so surely to develop and consolidate the Southern tribes, and to render permanent their habitations, as the general and regular cultivation of this important American plant. Regarded as a direct gift from the Author of life, and held in special esteem, it was not permitted to treat lightly either the grain or the cob. In the neighborhood of their corn fields were villages, play grounds, tumuli, fish-preserves, and defensive works. Encouraged by their improved possessions to forego the uncertainties and pri vations of a nomadic life, long prior to the dawn of the historic period these peoples had become provident of the future, obedient to the will of rulers, jealous of the conservation of their homes, attached to fixed abodes, and, to a certain degree, tolerant of labor. Ribault thus describes a native village on the Florida coast: " Their houses be made of wood fitly and close; set upright and covered with reeds; the most part of them after the fashion of a 8 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. pavilion. But there was one house among the rest very long and broad, with settles about made of reeds, trimly couched together, which serve them both for beds and seats; they be of height two foot from the ground, set upon great round pillars painted with red, yellow, and blue, well and trimly polished." Of these ancient towns it may be stated that they were generally small, circular in outline, and defended by stockades, inserted in the ground and inclosing spaces varying from two to fifty acres. To strengthen and maintain them securely in their upright posi tion, the lower ends of these stockades were reinforced by earth thrown against them from within and without. Such an addition contributed materially to the safety of the inclosure; and it is not improbable that some of the old earth-walls and parapets, still extant in Southern valleys, indicate the lines of palisades anciently planted for the protection of these towns. Occasionally timbers were placed athwart the piles, and the spaces between the uprights were rammed with straw and clay. The town of Mauvila, where De Soto encountered such loss and determined resistance at the hands of the lion-hearted Alibamons, was thus fortified. Its defensive line, in the language of Herrera, " looked like a wall smoothed with a trowel." These walls, loopholed for archers, were strengthened by towers, and at the gateways or entrances guard-houses were located in which sentinels kept watch. The dwelling of the mico usually occupied a central position in the village. It was either sunk below the level of the ground to avoid the heat, or was elevated upon an artificial mound. Around, in the order of rank, were congregated the houses of the chiefs and principal men. The cabins of the common people were circular or parallelogrammic in plan, the walls being made of upright poles, and the roofs covered with cane, palmetto leaves, moss, or earth. The summer houses were open, while those in tended for occupancy during the winter were often plastered with clay. In many instances, particularly during hot weather, the cooking was done outside of the cabins, and in small struc tures specially built for that purpose. Around the residences of the chiefs -- which were more ample than those of the com mon people -- extended deep balconies, furnished with mats and cane seats. Each village had its large council-house where public deliberations were held. Sometimes, as at Talomeco, there was a mausoleum, or temple, wherein reposed the skeletons of dead micos and priests. GOVERNMENT OF THE SOUTHERN TRIBES. 9 This was supplemented by a building which served as an ar mory. If located at some distance from natural spring, lake, or river, an artificial pond was dug to furnish the town with the requisite supply of fresh water. Ephemeral in their character, these primitive structures were liable to early decay, and had to be constantly renewed. At cer tain seasons these villages were almost deserted of their inhabit ants who repaired in large bodies to favorite streams and to the coast to fish and hunt. To the office of chief ruler among these Southern tribes apper tained powers well-nigh despotic. In approaching a king the subject used gestures modified in degree but similar in form to those employed in the adoration of the sun ; the intimation being that to his person and rank were accorded a superiority, a dignity, and an authority near akin but subordinate to those which in hered in that celestial luminary, admitted to be the most potent and admirable representative of the goodness and supremacy of the Great Spirit. At the earliest period of our acquaintance with these peoples they were divided into families, nations, and confederacies. Among all the patriarchal relation was observable. Ovr the confederacy ruled a king, counseled and supported by micos of component tribes. The office was generally elective, and the ad vancement to this highest grade was usually accorded to him most worthy of it. As chief magistrate he presided over the grand council. The office of mico, or ruler of the tribe, was also elective; in some instances hereditary. Subject to the ad vice and consent of his council, the power of life and death, the ability to command the entire labor and obedience of his sub jects, and the direction of affairs, both civil and military, rested with the king. The great chief of the Natchez bore the appellation of the Sun, and was succeeded in his kingly station by the son of the woman who was most nearly related to him. He acknowledged no superior other than the sun from whom he claimed descent. Over his subjects he wielded despotic power, disposing at will of life, labor, and property. The caciques governing tribes east of the Mississippi, visited by De Soto during his long and devious march, exacted and received the implicit obedience of their sub jects. Occasionally, as in the case of the province of Cutifachiqui, a cacica bore sway. Presiding at all public deliberations, having at his disposal the 10 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. corn and meats collected in the public granaries, prescribing the times for planting and harvesting, entitled to the first fruits of the season, possessing the exclusive privilege of granting audience to deputies and strangers, proclaiming feasts and festivals, directing his warriors in battle, providing for the care and maintenance of widows whose husbands had perished in fight or by disease, hearing and determining disputes among his subjects, counseling war or peace, meting out capital punishment to offenders or cap tives, and capable of compelling the united labor of a community for the accomplishment of a prescribed object, the chief mico was at once king, adviser, judge, master, leader. Nothing short of a controlling will such as his could have compassed the erection of those larger earth-works which even now are recognized as monuments of industry. Next in rank appeared the great war chief, the leader of the army. In council his seat was nearest the mico, and at the head of his noted warriors. His voice was most weighty in military affairs. In the absence of the mico, it was his privilege to pres^de over the deliberations of the general council. Subordinate to this- war captain were leaders of parties and heads of families claiming precedence according to their acknowledged influence, wisdom, strategy, and valor. Here, too, was the high priest, charged with the conduct of spiritual affairs. He it was who ministered between the people and the Great Spirit, and offered propitiatory sacrifices to the sun as the immediate giver of heat and life and light. No council determined upon a hostile expedition until he had au gured the fortune of the enterprise. Believed capable of fore telling the coming drought, of bringing rain upon the thirsty zea, of quieting the tempest and directing the lightning in its course, of expelling evil spirits and invoking the presence of such as imparted health and plenty, this personage was most marked in his influence. And then, another prominent individual in this primitive so ciety was the conjurer, who often united the callings of priest, physician, and fortune-teller. Presumed to be in constant com munication with spirits, both good and evil; addicted to numer ous and extravagant incantations; possessing charms mysterious and, to the common mind, inexplicable; indulging in prolonged and violent contortions while practicing his deceptions; claim ing and exhibiting no inconsiderable knowledge of simples, phil ters, and medicinal herbs; administering fumigations, inhala- PRIMITIVE INHABITANTS. 11 tions, baths, blood-lettings, scarifications, local applications, and emetics, the violence of which, says Coreal, one must be either a Floridian or the Devil to resist, the Jaoiina imposed largely upon the credulity of the community and received rich rewards from his patients, who, in pain and superstition, regarded the rav ing of the quack as the utterance of a divine language, beheld the behavior of the cunning impostor with awe, and submitted with unquestioning obedience to the treatment he prescribed. It must be admitted, however, that these medicine men excelled in the treatment of many distempers, and that some of the cures effected by them were remarkable. The early accounts are full of curious instances of their successful conjurations. " If we have seen one American, we may be said to have seen all, their color and make are so near alike." Such was the ob servation of Ulloa, the entire accuracy of which we will not pause to discuss. Tall, erect, copper-colored, with long, straight black hair, with prominent noses and cheek-bones, with regular features, arched brows, and eyes rather small but active and full of fire ; usually grave in deportment, reserved in conversation, tenacious of natu ral rights, hospitable to strangers, kind to members of their own tribe, honest, haughty and cruel to an enemy, crafty, valiant, and often engaged in war; expert in hunting and fishing, fond of music and dancing, observant of festivals, nimble of foot; skilled in the use of the bow and arrow, the club, the axe, the harpoon, and the blow-gun; patient of fatigue and hunger, yet given to ease and frequent meals; addicted to smoking; ac knowledging the existence of a Supreme Being; adoring the sun as the symbol of life and heat; entertaining some notions of a life beyond the grave; plagued with visions, dreams, trances, and the influences of malign and lesser divinities; worshiping the Devil, and offering human sacrifices in propitiation of the Spirit of Evil; indulging to some extent in image worship, and perpetuating the memory of the distinguished dead by mounds and figures of wood and stpne; excelling in the manufacture of fictile ware, boats of single trees, shawls, coverings, mantles beautifully woven and adorned with feathers, articles of dress made of the skins of buffalo, bear, and deer, carefully prepared, dyed, and colored, fishing lines and nets of the inner bark of trees, mats and baskets of split cane, reeds, and rushes, and la boriously constructed weirs for the capture of fishes ; extensively engaged in the fabrication, use, and interchange of various arfci- 12 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. and implements of wood, bone, shell, copper, and stone; frequently monogamous -- the ntubernal relationship being dis soluble at the will of the male -- the chiefs and principal men claiming as many wives as fancy and station dictated ; ornamentloving, jealous of their possessions, given to agriculture, obedi ent to kings, -- thus runs a general description of these primitive inhabitants. For the use of queens, on public occasions, a palanquin was prepared. Furnished with mats, cushioned seat, and feathered canopy, it was borne on the shoulders of men, preceded by mu sicians playing upon reed flutes, accompanied by a retinue of attendants carrying baskets of fruit, and guarded by plumed warriors bearing javelins in their hands. The female breechclout, made of the long moss of the country, depending from the shoulders, passed transversely below the navel and across the opposite hip. It was far more graceful and flowing than the flap and band, or moss-wad, used by the men. Except when compelled, during the winter, to clothe themselves in skins, blankets, and shawls of their own manufacture, the Southern Indians passed their time in a state almost entirely nude. Even when attired for war the men claimed but little artificial pro tection for their bodies, and contented themselves with fanciful head and ear ornaments and personal decorations of various sorts. Upon the left shoulder of him who had rendered him self famous in battle was depicted a tomahawk, the skin being pricked with a sharp instrument to the depth of the tenth of an inch and powdered charcoal rubbed in. Underneath, and in delibly imprinted in like mariner, was the hieroglyphic sign of the conquered nation. Almost universal was the custom of tattooing. Their bodies being so much exposed, the amplest opportunity was afforded for the exhibition of skill and ingenuity in this respect, and also in skin-p minting. Ear, nose, and lip ornaments, necklaces, anklets, armlets, a^d waistbands of pearl and shell, inflated fish-bladders, copper gorgets, and, very rarely, gold beads were worn. Cover ing the feet were buckskin shoes, reinforced at the bottom, fas tened with running-string around the ankles, and gathered like a purse on the top. Without recounting the traditions, myths, and speculations re garding the genesis and migrations of these peoples, or discuss ing the various proofs and hypotheses which might be offered in support of the antiquity of man in this region, it may now be as- MOUND-BUILDING BY FLORIDA INDIANS. 13 serted that he existed contemporaneously with the mastodon, and that his occupancy dates back to a period indefinitely remote. It has not yet been satisfactorily determined to what time, late or remote, the life of that pachyderm was prolonged. Drift im plements have been reported in a few localities, but the search for them has thus far been partial and in the main unsatisfac tory. Exempt from trials incident to a rigorous climate and a barren territory ; their wants supplied by the abundant food treasures of the waters and the forests, and the spontaneous offerings of a warm and generous soil; in a great measure relieved from those grievous struggles for covering and subsistence which in colder latitudes manifestly tend to harden the condition of the savage and embitter his existence, these peoples, pleasure-loving in their disposition, were, at the time of, our first acquaintance with them, leading gentle, agricultural lives, and claiming old and prominent monuments. Without thought of change, they had developed a degree of taste, skill, and a variety in manufacture superior to those exhibited by more northern tribes, excepting, perhaps, some resident in the Mississippi Valley and its tribu taries. Among the Natchez, in many respects, this Southern semi-civilization found its fullest expression, its most marked de velopment. There the machinery of temple, idol, priest, keepers of sacred things, religious festivals, sun worship, and all that, was most elaborate, and there the preservation of the eternal fire en listed the utmost solicitude. When the Europeans first landed upon these Southern coasts the Florida Indians were, and apparently for an indefinite period anterior to that time had been, addicted to the custom of moundbuilding. Desiring to wrest from oblivion the names and graves of those who were famous in the kingly office, distinguished in arms, or noted in the priesthood ; sympathizing in that wish so natural to the human heart to accord affectionate and honorable sepulture to friend and kindred; eager to dignify the dwellings of their rulers; and ever on the alert to descry from afar the dan ger which menaced town and temple, these peoples were led to erect tumuli which will here remain for centuries yet to come the most prominent and interesting exhibitions of early construc tive skill. As affording the most substantial proofs of primitive occupancy, and often being treasure-houses wherein are garnered the surest expressions of the customs, rites, and manufactures of nations whose former existence can otherwise scarcely be estab- 14 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. listed, we turn with peculiar interest to these mounds for glimpses of a forgotten past. That sepulchral tumuli of no mean dimensions have been erected within the historic period is capable of easy demonstra tion. It is equally certain that the custom of mound-building was generally discontinued shortly after European settlements were formed in this country. Subsequently, instead of being care fully disposed in the womb of the laboriously constructed mound, the dead were exposed upon ephemeral scaffolds, hidden away in the hollow trunks of trees, submerged in ponds, lakes and streams, buried in the depths of forests, concealed in ledges of rocks, or laid away beneath the floors of lodges with few and feeble indicia to denote their last resting-places. That this ancient population was essentially shocked and de moralized by Spanish and French incursions ; that" ideas of gov ernment, worship, and native power, long entertained, were, sadly overturned; and that the influence of the European upon the in stitutions and customs of these peoples was most disastrous, can scarcely admit of a reasonable doubt. That the abandonment of many of their established notions and customary labors is to be attributed to this violent and sudden upheaval of preconceived ideas, to the ravages of foreign diseases, to disintegration and loss encountered at the hands of Europeans and experienced in wars fomented by this new order of things, and that these Indians, recognizing their inferiority and weakness when contrasted with the intelligence and power of the white race, discontinued in large measure their primitive industries and neglected their weightier efforts, may be regarded as not improbable. That in this changed condition of affairs we find at least a partial expla nation of the discontinuance of the custom of mound-building may be fairly claimed. While it may not be confidently asserted that the Indians of the sixteenth century and their progenitors were the authors of all the earth-works found in this region, and particularly of the larger terraced mounds and truncated pyramids, and while we may be unable fully to explain how later tribes became less patient of labor and neglectful of customs which gave rise to such enduring monuments, the likelihood is that these earth works were constructed in the olden time by peoples akin to and possessed of no higher art and civilization than characterized the nations resident here at the dawn of the historic period. Among these Southern tumuli we occasionally meet with ani- CLASSIFICATION OF TUMULL 15 mal, bird-shaped, and emblematic earth and stone works allied to structures of that class so frequent in Wisconsin, and some times observed in other localities in the West. Without attempting an exact classification or minute descrip tion of these prominent indications of early occupancy and prim itive labor, we may note the existence of truncated pyramids, constructed of earth, rising from ten to seventy-five feet above the level of the valleys and fertile plains upon which they are located. Generally frustums of four-sided pyramids, they ma terially differ in size; some of the largest containing, at the top, a level area of an acre. The approaches to their summits were effected not infre quently by means of inclined planes and graded paths, either di rect or winding. Occasionally these struqtures are supplemented by terraces and platforms or curtains. The slope of their sides is such as would be assumed by earth and clay conveyed in bas kets and earthen vessels and deposited from above. Sometimes standing alone, these structures are often associated with conical mounds, frustums of smaller pyramids, and grave-mounds. If builded near a river, these tumuli were now and then inclosed by circular or semicircular earth-walls, or by canals communi cating with the stream, and, at the upper ends and along their courses, developing into artificial ponds which served as fish-pre serves. Introduced from the river into these artificial lakes, -- the narrow mouths of which were closed by gates made of cane and slivers of wood, -- the fishes were there bred, and were thence caught with nets, various forms of which were in use among these Indians. The limits of the ancient towns are indicated by the trend of these canals and parapets. The spaces thus in closed were often considerable, and within them may yet be seen the. remains of elevated roads, wells, traces of covered ways lead ing to the water, and chunky-yards. Some of the more prominent of these truncated pyramids and cones may, we think, be recognized as elevations prepared for the erection of temples for sun worship ; while others of less altitude were seemingly intended asfoundations for the residences of kings, micos, and priests. By more than one of the early historians are we informed of the existence of large artificial tumuli, with precipitous sides and flat tops, located in valleys and near the banks of streams, which were erected for the purpose of sustain ing the houses of chiefs and their families. Wooden stairways, made by cutting inclined planes fifteen or twenty feet wide, 16 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. flanked on the sides with posts and with poles laid horizontally across the earthen steps, afforded facile access to their tops. At the foot of such a mound a square was marked out around which were established the dwellings of the principal members of the tribe. Outside appeared the cabins of the common people. A disposition to dignify the residence of the mico, a willingness at all times to elevate the ruler above his subjects, and a desire to promote his safety and that of his family are assigned as motives for the expenditure of so much labor. Indicating the chosen seats and towns of these peoples, pro claiming the subjection of the general labor to the undisputed will of king and high priest, betokening the supremacy of the governor over the governed, certifying the fixed character of the population, and illustrating the attention bestowed upon the erec tion not only of temples for sun worship, but also of substantial structures denoting the extent, permanency, and accord of the settlement, such tumuli and their dependent works are full of in terest and afford material for careful study. A second class of tumuli worthy of mention includes conical mounds, truncated and situated upon commanding bluffs and hill-tops, which served as signal stations in this densely wooded region. In the absence of bugle note, the roll of drum, the boom of cannon, and the flight of the electric spark, fires kindled upon their summits, with their glare by night and smoke by day, gave tokens which, repeated from kindred mounds along the reaches of rivers or on answering eminences, within a period much shorter than that allotted to the swiftest runner warned tribe and nation of approaching danger. These mounds of observation may be recognized by their peculiar locations and relative positions, and by the fact that when opened they are found to contain nothing other than the traces of fire underlying the roots of overshadow ing trees. Springing from the depths of extensive swamps and in regions liable to inundation may be seen tumuli of considerable dimen sions which served either as retreats during seasons of sudden overflow, or as foundations for the dwellings of those who here hunted and fished. It was manifestly the custom of the Florida tribes in the six teenth century -- a practice too which had long been observed -- to dignify the last resting-places of their dead with coverings of earth, stone, or shells. This method of perpetuating the memory of the departed, and of imparting prominence and permanency to GRAVE-MOUNDS. IT thier graves appears, during periods the most remote and in localities widely separated, to have suggested itself as most natu ral, convenient, and enduring. Those mighty mound-tombs of Scythian kings towering along the banks of the Borysthenes, that prince of tumuli which for more than twenty-five hundred years has perpetuated the mem ory of Alyattes, the grave of the murdered Agamemnon, Hephaestion's tomb, the burial-place of Patroclus, and the countless barrows and sepulchral tumuli scattered over the plains, peo pling the valleys and crowning the hills of Europe, Asia, Africa, America, and the islands of the oceans, all attest the universality of this custom. Compared with each other, these tumuli give evidence of vary ing ages. Hundreds of years agone, some of them were aban doned to the guardianship of the forest trees, while a few have been erected since commerce was established with the white race. Appearing singly and in groups, they vary in size from the almost obliterated mound scarce swelling above the ground littered with sherds of pottery and fragments of bone, to the well-preserved tumulus five and twenty feet high and possessing a base diameter of a hundred feet. The prevailing type is con ical, although structures ovoidal in outline are not uncommon. The tendency of the aboriginal population being toward the rivers and deep swamps, the rich valleys and the sea-coast where water, oysters, mussels, fishes, and game were easily procurable, where streams afforded facilities for communication, and where a generous soil made amends for the rude cultivation bestowed, the sites and antiquity of villages and resorts are certified by these monuments. Later generations -- whether direct descendants of the former, or strangers to them, we cannot positively either affirm or deny, -- oblivious of ancient memories and less patient of labor, util ized many of these older tumuli for the purposes of secondary interments. Thus will appear instances of sepulture on the tops and sides of mounds, only a few feet below the surface, evi dently the work of more recent tribes, while the skeletons and property of the dead in whose honor these tumuli were heaped up lie at the bottom and on a level with or below the surrounding earth. Wasted by the elements, robbed of distinc tive recollections by the oblivion of time and the carelessness of those who came after, and torn by the furrows of a new civiliza tion, -- 18 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. " The very generations of the dead Are swept away, and tomb inherits tomb Until the memory of an age is fled." In Plate XL. of the " Brevis Narratio," Le Moyne furnishes an illustration of the mound which the Florida Indians heaped above their dead kings and priests: " Defuncto aliquo Jtege ejus Provincice, magna solemnitate sepelitur, ejus turnulo crater, quo bibere solebat, imponitur, defixis circa ipsum tumulum multis sagittis" Adopting this suggestion, confirmed as it is by later narratives and observations, we will not greatly err in designating sepul chral tumuli containing a single skeleton as chieftain or priest mounds. Such distinguished dead, so far as our experience goes, were never burnt. Prior to inhumation, the corpses were placed upon the ground, where they were sometimes held in a sitting posture by being lashed to a post. Possessions of value were laid at the feet or placed by the side, and then the earth was piled above by mourning friends and obedient subjects. For its further protection, prior to the construction of the tumulus, the body was sometimes defended from contact with the rising earth by a clay covering, several inches thick, sun-dried or baked, and closely resembling a large earthen pot, inverted. From such mounds have been obtained some of the choicest specimens of the workmanship of these peoples in stone, bone, and shell. Among other nations the custom obtained of depositing in wooden chests, carefully made and placed upon shelves, the skele tons of kings, chiefs, noted warriors, and priests. Near by, and in smaller chests and cane-baskets, were accumulated valuable furs, robes of dressed skins, mantles woven of the inner rind of trees, and of a species of grass, well beaten and resembling flax, feather coverings of various colors, and stores of pearls. The mausoleum at Talomeco, which served as a receptacle for such coffins and chests, is said to have been a hundred paces long and forty broad. Its lofty roof was constructed of cane reeds, and the entrance to the temple was guarded by gigantic wooden stat ues, carved with considerable skill, some of them twelve feet high. Armed with various weapons, they maintained threaten ing attitudes and ferocious looks. Within were statues of vari ous shapes and sizes. Similar receptacles were observed among the Natchez and some of the Virginia tribes. In certain localities cremation was practiced by these Southern Indians. The contents of not a few grave-mounds consist of FUNERAL CUSTOMS. 19 calcined bones, charred fragments of pipes, pottery, and various articles of use and ornament, and partially consumed pieces of wood. In such busta were multitudes of skeletons remanded to nothingness. Urn burial also obtained, particularly in the case of children ; -- the funeral vase containing the bones being made of terra cotta. Securely covered by a lid of the same material, the ves sel was deposited in the common earth, or committed to the keep ing of the general grave-mound. It being no easy task, with the rude implements, friable earthen vessels, and frail baskets at command, to construct a large sepul chral tumulus, these peoples were in the habit of reserving the skeletons of their dead until they accumulated sufficiently to war rant a general inhumation. Primitive undertakers with their long nails stripped the decaying flesh from the bones, disjointed the skeletons, placed the cleaned bones in coffins or chests fabri cated of canes and splints, and stored them away in the village bone-house, where, marked for the recognition of relatives, and well guarded, they remained until they so multiplied as either to fill the structure, or to enlist the sympathy of the community in the erection of a grave-mound. Upon a day appointed, the kindred of the deceased repairing to the bone-house, and taking up the coffins of their respective dead, followed one another in the order of seniority. Accompa nied by the inhabitants of the town or nation, they proceeded to some designated spot in the vicinity of the settlement, where, in pyramidal form, the chests were deposited on the ground. In some instances wood was added and fire applied to the pile. During the cremation relatives and friends sat around chanting songs and smoking, or indulged in funeral dances, and delivered orations eulogistic of the virtues and valor of the deceased. The pipes then used were finally contributed to the pyre, and above the collected ashes the multitude set about erecting the .family or tribal grave-mound. Generally, however, the coffins contain ing the skeletons and personal property of the dead were placed in order upon the ground and the earth piled above. Where cremation occurred, it seems no addition was made to the tumulus when once completed. Although family or tribal mounds in which the dead were entombed without being burnt usually contain but a single stratum of bones, we find examples of the gradual formation of large grave-mounds by consecutive burials; the different strata indicating that the skeletons had lain 20 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. for unequal periods in the ground, and being separated from each other by intervening layers of earth. Sometimes small islands were dedicated almost exclusively to the purpose of sepulture. In the vicinity of the coast, oyster, clam, periwinkle, and conch shells were freely employed in covering grave-mounds, thereby imparting a permanency which they would not otherwise have possessed. Lacustrine and fluviatile unios and bivalves were expended in a similar way. Such protection afforded no mean defense against the disintegrating influences of time and the elements. Scattered upon sea-islands, along headlands, and near the borders of lakes and rivers are numerous mounds com posed either wholly or in part of shells. There they have stood for centuries, and there, if undisturbed, they will endure for an indefinite period. In certain localities may still be seen stone-piles designating the spots where warriors perished in battle. Another mode of sepulture is represented by stone graves, parallelogrammic, cruciform, or square in outline, some two feet deep, and from eighteen inches to seven feet in length. The sides consist of rough slabs of stone set on edge. The bottoms are paved with small bowlders, and the tops covered with stone slabs. Thus were formed rude sarcophagi or vaults. In some the corpse was deposited at full length, the arms being disposed by the side. In others, the bodies were laid with the arms ex tended at right angles, which explains their cruciform shapes. Frequently the skeleton was disjointed; the skull being placed in the centre of the vault, and the long bones arranged compactly around it. Thus was it accommodated within a narrow compass. The smallness of many of these sarcophagi suggested to careless observers the impression that they were the graves of a race of pigmies. Curious and interesting are the relics with which these vaults abound, and their contents will amply reward further re search. Within the rayless recesses of caves have been found shriveled bodies, various articles of dress, and implements fashioned by the red race; but these retreats have been but partially explored. A thorough and scientific investigation of their floors and avenues will doubtless impart additional information most valuable and interesting. It would be entertaining to recount the funeral customs of these peoples as revealed by grave-mounds, as recorded by early MISCELLANEOUS STBUCTUKES. 21 observers, and as modified in after years by contact with Euro peans. But such a description lies not within the limits of this sketch. Nor is it permitted, in enumerating the obvious proofs of early possession and combined labor, to do more than allude to the existence of circumvallations of earth and stone by which hill-tops and eminences were fortified; to the presence of embank ments of earth, and ditches isolating considerable areas and pro tecting villages, temple-mounds, and play-grounds; to the remains of chunky-yards, with their tumuli, elevated spaces, and earthbanks (seats for spectators), of pottery kilns of stone, and pits whence clay was dug for the manufacture of fictile ware, and to traces of open-air workshops. We mention also among these indicia of primitive occupancy extensive refuse piles and shell heaps, composed of marine, fluviatile, and lacustrine shells, upon the animals of which the natives fed and from which they ex tracted many pearls. Intermingled with the debris of these long-continued encamp ments will be seen the bones of fishes, birds, terrapins, alligators, snakes, buffaloes, deer, and other animals, sherds of pottery, arrow and spear points, net sinkers, and manufactured imple ments of various kinds. In these refuse piles human bones have been found, split longi tudinally, as though the marrow had been extracted from them, and conveying the impression that cannibalism was, at some time and among some peoples, practiced within the limits of ancient Florida. While it may be regarded as a matter of speculation whether the builders of the largest monuments of early constructive skill within the confines of Georgia were the actual progenitors of the Indians who were occupying the region when it was first visited by Europeans; and while we may not fully comprehend how it came to pass that later tribes were apparently more nomadic in their habits, less addicted to combined and consecutive work, and neglectful of customs which seemingly obtained among the peo ples whose united industry compassed these enduring structures, in the light of the Spanish narratives, after a careful survey of the objects themselves, in view of all the facts which have thus far been disclosed both by personal investigation and the observation of others, and while freely admitting that the modern Indians, from various causes, had ceased to engage in the erection of works, the completion of which, with the indifferent implements at com mand, involved so much tedious labor, we nevertheless see no 22 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. good reason for supposing that these prominent tumuli and inclosures may not have been formed in the olden time by peoples of the same race, and no further advanced in the scale of semi-civi lization than the red men native here at the dawn of the historic period. In other words, we do not concur in the suggestion that the Mound-Builders were distinct from, and superior in art, gov ernment, and religious ideas to, the Georgia tribes of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Aside from the profuse and fanciful ornamentation of their bodies with pigments of red, white, yellow, and black, the South ern Indians displayed no little taste in depicting marks, signs, images, and symbols on prepared skins, wood, bone, and stone. The smooth bark of a growing tree or the face of a rock was in cised in commemoration of some feat of arms, in explanation of the direction and strength of a military expedition, or in solemni zation of a treaty of peace. Upon precipitous slopes, and at points almost inaccessible, have been noted carved and colored representations of the sun, accompanied by rude characters the significance of which is in the main unintelligible to the present observer. Roughly cut intaglios in imitation of the human form, of the hands and feet of men, of the tracks of buffalo, deer, and other animals, of bows and arrows, canoes, circles, and various figures are still extant. Ignorant of alphabet, phonetic sign, or digit, these peoples, by means of this primitive system of picture-writing and intaglios, sought to perpetuate the recollection of prominent events, and by such visible shapes to communicate desired intel ligence. This effort was supplemented by the use of wampum, which, in certain cases, possessed a significance scarcely inferior to that of the knotted quipu. The boldest attempts at sculpture are expressed by images, sometimes two feet high and more, carved out of a talcose stone, and representing the human figure, both male and female, usually in a sitting or kneeling posture. From the existence of such objects, and of images of terra cotta and wood, it may be inferred that something like idol or hero worship obtained among these primitive peoples. Proofs are not wanting to confirm the belief that the worship of the Priapus was observed among not a few of the Southern nations. As the sun was adored as the author of light and joy, of heat and increase, so was this symbol of the life-giving princi ple saluted with homage, and accredited with the attributes of divinity. IMPLEMENTS OF COPPER, STONE, BONE, ETC. 23 Ignorant of iron and bronze, these primitive peoples indulged in the use of copper. Treating it as a malleable stone, they hammered it into various forms of use and ornament, among which may be enumerated ceremonial axes, gouges, chisels, knives, spear-heads, arrow-points, wristbands, armlets, anklets, gorgets, spangles, beads, pendants, rods, and spindles for perforating pearls. That the principal supply of this metal was procured from the ancient mines of Lake Superior seems highly probable. So extensive were the aboriginal trade relations that there would have been no difficulty in transporting both the ore and the manufactured objects. An examination of copper implements, taken from the graves of these Southern Indians, justifies the suggestion. That they were ignorant of the art of melting copper, and that they did not invoke the agency of fire to facili tate the manufacture of articles from this material, may be safely asserted. All the specimens we have seen present a laminated structure, and we are riot aware that any moulds for casting have yet been found. Small nuggets of gold and silver, perforated for suspension as ornaments, have been taken from ancient graves. Relics of this kind are very rare. Such were possibly the tinklets of gold to which Cabe^a de Vaca refers. Copper objects of primitive fabrication are not abundant within the territory for merly occupied by the Southern tribes. Articles made of hema tite are frequently obtained. Among these Southern Indians the manufacture of implements of stone, bone, and shell was general and very excellent. Speci mens of unusual beauty and symmetry attest this fact. Liv ing in a genial climate, the warm earth yielding spontaneously many fruits, forest and river abounding with animal life, and the contest with nature for subsistence being by no means ardu ous, these peoples enjoyed every opportunity for sport, amuse ment, personal decoration, and for the exhibition of taste and skill in the fabrication of articles of use and ornament. Famous were the arrow-makers of this region. Traces of their open-air workshops tnay be seen not only in elevated localities, but even on the coast, and upon knolls in the depths of swamps where nuclei, transported from great distances, were splintered and chipped into desired shapes. These arrow and spear points are remarkable for beauty of material and excellency of work manship. Party-colored jaspers, smoky, milky, and sweet-water quartz, pure crystals, chalcedony, and varieties of flint and chert were the favorite stones from which these implements were 24 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. fashioned. Among them every known form finds expression, and they are of all sizes, from the delicate point scarce half an inch in length to the formidable spear or lance-head fourteen inches long and weighing considerably more than two pounds. The light, tough r,iver cane (Arundinaria macrosperma) formed the customary shaft for these points. Shafts split from hard wood, and rounded and smoothed by means of grooved coarse-grained stones, were also in use. Spear-heads fastened to wooden han dles were hurled in battle, were employed at close quarters to parry blows and deliver thrusts, and proved serviceable in the capture of sturgeon and large game. It would appear that the manufacture of these implements was somewhat monopolized by particular individuals in each tribe, who devoted their time and labor to their fabrication, and acquired a dexterity quite remark able when we consider the limited tools at command. As these objects were finished, they were often secreted in the ground, whence they were taken from time to time and disposed of as occasion offered. Not infrequently these artificers, with considerable store of articles .on hand, would perform long journeys to exchange their implements for commodities foreign to the regions in which they dwelt. To such traders safe conduct was accorded, and they were welcomed wherever they went. Most attractive stone ar ticles are found in localities far distant from the points where the materials of which they are made could have been procured, and it is to the practical operation of these trade relations that their dissemination may be fairly ascribed. CabeQa de Vaca informs us that the Florida Indians were all archers, admirable in proportions, of great activity and strength, with bows as thick as a man's arm, eleven or twelve spans in length, and capable of projecting arrows a long distance and with wonderful precision. Even the good armor of the followers of De Soto did not afford safe protection against these missiles. On many occasions the bodies of the Spaniards were traversed from side to side and their horses killed by these weapons. In the battle of Mauvila there fell of the mail-clad Christians eightytwo, while the survivors bore the marks of seventeen hundred and seventy dangerous wounds inflicted by Indian arrows. With such ancient artillery did these peoples not only wage wars, but provide themselves, and that bountifully, with buffalo, deer, wild turkeys, game of various sorts, and large fishes. Bow-strings were made of stag's gut or thongs of deer-skin. STONE IMPLEMENTS, ETC. 25 A supply of arrows was carried in a fawn-skin quiver which de pended from the right hip. The tip was fastened to the shaft by means of moistened sinews, a glue made of the velvet horns of the deer, or a preparation of resin. Youths were regularly ex ercised in the use of these weapons, and became very expert in handling the blow-gun from which light arrows, feathered with thistle wool, were projected against birds, squirrels, rabbits, and other small game. Ordinary arrows were fledged with turkey- feathers. Of grooved axes, celts, perforated hatchets, and ceremonial axes, the varieties are abundant and the manufacture is most ad mirable. Weighing from a quarter of a pound to twelve pounds and upwards, and generally made of greenstone or diorite, they were first picked into shape with a sharp-pointed implement and subsequently, at great labor, ground and polished. Lafitau, in commenting upon the tedious toil involved in this process, re marks : " The life of a savage is often insufficient for accomplish ing the work, and hence such an implement, however rude and imperfect it may be, is considered a precious heirloom for the children/' Chipped and ground axes of jasper sometimes occur, and occasionally some were fashioned of hematite. Ceremonial axes of ferruginous quartz, polished to the last degree, have been found. Perforations were compassed by solid and hollow drills operated with sharp sand and water. Whetstones served to re store the edges when dulled by use. Instances have been noted in which both the blade and handle were cut out of a solid piece of diorite. These implements were some thirteen inches in length, with blades about six inches long and rather more than two inches wide at the cutting edge. At the lower end of the handle was a perforation for the suspension of the weapon. The manufacture of these axes, hatchets, and celts was discontinued so soon as iron implements were freely furnished by the Europeans. We may not essay a description of the various forms of stone adzes, picks, scrapers, gouges, awls or borers, knives, cutting implements, saws, leaf-shaped implements, smoothing and crush ing stones, hammer stones, hoes, spades, mortars, pestles, nutstones, and other articles of bone, shell, and stone, which still de clare the occupations, industries, and mechanical labors of these nations. Interesting as it would be to revive their piscatorial contri vances and engagements during that remote period when pond, 26 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. lake, swamp, and river were replete with animal life, and when, in the language of Bibault, the waters of the Florida coast were " boiling and roaring through the multitude of all kinds of fish," we can only refer to artificial preserves where fishes were bred and taken with nets; to the use of bone and shell hooks, and lines twisted from the fibres of bark and silk-grass ; to the man ufacture of stone plummets and net-sinkers, perforated, notched, and grooved; to the construction of dams, traps, and extensive weirs for taking fishes; to the practice of intoxicating them by lashing ponds with the branches of certain trees, and scattering pounded horse-chestnuts and roots in the water; to attracting them, by night, with bright pitch-pine fires kindled in the bows of canoes ; to their capture with the bow and arrow, and the de struction of the larger kind with spears and reed harpoons. Upon their weirs, traps, nets, and mechanical contrivances of this sort the Southern Indians largely depended for support. During certain months of each year they resorted in great multi tudes to the coast and to the banks of rivers, and spent much time in taking fishes. Large quantities, when smoked and dried, were carried to their private cribs and public storehouses. Ribault says the Indians of May River put as presents into his boats " sundry fishes which with mervelous speed they run to take in their packs made in the water with great reeds, so well and cunningly set together after the fashion of a Labarinthe or Maze, with so many turns and crooks as it is impossible to do it without much consideration and industry." Weirs and set-nets were sometimes held in position by large, perforated soapstone sinkers, and by stone anchors or weights, notched and grooved. Upon hand-nets, push-nets, and dip-nets much reliance was placed. In the refuse piles indicating these ancient fishing re sorts no relic is more common than the perforated and notched soapstone sinker. Were we called upon to suggest a class of articles which amply expressed the patient industry and mechanical skill of these primitive workers in stone, we would be inclined to select those beautiful objects known as dlscoidal stones, many of which were, used in playing that great gambling game called by the Cherokees Chungke, in which the contestants were engaged from morn ing until night, caring nothing for the sun's rays, staking their ornaments, weapons, apparel, and even wives and personal lib erty upon the hazard, and refraining not from its excitement until all was lost or utter prostration forbade further exertion. THE CHUNGKE GAME, ETC. 27 The spaces prepared for playing this game have not wholly disappeared. Rectangular in outline, slightly elevated, rendered quite level, and freed from all impediments such as roots and stones, their surfaces were sometimes hardened by a flooring of rammed clay. All known types of these discoidal stones are here richly represented, and ferruginous quartz, marble, agate, and a hard, black, close-grained stoue were the materials gen erally employed in their manufacture. Polished to the last de gree, they are fashioned with a mathematical accuracy which could not be excelled were the skill of a modern workman with compass and metallic tools invoked. In the hands of later tribes, some, possessing saucer-shaped cavities, were applied to second ary uses and treated as mortars for pulverizing substances ser viceable for paint. No longer is this famous game played within the limits of Florida of the olden time. Like the exercise of the discus in the heroic age, it has now become only a tradition, a shadowy memory. The carefully prepared areas over which the red ath letes rushed in enthusiastic pursuit of victory, at the expense of time, property, arid personal liberty, are now deserted and rugged with the trunks and roots of huge forest trees. The anointed poles and the swift hands which launched them have alike crum bled into nothingness. Winners and losers, oblivious of their profits and losses, the exultations and the disappointments of this exciting amusement, are themselves forgotten, and little remains to remind us of the former existence and prevalence of this popular game, character ized by severe exercise, singular dexterity, and desperate ven tures, save these discoidal stones so remarkable for their beauty and symmetry and so declaratory of the skill and labor ex pended in their manufacture. Pretermitting all else save a bare mention of medicine and ornamental tubes, pierced tablets, pendants of hematite, green stone, quartz, and jasper, amulets of striated slate, stone plates, mirrors of mica membranacea, slung stones, and other articles the uses of which are not always well ascertained, we venture the remark that in no portion of the United States other than that whose antiquities we are now considering, unless it be in the val leys of Ohio, can be found so many and such excellent speci mens of ancient pipes. Entertaining the belief that the Great Spirit was addicted to smoking, and regarding the tobacco plant as a direct gift from 28 THE HISTORY OP GEORGIA. him for the enjoyment of his favorite children, the pipe was es teemed by many as a sacred object, and smoking became, at times, a devotional exercise. The incense of tobacco being pleas ing to the Father of Life, the ascending smoke was selected as the most suitable medium of communicating with the great un known. The curative properties of tobacco were invoked in some diseases, and its narcotic influences recognized as a solace in hours of ease and during periods of hunger and fatigue. The small clay or stone pipe was the constant companion of the Southern Indian while engaged in hunting, fishing, or in war, and amid the laziness of his rude home life. The more imposing calumet, with its long stem adorned with feathers, was present on occasions of moment. Its introduction wa,s essential to a declaration of war, and with it was the treaty of amity solem nized. Alternate whiffs from its fuming bowl were tantamount to the signing and sealing by the contracting parties. From no solemn conference or important assembly was it absent. The ceremonies and dances observed in its honor were numerous and impressive. As embodied in and symbolized by the calumet, public faith was inviolate, and he who bore it as a token of peace was entitled to safe conduct through the nations. Serpentine, gneiss, steatite, oolite, soap-stone, and a tough stone composed of mica and dark brown feldspar were the ma terials usually selected for the manufacture of pipes of this class. Many are bird and animal shaped, -- some of them weighing as much as eight pounds. Their bottoms are flat so as to maintain an upright position when placed on the ground. The bowls, generally at right angles with the shanks, are capacious, with substantial walls, and cavities either circular or square. The apertures for the stems are large. Although generally plain, the surfaces are, in not a few instances, ornamented with incised lines. 1 We have observed very few pipes in this region made of Catlinite. Common pipes were manufactured of clay and stone. Occa sionally they occur fabricated of some hard material such as 1 Others, with ample, cup-shaped bowls, possess apertures no less than eight in number for the insertion of stems, thus affording opportunity for an equal number of smokers at the same moment to partake of the consolations of the fuming weed from a common receptacle. Others still, with a central bowl, exhibit two elongated shanks in the same plane, perforated for the insertion of long stems, so that two individuals, facing each other, can at the same time smoke the same pipe, PRIMITIVE PIPES AND POTTERY. 29 quartz. In many instances a hole was drilled through the heel, or lower edge of the shank, so as to admit of suspension when the object was not in use.1 The ordinary swamp cane supplied convenient stems. Associated with the truncated pyramids and larger tumuli have been found pipes, denominated idol-pipes, evi dently of great antiquity, generally representing the human form in a sitting posture, the bowl supported in the uplifted hands, the face upturned, the hair confined at the top of the head and thence falling backwards, and tht perforation for the stem enter ing below the shoulders and passing through the back and belly into the bottom of the bowl. Such specimens are usually about six inches in height. They may be easily distinguished from the human-shaped pipes of the Cherokees which frequently, in the language of Adair, cannot " much be commended for their mod esty." To the pottery of this region the Knight of Elvas pays high compliment when he describes it as " little differing from that of Estremoz or Montemor." If we may believe Cabega de Vaca, some of the Florida In dians were either ignorant or neglectful of the potter's trade. " Not having discovered the use of pipkins to boil what they would eat," so runs the narrative, " they fill the half of a large calabash with water, and throw on the fire many stones of such as are most convenient and readily take the heat. When hot, they are taken up with tongs of sticks and dropped into the calabash until the water in it boils from the fervor of the stones. Then, whatever is to be cooked is put in, and, until it is done, they continue taking out cooled stones and throwing in hot ones. Thus they boil their food." This statement is certainly not of general application, for we have abundant proofs that the manu facture of fictile articles by these peoples was not only common, but also that it had been carried on, from periods the most re mote, in almost all localities inhabited by them. It may be safely asserted that as savages they excelled in the ceramic art, bestowing special care upon the selection of clays, their admix ture with powdered shells, gravel, and pulverized mica, and upon the shape and ornamentation of their vessels. The use of the pot ter's wheel seems to have been unknown. Surviving the changes 1 Much labor was bestowed upon the fabrication and ornamentation of these pipes, both common and ceremonial. Variousare the birds and animals which they represent. Pigments of white, red, black, and blue were employed in the decoration of their exterior walls. But a little while ago we beheld a large bird-shaped pipe, two beautiful opal stones having been inserted as eyes. 30 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. of centuries, and affording glimpses of ancient taste and cus toms, these fictile articles are among the most-interesting remains which have been transmitted. Varied in form, symmetrical in shape, excellent in composition, and diversified in ornamentation, this pottery was both sun-dried and baked. Flat-bottomed jars serving as receptacles for pounded maize, honey, bear's-grease, and oils made from the nuts of the pecan, the hickory-nut, and the walnut; pots varying in their capacities from a pint to ten gal lons and upwards, with and without legs and ears ; burial urns, water flasks, hooded vases, cups, pans, platters, -- all these and more are found; the grave-mounds yielding the best specimens, while fields, refuse piles, and the sites of old villages are covered with countless shards. Many of these vessels appear to have been modeled within net works, rush-baskets, and coverings of the desired size and shape made of twigs or split cane, or within large calabashes the in terior walls of which were carved so as to leave raised figures and lines upon the exterior surfaces of the jars thus formed. Trowel-shaped implements of soapstone and baked clay were used in pressing the plastic material against these contrivances for imparting the desired shape, and in rendering the interior of the open-mouthed vessels and pots smooth and compact. When thus fashioned, the ornamentation upon the vessels, the moulds being burnt or cut away, appears impressed. Blocks of wood and cores of sand and clay were also in vogue. At other times, while the vessels were drying, flint flakes, the finger nail, the end of a hollow reed, thongs, dies of soapstone and wood, and corn cobs were employed to incise or imprint the desired ornamentation. Raised mouldings near the rims, ears, legs, and fanciful pro tuberances were added while the clay was still soft and ready adhesion of such parts could be compassed. By the insertion of pieces of mica and shell, and with the aid of white, red, yellow, blue, and black pigments, the ornamentation was further diversi fied. During the hardening process the pots and wide-mouthed jars were sometimes subjected to a heat so intense as to cause a fusion of the particles of the interior surface near akin to glaz ing. Traces of pottery-kilns, formed of stones and with paved floors, closely resembling rude ovens, are still extant. From soapstone large tubs, troughs, and smaller vessels \yere fashioned. PEARL AND SHELL OENAMENTS. 31 To the women was the construction of this earthenware mainly committed. The manufacture of fictile-articles was abandoned upon the introduction by the Europeans of iron pots and copper kettles. No fact is more emphatically asserted in the early narratives, or more clearly demonstrated by the relics themselves, than that pearls and shell ornaments were highly prized and extensively worn by these Florida Indians. Near the bay of Espiritu Santo pearls of large size were found, "such as the Indians valued, piercing them for beads" and stringing them about their necks, wrists, waists, and ankles. In welcoming De Soto, the Indian queen at Cutifachiqui drew from over her head a long string of pearls and threw it around his neck with words of courtesy and friendship. From sepulchres there, and at other points along the line of march, the Spaniards obtained quantities of these glisten ing beads. At the confluence of the Etowah and the Oostenaulla the cacique of Ichiaha presented the adelantado with a string of pearls two fathoms in length, and, having sent his peo ple out over night to gather margatiferous unios from the rivers, the next morning showed the Spaniards how the pearls were extracted from them. Thus are we assured by these and other observers that, in the sixteenth century, upon the persons of the natives and in the graves of their dead, were many pearls, some of them as large as. filberts. Grievous was the disappointment of the Spaniards at finding most of them discolored by fire, and rendered valueless for the purpose of commerce from having been perforated 'with heated copper spindles. The oysters of the Gulf of Mexico and the pearl-bearing unios of the Southern streams and lakes supplied in great abundance these coveted ornaments. That they were eagerly sought after is attested by the artificial shell-heaps still extant upon the coast, on the banks of rivers, and upon the shores of lakes and ponds. The shells were opened by fire, the animals eaten, and the pearls which they contained carefully preserved. So constant and extensive were the trade relations established between the coast region and the interior that these treasures were widely disseminated. From marine, fluviatile, and lacustrine shells were manufac tured beads, gorgets, pendants, arm-guards, masks, pins, drinking cups, spoons, and money. Welcomed everywhere was the trader who brought store of such articles. Dwelling under soft skies, these Southern Indians passed the greater part of the year in a state of nudity, delighting in tattooing and skin-painting, in the 32 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. exhibition of necklaces, waist-bands, bracelets, armlets, and ank lets of pearls and shells, and in the display of shell pendants and gorgets. Various are the forms of the shell-beads and gorgets. Some of the latter are very large and curiously engraven. The in terior of the shell being lined with an iridescent nacre, and na ture having polished that surface beyond all art, the inner and not the outer surface was selected for exhibition. The oliva and the marginella were used as ornaments, the apices of the former being cut off, and the backs of the latter ground so as to admit of their being strung. Pins fashioned from the columns of the strombus gigas were frequently worn. Thus from an eminence too distant for careful survey, and with a flight too rapid for specific mention, have we glanced at the semi-civilization of the red races who antedated us in the oc cupancy of this region. Although too general for accurate dis crimination, and too discursive for scientific precision, these observations will, it is hoped, convey at least a tolerable impres sion of the ancient peoples who, in the flood of years, like the restless waves of the ocean, covered our land and, receding, left here and there these sea-shells which we have been gathering, -- physical tokens that the great tide of an early and almost forgot ten human life was once here. That the older Indian tribes erected monuments more substan tial and imposing than those constructed by the Indians of the eighteenth century cannot be denied. That the Cherokees and Creeks did not in some things equal the aborigines of the six teenth century as described by the historians of the Spanish and French expeditions must be admitted. Why this decadence in power and industry ? WilP it be doubted that the burthens im posed, the desolations wrought, and the diseases introduced by Europeans contributed to the manifest demoralization of the primitive population? Time was, if we may fairly judge from the proportions and uses of some of these august tumuli and their attendant relics, when those who built and cared for them occu pied a position somewhat in advance of the later Indian tribes. Forming permanent settlements, they devoted themselves to agri cultural pursuits, erected temples, fortified localities, worshiped the sun, possessed images, wrought extensively in stone and bone and wood, fashioned money and ornaments of shell, used copper implements, traded extensively, and were not improvident of the future. Such was the fertility of the localities most thickly EXTINCTION OF THE RED RACE. 33 peopled by them, so pleasant the climate, and so abundant the supply of game, that these ancient settlers were in great meas ure exempt from the stern struggle which, among nomadic tribes and under more inhospitable skies, constitutes the great battle with nature for life. With but few temptations to wander, they bestowed much attention upon the cultivation of their fields, and expended great labor in establishing their temples, protect ing their abodes, and confirming their chosen seats. And yet they were not exempt from the vicissitudes which have befallen greater and more civilized nations, reverses born of the cupid ity and cruelty of strangers. Certain it is that the inroads of the Spaniards violently shocked this primitive population, imparting new ideas, intro ducing contagion hitherto unknown, interrupting customs long established, overturning acknowledged government, impoverish ing whole districts, engendering a sense of insecurity until that time unfelt, instigating intertribal wars, causing marked changes, and entailing losses and demoralizations far more potent than we are inclined, at first thought, to imagine. The operation of that inexorable law which subordinates the feebler to the will of the stronger, inaugurated here more than three hundred years agone, has in the end brought about the utter expatriation of the red race from the soil of Georgia. Al though half a century has elapsed since the last of the Cherokees departed hence for their enforced homes beyond the Mississippi, Indian memories linger upon our hills and are interwoven with some of the most dramatic episodes in the history of this State. Our " Everlasting rivers speak Their dialect of yore. The mountains are their monuments Though ye destroy their dust." 1 1 For fuller description of the archae- Georgia Tribes. Charles C. Jones, Jr. ology of this region, see Antiquities of New York: D. Appleton & Co. 1873. the Southern Indians, particularly of the CHAPTER II. EARLY VOYAGES.--EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO. WHETHER Sebastian Cabot, as has been surmised by some, coasted as far as the shores at present claimed by the modern State of Georgia; whether the veteran soldier Juan Ponce de Leon, while traversing the Land of Flowers in quest of the fountain of perpetual youth, wandered over any portion of the territory ceded more than two centuries afterwards by the Crown of England to Oglethorpe and his associates ; whether the careless sea-captain Diego Miruelo in trafficking with the natives held commerce with the ancestors of the Lower Creeks, must, we fear, remain undetermined. That the licentiate Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon with his two slave ships, during his ill-starred voyage to Chicora, beheld the low-lying islands which guard the Georgia coast is not improbable; but, so far as we now know, he never landed upon them, or sought by means of the intervening rivers to reach the interior and accomplish his purposed rape of the unsuspecting inhabitants. The tragic overthrow and the wasted fortunes of his second expedition gave to the native dwellers on the banks of the Combahee trinkets and objects of European manufacture which were highly prized and widely distributed. It is doubtful whether Verrazzano, with his single caravel, came further south than the palmetto-shaded headlands of Caro lina. During his blind ramblings of eight hundred miles through the untrodden wilds of Florida in search of some distant territory abounding in gold, Narvaez may have penetrated the jungles of Southern Georgia, but he left no footprints upon the yielding soil. In the Relation of Alvar Nunez Cabec,a de Vaca, however, we have a recorded memory of the expedition replete with inter est and archseological value. In ascending the Savannah River Oglethorpe is said to have carried with him the Journal of Sir Walter Raleigh. From the latitude and marks of the place, as well as from the traditions of the Indians, he was led to believe that Sir Walter had landed at Yamacraw Bluff and conversed with the natives. In fact, a HERNANDO DE SOTO RIBAULT'S IMPRESSIONS OF GEORGIA. 35 grave-mound, distant some half a mile from the spot, was pointed out by the Indians, who informed the founder of the colony of Georgia that the king who then talked with Raleigh was there interred. It is a pleasant memory and has been repeated for a century and a half, but its truth we seriously question. It may not be denied, however, that Ribault, acting under the orders of Admiral Coligny, before selecting a location for his fort and planting his Huguenot colony near the mouth of Port Royal, traversed the Georgia coast, observed its harbors, and named its rivers. It was " a fayre coast, stretchyng of a great length, couered with an infinite number of high and fayre trees." The waters " were boyling and roaring through the multitude of all kind of fish." The inhabitants were " all naked and of a goodly stature, mightie, and as well shapen and proportioned of body as any people in ye world; very gentle, courteous, and of a good nature." Lovingly entertained were these strangers by the na tives, and they were, in the delighful springtime, charmed with all they beheld. As they entered and viewed the country they pronounced it the " fairest, fruitfullest, and pleasantest of all the world, abounding in hony, venison, wilde foule, forests, woods of all sorts, Palm trees, Cypresse, and Cedars, Bayes ye highest and greatest, with also the fayrest vines in all the world, with grapes according, which, without natural art and without man's helpe or trimming, will grow to toppes of Okes and other trees that be , of a wonderfull greatnesse, and height. And the sight of the faire medowes is a pleasure not able to be expressed with tongue: full of Hernes, Curlues, Bitters, Mallards, Egrepths, Wood-cocks, and all other kinds of small birds: with Harts, Hindes, Buckes, wilde Swine, and all other kindes of wilde beastes, as we perceiued well, both by their footing there, and also afterwardes in other places by their crie and roaring in the night. " Also there be Conies and Hares : Silke Wormes in merueilous number, a great deale fairer and better than be our silk wormes. To be short, it is a thing vnspeakable to consider the thinges that bee seene there, and shal be founde more and more in this incomperable lande, which, neuer yet broken with plough yrons, bringeth forth al things according to his first nature where with the eternall God indued it." So reads our extract from "The True and Last Distfouerie of Florida made by Captain John Ribault in the yeere 1562." Enraptured with the delights of temperature, sky, woods, and waters, and anxious to transfer to this new domain names conse- 36 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. crated by pleasant associations at home, Captain Ribault called our St. Mary's River the Seine, the St. Ilia the Somme, the Alatamaha the Loire, the Newport the Charante, the Great Ogeechee the Garonne, and the Savannah the Grironde. Two years afterwards, when Rene de Laudonniere visited Ribault's fort, he found it deserted. The stone pillar, inscribed with the arms of France, which he had erected to mark the furthest confines of Charles IX.'s dominion in the Land of Flowers, was garlanded with wreaths. Offerings of maize and fruits lay at its base, and the natives, regarding the structure with awe and veneration, had elevated it into the dignity of a god. Hesitating to rehabilitate a settlement which had chanced upon such utter misfortune, Laudonniere departed from Port Royal and, passing by the Georgia inlets, selected a site on St. John's bluff where he builded a fort and called it Carolin. In token of the jurisdiction of France, he there elevated a stone column bear ing the Royal Arms. Thus far no permanent lodgment had been effected on the Georgia coast. No collision had here occurred between the Eu ropeans and the natives. The interior was still a terra incognita, and the soil was free from blood. The slaughters engendered by fratricidal strife, by national and religious animosities, and by savage brutalities in neighboring territories were not enacted here. The earliest memories of the region are peaceful and happy. It will be perceived that by none of the voyagers whom we have mentioned, nor by any others, so far as we are advised, had even temporary settlements been formed between the rivers Sa vannah and St. Mary. And yet, from certain signs of ancient occupancy, consisting of tabby foundations at a few prominent points,1 we cannot resist the impression that at some remote period small forts were builded or look-outs erected on the Geor gia coast long antedating the advent of Oglethorpe. We re frain from everything save a bare mention of them, because the origin, possession, and abandonment of these " Kemnants of things that have pass'd away " are enshrouded in the darkness of an unrecorded past. The first Europeans who are known to have traversed the ter- 1 See De Brahm's History of the Province of Georgia, pp. 29, 30. Wormsloe. 1849. ROYAL CONCESSION TO DE SOTO. 37 ritory of primeval Georgia were Hernando de Soto and his com panions. Flushed with the distinction he had won as a captain in Nica ragua, enriched by spoils gathered while a lieutenant general in the conquest of Peru, envious of the greater fame of Pizarro, anxious to achieve victories grander and more startling, and thirsting for booty more abundant, Hernando de Soto sought and obtained from the Spanish Crown a concession to subdue and settle all the region from the river Palmas eastwardly to the " Isl and of Florida," including the tierra nueva adjoining it on the ocean. Northwardly this domain was without specific limit and might be indefinitely enlarged by discovery and occupancy. Over it he was to preside as governor and captain general, with the dignity of adelantado for life, and high sheriff in perpetuity to his heirs. "For the purpose," -- so wrote the king, -- "you will take from these our kingdoms, and our said Indias, five hundred men, with the necessary arms, horses, munitions, and military stores ; and that you will go hence from these our kingdoms, to make the said conquest and settlement within a year first following, to be reckoned from the day of the date of these articles of author ization ; and that when you shall leave the island of Cuba to go upon that enterprise you will take the necessary subsistence for all that people during eighteen months, -- rather over than under that time, --entirely at your cost and charges." . . . As great gain was anticipated, the Crown was careful to re serve to itself, for the first six years, one tenth of all gold which should be realized from mines; and of that precious metal, ob tained by barter or as spoil during incursions, one fifth was to be paid into the royal treasury. Remembering the treasure-trove in Peru, his majesty was further pleased to enjoin that to his tribunal and exchequer should belong one half of the gold, silver, stones, pearls, and other articles of value which might be taken from the graves, sepulchres, ocues, temples, religious precincts, public places, or private hoards of the natives. To facilitate him in the subjugation and retention of this pos session, and that he might the more easily command a conven ient base of operations and supplies in the conduct of this great undertaking, De Soto was commissioned by the king, his master, governor of Cuba. Having, with much deliberation, selected and enlisted six hun- 38 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. dred men,1 competent in every respect and thoroughly equipped, in April, 1538, the adelantado set sail upon his mission. Pass ing over the bar of San-Lucar on Sunday, -- the morning of Saint Lazarus,--he sought the open sea amid the braying of trumpets, the thunders of artillery, and the shouts of thousands. The expedition presented the aspect of a holiday excursion. Every heart on board was imbued with the spirit of adventure, confi dent of success, and persuaded that the Land of Flowers would yield greater riches than the homes of the Incas. So general was the belief, entertained in Spain, of the w.ealth of the region, that the proudest of the land craved permission to be represented in the adventure either in person or by proxy. In the composi tion of this band we find explanation of the spirit of endurance and wonderful courage which characterized it during its eventful career. On Pentecost De Soto arrived with his command in the har bor of Santiago, in Cuba of the Antilles, and thence proceeded to Havana. Here he remained, perfecting his arrangements, until Sunday, the 18th of May, 1539; when, with a fleet of nine vessels, -- five of them ships, two caravels, and two pinnaces, -- he sailed for Florida. Delayed by contrary winds, it was not until the 25th, being the festival of Espiritu Santo, that land was descried and anchor cast a league from the shelving shore. On Friday, the 30th, the army debarked at a point two leagues from the town of the Indian chief Ucita. Two hundred and thirteen horses were set on shore, the royal standard was ele vated, and formal possession taken of Terra Florida in the name of Charles V. The camp was pitched upon the sands of Tampa Bay. This was the most brilliant, enthusiastic, and warlike assem blage which, up to that period, had ever been seen this side the Atlantic. Herrera says De Soto had, of his private fortune, con tributed one hundred thousand ducats for the equipment of this expedition. This little army was composed of men accustomed to wars, of personal daring, skilled in the use of weapons, and inured to hardships. Scarcely a gray head appeared among them. Their arms were strong, and their breasts filled with visions of glory and wealth. It was confidently believed that this new and unexplored kingdom of Florida would exceed in riches the realms of Atahualpa, during the conquest of which De 1 The Inca, Garcilasso de la Vega, says: Lucav, more than nine hundred Span" There assembled for Florida, at San- iards, all in the prime of life." DE SOTO MARCHES NORTHWARD. 39 Soto had received, as his individual share of the spoils, the enor mous sum of one hundred and eighty thousand crowns of gold. Many of the young cavaliers who now rallied around this standard carried in their veins the best blood of Spain. Their equipment was superb and their enthusiasm unbounded. It was a strange sight, on the lonely shores of the New World, this con vocation of soldiery in rich armor and costly dresses, of attend ing slaves, caparisoned horses, and burden-bearing mules; this assemblage of fleet greyhounds, savage bloodhounds, and grunt ing swine ; this accumulation of artillery, weapons, handcuffs, chains, neck-collars, crucibles for refining gold, tools, instruments, and material of every needed sort. A valuable experience, acquired during the invasions of Nica ragua and Peru, was utilized on the present occasion; and the ample preparations made encouraged in the hearts of all hope of success more astounding than that which had characterized both those expeditions. Twelve priests, eight clergymen of inferior rank, and four monks accompanied the army. In the thirst for conquest and gold the conversion of the aborigines was not forgotten. Men of letters, who were to perpetuate the events of the march, were also present. With the wanderings of De Soto and his followers within the territorial limits of Florida, with the narrative of their battles with the natives, with the difficulties encountered in the crossing of rivers and the passage of perplexing morasses, with the sore disappointment experienced in the quest for gold and precious stones in this low-lying semi-tropical region, and with the ac counts of the privations endured, we have now no special con cern, as our inquiry is limited to a recital of what transpired within the confines of the present State of Georgia. It may be stated, however, that after wintering at Anhayca, which was probably in the neighborhood of the modern town of Tallahassee,1 De Soto, allured by a report of the existence of gold to the northward, determined to proceed in that direction in search for that much-coveted precious metal. Receiving an in timation that his march would extend for many leagues through a sparsely populated region, the governor ordered his command to carry the largest allowance of maize. The cavalrymen packed 1 Portions of Spanish armor have been found in this vicinity tinder circumexhumed in a field adjacent to this city, stances confirming the suggestion here and other European relics have been made. 40 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA, a liberal supply of this grain on their horses, and the foot-soldiers conveyed as much as they could conveniently bear upon their backs. This store had been pillaged from the native villages, and the Indians, whom the Spaniards had forced to act as bur den-bearers during their previous wanderings and about the win ter cantonment, had, in nakedness arid chains, perished from hard usage. Sad is the record of the inhuman treatment meted out to the aborigines by these Christian adventurers. Such was the utter contempt entertained for them by the Spaniards that they hesitated not to subject them to every form of cruelty, hu miliation, and privation. The men were condemned to the office of beasts of burden. The women were misused and driven "from their habitations. Supplies of all sorts were ruthlessly appro priated. Even sepulchres were ransacked in the greedy search for pearls and hidden treasures. The path of the invader was marked on every hand by death, ruin, and desolation. The de moralizing influences exerted upon this aboriginal population by the inroads of the Spaniards cannot be overestimated. On Wednesday, the 3d of March, 1540, the army moved north ward, its objective point being Yupaha, governed by a woman whose chief city was reported to be of astonishing size. Of some Indians captured in Napetuca, the treasurer, Juan Gaytan, had brought to camp a lad who spoke knowingly of this queen, of neighboring chiefs tributary to her, and of the clothing and gold with which they supplied her. So exactly did he describe the process of taking this metal from the earth, melting and re fining it, that the Spaniards came to the conclusion either that he had seen the whole affair with his own eyes, or that he had been taught of the Devil. Expectation was on tip-toe, and the belief was universal that the land of gold was at hand. On the fourth day of its march the army encountered a deep river, for the passage of which it became necessary to construct a periagua. So swift was the current that a chain was stretched from bank to bank for the guidance of this craft. By this means the soldiers and the baggage were crossed, and the horses di rected in swimming the stream. We believe this to have been the Ocklockony River. De Soto had now arrived, or very nearly so, at the southwest boundary of Georgia. Within the next forty-eight hours the Indian village of Capachiqui was reached. At the approach of the Spaniards the natives fled; but when five of the Christians visited some Indian cabins, surrounded by a thicket, in rear of the encampment, they were set upon by In- PRIMITIVE DWELLINGS AT TOALLI. 41 dians, lurking near, by whom one was killed and three others were badly wounded. Pursued by a detachment from the camp, the natives fled into a sheet of water filled with forest trees whither the cavalry could not follow them. Thus does the Gen tleman of Elvas record the death of the first Spaniard who fell upon what is now the soil of Georgia. Departing from Capachiqui on the llth, and traversing a des ert, the expedition had, on the 21st, penetrated as far as Toalli. This region, which the historian 'designates as a desert, was doubtless a dreary pine barren, devoid of population and but little frequented by animal life. The site of Toalli or Otoa can not now be definitely ascertained; but as it was near Achese, or Ochis (which, according to Mr. Gallatin, is the Muskhogee name of the Ocmulgee River), we may not greatly err in locating it somewhere in Irwin or Coffee County. Of the peculiarities of this place the Gentleman of Elvas, whose narrative^ in the main, we adopt, has perpetuated the following impressions : The houses of this town were different from those behind, which were covered with dry grass. Thenceforward they were roofed with cane after the fashion of tile. They are kept very clean. Some have their sides so made of clay as to look like tapia. Throughout the cold country every Indian has a winter house, plastered inside and out, with a very small door which is closed at dark, and, a fire being made within, it remains heated like an oven, so that clothing is not needed during the night-time. He has likewise a house for summer, and near it a kitchen where fire is made and bread baked. Maize is kept in barbacoa, which is a house with wooden sides, like a room, raised aloft on four posts. It has a floor of cane. The houses of the principal men, besides being larger than those of the common people, had deep balconies in front furnished with benches made of the swamp cane. Adjacent were large barbacoas in which were collected maize, the skins of deer, and the blankets of the country, offered as tribute by the populace. These blankets re sembled shawls, and were fashioned from the inner bark of trees, and from a certain grass which, when beaten, yielded a flax-like fibre.1 They were used by the women as coverings. One was worn about the body from the waist downward. Another was thrown over the shoulders, leaving the right arm free after the manner of the gypsies. The men were content with one, which was carried in like manner over the shoulders. The loins were i This was evidently the tough silk grass of the region. 42 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. covered with a bragueiro of deer-skin, after the fashion of the woolen breech-cloth once customary in Spain. These blankets were colored either vermilion or black. Garments of welldressed deer-skin were also in vogue, and shoes made of the same material. Three days were spent at Toalli; and on Saturday, the 24th of March, the expedition moved onward. Thursday evening, while crossing a small stream over which a bridge had been thrown for the passage of the command, Benito Fernandes, a Portuguese, was drowned. A short distance beyond this stream was located the village of Achese, whose inhabitants, upon the approach of the Europeans, plunged into the river and made their escape. Among some captives taken was found one who understood the language spoken by the Indian who had acted in the capacity of guide to Yupaha. By him the governor sent a message to the chief dwelling on the further side of the river, desiring an interview with him. Responding to the invitation, the cacique appeared with words of courtesy and an avowal of friendship. Frankly thanking him for his good will, De Soto informed him that he was the child of the sun,1 coming from his abode, and that he was seeking the greatest prince and the rich est province. The chief replied that further on there reigned a powerful king whose territory was called Ocute. A guide, who understood the language of this province, having been furnished, the captives were set at liberty. Before leaving Toalli a high wooden cross was erected in the middle of the town yard, and some effort made to instruct the natives in the doctrines of Chris tianity. Resuming his march on the 1st of April, De Soto moved along a river whose shores were thickly populated. On the fourth day he passed through the town of Altamaca, and on the tenth ar rived at Ocute. If we are correct in our impression, the march of the expedition had been in a northeasterly direction, and the Spaniards were now probably in Laurens County. In the word Altamaca (or Altapaha, as it is written by Biedma and also by Garcilasso de la Vega) we recognize one of the prominent rivers in Southern Georgia, and the many traces of early constructive skill, ancient relic beds, and old Indian fields along the line of that and of the Oconee River give ample token that in former 1 This announcement, if credited, was the sixteenth century, were nearly all calculated to make a profound impression sun-worshipers. upon the natives, as the Florida tribes, in PRIVATIONS OF DE SOTO'S COMMAND. 43 times the aboriginal population dwelling here was by no means inconsiderable. While approaching Ocute, De Soto's command was met by two thousand Indians bearing, as a present from the chief, many conies, partridges, bread made of maize, dogs, and two turkeys. Such was the scarcity of meat that the Spaniards welcomed this offering of dogs as heartily as if it had been a gift of fat sheep. In the language of the narrative from which we have quoted so freely: " Of flesh meat and salt in .many places and many times there had been great need; and they were so scarse that if a man fell sicke there was nothing to cherish him withall; and with a sicknesse that in another place easilie might have been remedied, he consumed away till nothing but skinne and bones was left: and they died of pure weaknes, some of them saying: ' If I had a slice of meate or a few cornes of salt, I should not die.' " The sufferings of these Spaniards were grievous and almost without interruption. On more than one occasion they were on the point of starving when relieved by the generous offerings of the natives. Surely these primitive inhabitants were hospitable peoples. In view of the harsh treatment dealt out to them by the whites we are little less than amazed at such exhibitions of charity and good will. While the Indians, through the apt use of their bows and arrows, supplied themselves abundantly with game, the Span iards, less expert with their clumsy weapons, and on the march not daring to straggle, so craved meat that upon their entrance into a native village they at once set about killing every dog in sight. Should the private soldier, who had been so fortunate as to secure one of these animals, omit to send his captain a quarter, he would surely be visited with displeasure and extra duty. Having obtained from the cacique of Ocute four hundred tamemes, or burden-bearers, the governor, on the 12th of April, took his departure. Passing through Cofaqui, he journeyed to Patofa, by the mico of which he was hospitably entreated. While here, the Indian youth who had accompanied De Soto as his guide and interpreter " began to froth at the mouth, and threw himself on the ground as if he were possessed of the Devil." An exorcism having been said over him, however, the fit went off: at least, so runs the story. Upon the cacique of Patofa a contribution was levied of seven hundred tamemes and a four days' supply of maize. Thus aided, 44 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. the expedition started, apparently in a northeasterly direction, following a path which gradually grew less and less distinct, until, at the end of the sixth day, all trace was lost in the midst of a wide-spreading pine barren. For three days more vainly seeking to acquire some valuable information, and having marched continuously, the governor called a halt and went into camp among the pine-trees. During these nine days he had with difficulty forded two rivers (sources of the Great Ogeechee ?) and swam another (Briar Creek ?). Accompanied by some cavalry and infantry, De Soto made a detour of five or six leagues, looking for a path. He re turned at night, having failed to find any inhabitants, quite dejected and sore perplexed. His command was in a sorry plight. The circumjacent country was a barren. No sign of human habitation appeared. The maize which his soldiers had brought from Patofa was utterly consumed. Both beasts and men were lean and hungry. In this enfeebled condition resist ance, in the event of an attack, seemed impossible. Starvation and annihilation stared the expedition in the face. Unable longer to subsist the burthen-bearers from Patofa, they were dismissed to make their way back to their homes as best they could. The next day, intent upon extricating himself from this per ilous situation, the governor sent out four expeditions -- each consisting of a captain and eight cavalrymen -- with instruc tions to scour the country and find some source of relief, some avenue of escape. The day was consumed in a fruitless search, and they all came into camp at night-fall leading their brokendown horses, or driving them before them. On the following day, having selected the best horses, and soldiers who couM swim, he organized four bands, each containing eight mounted men. Baltasar de Gallegos, who commanded one, was directed to move up the river. Juan de Anasco, with another, was to move downwards. Alfonso Romo and Juan Rodrigues Lobiflo, with the other two, were ordered to strike into the country. The thirteen sows which had been brought from Cuba had so multiplied during the progress of the expedition that there were now three hundred swine in camp. During this season of priva tion these animals were killed, and a ration of a half pound of fresh pork was issued, per diem, to each man. This, supple mented by such native herbs as could be collected and boiled, constituted the only subsistence of the soldiery. Upon the rough ARRIVAL OF DE SOTO AT AYMAY. 45 grass, leaves, and the tops of palmettos did the horses feed. The entire command was in an enfeebled, dispirited, and almost perishing condition. On Sunday afternoon (April 25th) Juan de Anasco, who was in charge of one of these reconnoitring parties, returned, bringing a woman and a youth whom he had captured. He reported that at a remove of some twelve or thirteen leagues he had found a small town. At this intelligence, says the Gentleman of Elvas, the governor and his people were as much delighted as if they had been raised from death to life. Without awaiting the incoming of the other detachments, De Soto set out for this village, which the Indians called Aymay, and to which the Spaniards gave the name of Socorro.1 At the foot of a tree in the camp was buried a letter stating in what direction the command would march. That the attention of the absentees on their return might be called to it, on the bark of the tree were cut, with a hatchet, these words: " Dig here: at the foot of this pine you will find a letter." Following the road which Anasco had made while passing through the woods, the governor set out on the morning of the 26th of April, taking with him his troopers who were best mounted, and moved as rapidly as he could in the direction of Aymay. That village he reached before night-fall. The army followed as best it could in its enfeebled condition, straggling all the way. At this town a barbacoa of parched meal and maize was found, the contents of which were immediately issued to the starving command. Four Indians were captured who refused to give any informa tion touching the existence of any adjacent native villages. One of them having been burnt, another stated that at a remove of two days' journey was the province of Cutifachiqui. Two days afterward the three captains arrived with their de tachments. On returning to camp they found the buried letter, and followed on in the trail left by the army. Two soldiers re mained behind, and they belonged to the detachment of Juan Rodrigues. Their horses had entirely given out and they lagged with them. After a severe reprimand from the governor, this of ficer was dispatched to hurry up these loiterers. Without tarrying for their coming, De Soto advanced in the direction of Cutifachi qui. On his journey thitherward three Indians were taken who informed the Spaniards that the queen of that province had been 1 Village of Good Relief. 46 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. advised of the approach of the army, and, in her chief town, was awaiting the arrival of the strangers. One of them was imme diately dispatched with a message of friendship from the gover nor to the cacica, and the announcement that he would speedily visit her. Upon the governor's arrival at the river, four canoes approached from the opposite bank. In one of these was a kins woman of the cacica, who had been by her deputed to extend an invitation to the Spaniards to cross over and partake of the hos pitalities of the town. She excused the absence of the cacica on the ground that she was engaged in giving directions for the reception of such distinguished guests. She returned with the thanks of the governor. Soon after, the cacica came out of the village, seated in a chair of state,1 which was borne by some of the principal men to the water's edge. Thence alighting, she entered a canoe, the stern of which was sheltered by an awning. Cushions lay extended in the bottom, and upon these she re clined. In her passage across the river she was accompanied by her chief men and other subjects in canoes. Having landed, she ap proached the spot where De Soto awaited her, and addressed him with courteous words of welcome. Drawing from over her head a long string of pearls, she suspended it about the governor's neck in token of amity. She also presented him with many shawls and dressed skins, constituting the clothing of her country. Finely formed, with great beauty of countenance, and possessing much native grace and dignity, the Spaniards were impressed by her appearance and queenly conduct. During her interview with the governor she sat upon a stool carried by one of her attendants. Her subjects preserved an unbroken silence and most respectful demeanor. She was the first female ruler whom De Soto had met during all his wanderings. The governor was sensibly moved by her generous salutation and pleasing behavior. In ac knowledgment of her beautiful gift, and as a pledge of peace and friendship, De Soto, removing from his finger a ring of gold set with a ruby, gently placed it upon one of her fingers. The hos pitalities of her town were generously extended. She promised to share her store of maize with the strangers, and said that she would send canoes for their conveyance to the other side of the river. This ceremony of welcome ended, the cacica returned to her home. On the following day, in canoes and upon rafts fur- 1 In Plate XXXVII. of the Brevis queens of these primitive people were conNarratio we have a spirited illustration veyed. See also Jones' Antiquities of the of the litter, or palanquin, in which the Southern Indians, p. 72. New York. 1873. CUTIFACHIQUI. 47 nished by the natives, the army crossed to the other shore and found food and rest in wigwams shaded by luxuriant mulberrytrees. Four horses were drowned in the passage of the river. So soon as De Soto was lodged in the village many wild turkeys were sent to him, and during his sojourn in this place he and his men were entertained with every mark of hospitality. To be thus rested and feasted was most joyous to this band, foot-sore and weary, disappointed, dejected, and well-nigh overborne by the difficulties and privations of the journey. The inhabitants, well proportioned and of a good countenance, were more civilized than all other peoples seen in the wide-ex tended territory of Florida. They wore clothing and shoes. The country, in that early springtime, was beautiful and gave every indication of fertility. The temperature was delightful, and the woods were most attractive. The Spaniards were particularly gratified with the profusion of walnut and mulberry trees. To all save the governor it seemed good to form a permanent set tlement here. The point appeared favorable for raising sup plies ; and-, as the natives stated it was only two days' journey from the coast, it was thought that ships from New Spain, Peru, Sancta Marta, and Tierra-Firme, going to Spain, might be in duced to stop here and refresh their crews. Thus ignorant were these strangers of their true geographical position. In the vicinity of Cutifachiqui were large, vacant towns over grown with grass. It was ascertained that two years before there had been a pest in the land, and in order to escape its ravages multitudes of the inhabitants had removed to other localities. In the barbacoas were found " large quantities of clothing; shawls of thread made from the bark of trees, and others of feathers, white, gray, vermilion, and yellow, rich and proper for winter. There were also many well-dressed deer-skins, of colors drawn over with designs, of which had been made shoes, stock ings, and hose." Upon searching the sepulchres in the town " three hundred and fifty weight of pearls, and figures of babies and birds made from iridescent shells," were taken from them. The suggestion of the Spanish narrators is that this quest was undertaken by permis sion of the cacica, who observed how highly the Christians valued these gems of the water. When we remember, however, how ardently attached these primitive peoples were to the graves of their dead, how carefully they deposited in them the treasures of the deceased, how tenderly they watched over and sacredly 48 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. guarded the last resting-places of their departed, we recognize in this procedure not the voluntary intervention of the native, but the cupidity, the violence, and the outrage of the foreigner, In the town were found a dirk and beads of European manu facture. From the best information which could be gathered touching their origin and the manner in which the Indians be came possessed of them, it was believed that they had been ob tained from some members of the unfortunate expedition of the governor-licentiate Ayllon. Biedma says, in alluding to these relics, " We found buried two wood axes of Castilian make, a rosary of jet beads, and some false pearls such as are taken from this country [Spain] to traffic with the Indians, all of which we supposed they got in exchange made with those who followed the licentiate Ayllon. From the information given by the Indians, the sea should be about thirty leagues distant. We knew that the people who came with Ayllon hardly entered the country at all; that they remained continually on the coast until his sickness and death. In strife for command, they then commenced to kill each other, while others of them died of hunger ; for one, whose lot it was to have been among them, told us that of six hundred men who landed, only fifty-seven escaped, -- a loss caused to a great extent by the wreck of a big ship they had brought, laden with stores." Learning that the mother of the cacica resided about twelve leagues down the river, and that she was a widow, De Soto ex pressed a strong desire to see her. This wish was doubtless born of the fact that she was reported to be the owner of many valu able pearls. Upon intimating his pleasure, the cacica of Cutifachiqui dispatched twelve of her prominent subjects to entreat her mother to come and see the wonderful strangers and the re markable animals they had brought with them. To these mes sengers the widow administered a severe rebuke, declined to ac company them, and returned to her daughter words condemnatory of her conduct. Still intent upon his object, De Soto dispatched Juan de Anasco, with thirty companions, to secure the presence of the queen mother. They were accompanied by a youthful warrior whom the cacica selected as a guide. He was a near relative of the widow and had been reared by her. It was sup posed that he of all others could best bespeak for the expedition a favorable reception. In the blush of early manhood he possessed handsome features and a graceful, vigorous form. " His head was decorated with lofty plumes of different colored feathers ; he SUICIDE OP A YOUNG INDIAN GUIDE. 49 wore a mantle of dressed deer-skin ; in his hand he bore a beautiful bow so highly varnished as to appear as if finely enameled ; and at his shoulder hung a quiver full of arrows. With a light and elastic step and an animated and gallant air, his whole appear ance was that of an ambassador worthy of the young and beauti ful princess whom he served." What next befell the Spanish captain and his Indian guide we relate in the language of Theodore Irving, quoting from Garcilasso de la Vega: -- " Juan de Anasco and his comrades having proceeded nearly three leagues, stopped to make their midday meal and take their repose beneath the shade of some wide-spreading trees, as the heat was oppressive. The Indian guide had proved a cheer ful and joyous companion, entertaining them all the way with accounts of the surrounding country and the adjacent provinces. On a sudden, after they had halted, he became moody and thoughtful, and, leaning his cheek upon his hand, fell into a reverie, uttering repeated and deep-drawn sighs. The Span iards noticed his dejection, but, fearing to increase it, forbore to demand the cause. " After a time he quietly took off his quiver, and placing it before him drew out the arrows slowly one by one. They were admirable for the skill and elegance with which they were formed. Their shafts were reeds. Some were tipped with buck's horn, wrought with four corners like a diamond ; some were pointed with the bones of fishes, curiously fashioned; others with barbs of the palm and other hard woods; and some were three-pronged. They were feathered in a triangular manner to render their flight of greater accuracy. The Spaniards could not sufficiently admire their beauty; they took them up and passed them from hand to hand, examining and praising their workmanship and extolling the skill of their owner. The youthful Indian con tinued thoughtfully emptying his quiver, until, almost at the last, he drew forth an arrow with a point of flint, long and sharp, and shaped like a dagger; then, casting round a glance, and seeing the Spaniards engaged in admiring his darts, he suddenly plunged the weapon in his throat and fell dead upon the spot. " Shocked at the circumstance, and grieved at not having been able to prevent it, the Spaniards called to their Indian attendants and demanded the reason of this melancholy act in one who had just before been so joyous. " The Indians broke into loud lamentations over the corpse; 50 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. for the youth was tenderly beloved by them, and they knew the grief his untimely fate would cause to both their princesses. They could only account for his self-destruction by supposing him perplexed and afflicted about his embassy. He knew that his errand would be disagreeable to the mother, and apprehended that the plan of the Spaniards was to carry her off. He alone knew the place of her concealment, and it appeared to his gen erous mind an unworthy return for her love and confidence thus to betray her to strangers. On the other hand, he was aware that should he disobey the mandates of his young mistress he would lose her favor and fall into disgrace. Either of these alternatives would be worse than death; he had chosen death, therefore, as the lesser evil, and as leaving to his mistress a proof of his loyalty and devotion. " Such was the conjecture of the Indians, to which the Span iards were inclined to give faith. Grieving over the death of the high-minded youth, they mournfully resumed their journey. " They now, however, found themselves at a loss about the road. None of the Indians knew in what part of the country the widow was concealed, the young guide who had killed himself being alone master of the secret. For the rest of that day and until the following noon they made a fruitless search, taking prisoners some natives who all professed utter ignorance on the subject. Juan de Anasco, being a fleshy man and some what choleric, was almost in a fever with the vexation of his spirit, the weight of his armor, and the heat of the day; he was obliged, however, to give up the quest after the widow, and to return to the camp much mortified at having for once failed in an enterprise." Three days afterward, upon the offer of an Indian to guide him, by water, to the point where the widow had secreted her self, Anasco, with twenty companions, departed in two canoes for the purpose of capturing her. At the end of six days he returned vexed and chagrined at the failure of his expedition. Thus did the queen's mother avoid the Spaniards and preserve her pearls. Still intent upon his quest for gold, in response to his in quiries De Soto was told that there was here yellow and also white metal, similar to that shown by the Spaniards. Natives were dispatched to bring samples of both. To the sore disap pointment of the Christians, however, the yellow metal proved to be a copper ore, and the white metal a light crumbling mate rial like mica. TEMPLE AT TALOMECO. 51 Turning his attention again to the pearls of the region, the governor visited Talomeco, the former chief town of the prov ince, distant about a league from the village of the princess of Cutifachiqui, where was a large mausoleum containing many dead and a large store of pearls. On this occasion he was accompanied by Anasco, the contador, or royal accountant of the expedition, by the officers of the royal revenue, and by a number of his prin cipal officers and soldiers. The Inca, Garcilasso de la Vega, thus describes the temple of Talomeco, which constituted the sepulchre of the kings of the country : " It is more than one hundred steps long by forty broad. The walls are high in proportion, and the roof very ele vated to supply the want of tiles and to give more slope to the water. The covering is of canes, very thin, split in two, of which the Indians make mats, which resemble the rush carpets of the Moors, which are very beautiful to view. Five or six of these mats placed one upon the other serve to prevent the rain from penetrating and the sun from entering the temple; which the private people of the country and their neighbors imitate in their houses. "Upon the roof of this temple are many shells of different sizes, of divers fishes, ranged in very good order. These shells are placed with the insides out to give more brilliancy. The great spiral sea-shell is located between two small shells. These shells are connected, the one with the other, by strings of pearls of va rious sizes. These festoons of pearls, extending from the top of the roof to the bottom, in association with the vivid brilliancy of the mother-of-pearl and the other shells, produce a very beau tiful effect when the sun shines upon them. " The doors were proportioned to the grandeur of the temple ; and at the entrance were seen twelve gigantic statues made of wood. So ferocious and menacing was the aspect of these fig ures that the Spaniards paused for a long time to consider them. They say that these giants were placed there to defend the en trance of the door. They stand in a row on each side, and gradually diminish in size. The first are eight feet high and the others proportionally a little less, in the order of the tubes of an organ. " They have arms conformable to their height: the first on each side bearing clubs, ornamented with copper, which they hold in an elevated position as though ready to bring them down with fury upon those who may dare to enter. The second have maces, 52 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. and the third a kind of oar; the fourth, copper axes, the edges of which are of flint; and the fifth hold a bended bow with the arrow ready to be discharged. Curious are these arrows, the lower ends of which contain pieces of stag's horn well finished, or flint stones as sharp as a dagger. The last giants hold very long pikes ornamented with copper at both ends. They also maintain a threatening attitude. " The ornamentation of the inner walls of the temple conforms with that of the exterior, for there is a kind of cornice made of great spiral sea-shells placed in excellent order, and between these are seen festoons of pearls depending from the roof. At intervals between the shells and pearls, suspended from the arches and tied to the roof, are plumes well arranged and of divers colors. Besides this order which reigns above the cornice, many plumes and strings of pearls hang from all the other parts of the roof, retained by imperceptible threads. " Beneath the ceiling and cornice, and around the four sides of the temple, are two rows of statues, one above the other, the one of men and the other of women, of the stature of the people of the country. Each has its niche, and thus is the wall adorned, which would otherwise appear naked. The male statues have arms in their hands, encircled with four or five rows of pearls strung upon colored threads and terminating in tassels. The hands of the female statues are empty. At the base of the walls are wooden benches, cleverly fashioned, whereon are placed the coffins of the lords of the province and their families. Two feet above these coffins, and in niches in the wall, we behold the stat ues of the individuals who there lie entombed. So natural is the representation that these images perpetuate the recollection of the departed. The males are armed, the women not* " The space intervening between the images of the dead and the two ranks of statues above described is decorated with buck lers of various sizes, made of reeds, and so strongly woven that they appeared capable of resisting perforation by the arrow of a cross-bow or the shot of a musket. The beauty of these shields is greatly enhanced by decorations of pearls and variegated tassels. " In the middle of the temple were three rows of chests upon separate benches. The largest chests served as a base for those of medium size; and these in turn supported the smallest. Thus these pyramids consisted ordinarily of five or six chests. Open spaces existed between them and the benches. These chests were filled with pearls, the largest containing the finest, and the WEALTH OF ARMS IN THE TEMPLE. 53 smallest only seed pearls. They represented the accumulations of ages. " Besides this quantity of pearls were found packages of skins colored, and raiments of skin with the hair variously dyed. " About this temple, which was clean and kept in excellent order, was a large magazine divided into eight halls. Upon en tering these the Spaniards found them filled with arms. In the first were long pikes, mounted with beautiful copper, and orna mented with pearls. The place where these pikes touched the shoulder was embellished with colored skins, and at the extremi ties were tassels with pearls, contributing greatly to the beauty of these weapons. There were, in the second hall, maces, like those in the hands of the giants guarding the entrance to the tem ple, decorated with pearls and colored tassels. In the third were found hammers embellished as the others; in the fourth, pikes decked with tassels near the blade and at the handle; in the fifth, a kind of oar adorned with pearls and fringes; in the sixth, very beautiful bows and arrows. Some were armed with flint sharp ened at the end in the form of a bodkin, a sword, a piko-blade, or the point of a dagger with two edges. The bows were adorned with divers brilliant colors and embellished with pearls. In the seventh hall were bucklers of wood and of buffalo-skins decked with pearls and colored tassels. In the eighth were seen shields of cane, skillfully woven, and ornamented with tassels and seed pearls." 1 This temple represented the grandeur and the wealth of the province. While the existence of pearls upon the persons and in the graves of the natives of this region may not be questioned, it is highly probable that the accounts of the quantities of these glis tening beads here found are exaggerated. The treasures of the New World were greatly magnified by these adventurers, who dealt largely in the marvelous, and sought, by glowing descrip tions, to excite the wonder and enlist the sympathies of their friends at home. Shell heaps -- still extant along the line of Southern rivers, upon the shores of ponds and lakes, and on the sea-coast -- are not infrequent. Upon the animals which they contained did the aborigines depend in no small degree for food, and the pearls thence obtained were industriously gathered and perforated to 1 See History of Hernando de Soto and Florida, etc., by Barnard Shipp, pp. 362365. Philadelphia. 1881. 54 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. be worn as ornaments. Through aboriginal trade relations con stant supplies were also procured from margatiferous shells of the Gulf of Mexico.1 It was the purpose of the intendants of the revenue, who ac companied the expedition, to collect and preserve all the pearls found in these temples and graves; but upon a suggestion by the governor that these could not be conveniently carried, and that at present they were simply engaged in an expedition for discovery, it was resolved that specimens only should be taken for exhibi tion in Havana, and that the rest should remain until such time as they might return and possess the land. Handfuls of large pearls were distributed among the officers, with an exhortation from De Soto that they make rosaries of them. The Crown officers were allowed to retain quite a quantity which they had already weighed out. So pleased were the soldiers with this goodly land, with its fruits and stores of pearls, that they urged upon the governor the propriety of forming here a permanent settlement. But, in the language of the Gentleman of Elvas, "the governor, since his intent was to seeke another treasure like that of Atabalipa, lord of Peru, was not contented with a good countrie, nor with pearles, though many of them were worth their weight in gold. And if the countrie had been divided among the Christians, those which the Indians had fished for afterward would have been of more value ; for those which they had, because they burned them in the fire, did leese their colour. The governour answered them that urged him to inhabit, that in all the countrie there were not victuals to sustaine his men one moneth, and that it was needf ull to resort to the port of Ocus, where Maldonado was to stay for them; and that if no richer countrie were found, they might returne againe to that whensoever they would ; and in the meantime the Indians would sow their fields, and it would be better furnished with maiz. " He inquired of the Indians whether they had notice of any great lord farther into the land. They told him that twelve daies journie from thence there was a province called Chiaha, subject to the lord of Coca. Presently the governour determined to seeke that land. And being a sterne man, and of few words, though he was glad to sift and know the opinion of all men, yet 1 In further proof of the general use Southern Indians, etc., chapter xxi. New of pearls as ornaments among the South- York. 1873. ern tribes, see Jones" Antiquities of the LOCATION OF CUTIFACHIQUI. 55 after hee had delivered his owne hee would not be contraried, and alwaies did what liked himselfe, and so all men did conde scend unto his will. And though it seemed an errour to leave that countrie (for others might have been sought round about, where the people might have been sustained untill the harvest had been readie there, and the maiz gathered), yet there was none that would say anything against him after they knew his resolution." We have thus traced the progress of the expedition from the southern confines of Georgia to the mulberry-shaded town of Cutifachiqui. The general trend of the march was northeast, with manifestly many deflections which we have found it impos sible to pursue with any degree of accuracy. 1 From Anhayca to the point where the army is now resting, the route has been, in our judgment, nearly parallel with the Atlantic coast. We be lieve the location of Cutifachiqui to have been identical with that of Silver Bluff, on the left bank of the Savannah River, about twenty-five miles by water below the city of Augusta. The river here impinges against a bold bluff, rising some thirty-five feet above the level of the adjacent swamp and extending along the line of the stream, with an unbroken front, for the distance of nearly a mile. Bounding this high ground on the west is Hol low Creek. Stretching to the north is fertile upland. At this place were extensive Indian fields when the region was first visited and settled by Europeans. Three miles below, in a di rect line, is another bluff upon the same side of the Savannah River, -- not quite so bold as that where we now stand, -- with an adjacent expanse of rich upland, which we suppose to be the site of Talomeco. Here also were old Indian fields and manifest tokens of primitive occupancy. When, one hundred and seven years ago, William Bartrani visited Silver Bluff, then owned by George Galphin the famous Indian trader, there were still extant " various monuments and vestiges of the residence of the ancients: as Indian conical mounts, terraces, areas, etc., as well as remains or traces of for tresses of regular formation, as if constructed after the modes of European military architects, which are supposed to be ancient camps of the Spaniards who formerly fixed themselves at this place in hopes of finding silver." 1 That the progress of the expedition was necessarily slow will be freely admitted when it is remembered that it was traversing the depths of an unbroken, pathless forest, permeated at irregular in- tervals by rivers, streams, and swamps, that its baggage and supplies were trans ported upon the backs of the soldiers and of Indian burthen-bearers, and that a drove of hogs kept pace with the march. 56 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. These proofs of early constructive skill have, however, all dis appeared. They have been obliterated by the plowshare and the changing seasons, and the most marked of them, occupying positions near the edge of the bluff, have been swept away by the encroaching tides of the tawny-hued Savannah. Within the memory of an old inhabitant, more than one hundred feet in breadth of this bluff have been eaten away and dissipated by the insatiate currents of this river. That the Spaniards were once here, was generally believed at the period of Bartram's visit, and the tradition has been handed down to the present day. But our intelligent traveler was manifestly at fault in ascribing some of these earth-works to the agency of Europeans. So far as we can discover, De Soto fortified no camps within the present limits of Georgia, and left no enduring proofs of his occupancy. The presence of pyrites and of sulphurous nodules in the face of the bluff and frequent particles and flakes of mica still attest the sources from which the Indians, in the days of De Soto, attempted to satisfy the Spanish craving for gold and silver. While it may be true that nuggets of native silver have been here found, as is stoutly asserted by some, the suggestion that this bluff derived its name from this circumstance we deem quite im probable. We would rather ascribe the name to the tradition, derived from the Indians, and dominant here at the period of primal settlement, that many years before a band of white men had here come and, in the bed of the river and elsewhere in the neighborhood, made search for this metal. Those who have studied the route of De Soto are not agreed as to the precise location of Cutifachiqui. Thus, Dr. Monette places it on the peninsula formed by the confluence of the Broad and Savannah rivers. Dr. McCulloh thinks it was on the Ocmulgee River, in Monroe County. William Bartrain, Colonel Albert James Pickett, Mr. Albert Gallatin, Mr. William B. Rye, Mr. Buckingham Smith, and Mr. J. Carson Brevoort all incline to the belief that at Silver Bluff we behold the site of the ancient village of Cutifachiqui. In this impression we sympathize. Mr. Theodore Irving, too, appears to yield to this persuasion, while freely confessing how perplexing it is to " make out the route in conformity to modern landmarks." During the latter portion of the Spanish sojourn at Cutifachiqui the queen had become so much incensed at the outrages perpe trated by the Christians upon her subjects that when advised by De Soto of his contemplated departure she utterly refused to MARCH TO CHELAQUE. 57 furnish him with guides and tamemes. The governor thereupon placed her under guard; and, upon commencing his journey northward, on the third day of May, he compelled her, on foot, escorted by her female attendants, to accompany him. Com menting upon this conduct of De Soto, the Gentleman of Elvas remarks: This was not " so good usage as she deserved for the good wil she shewed and good entertainement that she had made him. And he verified that old proverb which saith : 4 For weldoing I receive evil.' " The present objective point of the expe dition was Guaxule, situated near the northerly or northwesterly confines of the territory ruled over by the cacica of Cutifachiqui. As her domains were quite extensive, De Soto trusted, through her presence and influence, to control the natives along the line of his march. In this expectation he was not disappointed. " In all the townes where the Governour passed, the ladie com manded the Indians to come and carrie the burdens from one towne to another. We passed through her countrie an hundred leagues, in which, as we saw, she was much obeyed. For the Indians did all that she commanded them with great efncacie and diligence." Before departing from Cutifachiqui the army was organized into two divisions: the one commanded by the adelantado in person, and the other under the guidance of Baltazar de Gallegos. Upon the second day the Spaniards encoun tered a storm of wind, lightning, and hail so severe that, had they not sought the close protection of the forest trees, many of them would have perished. The hail-stones were as large as pigeon's eggs.1 After a march of seven days the province of Chelaque was reached. In this name, with but slight alteration, we recognize the land of the Cherokees. According to Adair and others the national name was derived from Chee-ra, "fire." Hence Cherakees, Chelakees, Cherokees. The route had thus far, if we understand it aright, been up ward and along the right bank of the Savannah River. De Soto was now, we think, within the confines of the present county of Franklin. The country was described as "the poorest off for maize" of any which had thus far been seen in Florida. The inhabitants were domestic, slight of form, and, at that season, quite naked. Upon the roots of plants dug in the forests, and upon the animals destroyed with their arrows, did they chiefly subsist. One of the chiefs presented the governor with two 1 Herrera. 58 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. deer-skins as a mark of friendship. Turkeys abounded. In one village seven hundred of these birds were given to the Spaniards, and there was no scarcity of them in other localities. Five days were occupied in passing from this province to Xualla. The chief town of this last-named province bore the same name, and was located on the flanks of a mountain with a small but rapid river flowing near, We venture the suggestion that this village was situated in Nacoochee valley, Habersham County, and that the mountain referred to was Yonah. In this valley phys ical proofs of primitive occupancy are still extant, and metallic fragments of European manufacture have there been found con firmatory of the fact that many years prior to the settlement of this region by the whites it had been visited by kindred peoples. We do not now allude to the remains of an ancient village, -- the cabins of which were made of logs hewn and notched by means of chopping-axes, -- unearthed by Colonels Merriwether and Lumsden in Duke's Creek valley in 1834, or to the traces of early mining in Valley River valley and adjacent locali ties, where deep shafts passing through gneiss rock, their sides scarred by the impression of sharp tools, and windlasses of postoak with cranks and gudgeon holes were observed; the trees growing above this old settlement and springing from the mouths and sides of these abandoned pits being not less than two hun dred years old. These are to be referred to the labors of Tristan de Luna, who, in 1560, at the command of Louis de Velasco, came with three hundred Spanish soldiers into this region and spent the summer in eager and laborious search for gold. This expedition moved up from Pensacola; and was dispatched on the faith of the representations, made by returned soldiers from De Soto's command, of the presence of the precious metal among these mountains. We are informed by the German trav eler, Johannes Lederer, that as late as 1669 and 1670 the Span iards were employed in working gold and silver mines in the Ap palachian mountains. Although little grain was found at Xualla, the adelantado rested there two days that he might refresh his weary soldiers and recuperate his horses, which were lean and sadly jaded. Apparently inclining his route westwardly, De Soto set out for Guaxule, which marked the furthest confines, in that direction, of the dominion of the queen of Cutifachiqui. During this stage of the journey the queen succeeded in making her escape into the forests. So thoroughly did she conceal herself that efforts for ESCAPE OF THE QUEEN OF CUTIFACHIQUI. 59 her recapture proved fruitless. We are told by the Fidalgo of Elvas that she took with her a cane box, like a small trunk, called petaca, full of unbored pearls of great value. Up to the moment of her flight this precious box had been borne by one of her female attendants. The governor permitted this, hoping that when he reached Guaxule, at which point he was minded to liberate her, he would be able to beg these pearls of her. In her return homewards she was accompanied by three slaves who deserted from the camp. A horseman, named Alimamos, who had been left behind sick of a fever, came upon these slaves and persuaded two of them to abandon their evil design. The third, however, a slave of Andre de Vasconcelos, remained with the cacica. When Alimamos last saw them, they were living together as man and wife, and were together to return to Cutifachiqui. Such is the final glimpse we have of this Indian queen, whose welcome of and association with De Soto form one of the marked episodes in the nebulous story of this wonderful expedition. The country traversed during the five days consumed in march ing from Xualla to Guaxule was mountainous, with interven ing valleys " rich in pasturage and irrigated by clear and-rapid streams." Much fatigue was encountered, and one day af footsoldier, calling to a horseman who was his friend, drew forth from his wallet a linen bag in which were six pounds of pearls, probably filched from one of the Indian sepulchres. These he offered as a gift to his comrade, being heartily tired of carrying them on his back, though he had a pair of broad shoulders capa ble of bearing the burden of a mule. The horseman refused to accept so thoughtless an offer. " Keep them yourself," said he ; " you have most need of them. The governor intends shortly to send messengers to Havana; you can forward these presents and have them sold, and three or four horses and mules purchased for you with the proceeds, so that you need no longer go on foot." Juan Terron was piqued at having his offer refused. " Well," said he, " if you will not have them, I swear I will not carry them, and they shall remain here." So saying, he untied the bag, and, whirling around, as if he were sowing seed, scattered the pearls in all directions among the thickets and herbage. Then putting up the bag in his wallet, as if it were more valuable than the pearls, he marched on, leaving his comrades and the other bystanders astonished at his folly. The soldiers made a hasty search for the scattered pearls and recovered thirty of them. When they beheld their great size 60 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. and beauty, none of them being bored and discolored, they la mented that so many of them had been lost; for the whole wouid have sold in Spain for more than six thousand ducats. This egregious folly gave rise to a common proverb in the army, that " There are no pearls for Juan Terron." The poor fellow him self became an object of constant jest and ridicule, until, at last, made sensible of his absurd conduct, he implored them never to banter him further on the subject. After a march of five days the army reached Guaxule. Upon the route, both men and horses had suffered from an insufficient supply of maize and of meat. When within half a league of the chief town of the province, De Soto was met by the cacique, or king, escorted by a band of five hundred warriors attired in dec orated mantles of various skins and adorned with feathers of brilliant hues. The interview was entirely amicable; and by him and his train was the governor conducted to the village, con sisting of three hundred houses. It occupied a pleasant situation and was well watered by streams taking their rise in the adjacent mountains. The adelantado was hospitably entertained at the dwelling of the mico, which stood upon the top of an artificial elevation " surrounded by a terrace wide enough for six men to go abreast." The site of Guaxule we believe to be identical, or very nearly so, with Coosawattee Old Town?- in the southeastern corner of Murray County. Perceiving that the Christians were killing and eating the vil lage dogs, the native king collected and presented three hundred of them to the Spaniards. This animal was not used as an arti cle of food by the aborigines. On the contrary, it was held in special regard. The constant companion of its master in his journeys through the forests, and in hunting and fishing; a trusted guard about his camp-fires and at the door of the home lodge, not infrequently were accorded to it rites of sepulture akin to those with which the owner was complimented. We wonder therefore at this gift, and are inclined to interpret it rather as a euphemistic statement that these dogs were appro priated by the strangers. Four days were here passed by the command. An Indian was dispatched with a message to the chief of Chiaha requesting that 1 Some fifty years ago two large silver crosses were taken from an Indian gravemound at this point, which we are inclined to regard as relics of De Soto's expedi- tion. These objects have been figured, and will appear in the next Annual Report of the Smithsooian Institution, CORDIAL RECEPTION AT CHIAHA. 61 he would concentrate maize at that place, as it was the purpose of the governor to tarry some time in that village. After two days' travel the town of Canasagua was reached. There is no good reason why we should not recognize in this name the original of that borne at the present day by the river Connasauga. This stage in the journey of De Soto we locate at or near the junction of the Connasauga and Coosawattee rivers, in originally Cass, now Gordon County. Before reaching this town he was met by twenty men from .the village, each bear ing a basket of mulberries. This fruit was here abundant and well flavored. Plum and walnut trees were growing luxuriantly throughout the country, attaining a size and beauty, without planting or pruning, which could not be surpassed in the irri gated and well-cultivated gardens of Spain. Following the course of the Oostenaula, and marching well nigh parallel with its left bank, the army moved in the direction of Chiaha (Ychiaha, Ichiaha, China). On the fifth day, when within two leagues of that town, fifteen Indians, bearing presents of maize, met the adelantado. They conveyed the salutations of the cacique, and a message that he was in his village awaiting the arrival of the strangers. They further assured the governor that twenty barbacoas, full of maize, were there subject to his orders. Chiaha was entered by the Spaniards on the 5th of June. Cordially was De Soto welcomed by the cacique, who re signed to him the use and occupancy of his residence. Into his mouth the Gentleman of Elvas puts the following address: -- " Powerful and Excellent Master, -- " Fortunate am I that you will make use of my services. Nothing could happen that would give me so great contentment, or which I should value more. From Guaxule you sent to have maize for you in readiness to last two months: you have in this town twenty barbacoas full of the choicest and best to be found in all this country. If the re ception I give is not worthy so great a prince, consider my youth, which will relieve me of blame, and receive my good will, which, with true loyalty and pure, shall ever be shown in all things that concern your welfare." To these words the governor responded feelingly, assuring the young chief that he was greatly pleased with his gifts and kind ness, and that he would always regard him as a brother. De Soto had now reached the confluence of the Etowah and the Oostenaula rivers. The ancient village of Chiaha has been supplanted by the modern city of Rome. The town is described 62 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. as situated between two arras of a river and seated near one of them. Both branches were then fordable, and the meadow lands adjacent to their banks were rich. Maize fields appeared on every hand. There was an abundance of lard in calabashes, which the inhabitants said was prepared from bear's fat. Oil of walnuts, " clear and of good taste," was found in the possession of the natives. They also had a honeycomb which the Chris tians had never seen before. It was a pleasant and hospitable region, and the army here rested for thirty days. The horses had become so jaded by rough and continuous marches, and so enfeebled from lack of substantial food, that it was absolutely necessary to indulge them in a season of quiet. When they ar rived at Chiaha they were so worn out that they could not carry their riders; they were accordingly turned out to graze. So amiable were the natives, that, although greatly exposed, the Spaniards suffered no molestation from them either in their per sons or animals. Had they, in their unguarded condition, seen fit to set upon the Christians, they could scarcely have defended themselves. Contrary to the conduct of the natives on similar occasions in other localities, the inhabitants of Chiaha did not abandon their houses upon the approach of the army or during the sojourn of the Spaniards ; consequently the soldiers were quartered beneath the trees, the only house occupied by a Euro pean being that of the chief in which the governor lodged. In response to his repeated inquiries in regard to gold, De Soto was here informed that to the north, and in a province called Chisca, were mines of copper and of a metal of .like color, but finer and brighter. Encouraged by this information, confirma tory of what he had been told at Cutifachiqui, he dispatched Juan de Villalobos and Francisco de Silvera, two brave soldiers who volunteered for the enterprise, to proceed on foot, and, if possible, locate these mines. After an absence of ten days they returned and reported that they had been well received by the natives; that their route lay partly through land excellent for grain and pasturage, and again over mountains so rugged that it would not be practicable for the army to cross them ; that they had found among the natives a buffalo hide an inch thick and with hair as soft as sheep's wool; and lastly, that they had seen only a fine variety of cop per, such as had already been met with. From the appearance of the soil, however, they thought it not improbable that both gold and silver were native to the region. PEARLS AT CHIAHA. 63 While De Soto was awaiting the return of these soldiers, the cacique of Chiaha one day presented him with a string of pearls two arms J in length. These pearls were as large as filberts ; and, had they not been perforated, would have been of great value. Thankfully receiving them, De Soto complimented the Indian with pieces of velvet and cloths of various colors, and with other Spanish trifles held in much esteem by the natives. Upon inquiry, he learned that these pearls had been obtained in the neighborhood, and that in the sepulchres of the ancestors of the cacique many were stored. The governor being curious to see in what manner these pearls were extracted from the shells, the cacique dispatched forty canoes to fish for the oysters during the night. " At an early hour next morning a quantity of wood was gathered and piled up on the banks of the river, and, being set on fire, was speedily reduced to glowing coals. As soon as the canoes arrived, the coals were spread out and the oysters were laid upon them. They soon opened with the heat, and from some of the first thus opened the Indians obtained ten or twelve pearls as large as peas, which they brought to the governor and cacique, who were standing together, looking on. The pearls were of a fine quality, but somewhat discolored by the fire and smoke. The Indians were prone, also, to injure these pearls by boring them with a heated copper instrument. " De Soto having gratified his curiosity, returned to his quar ters to partake of the morning meal. While eating, a soldier entered with a large pearl in his hand. He had stewed some oysters, and, in eating them, felt this pearl between his teeth. Not having been injured by fire or smoke, it retained its beauti ful whiteness, and was so large and perfect in its form that sev eral Spaniards, who pretended to be skilled in these matters, declared it would be worth four hundred ducats in Spain. The soldier would have given it to the governor to present to his wife, Doua Isabel de Bobadilla, but De Soto declined the gen erous offer, advising the soldier to preserve it until he got to Havana, where he might purchase horses and many other things with'it; moreover, in reward of his liberal disposition, De Soto insisted upon paying the fifth of the value, due to the crown." The mussel or oyster here alluded to was doubtless the pearlbearing unio still native to the Etowah and the Oostenaula, and to many other Southern streams. At that early period these shells were far more numerous than they are at present. Arti- 1 Garcilasso de la Vega says two fathoms. 64 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. ficial shell-heaps still attest how industriously in that olden time these margatiferous shells were collected by primitive peoples, who valued them not only for their flesh, but also for the glisten ing beads they contained, and for their iridescent coverings from which various ornaments were manufactured. When pounded they were kneaded with clay and tended materially to give con sistency and strength to the pottery of the region. The denudation of the banks of these streams, and the destruc tion of extensive forests in reducing wild lands to a state of culti vation, have caused marked changes in the animal life of the country. " Before these fields were shorn and tilled, Full to the brim our rivers flowed." Limpid then, with constant volumes they pursued their accus tomed channels. Subsequently, becoming turbid with the soil washed from the slopes of a hundred hills, and no longer fed with regularity by well shaded and pure springs, but at one time en feebled by drought and at another engorged by torrents, these streams have for many years been liable to sudden and violent fluctuations. Multitudes of margatiferous unios have consequently been torn from their habitats by unruly currents, and imbedded beyond life in sand bars and muddy deposits. The stable bot toms upon which they rested and multiplied have been rendered both uncertain and unwholesome. Thus has it come to pass that a marked extinction of such animal life has ensued. A melancholy occurrence which took place while the army was at Chiaha is thus narrated by Theodore Irviug 1 in his " Conquest of Florida: " -- " A cavalier, one Luis Bravo de Xeres, strolling, with lance in hand, along a plain bordering on the river, saw a small animal at a short distance, and launched his weapon at it. The lance missed the mark; but, slipping along the grass, shot over the river bank. Luis Bravo ran to recover his lance, but to his horror found it had killed a Spaniard who had been fishing with a reed on the margin of the river at the foot of the bank. The steel point of the lance had entered one temple and come out at the other, and the poor Spaniard had dropped dead on the spot. His name was Juan Mateos; he was the only one in the expedi tion that had gray hairs, from which circumstance he was called father Mateos, and respected as such. His unfortunate death was lamented by the whole army." 1 Quoting from Garcilasso de la Vega. DEPARTURE FROM CHIAHA. 65 A month had well-nigh elapsed since the arrival of the Span iards at Chiaha. The men were entirely rested and the horses were again in good order. The governor resolved to take up the Ikie of march for Co9a on the Coosa River. Before leaving, yield ing to the importunity of some in his command " who wanted more than was in reason," he asked from the cacique thirty women that he might take them with him in the capacity of slaves. The chief responded that he would consult with his principal men. Informed of the demand, .and before answer had been made to it, the inhabitants fled by night from the town, taking their women and children with them. Although the ca cique professed his regret at the course his people had pursued, and acknowledged his inability to control them, the governor, with thirty mounted men and as many foot soldiers, went in pur suit of the fugitives. In passing the towns of some of the chiefs who had absconded he cut down and destroyed their maize fields. Proceeding along up the stream he found the natives congregated upon an island in the river to which his cavalry could not pene trate. By an Indian he sent them word that if they would return and furnish him with some tamemes, he would not disturb their women, seeing in what special affection they were held. Upon this assurance they all came back to their homes. Parting from the cacique of Chiaha with kind words, and hav ing received from him some slaves as a gift, De Soto set out with his companions down the valley of the Coosa, and was soon, with out further incident of moment, beyond the confines of the pres ent State of Georgia. He had entered this territory early in March, 1540, and departed from it on the second day of July in the same year. Thus did these mail-clad Spaniards, -- the first Europeans who traversed the soil of Georgia, beheld the primal beauties of her forests, rivers, plains, and mountains, participated in the hospital ities of her primitive peoples, and sought but found not the treasures hidden within her bosom, -- disappointed, yet not de spairing, pass onward in quest of richer native lords and goodlier countries. We may not follow them even until that day when, amid the smoke and thunder of battle at Mauvila, they barely escaped de struction at the hands of the lion-hearted Alibamons. It lies not within our purpose to accompany them as, impeded by tangled brake, morass, and stream, often pinched by hunger, frequently opposed by the red warriors, now buoyed up by hope, again 66 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. oppressed by apprehension, they painfully groped their way through vast and unknown regions this side and even beyond the Meschachepi. In the end, their golden visions vanished, the body of their leader silently and in darkness entombed in the Father of Waters, few in numbers and broken in spirit, their munitions exhausted, the survivors of this famous expedition fled from the land wherein they had garnered a harvest only of priva tion, peril, sorrow, mortification and death.1 1 Itinerary of Hernando de Soto, while Cofaqui, and came to the province of marching through the Territory of the mod another lord named Patofa. ern State of Georgia, as contained in the April 14, 1540. Departed from Patofa. True Relation given by a Fidalgo of Elvas. April 20,l540. Lost in a pine barren. March 3, 1540. Left Anhaica [Talla- Six days consumed in fording two riv hassee, Fla. ?]. ers and in the effort to find a way of March 7, 1540. Crossed a deep river escape. [Ocklockony?]. April 26, 1540. Set out for Aymay. March 9,1540. Arrived at Capachiqui. Reached Aymay before nightfall. March 21, 1540. Came to Toalli. April 28, 1540. Departed for Cutifachi- March 24, 1540. Left Toalli. qui. March 25, 1540. Arrived at Achese. May 3, 1540. Left Cutifachiqui. April 1,1540. Departed from Achese. May 10, 1540. Arrived at Chelaque, April 4, 1540. Passed through the May 15, 1540. Arrived at Xualla. town of Altamaca. May 20, 1540. Arrived at Guaxule. April 10, 1540. Arrived at Ocute. May 22, 1540. Arrived at Canasagua. April 12, 1540. Left Ocute. Passed June 5, 1540. Arrived at Chiaha. through a town whose lord was called July 1, 1540. Departed from Chiaha. CHAPTER III. GRANT TO THE LORDS PROPRIETORS OF CAROLINA. -- EARLY POSTS SOUTH OF THE SAVANNAH RIVER.--SPANISH MINING OPERATIONS IN THE APALATCY MOUNTAINS.--MARGRAVATE OF AZILIA. -- GOVERNOR MOORE'S EXPEDITION. -- MISSION OF SIR ALEXANDER CUMING. -- SALE AND SUR RENDER BY THE LORDS PROPRIETORS. THE claim of Great Britain to the coast of North America lying between the fifty-sixth and twenty-eighth degrees of north latitude rests upon the discovery of Sebastian Cabot, who, under a commission from and at the charge of the king of England, visited and sailed along that portion of the western continent. After the discovery of Florida by Juan Ponce de Leon, Spain does not appear to have attempted any conquest of that region until the expeditions of Narvaez in 1527 and of De Soto in 1539. By neither of these were any permanent settlements ef fected. The earliest grant of the lower portion of this terri tory was made by his majesty King Charles I., in the fifth year of his reign, to Sir Robert Heath, his attorney-general. In that patent it is called Carolina Florida, and the designated limits extended from the river Matheo in the thirtieth degree to the river Passa Magna in the thirty-sixth degree of north lati tude. There is good reason for believing that actual possession was taken under this patent, and that considerable sums were expended by the proprietor and those claiming under him in the effort to colonize. Whether this grant was subsequently surren dered, or whether it was vacated and declared null for non user or other cause, we are not definitely informed. Certain it is that King Charles II., in the exercise of his royal pleasure, deemed it proper to make to the Lords Proprietors of Carolina two grants of the same lands, with some slight modifications of boundaries. The last of these grants, bearing date the 30th of June in the seventeenth year of his reign, conveys to the Lords Proprietors all that portion of the New World lying between the thirty-sixth and the twenty-ninth degrees of north latitude. While the English under this concession were industriously engaged in peopling a portion of the coast embraced within the specified limits, it is 68 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. notorious that the Spaniards occupied only St. Augustine and a few adjacent points. Although in 1670 England and Spain entered into stipulations for composing their differences in America, stipulations which have since been known as the American Treaty, the precise line of separation between Carolina and Florida was not defined. Disputes between these powers touching this boundary were not infrequent. In view of this unsettled condition of affairs, and in order to assert a positive claim to and retain possession of the debatable ground, which neither party was willing either to re linquish or clearly to point out, the English located and main tained a small military post on the south end of Cumberland Island, where the St. Mary's River empties its waters into the Atlantic. In 1720, apprehending that the French or Spanish forces would take possession of the Alatamaha River, King George I. ordered General Nicholson, then governor of South Carolina, with a company of one hundred men to secure that river as being within the bounds of South Carolina, and to erect a fort at some suitable point, with an eye to the protection of his majesty's possessions in that quarter and the control of the navigation of that stream. The fort was located near the con fluence of the Oconee and Ocmulgee rivers and was named King G-eorge. Having been accidentally destroyed by fire, it was sub sequently rebuilt at the expense of the province of South Caro lina, but in an insubstantial manner. The garrison clamored for better accommodations. The locality, lonely and uninteresting at best, proved very unhealthy. The soldiers refused to exert themselves in procuring wholesome water, neglected to plant gardens, and proved insubordinate when ordered to prepare inclosures for cattle which General Nicholson proposed to send to them. They were so lazy that they would not even fish and hunt. Within a few years the post was abandoned. In 1727 the Crown was memorialized to reinstate this fort, as an evidence of English proprietorship in the territory, and to relieve the gar rison at stated intervals from Port Royal. Orders were, in 1729, issued to Governor Robert Johnson, who had been appointed royal governor of South Carolina in the room of Nicholson with the full authority of captain-general and commander-in-chief, to reestablish this deserted post on the Alatamaha. They were never carried into effect. It was contemplated also to lay out two towns on the Alatamaha, but this purpose failed of execu tion. Upon these efforts of the English to maintain a show of SPANISH MINING OPERATIONS. 69 occupancy within the disputed territory the Spaniards looked for the while with an eye of seeming indifference. By the treaty of Seville in 1729 commissioners were appointed, among other things, to determine the northern boundary line of Florida which should form the southern limit of South Carolina. Nothing, however, was concluded in this regard, and the question remained open and a cause of quarrel until the peace of 1768, when Spain ceded Florida to Great Britain. It will be perceived that at the date of the colonization of Georgia this southern boundary line was in dispute between Great Britain and Spain. It proved, as we shall see, a source of inquietude and extreme peril to the settlers under Oglethorpe. In recalling the instances of temporary occupancy, by Europe ans, of limited portions of the territory at a later period conveyed to the trustees for establishing the colony of Georgia, it is proper that we should allude to mining operations conducted by the Spaniards at an early epoch among the auriferous mountains of Upper Georgia. Influenced by the representations made by the returned soldiers of De Soto's expedition of the quantity of gold, silver, and pearls existent in the province of Cosa, Luis de Velasco dispatched his general, Tristan de Luna, to open communication with Cosa by the way of Pensacola Bay. Three hundred Span ish soldiers of this expedition, equipped with mining tools, pene trated to the valley of the Coosa and passed the summer of 1560 in northern Georgia and the adjacent region. Juan Pardo was subsequently sent by Aviles, the first governor of Florida, to establish a fort at the foot of the mountains northwest of St. Augustine in the province of the chief Coaba. It would seem, therefore, that the Spaniards at this early period were acquainted with and endeavored to avail themselves of the gold deposits in Cherokee Georgia. The German traveler, Johannes Lederer, who visited North Carolina and Virginia in 1669 and 1670, and wrote in Latin an account of his adventures, asserts that the Spaniards were then working gold and silver mines in the Appalachian Mountains. He avers that he saw specimens of the ore in the possession of the natives, and that he brought back samples with him. " Had I had with me," he adds, " half a score of resolute youths who would have stuck to me, I would have pushed on to the Spanish mines." In 1690, while journeying over the " Apalathean Mountains " for inland discovery and trade with the Indians, Mr. James 70 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. Moore was informed by them that the Spaniards were at work in mines within twenty miles of the place where he then was. The Indians described to him the bellows and furnaces used by them, and offered to convey him to the spot where their opera tions were being conducted. A difference between himself and his guides prevented his visiting these mines. Subsequently he volunteered to lead a party to them, but the scheme was aban doned. Thus are we advised that the Spaniards, long before the ad vent of the English colonists, permeated the valleys of the Cherokees in earnest quest for gold. Thus are we enabled to ac count, with at least some degree of probability, for those traces of ancient mining observed and wondered at by the early set tlers of Upper Georgia, -- operations of no mean significance, conducted by skilled hands and with metallic tools, which can not properly be referred either to the red race or to the follow ers of De Soto. In June, 1717, Sir Robert Mountgomery secured from the Pala tine and Lords Proprietors of the Province of Carolina a grant and release of all lands lying between the rivers Alatamaha and Savannah, with permission to make settlements also on the south side of the former river. This territory was to be erected into a distinct province, " with proper jurisdictions, privileges, preroga tives, and franchises, independent of and in no manner subject to the laws of South Carolina." It was to be holden of the Lords Proprietors by Sir Robert, his heirs and assigns forever, under the name and title of the Margravate of Azilia. A yearly quit-rent of a penny per acre for all lands " occupied, taken up, or run out," was to be paid ; such payment, however, was not to commence until three years after the arrival of the first ships transporting colonists. In addition, Sir Robert covenanted to render to the Lords Proprietors one fourth part of all the gold, silver, and royal minerals which might be found within the lim its of the ceded lands. Courts of justice were to be organized, and such laws enacted by the freemen of the Margravate as might conduce to the general good and in no wise conflict with the statutes and customs of England. The navigation of the rivers was to be free to all the inhabitants of the colonies of North and South Carolina. A duty, similar to that sanctioned in South Carolina, was to be laid on skins, and the revenue thus derived was to be appropriated to the maintenance of clergy. Sir Robert, in consideration of this cession, engaged to trans- THE MARGRAVATE OF AZILIA. 71 port at his own cost a considerable number of families, and all necessaries requisite for forming new settlements within the spe cified lands. It was mutually covenanted that if such settle ments were not made within three years from the date of the grant it should become void. In the " Discourse concerning the Designed Establishment of a New Colony to the South of Carolina in the most delightful Country of the Universe," prepared by himself and printed in London in 1717, Sir Robert in glowing terms unfolds the at tractions of his future Eden. Sympathizing in the views enter tained by Colonel Purry, and submitted only a few years after wards to the Duke of New Castle in aid of a Swiss colonization on the left bank of the Savannah, Sir Robert proclaims the Southern bounds of Carolina " the most amiable country of the universe," and affirms " that nature has not blessed the world with any Tract which can be preferable to it; that Paradise with all her virgin beauties may be modestly supposed at most but equal to its native excellencies." " It lies," he continues, *,/ "in the same latitude with Palestine herself, that promised Canaan which was pointed out by (rod's own choice to bless the labors of a favorite people." After commending in the high est terms its woods and meadows, mines and odoriferous plants, soil and climate, fruits and game, flowers and agricultural capa bilities, streams and hills, he proceeds to explain his plan of set tlement. He did not propose to satisfy himself " with building here and there a fort, the fatal practice of America, but so to dispose the habitations and divisions of the land that not alone our houses but whatever we possess will be inclosed by military lines, impregnable against the savages, and which will make our whole plantation one continued fortress. It need not be sup posed that all the lands will thus be fortified at once. The first lines drawn will be in just proportion to the number of men they inclose. As the inhabitants increase, new lines will be made to inclose them also, so that all the people will be always safe within a well-defended line of circumvallation. ... At the arrival therefore of the first men carried over, proper officers shall mark, and cause to be entrenched a square of land in just proportion to their number. On the outsides of this square, within the little bastions or redoubts of the entrenchment, they raise light timber dwellings, cutting down the trees which every where encompass them. The officers are quartered with the men whom they command, and the governour in chief is placed 72 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. exactly in the centre. By these means the laboring people (be ing so disposed as to be always watchful of an enemy's approach) are themselves within the eye of those set over them, and all to gether under the inspection of their principal. " The redoubts may be near enough to defend each other with musquets, but field pieces and patareros will be planted upon each, kept charged with cartridge shot and pieces of old iron. Within these redoubts are the common dwellings of the men who must defend them. Between them runs a palisadoed bank, and a ditch which will be scoured by the artillery. One man in each redoubt, kept day and night upon the guard, will give alarm upon occasion to the others at their work. So they cultivate their lands, secure their cattle, and follow their business with great ease and safety. Exactly in the centre of the inmost square will be a fort defended by large cannon, pointing every way, and capable of making strong resistance in case some quarter of the outward lines should chance to be surprised by any sudden acci dent, which yet, with tolerable care, would be impracticable. " The nature of this scheme, when weighed against the igno rance and wildness of the natives, will show that men, thus settled, may at once defend and cultivate a territory with the utmost satisfaction and security even in the heart of an Indian country. Then how much rather a place considerably distant from the sav age settlements. " As the numbers shall increase, and they go on to clear more space of land, they are to regulate their settlements with like re gard to safety and improvement; and, indeed, the difference as to time and labour is not near so great as may be thought betwixt enclosing land this way and following the dangerous common method. But what is here already said will serve the end for which it has been written, which was only to give a general notion of the care and caution we propose to act with." After picturing Azilia in the plenitude of her beauty and ma tured growth, and having endeavored to demonstrate the fact that colonists at the very outset might reasonably anticipate the enjoy ment of wealth, safety, and liberty, Sir Robert proceeds to give the following explanation of the engraved " plan, representing the form of setting the districts or county divisions in the Mar* gravate of Azilia," with which his " Discourse " was illustrated. "You must suppose a level, dry, and fruitful Tract of Land in some fine Plain or Valley, containing a just Square of twenty Miles each way, or two hundred and fifty-six thousand Acres, laid out and settled in the Form presented in the Cut annexed. THE MARGRAVATE OF AZILIA. 73 " The District is defended by sufficient Numbers of Men who, dwelling in the fortified Angles of the Line, will be employed in cultivating Lands which are kept in hand for the particular advantage of the Margrave. These Lands surround the district just within the Lines, and everywhere contain in Breadth one Mile exactly. " The Men thus employed are such as shall be hired in Great Britain or Ireland, well disciplined, armed, and carried over on condition to serve faithfully for such a Term of Years as they before shall agree to. And that no Man may be wretched in so happy a Country, at the expiration of those Peoples' Time, besides some other considerable and unusual Incouragements, all such among them who shall marry in the Country, or come married thither, shall have a right of laying claim to a certain Fee-Farm, or Quantity of Land, ready cleared, together with a house built upon it, and a stock sufficient to improve and cultivate it, which they shall enjoy, Rent and Tax free during Life as a reward for their Services. By which Means two very great Ad vantages must naturally follow. Poor laboring Men, so secured of a fixed future settlement, will be thereby induced to go thither more willingly and act when there with double Diligence and Duty. And when their Time expires, possessing just Land enough to pass their Lives at Ease, and bring their Children up honestly, the Families they have will prove a constant Seminary of sober Servants, of both Sexes, for the Gentry of the Colony, whereby they will be under no necessity to use the dangerous Help of Blackamoors, or Indians. The Lands set apart for this Purpose are two Miles in Breadth, quite round the District, and lie next within the Margrave's own reserved Lands above mentioned. " The 116 Squares, each of which has a House in the Middle, are every one a Mile on each Side, or 640 Acres in a Square, bating only for the Highways which divide them. These are the Estates belonging to the Gentry of the District who, being so confined to an Equality in Land will be profitably emulous of outdoing each other in Improvement, since that is the only way left them to grow richer than their Neighbors. And when the Margravate is once become strong enough to form many Districts, the Estates will be all given gratis, together with many other benefits, to honest and qualified Gentlemen in Great Britain, or elsewhere, who, having numerous and well-educated Families, possess but little Fortunes other than their Industry, and will therefore be chosen to enjoy these Advantages, which they shall 74 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. pay no rent or other Consideration for, and yet the Undertaking will not fail to find its own Account and Prosperity. " The four great Parks or rather Forests are each four miles square, that is 16 Miles round each Forest, in which are prop agated Herds of Cattle of all sorts by themselves not alone to serve the uses of the District they belong to, but to store such New Ones as may from Time to Time be measured out on Afflu ence of People. " The Middle hollow Square, which is full of streets crossing each other, is the City-, and the Blank which runs about it on the outside surrounded with Trees, is a large void Space which will be useful for a thousand Purposes, and, among the rest, as being airy and affording a fine Prospect of the Town in drawing near it. " In the Centre of the City stands the Margrave's House, which is to be his constant Residence, or the Residence of the Governour, and contains all sorts of public Edifices for Dispatch of Business; and this again is separated from the City by a Space like that which, as above, divides the Town from the Country." Sir Robert, continuing his " Discourse," which was in reality intended as an attractive manifesto to invite immigration, en larges upon the profits which might, in this charming country, be readily realized from the cultivation of rice, coffee, tea, figs, raisins, currants, almonds, olives, silk, and cochineal. From the manufacture of potash great gain was anticipated. Liberal offers were made to all who might feel disposed to become col onists in the Margravate of Azilia, and ample guaranties were given for the protection of person and property. Although subscription books were opened at the Carolina Coffee House in Birchin Lane, near the Royal Exchange, it does not appear that much stock was taken in the enterprise. To the king Sir Robert addressed a petition specifying the tract of land, called Azilia, with which he had been invested by the Lords Proprietors of Carolina, declaring that he had a bond fide intention of founding a colony there, and requesting the privilege of establishing in the city of Edinburgh a lottery of one hundred thousand tickets, at the rate of forty shillings per ticket, for the purpose of raising funds with which-to defray the expense of the adventure. A memorial was received from the Lords Proprietors explain ing the proposal of Mountgomery " for settling the most South- MOUNTGOMERY'S SCHEME A FAILURE. 75 era parts of Carolina," of which, he was to be the governor. It was referred to a committee of the Privy Council for considera tion. The board of trade, while recommending Sir Robert as a proper person for governor, in order to avoid the inconveniences arising from proprietary and charter governments, suggested to the Lords Proprietors of Carolina the advisability of their sur rendering to the Crown their powers of government over the places intended to be erected into a new government, reserving to themselves only the property in the lands. The whole matter was referred to the attorney-general, who reported that, after examining the lease and release from the Lords Proprietors of Carolina, and the charter of Carolina, he saw nothing in the ces sion prejudicial to the rights of the Crown, if his majesty thought fit to approve of the appointment of a governor for life. He doubted, however, whether the powers granted to the proprietors for the government of Carolina could be divided as proposed by the case. He also regarded it as questionable whether the Lords Proprietors alone could exempt the new colony from liability to the present laws of Carolina which were framed for the reg ulation of the entire province. To remove all difficulty, he suggested that if the Lords Proprietors would surrender to his majesty their powers of government over the territory to be erected into a new province, reserving to themselves only the right of property, they might then lease the land on such terms as they saw fit, and that his majesty might create a new gov ernment upon such conditions and with such powers as he deemed proper. Despite the efforts made to induce immigration into this fa vored region, at the expiration of the three years allowed by the concession from the Lords Proprietors of Carolina, Sir Robert Mountgomery found himself without colonists. His grant ex pired and became void by the terms of its own limitations. His Azilia remained unpeopled save by the red men of the forest. His scheme proved utterly Utopian, and it was reserved for Ogle- thorpe and his companions to wrest from primeval solitude, and to vitalize with the energies of civilization, the lands lying be tween the Savannah and the Alatamaha. On more than one occasion during its ante-colonial period was the territory of Georgia the theatre of war and bloodshed. Ex cited by the French and Spaniards to open hostility against the English settlers in Carolina, and sometimes provoked to acts of violence by the rapacity and frauds of traders who, not content 76 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. with barter on the outskirts of civilization, penetrated into the heart of the Indian nations dwelling beyond the Savannah, the natives indulged in predatory excursions against their white neighbors. These evoked counter expeditions which generally resulted in the discomfiture of the weaker race. Thus the Appa lachian Indians, because of their connection with the Spanish, having become insolent and troublesome, Governor Moore of South Carolina, at the head of a body of white troops and Indian allies, invaded their territories, laid such of their towns as were situated between the Savannah and the Alatamaha rivers in ashes, killed and captured several hundred of them, and com pelled the province of Appalachia to submit to English rule. He also conducted within the region subsequently ceded to the trus tees for the establishment of the colony of Georgia some fourteen hundred Indians who placed themselves under his protection. "This exertion of power in that quarter," says Mr. Hewatt, " was attended with good effects, as it filled the savages with terror of the British arms and helped to pave the way for the English colony afterwards planted between these rivers." After their defeat by Governor Craven, the Yemassees abandoned their homes in Carolina and, retreating to Florida, allied themselves to the Spaniards, by whom they were welcomed with ringing bells and salvos of artillery. Although a treaty of peace had been signed at Seville in 1729 between the English, French, and Spaniards, the accommodation of existing difficulties amounted in fact to little more than a truce. The Spaniards from the south and the French on the west were still busy in their efforts to monopolize the Indian trade and to form alliances with the Cherokees. It was deemed important by the British government to share in this trade, and to win the Cherokees over to friendship and to an acknowledg ment of at least a quasi allegiance to the Crown. Accordingly, Sir Alexander Cuming, of Aberdeenshire, Scotland, was dis patched on a secret mission to compass these desiderata. Depart ing from Charles-Town, South Carolina, with a small retinue, on the 13th of March, 1730, he penetrated into the heart of the Cherokee nation. At Keowee he found a large number of Indians assembled in their council house. Upon inquiry he learned that the disposition of the Cherokees towards the English was hostile. He further ascertained that the Lower Creeks, in sympathy with the French, were exerting themselves to induce the Cherokees to join them. Presents were expected from the EMBASSY OF SIR ALEXANDER CUMING. , 77 French, and upon their arrival it was confidently anticipated that the Cherokees would proclaim their hatred against the English. The situation of affairs was precarious. Sir Alexander resolved to play a bold part. At night, unheralded, he entered into the council house where above three hundred Indians were con vened, and demanded from them an acknowledgment of the king of England's authority over them and their country. Surprised at the audacity of the stranger they at once submitted. Upon an intimation from Sir Alexander that if they violated the pres ent promise their nationality would be destroyed, they declared upon bended knees their solemn intention to observe the vow of allegiance to the English Crown. Expresses were dispatched requiring the three head men of the nation to meet Sir Alex ander at Nequassee on the 3d of April, and directing them to bring full power and assurance from the three settlements that what had been promised should be performed. The Indian traders at Nequassee and Joseph Cooper, the interpreter, who were eye-witnesses of what transpired on this occasion, declared they would not have believed it possible had they not themselves beheld the occurrence. They further asserted that if they had been made acquainted with what Sir Alexander purposed doing they would not have dared to have entered the council house with him. Taken by surprise and amazed at the heroism of Sir Alexander, the Indians quickly yielded to his demand. Standing up bravely in their midst he delivered his address through an interpreter. Although armed with pistols, gun, and sword, he permitted them to remain concealed under his great-coat, and made no attempt by show of weapons to intimidate the red men. During the next thirteen days he journeyed through the do mains of the Cherokees, visiting their chief cities, and making friends of their kings, head warriors, and medicine men. He learned that the Cherokees were governed by seven mother towns, viz.: Tanassie, Kettooah, Ustenary, Telliquo, Estootowie, Keeowee, and Noyohee, each having a king and a head war rior. On the morning of the 3d of April he repaired to Nequassee, where he found a large concourse of Indians gathered from all parts of the nation in obedience to the summons issued from Keeowee. It was a day of the greatest solemnity, rendered memorable by singing, dancing, feasting, speeches, the creation of Moytoy as emperor, and then by a resignation of crown, 78 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. eagles' tails, scalps, and other emblems to Sir Alexander in token of submission to the sovereignty of King George. This submission was made on the knee by all the Cherokees present. Sir Alexander thereupon caused a document to be drawn up detailing the event and its significance. It was attested by him self, eleven companions, and by the leading Indians present. His mission having been successfully accomplished, Sir Alex ander retraced his footsteps, reaching Charlestown on the 20th of April and bringing with him seven prominent members of the Cherokee nation. The emperor Moytoy also accompanied him, and would have gone with him to England had he not been pre vented by the sickness of his wife; Having tarried two weeks in Charlestown Sir Alexander, taking with him the seven In dians, on the 4th of May went on board the man-of-war Fox and set sail for Dover, where the ship safely arrived on the 5th of June. Thence he proceeded immediately to London by post, and the Cherokees were brought up in the ship.1 The names of these Indians were respectively Ok^Oukah-Ulah, K. Skalilosken, Ketagustah, T. Tathlowe, C. Clogoittah, K. Kollannah, U. Ukwaneequa, and O. Onaconoa. Portraits were painted of them, attired in English garments and standing amid the tall trees of the park in London. Of this painting a fine engraving was made, impressions of which are now very scarce. From pne of those engravings we borrow the following legend which, in a few words, narrates the reception and entertainment of these sons of the forest during their sojourn in the capital of the United Kingdom : -- "The above Indian kings or chiefs were brought over from Carolina by Sir Alexander Coming, Bart, (being the chiefs of the Cherrokee Indians) to enter into Articles of Friendship and Commerce with his Majesty. As soon as they arriv'd they were conducted to Windsor & were present at the Installation of Prince William & the Lord Chesterfield. The Pomp and Splendor of the Court and ye Grandeur not only of the ceremony as well of the Place was what struck them with infinite Surprise and Wonder. They were handsomely entertain'd at his Majesty's Charge, and Cloathed with these Habits out of ye Royal Wardrobe. When the Court left Windsor they were -brought to Town and proper Lodgings & Attendance provided for them near Covent- 1 See Early History of Georgia, em- year 1730, etc. By Samuel G. Drake. bracing the EmbassyofSir Alexander Cum- Boston. 1872. ing to the Country of the Cherokees in the CHEROKEE CHIEFS IN LONDON. 79 Garden. They were entertain'd at all ye publick Diversions of the Town, and carried to all Places of Note & Curiosity. They were remarkably strict in their Probity and Morality. Their Behaviour easy & Courteous: and their Gratitude to his Majesty was often express'd, in a publick Manner, for ye Many Favours they receiv'd. On Monday Sept. 7, 1730, Articles of Friendship and Commerce were accordingly propos'd to them by ye L** Commis sioners for Trade and Plantations woh were agreed on Two Days after, viz: on ye 9th at Whitehall and Sign'd on ye Part of their Lordships by Alured Popple Esqr ; upon w** Ketagustah, after a short Speech in Complement to his Majesty, concluded by laying down his Feathers upon ye Table & said: Tins is our Way of Talking wch is ye same Thing to us as ye Letters in ye Book are to you ; and to you, Beloved Men, we deliver these Feathers in Confirmation of all that we have said." Having been generously entertained in England for some four months, these Indians, early in October, departed for Charlestown, whence they returned to their homes in Upper Georgia im pressed with the wealth and power of the English nation, gratified at the liberal reception accorded to them, and resolved to per petuate the friendly relations they had promised to maintain. This embassy of Sir Alexander Cuming and this introduction of these chiefs to a personal acquaintance with the majesty of the home government and the wonders of its metropolis, exerted a beneficial influence upon the entire Cherokee nation. It brought about a complete pacification most valuable to the exposed settle ments of Carolina, and all important to those colonists who were soon to establish their first town upon Yamacraw Bluff. The protracted Indian wars maintained by Carolina and the effort to proect her coast against the incursions of pirates mate rially reduced the resources of the province, and engendered in the mind of the English population a painful sense of insecurity. In this emergency the legislature, memorializing the Lords Pro prietors, and representing to them the enfeebled condition of the colony and the manifest dangers which threatened its destruction, implored their paternal assistance and protection. Apprehending that the proprietors might hesitate to pledge their English es tates in order to raise funds requisite for the relief of their Caro lina plantations, then in such a precarious situation, the legisla ture instructed its appointed agent, in case he failed in securing succor from the Lords Proprietors, to apply to the Crown for relief. The inhabitants generally were grievously annoyed at 80 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. and thoroughly dissatisfied with the posture of affairs. Incensed against a proprietary government which was either unable or un willing to protect them, and which discountenanced any appeal to the Crown, they were unanimous in the opinion that the king should be immediately advised of their unfortunate condition and that his intervention should be earnestly sought. About the middle of the year 1715 the Carolina agent, in the prosecution of his mission, waited upon the Lords Proprietors and represented the heavy calamities under which the colony was laboring. He further acquainted them with the fact that the Yemassees, instigated by Spanish emissaries, were claiming whole districts by virtue of their ancient occupancy of them, and that, having formed an alliance with other Indian nations, they were asserting their rights with force of arms. He insisted that under the circumstances prompt assistance should be rendered. The answer of the proprietors being evasive and unsatisfac tory, the agent at once petitioned the House of Commons in be half of the distressed Carolinians. Thereupon the Commons addressed the king, beseeching his kind interposition and praying early assistance for the colony. The matter was referred by the king to the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, who, in their report, suggested that the province of Carolina being a proprietary government, if the English nation was to be at the expense of its protection, its government ought to be vested in the Crown.1 Advised of this, Lord Carteret addressed to them a commu nication in which he uses the following language: " We, the Proprietors of Carolina, having met on this melancholy occasion, to our great grief find that we are utterly unable of ourselves to afford our Colony suitable assistance in this conjuncture; and, unless his Majesty will graciously please to interpose, we can fore see nothing but the utter destruction of his Majesty's faithful subjects in those parts." The Lords of Trade inquired what sum would be necessary for the relief of the colony, and asked whether the government of the province of Carolina ought not to be surrendered to the Crown, if Great Britain should agree to bear the expense of its defense. To this Lord Carteret responded that the proprietors preferred that his majesty, in the exercise of his superior judgment, should determine what amount should be granted. He added, in case the money advanced from the public 1 See An Historical Account of the Rise olina and Georgia, vol. i. ch. V. London. and Progress of the Colonies of South Car- MDCCLXXIX. SURRENDER BY THE LORDS PROPRIETORS. 81 treasury for the benefit of the colony was not repaid within a reasonable time, his majesty would certainly have an equitable right to take the government of Carolina under his immediate protection. Within a short time a bill was introduced into the House of Commons for the better regulation of the charters and proprietary governments of his majesty's plantations in America. Its chief object was to supplant them with royal governments. Although it was apparent to those best capable of forming a val uable opinion on the subject that it was for the interest alike of Crown and plantations that the mother country should, at the earliest practicable moment, purchase these American colonies, delay occurred. In Carolina matters grew from bad to worse. There the disputes and conflicts between the Lords Proprietors and the colonists continued to be so constant and of such a pro nounced character that all the proprietors, except Lord Carteret, taking advantage of the provisions of an act of Parliament, sur rendered to the king not only their rights and interest in the government of Cai'olina, but also their ownership of the soil. The indenture of purchase and sale was executed on the 25th of July in the third year of the reign of his majesty King George II. The consideration paid amounted to <22,500. Thus, for this small sum, were seven eighths of the extensive territory, constituting the province of Carolina, sold by the Lords Proprie tors to the Crown. The other eighth interest was owned by Lord Carteret, Baron of Hawnes. Subsequently, by deed dated the 28th of February, 1732, he conveyed to the trustees for establish ing the colony of Georgia in America the one undivided eighth part of all lands lying between the Savannah and Alatamaha rivers. The other seven eighths of this territory were ceded to them by the Crown. With this explanation we understand why in the charter granted by King George II., dated the 9th of June, 1732, royal cession was made of only seven eighths of the lands to be erected into a province south of and entirely distinct from Carolina, and to be called GEORGIA. CHAPTER IV. JAMES EDWARD OGLETHORPE. -- ENGLISH PRISONS. -- MISERIES OP IN SOLVENT DEBTORS. -- SCHEME FOR THE COLONIZATION OF GEORGIA.-- ROYAL CHARTER GRANTED TO OSLETHORPE AND HIS ASSOCIATES. -- ANAL YSIS OF THAT CHARTER. THE scheme which culminated in planting a colony on the right bank of the Savannah River, at Yamacraw Bluff, originated with James Edward Oglethorpe, a member of the English House of Commons, and " a gentleman of unblemished character, brave, generous, and humane." He was the third son of Sir Theophilus, and the family of Oglethorpe was ancient and of high re pute. It appears from the parish register of St. James', West minster, that the Founder of the Colony of Georgia was born on the 1st of June, 1689. At an early age a matriculate of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, he soon quitted that seat of learning for an active military life. A love of arms was with him a mat ter of inheritance, for his father had attained the rank of majorgeneral in the British service and held the office of first equerry to James II.. who entrusted him with a command in the army assembled to oppose the Prince of Orange.1 For a few years he served abroad as a gentleman volunteer. As an illustration of his self-possession, courage, and readiness, while still a youth, to redress a personal affront, this anecdote, related by Boswell in his " Life of Dr. Samuel Johnson," 2 may be accepted: " The general told us that when he was a very young man, I think only fifteen, serving under Prince Eugene of Savoy, he was sit ting in a company at table with a prince of Wirtemberg. The prince took up a glass of wine and, by a fillip, made some of it fly in Oglethorpe's face. Here was a nice dilemma. To have challenged him instantly might have fixed a quarrelsome char acter upon the young soldier; to have taken no notice of it might have been considered as cowardice. Oglethorpe there fore, keeping his eye upon the prince and smiling all the time as if he took what his highness had done in jest, said, ' Mon 1 Wright's Memoir of Gen. James Ogle- 2 Vol. iii. pp. 217, 218. Murray's edi- ihorpe, p. 3. London. 1867. tion. London. MDCCCLL JAMES EDWARD OGLETHORPE. 83 Prince' (I forget the French words he used; the purport how ever was), 'that 's a good joke, but we do it much better in England,' and threw a whole glass of wine in the prince's face. An old general, who sat by, said, ' 11 a bien fait, mon prince, vom Vavez commencS; ' and thus all ended in good humour." Entering the English army as an ensign in 1710, he retained that rank until peace was proclaimed in 1713. The following year he became captain-lieutenant of the first troop of the queen's life guards. Preferring active service abroad to an idle life at home, he soon repaired to the Continent to perfect himself in the art of war under the famous Prince Eugene of Savoy who, upon the recommendation of John, Duke of Argyle, gave him an ap pointment upon his staff, first as secretary and afterwards as aidde-camp. It was a brave school, and his alertness, fidelity, and fearlessness secured for him the good will, the confidence, and the commendation of his illustrious commander. Upon the con clusion of the peace of 1718, he returned to England versed in the principles of military science, accustomed to command, inured to the shock of arms, instructed in the conduct of campaigns, the management of sieges, and the orders of battle, and possessing a reputation for manhood, executive ability, and warlike knowl edge not often acquired by one of his years. His brother Theophilus dying, he succeeded to the family es tate at Westbrook. The tradition is still current in the neighbor hood that the Pretender was for some time secreted in the old mansion, with its park of noble trees, overlooking the ancient town of Godalming. In October, 1722, he was elected a member for Haslemere in the county of Surrey. This venerable borough and market-town he continued to represent, through various changes of administra tion, for two and thirty years.1 Beginning his political career at a time when the Jacobites were meditating the restoration of the Stuarts, and a high Tory in principles, his parliamentary course, from its inception, was independent and consistent. While evinc ing a loyal interest in all questions of general significancy, his energies were mainly enlisted in proposing and supporting meas ures for the benefit of commerce and the redress of grievances. His sympathies were specially engaged for the relief of unfortu nate debtors, and his labors expended in the reformation of abuses which then disgraced the conduct of prisons within the realm. In this philanthropic mission, self-imposed, he became 1 Wright's Memoir of General James Oglethorpe, p. 12. London. 1867. 84 THE HISTORY OP GEORGIA. most deeply interested. Sad indeed was then the lot of all who found themselves unable to respond to their pecuniary obliga tions. Arrested and imprisoned at the instance of exacting cred itors, they were powerless to liberate themselves from the disagreeabilities of a sponging-house or the greater horrors of a prison. The laws then contained no provisions for the relief of honest debtors, -- for a judicious discrimination between fraud and misfortune. The hardships and barbarities inflicted upon confined debtors by the warden of the fleet, the infamous and extortionate Bambridge, by the butcher Acton, of the Marshalsea, and by others, were such as to shock common humanity and cur dle the blood in all honest veins. In the long catalogue of bru talities which have scandalized the annals of civilized nations few, if any, can be named more abhorrent than those which were then perpetrated in English prisons. Among the maladministra tions of justice which have disgraced officers and imposed unlaw ful and grievous burthens upon the unfortunate, none can be remembered more appalling than those which at this period char acterized the conduct of both judges and jailors within the pre cincts of the city of London. Once within prison walls, to the confined, -- be he Robert Castell, skilled in architecture and born to competency, whose only offense was that in the pursuit of his ingenious and liberal calling he incurred debts he was unable to pay, or Captain John Macpheadris, a flourishing merchant, who failed' because he had become surety to the Crown for a friend, or Sir William Rich, or Oliver Read, or the most infamous thief, pirate, smuggler, or murderer, -- small-pox, fever, filth, shackles, thumbscrews, iron skull-caps, and often death were meted out without discrimination by keepers who, save in form, bore no resemblance to humanity. The extortions practiced by these wardens were incessant and monstrous. Their treatment of the prisoners committed to their care was most inhuman. In solently did they batten upon the fears and the slender purses of the immured, and their administration of the jails and sponginghouses of London was a disgrace to humanity and a blot upon civilization. " N^o modern naticv1 ," says Grahame,1 " has ever enacted or inflicted greater legal severities upon insolvent debtors than Eng] nd. That jealous regard for liberty and national honor, and that generous and extended concern for the rights of human na ture which the English have always claimed as distinguishing 1 History of the United States of North America, vol. iii. p. 179. London. 1836. OGLETHORPE'S PHILANTHROPY. 85 features of their character, had proved unable to withstand the most sordid and inhuman suggestions of commercial ambition. For the enlargement of their commerce they sanctioned the atrocities of the slave-trade, and for the encouragement of that ready credit by which commercial enterprise is promoted, they armed the creditors of insolvent debtors with vindictive powers, by the exercise of which free-born Englishmen, unconvicted of crime, were frequently subjected, in the metropolis of Britain, to a thraldom as vile and afflicting as the bondage of negro slaves in the West Indies. So long was it before English sense and humanity were fully awakened to the guilt and mischief of this barbarous legal system, and its still more barbarous administra tion, that till a late period of the eighteenth century misfortunes in trade exposed an Englishman to a punishment more dreadful than the public feeling of England in the nineteenth century would suffer to be inflicted on the most infamous and detestable offenders." Mr. Oglethorpe, the philanthropist,--whose "strong benevo lence of soul" is eulogized by Pope, -- was chairman of the com mittee raised by the House of Commons to visit the prisons, ex amine into the condition of the inmates, and suggest measures of reform. In three reports did that committee, in commenting upon the miserable national grievance, instance cases of suffer ing, injustice, and mismanagement, too painful and loathsome for repetition. Oglethorpe's public-spirited and charitable design prevailed, and measures were adopted for the punishment of the offending wardens, the alleviation of the sufferings of the incar cerated, and the purification of the prisons. The idea occurred to him, while engaged in this philanthropic business, that not a few of these unfortunate individuals, con fined for debt, of respectable connections and guilty of no crime, might be greatly benefited by compromising the claims held by their creditors upon condition that they would consent to become colonists in America. Thus would opportunity be afforded them of retrieving their fortunes. Thus would England be relieved of the shame and expense of their incarceration, and thus would her dominion in the New World be confirmed. Let us not mis understand the project. Not the depraved who were suffering confinement as a punishment for crime; not felons who awaited the approach of darker days when graver sentences were to be endured; not the dishonest, who hoped by submitting to tem porary imprisonment to weary out creditors and emerge with 86 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. fraudulently-acquired gains still concealed ; but the honestly un fortunate were to be the beneficiaries of this benevolent and pa triotic scheme. Those also in the United Kingdom who, through want of occupation and lack of means, were most exposed to the liability of confinement for debt were to be influenced in behalf of the contemplated colonization. It was believed that others, possessing some means, who were energetic and ambitious of pre ferment, could be enlisted in aid of the entei-prise. The anxiety of the Carolinians for the establishment of a plantation to the south which would serve as a shield against the incursions of the Spaniards, the attacks of the Indians, and the depredations of fugitive slaves; the memorial of Colonel Purry, addressed to the Duke of Newcastle, advocating Swiss colonization ; the scheme of Sir Robert Mountgomery for the foundation of the Margravate of Azilia and the attraction of Scotch emigration, and suggestions of a similar character, while they drew Oglethorpe's attention to the lands l3Ting between the Savannah and the Alatamaha rivers as a suitable territory for the location of his purposed colony, also warned him of funda mental errors to be avoided in his plan of settlement. The idea grew upon him until his scheme, expanding, embraced within its benevolent designs not only the unfortunate of Great Britain, but the persecuted and oppressed Protestants of Europe. Charity for and relief of human distress were to be inscribed upon the foundations of the dwellings he proposed to erect amid the South ern forests. Their walls were to be advanced bulwarks for the protection of the Carolina plantations, and their aspiring roofs were to proclaim the enlarged honor and dominion of the British nation. With Oglethorpe, in this whole affair, there lingered no hope of personal gain, no ambition of a sordid character, no secret reservation of private benefit. His entire project was open, disinterested, charitable, loyal, and patriotic. Thus was it recognized by all. Such was its distinguishing peculiarity, and Mr. Southey did but echo the general sentiment when he af firmed that no colony was ever established upon principles more honorable to its projectors. As the accomplishment of his purpose demanded a larger ex penditure than his means justified, and as the administration of the affairs of the plantation would involve " a broader basis of managing power" than a single individual could well maintain, Oglethorpe sought and obtained the cooperation of wealthy and influential personages in the development of his beneficent enter prise. CHAKTER OF THE COLONY OF GEORGIA. 87 In order that proper authority and royal sanction might be secured, in association with Lord Percival and other noblemen and gentlemen of repute, he addressed a memorial to the Privy Council in which, among other things, it was stated that the cities of London and Westminster and the parts adjacent thereto abounded with indigent persons, so reduced in circumstances as to become burdensome to the public, who would willingly seek a livelihood in any of his majesty's plantations in America if they were provided with transportation and the means of settling there. The petitioners engaged in behalf of themselves and their associates to take charge of the colonization and to erect the plantation into a proprietary government, if the Crown would be pleased to grant them lands lying south of the Savannah River, empower them to receive and administer all contributions and benefactions which they might influence in encouragement of so good a design, and clothe them with authority suitable for the enforcement of law and order within the limits of the province. After the usual reference, this petition received a favorable re port, and by bis majesty's direction a charter was prepared, which received the royal sanction on the 9th of June, 1732. The features, grants, and privileges of this charter may be thus epitomized : -- As inducements to this exercise of his royal prerogatives, his majesty King George II. declares he has been credibly informed that many of his poor subjects, through misfortune or want of employment being unable to provide a maintenance for them selves and families, would, if the charges of passage and the ex penses incident to new settlements were defrayed, be glad to settle in the American provinces where, by cultivating lands at present waste and desolate, they could not only gain a comfort able subsistence for themselves and families, but also strengthen the colonies and increase the trade, navigation, and wealth of the British nation. Alluding to the fact that his provinces in North America had been frequently ravaged by Indian enemies; that South Caro lina in a late war had been devastated by the fire and sword of neighboring savages and a great number of the inhabitants mas sacred ; that his subjects still resident therein were exposed to like calamities by reason of the fewness of their numbers and from the circumstance that the entire southern frontier of that province remained unsettled and open to the inroads of the In dians ; deeming it highly necessary that protection should be 88 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. afforded; believing that the establishment of a colony in the southern territory would materially conduce to the safety of Car olina and the relief of her inhabitants; and being well assured, if the Crown would be graciously pleased to erect and settle a corporation for receiving, managing, and disposing of the contri butions of loving subjects, that various persons would assist in the enterprise, his majesty willed, ordained, constituted, declared, und granted, " that our right trusty, and well beloved John, Lord Viscount Percival of our Kingdom of Ireland, our trusty and wellbeloved Edward Digby, George Carpenter, James Oglethorpe, George Heathcote, Thomas Tower, Robert Moor, Robert Hucks, Roger Holland, William Sloper, Francis Eyles, John Laroche, James Vernon, William Beletha, Esqrs, A. M., John Burton, B. D., Richard Bundy, A. M., Arthur Beaford, A. M., Samuel Smith, A. M., Adam Anderson, and Thomas Coram, gentlemen, and such other persons as shall be elected in the manner herein after mentioned, and their successors to be elected in the man ner hereinafter directed, shall be one body politic and corporate in deed and in name, by the name of The Trustees for establish ing the Colony of G-eorgia in America." The corporation, thus constituted, was vested with perpetual succession, and declared capable in law of purchasing, receiving, and enjoying in fee all lands, hereditaments, and franchises which it might acquire, and all personal property requisite for settling and maintaining the colony. Powers of gift, grant, lease, and demise were conferred. The right to sue and be sued, to have and use a common seal, to appoint a common coun cil of the corporation, and to hold meetings from time to time and at such place or places as might be deemed convenient for the transaction of the business of the corporation, was fully ac corded. The third Thursday in March in each year was desig nated for the election of members of the corporation and for filling any vacancies which might occur in the organization. All persons elected members of the common council, before en tering upon their office, were required to take an oath for the due and faithful execution of the duties appertaining to the posi* tion. This oath the president was to administer. Lord John, Viscount Percival, was designated as the first presi dent of the corporation, and it was made his duty, within thirty days after the grant of the charter, to convene the corporators that they might perfect their organization and enter upon the impor tant business which lay before them. It was further declared as PROVISIONS OF THE CHARTER. 89 the king's will that the common council of the corporation should consist of fifteen members. \ In the charter John, Lord Viscount") Percival, Edward Digby, George Carpenter, James Oglethorpe, (> George Heathcote, Thomas Laroche, James Vernon, William j Beletha, Esqrs., and Stephen Hales, Master of Arts, were ap pointed and constituted the common council of the corporation, toj continue in office during good behavior. | An increase, by election, of the number of the corporators be ing contemplated, provision was made for adding nine additional members to the common council, and Edward Digby was selected as its first chairman. Careful provision was made for rotation in the office both of president of the corporation and of chairman of the common council. These officers, at all meetings, were de clared competent to vote and to participate in the deliberations. Both the president of the corporation and the chairman of the common council were expressly forbidden to receive either directly or indirectly any salary, fee, perquisite, benefit, or profit whatsoever by virtue of office or membership. Before entering upon the dis charge of the duties appertaining to his office the president of the corporation was required to take an oath, to be administered by the Chief Baron of the Exchequer, for the due and faithful exe cution of the trust devolved upon him. A like oath was to be administered by the president, when inducted into office, to each member of the corporation. Every member was declared inca pable of holding any position of profit within the gift of the cor poration. Permission was granted to solicit and receive subscriptions, and to appoint agents to collect moneys and gifts in aid of the enter prise. It was made the duty of the corporation to submit annually, in writing, to the Chancellor or Speaker, or commissioners for the custody of the Great Seal of Great Britain, the Chief Justice of the Court of King's Bench, the Master of the Rolls, the Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas, and the Chief Baron of the Exchequer, or/any two of them, an account of all moneys and effects received and expended in behalf of the colony. The corpo ration was invested with ample power to frame and ordain such constitutions, by-laws, orders, and ordinances, to prescribe and impose such reasonable pains and penalties for infractions, and to establish such methods for their enforcement and collection as were not repugnant to the statutes and laws of the realm. The grant of territory was made in the following terms: -- 90 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. " And whereas the said corporation intend to settle a colony and to make a habitation and plantation in that part of our province of South Carolina, in America, hereinafter described: Know ye that we, greatly desiring the happy success of the said corporation, for their further encouragement in accomplishing so excellent a work, have, of our aforesaid grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, given and granted, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, do give and grant to the said cor poration and their successors under the reservation, limitation, and declaration hereafter expressed, seven undivided parts, the whole in eight equal parts to be divided, of all those lands, coun tries, and territories situate, lying, and being in that part of South Carolina, in America, which lies from the most northern part of a stream or river there commonly called the Savannah, all along the sea coast to the southward, unto the most southern stream of a certain other great water or river called the Alatamaha, and westerly from the heads of the said rivers respectively in direct lines to the South Seas: and all that share, circuit, and precinct of land within the said boundaries, with the islands on the sea lying opposite to the eastern coast of the said lands, within twenty leagues of the same, which are not inhabited al ready or settled by any authority derived from the Crown of Great Britain, together with all the soils, grounds, havens, ports, gulfs, and bays, mines, as well royal mines of gold and silver as other minerals, precious stones, quarries, woods, rivers, waters, fishings, as well royal fishings of whale and sturgeon, as other fishings, pearls, commodities, jurisdictions, royalties, franchises, privileges, and preeminences within the said frontiers and pre cincts thereof, and thereunto in any sort belonging or appertain ing, and which we by our letters patent may or can grant; and in as ample manner and sort as we may, or any our royal pro genitors have hitherto granted to any company, body politic or corporate, or to any adventurer or adventurers, undertaker or undertakers of any discoveries, plantations, or traffic of, in, or unto any foreign parts whatsoever, and in as legal and ample manner as if the same were herein particularly mentioned and expressed : To have, hold, possess and enjoy the said seven undi vided parts,1 the whole into eight equal parts to be divided as aforesaid, of all and singular the lands, countries, and territories, 1 We have already seen that the re- purchase from Lord Carteret, Baron of maining undivided eighth part of thister- Hawnes. ritory was acquired by the trustees by PROVISIONS OF THE CHARTER. 91 with all and singular other the premises hereinbefore by these presents granted or mentioned, or intended to be granted, to them the said corporation and their successors forever, for the better support of the said Colony; to be holden of us, our heirs and successors, as of our honour of Hampton Court, in our County of Middlesex, in free and common socage, and not in capite; yielding and paying therefor to us, our heirs and successors, yearly forever, the sum of four shillings for every hundred acres of the said lands which the said corporation shall grant, demise, plant, or settle; the said payment not to commence or to be made until ten years after such grant, demise, planting, or set tling, and to be answered and paid to us, our heirs and succes sors, in such manner, and in such species of money or notes as sliall be current in payment by proclamation from time to time in our said province of South Carolina: all which lands, coun tries, territories, and premises hereby granted, or mentioned, and intended to be granted, we do by these presents make, erect, and create one independent and separate province by the name of GEORGIA, by which name we will that the same shall hence forth be called; and that all and every person or persons who shall at any time hereafter inhabit or reside within our said province shall be, and they hereby are declared to be free, and shall not be subject to, or be bound to obey any laws, orders, statutes, or constitutions which have been heretofore made, or dered, and enacted, or which hereafter shall be made, ordered, or enacted by, for, or as the laws, orders, statutes, or constitu tions of our said province of South Carolina (save and except only the command in chief of the militia of our said province of Georgia to our governor, for the time being, of South Carolina, in manner hereafter declared), but shall be subject to and bound to obey such laws, orders, statutes and constitutions as shall from time to time be made, ordered, and enacted for the better gov ernment of the said province of Georgia in the manner herein after declared. And we do hereby, for us, our heirs and suc cessors, ordain, will, and establish that for and during the term of twenty-one years, to commence from the date of these our let ters patent, the said corporation assembled for that purpose shall and may form and prepare laws, statutes, and ordinances fit and necessary for and concerning the government of the said colony, and not repugnant to the laws and statutes of England, and the same shall and may present, under their common seal, to us, our heirs and successors, in our or their Privy Council for our or their 92 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. approbation or disallowance: and the said laws, statutes, and ordinances being approved of by us, our heirs and successors, in our or their Privy Council, shall from thenceforth be in full force and virtue within our said province of Georgia." In order to obviate the inconvenience of assembling all the members of the corporation for the transaction of the ordinary affairs of the colony, power was lodged with the common council, or a majority of them, to receive and disburse the moneys and effects of the corporation in furtherance of the enterprise; to use the common seal in the execution of necessary covenants or contracts ; to nominate and appoint a treasurer, secretary, and such other officers, ministers, and servants as might be adjudged requisite, and the same to remove at pleasure ; to fix salaries, perquisites, and other rewards; and to administer oaths for the faithful discharge of the duties devolved upon such officers, min isters, and servants. The secretary and treasurer, during their tenure of office, were declared incapable of becoming members of the corporation. Upon the corporation, its officers and agents, was conferred the privilege of transporting and conveying out of the limits of the United Kingdom, or from any of the British dominions into the province of Georgia for settlement there, as many subjects of the Crown as should be willing to go, and also such foreigners as should consent to there abide under the allegiance of the English Crown. \ Permission was granted to carry into the province such munitions of war as were requisite for its defense, and such clothing, implements, furniture, victuals, merchandise, cattle, horses, and wares as were needed by the colonists for their own use or for traffic with the natives. The faith of the general gov ernment was pledged to the doctrine that all persons born within the province, and their descendants, should enjoy all the liberties, franchises, and immunities of free denizens and natural-born sub jects of Great Britain as fully as if born and abiding within the kingdom of England. | # In the worship of God liberty of conscience was to be univer sally allowed. To all, except Papists, was accorded a free exer cise of religion, provided its ministrations and enjoyment were peaceable and caused no offense or scandal to the government. In regard to alienation of land by the corporation, the charter contains the following provisions and limitations: " And our further will and pleasure is, and we do hereby for us, our heirs and successors, declare and grant that it shall and may be lawful PROVISIONS OF THE CHARTER. 93 for the said common council, or the major part of them assembled for that purpose, in the name of the corporation and under the common seal to distribute, convey, assign, and set over such par ticular portions of lands, tenements, and hereditaments by these presents granted to the said corporation, unto such of our loving subjects, natural born or denizens, or others that shall be willing to become our subjects and live under our allegiance in the said colony, upon such terms and for such estates, and upon such rents, reservations, and conditions as the same may be lawfully granted, and as to the said common council, or the major part of them so present, shall seem fit and proper. Provided always, that no grants shall be made of any parts of the said lands unto any person being a member of the said corporation, or to any other person in trust for the benefit of any member of the said corporation; and that no person having any estate or interest in law or equity in any part of the said lands shall be capable of being a member of the said corporation during the continuance of such estate or interest. Provided also, that no greater quan tity of lands be granted, either entirely or in parcels, to or for the use or in trust for any one person, than five hundred acres ; and that all grants made contrary to the true intent and meaning hereof shall be absolutely null and void." The corporation was invested with the right to appoint suit able persons to 'administer the oaths prescribed by act of Parlia ment passed in the first year of the reign of King George I., -- to be taken instead of oaths of allegiance and supremacy, -- also oaths of objurgation to persons residing in the colony, and solemn affirmations to Quakers as authorized by the laws of the realm. It was further ordained that the corporation and its successors should have full power and authority for and during the term of twenty-one years next ensuing the date of the letters patent to erect and constitute courts of record and other courts for " hearing and determining all manner of crimes, offenses, pleas, processes, plaints, actions, matters, causes, and things what soever arising or happening within the said province of Georgia, or between persons of Georgia, whether the same be criminal or civil, and whether the said crimes be capital or not capital, and whether the said pleas be real, personal, or mixed, and for award ing and making out executions thereupon." All leases, grants, plantings, conveyances, settlements, and im provements of any lands, tenements, and hereditaments within the limits of the colony made by or in the name of the corpora- 94 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. tion, or memorials containing the substance thereof, were to be registered with the auditor of plantations within one year from the respective dates thereof] otherwise they were to be held void. Annually an account of such conveyances was to be trans mitted to the auditor of plantations for the time being, or to his deputy, and to the surveyor, for the time being, of South Carolina; both of whom had the power of inspection and verifi cation by resurvey so as to ascertain the quit rents due to the Crown. From time to time statements showing the progress of the col ony were to be rendered to the principal secretaries of state and to the Commissioners of Trade and Plantations. Eight members of the common council were declared a legal quorum for the transaction of business, and the common council was authorized to nominate, appoint, and commission such gover nors, judges, magistrates, ministers, and officers, civil, military, and naval, as they might deem fit and needful for the govern ment of the province. The Crown, however, reserved to itself the right of selecting all officers for the management and collec tion of revenues due from the colony to the general government. It was further stipulated that the colonial governor before enter ing upon his office should be approved of by the Crown, that he should take such oaths and qualify himself in such manner as were required of the governors and commanders-in-chief of the other colonies in America, and that be should give approved security for observing the several acts of Parliament relating to trade and navigation, and for obeying all instructions which should be issued to him by the home government. The corporation and its successors, during the twenty-one years sequent upon the grant of the charter, were empowered, through officers by them from time to time appointed, to train, instruct, exercise, and govern a militia for the special defense of the colony; to assemble in martial array, upon an emergency, all the inhabitants capable of bearing arms, to repulse as well on land as at sea any enemy either within or without the confines of the province, and in all fitting ways and enterprises to slay and con quer any who in a hostile manner might attempt the invasion, detriment, annoyance, or destruction of the plantation. Martial law might be proclaimed in seasons of actual hostilities, invasion, or of rebellion. The duty of erecting forts and of fortifying towns, of supplying PROVISIONS OF THE CHARTER. 95 them with ordnance and ammunition, and of garrisoning them, was also imposed upon the corporation which stood charged alike with the maintenance of good order within the confines of the ceded territory and with the protection of its coast and boundaries from the incursions of marauders, pirates, savages, and enemies. The governor of South Carolina was named as the commanderin-chief of the militia of Georgia. All orders issued by him were to be respected, t Free importation and exportation of goods and products were authorized. Vessels conveying them were not compelled to first touch at a Carolina port. * Upon the expiration of the term of twenty-one years specified in the charter, it was provided that such form of government would then be adopted and such laws promulgated for the regula- ^ tion of the colony and the observance of its inhabitants as the Crown should ordain. Thereafter the governor of the province, and all its officers, civil and military, were to be nominated and commissioned by the home government.. These letters patent conclude with a royal promise that they would be upheld according to their true intent and meaning; and that they would be construed in all courts and elsewhere in a sense most favorable, beneficial, and advantageous to the corpo ration and its successors. CHAPTER V. ACCEPTANCE OF THE CHARTER BY THE CORPORATORS. -- THEIR ORGANIZATION PERFECTED.--THE CORPORATE SEAL. -- SUBSCRIPTIONS SOLICITED.-- THE SCHEME OF COLONIZATION AS UNFOLDED BY THE TRUSTEES. -- OGLETHORPE'S APPEAL TO THE PUBLIC. --MARTYN'S REASONS FOR ESTABLISH ING THE COLONY OF GEORGIA. THE projected colony was called GEORGIA in honor of th 3 reigning monarch of England, who had graciously sanctioned a charter so liberal in its provisions, and granted a territory so extensive and valuable for the encouragement of the plantation. Compared with other instruments of like character, it will be freely admitted that these letters patent embrace all that could have been asked from the Crown, that in their scope they aro generous and comprehensive, and that they contain unusual pledges of a charitable and disinterested nature on the part o: those who sought the concession and were charged with the exe cution of the enterprise. In July, 1732, the corporators convened for a formal accept ance of the charter, and to perfect an organization under its provisions. The letters patent having been read, the right hon orable Lord Viscount Percival exhibited a certificate from the Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer, by which it appeared that he had qualified himself as president of the corporation and taken the oath for the faithful observance of the trust. He then ad ministered the oath of office to such of the trustees as were present. Frequent meetings were held for the transaction of business connected with the rapid and orderly development of the scheme of colonization. The Bank of England was desig nated as financial agent and custodian of all moneys which might be contributed in aid of the colony. Benjamin Martyn was elected secretary, and the following gentlemen formed the com mon council: the right honorable Anthony, Earl of Shaftsbury ; the right honorable John, Lord Viscount Percival ; the right honorable John, Lord Viscount Tyrconnel; the right honorable James, Lord Viscount Limerick ; the right honorable George, Lord Carpenter; the honorable Edward Digby, Esq., James Ogle- THE CORPORATE SEAL. 97 thorpe, Esq., George Heathcote, Esq., Thomas Tower, Esq., Robert Moore, Esq., Robert Hucks, Esq., Rogers Holland, Esq., William Sloper, Esq., Francis Eyles, Esq., John Laroche, Esq., James Vernon, Esq., Stephen Hales, A. M., Richard Chandler, Esq., Thomas Frederick, Esq., Henry L'Apostre, Esq., William Heathcote, Esq., John White, Esq., Robert Kendal, Esq., alder man, and Richard Bundy, D. D.1 The corporate seal adopted had two faces. That for the au thentication of legislative acts, deeds, and commissions contained this device: two figures resting upon urns, from which flowed streams typifying the rivers forming the northern and southern boundaries of the province. In their hands were spades, suggest ing agriculture as the chief employment of the settlers. Above and in the centre was seated the genius of the colony, a spear in her right hand, the left placed upon a cornucopia, and a liberty cap upon her head. Behind, upon a gentle eminence, stood a tree, and above was engraven this legend: COLONIA GEORGIA AUG. On the other face -- which formed the common seal to be affixed to grants, orders, and certificates -- were seen silk-worms in the various stages of their labor, and the appropriate motto NON SIBI SED ALIIS. This inscription not only proclaimed the dis interested motives and intentions of the trustees, but suggested that the production of silk was to be reckoned among the most profitable employments of the colonists. Aware of the fact that the mulberry-tree was indigenous to Georgia, and informed that the climate was favorable to the silk-worm, the trustees were encouraged by Sir Thomas Lombe to believe that raw silk of a superior quality could be readily pro duced in the province, and that thus vast sums, which were an nually expended in the purchase of foreign silks, might be saved to the nation. Oglethorpe was firmly persuaded that England could thus be most materially benefited, and the trustees re solved to engage persons in Italy, acquainted with the method of feeding the worms and winding the threads from the cocoons, to accompany the first settlers and instruct them in the various necessary processes.2 That the public might be intelligently advised of the benev olent character and scope of the undertaking, and rest assured 1 Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia, with Regard to the Trade of Great Britain, etc., p. 3. London. MDCCXXXIII. 2 See Wright's Memoir of Gen. James Oglethorpe, p. 52. London. 1867. 98 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. that any pecuniary assistance rendered would be faithfully ap plied, a commission of leading citizens was organized to solicit subscriptions. To prevent any misappropriation of funds a special account was opened with the Bank of England, where a register was kept of the names of all benefactors and the amounts of their several donations. The trustees contributed generously of their private means. Liberal responses were received from in dividuals and public institutions; and, as an honorable indorse ment of the scheme and of its managers, Parliament donated the sum of 10,000. So charitable was the design, so unselfish the attitude of the trustees, and so manifest were the benefits which might reasonably be expected from a proper administration of the trust that the great heart of the nation beat in sympathy with the project. Even the pulpit raised its voice in commendation of the proposal. In an account of their designs, addressed to the public, the trustees, after explaining the need for funds not only to defray the passage of the colonists, but also to support them while en gaged in a new and unsubdued region in felling trees, building houses, fortifying settlements, and tilling the land preparatory to the first harvest, declare their intention " to relieve such unfor tunate persons as cannot subsist here, and establish them in an orderly manner so as to form a well-regulated town. As far as their fund goes, they will defray the charges of their passage to Georgia; give them necessaries, land, and subsistence till such time as they can build their houses and clear some of their land. They rely for success first on the goodness of Providence, next on the compassionate disposition of the people of England ; and they doubt not that much will be spared from luxury and su perfluous expenses, by generous tempers, when such an opportu nity is offered them by the giving of 20 to provide for a man or woman, or 10 to a child, forever. " In order to prevent the benefaction given to this purpose from ever being misapplied, and to keep up, as far as human precaution can, a spirit of disinterestedness, the Trustees have established the following method,: That each benefactor may know what he has contributed is safely lodged and justly ac counted for, all money given will be deposited in the Bank of England and entries made of every benefaction in a book to be kept for that purpose by the Trustees; or, if concealed, the names of those by whose hands they sent their money. There are to be annual accounts of all the money received, and how DESIGNS OF THE TRUSTEES. 99 the same has been disposed of, laid before the Lord High Chan cellor, the Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench, the Master of the Rolls, the Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, and the Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer, or two of them, and copies of these will be transmitted to every considerable bene factor. " By such a Colony many families, who would otherwise starve, will be provided for, and made masters of houses and lands ; the people in Great Britain to whom these necessitous families were a burthen, will be relieved ; numbers of manufacturers will be here employed for supplying them with clothes, working tools, and other necessaries; and by giving refuge to the distressed Saltzburghers and other persecuted Protestants, the power of Britain, as a reward for its hospitality, will be increased by the addition of so many religious and industrious subjects. " The Colony of Georgia lying in about the same latitude with part of China, Persia, Palestine, and the Madeiras, it is highly probable that when hereafter it shall be well-peopled and rightly cultivated, England may be supplied from thence with raw silk, wine, oil, dyes, drugs, and many other materials for manufac tures which she is obliged to purchase from southern countries. As towns are established and grow populous along the rivers Savannah and Alatamaha, they will make such a barrier as will render the southern frontier of the British Colonies on the Con tinent of America safe from Indian and other enemies." This account discusses also the benefit which will accrue to home manufacturers by an increased supply of the crude ma terial at reduced prices. It declares that by the execution of their designs the trustees will be instrumental in the conversion of the Indians, and in the reformation, perhaps, of some of the colonists, who will be encouraged to lead sober, industrious, and religious lives. After contemplating with satisfaction the prob ability that the colonization of Georgia would prove more speedy and successful than the settlement of the other plantations in America, and after expressing the hope that the province would soon be able to take care of itself in a pecuniary point of view, the address concludes with the following appeal: " There is an occasion now offered for every one to help forward this design ; the smallest benefaction will be received and applied with the utmost care : every little will do something; and a great num ber of small benefactions will amount to a sum capable of doing a great deal of good." 100 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. Oglethorpe, ever on the alert, not only intervened by personal influence, spoken argument, and private contribution, but pre pared and circulated a carefully considered tract 1 by which he anonymously, yet none the less earnestly, sought to enlighten the public mind in regard to the colony, the nature and situation of its lands, and the benefits which would inure to England from its successful foundation. Upon the temperature, climate, and natural products of the region he dwells with genuine rapture, concluding this part of his description with Waller's account of the delights experienced on an island in the neighborhood of Carolina: -- " The lofty Cedar which to Heav'n aspires, The prince of trees, is fuel for their fires. The sweet Palmettoes a new Bacchus yield, With leaves as ample as the broadest shield, Under the shadow of whose friendly boughs They sit carousing where their liquor grows. Figs there unplanted thro' the fields do grow Such as fierce Cato did the Romans show: With the rare fruit inviting them to spoil Carthage, the mistress of so rich a soil. With candid Plantines and the Juicy Pine, J On choicest Melons and sweet Grapes they dine, And with Potatoes fat their lusty swine. ) ---- The kind spring which but salutes us here Inhabits there and courts them all the year. Ripe fruits and blossoms on the same trees live, At once they promise, what at once they give. So sweet the air, so moderate the clime, None sickly lives, or dies before his time. Heav'n sure has kept this spot of earth uncurs't, To show how all things were created first." Of the health of the country he speaks in unqualified praise. In proof of the longevity of the natives, he cites the case of one of the Florida kings, mentioned by Purchas, who, three hundred years old, had a father, then living, fifty years older than him self. Maintaining the proposition that persons reduced to poverty at home, detracting from the wealth of the nation and impair ing its prosperity, would be greatly benefited by a removal to the new settlement, he writes thus: " Let us in the mean time cast our eyes on the multitude of unfortunate people in the king dom, of reputable families, and of liberal or, at least, easy educa tion ; some undone by guardians, some by lawsuits, some by ac- 1 A New and Accurate Account of the Provinces of South Carolina and Georgia, etc. London. 1732. OGLETHORPE'S COMMENDATIONS. 101 cidents in commerce, some by stocks and bubbles, and some by suretyship. But all agree in this one circumstance that they must either be burthensome to their relations or betake them selves to little shifts for sustenance which ('tis ten to one) do not answer their purposes, and to which a well-educated mind de scends with the utmost constraint. What various misfortunes may reduce the rich, the industrious, to the danger of a prison, to a moral certainty of starving! These are the people that may relieve themselves and strengthen Georgia by resorting thither, and Great Britain by their departure. I appeal to the recollec tion of the reader (tho' be be opulent, tho' he be noble) does not his own sphere of acquaintance (I may venture to ask), does not even his own blood, his set of near relations furnish him with some instances of such persons as have been here described ? Must they starve ? What honest mind can bear to think it ? Must they be fed by the contributions of others ? Certainly they must, rather than be suffered to perish. Are these wealth to the nation ? Are they not a burthen to themselves, a burthen to their kindred and acquaintance, a burthen to the whole com munity ? " I have heard it said (and 'tis easy to say so) let them learn to work: let them subdue their pride and descend to mean em ployments, keep ale-houses, or coffee-houses, even sell fruit, or clean shoes for an honest livelihood. But alas! these occupa tions, and many more like them, are overstocked already by peo ple who know better how to follow them than do they whom we have been talking of. Half of those who are bred in low life and well versed in such shifts and expedients, find but a very narrow maintenance by them. As for labouring, I could almost wish that the gentleman or merchant who thinks that another gentleman or merchant in want can thresh or dig to the value of subsistence for his family or even for himself, I say I could wish the person who thinks so were obliged to make trial of it for a week, or (not to be too severe) for only a day. He would find himself to be less than the fourth part of a labourer, and that the fourth part of a labourer's wages could not main tain him. I have heard it said that a man may learn to labour by practise; 'tis admitted. But it must also be admitted that before he can learn he may starve. were this day to begin, and with grievous to earn three pence, how many days or Months are necessary (!o form him that he may deserve a shilling \oer 102 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. wants are importunate must try such experiments as will give immediate relief. 'Tis too late for them to begin to learn a trade when their pressing necessities call for the exercise of it. " Having thus described (I fear too truly) the pitiable condition of the better sort of the indigent, an objection rises against their removal upon what is stated of their imbecility for drudg ery. It may be asked if they can't get bread here for their labour, how will their condition be mended in Georgia f The answer is easy. Part of it is well attested, and part self evident. They have land there for nothing, and that land is so fertile that (as is said before) they receive an hundred-fold increase for tak ing very little pains. " Give here in England ten acres of good land to one of these helpless persons and I doubt not his ability to make it sustain him, and this by his own culture without letting it to another. But the difference between no rent and rack-rent is the difference between eating and starving. If I make but twenty pound of the produce of a field, and am to pay twenty pound for it, 'tis plain I must perish if I have not another fund to support me. But if I pay no rent the produce of that field will supply the mere necessities of life. " With a view to the relief of people in the condition I have de scribed, his majesty has this present year incorporated a consid erable number of persons of quality and distinction and vested a large tract of South Carolina in them, by the name of Georgia, in trust to be distributed among the necessitous. These trustees not only give land to the unhappy who go thither, but are also impowered to receive the voluntary contributions of charitable persons to enable them to furnish the poor adventurers with all necessaries for the expense of the voyage, occupying the land, and supporting them till they find themselves comfortably settled. So that now the unfortunate will not be obliged to bind themselves to a long servitude to pay for their passage, for they may be car ried gratis into a land of liberty and plenty where they imme diately find themselves in possession of a competent estate, in a happier climate than they knew before, and they are unfortunate indeed if here they can't forget their sorrows." In this practical, cogent manner did Oglethorpe appeal to the impoverished, and seek to influence the better class of the un fortunate in England to become friends of and participators in the proposed colonization. Then addressing himself to a consideration of the question of MARTYN'S REASONS. 103 emigration from a political and economical point of view, he demonstrates very clearly that many who at home were not only unable to earn a subsistence, but were a positive incubus upon the fortunes and industry of others, yielding no taxes or revenues to the government, might, in the new province of Georgia, under the charitable administration of the trustees, maintain them selves in comfort, enrich the mother county by the products of their labor, and extend the dominion of the realm. Alluding to the condition of the Salzburgers, martyrs in the cause of truth and conscience, and gratefully acknowledging the sympathy and valuable cooperation of the Society for the Propa gation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, he sees, in the accession of colonists from this source, the advancement of Christianity, the rapid conversion of the natives, relief from religious persecu tion, and sure increase of the wealth and trade of Great Britain. " Subjects thus acquired," says he, " by the impolitic persecu tions, by the superstitious barbarities of neighboring princes, are a noble addition to the capital stock of the British Empire." The tract concludes with an encouraging view of the advan tages which would accrue to the commerce and wealth of Eng land from the production of silk, rice, cotton, wine, lumber, and other articles of trade and consumption. The designs of the trustees were further unfolded in a publi cation made by Benjamin Martyn, secretary of the Board, en titled " Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia with Regard to the Trade of Great Britain," etc.,1 a contribution of no little merit and importance. In this work the profits to be realized from silk production in Georgia are carefully considered, and the expectations of the trustees are confirmed by a letter from Sir Thomas Lombe, the inventor of silk-throwing machin ery of curious and intricate strueture, in which he declares that the silk, raised in Carolina, possesses as much natural strength and beauty as the silk of Italy, and ventures the opinion that its culture in Georgia would be attended with success if proper measures were adopted for the instruction and encouragement of those who were to be employed about it. Looking eagerly to the development of this industry, the trustees, at the outset, pro cured from Italy a sufficient quantity of silk-worm eggs, and en gaged the services of competent Piedrnontese to accompany the colonists and acquaint them with all necessary information on the subject. We will hereafter learn that in the development of i London. MDCCXXXIII. 104 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. their plans the trustees established formal rules for the propaga tion of white mulberry trees. Having discussed at considerable length the benefits which might be confidently anticipated from a trade in indigo, cochi neal, olives, dyeing-woods, medicinal herbs, wine, flax, corn, and other products, and having reviewed the advantages which would accrue to England upon the establishment and development of Georgia as a home for the unfortunate, the oppressed, and the enterprising, Martyn concludes with this appeal to the charity and patriotism of the nation : -- "As the Mind of Man cannot form a more exalted Pleasure than what arises from the Reflexion of having relieved the Dis tressed; let the Man of Benevolence, whose Substance enables him to contribute towards this Undertaking, give a Loose for a little to his Imagination, pass over a few Years of his Life, and think himself in a Visit to Georgia. Let-him see those, who are now a Prey to all the Calamities of Want, who are starving with Hunger, and seeing their Wives and Children in the same Dis tress ; expecting likewise every Moment to be thrown into a Dungeon, with the cutting Anguish that they leave their Fami lies expos'd to the utmost Necessity and Despair: Let him, I say, see these living under a sober and orderly Government, set tled in Towns, which are rising at Distances along navigable Rivers; Flocks and Herds in the neighbouring Pastures, and adjoining to them Plantations of regular Rows of MulberryTrees entwin'd with Vines, the Branches of which are loaded with Grapes; let him see Orchards of Oranges, Pomegranates, and Olives; in other Places extended Fields of Corn, or Flax and Hemp. In short, the whole Face of the Country chang'd by Agriculture, and Plenty in every Part of it. Let him see the People all in Employment of various Kinds, Women and Children feeding and nursing the Silkworms, winding off the Silk, or gathering the Olives; the Men ploughing and planting their Lands, tending their Cattle, or felling the Forest, which they burn for Potashes, or square for the Builder; let him see these in Content and Affluence, and Masters of little Possessions which they can leave to their Children; and then let him think if they are not happier than those supported by Charity in Idle ness. Let him reflect that the Produce of their Labour will be so much new Wealth for his Country, and then let him ask himself, Whether he would exchange the Satisfaction of having contrib uted to this, for all the trifling Pleasures the Money, which he has given, would have purchas'd. MARTYN'S REASONS. 105 "Of all publick-spirited Actions, perhaps none can claim a Preference to the Settling of Colonies, as none are in the End more useful. . . . Whoever then is a Lover of Liberty will be pleas'd with an Attempt to recover his fellow Subjects from a State of Misery and Oppression, and fix them in Happiness and Freedom. " Whoever is a Lover of his Country will approve of a Method for the Employment of her Poor, and the Increase of her People and her Trade. Whoever is a Lover of Mankind will join his wishes to the Success of a Design so plainly calculated for their Good: Undertaken, and conducted with so much Disinterested ness. " Few arguments surely are requisite to excite the Generous to exert themselves on this Occasion. To consult the Welfare of Mankind regardless of any private Views is the Perfection of Virtue; as the Accomplishing and Consciousness of it is the Perfection of Happiness." CHAPTER VI. KEGULATIONS ESTABLISHED BY THE TRUSTEES.--GRANTS IN TAIL MALE DETERMINED UPON. -- NEGRO SLAVERY AND THE IMPORTATION OF RUM PROHIBITED. THE trustees, meanwhile, were framing regulations for the observance of the colonists and maturing such plans as, under the provisions of the charter, appeared most conducive to the prosper ity and permanence of the contemplated settlement. Their views are fully expressed in a publication made by them entitled " An Account showing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia in Amer ica from its first Establishment." * Each male inhabitant was regarded both as a planter and as a soldier. He was therefore to be provided with arms for de fense and with tools for the cultivation of the soil. In their use was he to be instructed. Towns, in their inception, were reck oned as garrisons; consequently the lands allotted for tillage were to be in their immediate neighborhood, so that, in case of alarm, the inhabitants might speedily betake themselves thither for safety and mutual protection. That the military strength of the province might be main tained at the highest possible standard, they deemed it impor tant to establish such tenures of land as would best conduce to that end. Each lot, therefore, was to be held as a military fief, and fifty acres were adjudged sufficient for the support of a plan ter and his family. The number of lots ceded was to equal the number of persons capable of occupying and rendering service. Regulations were established to prevent on the one hand the ac cumulation of lots in one ownership lest the garrison should be enfeebled, and their division on the other hand into smaller par cels whereby they would be rendered too scanty for the procure ment of suitable subsistence. Grants in tail male were declared preferable to any other tenure because most likely to answer the needs of the province. Should they be made in tail general it was thought that the i London, MDCCXLI. pp. 71. REGULATIONS FRAMED BY TRUSTEES. 107 strength of each township might be speedily diminished, inas much as a female heir in tail, although unmarried, might become entitled to a lot and thus withdraw from the garrison the portion of a soldier. By intermarriages, too, several lots might be merged into one ownership. If the tenant in tail general should chance to have several daughters, his lot must then be divided equally among them as coparceners. Nor were these the only inconveniences which, in the judg ment of the trustees, would probably arise should estates in tail general be allowed. Women being incapable of serving on juries or acting as soldiers, those duties and others, such as watching and warding, would devolve upon each adult male the oftener as the number of men in the township was lessened, and might become very burdensome. In case of attack from the Indians, French, or Spaniards, the township, under such circumstances, would be less able to offer a becoming resistance. Nor was it deemed prudent to sanction alienations in fee; for, a right of sale being inseparable from an estate in fee, the grantee, upon being invested with the title, might at once sell, mortgage, or alien his lands to any one he chose. The trustees refused to commit this power to the early colonists and for the following reasons: -- First. Many of the persons who were to be transported to Georgia were indigent. What they had been masters of at home they had administered so indiscreetly that it did not appear safe at the outset, and before they had by careful and industrious be havior given some assurance that they would prove better man agers in the future, to entrust them with the entire and unre strained property in the lands allotted to them. Second. They were to be sent over to inhabit, cultivate, and secure, by a personal residence, the lands granted to them in the province. This they voluntarily engaged to do; and, in the ex pectation that they would observe this promise, they were to be maintained at the public expense during the voyage and to be at no charge for their passage. They were, moreover, to be provided with tools, arms, seeds, and other necessaries, and to be supported, at least for a season, from the general stores. Hence the public might be said to have purchased from such settlers, for a valua ble consideration, their personal residence, and all the industry and labor they could bestow upon the cultivation of the soil assigned for their new homes. Third. It was thought unsafe to grant estates in fee because 108 THE HISTOKY OF GEOEGIA. they might be the means of introducing into the colony persons opposed to the Protestant religion, the maintenance of which was regarded as all important. On the west of the province were the French, and the Spaniards to the south, -- Papists all. Fourth. The concentration of the ownership of many lots in a single individual would be a necessary consequence of a free pur chase and sale of lands within the province, and this would con flict with the manifest intent of the charter which forbade a grant of more than five hundred acres of land to any one person. Besides, where the tenant in fee died without children and intestate, it might be a difficult and a tedious matter to ascertain the heir general. Meanwhile, the improvements upon the lot would decay and the land remain uncultivated. Although these restraints upon the ownership and sale of real property were deemed wholesome in the beginning, the trustees were prepared, upon special cause shown, to modify their rules and even to grant a license for the alienation of land. We shall see, too, that when the succession of females became less dan gerous to the province, when its population multiplied and grew confirmed in its local attachments, and when, by the arrival of the king's forces, its military capabilities were increased, the trustees consented to an enlargement of the land tenures. In order to insure industry on the part of the settlers to be transported and furnished with homes at the expense of the trust, they were placed under covenant to clear and cultivate, within a given time, a certain portion of the lands allotted to them re spectively, and also to plant one hundred white mulberry trees upon every ten acres which should be cleared. Should this con tract not be observed on the part of the tenants, the trustees reserved to themselves the right of reentry on such portions of the lots as remained untilled. Subsequently, however, when it was evident that the colonists, because of Spanish alarms, successive droughts, and other un foreseen accidents, had been prevented from reducing into cul tivation within the required time the specific number of acres, the trustees resolved to cancel all forfeitures. To such persons as could carry ten men-servants with them and settle in Georgia at their own expense, if, upon inquiry, their characters were found to be above reproach, the trustees agreed to grant five hundred acres of land in tail male, reserving to themselves for the support of the colony a yearly rent of twenty shillings sterling for every hundred acres. The payment of this LAND TENURES. 109 rental was not to commence until ten years after the date of the grant. Within a month after its execution the grant, or a memorial of it, was to be registered with the auditor of plantations. The grantee obligated himself, within twelve months after the date of the cession, to repair to Georgia with ten able-bodied menservants, each being at least twenty-one years of age. He further agreed to abide in Georgia with his servants for three years, building houses and cultivating his lands. Within ten years from the date of the grant he was to clear and cultivate two hundred of the five hundred acres, and plant thereon two thousand white mulberry trees. On every hundred of the remain ing three hundred acres, when cleared, one thousand white mul berry trees or plants, to be furnished by the trustees, were to be :.,et out and preserved. No alienation of the five hundred acres or of any part thereof for a term of years or otherwise could be made except by special leave of the trustees. On the determina tion of the estate in tail male the land was to revert to the trust. These grantees were not permitted to depart from the province without license. All forfeitures for non-residence, high treason, felonies, etc., were to inure to the trustees for the benefit of the colony. If any part of the five hundred acres of land, within eighteen years from the date of the grant, should remain unculti vated, uncleared, unplanted, and without a worm fence or paling six feet high, such portion should then revert to the trust. Upon the expiration of the terms of service of the male ser vants ("the same being for not less than four years") the common council agreed, if requested by the grantee so to do, to grant to each of such servants twenty acres of land in tail male upon such rents, .conditions, limitations, and covenants as might have been attached to grants to men-servants in like circum stances. The grantees of these five-hundred-acre tracts were prohibited from hiring, keeping, lodging, or employing any negro except by special permission. When the lands reverted to the trust on determination of the estate in tail male, the trustees covenanted to grant it again to such persons as the common council should think most advanta geous to the colony, special regard being had for the daughters of such as had made improvements upon their lots. The widows of persons dying without male issue were, during their lives, to be entitled to the enjoyment of the mansion, house and of one half of the lands improved by their husbands. 110 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. The introduction of rum was prohibited. Trading with In dians was forbidden, unless sanctioned by special license. The trustees also saw fit to prohibit the importation, ownership, and use of negroes within the limits of the province of Georgia. For this action on their part the following reasons were assigned: -- The intention of the charter being to provide for poor persons incapable of subsisting themselves at home, and to establish a frontier for South Carolina which, because of the small number of its white inhabitants, was much exposed to the inroads both of hostile Indians and jealous Spaniards, it was thought impos sible that the indigent who should be sent from England, and the foreign persecuted Protestants who would enter the colony utterly without means, could either purchase negroes or support them if they were furnished. Should the trustees undertake such a charge they would be crippled in their ability to maintain the white settlers. The prime cost of a negro was then about thirty pounds. This sum would suffice to pay the passage over of a white man, supply him with tools and other necessaries, and subsist him for a year. At the expiration of that time it was hoped that the planter's own labor would enable him to earn a livelihood. Consequently, argued the trustees, the purchasemoney of every negro (deducting the cost of feeding him and his master) by being applied in that way would prevent them from sending a white man who would add to the strength of the colony, whereas the negro would only render its security the more precarious. It was thought that the white man, in possessing a negro slave, would himself be less inclined to labor; that much of his time would be consumed in keeping the negro at work and in guard ing against any clangers he and his family might apprehend from the slave; and that in the event of the death or absence of the master his family would be in large degree at the mercy of the negro.1 It was also apprehended that the Spaniards at St. Augustine would be continually enticing the negroes away or inciting them to insurrections. This fear found its justification in the conduct of the Spaniards toward the negro slaves of Carolina. Although 1 It will be here remembered that the negro alluded to was the recently imported African, with his wild passions iu large measure unsubdued, but little modified by the restraints of a superior civili- zation, and ignorant of those attachments and of that sense of mutual dependence which, at a later period, bound master and servant so closely together, REASONS FOR PROHIBITING SLAVERY. Ill at a greater distance from St. Augustine, many of them, per suaded by emissaries from that place, had deserted in periaguas and small boats to the Spaniards; and on more than one occa sion large bodies of them had risen in arms, to the great alarm and loss of that province. The trustees were under the impression that the products of Georgia would not require the intervention of negro labor. The cultivation of rice in Carolina was an unhealthy and a heavy task demanding the service of slaves, whereas the silk and other matters which would claim the attention of the Georgia colonists could be best cared for by white men and their wives and children. It was also feared that if the persons who should go over to Georgia at their own expense were allowed the use of negroes the poor planters, who constituted the strength of the colony and who could not purchase them, would be dispirited and perhaps ruined. Under such circumstances, clamorous to have negroes furnished to them, and being refused, they would either quit the colony or grow negligent of their small plantations. Or, dis daining to work like negroes, they would seek to hire themselves as overseers to the wealthy planters. Upon the admission of negroes these wealthy planters would be inclined to adopt the course pursued in other colonies and absent themselves from their plantations, entrusting them and their black slaves to the super vision of paid overseers. It was believed by the trustees that the poor planter, sent on charity, in his eagerness to own negro slaves, and the rich plan ters too who had come at their own charge, if permitted to alien ate lands, would mortgage their real estate to the negro merchant, or at least become his debtors in the purchase of slaves. If these claims were not met, both negroes and land might pass into the ownership of the slave dealer, -- a result to be deeply de plored and to be avoided if possible. It was apprehended that the introduction of negro slaves into Georgia would facilitate the desertion of the Carolina negroes through Georgia into Florida, thus defeating one of the prime intentions of the founders of the colony, which was to make it a barrier and sure defense to Carolina against the malign influ ences and malevolent designs of the Spaniards at St. Augustine. Influenced by these considerations the trustees made the nonintroduction of negro slaves a fundamental principle in the con stitution of the colony of Georgia. At first the prohibition was 112 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. doubtless salutary in its operation, but there soon came a time, in the development of the plantation, when its abrogation was found essential to the prosperity, nay, to the life itself, of the province. In preparing a form of government under the provisions of the letters patent the trustees arranged for the establishment of a court for the trial of causes both civil and criminal, for the ap pointment of magistrates, three bailiffs, a recorder, two consta bles, and two tithing-men. Those were selected as magistrates who seemed to be most prudent and discreet; although, where " all were upon a level at the first setting out," it appeared " im possible to make any choice or distinction which would not create some future uneasiness among them." 1 1 See an Account showing the Progress its first Establishment, pp. 5-11, 48, 49. of the Colony of Georgia in America from London. MDCCXLI. CHAPTER VII. PREPARATIONS FOR THE FIRST EMBARKATION.-- OGLETHORPE LEADS THE COLONISTS. -- DEPARTURE IN THE GALLEY ANNE. -- ARRIVAL AND RECEPTION AT CHARLESTOWN, SOUTH CAROLINA. -- OGLETHORPE VISITS YAMACRAW BLUFF. -- His FIRST INTERVIEW WITH TOMO-CHI-CHI. -- THE COLONISTS LAND AT SAVANNAH. HAVING thus digested a plan for the conduct of the proposed colony, and having secured funds sufficient to justify them in putting into practical operation their scheme for the settlement of the ceded lands, the trustees gave public notice of their readi ness to receive and consider applications from parties who desired to emigrate to Georgia. Numerous were the responses. That they might not be deceived in the characters and antecedents of those who signified a wish to depart, a committee was appointed to visit the prisons and examine the applicants there confined. If they proved worthy of the charity, compromises were to be effected with their creditors, and consents for their discharge pro cured. Another committee was raised to inquire into the circum stances and qualifications of such as presented themselves at the office of the corporation. Keeping in view the benevolent objects of the association and the nature of the settlement to be com passed, it was manifest that only fit persons ought to be selected, and that due care should be exercised in the choice of emigrants.1 As the men were to act in the double capacity of planters and soldiers, it was important not only that they should be ablebodied and reliable, but that they should, at the earliest moment, 1 It has been idly charged that in the beginning Georgia colonists were impecunious, depraved, lawless, and abandoned, that the settlement at Savannah was a sort of Botany Bay, and that Yamacraw Bluff was peopled by runagates from justice. The suggestion is utterly without foundation. The truth is, no applicant was admitted to the privilege of enrollment as an emigrant until he had been subjected to a preliminary examination and had furnished satisfactory testimony that he was fairly entitled to the benefits of the charity. Other American colonies were founded and augmented by individuals coming at will, without question, for personal gain, and bringing no certificate of present or past good conduct. Georgia, on the contrary, exhibits the spectacle, at once unique and admirable, of permitting no one to enter her borders who was not, by competent authority, adjudged worthy the rights of citizenship. 114 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. be instructed in the use of arras. Consequently, upon receiving the approbation of the committee, and until the arrival of the time fixed for sailing, the emigrants were drilled each day by the sergeants of the Royal Guards. Preferences were given to those who came well recommended by the ministers, church-wardens, and overseers of their respective parishes. By the 3d of October, 1732, one hundred and fourteen indi viduals, comprising men, women, and children, had been enrolled for the first embarkation. Three weeks afterwards they were asked whether they objected to any of the terms and condi tions proposed by the trustees. They all responded that they were fully satisfied with them. Articles testifying their consent were thereupon signed, sealed, and filed in the office of the trustees. Four of them desired that their daughters might inherit as well as their sons, and that provision should be made for the widow's dower. Yielding to their solicitation, the trustees re solved that any person claiming the privilege might name a suc cessor to the lands granted to him, and that in case the original grantee died without male issue such successor should hold to himself or herself and his or her male heirs forever. It was further ordained that widows should have their thirds as regu lated by the laws of England. 1 Five thousand acres of land within the limits of Georgia were granted to three of the colonists 2 in trust to convey therefrom fifty acres to every male adult upon his arrival in the province, at his request, and upon condition that he would form a settle ment thereon. Such lot was to become the property of the grantee and his heirs male. A vessel chartered to convey the emigrants was, at the charge of the trust, comfortably fitted out for their accommodation, and furnished not only with necessaries for the voyage, but also with arms, agricultural implements, tools, munitions, and stores for the use and support of the colonists after their arrival in America. The liberality of the supervisors was further shown in the supply of domestic utensils. Ten tuns of Alderman Parson's best beer were put on board,3 and every provision was made for the reason.able subsistence of these industrious adventurers during their 1 Account showing the Progress of the Cdony of Georgia in America, etc., pp. 11, 12. London. MDCCXLI. 2 Thomas Christie, William Calvert, and Joseph Hughes. 3 Gentleman's Magazine for 1732, p. 1029. OGLETHORPE LEADS THE COLONISTS. 115 earliest efforts to subdue the native wilds of the untrodden region so soon to become their permanent home. | At his own request Oglethorpe was selected to accompany the colonists and establish them in Georgia. He voluntered to bear his own expenses, and to devote his entire time and attention to the consummation of the enterprise. Himself the originator and the most zealous advocate of the scheme, this offer on his part placed the seal of consecration upon his self-denial, patriot ism, and enlarged philanthropy. Most fortunate were the trus tees in having such a representative. To no one could the power to exercise the functions of a colonial governor have been more appropriately confided. I Attentive to the voice of suffering, and ready to lend a helping hand wherever the weak and the op pressed required the aid of the more powerful and the noble- minded for the redress of wrongs and the alleviation of present ills; " in the prime of life, very handsome, tall, manly, digni fied, but not austere, the beau ideal of an English gentleman, and blessed with ample means for the gratification of every rea sonable desire;" possessing a liberal education, a fearless soul, a determined will, a tireless energy, a practical knowledge of military affairs and of the management of expeditions, and an experience of men and climes and matters which only years of careful observation, intelligent travel, and thoughtful study could supply, there was that about his person, character, at tainments, and abilities which inspired confidence and rendered Mr. Oglethorpe, beyond all dispute, the man of his age and peo ple best qualified to inaugurate and conduct to a successful issue an enterprise so entirely in unison with his own philanthropic sentiments and so important to the interests of both England and America. 1 A more striking instance of self-negation, of disinterested be nevolence, of public spirit, cannot readily be recalled; and we cordially sympathize in the compliment paid by a contemporary who, in reviewing Oglethorpe's behavior, says: "To see a gentle man of his rank and fortune visiting a distant and uncultivated land with no other society but the miserable whom he goes to assist, exposing himself freely to the same hardships to which they are subjected, in the prime of life, instead of pursuing his pleasures or ambition, intent on an improved and well-concerted plan from which his country must reap the profits, at his own 1 See Historical Sketch of Tomo-chi-chi, p. 16. C. C. Jones, Jr. Albany, N. Y. 1868. 116 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. expense, and without a view or even a possibility of receiving any private advantage from it; this, too, after having done and expended for it what many generous men would think sufficient to have done, -- to see this, I say, must give every one who has approved and contributed to the undertaking the highest satis faction, must convince the world of the disinterested zeal with which the settlement is to be made, and entitle him to the truest honour he can gain, -- the perpetual love and applause of man kind." i Their last Sabbath in England was passed by the emigrants at Milton, on the banks of the Thames. There, in a body, they at tended divine worship in the parish church. Fortunately their sorrows at the prospect of an early separation from home and friends were not then enhanced by any gloomy picture of the land to which they were hastening. Goldsmith had not then penned his mournful lines: -- ..." To distant climes, a dreary scene, Where half the convex world intrudes between, Through torrid tracts with fainting steps they go, Where wild Altama murmurs to their woe. Far different these from all that charm'd before, The various terrors of that horrid shore; Those blazing suns that dart a downward ray, And fiercely shed intolerable day; Those matted woods where birds forget to sing, But silent bats in drowsy clusters cling ; Those poisonous fields with rank luxuriance crowned, Where the dark scorpion gathers death around; Where at each step the stranger fears to wake The rattling terrors of the vengeful snake; Where crouching tigers wait their hapless prey, And savage men more murd'rous still than they; While oft in whirls the mad tornado flies, Mingling the ravag'd landscape with the skies. Far different these from every former scene, The cooling brook, the grassy-vested green, The breezy covert of the warbling grove, That only sheltered thefts of harmless love." On the 16th of November several of the trustees went to Gravesend, where the vessel was moored with the colonists on board, inquired strictly into the provisions made for their ac commodation, ascertained that everything was in good order and that the emigrants were in fine spirits, addressed to them cheering words, and took formal leave of them. /The following 1 Political State of Great Britain, Feb- Stevens in his History of Georgia, vol. i. ruary, 1733, voL xlv. p. 181, quoted by p. 81. DEPARTURE OF THE COLONISTS. 117 day the Anne, a galley of some two hundred tons burthen, com manded by Captain Thomas, and having on board about one hundred and thirty persons, among whom were Mr. Oglethorpe, the Rev. Dr. Henry Herbert, 1 a clergyman of the Church of England who went as chaplain, and Mr. Amatis, from Piedmont, who was engaged to instruct in breeding silk-worms and in the art of winding silk, departed from England bearing the first persons selected for the colonization of Georgia. Thirty-five fam ilies were represented among these emigrants. There were car penters, bricklayers, farmers, and mechanics, -- all able-bodied and of good reputation.! Mr. Oglethorpe furnished his own cabin, and, at his individual expense, laid in provisions sufficient not only for himself and servants but for the comfort of his fellowpassengers.2 Shaping her course for the island of Madeira, the Anne touched there and took on board five tuns of wine. Sail ing thence she fetched a compass for Charlestown harbor, where she dropped anchor outside the bar on the 13th of January, 1733. The voyage, although a little protracted, proved pleasant and prosperous. Two delicate children had died at sea.3 With this exception no sorrow clouded the passage, and all the colonists were well and happy. On the very night of their arrival, having first assembled the emigrants and returned thanks to Almighty God for this favora ble termination of the voyage, Oglethorpe, accompanied by an escort, proceeded to Charlestown and waited upon his excellency Robert Johnson, governor of the province of South Carolina. By him and his council was he warmly welcomed, and treated with the most distinguished hospitality. The Duke of Newcas tle, then at the head of colonial affairs, had addressed circu lars to the governors of the American provinces, commending Oglethorpe and his mission to their courtesy and favor. The lords of the admiralty, too, had issued instructions to naval com manders on the Virginia and Carolina stations to render every possible assistance to the Georgia colony and its leader. This courteous reception, therefore, was accorded both in obedience to royal command and as an expression of the good-will of the au thorities of Carolina who were deeply interested in the success 1 Dr. Herbert charitably volunteered to go without any allowance, and to perform all religious and ecclesiastical offices for the colonists. 2 Wright's Memoir of Oglethorpe, p. 58. London. 1867. 8 These were Richard Cannon's youngest son, aged eight months, and Robert Clarke's youngest son, aged one year and a half. -- Journal of the Trustees. 118 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. of the plantation. In truth, Georgia was to constitute a protec tion to all of the American colonies, and especially to Carolina, against the encroachments of the Spaniards, who regarded with jealous and hostile eyes the growing power and expanding settle ments of England upon American shores. This mutual sympa thy and dependence were, at an early date, acknowledged by a contributor to the " London Magazine " in the following lines: -- " To Carolina be a Georgia joined; Then shall both colonies sure progress make, Endeared to either for the other's sake ; Georgia shall Carolina's favour move, And Carolina bloom by Georgia's love." Cheerfully responding to his needs, Governor Johnson ordered Mr. Middleton, the king's pilot, to attend upon Mr. Oglethorpe and to conduct the Anne into Port Royal. Instructions were also issued for small craft to convey the colonists thence to the Savannah River. Further assistance was cordially promised on the part of Carolina. The next morning Oglethorpe returned on board the Anne and sailed for Port Royal harbor. Having posted a detachment of eight men upon an island about midway between Beaufort and Savannah River, with injunction to " pre pare huts for the reception of the colony against they should lie there in their passage," he proceeded to Beaufort-town, where he arrived early on the morning of the 19th. He was saluted by all the artillery there posted, and at his request the new barracks were made ready for the reception of the colonists who ascended the river and occupied them on the following day. Valuable assistance was rendered by Lieutenant Watts, Ensign Farrington, and the other officers of his majesty's independent com pany, by Mr. Delabarr, and by some gentlemen of the neighbor hood. Leaving the colonists to refresh themselves at this pleasant place, Oglethorpe, accompanied by Colonel William Bull, pro ceeded to the Savannah River and ascended that stream as far as Tamacraw Bluff. Regarding this as an eligible situation, he anded and marked out the site of a town which, from the river which flowed by, he called Savannah, This bluff, rising some iorty feet above the level of the river, and possessing a bold crontage on the water of nearly a mile, ample enough for the riparian uses of a settlement of considerable magnitude, was she first high ground, abutting upon the stream, encountered by aim in its ascent. To the south a high and dry plain, over- SAVANNAH LOCATED. 119 shadowed by pines, interspersed with live-oaks and magnolias, stretched away for a considerable distance. On the east and west were small creeks and swamps affording convenient drain age for the intermediate territory. The river in front was capa ble of floating ships of ordinary tonnage, and they could lie so near the shore that their cargoes might with facility be dis charged. Northwardly, in the direction of Carolina, lay the rich delta of the river, with its islands and lowlands crowned with a dense growth of cypress, sweet-gum, tupelo, and other trees, many of them vine-covered and draped in long gray moss sway ing gracefully in the ambient air. The yellow jessamine was already mingling its delicious perfume with the breath of the pine, and the trees were vocal with the voices of song-birds. Everything in this semi-tropical region was quickening into life and beauty under the reviving influences of returning spring. In its primeval repose it seemed a goodly land. The temperate rays of the sun gave no token of the heat of summer. There was no promise of the tornado and the thunder-storm in the gen tle winds. In the balmy air lurked no suspicion of malarial fevers. Its proximity to the mouth of the river rendered this spot suitable alike for commercial purposes and for maintaining facile communication with the Carolina settlements. Near by was an Indian village, the head-quarters of the Yamacraws, a small tribe the chief or mico of which was the venerable Tomo-chi-chi. Here too a post had been established by Musgrove,1 a Carolina trader, married to a half-breed named Mary. Before leading his colonists to this home which he had selected for their first habitation, Oglethorpe was anxious to propitiate the natives. He accordingly visited the village, and obtained an interview with Tomo-chi-chi. Mary Musgrove, who had acquired a tolerable knowledge of English and was favorably inclined toward her husband's countrymen, on this occasion not only acted as interpreter but exerted a valuable influence in se curing from the Indians pledges of amity. When first acquainted with Oglethorpe's design of forming a settlement at Yamacraw the natives manifested much uneasiness and even threatened to prevent by force the advent of the whites. Assured, however, of the friendly intentions of the English, and persuaded of the ben efits which would flow from direct association with them, the In- 1 Musgrove's presence here contravened the natives, which forbade the establish- the stipulations of a treaty long existent ment of trading-posts south of the Savanbetween the colony of South Carolina and nah Kiver. 120 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. dians finally withdrew their opposition and, with protestations of gladness, entered into an informal agreement by which the de sired lands were ceded, and promises given to receive the stran gers with good-will. His preliminary arrangements having been thus accomplished, Oglethorpe returned to Beaufort, reaching that town on the 24th. During his absence the emigrants were greatly refreshed by their sojourn on shore. They had been the recipients of every atten tion and hospitality. The following Sunday was observed as a day of special thanksgiving, the Rev. Lewis Jones preaching be fore the colonists, and their chaplain, the Rev. Dr. Herbert, oc cupying Mr. Jones' pulpit in Beaufort. The gentlemen of the neighborhood united with the colonists on this occasion, and the ceremonies terminated with a bountiful dinner provided by Ogle thorpe. Among the articles mentioned as constituting this first feast were four fat hogs, eight turkeys, many fowls, English beef, a hogshead of punch, a hogshead of beer, and a generous quantity of wine. Although this repast was accompanied with a bounti ful supply of malt liquor, wine, and spirits, we are informed that everything was conducted in such an agreeable manner that no one became drunk. Throughout the course of the entertainment there was an entire absence of everything savoring of disorder. On the 30th of January the colonists, conveyed in a sloop of seventy tons and in five periaguas, set sail for Savannah. En countering a storm they were forced to seek shelter from its vio lence at a point known as Look Out. Here they lay all night, and the next day proceeded as far as John's, where the eight men, there stationed by Oglethorpe, had prepared huts for their reception. A plentiful supply of venison awaited their coming. Upon this they supped, and there they spent the night. Reembarking in the morning, they arrived the same afternoon at Yamacraw Bluff. Before dark they erected four large tents (one for each tything) capable of accommodating all the people, and transferred their bedding and other necessaries ashore. There they slept, passing their first night upon the soil of Georgia. Faithful to his trust, Oglethorpe, having posted his sentinels, sought no protection save the shelter of the towering pines, and lay upon the ground near the central watch-fire. The ocean had been crossed, and the germ of a new colony was planted in America. CHAPTER VIII. EARLY LABORS OF THE COLONISTS AT SAVANNAH. -- OGLETHORPE'S LET TERS TO THE TRUSTEES. -- COMMUNICATION AND RESOLUTIONS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF SOUTH CAROLINA. -- ASSISTANCE FROM PRIVATE PARTIES IN CAROLINA.--ACCOUNT OF THE PROGRESS OF THE COLONIZA TION WRITTEN BY A GENTLEMAN FROM CHARLESTOWN. -- OGLETHORPE VISITS CHARLESTOWN AND ADDRESSES THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY. -- CON GRATULATIONS FROM PENNSYLVANIA AND MASSACHUSETTS. EAKLY on the morning of the 2d of February, 1733 (O. S.), Oglethorpe convened the people to thank God for his safe con duct of the colony to its appointed destination, and to invoke his blessings upon the plantation. These religious services ended, he solemnly and earnestly reminded them of their duties as the founders of Georgia, impressing upon them an appreciation of the important fact that the seed now sown would yield a harvest either for good or bad in the coming generations. Against the evils of intemperance and idleness he uttered an emphatic warn ing, and cautioned them to be prudent and upright in their in tercourse with the Indians. " It is my hope," said he, " that through your good example the settlement of Georgia may prove a blessing and not a curse to the native inhabitants." Then, having explained the necessity for their laboring in common until the site of the town should be cleared, and having exhorted and encouraged them to work amicably and cheerfully, he dismissed them that they might enter upon the orderly discharge of the duties claiming immediate attention.1 Some were detailed for the erection of a crane with which to facilitate the landing of bulky articles. Others plied axes and felled the tall pines, ren dering more comfortable the temporary shelters prepared so has tily the evening before for the accommodation of the emigrants, and busying themselves with the erection of new booths. Others still were detailed to unload the vessels, to split and sharpen posts with which to stockade the town, and to begin the construction of a fort at the eastern extremity of the bluff. Varied and ardu ous were these duties, but all with alacrity and energy entered 1 See Wright's Memoir of General Oglethorpe, p. 60. London. 1867. 122 THE HISTORY OP GEORGIA. upon and prosecuted their performance. Sharing the privations and the labors of his people, Oglethorpe was present everywhere, planning, supervising, and encouraging. The general outline of Savannah was soon indicated. In marking out its squares, lots, and streets, the founder of the colony was assisted by Colonel William Bull of South Carolina, a gentleman of intelligence and experience, who generously lent four of his servants, expert saw yers, to aid in preparing boards for houses. Oglethorpe claimed in his own behalf and for his own comfort no labor from the colonists. He caused four clustering pines to be left standing near the bluff and opposite the centre of the encampment. Be neath their shadow he pitched his tent, and this canvas was his abiding-place for nearly a year. Subsequently he contented him self with hired lodgings in one of the houses of his people. Upon his arrival at Chaiiestown on the 13th of January, Ogle thorpe addressed a letter to the trustees communicating the happy intelligence, and on the 10th of February, from his camp at Savannah, penned his first communication on Georgia soil. It runs as follows : -- " To the Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia in America. " GENTLEMEN, -- I gave you an Account in my last of our Ar rival at Charles-Town. The Governor and Assembly have given us all possible Encouragement. Our People arrived at Beaufort on the 20th of January where I lodged them in some new Barracks built for the Soldiers, while I went myself to view the Savannah River. I fix'd upon a healthy situation about ten miles from the sea. The River here forms a Half-Moon, along the SouthSide of which the Banks are about forty Foot high, and on the Top a Flat which they call a Bluff. The plain high Ground extends into the Country five or six Miles, and along the River side about a Mile. Ships that draw twelve Foot Water can ride within ten Yards of the Bank. Upon the River-Side, in the Centre of this Plain, I have laid out the Town. Opposite to it is an Island of very rich Pasturage, which I think should be kept for the Trustees' Cattle. The River is pretty wide, the Water fresh, and from the Key of the Town you see its whole Course to the Sea, with the Island of Tybe, which forms the Mouth of the River; and the other way you see the River for about six Miles up into the Country. The Landskip is very agreeable, the Stream being wide, and border'd with high Woods on both Sides. The whole People arrived here on the first of OGLETHORPE'S LETTER TO THE TRUSTEES. 123 February. At Night their Tents were got up. 'Till the seventh we were taken up in unloading and making a Crane which I then could not get finish'd, so took off the Hands, and set some to the Fortification and began to fell the woods. I mark'd out the Town and Common. Half of the former is already cleared, and the first House was begun Yesterday in the Afternoon. Not being able to get Negroes, I have taken ten of the Independent Company to work for us, for which I make them an allowance. I send you a copy of the Resolutions of the Assembly and the Governor and Council's Letter to me. Mr Whitaker has given us one hundred Head of Cattle. Col. Bull, Mr Barlow, Mr S* Julian, and Mr Woodward are come up to assist us with some of their own Servants. I am so taken up in looking after a hun dred necessary Things, that I write now short, but shall give you a more particular Account hereafter. A little Indian Nation, the only one within fifty Miles, is not only at Amity, but desirous to be Subjects to his Majesty King George, to have Lands given them among us, and to breed their Children at our Schools. Their Chief, and his Beloved Man, who is the Second Man in the Na tion, desire to be instructed in the Christian Religion. "I am, Gentlemen " Your Most Obedient, Humble Servant, " JAMES OGLETHORPE." Here are the letter of the governor and council of South Caro lina and the resolutions of the Assembly alluded to in the fore going communication: -- " SIB. We can't omit the first Opportunity of Congratulat ing you on your safe Arrival in this Province, wishing you all imaginable Success in your charitable and generous Undertaking in which we beg Leave to assure you any Assistance we can give shall not be wanting in promoting the same. The General Assembly having come to the Resolutions inclosed, we hope you will accept it as an Instance of our sincere Intentions to forward so good a Work, and of our Attachment to a Person who has at all times so generously used his Endeavours to relieve the Poor and deliver them out of their Distress, in which you have been hitherto so successful that we are persuaded this Undertaking can't fail under your prudent conduct, which we most heartily wish for. The Rangers and Scout-Boats are order'd to attend you as soon as possible. Col: Bull, a Gentleman of this Board, and whom we esteem most capable to assist you in the Settling your new Colony, is desired to deliver you this, and to accom- 124 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. pany you and render you the best Services he is capable of, and is one whose Integrity you may very much depend on. " We are with the greatest Regard and Esteem, Sir, " Your most obedient Humble Servants, Council Chamber, 26th of Jan: 1732. ROBERT JOHNSON, THOMAS BROUGHTON, JOHN PENWICKE, AL: MIDDLETON, THOMAS WARING, A. SKEENE, J. HAMMERTON, FRA : YONGE, JAMES KINLOCK." " The Committee of his Majesty's Honourable Council ap pointed to confer with a Committee of the Lower House on his Excellency's Message relating to the Arrival of the Honourable James Oglethorpe Esqr: " Report: That agreeable to his Majesty's Instructions to his Excellency, sent down together with the said Message, we are unanimously of Opinion that all due Countenance and En couragement ought to be given to the Settling of the Colony of Georgia. " And for that End your Committee apprehend it necessary that his Excellency be desired to give Orders and Directions that Capt MacPherson, together with fifteen of the Rangers do forthwith repair to the new Settlement of Georgia to cover and protect Mr Oglethorpe, and those under his care, from any In sults that may be offer'd them by the Indians, and that they continue and abide there till the new Settlers have enforted themselves, and for such further time as his Excellency may think necessary. " That the Lieutenant and four Men of the Apalachucola Garrison be order'd to march to the Fort on Combahee to Join those of the Rangers that remain; that the Commissary be or der'd to find them with Provisions as usual. That his Excel lency will please to give Directions that the Scout Boat at Port Royal do attend the new Settlers as often as his Excellency shall see Occasion. That a Present be given to Mr Oglethorpe for the new Settlement of Georgia forthwith of an hundred Head of breeding Cattle, and five Bulls, as also twenty breeding Sows, and four Boars, with twenty Barrels of good and merchantable Rice; the whole to be deliver'd at the Charge of the Publick at such Place in Georgia as Mr Oglethorpe shall appoint. " That Parriaguas be provided at the Charge of the Publick GIFTS TO THE COLONISTS. 125 to attend Mr Oglethorpe at Port Royal in order to carry the new Settlers, arrived in the Ship Anne, to Georgia with their Effects and the Artillery and Ammunition now on Board. " That Col. Bull be desired to go to Georgia with the Hon: James Oglethorpe Esq: to aid him with his best Advice and As sistance in the Settling of that Place." 1 This early and acceptable aid extended by the province of Carolina was supplemented by private benefactions. Thus, Colo nel Bull, with four of his servants, came to Savannah and spent a month there, supervising the work of the sawyers, designating the proportions of the buildings, surveying the lots, and render ing service most valuable. From Mr. Whitaker and his friends were received one hundred head of cattle, a free gift to the col ony. Mr. St. Julian for several weeks directed the people in erecting their houses and advancing the settlement. A present of a silver boat and spoon was made by Mr. Hume for the first child born on Georgia soil. These were awarded to the infant of Mrs. Close. For two months Mr. Joseph Bryan gave his per sonal attention and the labor of four of his servants, who were sawyers. Sixteen sheep were sent by the inhabitants of Edisto Island. Mr. Hammerton contributed a drum. Mrs. Ann Drayton loaned four of her sawyers, and Colonel Bull and Mr. Bryan furnished Mr. Oglethorpe with twenty servants to be employed in such manner as he might deem most advantageous. Governor Johnson presented seven horses.2 ^Well knowing that the planting of this colony to the south would essentially promote the security of Carolina, shielding that province from the direct assaults and machinations of the Span iards in Florida, preventing the ready escape of fugitive slaves, guarding her lower borders from the incursions of Indians, in creasing commercial relations, and enhancing the value of lands, the South Carolinians were eager to advance the prosperity of Georgia. The following extract from a letter of Mr. Oglethorpe to the trustees, dated at Savannah, February 20, 1733, advises us of his further impressions of Yamacraw Bluff: -- " Our People are all in perfect Health. I chose the situation for the Town upon an high Ground forty Foot perpendicular 1 See Reasons for Establishing the Colony 2 See Stevens' History of Georgia, vol. of Georgia with Regard to the Trade of i. p. 92. Philadelphia. MDCCCXLVII. Great Britain, etc., pp. 42-46. London. MDCCXXXIIL 126 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. above High-Water Mark: The Soil dry and sandy, the Water of the River fresh, Springs coming out from the. Sides of the Hills. I pitch'd on this Place not only for the Pleasantness of its Situa tion, but because from the above-mention'd and other Signs I thought it Healthy, for it is shelter'd from the Western and Southern Winds (the worst in this Country) by vast Woods of Pine-trees many of which are an hundred, and few under seventy Foot high. There is no Moss on the Trees, tho' in most Parts of Carolina they are cover'd with it, and it hangs down two or three Foot from them ; The last and fullest Conviction of the Healthfulness of the Place was that an Indian Nation, who know tho Nature of this Country, chose it for their Habitation." 1 In his next communication, under date of March 12th, he con veys the following information in regard to the extent of the province, the temper of the aboriginal population, and the prog ress of colonization : -- " This Province is much larger than we thought, being 120 miles from this river to the Alatamaha. The Savannah has a very long course, and a great trade is carried on by the Indians, there having above twelve trading boats passed since I have been here. There are in Georgia, on this side the mountains, three considerable nations of Indians; one called the Lower Creeks, consisting of nine towns, or rather cantons, making about a thousand men able to bear arms. One of these is within a short distance of us and has concluded a peace with us, giving us the right of all this part of the Country: and I have marked out the lands which they have reserved to themselves. Their King 2 comes constantly to Church, is desirous to be instructed in the Christian religion, and has given me his nephew,3 a boy who is his next heir, to educate. The two other Nations are the Uchees and the Upper Creeks: the first consisting of two hun dred, the latter of eleven hundred men. We agree so well with the Indians that the Creeks and the Uchees have referred to me a difference to determine which otherwise would have occasioned a war. " Our people still lie in tents, there being only two clap-board houses built and three sawed houses framed. Our crane, our battery cannon, and magazine are finished. This is all that we 1 Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia with Regard to the Trade of Great Britain, etc., p. 48. London. MDCCXXXIU. 2 Tomo-chi-chi. 8 Toonahowi. DESCRIPTION OF SAVANNAH. 127 have been able to do by reason of the smallness of our number, of which many have been sick and others unused to labour; though I thank God, they are now pretty well, and we have not lost one since our arrival here." In the South Carolina " Gazette " of March 22, 1733, may be found the following account of a visit paid by some Carolina gen tlemen to Mr. Oglethorpe : -- 44 On Tuesday, the 13th Instant, I went on board a Canoe, in company with Mr George Ducat and Mr John Ballantine, with four Negroes ; and about 10 o'clock we set off from Mr Lloyd's Bridge for Georgia and, passing by Port Royal on Wednesday Night we arrived on Friday Morning an Hour before Day at Yammacraw, -- a Place so called by the Indians, but now Savan nah in the Colony of Georgia. Some time before we came to the Landing the Centinel challenged us, and understanding who we were, admitted us ashore. This is a very high Bluff, -- Forty Feet perpendicular from High-water Mark. It lies, according to Captain Gascoigne's Observations, in the Latitude 31: 58. which he took off Tybee, an island that lies at the Mouth of the Savan nah River. It is distant from Charles-Town S. W according to the Course and Windings of the Rivers and Creeks, about 140 Miles ; but, by a direct Course, 77, allowing Sullivants Island to be in the Latitude 32:47: from Augustine N E and by E about 140 Miles, and by the Course of the Rivers is distant from Fort Moore 300 Miles; but upon a direct Line but 115 Miles N. W and by W. This Bluff is distant 10 Miles from the Mouth of the Rivers on the South Side ; and Parrysburgh is 24 Miles above it on the North, and is so situated that you have a beauti ful Prospect both up and down the River. It is very sandy and barren, and consequently a wholesome Place for a Town or City. There are on it 130 odd souls; and from the Time they embarqued at London to the Time I left the Place there died but two sucking Children, and they at Sea. When they arrived, there was standing on it a great Quantity of the best Sorts of Pine, most of which is already cut down on the Spot where the Town is laid out to be built. The Land is barren about a Mile back, when you come into very rich Ground; and on both Sides within a Quarter of a Mile of the Town is choice, good Planting Land. Colonel Bull told me that he had been Seven Miles back, and found it extraordinary good. " Mr Oglethorpe is indefatigable, takes a vast deal of Pains; his fare is but indifferent, having little else at present but salt 128 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. Provisions : He is extremely well beloved by all his People ; the general Title they give him is Father. If any of them is sick he immediately visits them and takes a great deal of Care of them. If any difference arises, he is the Person that decides it. Two happened while I was there, and in my Presence; and all the Parties went away, to outward Appearance, satisfied and con tented with his Determination. He keeps a strict Discipline ; I neither saw one of his People drunk or heard one swear all the Time I was there; He does not allow them Rum, but in lieu gives them English Beer. It is surprising to see how chearfully the Men go to work, considering they have not been bred to it; There are no Idlers there ; even the Boys and Girls do their Parts. There are Four Houses already up but none finish'd; and he hopes when he has got more Sawyers, which I suppose he will have in a short time, to finish two Houses a Week. He has ploughed up some Land, part of which he sowed with Wheat, which is come up and looks promising. He has two or three Gardens which he has sowed with divers Sorts of Seeds, and planted Thyme, with other Sorts of Pot-herbs, Sage, Leeks, Skellions, Celeri, Liquorice, &c, and several Sorts of Fruit trees. He was palisading the Town round, including some Part of the Common, which I do suppose may be finish'd in a Fortnight's time. In short he has done a vast deal of Work for the Time, and I think his Name Justly deserves to be immortalized. " Mr Oglethorpe has with him Sir Walter Raleigh's written Journal, and, by the Latitude of the Place, the Marks and Tradi tion of the Indians, it is the very first Place where he went ashore and talked with the Indians, and was the first .English man that ever they saw: And about half a Mile from Savannah is a high Mount of Earth under which lies their chief King; and the Indians informed Mr Oglethorpe, that the King desired, be fore he died, that he might be buried on the Spot where he talked with that great good Man. " The River Water is very good, and Mr Oglethorpe has proved it several Ways and thinks it as good as the River of Thames. On Monday the 19th we took our Leave of Mr Ogle thorpe at Nine o'Clock in the Morning and embarked for Charles Town; and when we set off he was pleased to honour us with a Volley of small Arms, and the Discharge of Five Cannon : And coming down the Rivers, we found the Water perfectly fresh Six Miles below the Town, and saw Six or Seven large Sturgeon leap, with which Fish that River abounds, as also with Trout, OGLETHORPE'S VISIT TO CHARLES-TOWN. 129 Perch, Cat, and Rock Fish &c, and in the Winter Season there is Variety of Wild Fowl, especially Turkeys, some of them weigh ing Thirty Pounds, and abundance of Deer." 1 In the absence of machinery, the labor of converting the pine logs into boards was tedious and severe. Nevertheless the work progressed, and one by one frame houses were builded. As rap idly as they were finished the colonists were transferred from tents into these more permanent and comfortable lodgings. A public garden was laid out and a servant detailed, at the charge of the trust, to cultivate it. This was to serve as a nursery whence might be procured fruit trees, vines, plants, and vege tables for the private orchards and gardens of the inhabitants. It was also largely devoted to the propagation of the white mul berry, from the general cultivation of which, as food for the silk worm, great benefit was anticipated. Sensible of the courtesies and assistance extended by Carolina, Oglethorpe repaired to Charlestown to return thanks in behalf of his colony, and to interest the public still more in the develop ment of the plantation. He was met at the water's edge by the governor and council, who conducted him to Governor Johnson's mansion where he formally received the congratulations of the General Assembly. In response to his application for additional assistance, a handsome sum was voted by the Assembly, and the citizens of Charlestown complimented hirn with a generous do nation. When next in Charlestown (June 9, 1733), he took occasion to deliver before the governor and general assembly of the province an address framed and pronounced in special ac knowledgment of Georgia's indebtedness to Carolina for aid most opportune and bounteous. " I should think myself," said he, " very much wanting in Justice and gratitude if I should neg lect thanking your Excellency, you Gentlemen of the Council, and you Gentlemen of the Assembly, for the assistance which you have given to the Colony of Georgia. I have long wished for an opportunity of expressing my sense of the universal zeal which the inhabitants of this Province have shown for assisting that Colony, and could not think of any better opportunity than now when the whole Province is virtually present in its General Assem bly. I am therefore Gentlemen, to thank you. for the handsome assistance given by private persons as well as by the public. I am to thank you not only in the name of the Trustees and the 1 An Account showing the Progress of First Establishment, pp. 41, 42. London. the Colony of Georgia in America from its MDCCXLI. 130 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. little Colony now in Georgia, but in behalf of all the distressed people of Britain and persecuted Protestants of Europe to whom a place of refuge will be secured by this first attempt. " Your charitable and generous proceeding, besides the self-satis faction which always attends such actions, will be of the greatest advantage to this Province. You, Gentlemen, are the best Judges of this since most of you have been personal witnesses of the dangerous blows which this country has escaped from French, Spanish and Indian Arms. Many of you know this by experi ence, having signalized yourselves personally either when this Province by its own strength, and unassisted by anything but the courage of its inhabitants and the Providence of God, repulsed the formidable invasions of the French, or when it defeated the whole body of the Southern Indians who were armed against it and was invaded by the Spaniards who assisted them. You Gentlemen, know that there was a time tfhen every day brought fresh advices of murders, ravages, and burnings; when no pro fession or calling was exempted from arms; when every inhabit ant of the Province was obliged to leave wife, family, and useful occupations, and undergo the fatigues of war for the necessary defence of the Country; and all their endeavors scarcely sufficient to guard the western and southern frontiers against the Indians. " It would be needless for me to tell you who are much better judges, how the increasing settlement of a new Colony upon the southern frontiers will prevent the like danger for the future. Nor need I tell you how every plantation will increase in value by the safety of the Province being increased ; since the lands to the southward already sell for above double what they did before the new Colony arrived. Nor need I mention the great lessening of the burden of the people by increasing the income of the tax upon the many thousand acres of land either taken or taking up on the prospect of future security. " The assistance which the Assembly have given, though not quite equal to the occasion, is very large with respect to the pres ent circumstances of the Province ; and as such, shows you to be kind benefactors to your new come countrymen whose settlements you support, and dutiful subjects to his Majesty whose revenues and dominions you by this means increase and strengthen. " As I shall soon return to Europe I must recommend the in fant Colony to your further protection ; being assured, both from your generosity and wisdom that you will, in case of any danger or necessity, give it tne utmost support and assistance." OGLETHORPE CONGRATULATED. 131 Although the colony of Georgia was, from its location, particu larly beneficial to Carolina, its maintenance and development were not without importance in the esteem of the more northerly English plantations in America. Pennsylvania and Massachu setts, at an early period of the settlement, gave every assurance of their good wishes for its confirmation and success. Thus Thomas Penn, proprietor of the former colony, in a letter ad dressed to the trustees and written from Philadelphia on the 6th of March, 1733, approved very highly of the undertaking, promised to contribute all the assistance in his power, and ac quainted them with the fact that he had himself subscribed one hundred pounds sterling, and was then engaged in collecting from others all sums he could influence, that they might be sent to them and expended for the purposes designated in their charter. From Boston, on the 3d of May, 1733, Governor Belcher wrote to Mr. Oglethorpe as follows : -- "It is with great pleasure that I congratulate you upon your safe arrival in America; and I have a still greater in the ad vantages which these parts of his Majesty's dominions will reap from your noble and generous pursuits of good to mankind in the settlement of Georgia. May God Almighty attend you with his blessing, and crown your toils with success." Ever on the alert to promote the best interests of his infant colony, Oglethorpe omitted nothing which could possibly conduce to its security, good order, advancement, and substantial pros perity. CHAPTER IX. OGLETHORPE'S CONCILIATORY CONDUCT TOWARD THE INDIANS. -- CHARAC TER AND INFLUENCE OF TOMO-CHI-CHI. -- GEORGIA'S DEBT OF GRATI TUDE TO THIS Mico. -- CONVENTION OF CHIEFS. -- ARTICLES OF FRIEND SHIP AND COMMERCE PROPOSED AND RATIFIED. IN nothing were the prudence, wisdom, skill, and ability of the founder of the colony of Georgia more conspicuous than in his conduct toward and treatment of the Indians. The ascendency he acquired over them, the respect they entertained for him, and the manly, generous, and just policy he ever maintained in his intercourse with the native tribes of the region are remarkable. Their favor, at the outset, was essential to the repose of the set tlement ; their friendship necessary to its existence. In the be ginning, few in numbers and isolated in position, a hostile breath would have blown it into nothingness. As claimants of the soil by virtue of prior occupancy it was important that the title they asserted to these their hunting-grounds should, at an early mo ment, be peaceably and formally extinguished. A resort to the sword in assertion of England's dominion over this territory would have led at once to ambush, alarm, and bloodshed. The adoption of a violent and coercive course toward the aborigines would have aroused their hostility and imperiled the success of the plantation. Far better the plan of conciliation. This Oglethorpe fully recognized, and shaped his policy accordingly. It will be remembered that upon his preliminary survey of the region when, in company with Colonel Bull, he selected a spot for primal settlement, he sought an interview with Tomo-chi-chi and, by friendly offers and kind arguments, won the favor of that chief and his tribe and obtained their consent that the expected colonists should occupy Yamacraw Bluff. A few days afterwards, when the emigrants did arrive, true to his promise, this aged mico, at the head of his little band, welcomed the new-comers at the water's edge; and, when their tents were pitched upon the shore, repeated his salutations. Of the ceremonies observed on this occasion the following account has been preserved : In front advanced the " Medicine Man " bearing in each hand a fan of TOMO-CHI-CHI WELCOMES THE COLONISTS. 133 white feathers, -- the symbols of peace and friendship. Then came Tomo-chi-chi and Scenauki, his wife, attended by a retinue of some twenty members of the tribe filling the air with shouts. Approaching Oglethorpe, who advanced a few paces to meet them, the medicine man, or priest, proclaiming the while the brave deeds of his ancestors, stroked the governor on every side with his fans, -- apt emblems of amity. This done, the king and queen drew near and bade him and his followers welcome. After an interchange of compliments the Indians were entertained as hospitably as the means at command would allow. This acquaintance with Tomo-chi-chi ripened into a friend ship close and valuable. That the Indians in the neighborhood might be impressed with the power and military skill of the emigrants, Oglethorpe fre quently, when the opportunity offered, exercised the colonists in their presence in the manual of arms, in marching and in firing, and sometimes roused the forests from their slumbers by the thunders of his cannon. Well did he know that such exhibitions of superior power would exert a potent influence upon the minds of the red men and engender a respect for the English all the more wholesome because commingled with fear. The situation of this feeble colony was, in the very nature of things, extremely precarious. Located in the depths of a prime val forest, the tangled brakes and solemn shadows of which proclaimed loneliness and isolation; the vast Atlantic rolling its waters between it and the mother country; the Carolina settle ments at best few in numbers and contending in a stern lifestruggle for their own existence; Spaniards in Florida jealous of this disputed domain, and ready at any moment to frustrate by stealthy approaches and with force of arms all efforts of the Eng lish to extend their plantations along the Southern coast; and, above all, Indian tribes in the occupancy of the country attached to their grand old woods and gently flowing streams, watchful of the graves of their ancestors, imposed upon by Spanish lies, dis quieted by French emissaries, cheated by Carolina traders, and naturally inclined to resist all encroachments by the whites upon their hunting-grounds, it did indeed appear that the preservation and development of this colony were well-nigh impossible. But its planting and perpetuation had been confided to the guardian care of one who was, perhaps, beyond all others, most capable of conducting the enterprise. In his efforts to conciliate the native population he derived in- 134 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. calculable benefit from the friendship and kindly intervention of Tomo-chi-chi. This chief, whose memory is so honorably asso ciated with the early history of Georgia, and whose many acts of kindness and fidelity to the whites demand and must ever receive the most grateful acknowledgment, although at this time far advanced in years, was a man of commanding presence, grave demeanor, marked character, established influence, of a philo sophical turn of mind, and in the full possession of all his facul* ties. For some cause, the precise nature of which has never been fully explained, he had, with a number of his countrymen, suffered banishment at the hands of his people, the Lower Creeks. What ever the real reason may have been for this action on the part of the Creeks toward Tomo-chi-chi, it does not seem that it was the result of any special ill-will, or that the expatriation was a punishment either for specific crime or general misconduct. The probability is that he went into voluntary exile for a season, or that he may have been temporarily expelled the limits of the nation, on account of some political disagreements. Oueekachumpa, the great chief of the O'Conas, claimed kinship with him and saluted him as a good man and a distinguished warrior. Removing from his former abode, after some wanderings he finally, and not very long before the arrival of the colony of Georgia, formed a settlement at or very near the present site of the city of Savannah, where he gathered about him the tribe of Yamacraws, consisting mainly of disaffected parties from the Lower Creeks, and, to some extent, of Yemassee Indians, by whom he was chosen mico, or chief. Prior to his removal to Yamacraw Bluff he tarried for a season with the Palla-Chucolas. But little can be gathered of his life previous to his acquaintance with Oglethorpe. Ninety-one years had been, amid the forest shades, devoted to the pursuits of war and the chase, and there is scarcely a tradition which wrests from oblivion the deeds and thoughts of this aged chieftain during that long and voiceless period. During the visit which he subsequently made to London, in company with Oglethorpe, his portrait was painted by Verelst, and hung for many years in the Georgia rooms. This likeness, which represents him in a standing posture with his left hand resting upon the shoulder of his nephew and adopted son, Toonahowi, who holds an eagle in his arms, was subsequently engraved by Faber and also by Kleinsmidt. That Tomo-chi-chi was noble in his connections we are fully advised, and there is that about the countenance of this venerable mico, as it has thus been Original, z^i- ^L-^-HJ^S vu.rg rmcnaejtocncn- v ^ .,..!! tue fact that he was the founder of the colony of Go.c- ' ' :i -<^t be forgotten by those who accord him every praise for his valor, judgment, skill, endurance, and benevolence that in iue hour of supreme doubt and danger the right arm of this son of the forest and his active friendship were among the surest guaranties of the safety and the very ex istence of that coL ,y "r " ^iring and universal gratitude of the present may well claim illustrious expression from the lips of the poet, the brush of tiie painter, and the chisel of the sculptor. To the day of his death these pledges of amity and the assur ances of good-will an 7 ' v given during these first inter views were faithfully observed. The firm friend of the white man, the guide, tho ,*.,.,, ^r, the protector, of the colonist, the constant companion T ' fiithful confederate of Oglethorpe, -- as such let us always remember the aged mico of the Yamacraws. True to his pron?'....- Tomo-chi-clii exerted his influence in be half of the contemplated convention, and dispatched messengers to the various principal towns and chief men of the Georgia tribes, apprising them - " M ~bj<>cts of the convocation and lead ing their minds in advance to a favorable consideration of the propositions which haJ _cr intimated to him by Mr. Ogle thorpe. Tho interval "-li^-li necessarily intervened prior to the assembling of the Indians, was improved by the founder of the colony in furthering the "^ement at Savannah and in paying a visit to the province of Carolina. The fullest narrative of the meeting between Mr. Oglethorpe and the Indians, in pursuance of this invitation, is contm'nprl \ n the forty-sixth volume of the " Political State of Great Britain," and we repeat the account as it is there given: -- " On the 14th of May, Mr. Oglethorpe set out from Charles- town on his return to Savar-iah, which is the name of the town now begun to be built in Georgia. That night he lay at Col. Bull's house on Ashley Ri^r, where he dined the next day. The Rev. Mr. Guy, rector of the parish of St. John's, waited upon him there, and acquainted him that his parishioners had raised a very handsome contribution for the assistance of the colony of Georgia. Mr. Oglethorpe went from thence to Capt. Bull's, where he lay on the 15th. On the 16th, in the morn ing, he embarqued at Daho, and rested at Mr. Cochran's island. On the 17th he dined at Lieut. Watts' at Beaufort, OGLETHORPE'S CONFERENCE WITH THE CREEKS. 137 and landed at Savannah on the 18th, at ten in the morning, where he found that Mr. Wiggan, the interpreter, with the chief men of all the Lower Creek nation, had come down to treat of an alliance with the new colony. " The Lower Creeks are a nation of Indians who formerly con sisted of ten, but now are reduced to eight tribes or towns, who have each their different government, but are allied together and speak the same language. They claim from the Savannah River as far as S. Augustin, and up to the Flint river, which falls into the bay of Mexico. All the Indians inhabiting this tract speak their language. Tomo-chi-chi, mico, and the Indians of Yamacraw are of their nation and language. " Mr. Oglethorpe received the Indians in one of the new houses that afternoon. They were as follows : -- " From the tribe of Coweeta -- Yahou-Lakee, their king or mico. Essoboa, their warrior,--the son of old Breen, lately dead, whom the Spaniards called emperor of the Creeks, -- with eight men and two women attendants. " From the tribe of the Cussetas -- Cusseta, the mico, Tatchiquatchi, the head warrior, and four attendants. " From the tribe of the Owseecheys -- Ogeese, the mico, or war king, Neathlouthko and Ougachi, two chief men, with three attendants. " From the tribe of Cheehaws -- Outhleteboa, the mico, Thlautho-thlukee, Figeer, Soota-Milla, war-captains, and three attendants. "From the tribe of EcJietas -- Chutabeeche and Robin, two war-captains, (the latter was bred among the English) with four attendants. ''From the tribe of Pallachucolas -- Gillatee, the head war rior, and five attendants. " From the tribe of Oconas -- Oueekachumpa, called by the English ' Long King,' Coowoo, a warrior. "From the tribe of Eufaule-- Tomaumi, the head warrior, and three attendants. " The Indians being all seated, Oueekachumpa, a very tall old man, stood up, and with a graceful action and a good voice, made a long speech, which was interpreted by Mr. Wiggan and John Musgrove, and was to the following purpose. He first claimed all the land to the southward of the river Savannah, as belong ing to the Creek Indians. Next he said that although they were poor and ignorant, He who had given the English breath had 138 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. given them breath also; that He who had made both, had given more wisdom to the white men ; that they were firmly per suaded that the Great Power which dwelt in heaven and all around, (and then he spread out his hands and lengthened the sound of his words), and which had given breath to all men, had sent the English thither for the instruction of them, their wives and children; that therefore they gave them up freely their right to all the land which they did not use themselves, and that this was not only his opinion, but the opinion of the eight towns of the Creeks, each of whom having consulted together, had sent some of their chief men with skins, which is their wealth. He then stopped, and the chief men of each town brought up a bun dle of buck-skins, and laid eight bundles from the eight towns at Mr. Oglethorpe's feet. He then said those were the best things they had, and therefore they gave them with a good heart. He then thanked him for his kindness to Tomo-chi-chi, mico, and his Indians, to whom he said he was related ; and said, that though Tomo-chi-chi was banished from his nation, he was a good man, and had been a great warrior, and it was for his wisdom and courage that the banished men chose him king. Lastly, he said, they had heard in the nation that the Cherokees had killed some Englishmen, and that if he should command them, they would enter with their whole force into the Cherokee country, destroy their harvest, kill their people and revenge the English. He then sat down. Mr. Oglethorpe promised to acquaint the trus tees with their desire of being instructed, and informed them that although there had been a report of the Cherokees having killed some Englishmen, it was groundless. He thanked them in the most cordial manner for their affection, and told them that he would acquaint the trustees with it. " Tomo-chi-chi, mico, then came in, with the Indians of Yamacraw, to Mr. Oglethorpe, and, bowing very low, said: 'I was a banished man; I came here poor and helpless to look for good land near the tombs of my ancestors, and the trustees sent peo ple here ; I feared you would drive us away, for we were weak and wanted corn ; but you confirmed our land to us, gave us food and instructed our children. We have already thanked you in the strongest words we could find, but words are no return for such favors; for good words may be spoke by the deceitful, as well as by the upright heart. The chief men of all our nation are here to thank you for us; and before them I declare your goodness, and that here I design to die; for we all love your SPEECH OF YAHOU-LAREE. 139 people so well that with them we will live and die. We do not know good from evil, but desire to be instructed and guided by you that we may do well with, and be numbered amongst the children of the trustees.' 1 He sat down, and Yahou-Lakee, mico of Coweeta, stood up and said: ' We are come twenty-five days' journey to see you. I have been often advised to go down to Charles-Town, but would not go down because I thought I might die in the way; but when I heard that you were come, and that you were good men, I knew you were sent by Him who lives in Heaven, to teach us Indians wisdom ; I therefore came down that I might hear good things, for I knew that if I died in the way I should die in doing good, and what was said would be car ried back to the nation, and our children would reap the benefit of it. I rejoice that I have lived to see this day, and to see our friends that have long been gone from amongst us. Our nation was once strong, and had ten towns ; but we are now weak, and have but eight towns. You have comforted the ban ished, and have gathered them that were scattered like little birds before the eagle. We desire therefore to be reconciled to our brethren who are here amongst you, and we give leave to Tomo-chi-chi, Stimoiche, and Illispelle, to call the kindred that love them out of each of the Creek towns, that they may come together and make one town. We must pray you to recall the Yarnasees that they may be buried in peace amongst their an cestors, and that they may see their graves before they die; and their own nation shall be restored again to its ten towns.' After which he spoke concerning the abatement of the prices of goods, and agreed upon articles of a treaty which were ordered to be engrossed." Tomo-chi-chi invited them to his town, where they passed the night in feasting and dancing. On the 21st, the treaty was signed. " A laced coat, a laced hat, and a shirt were given to each of the Indian chiefs; to each of the warriors a gun, .and a mantle of Duflfrls; and to all their attendants coarse cloth for 1 In A Curious Account of the Indians by an Honorable Person, Mr. Oglethorpe writes: " Tomo-chi-chi, in his first set speech to me, among other things, said, ' Here is a little present;' and then gave me a buffalo's skin, painted on the inside with the head and feathers of an eagle, He desired me to accept it because ' the eagle signified speed, and the buffalo strength : that the English were as swift as the bird, and as strong as the beast; since like the first, they flew from the utmost parts of the earth, over the vast seas, and like the second, nothing could withstand them: that the feathers of the eagle were soft, and signified love ; the buffalo skin was warm, and signified protection; therefore he hoped that we would love and protect their little families.'" 140 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. clothing. A barrel of gunpowder, four cags of bullets, a piece of broad-cloth, a piece of Irish linen, a cask of tobacco pipes, eight belts, and cutlashes with gilt handles, tape and inkle of all colors, and eight cags of rum, to be carried home to their towns; one pound of powder, one pound of bullets, and as much provision for each man as they pleased to take for their journey home," were also distributed.1 During this interview the conduct of Mr. Oglethorpe toward the Indians was characterized by marked kindness, courtesy, and conciliation. He urged upon them an appreciation of the fact that in making this settlement the English desired neither to dispossess nor to annoy the natives, but that the earnest wish of his government and people was to live in peace and friendship with the surrounding tribes. He further explained the power of the British nation and the general object in view in founding the colony, and asked from the assembled chiefs and those whom they represented a cession of the lands lying between the Savan nah and Alatamaha rivers. In addition, he invoked the ratifica tion of a treaty of commerce and of perpetual amity. The interview was in every respect satisfactory, and resulted in the consummation of a treaty by which the Lower Creeks agreed to place themselves under the general government of Great Britain and to live in peace with the colonists. To the trustees were granted all lands lying between the Savannah and the Alatamaha rivers, from the ocean to the head of tide-water. This cession also embraced the islands on the coast, from Tybeo to St. Simon's Island inclusive, with the exception of the islands of Ossabau, Sapelo, and St. Catharine, which were reserved by the Indians for the purposes of hunting, bathing, and fishing. The tract of land lying above Yamacraw Bluff, between Pipemaker's Bluff and Pally-Chuckola Creek, was also reserved as a place of encampment whenever it should please them to visit their beloved friends at Savannah. Stipulations were entered into regulating the price of goods, the value of peltry, and the privileges of traders. It was further agreed that all criminal offenses should be tried and punished in accordance with the laws of England. 2 Although this treaty was engrossed, and formally executed by 1 See The Political State of Great Britain, xlvi. 237; Gentleman's Magazine for July, 1733, iii. 384, et seq.; American Gazetteer, ii., article " Georgia." London. 1762. 2 See McCall's History of Georgia, i. 37, 38. RATIFICATION OF THE TREATY. 141 Oglethorpe on the one part and the chiefs and principal warriors who were then present on the other, in order that its terms might be duly considered and approved, it was forwarded to the trustees for their formal confirmation. In due course it was returned with the following ratification: l " The Trustees for establishing the colony of Georgia in Amer ica to the chief men of the nation of the Lower Creeks, SEND GEEETING: " WHEREAS, The great king, George the Second, king of Great Britain, did by his letters patent under the great seal of Great Britain, bearing date the 9th day of June, in the 5th year of his reign, constitute and appoint a body politic and corporate by the name of the Trustees for establishing the colony of Georgia in America: " And, WHEEEAS, The said Trustees have received from their beloved Mr. James Oglethorpe, of West Brook Place, in the county of Surry, Esquire, one of the common council of the said Trustees, a copy of certain articles of friendship and commerce between the said Trustees and the said chief men, which is in the words following (that is to say), Articles of friendship and commerce between the Trustees for establishing the colony of Georgia in America, and the chief men of the nation of the Lower Creeks. " First. The Trustees, bearing in their hearts great love and friendship to you the said head-men of the Lower Creek nation, do engage to let their people carry up into your towns all kinds of goods fitting to trade in the said towns, at the rates and prices settled and agreed upon before you the said head-men, and an nexed to this treaty of trade and friendship. " Secondly. The Trustees do by these articles promise to see restitution done to any of the people of your towns by the peo ple they shall send among you; proof being made to the beloved man they shall at any time send among you, that they who have either committed murder, robbery, or have beat or wounded any of your people, or any wise injured them in their crops, by their horses, or any other ways whatever ; and upon such proof the said people shall be tried and punished according to the English law. 1 This ratification of these articles of friendship and commerce between the trustees for establishing the colony of Georgia in America and the chief mico of the nation of the Lower Creeks was made on the 18th of October, 1733. See Minutes of the Common Council for the Years 1731 to 1736, p. 75. 142 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. " Thirdly. The Trustees when they find the hearts of you the said head-men and your people are not good to the people they shall send among you, or that you or your people do not mind this paper, they will withdraw the English trade from the town so offending. And that you and your people may have this chain of friendship in your minds and fixed to your hearts, they have made fast .heir seal to this treaty. 11 Fourthly. We, the head-men of the Coweta and Cuseta towns, in behalf of all the Lower Creek nation, being firmly persuaded that Tie H lives in Heaven and is the occasion of all good things, has moved the hearts of the Trustees to send their beloved men among us, f >r the good of our wives and chil- O 7 O dren, and to instruct us and them in what is straight, do there fore declare that we are glad that their people are come here; and though this land belongs to us (the Lower Creeks), yet we, that we may be instructed by them, do consent and agree that they shall make u^ f> and possess all those lands which our na tion hath not occasion to use; and we make over unto them. their successors and assigns, all such lands and territories as we shall have no occasion to use ; provided always, that they, upon settling every new town, shall set out for the use of ourselves and the people of our nation such lands as shall be agreed upon between their beloved men and the head-men of our nation, and that those lands shall remain to us forever. " Fifthly. We, the head-men, do promise for ourselves and the people of our towns that the traders for the English which shall settle among us, shall not be robbed or molested in their trade in our nation ; and that if it shall so happen any of our people should be mad, and either kill, wound, beat or rob any of the English traders or their people, then we the said head-men of the towns aforesaid do engage to have justice done to the Eng lish, and for that purpose to deliver up any of our people who shall be guilty of the crimes aforesaid, to be tried by the English laws, or by the laws of our nation, as the beloved man of the Trustees shall think fit. And we further promise not to suffer any of the people of our said towns to come into the limits of the English settlements without leave from the English beloved man, and that we will not molest any of the English traders passing to or from any nation in friendship with the English. "Sixthly. We, the head-men, for ourselves and people do promise to apprehend and secure any negro or other slave which shall run away from any of the English settlements to our na- SCHEDULE OF PRICES. 143 tion, and to carry them either to this town, or Savannah, or Palachuckola garrison, and there to deliver him up to the com mander of such garrison, and to be paid by him four blankets or two guns, or the value thereof in other goods ; provided such runaway negro, or other slave, shall be taken by us or any of our people on the farther side of Oconee River; and in case such negro or runaway slave shall be taken on the hither side of the said river, and delivered to the commanders aforesaid, then we understand the pay to be one gun, or the value thereof; and in case we or our people should kill any such slave for resistance or running away from us in apprehending him, then we are to be paid one blanket for his head, by any trader, for carrying such slave's head unto him. " Lastly. We promise with stout hearts, and love to our broth ers the English, to give no encouragement to any other white people, but themselves, to settle amongst us, and that we will not have any correspondence with the Spaniards or French; and to show that we both for the good of ourselves our wives and chil dren do firmly promise to keep the talk in our hearts as long as the sun shall shine or the waters run in the rivers, we have each of us set the marks of our families. SCHEDULE OF THE PRICES OF GOODS AGREED ON, ANNEXED. Two yards of stroud .... Five buck-skins. One yard of plains ..... One ditto. White blanket ..... One ditto. Blue ditto ...... Five ditto. A gun ....... Ten ditto. A pistol ....... Five ditto. A gun-lock ...... Four ditto. Two measures of powder .... One ditto. Sixty bullets ..... Ditto ditto. One white shirt ..... Two ditto. One knife ...... One doe-skin. Eighteen flints ..... One buck-skin. Three yards of cadiz .... One doe-skin. Ditto ditto of gartering . . . . Ditto ditto. One hoe ...... Two buck-skins. One axe ....... Ditto ditto. One large hatchet .... Three doe-skins. One small ditto ..... One buck-skin. Brass kettles per Ib. Ditto ditto. Doe-skins were estimated at half the value of the bucks. 144 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. "And, WHEREAS, The said Trustees are greatly desirous to maintain and preserve an inviolable peace, friendship and com merce between the said head-men of the Lower nation of Creeks, and the people the said Trustees have sent and shall send to in habit and settle in the province of Georgia aforesaid, to endure to the world's end ; " Now know ye that we the said Trustees for establishing the colony of Georgia in America do by these presents ratify and confirm the said articles of friendship and commerce between the Trustees for establishing the colony of Georgia in America, and the chief-men of the Lower Creeks, and all and every of the ar ticles and agreements therein contained, and also the rates and prices of goods above mentioned, settled and agreed upon before the said head-men, and annexed to the said treaty of trade and friendship. " In witness whereof the Common Council of the said Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia in America have to these presents made fast the common seal of the corporation of the said Trustees, the eighteenth day of October, in the seventh year of the reign of our sovereign lord George the Second, by the grace of God of Great Britain, France and Ireland king, defender of the faith, etc., and in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and thirty-three. " By order of the said Common Council, " BENJAMIN MARTYN, Secretary" l This treaty of the 21st of May, 1733, resulted in the pacifica tion of all the Lower Creek Indians, the Uchees, the Yamacraws, and of other tribes acknowledging their supremacy. Nor did the influences of this convocation rest with them only. They were recognized by the Upper Creeks, and, at a later date, simi lar stipulations were ratified by the Cherokees. For years were they preserved inviolate; and the colony of Georgia, thus pro tected, extended its settlements up the Savannah River and along the coast, experiencing neither molestation nor opposition, but on the contrary receiving on every hand positive and valuable assurances of the good-will and sympathy of the children of the forest. Probably the early history of no plantation in America affords so few instances of hostility on the part of the natives, or discloses so many acts of kindness extended by the red men. To the prudence, conciliatory conduct, sound judgment, and wis- 1 See McCalTs History of Georgia, i. 357, et seq. TOMO-CHI-CHI'S GOOD OFFICES. 145 dom of Mr. Oglethorpe, seconded by the hospitality and generos ity as well as the direct personal influence of Tomo-chi-chi, was the colony of Georgia indebted for this first and liberal treaty of amity and commerce with the aborigines.1 i See Historical Sketch of Tomo-chi-chi, pp. 25-37. C. C. Jones, Jr. Albany, N. Y. 1868. CHAPTER X. ARRIVAL OF THE SHIP JAMES. -- FORT ARGYLE BUILT AND GARRISONED. -- THE VILLAGES OF HIGH-GATE AND HAMPSTEAD LOCATED AND PEO PLED.-- FORTS AT THUNDERBOLT AND ON SKIDOWAY ISLAND.--JOSEPH'S TOWN. -- ABERCORN. -- IRENE. -- THE HORSE QUARTER. -- EARLY PLAN TATIONS.--MANCHECOLAS FORT AT SKIDOWAY NARROWS.--TYBEE LIGHT HOUSE. -- PLAN OF SAVANNAH. -- NAMES OF ITS SQUARES, STREETS, WARDS, AND TITHINGS. -- ARRIVAL OF HEBREW IMMIGRANTS. -- DEED SHOWING FIRST ALLOTMENT OF TOWN LOTS, GARDEN LOTS, AND FARMS IN SAVANNAH, AND CONTAINING THE NAMES OF THE ORIGINAL GRAN TEES. DURING the month of March, 1733, the ranks of the colonists were increased by small accessions from London. Some of them came at their own charge, and all found their way to Savannah through the intermediate port of Charlestown. In May seven teen persons arrived at Yamacraw Bluff, who had been approved of by the trustees and conveyed at their expense. Among them were some Italians from Piedmont accustomed to the propaga tion of silk-worms and the manufacture of raw silk. They were engaged to develop an industry from the pursuit of which no in considerable gain was anticipated, and obligated themselves to instruct the colonists in the cultivation of the white mulberry tree, in the breeding of silk-worms, and in reeling the threads from cocoons. The ship which conveyed them was the James, Captain Yoakley. As this was the first vessel from England which ascended the Savannah River, landed her passengers, and discharged her cargo at Yamacraw Bluff, to her captain was awarded the prize offered by the trustees.1 The colonists at Savannah being busily employed in such labors as were most conducive to the promotion of their comfort and safety, Mr. Oglethorpe deemed it prudent, at this early pe- 1 The following notice of this arrival may be found in the Gentleman's Magazine for 1733, p. 384 : -- " Savannah, May 20, 1733. -- The James, Captain Yoakley, 110 tons and 6 guns, arrived here on the 14th with passengers and stores. This Ship rode in 2 Fathom and a half water close to the Town at low water Mark. The Captain received the Price appointed by the Trustees for the first Ship that should unload at this Town, where is safe Hiding for much larger Vessels." FORT ARGYLE. HIGH-GATE. HAMPSTEAD. 147 riod in the life of the plantation, to advance his outposts and to occupy strategic points in the neighborhood which would tend to confirm the security of the town. Captain McPherson, of South Carolina, with his rangers, had been stationed just above Yamacraw Bluff at a point on the Savannah River known as the Horse Quarter. His duty was, while the settlers were " enforting themselves " and constructing their temporary shelters, to main tain strict watch against any hostile demonstration. Now, how ever, as a battery of cannon had been planted, and as the stockade which surrounded the space allotted for the town was partially completed, it was thought best to detach the captain and a portion of his command that possession might be taken of a locality on the Great Ogeechee River where the Indians, in their predatory expeditions against Carolina, were accustomed to cross that stream. Here a fort was builded which Oglethorpe, in honor of his friend John, Duke of Argyle, called Fort Argyle. It com manded the passage of the river. That this outpost might be strengthened, ten families were soon sent from Savannah to erect dwellings and cultivate lands in its vicinity. Between four and five miles south of Savannah, as its limits were at first defined, arid on rising ground, the village of HighGate was laid out, and twelve families, mostly French, were assigned to its occupancy. About a mile to the eastward, the village of Hampstead was located and peopled with twelve fam ilies, chiefly German. Gardening was to be the occupation of these settlers, and their principal business was to supply the inhabitants of Savannah with vegetables and provisions. In the spring of 1736 Francis Moore, who then visited these little towns, describes them as being " pretty," and says that the planters there domiciled were " very forward, having built neat huts and cleared and planted a great deal of land." The prosperity of these villages was of short duration. In 1740 but two families remained at High-Gate, while Hampstead had then been entirely abandoned. As a protection against hostile approach by the way of St. Augustine Creek, a small fort was constructed at Thunderbolt. To several families were homes here granted. So frail was this defensive structure that it fell into decay as early as 1737. On the northeast end of Skidoway Island ten families were located in 1734, and a fort was built for their protection. This attempt at early colonization at this exposed point proved so unsuccess ful that within four years the village disappeared and the fortifi cation fell into a deserted and dilapidated condition. 148 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. Joseph's-Town, situated on the Savannah River opposite Onslow and Argyle islands, was another of the early outlying towns. It was occupied by colonists from Scotland, but malarial fevers and a failure of crops brought about its speedy abandonment. On a creek or branch of the Savannah, distant some three miles from its confluence with that river, and about fifteen miles above the town of Savannah, the village of Abercorn was laid out in 1733. The plan of the town embraced twelve lots, with a trust lot in addition at either extremity. Four miles below the mouth of Abercorn Creek was Joseph's-Town where Scotch gen tlemen had selected plantations. Journeying from this place towards Savannah in the early days of the colony the visitor would pass, in succession, Sir Francis Bathurst's plantation, Wal ter Augustin's settlement, Captain Williams' plantation, Mrs. Matthews' place, the Indian school-house Irene, the Horse Quar ter, and the lands reserved by the Indians just west of Yamacraw. A strange fatality attended all these early attempts at colonization in the swamp region of the lower Savannah. Born of the subjugation of the forests and the exhalations from the rich, dank soil were miasmatic fevers and fluxes which engen dered lassitude and death. Short-lived were these little settle ments, an$ it was only after the introduction of slave labor that these plantations bordering upon the Savannah River became permanent and productive. The Europeans who strove to bring them into a state of cultivation failed in the effort and quickly passed away. Others who endeavored to complete their labors experienced similar misfortune and disappointment. Of the ten families assigned to Abercorn in 1733, all were gone within a period of four years. Mr. John Brodie, with twelve servants, then occupied the settlement, but, after an ex periment of three years, he abandoned the place, leaving its im provements to fall down piecemeal. Many of the servants who cultivated the lands of the Scotch gentlemen at Joseph's-Town died, and that plantation for a while reverted to the dominion of nature. For the defense of Skidoway Narrows, a Manchecolas Fort was erected, and it was garrisoned by detachments from Captain Noble Jones' company of marines quartered near his residence, called Wormsloe, on the Isle of Hope. A light-house, to rise ninety feet above the ground, was com menced near the northern end of Great Tybee Island, and here a guard was posted. WARDS AND TITHINGS NAMED. 149 As the number of immigrants multiplied, plantations were formed on Augustine Creek, on Wilmington Island, on the Isle of Hope, on the Little Ogeechee, at Bevvlie, and even as far south as the Great Ogeechee River. Several accessions to its population having occurred, and suffi cient progress having been made in clearing the bay, the square, and the streets, in erecting a crane, in planting a battery of can non, in palisading the town, in the preparation of a commodious garden, and in uncovering the general outlines of Savannah, Oglethorpe, on the 7th of July, 1733, convened the colonists that they might be definitely advised of the precise plan of the vil lage, learn the names which he proposed to bestow upon the square, streets, wards, and tithings, and participate in the assign ment of town lots, gardens, and farms. The convocation oc curred early in the morning, and the business of the day was pre ceded by an invocation of the Divine blessing. Four wards, each containing four tithings, were marked and named, viz.: Percival Ward, so named in honor of John, Lord Percival, the first Earl of Egmont, and president of the trustees for establishing the colony of Georgia in America ; Heathcote Ward, so named in honor of George Heathcote, M. P., an alder man of London and one of the most active and influential mem bers of the board of trustees; Derby Ward, so called in compli ment to the Earl of Derby, who was one of the most generous patrons of the colonization; and Decker Ward, so named in honor of Sir Matthew Decker, whose benefactions to the charitable de sign had been conspicuous. The tithings embraced in Percival Ward were called, respectively, Moore, Hucks, Holland, and Sloper, in honor of Robert Moore, Robert Hucks, Roger Holland, and William Sloper, members of Parliament all, and influential trustees. Heathcote Ward was composed of Eyles, Laroche, Vernon, and Belitha tithings, so named to perpetuate the pleasant memories of Sir Francis Eyles, Bart., one of the commissioners of the navy and a member of Parliament, John Laroche, also a mem ber of Parliament, James Vernon, Esqr., and William Belitha, all members of the trust. The four tithings constituting Derby Ward were Wilmington, Jekyll, Tyrconnel, and Frederick. These were named in compliment to the Earl of Wilmington, Sir Joseph Jekyll, Master of the Rolls, who, with his lady, had contributed six hundred pounds in furtherance of the laudable design of the trustees, Lord John Tyrconnel, and Thomas Frederick, M. P., both members of the board of trustees. The tithings into which 150 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. Decker Ward was divided were named Digby, Carpenter, Tower, and Heathcote, in honor of Edward Digby, George, Lord Carpen ter, Thomas Tower, M. P., and George Heathcote, M. P., trus tees all. The first and only public square then designated, and which was to serve as a model for all others which should be called into existence by the expansion of the town, was Johnson Square. It was so named in compliment to his excellency Robert Johnson, governor of South Carolina, who cordially welcomed Oglethorpe und his companions upon their advent, and contributed gener ously to the comfort and advancement of the colony. The streets then laid out were Abercorn, Drayton, Bull, and Whitaker, running north and south, and the Bay, Bryan, and .St. Julian streets, intersecting them at right angles. In naming these also Oglethorpe sought, in an enduring manner, to express the gratitude of the colony and its founder. Thus, the principal street bore the name of Colonel William Bull, who accompanied Oglethorpe when he selected Yamacraw Bluff as a suitable site for Savannah, and on various occasions rendered the plantation services disinterested and valuable. The liberality of Mr. Joseph Bryan, of Mr. St. Julian, of Mrs. Ann Dray ton, of Mr. Whitaker of South Carolina, and of the Earl of Abercorn was in this manner publicly acknowledged. In the middle of Johnson Square a large sun-dial was erected for the convenience of the inhabitants. It perished long ago, and the spot where it stood is now dignified by a shaft dedicated to the memory of General Nathanael Greene, which testifies to the ages the enduring gratitude cherished for him who, in the primal struggle for independence, next to Washington engaged the af fections and excited the admiration of the Georgia patriots. Christ Church occupies to-day the trust lot then designated as a site for a house of worship, and the general plan of the lots, streets, and square, established at this time, served for a guide in the subsequent years. The wisdom of Oglethorpe in conserving open spaces, at regular and near intervals, that free ventilation might be enjoyed in this warm latitude, was manifest; and the town lots, which the luxurious demands of the present may pro nounce too small, then amply sufficed for the needs of the colo nists. It will not be forgotten that these lots were intended simply as sites for private dwellings. Appurtenant to them were gardens and farms, situated on the outskirts of the town, so that each male inhabitant of full age participating in the al- MAGISTRATES APPOINTED, ETC. 151 lotment, became possessed of a town lot containing sixty feet in front and ninety feet in depth, a garden lot embracing five acres, and a farm containing forty-four acres and one hundred and forty-one poles. The grant, therefore, aggregated fifty acres, thus conforming to the instructions of the trustees and supply ing land sufficient for the support of the colonist who came at the charge of the trust and brought no servants with him. The entire plan of Savannah having been fully shown, there followed an allotment, to each inhabitant, of his town lot, garden lot, and farm. This done, at noon all the colonists partook of a boun teous dinner provided by Oglethorpe. Fresh beef, turkeys, ven ison, and vegetables from the public garden were supplemented by a liberal supply of English beer. " Hitherto," says Mr. Wright,1 " Mr. Oglethorpe had retained to himself undivided authority over his people, but finding, from their increasing numbers, that the task of disposing the new set tlers to the reciprocal offices of a social state and of keeping the troublesome in subordination was more than he could longer in dividually accomplish, he now determined to delegate to others a portion of the powers with which he was invested." Accord ingly, in the afternoon a town court for the determination of causes both civil and criminal was established. Magistrates, a recorder, constables, and tithing-men 2 were appointed and in ducted into office. A jury was drawn and empaneled, and a case tried. " Conservators to keep the peace " 3 were named, and Thomas Caustou was selected as the keeper of the public stores. Shortly after the conclusion of this important business a ves- 1 Memoir of General James Oglethorpe, p. 73. London. 1867. 2 On the 8th of November, 1732, the trustees had commissioned George Symes, Eichard Hodges, and Francis Scott as bailiffs, Noble Jones as recorder, Richard Cannon and Joseph Coles as constables, and Francis Magridge and Thomas Young as tithing-men, for the then unlocated town of Savannah. The following persons composed the first jury empaneled in Georgia: Samuel Parker, Thomas Young, Joseph Cole, John Wright, John West, Timothy Bowling, John Millidge, Henry Close, Walter Fox, John Grady, James Carwell, and Richard Cannon. 8 The persons named as such by the trustees on the 8th of November, 1732, were Peter Gordon, William Waterland, Thomas Causton, Thomas Christie, George Symes, Richard Hodges, Francis Scott, and Noble Jones. For the village of Thorpe, which was included within the precincts of Savannah, the trustees commissioned, on the 18th of October, 1733, Robert Parker, Sen., as chief constable, George Buckmar and William Johnson as constables, and Arthur Ogle Edgecombe and William Riley as tithing-men. Two days before they had sealed a commission for Thomas Causton as second bailiff of the town of Savannah, in the room of Richard Hodges, deceased, and had selected Henry Parker as third bailiff, 152 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. sel arrived from England having on board forty Hebrew colo nists. They came to Savannah without the sanction of the trus tees, although the expenses incident to their transportation had been defrayed with moneys collected under commissions granted by the common council. It appears from the journal of the trustees that among the commissions empowering the holders to solicit and receipt for contributions in aid of the colonization were three in favor of Alvaro Lopez Suasso, Francis Salvador, Jr., and Anthony Da Costa. It was understood that all moneys which they might collect were to be transmitted to the trustees, to be by them applied in furtherance of the objects specified in the charter. Acting under their commissions Messrs. Suasso, Salvador, and Da Costa did secure benefactions to a considerable amount. Instead, however, of paying these funds over to the trustees, or lodging them in the Bank of England to the credit of the trust, as they should have done, they busied themselves with collecting Hebrew colo nists to the number of forty and, without the permission of the common council, appropriated the moneys which they had col lected to chartering a vessel and defraying the expenses requi site for the conveyance of these Israelites to Savannah. Receiv ing an intimation that Messrs. Suasso, Salvador, and Da Costa were exceeding their authority and acting in violation of the in structions which accompanied the delivery of the commissions, and apprehending that the purposes of these individuals, if con summated, would prove prejudicial to the best interests both of the trust and of the colony, the trustees, as early as the 31st of January, 1733, instructed their secretary, Mr. Martyn, to wait upon them and demand a surrender of the commissions which they held. With this demand Messrs. Suasso, Salvador, and Da Costa refused to comply and, as we have stated, persisted in appropriating the funds they had collected in the manner in dicated. Mr. Oglethorpe had not been advised of the coming of these colonists, and was somewhat at a loss to determine what disposi tion should be made of them. As the charter guaranteed freedom of religious opinion and observance to all, save Papists, he wisely concluded to receive them, and in due course notified the trus tees of their arrival and of his action in the premises. Those gentlemen did not hesitate to avow their disapproval of the whole affair. They declared that such irregular and unauthorized conduct on the part of Messrs. Suasso, Salvador, and Da Costa ISRAELITES AT SAVANNAH. 153 was prejudicial to the good order and scheme of the colonization, and that the sending over of these people had turned aside many intended benefactions. A committee was appointed to prepare for publication a statement of the matter, and to assure the public that they did not propose "to make a Jew's colony of Georgia." To Mr. Oglethorpe they wrote that they had heard with grave apprehension of the arrival of these Israelites in Georgia, and that they hoped " they would meet with no sort of encourage ment." They counseled him to "use his best endeavors that they be allowed no kind of settlement with any of the grantees," and expressed the fear that their presence in Savannah would prove injurious to the trade and welfare of the colony. The following extracts from the journal of the trustees evi dence their feeling and action in a matter which for some time attracted no little attention both in England and in Georgia: -- " PALACE COURT. Saturday, December 22, 1733. " At a meeting of Trustees, assembled by summons, Ordered That the Secretary do wait on MessTM Alvaro Lopez Suasso, Francis Salvador Junr and Anthony Da Costa with the following message in writing: "Whereas a message, dated Jany 31. 1732-3, was sent for the redelivery of their Commissions with which they did not think proper to comply, and which on the said Refusal were vacated by the Trustees: And Whereas the Trustees are inform'd that by monies rais'd by virtue of their commissions (which monies ought to have been transmitted to the Trustees) certain Jews have been sent to Georgia contrary to the intentions of the Trustees, and which may be of ill consequence to the Colony: the Trus tees do hereby require the said Messra Alvaro Lopez ^Suasso, Fran cis Salvador Junr, and Anthony Da Costa immediately to redeliver to Mr Martyn, their Secretary, the said Commissions and to render an account in writing to the Trustees of what monies have been raised by virtue thereof ; and if they refuse to comply with this demand that then the Trustees will think themselves obliged not only to advertize the world of the demand and refusal of the said Commissions and Account, and of the misapplication before mentioned, in order to prevent any further impositions on his Majesty's Subjects under pretence of an authority granted by those vacated Commissions; but likewise to recover those com missions and demand an account of the monies collected in such manner as their Counsel shall advise." 154 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. "PALACE COURT. Saturday Jan** oth, 1733-4. " Ordered. That the Secretary do wait on Messre Alvaro Lopez Suasso, Francis Salvador Junr and Anthony Da Costa with the following Message in writing : " The Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia in America having receiv'd a letter from Messrs Alvaro Lopez Suasso, Francis Salvador Junr, and Anthony Da Costa, in answer to a message sent for their Commissions, which letter does not appear satisfactory to the said Trustees, they think themselves oblig'd not only to insist on the redelivery of their Commissions, but as they conceive the settling of Jews in Georgia will be pre judicial to the Colony, and as some have been sent without the knowledge of the Trustees, the Trustees do likewise require that the said Mess13 Alvaro Lopez Suasso, Francis Salvador Jr. and Anthony Da Costa, or whoever else may have been concerned in sending them over, do use their endeavours that the said Jews be removed from the Colony of Georgia, as the best and only satisfaction they can give to the Trustees for such an indignity offer'd to Gentlemen acting under his Majesty's Charter." " PALACE COURT. Saturday Janry 19th, 1733-4. " The Secretary acquainted the Board that pursuant to their order of Janry 5th instant he had waited on Messrs Alvaro Lopez Suasso, Francis Salvador Junr, and Anthony Da Costa, and left with them the message of the Trustees in writing, and that he had receiv'd the Commissions formerly given to them; and then he delivered the said Commissions to the Board. "Resolved that the said Commissions be laid by, and the further consideration of this affair be postponed till Mr Oglethorpe comes home." There the record ends; and, so far as we can learn, no further action was taken. Ignoring the suggestions of the trustees, Oglethorpe furnished ample accommodation and encouragement for these Hebrew colonists, who by their peaceable behavior, orderly conduct, and industry commended themselves to the favorable consideration of the governor. In communicating with the trus tees he took occasion to express the opinion that this accession had not proved a detriment to the colony. He specially invites the attention of his associates to the good offices of Dr. Nunis. In acknowledging his kindness, the trustees request Mr. Oglethorpe to offer him a gratuity for his medical services, but insist that all grants of land within the limits of the province should HEBREWS IN SAVANNAH. 155 be withheld from these Israelites. With these instructions, how ever, as we shall presently see, the founder of the colony of Georgia did not comply. In the general conveyance of town lots, gardens, and farms, executed on the 21st of December, 1733, some of these Hebrews are mentioned as grantees. That the trustees were justified in condemning and rebuking the irregularity, disobedience, and contumacy of Messrs. Suasso, Salvador, and Da Costa, cannot be questioned. That it was en tirely prudent and proper in them to claim and exercise the right of selecting colonists for the plantation is equally certain. That they alone possessed the power of determining who should seek homes in Georgia, and of binding applicants in advance to a due observance of prescribed rules, was a privilege conferred by the terms of the charter. That they should, under the cir cumstances, have entertained some apprehension of the effect which would be produced upon the public mind by this unau thorized introduction, within the limits of the colony, of this con siderable body of Hebrews, excites no surprise. That they were fully justified in recalling the commissions sealed in favor of Messrs. Suasso, Salvador, and Da Costa, all will admit. And yet Oglethorpe was right in receiving these people and accord ing them homes in Savannah. The excitement, in the end, en tirely subsided. These Hebrews proved orderly and useful citi zens. Many of them removed to South Carolina, but others remained in Savannah, and their descendants may this day be found in the city of Oglethorpe. Although the formal allotment of lands within the confines of Savannah was made in July, the requisite deed assuring the ces sions then specified was not executed until several months after wards. It will be remembered that prior to the embai'kation of the first colonists the trustees conveyed to three of their number, viz., Thomas Christie, William Calvert, and Joseph Hughes, five thousand acres of land to be utilized in parceling out homes for the early settlers in Georgia. Out of this tract were the Savannah lands carved, and the original deed carrying into effect and confirming the allotments made on the 7th of July, 1733,1 may now be seen in the office of the Secretary of State of Geor- 1 Other allotments, made subsequently to this date, are also included iu this deed, Additional colonists had arrived, among whom may be mentioned one hundred and thirty-two persons conveyed in the Savannah, which sailed from England on the 12th of September, 1733. See Gentleman's Magazine for 1733, p. 493. 156 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. gia. It is an instrument of the highest interest and value, and has withstood in a remarkable degree the obliterating influences of time and dust which, in the case of many contemporaneous documents, have " eaten out the letters," and " made a paren thesis betwixt every syllable." Unfortunately, the " Plan of Savannah" which accompanied it, and to which reference is therein made, has been lost. All efforts for its recovery have thus far proved futile. Preserving as it does the names of many of the earliest colo nists, indicating the estates granted, and designating the parcels then conveyed, we make no apology for introducing the following abstract of that important document: -- " To all to whom these Presents shall come; We, Thomas Christie and William Calvert, send greeting. Whereas by In dentures of Lease and Release made between the Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia in America on the one part; and us the said Thomas Christie and William Calvert and Joseph Hughes, deceased, on the other part, bearing date the twentyfifth day of October Anno Domini One thousand seven hundred thirty and two, under the common seal of the said Trustees, they the said Trustees did for the considerations therein mentioned Grant and convey unto us the said Thomas Christie and William Calvert and the said Joseph Hughes, deceased, and to the Sur vivors of us and our Assigns, Five Thousand Acres of Land lying and being in the Province of Georgia in America, being part and parcel of the Land which his Majesty graciously granted to the said Trustees by his Letters Patent bearing date the Ninth day of June Anno Domini One Thousand Seven Hundred thirty and two, to be set out in such parts of the said Province as should be thought convenient and proper by such Person as should be appointed by the Common Council for that purpose, under such limitations and in trust for such uses and purposes as are therein mentioned, as in and by the said Inden-> tures, relation being to them had, may more fully appear: And Whereas the said Common Council did by deed, under the Com mon Seal of the said Trustees, bearing Date the Twenty Sixth day of October Anno Domini One thousand seven hundred thirty and two authorize and appoint James Oglethorpe Esquire, of Westbrook Place in the County of Surry, to set out and limit the said Five Thousand Acres in such part of the said Province as he should think most convenient; And Whereas the said James Oglethorpe hath set out and limited the said Five thousand DEED TO LOTS IN SAVANNAH. 157 Acres in such a regular manner as is most convenient for the sup port of a Town and the Inhabitants thereof, and hath set out part of the said Five Thousand Acres for a Town called Savan nah, with Lotts for Houses, and left a Common round the Town for convenience of Air ; And, adjoining to the Common, hath set out Garden Lotts of Five Acres each, and beyond such Gar den Lotts hath set out Farms of Forty Four Acres and One hundred forty and one Pole each, and hath drawn a Plan of the Town, and Plot of the Garden Lots and Farms respectively, with proper Numbers, References, and Explanations for the more easy understanding thereof, which Plan and Plot are hereunto an nexed and set forth in Folio One and Folio Nine of this Book: " Now Know Ye, that we, the said Thomas Christie and Will iam Calvert, pursuant to the said Deed, and in performance of the said Trust, do Grant and Enfeoff unto John Goddard one House Lot in Wilmington Tything in Derby Ward, expressed in the said Plan by Number One, containing Sixty feet in front and Ninety feet in depth, and one Garden Lot containing Five Acres, expressed on the said Plot by Number Eleven, lying South East from the Center of the said Town, and one Farm expressed in the said Plot by Number Five and Letter A in the said Ward and Tything, containing Forty Four Acres and One Hundred Forty and One Pole, making together Fifty Acres of Land : To Have and To Hold the said Fifty Acres of Land unto him the said John Goddard during the term of his natural life, and after his decease then to the Heirs Male of his Body forever, Upon the Conditions and under the express Limitations hereinafter mentioned." Upon similar conditions, town lots in the various tithings and wards in Savannah, garden lots, and farms were conveyed in and by this deed to Walter Fox, John Grady, James Carwall, Rich ard Cannon, Frances Cox, relict of William Cox, William Cox, Jr., George Sims, Joseph Fitzwalter, Mary Samms, relict of John Samms, Elizabeth Warren, relict of John Warren, William War ren, son of the said John Warren, Mary Overend, relict of Joshua Overend, Francis Mugridge, Robert Johnson, William Horn, John Penrose, Elizabeth Hughes, relict of Joseph Hughes, Mary Hodges, relict of Richard Hodges, Mary Hodges, Elizabeth Hodges, and Sarah Hodges, -- daughters of the said Richard Hodges, -- James Muir, Thomas Christie, Joseph Cooper, John West, James Willson, Thomas Pratt, William Waterland, Eliza beth Bowling, relict of Timothy Bowling, Mary Bowling, 158 THE HISTOKY OF GEORGIA. daughter of the said Timothy Bowling, Elizabeth Millidge, relict of Thomas Millidge, Heirs Male of the said Thomas Millidge, William Little, Jane Parker, relict of Samuel Parker, Thomas Parker, son of the said Samuel Parker, Mary Magdalene Tibbeau, relict of Daniel Tibbeau, Heirs Male of the said Daniel Tibbeau, Hannah Close, relict of Henry Close, Ann Close, daughter of the said Henry Close, Joseph Stanley, Robert Clark, Peter Gordon, Thomas Causton, John Vanderplank, Thomas Young, Joseph Coles, Thomas Tebbit, John Dearn, John Wright, Noble Jones, Ann Hows, relict of Robert Hows, John Clark, William Gough, William MacKay, Thomas Ellis, Edward John son, Isaac Nunez Henriquez, William Mears, Moses le Desma, Paul Cheeswright, Samuel Nunez Ribiero, John Musgrove, Noble Wimberly Jones, Daniel Ribiero, Charles Philip Rogers, Moses Nunez Ribiero, Robert Gilbert, Edward Jenkins, Senior, Jacob Lopez d'Olivera, William Savory, Edward Jenkins, Junior, Isaac de Val, David Cohen del Monte, Benjamin Shaftell, Bearsley Gough, Robert Hows, Abraham Nunez Monte Santo, John Mil lidge, Jacob Yowel, Samuel Parker, Junior, Abraham Minis, Jacob Lopez de Crasto, and David de Pas; the said grantees "yielding and paying for such Town Lott, Garden Lott, and Farm, containing together Fifty Acres as aforesaid, to the said Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia in America, and to their Successors, yearly and every year, the Rent or Sum of two Shillings of lawful Money of Great Britain, the same to be paid to such person or persons and at such place in the said Town of Savannah in the said Province of Georgia as by the Common Council (for the time being) of the said Trustees shall be ap pointed. The first Payment to be made on the first Day of the Eleventh year to be computed from the Day of the date of these Presents: provided always, and these Presents are upon these conditions, that if it shall happen that the said yearly Rent of Two Shillings or any part thereof be unpaid by the space of Twelve Kalendar Months next after the day of Payment, on which the same ought to be paid as aforesaid, And if the said several persons or their respective Heirs above mentioned shall not within the space of Eighteen Kalendar Months from the date hereof erect one House of Brick, or framed, square timber work, on their respective Town Lotts, containing at the least Twenty four feet in length, upon Sixteen in breadth, and eight feet in height, and abide, settle, and continue in the said Province for and during the full term of three years to be-computed from the DEED TO LOTS IN SAVANNAH. 159 date hereof, and if the said several Persons and each of them respectively shall not, within the space of ten years, to be likewise computed from the date hereof, clear and cultivate Ten Acres of the said Land herein before to them respectively granted ; And if the said several Persons aforesaid shall not plant or cause to be planted, One Hundred plants of the White Mulberry Tree which are to be delivered unto them respectively by the said Trustees, so soon as the same or sufficient part thereof be cleared, and sufficiently fence and preserve the same from the bite of Cattle, and in stead of such Trees as shall happen to die or be destroyed shall not set other Trees of the same sort, And if any or either of the said several persons above mentioned who shall by virtue of these Presents, or of the Grant and Enfeoffment hereby made or intended to be made, now or at any time or times hereafter become possessed of the said Fifty Acres of Land or any part or parcel thereof respectively, at any time or times alien, transfer, or convey the same or any part thereof for any term of years, or any estate or interest in the same, to any Person or Persons whatsoever without special leave and licence of the said Common Council (for the time being) or of such Officer as the said Com mon Council shall from time to time authorize to Grant such licence ; And if the said Person or Persbns or any other Person who shall by virtue of these Presents and of the Grant in Tail Male hereby made from time to time become possessed of the said Fifty Acres of Land shall do or commit any Treason, Misprison of Treason, Insurrection, Rebellion, Counterfeiting the Money of Great Britain, or shall commit Murder, Felony, Homicide, Kill ing, Burglary, Rape of women, unlawful Conspiracy or Con federacy, and shall be thereof lawfully convicted; and if any of the said Person or Persons hereinbefore mentioned or any other Person or Persons who shall by virtue of these Presents and of the Grant hereby made, from time to time become possessed of any of the said Fifty Acres of Land shall at any time hire, keep, lodge, board, or employ within the limits of the said Province of Georgia any person or persons being Black or Blacks, Negroe or Negroes, or any other Person or Persons being a Slave or Slaves, on any account whatsoever without the special leave and licence of the said Common Council (for the time being) of the said Trustees, that then and from thenceforth in any or either of the aforesaid cases it shall be lawful to and for the said Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia in America and their Succes sors into and upon the said Fifty Acres of Land hereby granted 160 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. of such person so offending, and upon any and every part thereof in the name of the whole to reenter and the same to have again, retain, repossess and enjoy as if this present grant had never been made ; And all and every such Person or Persons so neglecting, or misbehaving him or themselves in any or either of the cases aforesaid, and all other the occupyers and possessors of the said Fifty Acres of Land (to such person so misbehaving as aforesaid belonging) or any part or parcel thereof, thereout and from thence utterly to expel, put out, and amove ; And also upon the Entry in any of the cases before mentioned of such Officer or Officers who shall by the said Common Council (for the time being) be for that purpose authorized and appointed, the Grant hereby made of the said Fifty Acres of Land unto such Person so misbehaving as aforesaid shall cease, determine, and become void. " In Witness Whereof the said Thomas Christie, and William Calvert have hereunto set their Hands and Seals this twenty-first day of December in the year of Our Lord One Thousand Seven Hundred Thirty and Three. "Tnos. CHEISTIE [L S]. "WM. CALVEET [L SJ." Attached to the foregoing conveyance is the following schedule exhibiting the names of the Grantees and the numbers and loca tions of their respective gardens and farms : -- Gardens. Farms. Gardens. Farms. PERCIVAL WARD. MORE TYTHING. No. I. John Graham, Samuel Marcer, William Brownjohn. 3 4 8 James Willoughby, HOLLAND TYTHING. L. Robert More, SLOPER TYTHING. M. Robert Potter, Henry Parker, 7 Robert Hanks, Thomas Gapen, Thomas Egerton, Francis Delgrass, John Desborough, Jeremiah Papot, Lewis Bowen, Peter Baillou, John Kelly, James Papot. John Lawrence, Thomas Chenter. HUCKS TYTHING. K. HEATHCOTE WARD. John Millidge, Jacob Yowel, 45 E. 10 EYLES TYTHING. 65 W. 1 LAROCHE TYTHING. No. No.. Samuel Parker, Jun% 32 W. 7 Jacob Lopez de Cras- Abraham Minis, 51 W. 6 to, 42 W. James Turner, Thomas Atwell, Hugh Frazier, 9 David de Pas. 2 VERNON TYTHING. 5 BELITHA TYTHING. 27 W. P. Q- NAMES OF GRANTEES. 161 Gardens. Farms. Gardens. Farms. DERBY WARD. WILMINGTON TYTH ING. No. A. John Goddard, 33 E. 5 Walter Fox, 12 E. 4 John Grady, 53 E. 8 James Carwall, 61 E. 6 Richard Cannon, 62 E. 5 Frances, Relict of Dr. William Cox, 52 E. 7 George Sims, 41 E. 10 Joseph Fitzwalter, 37 E. 9 Relict of John Samms, 7E. 3 Elizabeth, Relict of John Warren. 64 E. 2 JEKYLL TYTHING. B. Mary, Relict of Josh ua Overend, 51 E. 9 Francis Mugridge, 37 E. 2 Robert Johnson, 42 E. 6 William Horn, 59 E. 5 John Penrose, 30 E. 1 Joseph Hughes, 26 E. 4 Mary, Relict of Rich ard Hodges, 36 E. 10 James Muir, 48 E. 7 Thomas Christie, 3E. 8 Joseph Cooper. 27 E. 3 TYRCONNEL TYTHING. C. John West, 13 E. 3 James Willson, 63 E. 8 Thomas Pratt, 57 E. 5 William Waterland, 22 E. 4 Timothy Bowling, 4E. 2 Elizabeth, Relict of Thomas Millidge, 66 E. 6 Elizabeth, Relict of William Little, 60 E. 7 Samuel Parker, Sen', 49 E. 9 Daniel Tibbeau, 39 E. 1 Henry Close. 6 E. 10 FREDERICK TYTHING. D. Joseph Stanley, 34 E. 6 Robert Clark, 9E. 3 Peter Gordon, 10 E. 7 Thomas Causton, 8 E. 10 John Vanderplank, 5 E. 9 Thomas Young, 38 E. 4 Joseph Coles, Thomas Tibbit, John Dearn, John Wright. 65 E. 3 51 E. 8 24 E. 2 1 E. 5 DECKER'S WARD. DIGBY TYTHING. No. E. John Clark, 34 E. 5 William Gough, 36 W. 2 William Mackay, 97 W. Thomas Ellis, 35 E. 9 Edward Johnson, 36 E. 1 Isaac Nunez Hen- riquez, 33 W. 7 William Mears, 23 E. 6 Moses le Desma. 41 W. 10 CARPENTER TYTHING. F. Noble Jones, 29 E. 6 Paul Cheeswright, 40 E. 5 Samuel Nunez Ribi- ero, 63 W. 3 John Musgrove, 45 E. 9 Noble Wimberly Jones, 25 E. 8 Daniel Ribiero, 43 W. 2 Charles Philip Rog ers, 47 E. 10 Moses Nunez Ribie ro, 64 W. 4 Robert Gilbert. 2E. 1 TOWER TYTHING. G. Edward Jen kins, Senr , 40 W. 2 Jacob Lopez d'Oli- vero, 30 W. 7 William Savory, 33 W. 3 Edward Jenkins, Junr, 68 W. 9 Isaac de Val. 70 W. HEATHCOTE TYTHING. H. David Cohen del Monte, 61 W. 30 Benjamin Shaftell, 72 W. 6 Bearsley Gough, Robert Hows, ---- Hows, 23 E. 5 44 E. Abraham Nunez Monte Santo, 34 W. Peter Tondee. After the surrender of their charter by the trustees, and upon the establishment of a royal government for Georgia, the early cessions of lots within the corporate limits of Savannah, although 162 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. signed by the colonial governor, were made in the name of the king of England, of his "special grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion." The grantee took in free and common socage, with a rent reservation of one pepper-corn payable yearly, if demanded. He also covenanted to erect a house upon the lot within two years from the date of the grant. Should he fail to build within the two years, he further stipulated, upon the ex piration of that period, to pay annually to the Crown the sum of .) An act proclaiming it high treason to counterfeit his majesty's broad seal of this province. ( Cannon. 20 1, 2,3, 8, 9 Pounders ) 4 12 10 Pounders. Haubices. 4 100 50 Pounders. Mortars. 50 " The Garrison for the place is to be 300 Regulars, sufficient to defend it against a surprise, but against a siege the Garrison must be reinforced with 700 men. 350 Militia ? _ 350 Indians ) ma*e a Gams" of 1000 men. 700 " Hardwicke is to be a Triangle, i. e. three Poligons, 600 feet each, with three detached Bastions, being only a Citadel com manding the River and Town. ARTILLERY FOR THIS PLACE. 5 24 18 Pounders^ 6 12 Pounders >- Cannon. 10 1,2,3,8,9 Pounders) 2 12 10 2 100 50 Pounders. Haubices. Pounders. Mortars. 25 508 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. The Garrison is ...... 150 Regulars. The Reinforcement 300 Men . . . -(s 11K5-n0 ITndi,.ans. 450 " Cockspur is to be a Triangular Fort, i. e. three Poligons, a. 132 feet, with three Semi Bastions or a Block House with a Re doubt of 4 Poligons, each 100 feet, without any Bastion, being only to defend the Mouth of Savannah River. 6 24 3 12 29 28 2 10 ARTILLERY. 18 Pounders'] Pounders I Pounders r Pounders j Pounders. Haubices. 15 The Garrison is ...... 30 Regulars. The Reinforcement 70 Men . . . . 1(3Q5C ITnd,i.ans'. 100 " Savannah is to be a Square, i. e. four Poligons, each 448 feet, with four Bastions, 3 upon the Bluff to command the Town, and one below the Bluff: besides a Battery upon the Bluff to com mand the River, being only a Citadel to command both the River and Town. ARTILLERY. 8 24 18 Pounders ) 4 12 Pounders > Cannon. 10 1, 2, 3, 8, 9 Pounders ) 2 12 10 2 100 50 Haubices. Mortars. 26 The Garrison is ..... The Reinforcement 300 Men . . . 150 Regulars. j(. 1J5J0J MIndiliiatinas.. 450 " Augusta will be the same as Savannah, only altogether upon one Horison, or like Hardwicke, being a Citadel of that Form. ARTILLERY. 12 12 Pounders > 10 1, 2, 3, 8, 9 Pounders {Cannon. 2 10 Pounders. Haubices. 24 FORTIFICATION OF GEORGIA. 509 The Garrison is ..... The Reinforcement 300 Men . . . 150 Regulars. (150 Militia. 1^ ilu^vn,1 JI-nUdU-ilacinnHs* 450. . ' The Pass, or Ferry over the head of the Great Ogeechee River will be a Block House, in a Redoubt of 4 Poligons, 100 feet each, without any Bastion, being only a Protection of the Passage over the River. ARTILLERY. 4 8 Pounders 4 3 Pounders 8 The Garrison is ...... The Reinforcement 70 Men 30 Regulars. f 35 Militia. 100 " The Forks will be the same as Hardwicke, or Augusta, that is a Triangle or Square. ARTILLERY. 22 1, 2, 3, 8, 9 Pounders. Cannon. 2 10 Pounders. Haubices. 24 The Garrison is ..... rTmh.e TR>einfeorcemen4t. 3O0AA0 TMV*en . . . 150 Regulars. 1(150,, (. 150 MITndi,li.iatinas. . 450 Regular Garrisons in aH . 960 ARTILLERY. Militia ..... 1020 f 24, 18 Pounders 29 Indians . . . . .1020 Cannon. 412 Pounders 37 Rangers . . . . 200 (.1,2,3,8,9 Pounders 84 ---- Haubices, 12, 10 Pounders 14 3,200 Mortars, 100, 50 Pounders 8 172 " All these Forts are only projected in earth work faced with Facines or Turf, being the cheapest way in all Parts of the World to fortify by; but since workmanship is so very dear in these parts because of the scarcity of White People to employ to such purposes, and those few that can be got cannot be obliged for any time, and consequently there is no accounting upon White People let the encouragement be what it will; it will therefore answer much better and be more advantageous to buy 150 Negroes and 510 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. to but them under the conduct of three conductors and six over seers, to every fifty negroes one conductor and two overseers ; one of the conductors to be a Bricklayer, one a Carpenter, and one a Blacksmith: two of the overseers to be Bricklayers, two Carpen ters, and two Blacksmiths, and if possible all Sailors likewise. They chuse the best hands of those sensible Negroes they think fit to assist in their business when required. These Negroes are to be employed either in one place or in two or three as will be requisite to carry on the most necessary Works. These trains of Pioneers are under the direction of a Premiere Engineer who is assisted by a Lieutenant or Second Engineer, and are likewise to have a Doctor and two Mates. " If these Negroes are bought in Africa and brought over to America they will not amount to 4500 pounds sterling. Their maintenance per annum each at 5 pounds sterling ................ The Six Overseers Salary per annum 30 sterlg. ..... The 3 Conductors Salary per annum 50 ........ The Doctor with two Mates per annum ........ Tne Second Engineer per annum .......... 750 180 150 180 182 1,825 The amount of it in 10 years, which time all the work may be finished ..................... For extraordinary expenses to build or buy Boats, Iron, Steel, and necessary Tools, and to hire now and then Soldiers or others when necessary, 1000 per annum ........... Add to this the buying the Negroes ......... 18,250 10,000 4,500 32,750 Suppose of 150 Negroes at the end of Ten Years there are but 100 left, every one of these will be worth 40 pounds sterlg. to sell in America, ................... Consequently the expense of fortifying the whole Province of Georgia (subtracting the sale of the Negroes) will amount only to 4,000 28,750 "No other Calculation can be made in this part of the World, and it is certainly a way to do anything of this kind much cheaper than in Europe." Novel as this scheme was, and economical as it appeared to be, it did not receive the sanction of the Board of Trade, and the defenses of Georgia were suffered to remain in a deplorable con dition. Fortunately their protective powers were not called into requisition. Contemporaneously with this document was received from the POLITICAL DISAGREEMENTS. 511 governor a dolorous letter in which, again alluding to his small salary of .600 a year, he states that all the perquisites of his office do not amount to .60 per annum; that his fees for issuing new grants aggregate not more than .123 15s.; that although he lived in the most frugal way, his expenses exceeded his in come ; that no outfit had been allowed him; that he had been at a charge of <1,000 in that behalf, and that he saw no way of reim bursing himself for this outlay. He earnestly, prays the favor able consideration of the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, and requests that his salary be made equal to that of the governor of North Carolina. We do not find that this peti tion was granted. The truth is the governor before long became involved in a controversy with the General Assembly, and soon lost what influence he at first exerted over that body. On the part of the chief magistrate it was urged that the members of the house were too greedy of power; that his mes sages were not by them treated with becoming respect; that they were niggardly and dilatory in providing means for the support of government and the defrayal of the expenses of the court of oyer and terminer; that they were indifferent in re gard to the prompt and efficient administration of justice; and that at least some of them were unfaithful and incompetent. His strictures upon the general conduct of his council were equally severe.1 Per contra, it was asserted that upon Governor Reynolds' first arrival in the colony he was heartily welcomed, and that the live liest anticipations were entertained of a happy and prosperous administration ; that only a few months after entering upon the duties of his office he entrusted its affairs and those of the prov ince to William Little, a surgeon in the Navy, whom he had brought over with him in the capacity of a private secretary, a person unaccustomed to the transaction of business and " of the most despotic principles;" that this Dr. Little was guilty of ex tortion as clerk of the general court, of falsifying a minute of the house of representatives, of which he was the clerk, "in order to cover his sinking a Bill which had passed both Houses," and also of forging another minute in regard to another bill which had received the sanction of the General Assembly; that although advised of all this the partiality of the governor for his favorite led him to bestow upon this unworthy recipient two or three 1 See Letter of Governor Reynolds to the Board of Trade, dated the 29th of March, 1756. 512 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. other employments of value; that the General Assembly had been dissolved leaving half the taxes of the past year uncollected and those for the current year unprovided for, merely to frustrate an inquiry into the conduct of Dr. Little; that the governor con stantly endeavored to belittle the council, ignoring them when questions of moment were to be discussed, and convening them upon occasions the most trivial; that he only partially communi cated to the members his majesty's instructions; that he fre quently acted in direct opposition to their advice in the determi nation of affairs in which they were to cooperate; that, utterly ignoring the presence and office of the. members of council who attended him to Augusta upon the occasion of the distribution of the royal presents to the Indians, he delegated the whole busi ness to Dr. Little, who was totally unworthy of the trust; that he suspended Mr. Clement Martin, a member of council, for no cause other than that he presented the council's remonstrance against Dr. Little; that without consultation with that body he appointed " judicial and ministerial offices of justice" and re fused to allow the protests of members to be entered upon the minutes; that he inserted or omitted what he pleased in making up the journal of council; that he had erected " a new and ex traordinary Judicature," where he alone presided; that he inter fered in a lawless manner in the conduct of causes in the general court; that he failed to countenance the officers in the fearless discharge of their legitimate duties; that he had been partial in ceding the public lands; that he encouraged vexatious prosecu tions against parties who incurred his anger; that he transcended his powers in filling offices which stood only within the gift of the Crown ; that his general conduct of affairs had produced such dissatisfaction that the colony so far from increasing in popula tion and wealth was daily retrograding; and that his administra tion of the government was incompetent, partial, and tyrannical.1 Exaggerated as some of these charges may have been, the complaints which came up from the colony were too frequent and too earnest to be suffered by the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations to pass unheeded. That the governor was too much under the influence of his unscrupulous secretary was manifest to all. It was not to be denied that he applied to 1 See Letter of Alexander Kellet, member of Council and Provost General of the Colony, to the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, under date of July 7, 1756 See Letter of Jonathan Bryan to Lord Halifax, dated Savannah, April 6, 1756. RECALL OF GOVERNOR REYNOLDS. 513 the conduct of the colony, the council, and the House of Assem bly the same arbitrary rules which he had been accustomed to promulgate upon the quarter-deck of his man-of-war. Evidently lie was not fitted for his present station, and the colony was not flourishing under his guidance. His majesty was memorialized on the subject, and from Whitehall there came an order, dated the 3d of August, 1756, signifying the royal pleasure that the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations " should imme diately direct Governor Reynolds to come to England to answer for his conduct in his Government." The same document ap proved the "recommendation of Henry Ellis Esq. to be appointed Lieutenant-Governor of Georgia during the absence of Mr. Rey nolds," and requested the Lords of Trade " to prepare and trans mit for his Majesty's signature the proper commission for that purpose." In pursuance of these instructions the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, two days afterwards, forwarded a copy of this royal order to Governor Reynolds, enjoining his prompt return to England " to the end that an account of the present situation and circumstances of the Province and his conduct in the administi'ation of government there might be laid before his Majesty for his further directions thereupon." This communication was received on the 16th of February, 1757. Resigning the government into the hands of his successor, he embarked for England in a merchant ship, the Charming Martha. Captured in transitu by a French privateer, he was carried into the port of Bayonne. Thus delayed, he did not reach London until the 7th of July. During his imprisonment he was stripped of all his possessions. To the charges preferred against him Governor Reynolds prepared and submitted an elab orate reply. In that defense he claimed that while he might have committed mistakes, he had never been guilty of anything criminal, or of any willful disobedience of orders. With great propriety he entreated the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations to remember the fact that he was the first royal governor, and to consider the difficult task he had to perform in framing the earliest laws, in establishing a police, in adapting a constitution, and in selecting competent persons to fill the various minor offices of trust. His defense, as a whole, did not excul pate him in the eyes of the Board of Trade. He was allowed to resign his gubernatorial commission and to resume his rank in the Navy. 514 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. In reviewing the conduct of Governor Reynolds it must be admitted that to one of his calling the position of governor of a province was peculiarly trying. In the language of Bishop Stevens,1 " unused to legislative bodies, unconversant with courts of law, unversed in the functions of his office, he was transferred from the quarter-deck of a man-of-war to the helm of a royal province, and was required to begin, arrange, digest, and carry out the many necessary steps and changes in the first establish ing of a new, and to the people untried, form of government. This required a patience, energy, knowledge, and firmness which Governor Reynolds did not possess. He was not adequate to the duties which his station required, and yielding to the machina tions of his private secretary he made himself obnoxious by de volving upon a parasite powers which he himself should have used with knowledge and discretion." Once again afloat, how ever, he took his place among the trusted officers of the greatest naval power of the world, and died an admiral of the blue. 1 History of Georgia, vol. i. p. 425. New York. MDCCCXLVIL CHAPTER XXXII. LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR ELLIS ARRIVES IN GEORGIA AND is HEARTILY WEL COMED. -- TEMPER OF THE COLONY. -- PRUDENCE AND IMPARTIALITY OF THE NEW CHIEF MAGISTRATE. -- HE VISITS THE SOUTHERN FRONTIER AND RECOMMENDS THE REMOVAL OF THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT FROM SAVAN NAH TO HARDWICKE. -- COURTESIES EXCHANGED BETWEEN THE EXECUTIVE AND THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY. -- GEORGIA DIVIDED INTO EIGHT PARISHES. -- LEGISLATIVE ENACTMENTS. -- PROVISION FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT, IN CORPORATION, AND SUPPORT OF CHURCHES. -- ELLIS' REPORT OF THE CON DITION OF THE PROVINCE IN 1758. -- ELLIS COMMISSIONED GOVERNOR. -- GEORGIA UNABLE TO ASSIST IN THE WAR AGAINST THE FRENCH IN AMER ICA. -- CONFERENCE AND TREATY WITH THE INDIANS AT SAVANNAH. -- ED MUND GREY AND HIS ADHERENTS. -- HEAT AT SAVANNAH. -- GOVERNOR ELLIS IN ILL-HEALTH SOLICITS A RECALL. -- JAMES WRIGHT APPOINTED HIS SUCCESSOR. -- DEPARTURE OF GOVERNOR ELLIS. AVOIDING the errors which had been committed by Captain Reynolds in the administration of governmental affairs in Geor gia, and cognizant of the unsettled condition of the public mind in that province, Governor Ellis at the outset appears to have formed a resolution to act the part of a pacificator and, by a firm, impartial, and yet conciliatory course, to accommodate all divis ions of sentiment, and to unify the inhabitants in a general ef fort to promote peace, good order, and prosperity. The official duties which were now to claim his attention were to him quite novel. His tastes had hitherto led him in the paths of scientific inquiry and geographical discovery. His had been the life of a student and of an author. When not forty years old he was entrusted by Parliament with the conduct of an important expedition in quest of a new passage to the Pacific. For more than a twelvemonth, in the execution of this commission, did he endure the dangers and the rigors of frozen seas. The results of his observations and discoveries were communicated in a publication which attracted general notice and elicited much commendation not only in England, but also in France, Germany, and Holland. So highly were his services and attainments appreciated both by the learned of England and by the government itself that at the hands of the former he was 516 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. complimented with a fellowship of the Royal Society, and by the latter was rewarded with the appointment of deputy commissary general. Through the influence of the Earl of Halifax he was selected as the successor of Governor Reynolds: and the " London Gazette " in noticing his promotion speaks of him as an " active, sensible, and honest man." Although royal assent to this advancement was signified on the 3d of August, 1756, the year was hastening to its close be fore the governor found a suitable opportunity for departing upon his mission. Arriving in Charlestown late in January, he was there the recipient of many courtesies extended by the Caro lina authorities. It was not until the 16th of February, 1757, that he reached Savannah. As he landed from his barge, welcoming shouts ascended from the assembled multitude. Wearied with and disappointed at the rule of Governor Reynolds, the inhab itants longed for the advent of the new chief magistrate from whom so much was expected. They received him with open arms. Amid the joy of the present and the anticipations of the future the sorrows of the past were forgotten. Pausing not to dally with the salutations of the citizens, with genuine civility he at once repaired to the residence of Governor Reynolds and there paid his formal respects. Then it was that he gratefully responded to the general welcome supplemented by thunders of artillery from the land battery and from the ship ping in port. Accompanying Captain Reynolds to the chamber where the members of council were assembled, he produced his commission as lieutenant-governor of the province. It was pub licly read. He took the oaths of office. The great seal was delivered into his custody ; and so the ceremony of his induction into the gubernatorial chair of Georgia was ended. The evening was given up to illuminations, the firing of guns, and to lusty cheers. Little, the marplot, was publicly burned in effigy. Soon from the freeholders of Savannah, of Ogeechee and Midway dis tricts, from the Masonic fraternity, and from other organized societies came congratulatory addresses complimentary to the lieutenant-governor and anticipatory of the benefits which would flow from the reforms it was confidently believed he would inaugurate. Among those who, in an organized capacity, ten dered a welcome was a band of school-boys, associated together as a military company. Having first paraded before his excel lency and secured his commendation of their soldierly appearance WISE POLICY OF GOVERNOR ELLIS. 517 and well-executed manoeuvres, through their captain these boys presented this address: -- " SIR,-- The youngest Militia of this Province presume by their Captain, to salute your Honour on your arrival. Although we are of too tender years to comprehend the blessing a good Governor is to a Province, our parents will doubtless experience it in its utmost extent, and their grateful tale shall fix your name dear in our memories." This episode Governor Ellis cherished among the most pleas ing incidents connected with his early sojourn in the colony. Prior to leaving England he had endeavored to familiarize himself with the pressing wants of the colony, and to acquire an intelligent apprehension of the causes which produced its existing distractions. The lamentable state of the public defenses and the absence of military stores were within his knowledge. He had also been made acquainted with the malevolent influences which the French were seeking to exert over the minds of the Cherokees, and with the jealousies entertained by the Spaniards. It was evident that the continued good-will of the natives could be thoroughly retained only through the liberal use of acceptable gifts. Before sailing for Georgia he had therefore addressed a memorial to the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations requesting them without delay to forward five hundred muskets with which to arm the militia of the province, to send additional presents for the Indians, and to dispatch a ship of war to protect the coast. This application was heeded, and the speedy fulfillment of his request at the outset not only rendered the province more capa ble of self-protection, but confirmed the confidence of the colo nists both in his inclination' to promote their welfare and in his ability to compass their security. One of his earliest public acts was to reinstate two members of council who, without just cause, had been removed by Governor Reynolds. This he did with such fairness and impartiality that no umbrage was taken. The temper of the community is thus reported in an early com munication : " I found the people here exceedingly dissatisfied with each other, and an almost universal discontent arising from the late proceedings, and persons in power. Few approached me that were not inflamed with resentment and liberal in invec tives ; urgent that I should take some immediate and very violent steps, such as a total change in tmblic officers, and the dissolution 518 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. of the Assembly." The sound judgment exercised and the wise course pursued by him under these delicate and trying circumstances are certified by the following extract from one of his letters to the Board of Trade: " Sensible of my own inexperience and of the violence of such counsels, fearful of being misled, and aiming rather at healing the wounds and extinguishing the flame of party than stirring it anew, I forebore making any material alteration until I should be qualified to act from observation and experience in order that the changes I shall then make may rather be attributed to my own judgment than to the advice of designing and interested people. This suspense will give time for men's passions to subside, and for truth to appear through the cloud of party prejudice that at present obscures it." This conduct, calm, conservative, self-reliant, deliberate, dis passionate, and statesmanlike, produced an effect most beneficial. The tool of no faction, the instrument of no party, he sought only the public good. The colonists quickly recognized his merit, his impartiality, his integrity, his zeal for the common weal, and accorded to him a place high in their respect and affection. He took occasion without delay to memorialize the Board of Trade upon the necessity of at once furnishing the colony with a chief justice so that judicial proceedings might be conducted with becoming uniformity, dignity, and fairness. During the pre ceding administration the legal rights of parties had, on various occasions, failed of proper assertion, and sometimes the suprem acy of the bench within its legitimate sphere was openly disputed and violently set at naught. His representations also with re gard to maintaining amicable relations with the Indians, rebuild ing the forts on the frontiers, enlisting troops to defend them, and in respect to the encouragement of silk culture, were intelli gent and emphatic. That the members of the General Assembly might enjoy a respite from their labors and have time for reflection before en tering upon the business to which he purposed inviting their attention, Governor Ellis by a short message, sent in on the 17th of February, 1757, adjourned that body until the 8th of March, and, prior to its assembling, continued its recess until the 16th of June. In April he visited the southern parts of the colony and formed the personal acquaintance of many of its inhabitants residing at points remote from Savannah, the commercial metropolis and still the capital of the province. So impressed was he with the ADDRESS OF GOVERNOR ELLIS. 519 central location of Hardwicke on the Great Ogeechee, with its commercial advantages, and with the fertility of the adjacent lands, that he sympathized fully in the suggestion which had been made by Governor Reynolds that the capital of Georgia should be transferred from Savannah and established at this point. Clinging to this scheme, and hoping that it would commend it self to the approbation of the Board of Trade, Governor Reynolds had sadly neglected the public buildings at Savannah. The in habitants, too, believing that the seat of government was soon to be thence removed, ceased to be interested in extending and beautifying their town. As has already been intimated, the Fila ture was then out of repair. Christ Church was so much de cayed that it had to be propped up to keep it from falling down, and the prison " was shocking to humanity." 1 Upon the assembling of the Upper and Lower Houses on the 16th of June, 1757, the governor addressed them as follows : -- " Gentlemen of the Council and of the Commons House of As sembly. " The Honour his Majesty has been graciously pleased to con fer on me in appointing me to preside in the Government of this Province calls in a particular Manner for the Exertion of my best Abilities to approve myself not unworthy of so distinguish ing a Mark of the Royal Favour. " Persuaded I am that the surest Means of doing this will be to consult your Felicity and the general Welfare of this Infant Colony. " Directed by these Considerations I shall always be glad of your Advice and Assistance, and shall esteem every Proposal of yours of the same Tendency as the most important Service you can render me. " I can with unfeigned Sincerity declare that I enter upon this Station with the most disinterested Views, without Prejudice to any Man or Body of Men, or Retrospect to past Transactions or Disputes, but animated with the warmest Zeal for whatever con cerns your Happiness or the publick Utility: sincerely inclined to concur with you in every just and necessary Measure, and fully resolved that if unfortunately my Wishes and Endeavours prove fruitless, to be the first to solicit my Recall. " From such Dispositions on my Part I would willingly hope that you will not be wanting on yours; I flatter myself that your Zeal for the publick Good is at least equal, and that you come 1 See Stcvens' History of Georgia, vol. i. p. 433. New York. MDCCCXLVII. 520 THE HIST011Y OF GEORGIA. together in the most dispassionate Temper, divested of Preposses sion, Animosity and Distrust, -- Heartily disposed to cooperate with me in promoting the publick Service by establishing Order, mutual Confidence and domestic Tranquillity, as there never was a Conjuncture when these were more immediately necessary. " However interesting the Objects that used to engage your Thoughts may seem, they certainly bear no Proportion to those that now demand your Attention. Your Religion, your Liberty, your all is at stake. I do therefore earnestly exhort you to study your true Interests only; not to spend, your Time, so valuable to yourselves and the Public, in the Pursuit of Things trivial or unreasonable, that may defeat the great Ends of your Meeting. Lay aside your Jealousies of each Other and of Government, and do not forget that you are People who have great and daily Obli gations to your Mother Country for Support and Protection in this your exposed and hopeless State; that you have a consti tutional Dependence upon her, calculated for your Advantage, Security, and the general Good; and that from a suitable and becoming Conduct alone you will be entitled to, and may rea sonably expect a Continuation of her Regard and Assistance; and every Sort of Encouragement and Indulgence from me that his Majesty's Instructions (framed upon the purest principles of Equity and the strictest Regard to your Happiness) can au thorize. " It is evident how much you have been the object of the royal Attention and Favour by the late Establishment of a regular System of Government among you, wherein your Interest and Convenience were principally consulted. " It is further manifested by the Readiness with which the late supply of Arms and Ammunition were granted and Presents for securing the Indians in your Alliance and Defence at a Time of great Exigence when the very Existence of the State is threatened by the Efforts of a powerful and implacable Enemy. " These Considerations ought to inspire you with the deepest Sentiments of Gratitude, and these Sentiments will be best shown in the Discharge of those Duties you owe yourselves and your Country upon this important Occasion. " As I know how precious your Time now is, I call you to gether but for a short Sitting, although upon Points of the last Consequence to your present Safety, Credit, and future Pros perity. " Gentlemen, it would be needless to represent to you the dan- ADDRESS OF GOVERNOR ELLIS. 521 gerous Situation you are in, and the absolute Necessity there is of exerting Yourselves vigorously, by employing in the most speedy and efficacious Manner every Means in your Power that may tend to avert those affecting Calamities that have already been so severely felt by some and are justly dreaded by all his Majesty's American Subjects, notwithstanding his paternal En deavours to prevent them. " The Chief Part of these Misfortunes may not improperly be ascribed to the shameful Neglect, not to say Perverseness of those who suffer, and by whose timely Efforts and Attention they might in a great Measure have been prevented. " Instructed by so fatal an Example, and urged by so many pressing and alarming Circumstances, I doubt not that you will distinguish yourselves by an uncommon Zeal and Alacrity in con certing and carrying into Execution such Measures as are most suitable to the dangerous Crisis. " When Alarms are sounding from every Quarter, and when so active and formidable an Enemy is upon your Borders, pro jecting by every Means that inveterate Malice can suggest the Accomplishment of your Ruin, no Time is to be lost. " I am sensible it is but little you are able to do, yet that Lit tle should be done with Spirit and Cheerfulness becoming Eng lishmen who know how to prize the peculiar and inestimable Blessings they enjoy. " The Construction of Log Forts in proper Situations would certainly contribute to your Safety by affording Places of Re treat where, upon any sudden Emergency, a short stand might be made until Succour could arrive: and any Encouragement that can be given toward procuring an Accession of Inhabitants would accelerate your Prosperity, add to your Strength, and be the best Security in Times to come. "These weighty Considerations naturally suggest the Expedi ency and Necessity of framing forthwith such Laws as shall be most conducive to those salutary Ends. *' Gentlemen of the Commons House of Assembly. " I have ordered the State of the publick Debt to be laid be fore you, and I rely upon your taking the most effectual and least burthensome Method for its Discharge and for preventing the like Incumbrances for the future. As the Maintenance of the publick Faith and Credit of this Province is at all Times essen tially necessary, more especially at the present when your Safety is so closely connected with it, I therefore hope it will constitute a capital object of your Deliberations. 522 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. " Gentlemen of the Council and of the Commons House of As sembly. " I defer matters of a more general Nature to a future Occasion when the Season will admit of a longer Absence from your pri vate Concerns, and have now only to recommend to you in the strongest Manner Unanimity and Dispatch, and you may depend on my ready Concurrence in everything that can promote your real Happiness." Upon an assembly lately at variance with the chief magis trate of the colony, and sometimes suffering from a lack of unity among its members, this affectionate, high-toned, and patriotic speech from the new governor produced a profound and roost favorable impression. Mr. Habersham, Mr. Knox, Mr. Harris, Mr. Clifton, and Mr. James Mackay were appointed to prepare and present to the governor an address of thanks. This was done in the following terms : -- " May it please your Honour. " We, his Majesty's most dutiful and loyal Subjects, the Coun cil of Georgia in General Assembly met, beg Leave to return your Honour our unfeigned Thanks for your affectionate Speech to both Houses at the opening of this Session. " With Hearts overflowing with Gratitude to the best of Kings for his paternal Goodness in taking the distressed Circumstances of this Province into his royal Consideration and appointing your Honour to preside over us, we take this first Opportunity of con gratulating your Honour upon your safe Arrival in this Prov ince, and promise to ourselves from your Honour's distinguished Abilities, acknowledged Probity, and unwearied Application, that the Day of your Arrival will prove the -/Era of the Prosperity of this Colony. " We beg Leave to assure your Honour that we shall at all Times esteem it our indispensable Duty to offer you our best Ad vice and Assistance, and shall also chearfully cooperate with you in every just and necessary Measure for the general Welfare and Felicity of this infant Colony; not doubting but your Wishes and Endeavours will merit the Divine Favour, and that your Honour will prove a long and lasting Blessing to this Province. "We are truly sensible of our exposed and helpless State, and the great Necessity there is for Unanimity and mutual Confi dence in this Time of publick Danger, and we do with the great est Sincerity assure your Honour that we will, to the utmost of our Power, studiously avoid every Occasion of Altercation and RESPONSE OF THE ASSEMBLY. 523 the Pursuit of Things trivial or unseasonable, and that we shall ever retain the most grateful Remembrance of the great Obliga tions we have to our Mother Country for Support and Protection, and of her constant Attention to our Safety so recently manifested by the very seasonable Supply of Arms and Ammunition, and Presents for securing the Indians in our Alliance and Defence in this critical Conjuncture ; constantly bearing in Mind our Con stitutional Dependence on her, and endeavouring to frame our Conduct so that it may intitle us to a Continuance of her Regard and Assistance and to the royal Favour and Indulgence. " The distressed and calamitous Condition of many of his Maj esty's Subjects on this Continent deeply affects us, and we shall, with the greatest Readiness, concur in every Measure in our Power to enable your Honour to defeat the Machinations of our Enemies and to avert those Evils their Malice may suggest for the Accomplishment of our Ruin. " We are sorry to say that little is in our Power, but that Little we shall do with Spirit and Alacrity, accounting the Preserva tion of those invaluable Blessings, our Religion, Laws, and Lib erties, our nearest Concern. " We shall give immediate Attention to the framing of such Laws as may best tend to the Security of this Province and the Increase of its Inhabitants, and shall readily join in effectually supporting the public Credit, and preventing future Incumbrances." 1 The pledges thus given were honestly and patriotically ob served. During the administration of Governor Ellis harmony and good-will obtained between the executive and the houses constituting the General Assembly. Even the efforts of Little, who had so long disturbed the public tranquillity, to poison the minds of some of the legislators and to excite a prejudice against the new chief magistrate failed to engender any distrust or to cause a division in the sentiments of the assembly. He had been unmasked. The day of his influence and power was over. Those who had of late fattened by the favor of Governor Reynolds deserted the cause of the deposed chief magistrate, and Governor Ellis was soon able to report the " hydra faction which had long preyed upon the happiness of the people seems at present ex piring." Regularly were the sessions of the General Assembly held dur- 1 See MS. Journal of the Council in Assembly for the Province of Georgia, pp. 163-171. 624 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. ing Governor Ellis' term of office, and its deliberations were characterized by harmony, ability, and honesty. One of the most interesting acts passed by the legislature dur ing this administration was that dividing the several districts of the province into parishes, providing for the establishment of religious worship according to the rites and ceremonies of the Church of England, and empowering the church-wardens and vestrymen of the respective parishes to assess rates for the repair of churches, the relief of the poor, and for other parochial ser vices. This act was approved on the 17th of March, 1758. Ac cording to its provisions the " Town and District of Savannah ex tending up the Savannah river, and including the islands therein, as far as the southeast boundary of Goshen, from thence in a southwest line to the river Great Ogeechee, and from the town of Savannah eastward as far as the mouth of the river Savannah, including the sea islands to the mouth of the river Great Ogee chee, and all the settlements on the north side of the said river to the western boundaries thereof," constituted the parish of CHEIST CHURCH. The district of Abercorn and Goshen and the district of Ebenezer, extending from the northwest boundaries of Christ Church Parish up the Savannah River as far as the Beaver Dam, and southwest as far as the mouth of Horse Creek on the river Great Ogeechee, were constituted a parish by the name of SAINT MATTHEW. The district of Halifax, extending from the northwest bounda ries of St. Matthew's Parish up the Savannah River from the mouth of Mackbeen's Swamp to the head thereof, and from thence to the head of Lambol's Creek and to the Great Ogeechee River, was erected into a parish and called SAINT GEORGE. " The district of Augusta, extending from the northwest boundary of the parish of Saint George, and southwest as far as the river Ogeechee, and northwest up the river Savannah as far as Broad river" was designated as the parish of SAINT PAUL. " The town of Hardwicke and district of Ogeechee on the south side of the river Great Ogeechee, extending northwest up the said river as far as the Lower Indian Trading Path leading from Mount Pleasant, and southward from the town of Hard wicke as far as the swamp of James Dunham, including the set tlements on the north side of tli^ north branches of the river Midway, with the island of Ossabaw, and from the head of the GEORGIA DIVIDED INTO PARISHES. 525 said Dunham's swamp in a northwest line " were denominated the parish of SAINT PHILIP. Sunbury, in the district of Midway and Newport, and all the territory " from the southern bounds of the parish of Saint Philip, extending southward as far as the north line of Samuel Hast ings,'from thence southeast to the south branch of Newport, in cluding the islands of Saint Catharine and Bermuda, and from the north line of the said Samuel Hastings northwest," consti tuted the parish of SAINT JOHN. " The town and district of Darien extending from the south boundary of the parish of Saint John to the river Alatamaha, in cluding the islands of Sapelo and Eastwood, and the sea islands to the north of Egg island, and northwest up the river Alata maha to the forks ot the said river," were formed into the parish of SAINT ANDREW. " The town and district of Frederica, including the islands of Great and Little Saint Simon, and the adjacent islands," were to constitute the parish of SAINT JAMES. The church already erected in Savannah, and the ground ap purtenant thereto used as a burial place, were in and by this act designated as the Parish Church and Cemetery of Christ Church. It was further provided that "Bartholomew Zouberbuhler, clerk, the present Minister of Savannah, shall be the rector and incumbent of the said Church of Christ Church, and he is hereby incorporated and made one body politick and corporate by the name of the rector of Christ Church in the town of Savannah; and shall be and he is hereby enabled to sue and be sued by such name in all courts within this Province, and shall have the cure of souls within the said Parish, and shall be in the actual pos session of the said Church with its cemetery and appurtenances, and shall hold and enjoy the same to him and his successors, to gether with the glebe land already granted to him, and the mes suage or tenement near to the said Church, with all and singular the buildings and appurtenances thereunto belonging, and also all other lands, tenements and hereditaments as shall or may hereafter be given and granted to the said Church or the incum bent thereof." Similar provisions were made for the incorporation, in the town of Augusta, of the Parish Church of Saint Paul; and Gov ernor Ellis, James Habersham, Francis Harris, James Mackay, James Edward Powell,.William Clifton, William Knox, David 526 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. Montaigut, James Deveaux, Noble Wimberley Jones, Thomas Rasberry, William Russel, William Spencer, and Charles Wat son were appointed commissioners, so soon as they should be thereunto enabled by allowance of Parliament, by charitable do nations, or by provision of the General Assembly of Georgia, to cause a church to be erected in each of the other six parishes, viz., Saint Matthew, Saint George, Saint Philip, Saint John, Saint Andrew, and Saint James, and to have builded in each of those parishes a convenient parsonage, with out-buildings, for the habitation of the rector. They were also empowered to lay out and inclose a cemetery or burial place for each of those churches. Upon the erection of these ecclesiastical structures and the appointment of rectors, incorporations were to be allowed as in the cases of Christ Church in Savannah and of Saint Paul in Au gusta. Vestry-men and church-ward ens were to be selected and sworn to the faithful performance of their duties. For the purpose of keeping church edifices in repair, for the care of the respective cemeteries, sacred utensils, and ornaments, to provide bread and wine for the Holy Eucharist, to pay the salaries of clerk and sexton, and to make provision for the poor and impotent of the several parishes, the rector, church-wardens, and vestry-men were authorized to levy a tax on the estate, real and personal, of all the inhabitants within the respective par ishes, sufficient to yield in the parishes of Christ Church and of St. Paul ,30 each, and in the parishes where no churches had been as yet erected .10 each. The method of assessing and collecting this tax is pointed out. With the rector, church-wardens, and vestry-men rested the power of appointing sextons and of fixing their salaries and fees. The rector was to be one of the vestry, and the church-wardens in each parish were directed to procure, at the charge of the parish, a well-bound paper or parchment book wherein the vestryclerk of the parish was to register the " births, christenings, mar riages, and burials of all and every person and persons that shall from time to time be born, christened, married, or buried within the said parish, under the penalty of five pounds sterling on fail ure thereof." For each entry the vestry-clerk was entitled to receive, as a fee, one shilling sterling. These registers were to be adjudged and accepted in all courts of record in the province as furnishing sufficient proof of the births, marriages, christen- PROVISIONS FOR ERECTING CHURCHES. 527 ings, and burials therein mentioned ; and if any party was con victed of willfully making or causing to be made any false entry therein, or of maliciously erasing, altering, or defacing an entry, or of embezzling any entry or book of record, he was to be ad judged guilty of a felony and to be punished with death without benefit of clergy. Each vestry was instructed to nominate a proper person to keep a record of its proceedings, and to act as the custodian of its books and papers. No authority was con ferred upon rectors to exercise any ecclesiastical jurisdiction, or to administer ecclesiastical law. Such are the leading provisions of the act dividing Georgia into parishes, and erecting churches in sympathy with the tenets of the Established Church of England. While the patronage of the Crown and of the colonial assembly was extended in this special manner in aid of churches professing the Episcopal faith, it was not designed to favor them by an exclusive recognition. The idea appeared to be to accord to that denomination within the limits of Georgia a prestige akin to that which the Church of England enjoyed within the realm, to create certain offices for the encouragement of that religious persuasion and the extension of the gospel in accordance with its forms of worship and mode of government, and to provide a method by which faithful reg isters of births, marriages, christenings, and- deaths might be kept and perpetuated. Numerous were the Dissenters then in the prov ince. They were represented by Presbyterians, Lutherans, Congregationalists, Methodists, a few Baptists, and some Hebrews. To all sects, save Papists, was free toleration accorded, and when ever a dissenting congregation organized and applied for a grant of land whereon to build a church the petition did not pass un heeded. There can be no doubt, however, but that it was the intention of the government, both royal and colonial, to engraft the Church of England upon the province and, within certain limits, to advance its prosperity and insure its permanency. At the same time an adherence to its rubrics was in no wise made a condition precedent to political preferment. As a salutary precaution against domestic insurrections and other sudden dangers, each white male inhabitant of the province " from the age of sixteen years and upwards " was, by an act as sented to on the 28th of July, 1757, required to carry with him " on sabbath days, fasts, and festivals," to the place of public worship within the town or district where he resided, " one good gun, or pair of pistols, with at least six charges of gun powder and ball." 528 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. To encourage skilled labor within the province, and to induce white men from other colonies to settle in Georgia and ply the trades of carpenters, masons, bricklayers, plasterers, and joiners, the General Assembly passed an act on the 15th of March, 1758, forbidding the employment of negro slaves in those avocations unless the white artisans should refuse to work at fair and rea sonable prices to be ascertained by commissioners designated for that purpose.1 That disputes and disagreements between the colonists and the Indians might be avoided, acts were approved forbidding all per sons, under heavy penalties, to traffic with the natives or to ac quire lands from them except by special license. Quarantine regulations were established by statute, and com missioners were appointed to summon and superintend the labor of the inhabitants in the erection of log-forts at convenient points for the further security of the province. The embargo, as enjoined by his majesty's proclamations, prov ing insufficient to deter evil-disposed persons from obtaining sup plies of provisions and stock from Georgia with a view to selling them to the enemy, the General Assembly, by an act assented to on the 19th of July, 1757, established severe prohibitions with regard to the transportation of cattle, horses, sheep, hogs, corn, rice, flour, and bread beyond the southern limits of the prov ince.2 A general system of patrols,3 with extensive powers and respon sibilities, was devised for preserving order upon plantations and throughout the colony. In order to quiet the titles to lands, a statute was enacted which declared " That all and every person or persons that are now pos sessed of or do hold any Lands or Tenements whatsoever within the said Province of Georgia by and under grants from the late honourable Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia, or by and under Grants from his Majesty obtained since the surrender of the Charter of the said Trustees, are hereby established and confirmed in the Possession of their several and respective Lands and Tenements, and such Grants thereof are hereby accordingly ratified and confirmed and declared to be good and valid to all Intents and Purposes whatsoever against all and all manner of 1 Acts ofthe General Assembly of the Colony of Georgia, 1755-1774, now first printed, p. 149,'Wormsloe. MDCCCLXXXI. 2 Acts passed by the General Assembly of the Colony of Georgia, 1755-1774, now first printed, pp. 135, 159. Wormsloe. MDCCCLXXXI. 8 See Act of July 28, 1757. LEGISLATIVE ENACTMENTS. 529 Persons claiming any Estate or Interest therein by and under the said Lords Proprietors of Carolina, or by or under any former Grant obtained before the date of his Majesty's Charter to the said Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia, any Act, Law or Statute to the Contrary notwithstanding." l This act which, in due course, received the sanction of the home government, afforded considerable relief, and, in the most authoritative way, declared the invalidity of quite a number of grants affecting lands in the southern portion of the province which emanated in a rather loose fashion from the Lords Proprie tors of Carolina and had never been accompanied by any possessio pedls. By a prior act, assented to on the 15th day of March, 1758, all persons claiming lands under any warrant of survey, allot ment, or conveyance from the trustees, or from the president of the colony and his assistants, who had not already done so, were required, within three years from the 20th of March, 1758, to appear before the governor and council, make good their claims, and receive, in lieu of former titles, king's grants for the same. By special enactment the rate of interest in the colony was re duced to eight per cent per annum; qualifications for jurors were prescribed; provision was made for the more speedy re covery of debts in justices' courts; the legal fees of magistrates and constables were fixed; the method was determined by which feme coverts should unite with their husbands in alienating lands ; special or extraordinary courts were organized for the trial of causes arising between merchants and mariners; penal ties were promulgated to prevent the stealing of horses and neat cattle, and punishments ordered to be inflicted upon those who changed the mark or brand of another, or unlawfully killed his stock; fences were regulated; and the militia laws of the prov ince were carefully revised. At the hands of the General Assembly Savannah claimed and received much attention. Among the acts passed may be men tioned one establishing a watch in that town; two regulating taverns, punch houses, and the sale of spirituous liquors; two more for the proper conduct of the market; a sixth establishing further rules for the conduct of the watch ; a seventh forbidding the erection of wooden chimneys; an eighth empowering trus tees to purchase a residence for the use of the present and fu- 1 Acts passed by the General Assembly now first printed, p. 188. Wormsloe. of the Colony of Georgia, 1755-1774, MDCCCLXXXI. 530 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. ture governors of the province; a ninth regulating the assize of bread; a tenth for the construction of a public magazine; an eleventh for the repair of Christ Church; and a twelfth for the general regulation of the town. Tybee light-house was not for gotten. Provision was made for the support of the courts of oyer and terminer, and for the defrayal of expenses connected with the administration of the government. Masters of vessels were prevented from conveying debtors from the province, and frauds in lumber were pointed out and denounced. Nearly fifty acts passed by the general assemblies convened during Governor Ellis' administration received royal sanction. Their delibera tions were characterized by honesty of purpose, unity of senti ment, and a laudable devotion to the best interests of the colony. All dissensions had ceased, and the attitude maintained by this legislative body toward the governor was in all respects defei'ential and conciliatory. Under the wise, conservative, and gentle rule of Governor Ellis Georgia was rapidly lifting herself above the shadows which gathered so darkly about her during the ad ministration of Governor Reynolds, and was already entering upon that era of development and prosperity which was so sig nally confirmed under the able guidance of Governor Wright. The following extract from a letter addressed by Governor Ellis to the Board of Trade, under date May 30, 1758, advises us of the condition of some of the military defenses of the colony, and of other matters of moment appertaining to the welfare of the province: -- "Immediately after our Assembly rose I took a Journey to the South in order to examine into the state of things in that Quarter. On my way I touch'd at the River Ogeeche and saw the Fort that had lately been raised there in consequence of the Resolutions of the Assembly last year. It is of a Quadrangular Figure, each side measuring 100 yards, constructed with thick logs set upright, fourteen feet long, five whereof are sunk in the Earth, and has four little Bastions, pierced for small and great guns that would render it very defenceable. From thence I pro ceeded to Medway where I found the Inhabitants had inclosed their Church in the same manner, and erected a Battery of eight guns at Sunbury in a very proper situation for defending the River. "I reached Frederica two days, afterd , the ruinous condition of which I could not view without concern. A dreadful Fire, that lately happened there, has destroyed the greatest part of the CONDITION OF THE PIIOVINCE. 531 town. Time has done almost as much for the Fortifications. Never was there a spot better calculated for a place of arms or more capable of being fortified to advantage. It lies on the west side of the Island St. Simon's, and the chief and most southern branch of the great river Alatamaha. The military works were never very large, but compact and extremely defenceable. "The Sound will conveniently admit of 40 Gun Ships, and those of 500 Tons burthen may come abreast of the Town; but for three Miles below it the River winds in such a manner that an Enemy must in that space be exposed to our Fire without being able to return it. In short it is of the last importance that that place should be kept in constant Repair and properly Gar risoned, as it is apparently and really the Key of this and the rest of the King's Provinces to the South, but the wretched con dition in which it now is makes it easy to conjecture what would be its fate should Spanish War suddenly break out. " From hence I went to the Island of Cumberland on the south point whereof stands Fort William, a Post of no less consequence, as is evident from the Defence it made against Twenty Eight Spanish Vessels and a considerable Land Forp,e that attack'd it unsuccessfully in the year 1742. "General Oglethorpe has, in my humble opinion displayed a great deal of Skill in his choice of such Situations. " This Fort commands a noble Inlet from the Sea, -- the en trance of the Rive* St. Mary, -- which runs deep into the Coun try, -- and the Inland Passage thro' which the runaway Negroes and other Deserters are obliged to go on their way to St. Au gustine. " The works are of no great extent but admirably contrived to be maintained by a small Garrison, and might be repaired with out any great expence. X3000 Sterling would be sufficient, and Frederica might be rebuilt with solid and lasting materials as well as be rendered very strong for about 10,000, and until these things are done I apprehend this Province, and I may add the next, will be very insecure. " While I was at Cumberland I saw and had much discourse with Mr Gray. He is a very unintelligible character, shrewd, sagacious, and capable of affording the best advice to others, but ridiculously absurd in every part of his own conduct. " He is now settled upon that Island with his family, and en gaged in a small Traffick with the Spaniards and Creek Indians. With him I found a person lately come from St. Augustine who 532 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. informed me that a new Governor and 200 fresh Troops from the Havannah were just arrived there, and that the Spaniards persisted in their design of settling a New Colony in the envi rons of that Castle; and that they were preparing to build two or three other Forts on the River of S* Juan. " This Information has a little alarmed our people, which is not much to be wondered at considering their defenceless condi tion. Another circumstance which augments their fears is an account we have received that three French Privateers are now cruising upon our Coast, whilst we have no Vessel of War sta tioned here to molest them, and but a very incompetent force to prevent their Crews doing much mischief should they attempt a descent. " It is more than a year and a half since a Troop of Rangers were begun to be raised here. The late Governor drew Bills upon the Earl of Loudoun for their Subsistence, which were pro tested. " Upon the most urgent and repeated remonstrances his Lord ship, ten months ago, furnished me with a Credit upon the PayMaster at New York for 850 Sterling to maintain them 'till further orders. That sum is expended, but those orders are not yet arrived, notwithstanding his Lordship has embarked for England. " I am now supporting them upon my own Credit which, that I may be the longer able to do, I have been compell'd to disband half their number, and if General Abercromby, to whom I have repeatedly and pressingly wrote upon this subject, does not speed ily authorize me to keep them on foot and appropriate a proper Fund for that purpose, I shall be constrained to dismiss the rest. "There remains but to acquaint your Lordships that every thing is quiet here, and that the Colony improves apparently. " There is a probability that the raising of Silk will engage the attention of our People more than heretofore and that that important undertaking will one day or other compensate for the trouble and expence which has attended its Infancy. This Sea son promises fair in its behalf: 6000 weights of cocoons, of a good quality are already brought to the Filature and more are yet expected." The urgent need for appropriations to defray the charges in cident to the maintenance of the few irregular troops in the service of the colony, the patriotic action of the governor in re taining the services of the rangers and in supporting them at his COMMUNICATION OF GOVERNOR ELLIS. 533 personal risk and upon his individual credit, the sense of inse curity entertained because of the absence of necessary military forces, and the existence of Indian troubles are all brought to the notice of the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations in a letter from the governor dated the 25th of October, 1758, from which we make the following extract: -- "Your Lordships are too well acquainted with the real circum stances of this Frontier Province to blame my solicitude for its safety. One point in particular concerns me so much that I can not now be silent upon it, notwithstanding I have so often men tioned it. I mean what relates to the Rangers raised here by my Predecessor, who are not yet upon any establishment, but have for many months past been maintained upon my own Credit and risque. They are highly necessary to be kept on foot and have been more than tacitly allowed of by the Earl of Loudoun. I am therefore afraid I cannot answer to disband them, although I am not able to support them much longer. His Lordship gave me a credit last year for 850 to subsist them until further Or ders, but those have never arrived, and that sum has been ex pended long ago. " Since General Abercromby assumed the chief command I have wrote no less than four times successively to him upon this very subject, but I cannot be favoured with one line for answer. In short, this affair has created me a great deal of uneasiness and embarrassment. Surely my Lords, if the present times were less perturbed and dangerous, there would be sufficient reasons for keeping up a small Body of Troops here. " The want of means to inforce the Laws necessarily brings the Government into contempt, and constrains me to wink at many enormities committed by our own People and the Savages. It is not uncommon for the former to set the Civil Power at defiance, and gangs of the latter have more than once lived at discretion upon the outsettlers and drove away numbers of their cattle. A few months ago some straggling Indians from the Northward, who are now settled in the Creek Country, robbed and murdered a whole family not forty miles from this town.1 I immediately insisted upon satisfaction from the Creeks who, with some diffi culty and reluctance, in part gave it me : for one of the murder ers they put publickly to death. The others made their escape but parties are sent in quest of them, and I have strong assur ances that they shall suffer the same fate when they can be 1 Savannah. 534 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. taken. It is very happy this affair ended thus; for had those Savages been more averse to do Justice we could not have com pelled them. Our weakness then must have been most apparent, and Crimes of this nature would probably have been perpetrated daily. " It would be endless to relate to your Lordships the various shifts and expedients I have been reduced to, to conceal our ina bility. This sort of management may do for a season, but man kind are too penetrating to be long imposed upon even by the most refined policy." 1 The loyal interest manifested by Mr. Ellis in the welfare of the colony, his honest enforcement of all regulations promulgated by the Crown, his pacific policy, and his wise administration .of public affairs so thoroughly commended him to his majesty's favor that on the 17th of May, 1758, he was announced as gov ernor in chief of the province. In maintaining amicable relations with the Spaniards he was quite fortunate, and his correspondence with the governor of Florida is characterized by a commendable courtesy, dignity, and fairness. The intimation at one time thrown out by the Spanish ruler that the English were inciting the Indians to an invasion of Florida was promptly repelled by Governor Ellis, and its falsity clearly shown. He also denied that there was any intention on the part of the Georgia colonists to appropriate a portion of the territory rightfully claimed by his Catholic majesty. Until the peace of 1763, when the country lying between the rivers Alatamaha and St. Mary was placed under the jurisdiction of Georgia, there had always existed some question as to the south ern boundary of the province, and the intermediate region was known as a disputed territory to the ownership of which Georgia and Florida each claimed a right to the exclusion of the other. On the 20th of July, 1757, Governor Ellis laid before the General Assembly an important communication from the Earl of Chatham, calling for a contribution of men and money from Georgia to aid in an offensive movement against the French in Canada. In framing a response, the General Assembly adopted this language: " We his Majesty's most dutiful and loyal sub jects, the Members of his Majesty's Council and Commons House 1 See Letter of Dunk Halifax, James Oswald, Soame Jenyns, and W. G. Hamilton to the Eight Hon. William Pitt, one of his Majesty's principal secre- taries of state, dated Whitehall, February 8, 1759, calling special attention to this communication from Governor Ellis. P. It. 0-, Am. & W. Ind. No. 535. RESPONSE OF THE ASSEMBLY. 535 of Assembly of the Province of Georgia in General Assembly met, have seriously and attentively considered your Honour's Message with the Copy of a Letter from the right honourable William Pitt Esqr. one of his Majesty's principal Secretaries of State. " The very seasonable and vigorous Measures his Majesty has been graciously pleased to take for the Preservation and Defence of his American Dominions at this critical juncture has a just Title to our most dutiful and grateful Acknowledgments. " It is with the utmost concern we reflect upon the extreme Poverty of the Inhabitants of this Province, as we are thereby deprived of an opportunity of manifesting our Inclination of contributing effectually to the common Cause, and of demon strating with what Chearfulness we should embrace every Oppor tunity of testifying our Loyalty and Zeal for the best of Kings. " But when your Honour considers the great Efforts we have made this Session by doubling our Taxes and appropriating so great a Share of our Time and Labour for erecting Places of public Defence in different Districts of this Province, you will Sir, be convinced that we are unable to do more, and that noth ing has been wanting on our Parts but Ability to vie with the most zealous and opulent of his Majesty's Subjects. " It would be Presumption in Us, Sir, to suppose your Honour a Stranger to the Melancholy State of this Colony, a bare Recol lection of which awakens in us every Apprehension that can result from a knowledge of the most imminent and complicated Danger. To find ourselves in a Country surrounded with the most cruel and insolent Savages, absolutely destitute of every Means of defending ourselves from their Barbarities in Case of a Rupture, without any Forts that are not utterly in Ruins, or Artillery but what are in a Manner unfit for Service: without Magazines or Fund to erect them: without any Troops stationed here save twenty odd Rangers (raised in the hurry of an Alarm) yet unestablished, unpaid, and undisciplined: without any Vessel of War for the Protection of our Coast: with but few Inhabitants and those poor and widely dispersed over the Province: open on the one side to every Incursion of Indians, and, on the other, exposed to every possible Insult from the most inconsiderable of the Enemy's Vessels : in such a Situation our All is precarious. " When we reflect on his Majesty's unabating Goodness to the lowest and most distant of his Subjects, and advert to the recent Instances we have experienced of his Paternal Regard to this 536 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. Colony: when we consider Sir, the importance of this Province to the Mother Country, and its being a Barrier to the other Provinces on this Continent against such formidable Neighbours as the French, Spaniards, and some of the most powerful and numerous of the Indian Nations: and when, at the same Time, we observe the Manner in which his Majesty's principal Secretary of State has wrote to your Honour (so unsuitable to our pres ent Circumstances) We must conclude that his Majesty and his Ministers have not been so frequently and so fully informed of the real State and Condition of this, important Frontier as our Necessities and the critical Situation of Things on this Continent require. " The uncommon Zeal your Honour has displayed for the Wel fare of this Province since your arrival here justly demands our hearty Thanks, and merits our utmost Confidence. It is there fore Sir, upon you that we must depend for a faithful Transmis sion of these Facts to his Majesty in the most clear and precise Manner: not doubting but they will have all the Weight, and produce all the Effects that we can reasonably desire. 2&th July, 1757. By order of the Upper House, PAT HOUSTOUN. By order of the House, DAVID MONTAIGUT, Speaker" For these reasons, so strenuously urged, did Georgia a third time confess her inability to contribute toward the vigorous pros ecution of the war against the French in Canada. The excuses rendered were valid, and they were so recognized by those in authority. Although the king's vessels of war, with their headquarters at Charlestown, South Carolina, were ordered to guard the coast of Georgia then infested with privateers, they responded only spas modically and very inefficiently to this duty. They preferred rest in the harbor to active exercise at sea. Finding his remon strances ineffectual to beget greater activity on their part^ Gov ernor Ellis, on his own motion, fitted out a ship mounting a bat tery of fourteen carriage and an equal number of swivel guns, placed her under the command of experienced officers, and for six weeks kept her busily cruising up and down the Georgia coast. The effect was most wholesome both upon the enemy and the slothful marine guard at Charlestown. The intrigues of the French with the Indians dwelling beyond the northern borders of the provinces of Carolina and Georgia INDIAN CONFERENCE AT SAVANNAH. 537 necessitated the adoption of unusual precautions to retain their friendship. At a conference between Governors Ellis of Georgia and Lyttleton of South Carolina and Colonel Bouquet, command ing the king's forces in the southern department, it was agreed that the Indians should be invited to Charlestown and afterwards to Savannah where, by hospitable entertainment, a liberal distri bution of gifts, and an exhibition of military strength on the part of the colonists, the red warriors might be induced to refrain from violating their amicable relations. Influenced by the ear nest representations of Governor Ellis, Colonel Bouquet detailed one hundred troops of the Virginia Provincials to take post at Savannah, and placed the Georgia Rangers upon the king's estab lishment. The conference between the governor and council and the chiefs and head men of the Upper and Lower Creeks occurred at Savannah on the 25th of October, 1757. Anxious to impress these savages with the highest possible conception of the military strength of the town, Governor Ellis ordered that they should be received by the first regiment of militia, commanded by Colonel Noble Jones, that sixteen cannon should be mounted in the dif ferent batteries around Savannah,1 and that seven field-pieces should be placed in position in front of his dwelling. As the Indians approached, escorted by Captain Milledge and the Ran gers, they were met beyond the lines by Captain Bryan and a cavalcade of the principal inhabitants, who welcomed them in the name of the governor and regaled them in a tent pitched for that purpose. This preliminary reception concluded, preceded by the citizens on horseback, the Rangers bringing up the rear, the pro cession of Indians advanced to the town gate where salutation was made with three cannon from the King's battery, three from the Prince's, five from Fort Halifax, and five from Loudoun's bastions. Pausing at the .gate, the citizens opened to the right and left, facing inwards, and the Indians, marching between them, entered the town, where they were received by Colonel Jones at the head of the regiment and conducted with drums beating and colors flying to the council chamber. While passing the governor's residence the column was saluted by the battery there stationed, and this compliment was repeated by the guns in the water battery and by cannon on vessels in the river. At the council house the regiment filed to the right and left and, in parallel lines facing the chiefs and warriors as they ad- 1 This town had been fortified by Captain DeBrahm. 588 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. vanced, presented arms. At the steps of the council chamber they were saluted by the Virginia Blues; and, upon entering the house, they were met by the governor who with outstretched arms welcomed them thus: " My friends and brothers, behold my hands and my arms! Our common Enemies, the French, have told you they are red to the elbows. View them. Do they speak the truth ? Let your own eyes witness. You see they are white, and could you see my heart, you would find it as pure, but very warm and true to you, my friends. The French tell you whoever shakes my hands will immediately be struck with dis ease and die. If you believe this lying, foolish talk, don't touch me. If you do not, I am ready to embrace you." This speech, so well adapted to the comprehension of the na tives, and so much in unison with their favorite style of utter ance, completely captivated their hearts. Approaching the gov ernor they shook his hand warmly, and declared that the French had often sought to deceive them. Friendly greetings followed, and the ceremonies of the day were concluded by a dinner at which the head men of the twenty-one towns represented were kindly and pleasantly entertained. During their stay in Savan nah these red men were complimented with many presents, and were bountifully feasted. On the following Thursday, having been honored with another military parade and by martial sa lutes, they assembled in the council chamber, which was thronged to its utmost capacity by the citizens. There they were again addressed by Governor Eilis. " Observe, my friends," said he, " how serene and cloudless this day appears! I cannot but con sider it as a good omen of the success of this interview; and I hope that you are all come with hearts resembling it, unclouded by jealousies, and with dispositions suitable to the good work of tightening the chain and making the path straight forever be tween us." He then read in their hearing, with great solem nity, a communication which he had prepared, entitled " A Letter from the Great King to his Beloved Children of the Creek Na tion." Its conciliatory terms were pleasing to the Indians, and their response promised peace and amity. The result of this convention was all that could have baen de sired. It was shown in the treaty of the 3d of November fol lowing, by which friendly relations between the province of Georgia and the Creek confederacy were firmly pledged.1 1 See MS. Minutes of Council. Stevens' History of Georgia, vol. i. pp. 440-443. New York. MDCCCXLVII. ADJUSTMENT OF THE BOSOMWORTH CLAIM. 539 On the lands lying between the Alatamaha and the St. John's were congregated many outlaws and fugitives from justice. Their chief settlement, known as New Hanover, was located on the Satilla River about thirty miles above its mouth. Some of them dwelt upon Cumberland Island. Followers of the notori ous Edmund Grey, they were a law unto themselves. Claiming no title to land save that derived from naked occupancy, and ac knowledging no allegiance to Georgia, they were justly regarded as a dangerous population. Fears were entertained that they would cause disturbances both with the Spaniards in Florida and with the neighboring Creek Indians. Orders were therefore is sued by the Crown to disperse this band of marauders. In ful fillment of them, commissioners, with ample powers, were ap pointed both by South Carolina and Georgia, who, proceeding to New Hanover and Cumberland Island, disclosed their mission and succeeded in prevailing upon these disreputable peoples to abandon the territory where, without warrant, they had fixed their homes. This peaceful solution of the difficulty was very gratifying, for it was generally believed that the intervention of force would be requisite to clear the region of these undesirable inhabitants. It was during Governor Ellis' administration, and largely through his instrumentality, that the vexatious claims of Mary Bosomworth were brought to a final settlement. That there might be no question affecting the title of the Crown to the land lying between Pipe-Maker's Creek and the Savannah River, and to the islands of Ossabaw, Sapelo, and St. Catharine which had been ceded to the English by the Indians on the 28th of May, 1751, the validity of that conveyance was sanctioned and recog nized by the Indian treaty of the 22d of April, 1758. The claim of Mrs. Bosomworth, however, was still outstanding and was re garded as a cloud upon the title. When it was finally deter mined to surrender to her in fee the island of St. Catharine where she had established her residence, and to pay her the sum of 450 for goods disbursed by her in his majesty's service during the years 1747 and 1748, and the further sum of 1,600 in full of all her demands as government agent and interpreter, she agreed to waive all claim to the islands of Ossabaw and Sapelo. These islands were sold at public auction. The former brought 1,350 and the latter 700. The proceeds thence derived were paid over to Mrs. Bosomworth. The-lands lying between Savannah and Pipe-Maker's Creek were also disposed of at public outcry, and 540 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. realized .638. This sum was paid into the treasury of the province.1 Governor Ellis was seriously affected by the climate of Georgia. The potent rays of the summer sun he found very debilitating in their influence. In July, 1758, writing in his piazza, open at each end and completely shaded, with a breeze blowing from the southeast and no houses near to reflect the heat, he says Fahren heit's thermometer registered 102. Twice before, to wit, on the 28th of June and the llth of July, had the mercury attained that height, and for days it rose to 98. That summer he regarded as unusually hot, and imagined that the weather betokened the advent of a hurricane. Savannah being situated upon a sandy eminence, shut in by tall woods, he thought the heat more intense than in other parts of the colony. Although he deemed it highly probable that the inhabitants of Savannah breathed " a hotter air than any other people on the face of the earth," he concludes with the admission, " but few people die here out of the ordinary course." 2 Captain McCall in commenting upon this letter of Governor Ellis comes thus loyally and truthfully to the rescue : " As Gov ernor Ellis was a man of sense and erudition, and no doubt made his observations with accuracy, I shall not presume to call in question the facts which he relates, but I feel bound to assert, under the authority of the oldest inhabitants now living in Sa vannah, that there have been but few instances in which the mercury has risen above 96, and none in which it has risen above 100 in the shade within the last thirty years. The trade winds prevail on the sea-coast of Georgia with great uniformity in the summer, particularly on the southern part of it; and it is not unworthy of remark that I resided at Point Peter near the mouth of St. Mary's River eighteen months, and the garrison consisted of near one hundred troops, and that I do not recollect, after the first fortnight, to have seen three men in bed with the fever, and that only one died during that period, and his disease was a con sumption. Indeed the seashore is healthy, except in the vicinity of stagnant fresh water. . . . " I have annexed these remarks because Governor Ellis asserts that the maritime parts of Georgia are the most unhealthy and unpleasant." 3 1 See Stevens' History of Georgia, vol. i. p. 454. New York. MDCCCXLVII. 2 See Gentleman's Magazine for 1759, p. 314. 3 History of Georc/ia, vol. i. p. 254. Sa- vannah. 1811. Compare Historical Account of the Rise and Progress of the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia, vol ii. pp. 253,259. London. MDCCLXXIX. HEALTH OF SAVANNAH. 541 Beyond controversy, during the period of its early occupancy when it was closely fenced about by forests forbidding a free circulation of air, when little attention was bestowed upon drain age, when the inhabitants were in large measure unacclimated, and when alluvial lands, dank and reeking with the decayed veg etable mould of unnumbered centuries, were first exposed to the action of the sun's rays, the health of Savannah was much infe rior to that which it now enjoys, and the temperature unques tionably more intolerable. With the exception of occasional epi demics, this city, under existing sanitary regulations, despite the fact that it dwells in a malarial region, must be regarded as not unhealthy: and no one familiar with the delightful influences of the southeast breezes which, during the hot months, prevail with the regularity of trade-winds, will deny that many climatic pleasures are here enjoyed, even in the heart of summer. Governor Ellis' health became so feeble that, in November, 1759. he solicited a recall. His hope was that his successor would be speedily selected, and that he would avoid the debili tating influences of another warm season in Georgia. Although his request was granted, and James Wright, Esq., was commis sioned as lieutenant-governor of the province on the 13th of May, 1760. he did not arrive in the colony to relieve Governor Ellis until the following October. Upon the expiration of his official duties the province of Geor gia possessed a population of some six thousand whites and three thousand five hundred and seventy-eight blacks. In severing his official connection with the colony, Governor Ellis, on the 13th of October, 1760, thus addressed the General Assembly: -- " Gentlemen of the Council and of the Commons House of As sembly. " His Majesty having been graciously pleased to grant me his Royal Licence for returning to Europe, and appointed the hon ourable James Wright Esquire Lieutenant Governor of this Province, I have called you together to inform you thereof, and at the same Time to return both Houses of Assembly my very sincere and hearty Acknowledgments for the great Assistance they have afforded me in carrying on the King's Service and the Business of the Colony during the whole Course of my Admin istration. " Possessed as I am with the most grateful Sense of this and every other Obligation conferred on me by the good People of 542 THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA. Georgia, they may be perfectly assured of my best Wishes and most zealous Endeavours upon all Occasions to promote whatever may contribute to their Happiness and the Welfare of the Prov ince." To this graceful fare-well the General Assembly on the ensuing day returned the following response : -- " May it please your Excellency. " We his Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Coun cil of Georgia in General Assembly met, beg Leave to return your Excellency our hearty Thanks for-the affectionate Manner in which your Excellency has been pleased to acquaint Us with your having obtained his Majesty's royal Licence for returning to England. At the same time that we congratulate your Excel lency on your obtaining a Permission which this Climate and your intense Application to the Duties of your Station made nec essary, allow us to express our unfeigned Sorrow at being de prived of your Excellency's prudent and upright Administration to which, under Divine Providence, we hold ourselves indebted for that Measure of interior Quiet and Happiness we have hith erto enjoyed. " The many useful Laws which have received your Excel lency's Assent, whereby Proceedings in the Courts of Law have been rendered more easy and expeditious, and the Civil Rights and Properties of the People fenced against the corrupt Practices of wicked and designing men: the Ability which you have ex erted in healing those unhappy Divisions with which the Colony was rent at your Arrival; the Credit you have restored to the Government; and the Zeal with which you have promoted and encouraged every measure tending to the public Advantage, in titule your Excellency to our most grateful and hearty acknowl edgments : nor do we esteem it less happy for us, nor less hon ourable for you Sir, that whilst other more opulent and more populous Provinces have been ravaged by a barbarous and cruel Enemy, this infant Colony, surrounded with more numerous Sav ages, and with an open and defenceless Frontier to our powerful European Enemy, has not been involved in a ruinous and de structive War. " We beg leave to assure your Excellency that we have the greatest Relyance on your attention to the Welfare and true Interests of this Colony so fully manifested in the whole Course of your Administration; and we persuade ourselves that your Excellency will, on your Arrival in England, repeat your Repre- DEPARTURE OF GOVERNOR ELLIS. 543 sentations of the Dangers to which we are exposed, and the little Probability there is of our receiving timely and adequate Succour from the neighbouring Provinces should any Calamity befall Us. His Majesty's great Goodness to all his People and his equal Regard to their Happiness and Prosperity give us the strongest Reasons to hope that this Colony will soon more amply partake of the Protection afforded to his American Subjects, and that through your Excellency's good Offices the Province will be im mediately put in such a State of Defence as shall not only give real Security to its Inhabitants but render it an effectual Barrier to his Majesty's Southern Provinces." 1 Having turned over the affairs of state to his successor, the Honorable James Wright, Governor Ellis departed from Georgia on the 2d of November, 1760. The address of the assembly ex pressed the general regret. The inhabitants of the province were deeply moved at the retirement of the governor whose kind and paternal administration, whose honesty of purpose and un wearied exertions for the advancement of the welfare of the col ony, whose integrity, and personal worth had produced the most favorable impression upon all. The Georgia Society, the mer chants of Savannah, the citizens of Augusta, and others presented him with affectionate and complimentary addresses regretting his departure, extolling his administration of public affairs, com mending his character, and praying for his welfare. As a token of the gratitude entertained by the citizens of Savannah, the Union Society requested his acceptance of a handsome piece of plate. 2 Few were the regrets which accompanied Governor Reynolds when he bade farewell to distracted and unhappy Georgia; but now the good-will and the blessings of a sorrowing people clus tered about their retiring chief magistrate. The apple of discord had been supplanted by the olive of peace. Happy in the con fidence and the love of those over whom he ruled, fortunate and just in his intercourse with the Indian nations, successful in the conduct of the affairs of the colony, and secure in the esteem of the home government, pleasant and honorable is the memory which Governor Ellis has bequeathed to the colonial annals of Georgia. Subsequently commissioned as governor of Nova Scotia, he occupied that position for two years and a half. Warned by fee- 1 See MS. Journal of the Council in 2 See Stevens* History of Georgia, vol. Assembly, pp. 429-432. i. p. 456. New York. MDCCCXLVIL 544 THE HISTORY OP GEORGIA. ble health, he dismissed all public cares and sought repose in the south of France. Finally, having attained a venerable age, and to the last intent upon the prosecution of some favorite physical researches, he fell on sleep, as did Pliny the elder, within sight of Vesuvius and upon the shore of the beautiful Bay of Naples. INDEX TO VOLUME I. ABEKCOEK, village of, 148. Belcher, Governor, 131. Acadians, 502-505. Bethany, 374. Achese, village of, 42. Bethesda Orphan House, 402-415. Grant Agricultural implements, 7. of land to, 403. Scheme for convert Agriculture, primitive, 6. ing it into a " seminary of literature Alibamons, 1, 65. and academical learning," 408-412. Alligators, 232. Bartram's account of, 410. Burnt, 413. Altamaca, village of, 42. Subsequent history of, 414, 415. Amatis, Mr., 117. Bewlie, 417, 418. Amelia Island, Spanish outrage on, 323. Bloody Marsh, affair of, 348, 349. Anasco, Juan de, 48-50. Blow-guns, 25. Anastasia Island, 331. Bolzius, Rev. John Martin, 166, 167, 372. Anderson, Hugh, 309. His death, 375. Anne, the galley, 117. Bosomworth, Mary, her claim against Antiquities of the Southern Indians, the authorities, 384-399. Her memo 5-33. rial, 385-391. Her conduct hi Savan Antiquity of the red race, 12, 13. nah, 394-399. Adjustment of her Appalachian Indians overcome by Gov claim, 399, 439, 440,539. ernor Moore, 76. Bosomworth, Rev. Thomas, 384-399. Argyle, Duke of, 335. Bow, use of the, 23-25. Argyle, Fort, 147, 164. Breech-clouts, 12. Arms of primitive manufacture, 53. Bryan, Jonathan, 462. Arrow and spear points, 23-25. Bull, Colonel, 118, 122, 125, 150. Gov Arrow-makers, 23, 24. ernor, 299, 343. Augusta, located, 217. Trade at, 218. Oglethorpe ill at, 319, 440. The in CABOT, Sebastian, 34, 67. habitants alarmed, 441, 447. Distribu Calvert, William, 114. tion of Indian presents at, 502. ItA Camuse, 272,315. defenseless condition, 505. Canasagua, 61. Auspourger, Mr., 315. Carr, Mark, conveys lands for the town Axes, stone, 25. of Sunbury, 497, 498. Ayllon, Lucas Vasqnez d', 34,48. Carteret, Lord, 80, 81. Azilia, Margravate of, 70-75. Castle of St. Augustine, 328. Causton, Thomas, 151, 190. Irregulari BACHELOR'S Kedoubt, 339. ties of, 266. Placed under bond and Bacon, Lord, 174. deposed from office, 269. Examina Bank of England, the financial agent of tion into his accounts, 269-271. De the Trustees, 96-98. pressing effect of his defalcation, 274. Barrimacke', village of, 339. His treatment of Rev. John Wesley, Bartram, William, 3, 55, 410. 288-296, 300. Beaufort, 118. Sojourn of the colonists Charlestown, arrival of the colonists at, at, 120. 117. Bee, Captain, 299. Charter of the colony of Georgia, 87-95. 546 INDEX TO VOLUME I. Acceptance of, by the Trustees, 96. Proceedings upon the surrender of, by the Trustees, 450-458. Deed of sur render, 458, 459. Chellaque, 57. Cherokee Indians, 1, 3, 4, 76-79. Chests, primitive, 52. Chiaha, 61-66. Chicasaw chiefs, their interview with Rev. John Wesley, 283-285. Chief Justice of Georgia, 465. Chieftain mounds, 18. Chisca, 62. Choctaws, 2, 3. Christ Church in Savannah, 150, 525. Christie, Thomas, 114. Chungke game, 26, 27. Churches, provision for the erection of, in the several parishes, 525-527. Clergymen in Georgia under the Trus tees, 445-449. Clifton, William, 461, 462. Coca, 65. Cochrane, Lieutenant-Colonel, 314, 401. Colonel's Island, 501. Colonization of Georgia, charitable na ture of the scheme, 85, 86, 101-105. Commissioners named for the erection of churches in the various parishes, 525, 526. Common council of the Trustees, 89, 96, 165. Commons House of Assembly, 464, 465. Address to Governor Reynolds, 476, 477. Address to Governor Ellis, 522, 523. Response in reply to the requi sition of the Earl of Chatham, 534-536. Address to Governor Ellis, 542. Conjurer, office and powers of the, 10,11. Conservators of the peace, 439. Cooke, Lieutenant-Colonel, 314, 367. Copper, primitive use of, 23. Council of Georgia, address of, to Gov ernor Reynolds, 475. Courts, composition and organization of, 465, 466, 473. Coweta Town, important convention and treaty at, 316-318. Cession of lands at, 318. Creek Indians, 1, 3, 4, 137-144. Dem onstration of, in Savannah, 394-399. Conference with, at Savannah, 537, 538. Cremation, 18. Cumberland Island, 233. Cuming, Sir Alexander, 76-79. Cutifachiqui, De Soto and his command entertained at, 47. Location of, 55,56. The queen of, welcomes De Soto, 46. Her capture, 57. Her escape, 58, 59. DAHIEN, 201, 223. Description of, in 1743, 339. Davis, Captain, 322. Death and burial of a Creek chief in Lon don, 178-180. De Brahm, John G. W., 212, 374, 461, 472, 505. Deed showing earliest conveyance of town lots, garden lots, and farms to colonists in Savannah, 156-161; of sur render of the charter of the colony of Georgia, 458, 459. Delamotte, Charles, 204. Delamotte's school in Savannah, 236. Delegal, Captain, 236. Ensign, 236. Fort, 236. Demetree, Captain Daniel, improper be havior of, 426, 427. Dempsey, Charles, 239. His mission to St. Augustine, 240-251, 258. Designs of the Trustees, 98-100. De Soto, Hernando, expedition of, 37-66. Digby, Edward, 89. Discoidal stones, 26. Dorchester Congregation, arrival of, and settlement in the Midway District, 492496. Douglass, David, 309. Dunbar, Captain George, 184, 347. EARLY posts south of the Savannah River, 68. Ebenezer, 168. Settlement of, 169, 209. Abandonment of, 210,211. Elector, qualification of an, 464,490. Elevations for chieftain lodges, 15. Ellis, Henry, appointed Lieutenant-Gov- ernor of Georgia, 513. His former pur suits, 515. Arrival of, and welcome in Savannah, 516. His early purposes and labors in behalf of the province, 517, 518. Sympathizes in the suggestion to change the seat of government from Savannah to Hardwicke, 519. His addresses to the Upper and Lower Houses of Assembly, 519-522. His re port of the condition of the province, 530-534. Commissioned as Governor, 534. Addresses to the Creek Indians, 538. Fits out a ship for the protection INDEX TO VOLUME L 547 of the Georgia coast, 536. Oppressed by the heat at Savannah, 540. Solicits a recall on account of ill-health, 541. His farewell address to the General Assem bly, 541. Relieved by Lieuten ant-Gov ernor Wright, 543. Leaves Georgia amid universal regret, 543. Commis sioned Governor of Nova Scotia, 543. His death, 544. Embarkation, the great, 202-207. Embassy of Sir Alexander Cuming, 7679. English prisons, horrors of, 84. Episcopal Church in Georgia, 526, 527. Eugene of Savoy, Prince, 83. Expedition of Hernando De Soto, 37-66. FEES, regulations of public, 489. Fish-preserves, 15. Florida, ancient, 5. Florida Indians, characteristics and an tiquities of the, 5-33. Their villages, 7, 8; and dwellings, 8, 9. Kingly office among the, 9, 10. Head war riors, 10. Conjurers, 10. Physical characteristics of the, 12. Queens, 12. Antiquity and semi-civilization of the, 12, 13. Mound-building, 13-22. Fu neral customs, 18-21. Refuse piles, 21. Intaglios and sculpture, 22. Wor ship of the Priapus, 22. Use of cop per, 23. Manufacture of arrow and spear points, 23-25; and of imple ments of stone, bone, and shell, 25. Piscatorial contrivances, 25, 26. Chungke game, 26, 27. Manufacture and use of pipes, 27-29; and of pot tery, 29-31. Use of pearls and shell ornaments, 31, 32. This primitive population violently shocked by Span ish inroads, 33. Florida invaded by Oglethorpe, 323, 324, 327-335,361. Fort Diego captured, 328. " Francis de Papa captured, 324, 328. " King George, 68. " Moosa, 330, 332. " Picolata burnt, 324. " St. Andrew, 235, 297, 339. " St. George, 234, 242, 246. " St. Simon, 234. " William, 334, 339, 531. Foskey, 317. Franklin, Dr. Benjamin, 406, 407. Frederica, named, and its settlement sanctioned by the Trustees, Mf?T. Lo cated by Oglethorpe, 2jS#I Arrival of colonists at, 2*5' Description of-jeSSB, 2807 Salubrity and attractions of, &$l, 2S2. Indian dance at, 23f,"23"5. Constructive labors at, 236. A mili tary town, -858, 28$. Communication established with the Soldiers' Fort, 262. Population of, in 1740, 337. Descrip tion of, 338, 339. Bomb-magazine, explosion of its, 362. Description of, in 1743, 362-365, 366, 367. Troops withdrawn from, in 1748,367, 471. Its defenseless condition, 505, 530, 531. Frederica County, 370, 416. French deserter, 350, 351. Funeral customs, 18-21. GARDEN, Rev. Alexander, 403. Gascoigne, Captain, 127, 204, 246. General's Island, canal cut through, 339. Georgia, Ribault's description of, 35. Primitive inhabitants of, and their an tiquities, 5-33. Signs of ancient occu pancy of, 36. Traversed by De Soto and his companions, 36-66. Traces of ancient mining in upper, 69, 70. Its settlement anticipated by Sir Robert Mountgomery's Margravate of Azilia, 70-75. Charter of the colony of, 8795. Original cession of lands to the Trustees of the colony of, 90-92. Ac ceptance of the charter by the Trustees of the colony of, 96. Corporate seal, 97. A barrier to Carolina against the Spaniards and Indians, 99, 118. Colo nization of, as advocated by the Trus tees, 98, 99; by Oglethorpe, 100-103; and by Benjamin Martyn, 103-105. Landed estates in, granted by the Trus tees, 106-112. Southern boundary of, in dispute, 534. Importation of spirit uous liquors and slaves into, prohib ited, 110-112, 189. Embarkation of earliest colonists, and settlement in, 113-117. Gifts to the first settlers in, 125. Isolated situation of the colony of, 133. Treaty with the Creek In dians in, 137-144. Arrival of the Salzbnrgers in, 167. A Protestant colony, 188. History of the Moravians in, 198, 199. Scotch emigration to, 200. Moore's description of, 221. Set tlement of colonists at Frederica, 227- 548 INDEX TO VOLUME I. 232. Southern confines of, 233, 234. Dispnte between Carolina and Georgia in regard to the Indian trade, 253-255; in regard to the navigation of the Sa vannah River, 256-257. Condition of the finances of, 263, 301, 302. State of the province of, in 1739, 315. Con vocation of Indians and treaty at Coweta Town, 316, 319. Cession of lands, 318. The Spaniards resolved upon the destruction of, 343. Their expedition against St. Simon's Island, 344-358. Divided into two counties, 416. Not in a prosperous condition under the pres ident and assistants, 418. Trustees sanction the introduction and use of negro slaves in the province, 422-425. Attempt to subordinate her to South Carolina, 426, 427. Introduction of rum and spirituous liquors into, sanc tioned, 427. Land tenures enlarged, 428. Objections to annexing this prov ince to Carolina, 437,438. Threatened invasion of, by the Cherokees, 441. Retrospective view of the progress of the colony of, 443. Surrender of the charter of the colony of, by the Trus tees, 450-458. Passes into the hands of the Crown under the charge of the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, 459 Population of, in 1753, 460. Plan for the civil govern ment of, submitted by the Lords Com missioners of Trade and Plantations, 460, 461. Officers of, under the royal government, 461. Seal, 462. Consti tution of assembly, courts, etc., under the royal government, 462-468. Ar rival of Governor Reynolds in, 469. Organization of the courts of, 473. Legislative acts passed for the regula tion of the affairs of, 479,486. Unable to assist the Earl of Loudoun in the common defense, 488. Settlement of the Dorchester Congregation in, 492496. Location and development of the town of Sunbury in, 496-500. Ar rival of Acadians in, 502-505. Plan suggested by Governor Reynolds for the defense of, 505-510. Arrival in, of Lieutenant-Governor Henry Ellis, 516. Divided into parishes, 524, 525. Gov ernor Ellis' account of the condition of, 530-533. Unable to assist in the gen eral defense, 535, 536. Moved at the departure of Governor Ellis, 543. Popnlation of, in 1760, 541. Georgia tribes, antiquities of the, 533. German Protestants, settlements in Geor gia, 241,375. Goldsmith, Oliver, 116. Governor, royal, of Georgia: his title, 462; his powers, 463. Graham, Patrick, president of Georgia, 459-462. Grand embarkation, the, 202-204. Grants by the Trustees, 106-110, 156161. . Grape culture, 377. Vineyard of De Lyon, 378. Grave-mounds, 17-20. Grey, Edmund, seditious conduct of, 486, 487, 531. Settlements at New Hanover and on Cumberland Island, 539. Gronau, Rev. Israel Christian, 166. His death, 372. Guaxule, 60. HABERSHAM, Honorable James, 374,401, 402, 405, 410, 414. His review of the condition of the province, 419. Favored the introduction of negro slaves into Georgia, 422, 431. Appointed secre tary of Georgia, 432, 433. One of the assistants, 459. Secretary, and regis ter of the records, 461, 462. Hampstead, village of, 147. Hardwicke, scheme to make it the cap ital of Georgia, 471, 472, 519. Harris, Francis, 459, 462. Harris & Habersham, commercial house of, 430, 431. Head warrior, office of the, 10. Heath, Sir Robert, 67. Hebrew colonists, 152-155. Herbert, Rev. Dr. Henry, 117, 445. Hermsdorf, Captain, 204, 209, 225, 234, 242. Heron, appointed Lieutenant - Colonel, 347. High priest, office of the, 10. Highgate, village of, 147. Highlanders in Georgia, 201, 225, 228, 332, 339, 371. Highway between Savannah and Darien, 201, 224. Hillispilli, 174, 248, 249. Hitchittees, 2. Hopkins, Miss Sophia, 288-296. INDEX TO VOLUME I. 549 Horton, Major, 241, 244-246, 252, 339, Little, Dr. William, 511, 512. 342. His character and death, 425. London, visit of Tomo-chi-chi to, 175- Houstoun, Sir Patrick, 462. 186. Houstoun, William, 224. Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plan Hughes, Joseph, 114. tations, assume control of Georgia, 459. Submit a plan for the civil govern IMAGES, 22, 51, 52. ment of Georgia, 460, 461. Governor Implements, primitive, 25. Ellis' reports to, 530-534. Indian dance, 234. Lords Proprietors of Carolina, grants to Indian fields, 230. the, 67. Concession by, to Sir Robert Indian nations in the Georgia territory, Mountgomery, 70. Surrender of their 1-5,126. Treatment of, by De Soto, 40. rights to the Crown, 81. Indian trade, 110, 253-255. Loudoun, Earl of, calls for aid, 488, 489, Ingham, Mr., 204. 532. Insolvent debtors, miseries of their situa Luna, Tristan de, 58, 69. tion in England, 84. Lutherans, 204. Intaglios, 22. Irene, school-house of, 199. McCALL, Hugh, 313, 498, 500, 540. Italians, arrival of, 146. Mackay, Hugh, 200, 228, 230, 233, 248, 298, 300, 314, 315. JAMES, the ship, 146. Mclntosh, ./Eneas, 216. Jekyll Island, 163. ' .McLeod, Rev. John, 200. Jerusalem Church, 372. Maize, cultivation of, 5. Preparation of, Johnson, Governor Robert, 117, 118, 150. for food, 7. Johnson Square, 150. Malatche Opiya, proclaimed King, 393. Jones, Captain Noble, 148, 348,357, 394- Malcontents in Georgia, 308-310,342. 399. Register of the province, 434, Margravate of Azilia, 70-75. 439. Appointed colonel, 441; and as Martin, Clement, 462. sistant, 459, 462. Martyn, Benjamin, 96. His reasons for Jones, Noble W., 441. ' establishing the colony of Georgia, 103- Joseph's Town, 148. 105. His description of Ebenezer, 212, Jury, members of the first, in Savannah, 459. 151. Mateos, Juan, 64. Mausoleum at Talomeco, 8, 51-54. KELLET, Alexander, 461, 462. Mauvila, 8, 65. Kent, Captain Richard, 370. Methodism, rise of, 286. King, office of, 9. Midway District, 491. Arrival of the King's council, 463, 464. Dorchester Congregation, 492, 493. Militia, organization of the, 439. LACY, Mr., 226. Mining, traces of ancient, in Cherokee Land tenures, 106-110, 162. Magistrates Georgia, 58, 62, 69-70. and inhabitants of Savannah petition Miruelo, Diego, 34. for an enlargement of, 302-304. Quali Monteano, Don Mannel de, 344, 347, fied enlargement of, 313. Further en 351. largement of, 428. Grants from the Moore, Francis, 202, 218-224, 229, 244. Crown substituted in lieu of the orig Moore, Governor, 76. inal grants from the Trustees, 487,488, Moore, James, 70. 528, 529. Moosa, Fort, 330, 332. Lederer, Johannes, 58, 69. Moravians, history of the, in Georgia, Legislation during Governor Reynolds' 198, 199, 209. administration, 478-486. During Gov Mound-building, 13-15. ernor Ellis' administration, 524-530. Mound-builders, 21, 22. Leon, Juan Ponce de, 34. Mounds, animal and bird shaped, 14,15. Letter of a Cherokee chief, 185. Mounds, classification and description of Lieutenant-Goveraor of Georgia, 463,464. 15-22. 550 INDEX TO VOLUME I. Mountgomery, Sir Robert, 70-75. Moytoy, King of the Cherokees, 77. Muhlenburg, Rev. Dr., 376. Musgrove, Mary, 119, 135. Her claim against the authorities, 384-399. Her conduct in Savannah, 394-399, Muskhogee Indians, 2, 3. NAMES of the early inhabitants of Sa vannah to whom allotments were made, 157, 158, 160, 161. Narvaez, 67. Natchez, 2. Negro insurrection in South Carolina, 299. Negro population in South Carolina, 300. Negro slavery prohibited in the colony of Georgia, 110-112, 189. Allowed, 423-426. New Ebenezer, 210-214. Condition of affairs at, in 1739,305-307. Silk cul ture at, 372-374. Value of church property at, 376. Congregation and library at, 377. New Hanover, 539. 'New Inverness, 201, 228. Nitschman, Rev. David, 204, 286. Norris, Rev. Mr., 301. Nut-oil, 6. OBJECTIONS to annexing Georgia to Carolina, 437-439. Ocute, 42. Oglethorpe, James Edward. His early life, 82,83. A member for Haslemere, 83. Chairman of the committee to re lieve the miseries of insolvent debtors, 85. Plans the colonization of Georgia, 85, 86. Applies for a charter for the colony of Georgia, 87. Advocates the scheme for colonization, 100-103. Conducts the colonists to Georgia, 113120. Estimate of his character, abili ties, and philanthropy, 115. Arrival at Charlestown, 118. Welcomed by the Carolina authorities, 119. Ascends Savannah River and selects a home for the colonists, 118-120. His first in terview with Tomo-chi-chi, 119. Su pervises the labors of the colonists at Savannah, 121, 122. Letter to the Trustees, 122. Communication of the governor and resolutions of the Gen eral Assembly of Carolina addressed to, 123, 124. Letters to the Trustees, 125-126. Visited by a South Carolina gentleman, 127-129. His labors and influence, 127,128. Visits Charlestown and addresses the General Assembly of Carolina, 129. Congratulated by the governors of the Northern provinces, 131. Conciliatory conduct of, toward the Indians, 132. Welcomed by Tomochi-chi, 132, 133. His friendship for that mico, 135. Concludes a treaty of alliance and concession with the Creek Indians, 137-143. Locates and names the wards, tithings, streets, and squares of Savannah, 149-150. Receives He brew colonists at Savannah, 152-155. Makes an allotment of town lots, gar den lots, and farms to the inhabitants, of Savannah, 156-161. Makes a reconnoissance of the southern frontier, 163. Locates the Salzburgers, 168. Rev. Mr. Bolzius' tribute to, 171. Lays out Ebenezer, 171. Departs for Lon don, taking with him Tomo-chi-chi and retinue, 173, 174. His reception in England, 175. Resumes his seat in Parliament, 189. His reputation widely extended, 202. Returns to Georgia, 204. Anecdotes of, 206. Welcomed in Savannah, 208. Visits Ebenezer, 210. Consents that the Salzburgers shall change their location, 210. Visit ed by Tomo-chi-chi, 215,216. Compels trespassers from South Carolina to withdraw, 216. Proceeds to Frederica, 225, 226. Lays off that town, 227. Visits the Highlanders at Darien, 228. Embarrassed by the ill-behavior of the captains of the Symond and the Lon don Merchant, 228. Conducts the colonists to Frederica, 229. Ascer tains the southern boundary of the province, 233, 234, 240. His activity, 237. Detects the duplicity of the Spaniards, 241. Advances the fortifi cations of the southern frontier, 241. Communicates with the captain-gen eral of Florida, 241. Inquires after Major Richards and Mr. Horton, 243. Prepares for an early attack from the Spaniards, 243. His wonderful energy and ability, 244. His reception of the Spanish commissioners, 248-252. Con ference with a committee of the Gen eral Assembly of Carolina in regard to INDEX TO VOLUME I. 551 the Indian trade, 253-255. Settles dispute in reference to the navigation of the Savannah River, 256. Accom modates difficulties with the Uchee Indians, 257. Sails for England, 258. Complimented in London, 258. Se cures military forces and stores for Georgia, 259. Commissioned as Colo nel, 259. Appointed General, and Commander-in-Chief of his Majesty's forces in Georgia and Carolina, 259. Recruits his regiment, 260. Sails for Georgia, 260. Arrival at Frederica, 261. Opens communication between Frederica and the Soldiers' Fort, 261. Embarrassed by an empty treasury, 263. Attends a conference with the Creek Indians at Savannah, 265. De poses Causton and orders an exami nation into his accounts, 269, 270, 271, 273. His generosity, 272. His association with Rev. Charles Wesley, 276-280. Interview with Tomo-chi-chi, 282. Mutiny in his regiment, and the general assaulted, 297, 298. Repri mands Causton, 300. Opposes the intro duction of negro slaves into the prov ince, 308,309. His commission as Gen eral and Commander-in-Chief of the colonies of Carolina and Georgia read before the General Assembly of South Carolina, 315. Letter to the Trustees, 315. Visits Coweta Town, 316. His ser vices at the convention of Indians held at that place, 316-319. Sick at Au gusta, 319. Attends the funeral of Tomo-chi-chi, 321. Prepares for the defense of the province against the threatened attack of the Spaniards, 323. Invades Florida, 323,324. Plans the capture of St. Augustine, 326. Conducts the siege of that town, 329335. Raises the siege, 333. Ill at Frederica, 335. His home on St. Simon's Island, 336, 337. Aid ex tended to him by the Indians, 340. Re news his requisition for troops and munitions, 341. Alarms the Florida coast, 342. Annoyed by malcontents, 342. His report of the Spanish dem onstration against St. Simon's Island, 344-353. His strategy, 351. His won derful success in frustrating the plans of the enemy, 358, 359. Congratula tions extended by the governors of American provinces, 360. Carries the war into Africa, 361. Wounded, 361. Departs for London, 368. Sketch of his subsequent career, 368, 369. His influence over the Indian nations, 380. Deals with Christian Priber, 383, 496. Oglethorpe's regiment, 260. Distribu tion of, 262. Spies in, 264. Mutiny in, 297, 298. Dissensions among the officers of, 314, 336, 371. Ornaments, 12. Orphan house, Whitefield's, 402-415. Oueekachumpa, speech of, 137. PALACHOCOLAS, fort at, 171. Palanquins, 12, 46. Palmer, Colonel, 331. His command overpowered, 332, 334. Pardo, Juan, 69. Parish registers, 526. Parishes, Georgia divided into, 524, 525. Parker, Henry, Vice-President of Geor gia, 417. Becomes President, 417. Patofa, 43. Pearls, 31. At Cutifachiqui, 47. At Talomeco, 51-54. At Chiaha, 63, 64. Penn, Thomas, 131. Percival, Lord John, Viscount, 88. Periaguas, 227. Peyton, Sir Yelverton, 261, 330. Phillips, Sir John, 175. Pipes, manufacture and use of, 27-29. Piscatorial contrivances, 25, 26. Pohoia, King, 249. Point Quartel, 331. Portjloyal, 118. Pottery, manufacture and use of, 29-31. Poza battery, 331. Prayer, Tomo-chi-chi' notion in regard to, 282. Prayer meetings in Savannah, 286. President's and assistants' petition for the introduction and use of negro slaves, 422, 459, 462. Priapus, worship of the, 22. Priber, Christian, scheme of, 381-383. Price, Commodore Vincent, 327. Provincial Assembly, 434, 435. Mem bers of, 435, 436. Proceedings of, 436, 437. Provost marshal, 466. Public garden in Savannah, 129, 170, 222, 223. Purrysburgh, 215. 552 INDEX TO VOLUME I. QUAKER settlement above Augusta, 440. Runaway slaves, regiment formed of, in Qualifications of membership for the St. Augustine, 298. Provincial Assembly, 435. Russell, William, 461, 462. Queen of England in a costume manu factured of Georgia silk, 191. ST. AUGUSTINE. Expedition against, Queens of the Florida tribes, 12. Quincey, Rev. Samuel, 203. planned by Oglethorpe, 327. Condition and armament of the castle of, 328. RALEIGH, Sir Walter, 24, 128. Spanish forces assembled for the de fense of, 328. Siege of, 329-335. Reck, the Baron von, 166, 168, 173, Threatened by Oglethorpe in 1743, 204. 361. Refuse-piles, 21. Regulations framed by the Trustees, 106- 112. Religion, free exercise of, accorded, 92. Religious instruction of the colonists and of the Indians, 187, 188. Representative, qualification of a, 464. Retreats, 16. Reynolds, Captain John, appointed Gov ernor of Georgia, 461. His title and powers, 462, 463. His administration, 468. His reception in Savannah, 469. His impressions of Georgia, 470. Ap St. Christopher, moneys received from the sale of the Island of, 164. St. Paul, Parish Church of, 525. St. Simon, village of, 339, 351. St. Simon's Island, gallant memories of, 244, 360. Spanish forces concentrated for the capture of, 344. Accounts of the Spanish demonstration against, 344-358. Estimate of forces engaged, 359. Comments upon the successful defense of, 358, 359. Salgrado, Don Antonio, disperses Colonel Palmer's command, 332. plies for increase of salary, 470, 511. Salzburgers, 164. Invited by the Trus Inspects the southern portion of the tees to settle in Georgia, 165. Depar province, 471. Suggests the removal ture for England, 166; for Georgia, of the capital from Savannah to Hard- 167. Arrival in Savannah, 167. Lo wicke, 471. Organizes the courts, cate at Ebenezer, 168-170. Remove to 473. Convenes the General Assembly, New Ebenezer, 210. Description of 474. His addresses to Council and to the, 214. Troubles with the Uchee the Commons House of Assembly, Indians, 257. Letter to Oglethorpe, 474-476, 477, 478. Legislative acts 305. Silk culture among the, 371-374. passed during his administration, 478- Value of church property owned by, 486. Provides for the Acadians, 502, 376. 503. His suggestions for the fortifica Sanchez, Don Francisco del Moral, 240. tion of Georgia, 505-510. Troubles Savannah. Arrival of the colonists at, with his Council and the Assembly, 120. Their early labors in, 121. Ogle- 511, 512. Charges preferred against, thorpe's description of, 122, 126. A 511-513. Recalled, 513. Resigns his South Carolina gentleman's impres position as Governor, and resumes his sions of, 127-129. Public garden in, place-in ttie Navy, 513. Review of his 129,222-224. Arrival of the ship James conduct, 514. at, 146. Wards, tithings, streets, and Ribault, Captain. John, 35. square of, laid off and named, 149,150. Rice, cultivation of, by the Salzbnrgers, Assignment of town lots, garden lots, 306. and farms to the inhabitants of, 151, Richards, Major, 239-242. 156-161. Arrival of Hebrew colonists Robinson, Pickering, 432, 436, 459, 462. at, 152-155. Arrival of the Salzburgers, Rodondoy Major General Antonio de, 167. Baron von Reek's description of, 344< 170. Francis Moore's description of, Rules for the year 1735, 192-198. 218-224. Conference with the chiefs Rum, the introduction of, and other dis of the Creek Indians at, 265. Ogle- tilled liquors into the province of thorpe's representation of the condition Georgia prohibited, 110, 189. After of, 272. Rev. John Wesley's impres wards allowed, 427. sions of, 285, 320. Burial of Tomo- INDEX TO VOLUME I. 553 chi-chi in, 321. Vineyard in, 378. law prohibiting the introduction of, Hostile demonstration in, by Mary Bos- evaded, 40. President and assistants omworth and a large retinue of In petition for the introduction and use of dians, 394-399. Establishment of the negro slaves in Georgia, 422. Favor commercial house of Harris & Haber- able response of the Trustees, 422-425. sham in, 430. Meeting of the first Pro Negro slavery allowed, 423-426. Leg vincial Assembly in, 435-437. Arrival islative enactments for the regulation and welcome of Governor Reynolds in, of negro slaves in Georgia, 480-485. 469. His impressions of, 469. Scheme Slaves, negro, in Carolina, 300. to remove the seat of government from, Sola bills, 429. to Hardwicke, 471, 472. Defenseless Soldiers' Fort, 261. Communication condition of, 505. Arrival in, and wel opened with Frederica, 262. come, of Lieutenant-Governor Henry Soto, Hernando de, his expedition Ellis, 516. Legislation in regard to, through the territory embraced within 529, 530. Conference with Creeks at, the present limits of Georgia, 37-66. 537,538. Heat at, 540. Health of, 541. South Carolina, letter of the governor Savannah County, 416. and council of, to Oglethorpe, 123. Savannah River, dispute in regard to the Resolutions of the General Assembly navigation of, 256. of, 124. Aid extended by, to Georgia, Savannah Town, 216, 217. 125. General Assembly of, addressed Scenauki, 174, 216. by Oglethorpe, 129,130. Memorial of Scotch immigration, 200, 201. the governor and assembly of, to the Scout-boats, 225. king, 191. Conference with a commit Sculpture, primitive, 22. tee from, in regard to the Indian trade, Seal, corporate, of the colony of Georgia, 253-255. Negro insurrection in, 298- 97. Under royal governors, 462. 300. Assistance furnished by, in the Selina, Countess Dowager of Hunting expedition against St. Augustine, 326, don, 414. 327. Conduct of the troops from, dur SeminOle Indians, 2. ing the siege of St. Augustine, 332,333. Sepulchral caves, 20. Refuses to assist in the defense of St. Servile insurrection in South Carolina, Simon's Island, 343, 345. Attempt to 299. subordinate Georgia to, 425, 426. Ob Shell heaps, 53. jections to annexing Georgia to, 437, Shell ornaments, 31, 32. 438. Siege of St. Augustine, 327-335. Causes Southern boundary line of Carolina un of the failure of the, 334. determined, 68, 69. Signal stations, 16. Southern Indians, physical characteris Silk culture in Georgia, 97, 190, 272, tics of the, 3-5,11. Antiquities of the, 371-374. Bonus for the encourage 5-33. ment of, 433, 532. Spalding, Hon. Thomas, 261, 319, 337, Silver Bluff, 55. 339. Skidoway Island, 147, 226. Spangeuberg, Rev. Gottlieb, 192, 217. Skidoway. Narrows, manchecolas fort Spaniards demand an evacuation of all at, 148. territory south of St. Helena Sound, Slavery in Georgia prohibited, 110-112. 255. Excite servile insurrections in Magistrates and citizens of Savannah Carolina, 300. Outrage by, on Amelia petition for its introduction, 802-304. Island, 323. Attempt the destruction Protests from the Highlanders at Da- of Georgia, 343-358. rien and the Salzburgers at Ebenezer, Spanish commissioners, reception of, 248- 304-307. Oglethorpe's views on the 252. subject, 308. Response of the Trustees, Spanish duplicity, 241. 310. Their refusal to permit the use of Spanish forces present at the siege of negro slaves a mistake, 312, 419. The St. Augustine, 328. Concentrated for introduction and use of negro slaves the capture of St. Simon's Island, 344, advocated by Whitefield, 402,405. The 359. 554 Statues in the temple at Talomeco, 51, 52. Stephens, Colonel William, 252, 271, 301, 313. Deputy-general of Georgia, 362. Appointed president of the county of Savannah, 370,371. Describes vineyard in Savannah, 378, 394. His address to the Creeks in Savannah, 397, 406. Appointed president of Georgia, 417. Sketch of him, 417. His letter to the Trustees, 421. Stevens, Rev Dr. William B., 514. Stokes, Chief Justice, 466. Stone graves, 20. Stone piles, 20. Suasso, Salvador, and Da Costa, im proper conduct of, in sending Hebrew colonists to Savannah, 152-155. Sufferings of De Soto's command, 43,44. Suicide of an Indian guide, 49. Sunbury, the town of, its location, 496498. Its name, 498. Plan of, 499. Trustees of, 497-499. Declared a port of entry, 499. Its rapid development and trade, 500, 501. A battery erected at, 530. Sunday-school, first, in Georgia, 286. Sun-dial, erection of a, in Savannah, 150. Symond and the London Merchant, 204, 207, 225. Improper conduct of the captains of the, 227. TAIL male, grants in, 106-112. Tailfer, Dr. Patrick, 308, 309. Talomeco, 8, 18. Temple at, 51-53. Tattooing, 12. Tax for ecclesiastical purposes, 526. Temples for sun-worship, 15. Terron, Juan, 59. Thorpc, village of, 151. Thunderbolt, fort at, 147. Toalli, 41. Tomo-chi-chi, 119, 126. Welcomes Ogle- thorpe and the colonists, 132, 133. Sketch of, 134, 135. Portrait of, 134. His friendship for Oglethorpe, 135, 136. Speech of, 138, 139. Accompanies Oglethorpe to England, 174. His re ception in London, his entertainment and conduct while there, 175-186. Ode to, 175-178. His address to the king, 178,179. Interview with the Archbish op of Canterbury, 180. Visits Eton, Windsor, Hampton Court, the Tower, Greenwich Hospital, etc., 181. His im pressions of the grandeur of the British metropolis, 181. Requests that suita ble regulations be established for the conduct of the Indian traders, 182. Presents received by him, 183. De parts for Georgia, 183. Effect of his visit, 185-187. Interview with Rev. John Wesley, 215, 216. Furnishes guides, 230. Accompanies Oglethorpe on his southern tour of observation, 233, 246,248, 264. Conversations with Rev. John Wesley, 281; and with General Oglethorpe, 282. His. last ill ness, death, and burial, 320, 321. A monument due to him, 321, 322. Toonahowi, 174, 183, 327, 348, 357. Treaty of alliance and concession with the Creek Indians, 137-144. Triebner, Rev. Christopher F., 376. Truncated pyramids, 15. Trustees for establishing the Colony "of Georgia in America, 88. Charter priv ileges granted to, 88-95. Common Council of the, 89. Grant of territory, 90-92. Acceptance of the charter by the, 96. Corporate seal adopted, 97. Designs of, made public, 98-100. Reg ulations promulgated by, 106-112. Su perintend the first embarkation of col onists, 113, 116. Letters received by, from Oglethorpe, 122,125,126. Ratify a treaty of concession and alliance with the Creek Indians, 141. Grant of ter ritory to, by the Creeks, 140. Action of, with regard to Hebrew colonists at Savannah, 152-155. Encourage the col onization of foreign Protestants, 164166. Yearly accounts of, 171, 172. In terest shown by, in ministering to the entertainment of Tomo-chi chi and ret inue during their stay in London, 182. Their anxiety for the religious instruc tion of the colonists and natives, 188. Sanction a new settlement to the south, 189. Prohibit the introduction of dis tilled liquors and negro slaves into the province of Georgia, 189. Publish their "Rules for the year 1735," 192-198. Encourage emigration of Highlanders, 200. Petition the Crown for men and munitions, 259. Order an examination into the conduct of Thomas Causton, 267-269. Importuned by the magis trates and inhabitants of Savannah to enlarge the tenure of lands and to per- INDEX TO VOLUME I. 555 mit the introduction and use of ne groes, 302-304. Protests received by, from the inhabitants of New Inverness and of Ebenezer, 304-307. Their re sponse, 310-312. Their refusal to sanc tion the introduction of negro slav ery a mistake, 312. Advised by Oglethorpe of the condition of the province in 1739, 315. Grant of land to Whitefield's orphan house, 403. As late as March, 1748, they still refuse to sanc tion the use of negro slaves in Georgia, 419. Letter to, from President Ste phens, 421. Memorialized by the pres ident and assistants to permit the in troduction and use of negro slaves in Georgia, 422. Favorable respouge to the application, 422-425. Consent to the purchase and employment of negro slaves, 426; and to the introduction and use of rum and spirituous liquors, 427. Enlargement of land tenures, 428. Removal of restrictions imposed by them, 428. Their administration of the finances of the province, 429, 430. Re view of the policy of, 442. Alive to the spiritual welfare of the colonists, 443, 445. Names and occupations of, 443-445. Resolve to surrender their charter, 450. Proceedings upon the surrender, 450-458. Deed of surrender, 458, 459. The corporate existence of, terminates, 459. Tybee light-house, 148, 207, 530. UCHEES, 2. Union Society of Savannah, 414. Upper House of Assembly, 464. UrLsperger, Rev. Samuel, 166. Urn .burial, 19. VACA, Alvar Nunez, Cabeca de, 34. Vanderdussen, Colonel Alexander, 327, 331-333. Vega, Garcilasso de la, 51. Velasco, Louis de, 58, 69. Vernon, Admiral, 322, 326. Verrazzano, 34. Vineyard of Abraham de Lyon, 377, 378. Voyages, early, 34. WALPOLE, Sir Robert, 322. War between England and Spain, 320. Warren, Captain, 330, 331. Wesley, Rev. Charles, 203, 204. Arrival at Frederica, 275. His religious views and conduct, 275-278. Misunderstand ing between General Oglethorpe and himself, 277. The reconciliation, 278. Bids adieu to Georgia, 280. Suggests to the Rev. George Whitefield the ex pediency of founding an orphan house in Georgia, 280, 401. Wesley, Rev. John, engaged as an evan gelist in Georgia, 203. Advice of Rev. Dr. Burton, 203. Sets out for Georgia, 204. Anecdote of, 206. Describes Old Ebenezer, 210. His description of New Ebenezer, 213. Interview with Tomochi-chi, 215,216. Intentions in coming to Georgia, 280. Conversations with Tomo-chi-chi, 281. Conference with the Chicasaw chiefs, 283-285. His early impressions of Savannah, 285. Prayermeetings at his parsonage, 286. Affec tion for the Moravians, 286. A censor morum. His health and labors, 288. Trouble with Miss Sophia Hopkius and the Caustons, 288-296. Arrested, 289. Charges preferred against him, 291, 292. Dissent of certain members of the grand jury, 292-294. Leaves Georgia, 295. His triumphant death, 296, 401. Whitefield, Rev. George, 260, 359, 400. Arrives in Georgia, 401. Determines to erect an orphan house in Georgia, 402. His services in that behalf, 402415. Advocates the introduction and use of negro slaves, 402, 405. His per suasive oratory, 406-408. Benjamin Franklin's account of, 406-408. Scheme for enlarging the orphan house and converting it into a " seminary of liter ature and academical learning," 408. His memorial on this subject, 408, 409. His letter to the Archbishop of Canter bury, 411. His death, 413. His will, 413. Favored the introduction of ne gro slaves into Georgia, 422. Williams, Robert, 308. Wilson, Rev. Dr., Bishop of Sodor and Man, 185, 187. Wiltown Church, 299. Wormsloe, 148. Wright, Honorable James, 410. Suc ceeds Governor Ellis as governor of Georgia, 543. XERES, Louis Bravo de, 64. XualJa, 58. INDEX TO VOLUME I. YAHOO-LAKEE, speech of, 139. Yamacraw Bluff, 118. Yemassee Indians defeated by Governor Craven, 76. Yonge, Henry, 461. ZINZENDORF, Count, 198. Zion Church, 372. Zouberbuhler, Bartholomew, 525.